THE Fifth Volume OF LETTERS Writ by a Turkish Spy, Who lived Five and Forty Years, Undiscover'd, at PARIS: Giving an Impartial Account to the Divan at Constantinople, of the most Remarkable Transactions of Europe; And discovering several Intrigues and Secrets of the Christian Courts (especially of that of France) continued from the Year 1654, to the Year 1682.
Written Originally in Arabick, Translated into Italian, and from thence into English, by the Translator of the First Volume.
LONDON, Printed by J. Leake, for Henry Rhodes, near Bride-lane, in Fleet-street, 1692.
TO THE READER.
PRefaces, methinks, are so much like the Printed Bills, pasted upon the Booths in Bartholomew-Fair, to give an Account of the Entertainment you are to expect within; that, were it not in Pure Complyance with Custom, one would forswear writing any. But the World is humorous, and must be served according to its own Fashion. Every Thing's damn'd, that is not à la Mode. And he that publishes a Book, without Civilly accosting the Reader at the Beginning, is thought to entrench upon Good Manners.
To prevent all these Inconveniences, 'tis thought fit once more to say a Word or Two; not in Praise of this Volume of Letters, (e'en let it take its Fortune as the other Four have done) but by Way of Apology for some Things which may seem liable to Censure.
Some perhaps will be offended at the [Page]Zeal which appears in this Arabian, when he writes in Honour of the Mahometan Faith. Others will as much wonder at his Loosness and Indifference, his Doubtfulness of all Things: For, in some of his Letters, he appears a Great Sceptick, and confesses himself so.
These Gentlemen ought to consider, that his Style and Sentiments, are suited to the Quality of the Person to whom he writes. To his Intimate Friends, he unbosoms himself with Abundance of Frankness: But when he addresses to the Mufti, or other Grandees of the Port, he is Cautious and Reserved.
It may be suppos'd, that he understood himself very well, or else he was not fit for that Employment in Paris. And, without Doubt, having had his Education in the Seraglio, as he professes, he was no Stranger to the Punctilio's of Address us'd in the Turkish Court. It was his Policy and Interest, to appear a very Devout Mahometan, when he wrote to the Ministers of State: And 'tis possible, he was so in Reality, or at least persuaded himself so at certain Seasons. And yet this hinders not, but he might at other Times take the Liberty to descant on some Absurdities in their Doctrine and Practice, [Page]when he wrote to his Familiars, and was minded to converse with Freedom.
If in some Points, he seems to give Credit to the Arabian Writers, who have treated of Egypt and its Antiquities; in others, he shews himself a Man not overfond of Fables and Romances.
However, let his Opinions be what they will, and his Sentiments never so Extravagant in Matters of Speculation and Controversy; so long as his Morals are sound and good, there's no Occasion to be Captious. We need not fear that any Christian, or any Man of Sence will be Proselyted by his Letters, to a Religion which he himself, tho' professing it, yet so often doubts of, and ridicules.
He speaks very Honourably of Christ, and Impartially of Christians, accusing their Vices rather than their Doctrines, and appearing all along a Moderate Man in his Sentiments of Religion, and a Friend to Virtue and Reason. If he discovers some Failings, in being too Melancholy; consider, that he was a Mortal like other Men. However, Reader, admire his Untainted Loyalty, and Imitate it.
You will find in this Volume, True History, with Variety of Solid Remarks. And not a few Secrets of Cardinal Mazarini, [Page]and Oliver Cromwel, Uncabineted. Particularly, that Famous Intrigue carried on by Colonel Spintelet and his Confederates, to save Ostend from being surprized by the French in the Year 1658, and to bubble Two of the Ablest Statesmen in Europe.
After all, assure thy self, that the next Volume will contain more Illustrious Relations, than any that has gone before. Where you will hear of an End put to the War between France and Spain, after it had lasted Five and Twenty Years; and the Marriage of Lewis XIV. with the Spanish Infanta; as also of an Universal Peace in Christendom: The Restauration of Charles II. to his Crown and Kingdoms, after Twelve Years Exile in Foreign Countries, and Twelve several Revolutions of Government, here at Home. With many other Memorable and Important Events and Transactions in the World: As the dreadful Earthquake which overturned Part of the Pyrenaean Mountains; the more Destructive Plague which swept away almost a Hundred Thousand People in London; and the Deplorable Fire which consumed the Greatest Part of that Famous City, in the Space of Three Days.
You will there also find an Account of [Page]the Death of that Great Minister of State, Cardinal Mazarini: Of the Duke of Orleance, Uncle to the French King: Of the Dutchess of Savoy: Of Carolus Josephus, the Emperor's Brother: Of the Duke of Vendome: Of the Queen-Mother of France; and of Philip IV. King of Spain, with other Persons of Princely Quality.
For this Arabian was Careful to transmit to the Ottoman Port, Intelligence of all Things which were most Remarkable in Europe. And that his Letters might not seem Tedious, he intermix'd Moral Reflections, with some Maxims of Policy, Essays of Reason, and now and then a Touch of Philosophy. And if we may guess at the Cause of his more abounding in these Kind of Miscellany Discourses after the Year 1659, than he did before: It seems probable, that a General Peace about that Time being established in Europe, he had little else to write, but his Observations on the several States and Courts of Christian Princes, the Different Manners, Customs and Laws of People; the Counsels and Intrigues of Statesmen: With such other Matters as occurred worthy of Notice.
If either in this Volume, or in those that are to come, he seems in any of his [Page] Letters to alter his Opinion, and contradict his Former Sentiments; remember, 'tis no more than what the Greatest Writers have done, who have lived to Old Age, as this Agent did. No Body is Ignorant of St. Augustine's Retractations, and Cornelius Agrippa's Vanity of Sciences; wherein those Two Great Authors run counter to all that they had writ before. And 'twere easy to produce a Hundred Instances besides.
In a Word, Reader, take in good Part the Translator's Pains, who renders Things as he found 'em, without Altering or Corrupting the Sence of his Copy. Farewel.
A TABLE OF THE LETTERS and Matters contained in this Volume. VOL. V.
BOOK I.
- LETTER I. MAhmut the Arabian, and Vilest of the Grand Signior's Slaves, to the Mysterious Esad, Arbitrator of doubtful Problems, Prince of the Mufti's. p. 1.
He complains for Want of Fuller Instructions in several Cases; and particularly desires his Counsel as to the Fast of Ramezan.
- II. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 6
Remarks on the Death of the Roman King: with some Curious Epitaphs.
- III. To Mahummed Hodgia, Venerable Eremit of the Cave replete with [Page]Wonders. p. 12
Of Mahmut's Infirmities: A Remarkable Story of Clearchus, a devout Man in Asia.
- IV. To the Kaimacham. p. 20
Of the Sieges of Stenay and Arras. A Notable Instance of Gallantry in the Garrison of Merdin.
- V. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 23
Mahmut acquaints him how he spends his Birth-Day. With Reflections on the Ʋsual Vanity of Mortals at such times.
- VI. To the Selictar Aga, or Sword-Bearer to the Grand Signior. p. 27
Of the Surrender [...] Stenay, and Relief of Arras. Remarks on the Signs which went before the King of the Roman's Death. Of Queen Christina's coming to Antwerp.
- VII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs at Constantinople. p. 31
He advises him to be frugal of Time, and not to spend it in Gaming. The Misfortune of a Chinese Captain.
- VIII. To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. p. 37
He expostulates with him, about Kienan Bassa's Old Grudge, &c.
- IX. To the Venerable Mufti. p. 40 [Page]
Of the Popes Sickness, and Last Will. A Character of his Sister-in-Law, Donna Olympia. Of the War between the Moscovites and Polanders. Of the Grand Signior's Losses by Sea.
- X. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs. p. 44
He informs him of the Arrival of his Mother Oucomiche, and his Cousin Isouf, at Paris.
- XI. To Adonai, a Jew, Prisoner in the Tower of Nona at Rome. p. 50
He reprehends his Immorality, for medling with the Religion of the Romans. Teaches him a Receipt to procure his Escape.
- XII. To Mehemet, once an Eunuch-Page in the Seraglio, but now an Exile in Egypt at Grand Caire. p. 55
Of the Lawfulness of Wine. A Dispute between Noah and the Devil about it. Of Joseph's Prison; the Land of Alphion; the Story of Hagar the Mother of Ismael, and other Matters.
- XIII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa. p. 62
Of the Popes Death; and of the Ambition of the Roman Clergy.
- XIV. to the Kaimacham. p. 65
He blames Kisur Dramelec, Secretary of the Nazarene Affairs, for not sending him timely and good Intelligence. [Page]Of a Violent Plague in Moscovy. Of Egyptians or Gypsies.
- XV. To the same. p. 70
Divers Opinions concerning the Original of the Gypsies. Of the Conclave at Rome, and of Cardinal de Retz.
BOOK II.
- LETTER I. TO Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior. p. 75
A Story of Helal, a Physician of Arabia. Of Avicen, and of Thabet Eb'n Abrahim.
- II. To Afis Bassa. p. 85
Of the Strange Punishment inflicted on a Deer-Stealer of Wittemberg by the Elector of Saxony. A Story of an Arabian Captain.
- III. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 87
More on the same Subject. Remarks on the Indians, and on the Law of Moses.
- IV. To Dgebe Nafir, Bassa. p. 91
Of the Sects and Divisions among the Christians. Particularly, of the Wars between the Catholicks and Protestants in Piedmont.
- [Page]V. To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria. p. 94
Of the Sepulchre of King Childeric. Mahmut presents him with a Cabinet of Curious Antiquities.
- VI. To the most Illustrious and Invincible Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 99
Of a Secret Order given him by the Vizir; and the Necessity of a Turkish Embassador in the French Court to carry on the Design.
- VII. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 103
He advises him not to be too Religious, but to follow his Business chearfully.
- VII. To Mustapha Lulu Beamrilla, a Man of the Law. p. 105
He argues against the false Notions of the Resurrection Common among Mahometans and Christians. Of the Apparition of Bones in Egypt.
- IX. To Solyman, Kuslir Aga, Prince of the Black Eunuchs. p. 110
Of the Advance of the Bassa of Aleppo to the Prime Vizirate.
- X. To the most Illustrious Vizir Azem, at the Port. p. 113
He Congratulates his New Dignity; and claims a Reward for having formerly accus'd him to the Divan, when he [Page]held Correspondence with the Venetians.
- XI. To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Caire in Egypt. p. 117
He ridicules some Stories of the Egyptians, and relates in short the Voyage of Domingo Gonsales to the Moon.
- XII. To Zornesan Mustapha, Bassa of the Sea. p. 121
He wishes him good Success against the Venetians; a short Character of that People. Of the Conquest of Jamaica by the English. A Discourse of Oliver, the English Protector. Of Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus's being Elected King of the Romans.
- XIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs. p. 126
An Encomium of his Cousin Isouf. Of his being in Moscovy. He desires him to recommend Isouf to Kerker Hassan, Bassa. Isouf's Remarks on Egypt.
- XIV. To Ismael Kaidar, Cheik, a Man of the Law. p. 130
Of Queen Christian's Rambles through Europe. With an Italian Libel which was found in the Hands of Pasquin.
- XV. To the same. p. 133
Of a New Star appearing in Europe. The Jews Opinion of it, and of their Messias. Of the Rebellion of the late Vizir [Page]Azem's Son. Of a Peace between the French and the English.
- XVI. To Solyman, his Cousin, at Scutari. p. 138
He reprehends his Discontentedness, and encourages him to follow his Trade, by several Eminent Examples. A Story of Diogenes and Plato.
- XVII. To Melec Amet. p. 144
Of a Moor Baptiz'd in Paris. Of the Ottoman Friar in Malta. And of Don Philippo, Son of the Dey of Tunis. Of Cardinal Mazarini's Trick to hinder Suedeland and Brandenburgh from making a League against King Casimir.
- XVIII. To Sedrec Al' Girawn, Chief Treasurer to the Grand Signior. p. 149
He Congratulates his New Honour. Of Kienan Bassa's being found by the Tartars on a Dunghill in Moscovy, when a Child. He descants on the late Sedition at Constantinople.
- XIX. To the same. p. 156
How Mahmut's Chamber was search'd, and the Method he took to secure his Box of Letters.
BOOK III.
- LETTER I. TO Dgnet Oglou. p. 165
He discourses concerning Chance, and the Origin of Evil. Of Deists in Europe. And of the Sincere Fraternity among the Ancient Arabians.
- [Page]II. To the Nazin Eschref, or Prince of the Emirs at the Port. p. 172
Of a Terrible Plague broke out in Rome, Naples and the Adjacent Parts. Of the Loss of Valenciennes to the Spaniards. Of Adonai's Death at Rome.
- III. To Melec Amet. p. 176
Of a Great Chasme or Breach made in the Earth not far from Paris.
- IV. To Zornezan Mustapha, Beglerbeg of Erz'ram. p. 177
He Congratulates his Retreat from the Toils and Perils of the Seraglio. Reflections on the Authors of the late Troubles at Constantinople.
- V. To the most Renown'd and most illustrious Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 181
Mahmut Congratulates his Assumption to this Dignity. Presents him with the Pictures of the French King, Cardinal Mazarini, Queen of Sueden, and others: As also with Twelve Watches of his own Workmanship. Of Queen Christina's Entertainment at the French Court.
- VI. To Abrahim Eli Zeid, Hogia, Preacher to the Seraglio. p. 86
He descants on the Covenant of Mahomet with the Christians. Some Prophetick Passages of Mahomet. A Story of a Black Image in Spain.
- VII. To Murat, Bassa. p. 191
Of the Death of the King of Portugal, and the Coronation of his Son. Of Count Harcourt's playing Fast and Loose with [Page]the French King. And of the Mareschal de la Ferte's Bravery.
- VIII. To Hebatolla Mir Argun, Superior of the Convent of Dervishes at Cogni in Natolia. p. 194
He condoles the Death of Bedredin his Predecessor: Sends him the True Effigies of the Messias; With a short History of John the Baptist.
- IX. To Selim Al' Mosel, Venerable Imaum of the Mosch of Santa Sophia. p. 201
Of Columbus the First Discoverer of America. And of the Destruction of Lima and Calao, Two Cities in Peru, by an Earthquake and Fire from Heaven.
- X. To Mustapha, Bassa. p. 206
Of Ismael Bir Couli Can, the Persian Embassador at the Port.
- XI. To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch in Egypt. p. 210
He acquaints him with the Death of Solyman the Kuslir Aga. Of the Antiquity of the Pyramids. King Saurid's Vision. Another of Aclimon the High Priest. He asserts the Eternity of the World.
- XII. To the most Venerable Mufti. p. 220
He congratulates his Assumption to that Sacred Dignity: Proposes the Advantage of Translating Histories into the Turkish Language. And discourses of the Ancient Arabians and Scythians.
- XIII. To the Kaimacham. p. 206
Of the German Emperour's Death: The Ill State of the Empire: The Factions of the Electors; And Cardinal Mazarini's Aims.
- [Page]XIV. To Raba Mahomet, General of the Ottoman Forces, at his Camp near Adrianople. p. 229
Of the Affairs of Babylon, and the Persians. Of the Troubles in Europe. Of a Terrible Eruption of Fire from Mount Aetna in Sicily.
- XV. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior. p. 234
He descants on the Succession of Abu-Becre, Omar and Othman, the First Caliphs. And seems to favour Hali, the Prophet of the Persians.
- XVI. To Cara Mustapha, Bassa. p. 238
Of the Isle of Tenedos; and the Trojan Wars. Of Ajax's Folly in Killing himself. Of Seventeen Spanish Ships of War burnt and sunk by the English under the Command of Admiral Blake. With other Matters.
- XVII. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 243.
Of the Quarrel between the Elector of Bavaria and Prince Palatine, about the Vicarship of the Empire.
- XVIII. To Melech Amet. p. 247
Of Trances and Ecstasies. A Story of Saleh, an Indian Physician.
- XIX. To the Kaimacham. p. 252
Of the Surrender of Montmedi to the [Page] French, and the Speech of the Governor to the King. Of the Turks Ill Successes in Candia.
- XX. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 258
He relates in short the Life and Miracles of Mahomet.
- XXI. To Dicheu Hussein, Bassa. p. 264
Of a Quarrel between the French and Spanish Embassadors at the Hague. With other Intelligence from Denmark, Portugal, Munster, and the German Court.
- XXII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 267
He complains of his Friends Reservedness and Silence. Rebukes the Trivial Controversies of the Mussulmans. And denies that God has a Body or Passions like us.
- XXIII. To the Aga of the Janizaries. p. 273
Of the Suedes taking Fredericks-Ode by Storm. An Interview of the King of Poland and Elector of Brandenburgh. Of the taking of Mardike by the French and English.
BOOK IV.
- LETTER I. TO Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior. p. 277 [Page]
He discourses of Free Will and Predestination. A Digression, occasioned by a sudden Tempest of Thunder and Lightning.
- II. To Mustapha, Bassa. p. 283
Of Queen Christina's Sentencing one of her Domesticks to Death. And the Censure of the Civilians thereupon.
- III. To Mustapha, Berber Aga. p. 286
He acquaints him with the Birth of a Young Prince of Spain, and the Extraordinary Magnificences exhibited by the Spanish Embassador at the Hague on this Occasion.
- IV. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs, at Constantinople. p. 289
Of his Mother Oucomiche; and of Isouf his Cousin. Of the Pyramids and Mummies; With some Remarks on the Nile.
- V. To the Kaimacham. p. 297
Of the Sentence pronounc'd by the Venetians against Girolamo Loredan, and Giovanni Contarimi. Examples of Justice on Traytors. Of great Inundations in Germany and Flanders.
- VI. To Solyman, his Cousin, at Constantinople. p. 301
He expostulates with him about his being too Religious. Several Opinions of Philosophers concerning the Soul.
- [Page]VII. To Afis, Bassa. p. 306
Of an Interview between the Kings of Denmark and Suedeland: And the Peace that ensued.
- VIII. To the Mufti. p. 309
He acquaints him with the Project of a certain Jesuite, to reform the State of Christendom.
- IX. To Abdel Melec Muli Omar. p. 315
He relates in Short his Education, and the Method of his Studies in Sicily. A Word or Two of Porphyry.
- X. To Murat, Bassa. p. 320
Of the taking Dunkirk by the French, and the putting it into the Hands of the English. Of the French King's Illness and Recovery.
- XI. To Mohammed, the Eremite of Mount Ʋriel in Arabia. p. 323
He discourses of his own Passions and Vices. With something of his Virtues.
- XII. To Achmet Padishami Culligiz, Bassa. p. 330
He congratulates his Succession to Darnish Mehemet, Bassa. Of the Election of a New German Emperor. The Death of Oliver; and the French Design on Ostend.
- XIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior 's Customs, [Page] at Constantinople. p. 338
Of the Artick Regions, and the Nature of Cold. Of the Works which the Northern People build upon the Ice. Of the Funeral Monuments of Ancient Hero's.
- XIV. To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant of Venice. p. 313
He recommends to him Fidelity: And gives him a Short Account of his Life.
- XV. To the Kaimacham. p. 345
Of the Jealousy of the Venetians towards Strangers. A General Character of the Italians. A Comparison of them with the French.
- XVI. To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria. p. 350
Of a Street in Paris call'd the Street of Hell. Remarks on the Nature of Incorporeal Beings.
- XVII. To the Venerable Ibrahim, Cadilesquer of Romeli. p. 353
Of the Interview between Cardinal Mazarini, and Dom Louis de Haro, the Spanish Minister, in Order to a Peace.
- XVIII. To Musu Abul Yahyan, Alfaqui, Professor of Theology at Fez. p. 355
Of the Zune, o [...] Book of Doctrine. Of the Piety of Omar Eb'n Abdil Azis, the Ninth Caliph.
ERRATA.
- PAge 94. line 24. for hast enjoin'd, read hast been enjoin'd.
- Page 181. line 20. for I renew, read I revere.
- Page 192. line 12. for of Fathers, read of their Fathers.
- Page 286. line 25. for the Moon, read this Moon.
- Page 288. line 33. for 7th. of the 1st. Moon, read 17th. of the 1st. Moon.
LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS.
VOL. V.
BOOK I.
LETTER I.
Mahmut the Arabian, and Vilest of the Grand Signior's Slaves, to the Mysterious Esad, Arbitrator of Doubtful Problems, Prince of the Mufti's.
WHEN I first came to Paris, my Instructions were not so Full and Particular, as to direct me in all Emergencies. A great many Things were left to my own Conduct and Prudence, both in Civil and Religious Matters. [Page 2]So that if I have made any false Steps, I hope 'twill be Excusable; in Regard, 'tis not so much my Fault, as that of the Ministers who reside at the August Port. I have often address'd to them, desiring Supplemental Rules and Cautions in some Peculiar Cases which I propos'd: But they have been very sparing of their Counsels. 'Tis true indeed, about Five Years ago, I receiv'd some Particular Orders from the then Vizir Azem, and the Kaimacham, as also from thy Sanctity: Wherein I was commanded to write with all Freedom to the Grandees. This, with the other Directions, has been of great Use to me. It has arm'd me with fresh Courage, and remov'd the Melancholy Apprehensions I had of some Mens Revenge, whose Vices I reprov'd. Praise be to God, King of the Day of Judgment, I have accus'd no Man wrongfully. Yet I was full of Fears, even in the Performance of my Duty: Knowing, that Mortals Generally love to have their Faults Conceal'd, and pursue those with Malice, who discover or reprehend 'em. But now, all my Fears in that Kind are vanish'd. Yet, I have Scruples of another Nature, which none but the Infallible Guide of the Faithful can disperse.
Ever since I have resided here, I have been precise in observing all the Precepts of our Holy Law, so far as consisted with the Security and Success of my Commission. For, I have been forc'd to leap over many Lyes and False Oaths, to conceal my self. I have likewise done Abundance of other Irregular Things, to promote [Page 3]the Cause I am engag'd in. For all which, thou hast vouchsaf'd me a Dispensation. There remains One Thing, in which thy Advice is Necessary.
I have been hitherto Punctual in keeping the Fast of Ramezan, at the Time appointed to all Mussulmans. Which, thou knowest, falls Earlier by Eleven Days every Year, than it did the Year before. So that in the Space of Four and Thirty Years, it passes through all the Four Seasons. Now this Successive Variation of the Great Fast, causing it sometimes to fall at the very Times of the most solemn Festivals among the Nazarenes, such as that which they call their Christmas, which is a Feast of Thirteen Days; I fear lest I may be taken Notice of, should I, by Celebrating the Ramezan at those Times, contradict the Universal Practice of all the Franks, and start Suspicions in those with whom I converse, to my Disadvantage and Ruine.
To thee therefore, who art the Wisest of the Wise, I fly for Counsel in this Exigency: Beseeching thee, to dictate plainly what I am to do.
I know, that the Sick, or Wounded, or Travellers, are Dispens'd with, if they Violate the Sacred Moon. At which Time, the Gates of Paradise are Open'd, and Invisible Favours are done to the Devout Observers of this Precept: Whilst the Avenues of Heli are barricado'd, and all the Devils Chain'd up from appearing abroad, or doing any Mischief in the World. I say, I am not Ignorant of the Indulgence which is given to Men under such [Page 4]Circumstances; provided they satisfy the Law, by keeping the Fast at some other Season, more agreeable to their Health, or other Necessities. And thus far I cou'd have silenc'd the Alarms of my own Conscience, without molesting thee: Knowing, that a Mussulman is always allow'd this Liberty in a Foreign Country, much more in a Region of Infidels.
But that which I aim at, is to be inform'd, Whether, to put the better Disguize upon my self, and more efficaciously to prosecute the Interest of the Grand Signior, I may not always Celebrate this Fast, at the precise Time that the Christians keep their Lent? For then I should pass unsuspected, and no Man wou'd take me for any other, than a Christian and a Catholick. Nay, my Manner of Daily Fasting at that Time, wou'd raise me a Considerable Credit among the Christians that know me. They wou'd cry me up for a Saint, or a very Holy Man. For, the Fast of the Christians is a Feast, in Comparison with the Rigorous Abstinence of the Mussulmans. Those indeed refrain all Sorts of Flesh, but they load their Tables with Variety of Fish and other Dainties; neither have they Patience to tarry for their Repast beyond the Mid-Day. Whereas, the Mussulmans taste of Nothing during the Ramezan, till the Sun is gone down, and the Stars appear. No, not even in the parching Desarts of Arabia, where Men are ready to perish of Thirst. Yet no Man will extend his Hand to the Water-Pot, to refresh himself in those Unspeakable Agonies, till the Shadow of the [Page 5] Earth, is advanc'd into the Higher Region of the Air, and has banish'd the least Glimmerings of the Sun. When therefore the Franks shall see me Fast after this Austere Fashion in their Lent, they will say, I am a very Mortify'd Man, and a Devout Catholick: For, they judge altogether by the Out-side. So, if any Danger should threaten me, I should find Friends among the Zealots: And the Indifferent, wou'd not appear my Enemies: But the Wicked, whose Black Guilt has rendred 'em a Terror to themselves, as well as an Abomination to others, wou'd stand in fear of me. Thus, on all Hands, a Way wou'd be open for me, to escape a Discovery of the Secrets committed to my Charge.
'Twould be much more to my Satisfaction, if I cou'd with Safety Celebrate this Fast, in the very Moon wherein the Alcoran was brought down from Heaven, as all Good Mussulmans Generally do. But I am taught, not to betray, or so much as hazard the Affairs of my Great Master, for a mere Nicety or Punctilio of Religion. God is the Merciful of the Merciful. And it is his Will, that the Empire of the True Faithful, shou'd be extended where-ever the Moon or the Sun shine on Earth.
Great Oracle of the Mussulmans, Doctor of Faith and Verity, it is in thy Power to confirm or shake my Resolution in this Point. For, from thy Sentence, there is no Appeal.
Paris, 5th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER II.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.
THou Informest me, that the King of the Romans is dead, and that divers Prodigies happen'd about the Time of his Expiring. Whilst others report, That the German Emperour himself died the 9th. of the last Moon. However, I shall transmit thy Advice to the Shining Port; not trusting to the Uncertain Intelligence of Fame.
Kings and Emperours must resign up their Breath, as well as Other Mortals. 'Tis a Tribute we all owe to Nature, who will be paid, one Time or other. Neither has she ever exempted any from the Common Lot, save Enoch, Elias, and Jesus the Son of Mary. These were Holy Prophets, Perfect Saints, and void of Original Sin; and therefore receiv'd an Indulgence. Tho' those of your Nation, and the Christians believe, That the last of these Three died on a Cross.
As for all others, they have either been dissolv'd by Sickness, or snatch'd away by sudden Death: Some by an Invisible Dart from Heaven; Others by the Ruder Hand of Mortals like themselves; Millions by the Sword and Spear, and Ten Millions by the swifter and more Unavoidable Stroke of the Arrow [Page 7]and Bullet. Whilst not a few have receiv'd their Death, from the very Elements which supported their Life. An Unruly Fire has crumbled some into their First Atomes, and mingl'd their Ashes with those of their Houses and Beds of Repose: Whilst Water, a Contrary Principle, has quench'd the Vital Flame in others. There is but One Way to enter into this Life; but the Gates of Death, and the Invisible State, are without Number. And the Greatest Monarch may as well fall by the Prick of a Thorn, as by the Edge of a Sword. Every Time I swallow my Meat, I remember the Fate of him who was choak'd by a Grain of Pepper; And that of Anacreon the Poet, who was strangl'd by the Stone of a Raisin.
Yet I am not solicitous in Chusing or Avoiding Particular Deaths; knowing, that no Human Counsel, can prevent the Decrees of Destiny. It rather pleases me to think (such is my Ambition) that by whatsoever Method I am sent to the Grave, there I shall be Equal to the Alexanders, Caesars, Timurlengs, and the Greatest Mortals. For there is no Distinction of Noble and Vulgar, in that Region of Anarchy, where all ranks are levell'd in the Dust: As Diogenes told Alexander the Great; when the Monarch, beholding that Philosopher in a Charnel-House, his Eyes attentively fix'd on the Bones of the Dead which lay in Heaps, ask'd him, What he was doing? To whom Diogenes reply'd, I am looking for thy Father Philip's Bones, but cannot distinguish [Page 8]'em from those of his Slaves. Some such Thought as this, might perhaps first occasion the Custom of writing Epitaphs on the Sepulchers of Eminent Persons. Among which I have read some made by the Entomb'd themselves, whilst they were on this side the Grave; and for their singular Phancy, were thought worthy to be Recorded by Historians. Such as this:
I Sabbas of Milan, by Blood a Castilian, Friar and Knight of Jerusalem, wish a happy Resurrection to my Ashes. While I was alive among Mortals, a little satisfy'd me. Now I am dead, and alone in my Grave, I am content with less. I neither knew my self, what I was; nor do thou enquire. Traveller, whoever thou art, if thou be Pious, pray for me, and pass on. Farewell, and live mindful of Death. Living, I provided this Epitaph, knowing I must die:
The Birth and Life of Mortals, are nothing but Toil and Death.
Such another was that of Heliodorus, a Moor; who caus'd himself to be Bury'd near to the Pillars of Hercules, with this Inscription on his Tomb.
I Heliodorus, a Mad Carthaginian, have commanded by my last Will and Testament, that I shou'd be Interr'd here in this Farthest Angle of the World: To make Experiment, whether any Man more Mad than my self, wou'd travel thus far to visit my Sepulcher.
But that which Semiramis caus'd to be Inscrib'd on her Tomb, was a perfect Satyr on the Living. It was this.
I Semiramis, whilst Living never was in need of Money; yet was always Compassionate to the Poor. Now I'm Dead, my Grave is my Treasury. If any of Royal Race be in Want, let him open this Dormitory, and he shall find a Supply.
When Darius Conquer'd Babylon, and was told of this Epitaph; stung with Avarice, he caus'd the Sepulcher to be open'd, in his own Presence. But instead of Money, they only found a Tablet of Brass, with these Words Engraven on it:
My Epitaph is a Riddle. This is the Interpretation. I never was Covetous; onely such are Poor, these I pity; and have therefore provided this Lesson as a Treasure, for the Man who for Lucre shall presume to violate my Tomb:
If thou wilt Rob the Living, forbear to Plunder the Dead; lest they bring thee to Shame, as I have done.
Thou tellest me, that the Emperour seems not to be much griev'd for the Death of his Son, the Roman King. Perhaps his Sorrow is so great, that it cannot find a Vent. Violent and Uncommon Passions, are apt to smother within the Heart, whilst only smaller Griefs break forth in Tears.
It was a Memorable Saying of a certain King of Egypt, who was overcome by Cambyses [Page 11]the Persian Monarch, and taken Captive with all his Children; When the Cruel Conquerour, to sport himself in the Misery of his Royal Prisoners, and insult o'er the Vanquish'd Egyptians, first caus'd the Daughter of the Captive King, to be employ'd in the Meanest Offices with the Common Slaves, before her Father's Face: Then his Son to be bridl'd, and curb'd like a Horse, with a vast Burden ty'd on his Back. At both which dismal Spectacles, the Poor Egyptian Monarch shed not one Tear: But when he saw one that had formerly been his Servant, reduc'd to great Poverty, he wept bitterly. Cambyses aking him the Reason, Why he seem'd so Insensible of his Childrens Calamity, and yet was touch'd with so tender a Grief for the Misfortune of a Stranger? He answer'd, Son of Cyrus, the Desolation of my Family afflicts me with so profound a Sorrow, that no Tears can express it: But my Compassion to this distress'd Servant, being not so Violent, easily breaks forth in Tears.
Nathan, I wish thee neither Extreme Joy nor Grief; for they are both hurtful to the Heart.
Paris, 1st. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER III.
To Mahummed, Hodgia, Venerable Eremit of the Cave replete with Wonders.
WHen I contemplate thy Life so full of Innocence, and void of the very Shadow of Vice, I am like a Serpent rowz'd from his Sleep, by a Breeze of Cooler Wind, or the Noise of a Traveller on the Road. My Soul starts; and unfolding all the drowzy Curls of Sensuality, stretches it self at full Length. Surpriz'd and asham'd of its own Lethargy, it swiftly retires into any dark Corner, to cover it self from the Light of its own Faculties, and from the brighter Reflections of thy Spirit, which penetrate like the Beams of the Sun.
I do not presently curse my self, the Hour of my Nativity, my Friends that have flatter'd me into an Erroneous Belief of my own Vertue, or my Enemies that have provok'd me, and by various Trains entangl'd me in the Paths of Vice. Such Malediction, onely becomes the Mouth of a Jew or a Libertine: For, we arrive at Perfection, not by Cursing the Evil, but by Imitating the Good.
I rather bless the Hour of Conjunction, the Influence of my better Stars, and the Constellations of a more propitious Horoscope; The Moment [Page 13]when I had the Honour to touch the Sand before thy Feet with my Lips, in that Sanctuary of Holiness. O thou Patron of Good Intentions, Sincere Reformer of Human Errors, Refulgent Pattern of the Pious, Glory of the Wise, most Excellent of the Excellent, Phoenix of the Age!
Praise be to God, the First and the Last: Peace to the Angels who stand round his Throne, and to the Prophets who rejoice in his Presence. An Universal Jubilee to all the Inhabitants of Paradise: And Eternal Felicity to the Saint of the Desart on Earth, whose Soul is Expanded Wide as the Firmament.
I am ravish'd and full of Ecstasies, because there is not found thy Equal on this Side the Clouds. When thou shalt be cropt from the Earth, the Mirrour of Mortals, the Flow'r of Human Nature is gone. The Trees of the Wilderness will lament thy Death, by whose Presence they flourish'd, and brought forth their Fruit in due Season. At thy Departure, the Grass of the Field will fade and wither, conscious that thy Merits drew down the Rain and Dew of Heaven, to render Arabia fertile in Herbage.
The Beasts will Languish for want of Pasture, and Men will bewail the Dearth of the Land; knowing, that the Life of the Just, causes the Ground to produce a Plenteous Harvest.
But no Mourning will be like that of Mahmut, who can boast of thy particular Friendship; [Page 14]and in losing thee, will be as if he were depriv'd of the Light of the Sun, or the Morning Air, or the Benefit of Fire and Water. For, so thy Favours are refreshing, as the Elements, without which we cannot live.
Therefore, as oft as I turn my Face to the City Sanctified by the Birth of our Holy Prophet, I send up Vows to Heaven for thy Long Life; beseeching God, for the Universal Good of Nature, to continue the Man on Earth, the Vestment of whose Soul, is composed of Rays darted from all the Fortunate Stars.
Tell me, O thou Holiest of the Holy Ones in the East, Favourite of the Angels, secret Friend of the Eternal, Envoy Extraordinary from the Omnipotent, Agent Incognito for the Court of Heaven! Tell me by what Chart I shall steer my Course through this Life, Uncertain as the Sea, and toss'd with as many Tempests. I find in my self, manifest Inclinations to Vertue, and whatsoever is Good: Yet I still mistake the Methods of attaining my End. I wou'd fain be Perfectly Pious, Just and Wise, but know not how to compass my Design. One Event or other, still frustrates my Labour: Either a Friend or an Enemy, a Relation or a Stranger, Casualties Without, or my Passions Within, stop me in the Beginning, or the Midst of the Glorious Career, the Race which cannot be run without noble Agonies.
Then I take Breath, and rowzing my self with fresh Vigours, I cheerfully address to [Page 15]the Combat, which crowns the Victor with Immortality. My Courage is Great, my Resolution fix'd, at the First setting out: I gain Ground on a Sudden, the Wheels of my Chariot are for a Time like those of the Sun, whose Momentary Advances are not perceiv'd by Mortals. But before I get half way to the Meridian, some Unskillful Phaeton, an Erroneous Thought or a Giddy Passion, overthrows me. Either Old Habits or New Temptations, hinder me from gaining the Prize, in the Olympicks of Vertue.
Thus, often foil'd, I retire with Shame and Weakness: And finding no Redress within, I fly to thee, who art Created a Director of the World.
'Twill be an Offence to make Repetitions, and ask thy Counsel again: I will henceforth endeavour to follow thy Example, which is certainly the most Correct Rule of a Religious Life. But then I cannot serve the Grand Signior in this Post. Resolve my Doubts. Is it Lawful for me to abandon my Duty, and retire into a Desart? If not, I will erect a Solitude in the Midst of this Populous City, and build an Hermitage in my own Heart. If I cannot arrive at the Perfection I aim at, I will at least endeavour to be as Good as I can. There is a Religious Dexterity, by which a Man may in the Midst of Worldly Business, make to himself Paths of Innocence, and walk free from the General Contagion of Mortals. If I cannot perform any Eminent Good, I will take Care to abstain from Enormous Evils: [Page 16]Neither will I commit the Least, without a Good Intention; which I am assured by the Mufti, sometimes sanctifies a Bad Action. If I lye or forswear my self, it shall be to serve my Great Master. If I dissemble my Religion, and Counterfeit a Christian; I will propose to my self, the greater Advantage of the Mussulman Faith. Thus, some Higher End, shall always direct my Intention and Performances.
But if thou shalt tell me after all, That this is not the Way to Paradise, I will forsake all Worldly Interest, wherein I find so many Entanglements, and take up my Residence in some humble Cave, or Cleft of a Rock, or Hollow of a Tree, where I will spend the Rest of my Days, in Contemplating the First Essence, and all that flows from it. I will bid a Final Adieu to this Perfidious Age, to the Vain Generation of Mortals that live in it, to whose Converse I shall have Reason to prefer that of the Beasts, who are far more Innocent, and less debauch'd than Men. Even Lyons and Tygers in the Utmost Fury of their Hunger, abstain from preying on those of their Own Kind. Man is the onely Cannibal, who devours his Brother, and greedily swallows down the Blood of him, who bears the same Image as himself.
I speak not of the Ancient Scythians, Massagetes or Tartars, nor of the more Modern Salvages in America, who stuff'd their greedy Paunches with Human Flesh. Their Barbarism has crept by Transmigration, into the [Page 17]most Civiliz'd Empires and States; and is not the Less Cruel, because it has chang'd its Form.
Nor do I tax the more excusable Epicurism of those, who ransack all the Elements for Dainties, whose Tables are loaded with the slaughter'd Carcasses of Birds, Beasts and Fishes; their Houses polluted with an Extravagant Profusion of the Blood of those Creatures, which the Eternal Mind Form'd to Live, and Enjoy the Fruits of the Earth, as well as our selves.
But I accuse the Oppressors of Men, those Cannibals in Disguise, whose very Bread is mingled with the Marrow of the Poor; and their greater Delicacies are Ragoo's, compounded of the Blood of Widows and Orphans: Whilst they starve and ruine whole Families, to support a Needless Grandeur, a Momentary Pomp, which vanishes almost as soon as it appears.
Yet these Men think to pacify Heaven, by building Magnificent Temples and Oratories; by entailing their Estates to Convents and Hospitals: As if the Omnipotent were to be brib'd; or took Pleasure in Gifts, which are but the Fruits of Robbery and Injustice. Can the Sacrifices of Infidels be more Acceptable, because they are made on Altars of Gold? Or even the Prayers of Mussulmans, in that they are breath'd out in Mosques, built of the finest Marble, crusted over with Precious Stones, and adorned with Carpets and Hangings of the Richest Tissues and Broccades? The Ancient Pagans can instruct us better.
Thou wilt not think me tedious, if I relate a Passage which just comes into my Mind; Of a Certain Great Man in Asia, who possess'd vast Herds of Cattle, and was accustom'd to make Magnificent Oblations to the Gods. This Grandee once made a Pilgrimage to Delphos, Famous in those Days, for the Oracle of Apollo. He carried with him a Hundred Bulls, whose Horns were enchas'd in Gold, being spurr'd on with Extraordinary Devotion, and designing to do a singular Honour to the God. When he arrived at the Place, puff'd up with his Costly Presents, and the Flatteries of his Attendants; he boldly approach'd the Temple, thinking no Man on Earth more worthy of the Gods Friendship than himself; demanding of the Pythoness (for so they call'd the Woman, who perform'd the Office of Priesthood there) Who among all Mortals made the most acceptable Sacrifices, and departed with the Greatest Blessing from the Oracle? (for he presumed, the Preheminence would be granted to himself:) When she answered, That one Clearchus of Methydrium, was the most devout, and dear to the Gods of all Men.
Astonish'd above Measure at this unexpected Reply, the vain Bigot resolv'd to find out this Man, and learn of him what Method he took to please the Divinity. He hastens therefore to Methydrium: And when he first came within View of it, he despis'd the Meanness of the Place, judging it impossible, That one Man, or all the Town, could be able to present the Gods with more Magnificent Oblations [Page 19]than he. Having found out Clearchus, he ask'd him, What Sacrifices he us'd to make to Appollo? To whom Clearchus replyed, ‘I am a Poor Man, and when I go to Delphos, I carry neither Silver nor Gold, but onely a Basket of Fruits, the Best that my Farm affords, which I freely offer to the Powers which Govern All Things, and from whom I receive whatsoever I enjoy. Moreover, I keep the Appointed Holy Days; and my Poorer Neighbours, go Chearful from my Table. I never Kill'd, any Thing: Nor have I done to Another, that which I would not have done to my self. I pray to Jupiter every Morning before the Sun arises, and at Night when he goes down. I keep my self and my Cottage clean. In all Things else, I live like the Beasts, that is, according to Nature.’
Thou wilt perceive by this, O Pious Eremit, that Simplicity and Innocence, are the most Acceptable Sacrifices to the Supreamly Merciful: And, that the most High God, takes no Pleasure in the Smoke of Burnt-Offerings, or the Pompous Addresses of the Great, but onely in the Pure Flames of a Devout Heart; the Integrity of a Just Man, void of Deceit and Guile.
Thou Illustrious Mahummed, art the Person in whom these Things are verify'd. May God shelter thee with his Mercies, to the Hour of Transmigration, and beyond the Last Flight of Time.
Paris, 1st. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER IV.
To the Kaimacham.
THere are Two Actions, which take up all the Discourse at Present. One is the Siege of Stenay, a Strong Town in Flanders, before which the French Army is newly laid down. The other, is the Investing of Arras by the Spaniards.
'Tis the Presence of many Illustrious Personages, that renders both these Sieges considerable. In the French Camp are present, the King, Cardinal Mazarini, and all the Grandees of the Court. In the Spanish, are Arch-Duke Leopold, the Prince of Conde, Francis Duke of Lorrain, with others of Prime Quality.
They are very Vigorous on both Sides, in pressing and defending these Two Places; as if the Fate of both Kingdoms, were now at Stake. In my Opinion, France runs the Greatest Hazard: For, if the Spaniards shou'd prove Successful in what 'tis said they have resolv'd upon, that is, the Relief of Stenay; If they should give Battle, and get the Victory, a Way would be open for them to penetrate into the Bowels of France. And 'tis thought, many Towns in this Kingdom wou'd open their Gates to them, whilst the Prince of Conde is at the Head of their Army, who does all Things in the Name of the French King: Even [Page 21]his Rebellion it self, is masqu'd under the Specious Title, Of taking up Arms, to rescue the Captive King from the Hands of Mazarini and his Adherents. A pretty Way of seducing the People from their Obedience. The Parisians, and indeed all the French, are divided into Cabals and Parties; some espousing the Prince of Conde's Interest, whilst others manifest an Incorruptible Loyalty to their Sovereign. I approve the Morals of the Latter, yet privately rejoice at the Treasons of the Former, wishing their Intestine Quarrels may continue till the Day of the Earthquake.
Eliachim the Jew follows the Court, which rather ought now to be call'd the Camp. His Private Affairs call him that Way. From him I receive frequent Advice, of the most Important Matters in that Theatre of War. He informs me, That the King of France's Presence in the Siege of Stenay, inspires his Soldiers with more than Ordinary Vigor: And, That he shews daily Proofs of an extraordinary Courage. He was one whole Night on Horse-back, giving Orders and directing his Enginiers. Next Morning, he sent a Summons to the Governour: Who made a stout Reply, being resolv'd to hold out to the last Extremity; and therefore sally'd out of the Town with a Party of Resolute Men, who kill'd near Four Thousand of the Besiegers.
But alas, these Infidels are only stout, whilst well fed: Not knowing what it is to endure the Rigours of Famine, and other Intolerable [Page 22]Hardships. In all the Western Histories, they cannot match the Bravery of a Garrison in the Impregnable Fortress of Merdin, Famous in our Annals for sustaining a Seven Years Siege, when the Mighty Timurlen lay before it with his Invincible Army. That Scourge of Heaven, to terrify the Besieged, and give 'em an Earnest of his Resolution, caus'd all the Old Trees round about this Place to be cut down, and Young ones to be planted in far greater Numbers: Declaring at the same Time, That he would not raise the Siege, till those Trees shou'd be mature enough to bear Fruit. When that Time came, he sent a Present of the Fruits to the Governor of the Garrison, as likewise of Mutton, with this Message, That he took pity on so brave a Man, fearing lest he would starve for want of Necessaries.
As soon as the Governor had receiv'd these Presents, turning to the Messenger he said, Go tell thy Master, I thank him for his Present of Fruits: But, for the Flesh, we shall have no Occasion, so long as our Ewes afford us Milk enough to sustain the Whole Garrison. And that thy Master may be assur'd we are not in Want of that, I will send him a Present of Cheeses made of the same. Accordingly, he commanded Four Cheeses to be deliver'd to the Messenger. Which when Timurlen saw, and had heard the Words of the Governor, he despair'd of reducing that Place, tho' he had lain before it Seven Years, wanting only Two Moons. But, had he understood [Page 23]what sort of Cheeses these were, he wou'd no doubt have chang'd his Resolution. For, it seems, they were made of the Milk of Bitches, and were the very last Sustenance the Garrison had, except the Flesh it self of those Ʋnclean Animals.
Believe me, Sage Minister, such Examples of Patience and Fortitude, are very Rare. And this was the more Remarkable, in that it was the First Place, where that Invincible General had met with a Repulse.
Paris, 1st. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER V.
To Dgnet Oglou.
THis is the Anniversary Day of my Nativity. Which I Celebrate not, as others do, on such an Occasion, with Mirth and Revelling, with Musick and Songs. My Chamber is not perfurn'd with the Incense of Arabia, nor with any Extraordinary Odours: Neither is it adorn'd with Flowers, Laurel, or the Branches of Green Trees. I am not at the Expense of Costly Oyls, to burn in a Multitude of Lamps, and make Joyful Illuminations, as at a Feast. Such Pompous Vanity, I leave to those who perhaps have more [Page 24]Reason to be Merry in this Life, than the Thoughtful and Pensive Mahmut can find out.
On the other Side, I spend not this Day in Extreme and Fruitless Mourning: But retaining an Indifference of Mind, I Consecrate it to the Service of my Reason and Contemplation: Which are the onely Things considerable in Mortal Man.
From the Minute that I first awak'd this Morning, I have been pondering on my self, and Humane Nature. I suffer'd my Anxious Thoughts to start back beyond the Hour of my Birth, reflecting on the Imprisonment I suffer'd in my Mother's Womb: Which yet I cannot in the least remember. And this is the Case of all Men. We know not how we came into this Open World of Light, from that Region of Darkness; nor that ever we were so shut up, but as we are told by our Parents; and Common Experience confirms us, that this is the Lot of all Mortals. How then shall we be able to discover, what State we were in before our Conception? Whether we were in the Rank of Things which have Existence, or whether we were not hid in the Womb of Nothing? I tell thee, this Thought has fill'd me with great Inquietudes. I am restless to know my own Original. I wou'd fain be inform'd, if that which they call the Soul, be a Substance distinct from the Body, or onely the Finer Part of Matter, a Quintessence of the Elements. If it be distinct, as I have Reason to believe, 'twou'd be a Singular [Page 25]Happiness, to be satisfied where it was, before united to this Machine of Flesh and Bones: And whether that Ʋnion be Voluntary or Forc'd. For, I must profess my self to be altogether in the Dark as to these Scrutinies. Sometimes I join with the Platonists, and conclude, all Humane Souls to be Particles of the Divine Nature, Beams of the Eternal Sun: And that though our Light be now obscur'd and veil'd under this Cloud of Earthly Matter, yet we have formerly shin'd with an undiminish'd Splendor, when only embody'd in the Clearer Air, or more Refined Substance of the Sky. Perhaps, think I, for some Errors committed in that Superiour State, we are sent down into these Bodies as into Prisons for our Punishment. Then I am vex'd at the Fatal Dullness of my Memory, that retains no Idea of my past Condition.
At other Times (for like all Mortals I am subject to Change) I embrace the Doctrines of Pythagoras, which thou knowest are generally entertain'd all o'er the East: And believing the Transmigration of Souls from one Living Creature to another, I cannot be certain but that I have been an Elephant, a Camel, or a Horse, or perhaps some more Contemptible Animal; and for ought I know, I have undergone all the Various Kinds of Metamorphosis that ever Ovid mention▪d.
However, be it how it will, I see no Grounds to make any Extravagant Solemnity on the account of my being born to what I am now, that is, a Man. For, I think we [Page 26]are the onely Spectacles of Folly and Misery, among all the Creatures of God.
We boast of Arts and Sciences; yet the Wisest of Mortals are always most sensible, That they know Nothing. One Man builds a Stately House, a Place of Repose and Refuge for himself and his Family: Another comes and pulls it down, demolishing the only standing Monument of his Brother's Prudence, or rather of his Folly, who perhaps consum'd the greatest Part of his Estate in that Costly Fabrick; Whereas, among all his Sciences, had he but learn'd to KNOW HIMSELF; an humble convenient Cottage wou'd have serv'd his Necessities during this Short Life, and so he might have avoided the Stroke of Envy.
I tell thee, my Friend, I cannot build Altars to Fortune, nor adore the External Pageantry of the Rich and Great. I equally hate to be flatter'd my self, as those are, who invite their Friends to solemnize their Birth-Day.
Yet in thus contemning External Honour, I do the greatest Reverence to my self, whilst I preserve my Reason free from being▪ violated or prophan'd by Foolish Customs.
Paris, the 1st. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER VI.
To the Selictar Aga, or Sword-Bearer to the Grand Signior.
SOmetimes we seem to be asleep here in this City, for Want of News. But of late, we have been rowz'd by Post upon Post: Some bringing Intelligence of the Surrender of Stenay to the French King, others of the Revolt of Barcelona from the Spaniards. But that which is of freshest Date, and for which all the Streets of Paris are this Night Illuminated with Bonefires, is the Relief of Arras; Where the French have obtained a Glorious Victory. The Number of the Dead is not yet known, but said to be very great. And 'tis certain the Victors have taken above Seven Thousand Prisoners, Sixty Cannon, Five Thousand Waggons, an Equal Number of Horses, with all the Plate and Rich Furniture of the Prince of Conde, Arch-Duke Leopold, Francis of Lorrain, and the other Grandees of the Spanish Army. In Fine, the French are Masters of the Town, and of the Field, and all Flanders appears now too little to hold 'em.
These continual Successes redound much to the Establishment of Cardinal Mazarini, who now seems above the Stroke of Misfortune or Malice. Yet no Man can call himself [Page 28]Happy till the Hour of his Death, which alone releases us from all Human Miseries.
Some Days ago I receiv'd a Letter from Nathan Ben Saddi, which informs me of the Death of the Roman King, and of several Prodigies which were seen before, and about the Time of his Departure.
When he was first taken Sick, there arose a Violent Tempest of Wind, which blew down the Cross from one of their Churches. After this, follow'd a terrible Earthquake, that shook the whole City, threatning to remove its Foundations. Moreover, an Old Eagle, a Domestick of the Imperial Palace, and that had liv'd there many Years, took Wing the Day before the King's Sickness, and flew quite away. Then the Bells of the Imperial Chappel rung Thrice of their own Accord in the Space of Twelve Hours. Thus far the Jew assures me is true. There are Additional Reports, of strange Apparitions that were seen about Vienna during the Sickness of this Prince, as of a Funeral Procession after Midnight, through the Courts of the Palace; and of a Show'r of Warm Blood that fell at Noon Day in the Streets of that City. But these I have only from the Mouth of Common Fame, which, thou knowest, does not always speak Truth.
I desire thee and all the Ministers, to make a Distinction between those Passages which I ascertain, and the Doubtful Relations of the Multitude. In these Cases, Men are prone to Superstition, and love to be the Authors of [Page 29]Portentous News. But thou may'st believe what the Jew relates; for he never affects to be Fabulous.
'Twould tempt one to ask, What strange hidden Power produces these Unusual Signs? Whether we Mortals are under the Custody of Invisible Beings, who teach the Elements and other Creatures to utter the Future Events of Fate? Or, Whether all these Things which appear so strange and surprizing, be not mere Casualties; Accidents of Nature happening of Course, and only made Remarkable by their Timing? Who knows, but that the Voluntary Ringing of the Bells, might proceed from the Motion of the Tower where they hung, during the Earthquake? Or, Why, need we wonder, that a Cross or a Crescent shou'd be blown down from the Top of a high Minaret, by a Violent Tempest of Wind?
These Things appear to me as Natural, as for the Rain to lodge all the Corn in the Fields, or for a Storm to tear up Trees by the Roots, overturn Houses, and commit a Thousand other Violences. Neither do I perceive any Thing worth Admiration in the Flight of the Eagle. Perhaps, some Royal Caprice sprung in the Head of that King of Birds, which he ne'er felt before. There's Nothing of Prodigy in all this, but only because it happen'd at such a Critical Juncture. Had it been at another Time, no body perhaps wou'd have taken Notice of it, any more than they do of Earth quakes at Naples, which are Common [Page 30]in that Country, where the Earth is very Hollow, being made so by Veins of continually burning Sulphur. They have felt several in that Kingdom within these Two Moons, as also at Rome. But no great Hurt has been done.
Nathan informs me also, That the Venetian Embassador at Vienna, has distributed great Sums of Money, in Token of his Joy, for the late Victory that Republick obtained against the Moselmans. This appears to me a Real Prodigy, That the Ottomans who are Invincible by Land, yet still come off with Loss at Sea.
Queen Christina of Sueden, is expected here e'er long. She came to Antwerp in the Habit of a Man, which occasions Variety of Censures. The French call her, The Learned Amazon, She being well vers'd in many Languages and Sciences: They extol her Virtues and Perfections, styling her, The Phoenix of this Age. All the Western Nazarenes, are devout Admirers of Women. And one of their Famous Sages, whom they call Henry Cornelius Agrippa, wrote a select Treatise in Praise of that Sex, wherein he endeavours to prove, That they are more Excellent and Noble Creatures than Men. But he wou'd find few Proselytes in the East.
'Tis certain, there have been very Famous Women in all Ages, and it wou'd be Envy in Men to deny them their due Praise. Such was Dido Queen of Carthage, the Roman Lucretia, the Sybills, Theana Pythagoras's Wife, with his Daughter Dama; Sappho the Poetess, [Page 31]with Innumerable others both of East and West, Renowned for their Virtue, Learning, or Valour in the Wars. But it does not follow, that they therefore surpass Men.
Let us keep the Rank, in which God and Nature have plac'd us, without being Churlish or Effeminate. And this is the best Way to get and retain the Esteem of that Nice Sex, who hate a Clown, and despise a Dotard.
Paris, 30th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER VII.
To Pestelihali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.
THou art he, to whom I can unmask. With others I converse (like our Women in Turky) under a Veil. When I write to the Grandees of the Port, 'tis necessary for me to dissemble many Things; and, to feign some, that I may be credited in Others, and not be suspected in all. But with thee, I use no Artifice or Disguise: Thou hast a Kind of natural Right to my secret Thoughts, beyond the Claim of a Brother. I owe thee an Entire Confidence, on the Score of Friendship; and I seem to wrong my self, when I conceal my Sentiments from thee. For, besides the [Page 32]Tye of Blood, we were Partners together in the Adventures of Youth; and the mutual good Offices that pass'd between us, fasten'd our Affections with Stronger Bands, than those of our Birth. Nor were we so unhappy, as to suffer the little Youthful Emulations which are common between Sons of the same Mother, to stifle the more solid and generous Efforts of real Love. Our Friendship grew up with our Years, cemented by Interest as well as Affection; and I esteem Pesteli, but my self in another Figure. If thou hast the same Regard to me, I am happy. Let us continue to cherish this noble. Passion: The least Coldness or Reserve now, wou'd appear to me more hateful than a Divorce, more terrible than Death.
'Tis but Reasonable, That among the many Services our Great Master claims at our Hands, we should employ some of our Time and Care on our Selves. We owe the Sultan much; but both He and We owe Nature more, without whose Bounty and Providence, We had never had the Honour, nor He the Profit of our being in his Debt. He is more deeply engaged in Fortune's Tally than We; but in the Accompts of Nature, We are all Equal. She is the Universal Creditor of Mankind. We are indebted to Her, for all we have; yet methinks, Nothing so much enhances our Score, as the ill Menage of Time. In that we still run in Arrears, whilst the hasty Minutes post forward, never to be revok'd; and yet, we neither lay hold on 'em in their Flight, [Page 33]nor so much as imprint on any of them, the least transient Mark of Vertue or Wisdom. Thus our Lives slide away without Profit, till the Last Sand tells us, We are Bankrupts, Nature will not trust us with a Moment longer.
'Tis Time therefore, Dear Brother, for thee and me to look about us; and, since 'tis impossible for us to make a full Payment, let us at least compound with Nature; and getting an Acquittance for what is past and Irrecoverable, let us be sure to cancel the remaining Part of the Score, by a Wise Improvement of every Minute.
Think not, that Mahmut is perswading thee to turn Dervise, or to bestow all thy Time in Prayers: Such Rigorous Devotion is not consistent with the Life of a Man in thy Station. But, permit me, Dear Pesteli, to counsel thee, not to build Altars to Fortune, and consecrate all thy vacant Hours to her Service. I am told, thou art grown a great Gamester, not only at the Polemick Traverses of Chess, but also at Plays of Hazard. The Former of the Two, is the most Innocent: Yet, 'tis too Intricate and Puzling, deserves the Name of Business rather than of Recreation: It commits a Rape on the Mind, whilst it requires as much Attention and Abstractedness of Thought, as wou'd serve to trace out the Conduct of a Battel or a Siege. But, the Latter have a far worse Influence on our Passions, by exciting us to immoderate Desire, Hope, Joy, and Grief for mere Trifles, the uncertain Products of Chance. Therefore [Page 34]are they forbidden by our Holy Prophet. And, 'tis not to be number'd among the Commendations of a Mussulman, to be dextrous at managing the Cards or Dice.
When thou art dispos'd to unbend thy Mind, I wou'd rather counsel thee, to use some healthful Exercise, such as may ventilate thy melancholy Blood. Our Fathers were wont at such Times [...] divert themselves with Bows and Arrows, Hunting, Wrastling, and the like manly Pastimes; thus, making their Private Recreations subservient to the Publick, whilst they sported themselves into the Discipline of War, and inur'd their Bodies to Labour, even at those Hours when their Minds sought Rest.
What! tho' Claudius Caesar devoted himself to Gaming with Dice, and wrote a Book in Praise of his Folly; What! tho' Domitian the Emperour, and Theodorick, King of the Goths, spent whole Nights and Days in this Unprofitable Play? Thou hast not read or heard of such Examples, among the Renowned Sons of Ottoman. Our Glorious Sultans, were never Vacant to these Fooleries. And if they had, their Practice cannot justify a Subject's Imitation. Neither wouldst thou be so in Love with Gaming, didst thou consider what unhappy Destinies have commonly attended the Votaries of Fortune. Whole Estates have been squander'd away at Dice in a Night, Families ruin'd, and the Gamester himself Imprison'd in the Morning. He that Yesterday was Master of great Possessions, and a Companion [Page 35]for Princes; by the Effects of this accursed Vanity, has bereav'd himself of All, and is to Day become the Scorn of Beggars.
The Chineses are so bewitch'd with Love of Gaming, That when they have lost all their Stakes, they'll pawn themselves, their Wives and Children; which if the Fortune of the Dice run against them, become all bond-Slaves to the Winner. Here is a Dervise in this City, of the Order of the Jesuites, who lately came from China. Among other Learned Men, I sometimes converse with Him. He relates many pretty Passages of that People, but one is Tragical, whereof he himself was an Eye-Witness.
He says, That in the Province of Queintong, a certain Nobleman who had serv'd in the Wars, and acquir'd great Fame and Honour, was envied by one of his Neighbours, who likewise had been a Captain and much in Favour at the Court. Their Emulations carried 'em to many Ill Offices, and at last to open Defiance. The Emperour being made sensible of the Hatred that was between these Two Officers, and being unwilling their Fury should precipitate them to the Ruine of each other, became himself an Arbitrator of their Quarrel; laying his Commands on 'em, to embrace and eat together, which is an assured Token of Reconciliation and Friendship in that Country. They obey'd the Will of their Sovereign. But sitting up late one Night at Dice, it was the Captain's ill Fortune, to lose all he had to the Nobleman. Mad at his unluckly Chance, and in Hopes to retrieve his Loss, he sends for his [Page 36]Wife and Three Young Sons, whom with himself he pawn'd to the Nobleman for a considerable Sum of Money, and falls afresh to play: But Fate was his Enemy; he lost All. Whereupon in Despair, he stabs his Wife and Three Children, and lastly falls on his own Sword; glorying, that he and his Family, should thus escape a hated Captivity, to his Old Enemy.
Tell me, Dear Pesteli, had'st thou seen this Tragedy, wou'd it not have made thee resolve against Gaming during thy Life? Assuredly, our Holy Prophet frowns from his Paradise, on those who violate his Laws. He knew our Passions, and which were the most dangerous; therefore he prohibited such Things, as are most likely to betray us to Violence, and an Incurable Disorder. If thou wilt acquit thy self a good Mussulman, thou must not leap over these Prohibitions, accounting them small and indifferent Trifles. Remember the Saying of the holy Doctor, and Leader of the Mussulman Armies, the Chast Osman, A little Spark will set a whole City on Fire. And the Roman Satyrist has observ'd, That no Man becomes Wicked all at once. Think then with thy self, 'tis for this Reason the Messenger of God has forbid Gaming to the True Faithful; not as a Thing in it self Naturally Evil, but onely Morally, so as it is a Step to the greatest Vices. For whilst we captivate our selves to Chance, we lose our Authority over our Passions. We stand or fall at the Uncertain Cast of the Dice. We are Slaves to the feeblest [Page 37]Wishes; which if they succeed not, we grow Furious, Profligate and Impious. Banishing all Prudence, Temperance and Justice, we become Impudent, and fit for the blackest Crimes.
Take not in Ill Part the wholesome Admonition of a Brother, who manifests his Love, in thus reproving thee without Flattery. Use the same Freedom, when thou hearest I am guilty of any Ʋnnecessary Vice: For, the Publick Service, turns some Vices into Vertues.
Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER VIII.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.
I Believe, thou hast a Mind to try my Temper; to make an Experiment upon me, and see, Whether I'm Proof against thy Anger: Else, why should Kenan Bassa's Business be reviv'd again, after it had been bury'd above these Four Years? I examine not, what mighty Interest thou hast in that Officer, that thou afresh espousest his Old Quarrel, as if 'twere thy own. Thy Affairs are best known to thy self. But let me tell thee, 'twill not [Page 38]redound much to thy Credit, to be found Partial. I honour thee with all the Devoir that is due to a Minister in thy Station, and with something more: For, the Esteem a Man has for his Friend, is Singular and beyond Ceremonies. But still he owes some Regard to himself. Self-Preservation, is Rooted in the Center of our Nature; and few will be Knowingly Complaisant to their Ruine. I am puzzl'd what to think, or how to write, thy last Letter has put my Mind into such a Hurly-Burly. A Thousand Imaginations like Whirl-winds, tear up my most solid Thoughts by the Roots. I'm in as Wild a Condition as a Man in an Earthquake, leaping this Way and that Way, yet knows not where to fix his Foot in Safety.
If I persevere in calling thee Friend, perhaps thou wilt accuse me of Presumption. If I change my Style, and suppose thee under another Character, Ingratitude will be laid to my Charge. To vindicate my Actions, will be Interpreted Obstinacy; and to own my self in the Fault, will be counted Weakness. Nay, all the World will call me Fool, in condemning my self for Things whereof I never was Guilty. What shall I do in this Case? I am Naturally Thoughtful and Melancholy. The Words that spring from Resentment, cleave fast to my Mind, and breed a Thousand Inferences. My busie Apprehension, extracts Menaces out of the most Artificial Expressions. I look on my self, as mark'd out for a Sacrifice, one Time or other. The [Page 39] Will of Destiny be done, Early or Late. I will not go out of my Road to avoid it; Since it is but an Ill Husbandry of Time, to borrow it from the Ineffable Joys of Paradise, to multiply a few Days or Years, of a Miserable Life on Earth.
As for the Treasurer and the Rest of my Accusers, let them know, that I will persevere in doing my Duty to the Grand Signior, without warping to the Right Hand or to the Left, for Fear or Favour.
But if my Private Agency in these Parts meet with Rubs and Checks for Want of Money, let the Blame rest on those whose Charge it is, to supply me with what is Necessary for a Man in my Station: For, henceforward, Mahmut will be reproach'd no more for demanding his Pension.
Think not, 'tis an easy Thing for a Man to be always a Counterfeit, and never to have his Mind unbent; to act Two contrary Parts at the same Time; to be true and false; a Mussulman and Servant of the Grand Signior in Reality, a Christian and Subject of France in Appearance. My Soul is perpetually stretch'd upon the Rack of Watchful Thoughts and busie Invention, lest by some Improvident Word or Deed, my Disguise should fall off, and I appear in my Naked Colours.
'Tis but Reason therefore, that whilst this vast Solicitude takes up all my Faculties, the Care of my Subsistence should rest on those who employ me. Let not the [Page 40] Ministers of the Benign Port, be peevish at me without a Cause. For I imprecate, Serene Grandee, that God would split my Soul into Ten Thousand Immortal Splinters, if ever I betray my Trust. But Needless Suspicion, wou'd tempt a Man to Treachery.
Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER IX.
To the Venerable Mufti.
THE Pope has been sick for a considerable Time, and 'tis now strongly reported, He is dead. They talk of an Express that is come to the Chancellour of France, to certifie him of it, and to consult about the Next Election. But this is not credited here; being onely look'd upon as a Roman or Spanish Artifice, to sound the Inclinations of this Court beforehand, that so they may be able to countermine the French Interest, when the Pope shall really die. And 'tis not expected he should live long, being of a great Age, and worn out with Cares and Sickness.
'Tis certain he has made his Will, wherein Two Millions of Gold are given to the Treasury founded by his Predecessors, to serve the Church in its extreme Necessities. But 'tis a Thousand [Page 41]to one, if some future Pontiff succeeding in that Chair, do not in his Unnerring Judgment, interpret his own Personal Occasions, or those of his Nephews, to be the Extreme Necessities of the Church; and then, all this huge Mass of Wealth, is Infallibly gone.
He has likewise bequeath'd large Legacies to his Sister-in-Law, whom they call Donna Olympia; and to others of his Relations and Creatures. And 'tis thought, this Lady will more than doubly pay her self, having the Management of all his Affairs. Indeed, during his Reign, it may be said, the whole Roman Church was govern'd by a Woman. For this Prelate, wou'd never do any Thing without her Advice.
She was born of an Obscure Family, but is of a high Spirit, Ambitious of Rule, and a Person of great Abilities: Extremely Covetous and Subtle; turning and winding all Events to her own Prosit. All Preferments were at her Disposal: She sold Bishopricks, Abbeys and other Ecclesiastick Dignities at her own Rates, and to whom she pleas'd: In fine, whosoever had any Business with the Pope, made their Addresses to her. By which means, she has heap'd together a Prodigious Treasure, and is esteem'd the Richest Lady in Europe. 'Tis thought, she wou'd have sold even the Pope, and Rome it self, the Capital Seat of the Christian Empire, rather than refus'd a proportionate Offer of Gold, cou'd she have met with a Chapman to her Mind. This wou'd have been a Merchandise fit for the Grand [Page 42]Signior, were it not reserv'd as a Prize for the Victorious Arms destin'd to conquer All Things.
The French seem mightily concern'd for the Tragedies Acted in Poland by the Moscovites. 'Tis affirm'd, that they have taken the Town of Vitebsko by Storm, (putting Men, Women, and Children to the Sword) with divers other Cities and Places of Strength: And that they have laid in Ashes, all the Towns and Villages round about Smolensko, so that there is Nothing to be seen but Ruine and Desolation for above a Hundred Miles round that City; which also is now closely besieg'd by the Forces of the Czar. If these Northern Infidels go on, and make such bloody Work whereever they come, they will, in a short Time, over-run and dispeople all Europe. But 'tis to be hop'd, the Tartars, who are lately enter'd into a League with Poland, will put a Check to the cruel Victories of the Moscovites, and chastise the Treason of the Cossacks, who join with 'em contrary to their Faith given to the King of Poland.
They say, Four Grandees of Tartary are arriv'd as Hostages at Warsaw, and as many Lords of Poland sent on the same Errand to the Court of the Cham; who as a farther Evidence of his Integrity, has releas'd all the Polish Captives in his Dominions, and sent the Embassadors of the Cossacks home, without their Noses and Ears, as a Mark of his Irreconcilable Indignation, at their Infidelity.
In the mean while, I am extremely afflicted to hear of our continual Losses by Sea. They say here, That above Six Thousand Moselmans were kill'd in the late Fight in the Hellespont, and that we have lost Sixteen Gallies, besides Ships of War. That Element, one would conclude, is Fatal to the Ottoman Empire. Neither have we had much better Success by Land this Campagne. Yet Chusaein the Vizir Azem, and General in Candia, has perform'd very Heroick Things. To speak impartially, and give due Honour to our Enemies, the Malteses, Venetians and French, have not been wanting in any Point of Bravery. Which also redounds to the greater Honour of the Mussulmans, in that they draw their Sword, against the Flower of Christendom, and not against Owls and Pigmies. Such are the Persians, when we Encounter 'em; for either they dare not endure the Lustre, and stand the Brunt of our Invincible Arms, or if they do, they sink under the First Shock.
When I name those Hereticks, I spit on the Ground, in Detestation of their Errors: For they are worse than the Zindicks and Giafers. I have more Charity for a Christian or a Jew, than I have for these Vermin of the Land. In fine, I wish they were extirpated from the Earth; and that they may after this Life, be either Metamorphos'd into Hogs, which Creature, thou know'st, is an Abomination to all Good Men and Angels (and they already resemble it in their Uncleanness) or else that they may become the Asses of the Jews in [Page 44] Hell, to carry their Burdens for a Thousand Ages.
Paris, 17th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER X.
To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs.
THE God of our Fathers grant thee as much Joy every Minute of thy Life, as I feel at this Instant. Wilt thou know the Occasion of this Unusual Transport? I can hardly believe my self, when I tell thee of an Adventure, the most surprizing that ever happen'd to me since my Arrival in this City. And perhaps thou wilt think I Romance in relating it: But assure thy self, that of a Truth Oucomiche our Mother, is at this Time in Paris, with our Cousin Isouf.
May a Thousand soft Passions thrill thy Heart, when thou readest this News, as they did mine, when at my Chamber Door I first saw and knew the Face of her that bare me, after I had given her over for Dead long ago; for I had heard no Tidings of her these Eleven Years. Good God! So strange and unexpected a Sight, had almost dismantl'd my Sences, those Out-Works of the Soul. For a while I [Page 45]stood still, astonish'd and trembling with Ecstacy. I was not presently satisfy'd, whether I beheld a Mortal, or the Ghost of one: For, they say, these appear in the same Forms as they bore when Alive. Neither Age nor Travel, with all the other Infirmities and Crosses of Human Life, had so alter'd her Complexion; but that I easily discern'd the manifest Features, Lineaments and Air of my Mother. I concluded therefore, it must be She, or her Apparition, if there be any such Things.
These were my First Thoughts, in that Waking Trance: But her Voice and Address, soon put me out of Doubt, when impatient to see me stand like one Thunder-struck, she ran to me with open Arms and Tears of Joy in her Eyes; crying out with a Tone and Affection peculiar to Women. Art thou alive, my Son Mahmut? Do these Eyes see thee, or am I in a Dream?
For my Part, I was as much upon the Rapture as she, and hardly knew how to deport my self, or what to say or do. Yet the Fear I was in lest somebody in the House shou'd over-hear us, and make ill Consequences of this Passionate Interview, taught me a Lesson of Moderation and Prudence. Wherefore I beckon'd to her, to suppress her Passion, and converse by Signs, as the Custom is at the Mysterious Port. Those Silent Expressions of our mutual Love, Joy and Admiration, were not less significant, because not cloath'd in Words. Thou know'st, there's Eloquence enough in this Mute Language. [Page 46]And I was Jealous of Words, lest some Inquisitive Soul might understand us, tho' we convers'd in Arabick.
After our first Endearments and Tendernesses were over, in which my Cousin Isouf also had his Share (for we were all reciprocally overjoy'd to see one another, in this Nest of Infidels) I began to consult the Safety of us all Three, in providing convenient Lodgings for my Mother and Kinsman. In Order to this, we made a Visit to Eliachim the Jew, who entertained us at a Banquet, after the Fashion of the East. We advis'd with that honest Hebrew about our Affairs; I having made frequent and sufficient Proof of his Fidelity and Friendship. In fine, he took them both into his own House, under the Notion of Greeks, his Acquaintance; judging this the securest Way to prevent any Discovery, or even the least Suspicion of our Circumstances. They have continu'd there these Five Days, and their Character has not been question'd by any. I visit 'em daily, and we pass away many Hours in recounting the different Adventures of our Lives, in discoursing of our Friends in Arabia, Greece and other Parts of the World, and in concerting the best Methods to serve one, [...]other, till Death shall divide us from our selves as well as from our Friends, and rank us [...] a List of Invisible Beings, whose State and Qualities we know not.
Well, but all this while I believe thou art Impatient to know what Motive of their own, or Turn of Fortune, drove them into [Page 47]so remote a Region as France, a Country Inhabited by none but Infidels? Shall I tell thee in a Word? 'Twas Love, on her Part; and the Desire of Novelty, on his.
Our Kinsman Isouf, from his Childhood felt powerful Inclinations to travel: Which encreas'd with his Years, and were much heighten'd by his Converse with Greeks, Armenians, Franks, and some Mussulmans at Constantinople, who had seen many Foreign Countries, both in the East and West.
The Relations they made of the Curiosities they had seen, and of their own Adventures, fir'd his Youthful Blood, and he form'd a Resolution to depart, with the First Convenience, from Constantinople, and visit all the Regions in the World, if his Life and Health wou'd hold out. I formerly acquainted thee, that he had survey'd the Greatest Part of Asia: Since which he set forth again, and having finish'd his Travels in that Quarter of the World, he bent his Course for Africk; where he visited Egypt, Barbary, the Empire of Morocco and Fez, with that of the Aethiopians, and many other Regions under the Torrid Zone, too tedious for me at this Time to mention particularly, because I write in Haste. Hereafter I shall give thee a more ample Account of his Observations, &c. Wherein thou wilt find, that Isouf has not altogether lost his Time.
At length, having satisfi'd himself with whatsoever he thought worthy to be seen and known in that Southern Tract, he parted from Fez with a Design to see Europe. Some Bills [Page 48]of Exchange, caus'd him to take Grand Caire in his Way, where he encounter'd my Mother. She perceiving, that he wou'd take Shipping directly for France, resolv'd to lay hold on so favourable an Opportunity, of seeing me once more before she dy'd. Wherefore, imparting her Design to him, Isouf offer'd her his utmost Service. And having settl'd her Affairs at Caire, and pack'd up her Money, Jewels and other Necessaries, they took the Road of Scanderoon, where they soon arriv'd; and putting themselves into the Habit of Greeks, Isouf also speaking pretty well that Language and the Lingua Franca, they bargain'd with the Master of a Vessel then lying in the Harbour, and bound for Marseilles: He took them on Board, and under the Protection and Favour of Heaven, they arriv'd safe at Marseilles, and are now in this City.
Yet amidst all the Pleasure I conceive in the Presence of so near a Relation as a Mother, I am not without some Qualms of Fear, lest some Unfortunate Occurrence shou'd discover her to be no Christian: For then, the Issue might prove dangerous both to her and me.
As for Isouf, he designs to tarry no longer in Paris, than to inform himself of what is most Remarkable in this City, and to satisfie the other Ends of a Traveller. From hence, after he has visited the Chiefest Cities in France, he talks of travelling into Flanders, Holland, Germany, Suedeland, and the other Kingdoms of Europe. But for Spain or Portugal, he has [Page 49]no Thoughts; either out of Fear of the Inquisition, which is very severe in those Countries, or out of an Aversion for the People who expell'd the Moors, of which he relates very Tragical Stories, which they told him during his Residence at Morocco and Fez. In a Word, he gives this Character of a Spaniard, That he is a Mungrel, between a Man and a Devil. He likes the Company of the French, in Regard they converse with a Natural and Unreserv'd Freedom, which becomes them very well. But he has spoke with none but Travellers yet, who have been otherwise employ'd, than in studying the Artificial Disguises of Courtiers. If he sojourns the Space of Three Moons in this Kingdom, he will find some of the French as Affected in their Way, as other People: He will encounter with a New Sort of Frenchmen in every Province. For France is a mere Gallimaufry, made up of the Fragments and Remnants of other Nations. They differ also in their Language, as well as in their Manners, one from another. So that the Inhabitants of Gascoigne and Bretagne, can hardly be understood by those of Paris and Blois, with the Adjacent Parts. These Western People, are not Curious in preserving the Dialect of their Fathers, but every Age, introduces a Change in their Speech. Neither are they diligent in retaining their Genealogies. Whereas in the East, thou know'st, the Languages remain uncorrupted, the same now as they were Two Thousand Years agoe, or from the Confusion of Babel. [Page 50]The same Care we Arabians have of our Tribes and Families.
Son of my Mother, when thou readest the Two enclos'd, and shalt see the very Handwriting of the Dear Oucomiche, and of Isouf our Kinsman; let thy Heart be like the Valley of Admoim, Fragrant as a Grove of Spices: For then thy Eyes will convince thee, that what I write is Truth.
Paris, 22d. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1654.
LETTER XI.
To Adonai, a Jew, Prisoner in the Tower of Nona at Rome.
THIS comes to thee by the Hand of a trusty Friend: Give entire Credence to his Instructions. To say I'm sorry to hear of thy Misfortune, wou'd but faintly express my Passion: 'Tis not easily describ'd in Words. I am as Melancholy as an Antelope, when the Sun's in Conjunction with Saturn. This is a sad sort of a Beast, that will neither Eat, Drink nor Sleep, during that Dull Aspect.
In Gods Name, how cam'st thou to be so free with thy Tongue among the Romans? Or, what tempted thee to meddle with their Religion and Laws? Was it not enough, that [Page 51]thou and all the Jews in that City, had Liberty to frequent your Synagogues, and there curse the Christians in Antiquated Hebrew; must you needs Rail at 'em in plain Italian too? And that, over your Cups, when Men ought to be good-Natur'd to all the World? Of what import is it to you, whether they be Idolaters or no, so long as they give you Leave to Adore One God, Creator of the Worlds? Or, what signifies it, if they are Guilty of Ten Thousand Injustices and Follies among themselves, whilst you live quietly under their Protection and Government? Adonai, I'm asham'd of the Immorality of those of thy Nation. I blush for your Ingratitude, Pride and Malice. Surely, if the Nazarenes did really believe what they profess, they wou'd Sacrifice you all to the Ghost of their Messias, whom they say, you Crucify'd. They wou'd not leave a Jew living in Christendom, but do their utmost to exterminate you from the Earth. I speak not this as my Wish; but only to upbraid your Impertinence and Vanity, in thus foolishly provoking those, with whose Permission it is, that you live and enjoy the Elements.
The Prophet Moses, your Law-Giver, left you another Rule, a Lesson of Civility, when he said, Ye shall not blaspheme the Gods of the People. Had thou and thy Companions obey'd this Precept, ye might have been at Liberty: But 'tis bad falling into the Hands of the Inquisition. However, I am glad to hear, that you are not transported to the Castle of [Page 52]St. Angelo. That would have been a Tragical Remove, at this Juncture. But now, as I'm inform'd, not one of you is in Danger: For, they say, that all the Prisoners in Rome, are by Custom releas'd upon the Death of the Pope, except those who are in that Fatal Fortress. And 'tis Generally suppos'd, the good Old Caliph is no long-liv'd Man. For, they never use to remove the Prisoners design'd for Death; till the Physicians are past all Hopes of the Holy Father's Life.
However, in Regard there is no Certainty in Human Affairs, but a perpetual Change and Circulation of Events; lest some Unhappy Turn of Fortune shou'd either now continue thy Restraint, or hereafter bereave thee of thy Liberty, I send thee here enclos'd, a Receipt of a Chymical Liquor, which may be of some Service to thee, in the strongest Prison on Earth. 'Twas reveal'd to me by my Mother, who learn'd it of an Aegyptian Artist at Caire. Despise it not, because it comes from a Woman's Hand: For I have made an Experiment of it, and find it effectual. 'Twill render Iron as brittle as Glass. 'Tis more powerful than the Water of the River Styx, which no Vessel cou'd hold, but the Hoof of a Mule. After an Hours Application, thou may'st make the thickest Barrs, Chains and Bolts, flie in a Thousand Pieces, as if they were made of Porcelain.
Thou wilt not wonder at this, when thou consider'st the Innumerable strange Inventions of Men prying into the Secrets of Nature, [Page 53]and Fortunate in their Searches. Above all, Chymistry has brought to Light the greatest Prodigies of Art, and Knowledge. This Mysterious Science, was the peculiar Boast of the Primitive Egyptians, from whom all other Nations learn'd it. And had not Moses himself been instructed from his Youth in all the Learning of Egypt, perhaps he would have been at a Loss, when he Calcin'd the Golden Calf, and gave the Dust to the Israelites to be mix'd in their Drink, as the only Expiation of their Idolatry. Doubtless, this Secret, among others, was transmitted down to those Times from Philemon, the good Priest, who was in the Number of them who escap'd the Flood in Noah's Ark, and whose Grand Son Masar, was the First King in Egypt after the Deluge.
Philemon, the better to establish the State of his Offspring, reveal'd to them many Hidden Things; taught them the Hieroglyphicks of the Dgebel Pharan, or the Pyramids, with all the Mysteries of the Talismans, and the Chymical Preparations of Moncatam; the forcible Waters and Essences, Powders and other Ingredients, by which they made Marble as pliable as Wax or Clay. These Things he had learn'd of those who perish'd in the Flood: He retain'd the Wisdom of the Ancients, his Coevals and Predecessors; leaving the Rudiments of so profound a Knowledge to his Posterity, as an Invaluable Treasure, of which they cou'd never be robb'd. Thus, Science became Hereditary to the Coptites, who [Page 54]bear that Name from Coptim, the Son of Masar, the First King of Egypt, since the Rainbow appear'd in the Clouds. And, 'twas from one of that Race, my Mother learn'd that Admirable Secret.
Trust not to Words, but try the Experiment. The Receipt will give thee all Necessary Directions. Yet I counsel thee not to be big with it, like him who having found out the Art of making Glass Malleable, or fit to be beat by the Hammer into any Shape or Figure, as the Silver-Smiths work their Metal; must needs go and discover his Secret to the Prince, expecting a great Reward. When, on the contrary, he lost his Head on the Spot; the Prince thinking it great Injustice, that so many Thousand People as got their Bread by making of Common Glasses, shou'd be all ruin'd, to promote one Man's Profit and Advantage.
In fine, use this Secret to serve thy self, or the Cause thou art engag'd in: But trust it not to another, unless on the same Equal Terms as I commit it to thee, wherein the greater Hazard is thine in divulging it.
Paris, 15th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XII.
To Mehemet, once an Eunuch-Page in the Seraglio, but now an Exile in Egypt, at Grand Caire.
WHen I first heard of thy Banishment from the Imperial Palace and City, think not that I was sad, or entertain'd the usual Sentiments of a Friend, on such Occasions. No: I tell thee on the contrary, I rejoic'd, (yet not with the Joy of an Enemy) at that Seeming Misfortune, as knowing it has deliver'd thee from a Real one, in which, according to my Presages, all the Attendants of thy Mistress, the Old Queen, were soon after involv'd.
Thou art oblig'd to Bacchus, for that Fortunate Calamity; which tho' it for a while eclips'd thy Honour, yet was the onely Means to save thy Life.
When I formerly sent thee an Account of my Imprisonment here, and how I was regal'd by my Keeper at a Banquet of Wine; when in that Letter I play'd the Advocate for the Juice of the Grape, I little thought that thou wou'dst ever make an Experiment of that Bug-bear-Liquor. Tho' I know 'tis common, even in the Seraglio, to drink Wine privately, and chase away Melancholy, the constant Familiar of Restraint and Servitude, with generous Compotations.
I am no stranger to the counterfeit Sickness of those, who for the Sake of this stollen Mirth, put themselves into the Infirmary, that they may there carouse with Freedom, and drink Healths to the Grand Signior without Suspicion.
Were it not for the convenient Situation of that Apartment, and the Favour of the Bostangi's, no Wine cou'd find Admittance into the Seraglio, save what is for the Grand Signior's Use. But now his Slaves drink it as merrily as he: And I am not sorry, that thou art one of the Number. 'Tis a groundless Superstition, to refuse the Gift of Divine Liberality, and deny our selves the Use of that Plant, which was made to chear the Hearts of Mortals. Nay, our Holy Traditions themselves, and all our Doctors tacitely own, that the Vine is allowable, in that it was sav'd, among the Rest of the Vegetables, by Noah in the Ark: And that Holy Prophet curs'd the Devil for stealing it away. Perhaps the Story will not be Unpleasant to thee.
When God commanded Noah, with his Companions, to descend out of the Ark in Peace, they built them Houses, and began to exercise Husbandry; They sowed Corn, and the Seeds of other Vegetables: They planted also all Sorts of Trees; but when they came to look for the Vine, it cou'd not be found. Then it was told Noah by the Angel, that the Devil had stollen it away, as having some Right to it. Wherefore Noah cited the Devil to appear before the Angel, in the Name [Page 57]of God, to answer his Theft. The Angel gave Judgment, That the Vine shou'd be divided between 'em into Three Parts, whereof the Devil shou'd have Two, and Noah One: To which both Parties consented. Whereby it is evident, that Man has some Share in the Juice of the Grape. For, this was the Decision of Gabriel, That when Two Thirds of the Liquor of this Fruit, shou'd be evaporated away in boyling over the Fire, the Remainder shou'd be lawful for Noah and his Posterity to drink: And thou know'st, we Mussulmans generally obey this Law, in preparing our Wine.
Let the Devil therefore, in the Name of God, have his Share in this Tempting Fruit, and then there can be no Injustice in enjoying our own Part. For, when that which Inebriates, is separated by Fire from the Rest, this Liquor becomes pure, holy, and blessed. This is the Sentence of the Ancients, the Immediate Auditors of the Messenger of God, as is to be seen in the Manuscripts they left behind them; which though they are rare and difficult to be met with, yet such as diligently seek Wisdom, shalt not lose their Labour. Abu Becre Eb'n Mahumet, has taken great Pains to collect the Memoirs of Antiquity. He was a Learned Doctor among my Countrymen, of the House of Sulpha, (may he rest under the Ʋmbrella's of Paradise) From him I had this Relation.
But, tell me, my dear Mehemet, if thou know'st, how cam'st thou to be the only [Page 58]Man that had the good Fortune to be Sentenc'd to this Happy Disgrace? Or, if thou art Ignorant, I will tell thee. For, it seems, the Rest of thy Company in that Nights-Revel were discover'd as well as thou, yet escap'd all Censure. It looks, as if they were designedly reserv'd for Victims, to a more Inexorable Revenge. And, the Event justifies this Conjecture: Since within the Circuit of a Moon, not only they, but all the surviving Creatures of the Sultana Kiosem, were strangl'd.
Therefore again I pronounce thee Happy, and doubly Bless'd in being an Exile, since thereby thou hast escap'd the Hands of the Executioner, and art now living in Egypt, the most Fortunate Region on Earth. Ascribe this to thy Propitious Destiny, and to the Favour of Solyman Kyzlir Aga: Who foreseeing the Slaughter that wou'd be made of that Old Queen's Servants, took this Opportunity to accuse thee to the Grand Signior, that so he might save thy Life. For, 'twas at his Intercession, thou wert banish'd into this Happy Province, which is call'd the Nurse of all Nations. Improve thy Exile to the best Advantage; and from this Nurse, suck the Milk of Science with which she has formerly Nourish'd the Whole Earth. Be grateful also to thy Deliverer; for, he is a Trusty Friend, and Unchangeable, where he once places his Affection. He had a particular Kindness for thee. From him I receiv'd the News of thy Escape; for that is the proper Name of thy Banishment. Pour forth devout [Page 59] Oraisons for his Health and Happiness: Since thou art in a Land, where the Prayers of Mussulmans are as effectually heard at some Particular Places, as if they were utter'd at the Tomb of the Prophet.
I counsel thee, to visit the Prison of Joseph, which is in the Dungeon of the Castle of Caire. This is a Place of great Devotion among the Faithful, and has been so in all Ages, since the Death of that Patriarch. Moses the Prophet, of whom it is said, that he died in the Embraces of God, made his Prayers in this Place; and so did Aaron his Brother, when they perform'd those Miracles in Egypt. Jesus the Son of Mary, visited this Place, both he and his Mother (on whom are center'd the Smiles of the Creator:) They there perform'd their Devotions, when they fled from the Persecution of Herod. So did the Prophets, and Apostles, as many as were in Egypt, with all True Believers. Nay, some of the Infidels themselves, having heard of the Renown of this Sanctuary, made their Addresses to Heaven there, in Time of great Distress. For, here Prayers are infallibly heard, especially if they be said after the Sun has travers'd the Meridian; when the Wicked Daemons are asleep, who walk abroad till Noon, doing all the Mischief they can.
My Friend, when I think of the Region where thou art, I can hardly forbear envying thee. 'Tis a Land of Prodigies and Miracles. It is the Support of Men, and the Granary of the World. Those who Inhabit it, are full [Page 60]of Complacency and Joy; and those who abandon it, burn with a perpetual Desire to return. Its Rivers are Clear, and the Waters Sweet and Rich as Wine. The Eye of God is upon it, who causes the Nile to flow at his accustom'd Season, whence the Land is made fertile beyond all the Provinces on Earth. This Nile is one of the Rivers which God caused to descend from the Springs of Paradise, on the Wings of Gabriel; and has hid the Place of its Descent, among the Inaccessible Heights of Mountains.
There are many strange Things related of the Land of Alphiom, and how it was First Manur'd by Joseph, being before his Time but a Fen or Marsh. The Story also of Hagar, the Mother of all the Ismaelites, is not Unpleasant; Thou wilt find it in the Chronicles of Egypt: For she was an Egyptian, of the Family of the Coptites; and was bestow'd on Sarah, the Wife of our Father Ibrahim, by Charoba, the King of Egypt's Daughter. After she was dismiss'd from her Lady, she travell'd to Mecca; from whence she sent a Dispatch to the King of Egypt, to acquaint him with her Affairs, and with the Birth of her Son Ismael, imploring his Assistance, in Regard she was in a Land barren of all Things. Then the King of Egypt caus'd a Canal to be cut from the Nile, at the Foot of the Eastern Mountains of Egypt, to the Red Sea; and sent Vessels laden with Corn, Fruits, and all Manner of Necessary Provisions to Hagar.
If thou addressest to the Feet of the Doctors, the Venerable Prelates of Caire, they will inform thee of more strange Things than these. It is a Noble Exercise, to Contemplate the Kingdom of the Heavens and the Earth; to search into their Wonders and Prodigies; to trace the Foot-Steps of Ancient Nations, and the Traditions which know no Origine.
Mehemet, I am an Exile as well as thou: Let us continue our former Friendship in this State, and do one another all the Good Offices we can. As for the Misfortunes of Human Life, let us bear them with an Equal Mind. For, they will soon have an End, as well as we our selves.
May God, who in the Time of Gog and Magog, took up from the Earth the Great Alcoran, and the Sheets of Science; the Black Stone, and the Shrine of Moses, with the Five Rivers; have thee in his Holy Protection and Custody, at the Hour of Evil, and at all Times.
Paris, 26th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XIII.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.
THou may'st report it to the Divan for a certain Truth, That the Chief Mufti of the Christians is dead: Which puts all the Courts in Europe, upon new Strains of Policy.
He was call'd Innocent X. after his Assumption to the Papacy: For, his true Name was Pamphylio. But some say, it has been a Custom for the Popes to change their Names, ever since a certain Priest was lifted to that Dignity, who was call'd Bocca de Porco, or Hogs-Face. He, asham'd of this Ignominious Name, as soon as he sate in the Chair of Peter, assum'd the Name of Sergius. Yet, all his Successors, have not observ'd that Rule.
These Popes have an Authority, greater than our Principal Mufti. For, they are obey'd by Kings and Emperors. And being esteem'd little less than Gods on Earth, they are solemnly Ador'd on the Day of their Coronation, by all the Cardinals, Princes, Prelates, and Foreign Embassadors at that Time in Rome. And, for that End, they are seated on the Altar, which the Nazarenes call, The Tabernacle and Habitation of their God.
If I mistake not in my Observations, these Roman Caliphs aspire at a Sovereignty over all Kings and Princes: They wou'd make that which they call the Hierarchy, a Superlative [Page 63]Independent Monarchy, to which all the Governments in the World, should pay Homage, and be Subject.
This puts me in Mind of a certain Preacher at Naples, who some Years ago, when Adonai the Jew was in that City, and happen'd to be present in the Church, having made a very Elaborate Speech to persuade the People, That the Priests were Superiour to Kings; at length he broke out into this Passionate Exclamation: O ye Princes of Christendom, ye are Pharaohs, and we Priests are your Gods; O ye Pharaohs, obey your Gods! Ye can only command the Creature, but we make the Creator himself come down on the Altars, at our Pleasure. This Relation I had from the Jew, in his Travels through Italy. And it is asserted by some of their Doctors, That the Pope has not only Power to Excommunicate the Greatest Prince on Earth, but also to pull a Saint out of Paradise, and send him to Hell.
If they cou'd persuade the Nazarene Princes and People to believe they have such an Exorbitant Power, perhaps in Time they might reduce 'em to as blind a Superstition, as the Ancient Kings of Egypt were Guilty of, who were so besotted to their Priests; that when he whom they call'd the Cater, or Master of the Celestial Influences commanded the King to Kill himself, for that it was the Will of Heaven, the poor bigotted Monarch, durst not dispute the Orders he had receiv'd, but in simple Obedience became his own Murderer.
Those Egyptian Priests indeed, were Masters of great Science, profound Astrologers, Excellent Mathematicians, and perfectly skill'd in the Secrets of Natural Magick. They perform'd Things transcending the more Common and Obvious Works of Nature: By which it was easy, to strike a Terror into the Hearts of Ignorant Mortals. But, as for these Nazarene Priests, all that they can boast of is, that they have read the Histories of Former Times, and are able to discourse in Philosophy and other Sciences, without having the Power to work any Prodigies: Unless thou wilt count it one, To keep so many Warlike Nations in a Servile Awe of their Authority, with the bare Pretence, of turning a Piece of Bread into a God.
Yet for all this, there are many Poor Prelates, and other Ecclesiasticks, who are invested with Empty Titles, having little or no Revenues: Among which, the Poverty of some is so Remarkable, as to become a Proverb. Thus, 'tis Common in the Mouths of the Romans to say, The Pope's Mule fares better than the Bishop of Orvietto.
Illustrious Bassa, live thou in the Faith of a Mussulman, and the Favour of the Grand Signior. For, in that State, thou may'st despise the Greatest of these Ecclesiastick Infidels.
Paris, 13th, of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XIV.
To the Kaimacham.
I Believe, the Secretary of the Nazarene Affairs takes me to be a Conjurer, and thinks that I can divine of all the Changes and Alterations that happen at the Port, or that I have some Magical Glass, which represents to me the continued Series of remote Events, with all the Transactions of the Imperial Court, Camp, and City: Or else he wou'd not be so late in his Dispatches, and send me such Imperfect News. I am forc'd many Times, to address my Letters by Guess; not knowing, whether the Person to whom I write be in the same Station he was a while ago, or whether he be among the Living, or the Dead: Whether I shou'd direct my Dispatches to Constantinople, or to the Elyzian Shades.
My Intelligence of the Mussulman Affairs, is many Times more oweing to the French Merchants who trade in the Levant, or to the Expresses which come from Embassadors residing at Constantinople; than to that Secretary; whose Care it ought to be, that I shou'd be timely inform'd of whatever happens in the Osman Empire.
Surely, Kisur Dramelec has some Design upon me, in being always thus tardy and negligent. I scarce hear from him once in half a [Page 66]Year; whereas he is commanded by his Superiours as well as mine, to write to me every Moon. And then, he sends me such a Lame Account of Things, such Fragments and Scraps of News, that his Letters need a Comment, to make 'em Intelligible.
About Four Years ago, I modestly tax'd him with this Neglect, when I had Reason to do it in my own Vindication, to Minezim Aluph, Bassa. But Kisur heard of it, and was very Angry. He sent me a Letter, full of Invectives, which I answer'd with a Kind of Indifference, mixing Raillery with my Juster Resentments. How that work'd on him, I know not; but his Reservedness ever since, makes me conclude he studies Revenge; and that he takes this Method to accomplish it, by keeping me as much in Ignorance, as he dares, of the Changes and other Important Occurrences at the Mysterious Port. He knows it wou'd be a Crime little less than Capital, not to write to me at all: Such a wilful Contumacy wou'd streight proclaim him a Traytor; since, among the other Instructions which were given him with his Commission, this Charge was none of the least, That he shou'd send frequent Intelligence to all the Grand Signior's Agents, whether Publick or Private, in the Courts of Nazarene Princes. He is sensible, That such a Manifest Contempt of Supreme Authority, wou'd absolutely ruine him. Therefore he goes more subtilly to work. For, he writes indeed, but, very seldom. And then, with cunning [Page 67]Artifice, either quite conceals, or at least disguises the most considerable Transactions, only filling up his Letters with Trifling Stories, and Impertinent Relations, nothing to my Purpose: Thinking by this Means, to bring upon me the Displeasure of the Grandees, through the Mistakes I may commit, for Want of better Advertisement.
Be it how it will, I am strangely at a Loss sometimes, what to think, or how to write to my Superiours; or what Sort of Conduct I shou'd use in this Place, amidst so many Various Reports as are continually spread abroad in Europe, concerning the Affairs of the Seraglio, the Shining City, and other Parts of the Ottoman Empire: Whilst this Kisur still delays to ascertain me of any Thing.
I have been wholly a Stranger, till within these few Days, to the Fate of the Captain Bassa, who was strangled about a Year ago, for his Cowardise and Ill Conduct against the Venetians. Neither knew I any Thing of the Adventure and Flight of his Sons. I was equally Ignorant of the Succession of the Bassa of Buda in this Important Command; and of many other changes both by Land, and Sea.
So at present, here are a Thousand Rumours stirring about one Thing or other in the East. Some say, that Chusaein Bassa is strangl'd, and that the Captain Bassa, is made Vizir Azem in his Stead. Others report, that this First Minister was only depos'd from that Supreme Dignity, the Seals being taken [Page 68]from him; but that nevertheless, he still continues to be General of the Sultan's Forces in Candia. A Third Sort affirm, that he intended to turn Christian, holding a secret Correspondence with the Patriarch of Jerusalem, by whose Means, and a General Revolt of the Greeks, Armenians, and other Christians under the Grand Signior's Jurisdiction, he sought to betray the Ottoman Blood, and exalt himself to the Empire.
I am not willing to believe, that such Monstrous Perfidy, cou'd enter into the Heart of that Illustrious Hero; yet know not how to contradict it, for Want of true Advice.
It is reported also, That Signior Capello, the Venetian Bailo or Resident, at the Happy Port, has kill'd himself with a Ponyard: Being driven to Despair, by his long Confinement, and the cruel Usage he had receiv'd from the Mussulmans. God knows whether it be true or no. It wou'd be much to my Satisfaction, to have a particular Account of all these Things, and of whatsoever else occurs worthy of Notice. For, how can I discharge my Trust, whilst I am thus kept in the Dark.
They talk here of a Violent Plague that rages in Moscovy, and that above 200000 People have died of it in the City of Mosco only, besides Millions that have been swept away in the Provinces of that Vast Empire. Those that really know not themselves, nor are acquainted with their own Nature, will yet pretend to penetrate into the Counsels of the Omnipotent, and pronounce this as a Judgment [Page 69]on the Moscovites, for the Cruelties they have committed in Poland. Doubtless, the Methods of Fate are Inscrutable.
In the mean While, we are plagu'd here with a Crew of Vagabonds, whom they call Gypsies, or Egyptians: For, they pretend to be descended from that Place. They swarm up and down the Country like Caterpillars, devouring the Fruits of the Earth. They boast of a Profound Skill in Palmestry, Physiognomy, and other Sciences, cheating People of their Money, under the Notion of telling them their Fortunes. No Body knows from whence they come, or whither they go. For, they are as uncertain as the Wind. A Nasty Generation, and the very Burden of the Land. If any Creatures be oblig'd to them, 'tis the Mice and Rats, with whom they seem to be in League. For, they Kill and Eat all the Cats they seize on.
Illustrious Minister, I pray Heaven defend thee from all Sorts of Plagues and Vermin, but especially from Monsters in Human Shape.
Paris, the 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XV.
To the same.
AS I am alive, these Gypsies have enchanted me; I cannot put 'em out of my Mind. And, perhaps, it will neither be impertinent nor troublesome, to give thee a farther Information of them.
There are several Opinions concerning the Original of these Vagrants, and they have been thought worthy to be inserted into Histories. Some say, they came out of Tartary or Scythia, and that they first appear'd in these Parts, about the Year 1417. of the Christians Hegira. At which Time, they enter'd into Saxony in Troops, having the Passport of Sigismund King of Hungary, and Son of Charles IV. They had also the Recommendations of divers other Princes, who look'd on them as Holy Persons or Prophets. For they pretended, that they were commanded by God, to travel over the Whole Earth, and not to have either Houses or Lands in their own Possession: And, that this was enjoin'd 'em as a Penance, to expiate the Sin of their Ancestors; who inhabiting Egypt in the Days of Jesus, the Son of Mary, the Christians Messias, refus'd to entertain that Holy Prophet and his Mother, when they fled from the Persecution of Herod.
Others are of Opinion, that they came first out of Persia, and are of the Race of those who Adore the Fire. Being forc'd once in Seven Years, to make Decimations of their People, and send away many Caravans, to seek their Fortune in Foreign Countries; Persia not being able to sustain their Numerous Progeny.
A Third Sort affirm, That they are the Posterity of the Ten Jewish Tribes, that were carried away Captives by Salamanassar, King of Assyria. No Body knows for certain what they are, or of whence. They are of swarthy Complexions, wrapt up in Mantles of Cotton or Wool. They speak Seven Languages, profess Three Sciences, obey One King or General, who always travels with 'em. The Italians call 'em Cingari, from a Word in their Language which signifies a Kind of Water-Fowl, that has no certain Nest, but is forc'd every Night to seek a New Lodging: For so these Egyptians rove from Place to Place. The Germans call them Zingener, from the Word Zindel, which is the constant Appellative of the King of these Ramblers; as Pharaoh was of Old among the Gypsies, and Caesar among the Romans. In many Things they resemble the Torlakins and Faquirs of the East; boasting of extraordinary Illuminations, and a constant Familiarity with God: Tho' some Learned Men among the Nazarenes, esteem 'em no better than a Crew of Cheats and Hypocrites: Even as they do those Oriental Santones; who, they say, under the Masque of [Page 72]an Uncommon Holiness, commit a Thousand Villainies.
God best knows, what Judgment is to be made either of the One or the Other. But these Egyptians, as they call 'em, whether they are really such, or no, have no great Marks of Sanctity, in that they are very Ʋnclean. They seldom or never Wash themselves, but like the Swine, wallow in all Manner of Filthiness; eating Prohibited Meats, and having their Women in Common, which are the Two Sources of all Impurity.
As to the Faquirs of the East, they are strict Observers of the Law of Abstinence and Cleanness; whether they be Mussulmans, or the Gentiles of India. And if in other Matters, they may be found faulty, 'tis very rare: And then they exceed not the Character of Humanity, which thou know'st, is by Nature prone to Error, and subject to a Thousand Frailties and Oversights. We are all Men, and God does not expect our Conduct to be that of Angels. His Repose is in himself; and if he takes any Complacency in the Things of the World, 'tis in beholding every Thing act according to its Nature. The exquisite Form and Symmetry of a Bee, a Spider, or a Pismire, with the Inimitable Architecture of the Two Former, and the Admirable Providence of the Latter, may, for ought we know, afford him as much Delight, as the most celebrated Beauty, Strength, Science, and Performances of Men. For, his Power and Wisdom, are Equally manifest in All Things. Every [Page 73] Creature is Perfect in its Kind, onely a Wicked Man is a Blot in the Ʋniverse.
Wouldst thou know what the Western Nazarenes are most busie about at this Time? 'Tis the Election of a New Pope. He is to be chosen by the College of Cardinals, who are Princes of the Roman Church. They are all shut up in a Place, which they call the Conclave. This is a certain Gallery in the Palace of the Vatican at Rome; where every Cardinal has his Cell or Apartment by himself, having onely Two Servants to attend him. The Conclave is surrounded by the Roman Militia, to prevent all Intercourse by Letters, or other Ways, between those without, and those within. The very Dishes which are serv'd up at the Tables of the Cardinals, are narrowly search'd, lest any Letters shou'd be convey'd in them. The last Posts from Rome assure us, That there were no less than 66 Cardinals thus shut up, when they left that City. And, there they must remain Night and Day, without taking the fresh Air, or seeing any Body, till they have agreed in their Election. There are Two Physicians, a Surgeon, and an Apothecary shut up with 'em, to serve'em in Case of Sickness.
One of the Conclavists is the Cardinal de Retz, who escap'd out of his Prison in this Kingdom, and fled to Rome for Protection. From whence he sent a Letter to the Arch-Bishops, and other Prelates of France; which being pronounc'd a Seditious Libel against the King and the Government, was in the End of the last Moon burnt publickly by the King's [Page 74]Order, and all Copies of it prohibited.
The King has also sent private Instructions to the Cardinals of his Party at Rome, to keep a strict Watch on the Conduct of de Retz, and to oppose him in all Things.
Here is nothing but Caballing and Intrigue among these Infidels: They are good at a Stratagem, and know better how to undermine one another, than to face their Enemies in the open Field: Which is a Character more suitable to Women than Men. Whereas thou know'st, our Hero's in the East, know no other Way to Honour, Victory and Empire, than by downright Bravery and Resolution, subduing all Things by the Force of their Arms. But God, when he divided the Nations of the Earth, and separated the Sons of Noah, assign'd to every one a different Constellation, according to whose Influence, the Genius of each People is dispos'd. They all obey the Dictates of their Particular Stars, and the Orders of Eternal Destiny.
Therefore; Sage Minister, since Mars is the Planet of the Sons of Ismael, and the Ascendant of the Ottoman Empire, there is no Need, that we shou'd turn Apostates from the Star of our better Fortune, to court the Glances of Mercury, who is onely the Guardian of Knaves and Cheats.
Paris, 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS. VOL. V.
BOOK II.
LETTER I.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.
FOrmerly I cou'd have writ to thee with as much Freedom, as I cou'd to Egri Boinou, (on whom rest the Favours of God) or as I can now to Gnet Oglou, to my Brother Pesteli Hali, or to any of my Familiar Friends. But when I consider the Eminent Station thou possessest, in that the Health and Life of the Mighty Emperor is [Page 76]now committed to thy Skill and Care, I am many Times at a Stand how to address my self. Methinks, thou art tinctur'd with the Majesty of that Personage, whose Hand thou so often hast the Honour to touch, when requir'd to discover by the beating of his Pulse, the Interiour Maladies which afflict his Royal Soul. Yet I know thou still retainest thy Humanity, and wilt not despise those whom thou hast once thought worthy of Friendship.
Suffer me then to converse with a Philosophick Freedom, that is, in an Address void of Formalities and Reserves.
I know 'tis of no Import, whether Mahmut be sick or well, provided the Grand Signior be serv'd. What signifie the Languishing Pains, or more Acute Agonies of a Slave, so long as he is able to carry on his Master's Interest? We are not born for our selves only, but by the very Condition of our Nature, are oblig'd to consecrate our Lives to the Service of others. 'Tis a Reciprocal Debt, from which no Mortal is free. Every Man owes Something to his Relations, more to his Friends, but most of all to the Publick.
Therefore I make no Complaints of my Lot, nor murmur at the Will of Destiny. I accuse not the Stars of my Nativity, nor tax 'em with Unkindly Aspects: But am contended with my Fortune, be it Good or Bad, and resign'd to the Pleasure of Heaven.
As Nature has fram'd my Body Infirm and Weak, subject to a Thousand Maladies; So is [Page 77]my Mind also harass'd with Distempers which have no Number. But above all, I labour under a Kind of Intellectual Fever, a perpetual Thirst of Knowledge, which all the Books and Converse in the World cannot satisfie. There is no End of my Doubts and Scruples. Every Thing appears to me as Ambiguous, as the Answers of the Delphic Oracle. Nay, I am a perfect Riddle to my self.
Tell me, dear Hali, how I shall cure this Dropsy of the Mind, and I will not trouble thee with the Inconsiderable Diseases of my Body. I have a high Opinion of you Physicians: And shall put more Confidence in thy Advice, than in the Tefta of the Mufti. Conceal not thy Art from Mahmut, who admires thee with a Respect equal to that which he pays to the Memories of Avicen, Al' Razi, Helal, and the Rest of those excellent Physicians, mention'd in our Arabian Histories.
And now these Ornaments of our Nation are come into my Mind, permit them to divert me from saying or thinking any more of my self at present: For it will be better to turn the Discourse to such Illustrious Themes. At worst, it will be but an Innocent Digression.
In perusing the Lives of those Famous Men, I meet with some Passages which are very Delightful. Perhaps thou hast seen the same. Yet 'twill do thee no Hurt, to call 'em again to thy Remembrance.
I have read in a certain Manuscript, penn'd by Ibrahim the Son of Helal, a Renown'd [Page 78] Physician at Badgat, this Memoir of his Father. ‘On a certain Day, says he, that my Father had administred Physick to the Emperor Tuzun, for which he was presented with a Royal Vest, rewarded with Five Thousand Piasters, and by the Emperor's Command was carried through the Streets in State, I observ'd that he was Pensive amidst all those Honours, and troubled in Mind, when I thought he had greatest Reason to rejoice. Therefore I said to him, My Father, How comes it to pass, that you are thus dejected, at a Time when all the World expects to see you dissolv'd in Pleasure? He answer'd, Son, He that has bestow'd these Honours on me is a Fool, and does things preposterously without Reason. And therefore I cannot rejoice at these Ʋntimely Favours he has shew'd me, being sensible they are not the Effects of his Judgment, but of his Ignorance. I gave him a Cathartic Potion, which work'd so strongly with him, that it excoriated his Bowels, and brought forth Blood. So that I was forc'd to use a different Method, both to remove his Distemper, and stop the Violent Flux. In the mean while, he Ignorantly believing, That the Voiding of so much Blood, procur'd him the present Ease and Health he feels, therefore order'd these Honours to be done me which thou seest. Now that which saddens me, is my Fear, lest some Time or other, he may through his Ignorance commit as great an Error on the Contrary Side, and suspect that I have done him an Injury, when there is no Ground for it, and so put me to Death.’
Tell me, my Friend, had not this Physician Reason for his Behaviour and Words? He was a Man of Great Abilities, accomplish'd with divers Sciences, and in high Esteem with the Princes and Nobles of Arabia.
It were worth thy Pains to peruse frequently the Life of Avicen, written by himself, wherein thou wilt behold the Methods he us'd to acquire a Profound Skill in the Sciences: How he was at first puzzl'd in the Metaphysicks, and was almost driven to Despair, till a Dream unfolded to him whatsoever was difficult. When he was at a Loss in any Disquisition, he us'd to frequent the Mosques, and pour forth Devout and Fervent Oraisons to the Source of Intellectual Lights, till the Thing was manifested to him. He sate up late a-Nights, having a Lamp perpetually burning in his Chamber, applying himself attentively to Books and Contemplation. This was his Course, till he was Consummate in all the Liberal Sciences, which was in the Eighteenth Year of his Age.
But of all the Physicians whose Names adorn our History, none seems Comparable to Thabet Eb'n Abrahim, for his Skill in exactly Indicating the Causes of a Distemper by the Different Measures of the Pulse. Abul Pharai, his Contemporary and Friend, writes thus of him. ‘On a certain Day, says he, when I was with Thabet Eb'n Abrahim of Harrain, in the House of Abu Mohammed the Vizir, Abu Adalla Ebno'l Hejai the Poet being there also, reach'd forth his Hand to [Page 80] Thabet, desiring him to feel his Pulse. To whom the Physician forthwith reply'd, Thou hast us'd a Gross Diet, and been Intemperate in eating sowr Milk with Veal. The other answering, That it was true, and all the Company admiring; Abu'l Abbas the Astrologer, also reach'd forth his Hand. But when Thabet had felt his Pulse, Thou, said he, hast committed an Excess in taking too much of Cold Things; for, as I judge, thou hast eat about Eleven Pomegranates. Immediately Abu'l Abbas cry'd out, This is a Prophet certainly, and more than a Physician; for he speaks the Truth to a Tittle. Every Body was astonish'd at his Wondrous Knowledge, and I more than all the Rest. Wherefore, when I had him alone, I said, My dear Thabet, The Study of Physick is Common to us both; therefore hide nothing from me, but discover freely by what Art you were able to tell, That the Poet eat sowr Milk with Veal, and not as well with Beef or Mutton; and that the Astrologer eat no more nor less than Eleven Pomegranates? He answer'd, My Mind suggested this to me, and prompted my Tongue to utter it. Then I desir'd him to shew me the Scheme of his Nativity: Which he did at his own House. And considering it attentively, I observ'd, That the Planet Jupiter was Lord of the Horoscope. Then I said to him, 'Tis this speaks, my Dear Friend, not you, so often as you make these Fortunate Conjectures.’ Thus far Abul Pharai.
God knows, whether the Stars have any such Influence on Men in their Birth, or no. I am not very Credulous in this Point. Nor can the Authority of the Ancients, or the Character of the Persian and Chaldaean Magi, captivate my Mind in an Implicit Faith of Things so liable to Doubt. Who knows what the Stars are made of, or for what Ends they are Created? Yet I must own, that some Men seem to be born with Inherent Faculties, which others can never acquire with all the Art and Industry in the World. One Man is of a Poetick Constitution: Another is Genially inclin'd to Physick; a Third excels in Mechanicks: Every Man has his Peculiar Gift. And yet perhaps all this while, the Stars have Nothing to do in the Matter. However, if there be any Truth in Astrology, the Persians, Chaldaeans, Arabians and Indians, seem to be the only Men of all Nations, Constellated to understand this Science perfectly, One knows not what to think amidst so many Appearances of Truth and Falshood. Nor can our Thoughts be of any great Import, be it how it will, in these Speculative Matters. At the Day of Judgment we shall not be ask'd, What Proficiency we have made in Logick, Metaphysicks, Astronomy, or any other Science; but, Whether we have liv'd according to our Nature, as Men, endu'd with Morality and Reason. In that Hour it will more avail us, That we have thrown a Handful of Flower in Charity to a Nest of contemptible Pismires, than that we cou'd muster [Page 82]all the Hoasts of Heaven, and call every Star by its proper Name. For, then the Constellations themselves shall disappear, the Sun and Moon shall give no more Light, and all the Frame of Nature shall vanish: But our Good and Bad Works shall remain for ever, Recorded in the Archives of Eternity.
If from this Manner of Writing, thou shalt conjecture I am Melancholy, and wilt also reveal the Causes and Remedy of this Distemper, thou shalt be more to me, than a Thousand Avicen's, Helal's, Thabet's, or all the Physicians and Astrologers of the East. For, these Kind of Thoughts, are Mournful as the Shadow of Death.
Paris, 23d. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER II.
To Afis, Bassa.
I Know not whether thou wilt praise or condemn the Sentence, which the Elector of Saxony pronounc'd not long ago on a Poor Fellow for killing a Deer. Yet because there is something very Singular in it, I will relate the whole Passage, as I receiv'd it from Nathan Ben Saddi, the Jew at Vienna.
In the Moon of Cheuval, a certain Citizen of Wittemberg, was accus'd before the Elector for hunting in his Forest, and killing one of his Deer. The Duke in a Rage, commanded him to be set upon a Stag, his Hands chain'd to the Horns, and his Feet under the Belly of the Beast; ordering, that the Stag with this Burden, shou'd be let loose to run whither he wou'd. The poor frighten'd Stag, not being accustom'd to such a Load, and terrified with the rattling of the Chain, ran away full speed over Hills and Dales, through Thickets of Briars and Thorns, never stopping till it had measur'd above Three and Thirty German Leagues; and then, tyr'd with so vast a Race, he fell down. At which Instant, a Caravan was coming by that Place, out of Silesia.
The poor Wretch on the Back of the Stag, almost dead with the Pains he had undergone, in so continued and violent a Motion, being also sorely bruis'd and his Flesh torn and mangl'd by the Boughs of Trees, as the Stag rush'd through thick Woods; cry'd aloud to the Caravan, begging that some of them wou'd in Mercy dispatch him out of his Torments. But they, either for fear of the Duke's Displeasure, or for other Reasons, refus'd him this Kindness. So that after the Stag had rested a-while, and recovered new Spirits, he began a fresh Career; and never ceas'd running, till he arriv'd at a certain Monastery or Convent of Religious, where he beat against the Gate with his Horns, till some of the Dervises open'd [Page 84]it, and let him in. They astonish'd to see a Man thus pinion'd to a Stag, his Face, Arms, Legs and all his Body cover'd with Blood, and himself ready to expire, immediately brought him Cordials and other Refreshments, whilst some were employ'd in loosing his Chains. But being inform'd by his own Mouth, how he came into this Condition, they began to think of turning him loose again, for Fear of the Duke's Anger. However, suffering themselves to be overcome by the Importunity of the Miserable Man, and relying on their Ecclesiastick Privileges (for here in the West, the Convents are generally allow'd Sanctuaries for all Sorts of Offenders) they took him into their Protection: But he expir'd that Night.
It is hard to determine whether the Duke, or these Derviches, were in the Right or Wrong. The French, who of late, have by a Fashion learn'd to grow Obdurate, justifie the Proceedings of this Prince; saying, That Pity is a Passion fit onely for Women, Children, and Fools. They esteem it a Mark of a Great Spirit, a Mind capable of Empire, not to be mov'd with the Sighs or Tears of the Miserable; but to frown or laugh, at the Misfortunes of others. This, they say, is the onely Method to harden Men for War, Conquests, and Plunder: Where the Victors are to cut their Way to Honour and Riches, through the Hearts of the Vanquish'd, to quench the ardent Thirst of Glory with Humane Blood, and to celebrate their Triumphs, [Page 85]onely in the midst of horrid Massacres and Funerals.
'Tis true, these Principles and Actions are allowable in Men of the Sword, when they fight the Battels of their King and Country, in Heat of Blood. But, Clemency and Compassion, are Vertues becoming the Greatest Prince, or most Valiant General, when their Enemies are reduc'd, by the Fortune of War, to kiss the Dust of their Feet, and beg for Mercy: Or, when in Time of Peace, their Subjects fall into a Crime which may admit of Indulgence. Certainly, these Western Infidels have wrong Notions of Humanity, in asserting, That Cruelty is either a Sign of a Noble Nature, or a Step to true Happiness: Since, the most hard-hearted Tyrant, one Time or other, will have Need of Compassion himself; especially in Sickness and the Agonies of Death, which perhaps prove more tormenting to him, than to the Merciful and Generous. It is recorded of Al Hejai Eb'n Hesha'm, a Famous Abrabian Captain, that when, in a Malignant Fever, he call'd for Water to drink, and it was deny'd him by the Physicians, who had Care of his Health; It is enough, said he; Rueno'ddaula, once my Lieutenant, to whom I forgave Three Treasons, and who died a Natural Death, has refreshed me at this Minute with a Liquor unknown: Sure, 'tis the Wine of Paradise. And from that Moment he began to recover his Health, after which he liv'd many Years, often rehearsing this Passage among his Familar Friends to his Last Day.
But the Infidels are either Ignorant of these Examples, or if they know 'em, Pride will not suffer 'em to learn Morality and Justice. They are destin'd, the greatest Part, to be Incredulous to the Day of Judgment. How many Prophets has God sent into all Nations, to teach them the Right Way, and not the Way of such with whom he is displeas'd; yet they will not be Converted? They look on the Apostles and Messengers of the Eternal, with the Eyes of Swine; They grunt under the Burden of their Sensuality, and like those Filthy Animals, return to their Mire again. Yet, that Superlatively Merciful, winks at their Frailties, and visits them with his Graces every Morning. But, they put their Fingers in their Ears, and turn away in Disdain, as from a Beggar. They reject the King of All Things, as a Fugitive and Vagabond on Earth.
From that Delectable Essence, the Odour of whose Sweetness is diffus'd through the Elements, and refreshes the Minds of the True Faithful; let us by continual Devotion and Vertue, attract Divine Tinctures, till our Hearts be all tranform'd into Incense, and in this Aromatick Pile, our Souls expire like the Phoenix, to revive again in the Joys of Paradise, in Amours which know no End.
Paris, 8th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER III.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.
I Wonder at Nothing: Much less, at the Extravagant Caprices of Tyrants. Methinks, there appears no Novelty in Modern Transactions. They are but a Repetition of Ancient Practices, under New Forms. Of all the Events in this Age, not one has come to my Knowledge which gives me a Surprize. Yet, I must confess, there is Something very Singular in the Punishment the Duke of Saxony inflicted, as thy Letter tells me, on the poor Deer-Stealer. And, if it be just to put a Man to Death on such an Account, as the Indians hold; the Duke seems very Ingenious and Accurate, in the Choice he made of an Executioner.
The Ancient Romans had a Law, which they call'd Lex Talionis. Which in all Criminal Cases, appointed the Punishment to be in some Circumstances Adequate to the Fault. And thou know'st, Moses your Lawgiver, left much the same Statutes: Requiring the Loss of the Eye of him, who had put another Man's out; a Tooth for a Tooth, an Arm for an Arm, and so proportionably of other Injuries. But this Prince seems to have made a Supplement, where these Laws appear'd [Page 88]short; and has shew'd a most Exquisite Niceness of Revenge, in the Destiny of the Unfortunate Huntsman, to cause a Stag to be, in so peculiar a Manner, the Instrument of his Death, who had villainously murder'd one of the same Species. Doubtless, it was a Princely Freak of Justice: And had it been done purely to avenge the Blood of the slaughter'd Beast, and not in Vindication of his own Right, I cou'd not forbear to pronounce it a Frolick worthy of a Hero. But, he himself is frequently guilty of the same Kind of Murder, as are most of the Great Men in Europe, whose Tables are no other than the Altars of Gluttony, smoaking with Flesh and Blood, whilst Hecatombs of Animals are there sacrific'd to Voracious Appetites, the Idols of these Western People.
Methinks therefore, it had been more Generous and becoming a Prince, to pardon the Poor Fellow a Theft, which perhaps was the onely Method he had to preserve himself and his Family from starving. And for ought I know, he had as much Right according to the Law of Nature, to kill a Stag, as the Owner has. But, there is no Talk to be made of Right or Wrong, where Power over-rules all.
India is at Present the onely Publick Theatre of Justice toward all Living Creatures. There, it is a Capital Crime to shed the Blood of any Animal, and punish'd with Death no Iess than the Murder of a Man. The Princes and Nobles indeed enclose Deer and other [Page 89]Innocent Creatures in Parks, not with a Design to prey upon them at their Pleasure, but to defend 'em from the Violence of others; whilst those happy Animals range and feed where they please within those Pales, free from Peril, and never fearing any other Death, save what they pay to Nature, when they have spun out the accustom'd Term of their Life. They also build Hospitals for a like Purpose. And are at a great Charge every Year, to redeem a certain Number of Oxen and Cows from Slaughter. For they esteem it a Barbarous and Inhuman Cruelty, to murder those Creatures, which are the Nurses of our Life.
The Law of Moses, if I mistake not, obliges all of thy Nation to certain Specifick Tendernesses towards the Dumb Animals. And Eesa the Prophet, a Man of no Obscure Extract, but of a Noted Race among the Hebrews, says He that killeth an Ox, is as if he slew a Man, and he that sacrificeth a Lamb, as if he beheaded a Dog. And in another Place, the same Prophet says, in the Person of God, To what Purpose is the Multitude of your Sacrifices to me? I am offended with the Smoak of your Burnt-Offerings, and nauseated with the Smell of broiled Fat. I take no Delight in the Blood of Bulls, Lambs or Goats. Who hath required these Things at your Hands? Bring no more vain Oblations, which my Soul hateth.
By these Expressions one wou'd think, the Prophet brings in God, denying that ever he [Page 90]commanded any such Sacrifices or shedding of Blood, and protesting against it, as an Abomination. Where then is the Reputation of those Writings which go under the Name of Moses? For, in them these Bloody Victims are expressly enjoined. God cannot be Contradictory to himself. Doubtless, a great Part of the True Law which God gave to Moses, was lost in the Former Captivities of your Nation, when your Cities and Provinces were quite dispeopl'd, your Fathers led away by the Victorious Monarchs of the East, and your choicest Memoirs Abolish'd. So that what remains now, is only a Collection of Fragments patch'd up by Esdras, and other Industrious Scribes, to which they gave the Specious Title of the Law of Moses, that so they might fasten the wavering People in Obedience, to something, tho' of their own devising.
Nathan, I do not go about to seduce thee. Examine All Things. Believe neither me, nor thy own Rabbi's, but trust onely thy Reason, which will stand by thee at the Day of Judgment, when all Things else shall fail.
Paris, 8th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER IV.
To Dgebe Nafir, Bassa.
THese Nazarenes, like the Followers of the Prophet, are divided into Innumerable Sects; and so 'tis in all Religions. Men cannot think alike. Nature it self delights in Variety. God has diversify'd the Faculties of our Souls, as he has the Constitutions of our Bodies. The Zealot, is subject to Choler; the Bigot, to Melancholy; the Libertine, is of a Sanguine Complexion; and as for the Rest, they are but so many Walking, Speaking Lumps of Flegm. This is the Physical Division of Mortals: Under which are comprehended, the Various Tempers which result from the different Mixture of these Four Radical Principles. And for this, we must thank Galen and Hippocrates.
But, if we consult the Astrologers, they will assign as many different Humours and Complexions, as there be Stars in the Heavens, at least, as there be Constellations. They'll tell ye of the Bull and the Bear, and God knows what Heavenly Stories. The Dragon shall spit Venom on one Man's Nativity, out of his Mouth; and give another a poisonous Lick with his Tail. If we believe all they say, there is not an Herb in the Field, but has its particular Star, whose Influence causes it to grow and prosper: tho' Moses tells us, that [Page 92]all the Vegetables appear'd on the Earth, even before the Stars themselves had their Existence in the Heavens.
But, whether there be any Truth in Astrology, or no; this is certain, that Men differ in their Sentiments of Religion, as they do in their Faces. The Physiognomy of Faith, is Infinitely various. One Man believes in Moses, Another in Jesus the Son of Mary, a Third in Mahomet our Holy Lawgiver. Then, these are subdivided into Innumerable Parties. The Jews have Seventy Eminent Religious Factions. There are number'd Seventy and One Sects of Christians, and Seventy Two of Mussulmans. These are all at Odds about Words and Exteriour Ceremonies; so Zealous for Charity and Peace, that they are in perpetual Wars for its Sake, murdering one another in the Love of God: And such stout Champions for the Truth, that they scruple not to tell Ten Thousand Lyes in its Defence.
The Differences between the Greek and Armenian Nazarenes, the Nestorians and Jacobites, with other Sects of the East, are not unknown to the Ministers of the Port. But perhaps thou art a Stranger to the Newer Schisms of the West.
The most Eminent Division of Christendom at this Time, is into Catholicks and Protestants. The Former obey the Roman Mufti, and boast of an Uninterrupted Series of Caliphs from Peter the Vicar of the Messias, down to the present Pope. The Latter are the Followers [Page 93]of Luther and Calvin, Men who pretended to certain New Lights, and claim'd a Right to reform the Errors of their Fathers, in Matters of Faith and Worship. God best knows, who's in the Right or Wrong, of these Two Parties: But, they have always been at Daggers-drawing in Defence of their several Tenets; persecuting and massacring one another, for Conscience-Sake. Both Sides appeal to the Written Law, to Apostolical Traditions, to the Testimony of the Ancients, the Decrees of Councils, and the Practice of those whom they call the Primitive Church. Yet neither Part will allow the other a Sufficient Judgment to Interpret those Memoirs of Antiquity, nor an Authentick Power to decide Controversies of this Nature. Thus their Disputes are like to last, till the Final Day of Decision, when all Human Quarrels shall be determin'd before the Grand Tribunal.
In the mean Time they take all Advantages, to execute their Spight and Malice on each other, under the Notion of Justice and Piety. We are daily alarm'd here with Tragical Relations of horrid Murders and Butcheries, committed on the Protestants of Piedmont, and other Parts under the Duke of Savoy. Whilst some say, That all these Reports are false, and the Sufferings of those People are according to Law, the due Punishment of their Rebellious Actions.
It is not in my Power, to adjust their Differences; nor is it Material to a Mussulman, [Page 94]which of them has the Law on their Side. Yet, if I were inclin'd to take any Part, it shou'd be that of the Oppressed. Cruelty I abhor: And our Holy Prophet has forbid Force to be us'd in Matters of Religion, since the Conscience is Responsible to none but God.
May that God, from whose Ʋnity have sprung all the Different Essences in the World, and all the Variety in Nature, give us Grace to love the Whole Creation, and not to shed Blood unless in the Sacred Combat.
Paris, the 13th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER V.
To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria.
I HAD concluded thee Dead, till thy Letter certify'd me to the Contrary. So long a Silence between Friends, wou'd put any Man upon the same Thoughts. Ten Years have slipt away between my last to thee, and thy Answer. I hope, thou dost not measure Time, after the Rate of the Seven Sleepers. Perhaps, thou hast enjoin'd a Ten Years Silence and Abstinence from all Manner of Conversation, by the Superiour of thy Convent. Such Severities are not uncommon in Religious Societies, [Page 95]where the main Business is, to acquire Perfection. The Armenian Monasteries are much more Rigid, where but for One Extravagant Word, I have known a Man's Tongue lock'd up, for the Space of Two and Twenty Years, under Pain of Excommunication; and then releas'd, onely for the Sake of a most Significant Jest, put on the Patriarch, in Mute Signs. Wit will find a Way to vent it self, tho' it be at the Fingers Ends. And for ought I know, thou hast oblig'd thy Abbot to take off the Censure, by the like Method. There was Abundance of Satyre in the Subsannation of the Ancient Romans; and no less Rhetorick in the Shrugg or Grimace of the Modern Italians. The Mimicks of Scaramouchi, are a perfect Lampoon; and Harlequin is Burlesque all over.
Thou know'st; I always entertain thee with one frivolous Discourse or other, to divert thy Melancholy; and thy own Letters give me Encouragement. They seem to be writ in a pleasant Humour. But tell me, have I guess'd right at the Cause of so tedious a Reservedness, or no? Hast thou been forc'd all this while, to speak with thy Hands, Feet, Nose, and the Emphatick Motions of thy Head and Eyes? If it were so, I phansie thou wert excellent Company, among thy Grave Flegmatick Brethren; and in a fair Way to understand the Language of the Beasts, who by curvetting, creeping, leaping, frisking their Tails and other Postures, express their various Passions, Desires and Necessities, as Intelligibly [Page 96]to those who are us'd to them, as we can do by the most Elegant Addresses in Words.
But, to be serious: If for the Sake of Vertue, this Penance be impos'd on thee by him who Presides over thy Convent, or thou hast Voluntarily undertaken so difficult a Part of Self-Denyal on the Score of Philosophy or Religion, thou hast approv'd thy self wise and brave in not flinching. A Coward in Religious Matters, is as despicable, as in the Engagements of the World. 'Tis Honourable to face Temptations, and come off with Victory.
As for what thou desirest to know concerning the Sepulcher of King Childeric; It is esteem'd a Piece of great Antiquity: In Regard he was the Fourth Monarch of France. He Reign'd over the Gauls or Franks in the Year 458. Severus being Emperour of Rome, Severinus and Dagalaiphus, Consuls. Yet in little more than Three Years, he was depos'd and banish'd by his Subjects, whilst one Aegidius a Roman, was Crown'd in his Stead. Neither did this Man please the People so well, but that after some Experience of his Oppression, Avarice and other Vices, they expell'd him also, and recall'd their Lawful Sovereign. For, Aegidius had vex'd them with Unreasonable Taxes, fleecing them of many Millions, which he privately sent out of the Kingdom, disposing of this vast Treasure at Rome, and among his Friends in other Parts, as a Support against Future Contingencies: For, he look'd for some Back-Blows of Fate. Childeric therefore [Page 97]being restor'd to his Crown, enjoy'd it till his Death; which was in the Year 484. After whom succeeded in the Kingdom, Clodovaeus the Great, who was the First French King that embrac'd Christianity.
The Time when Childeric's Tomb was first discover'd, was about Two Years ago, when the Cathedral of Tournay wanted Reparation. For, as the Labourers were digging up the Old Charnel-House, they encounter'd a Long Stone; which giving 'em some Fatigue, they broke in Pieces, and found under it the Entire Skeleton of a Man lying at Length, with Abundance of Greek Medals of Gold, and some other Curiosities of the same Metal, among which was a Ring with this Motto,
All these Reliques were at first possess'd by the Canons of that Church, where they were found: Of whom they were begg'd by the Arch-Duke of Austria, who has them in his Custody. Therefore those who told thee they are in the King of France's Hands, were misinform'd themselves, or design'd to abuse thee. For, this cannot be suppos'd, during the present Wars between France and Spain: When they are more ready on both Sides to plunder one another, than to grant Civilities of this Obliging Nature.
I perceive, thou art grown a great Antiquary; and therefore in Token of my Esteem, I have sent thee a Cabinet of such Old Things, [Page 98]as I have scrap'd together in my Travels, and during my Residence in this City.
The Agates which thou wilt find in the Ʋppermost Drawer, may easily be dated by their Figures, which are all after the Fashion of Gentile Rome. As for the Shells in the Second, I leave 'em to thy own Judgment; onely this I will say, That they are not Common. The Third contains a Miscellany of several Antiques. The Knives were us'd by the Ancient Roman Priests in their Sacrifices. The Weights are at least Twelve Hundred Years Old, by the Parallels which I have seen in the King's Library. The Rings also are of the Parthian Make: And the Arrow to which they are fasten'd, retains its Oriental Venom to this Hour; as thou wilt find by trying it on any Animal that deserves it. But, after all, the Lowermost Drawer contains Nothing but Counterfeits. For, those Medals are the Work of Parmezan, the Finest Graver in the World. If thou know'st not his Character, I'll tell thee in a Word; He was Famous for Imitating so Exactly the most Ancient Medals, that the Transcripts cou'd not be discern'd, even by the most Skillful Artists, from the Originals.
Accept these, with the same good Will as I did, when they were presented to me, and tell me wherein else I can gratify thy Wishes.
You Monasticks are infinitely Happy, in the Advantages of Retirement and Tranquility. You are free from the Cares which molest other Mortals. The Bell rings you to [Page 99] Prayers, and to your Repast. You have Nothing else to regard, but your Contemplations and Studies. Many Great Lights, have sprung from your Various Orders. And I tell thee, Father William, the World will be disappointed, if thou should'st prove a Dark-Lanthorn, and onely be Wise for thy Self.
Paris, 25th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER VI.
To the most Illustrious and Invincible Vizir Azem, at the Port.
BY the Sound which the Sun makes at his going down, I swear, I was not mistaken in the Idea I had of thy Generosity. And, the Dispatch with which thou hast honour'd the Slave Mahmut, confirms me in a perfect Security of thy Favour and Protection.
I shall with exquisite Diligence obey thy Orders. But it cannot be attempted, without vast Sums of Money. And if I may be thought worthy to give Advice to my Superiours, the most Effectual Way to accomplish this, will be by sending one of the Principal Ministers to this Court, with a splendid Embassy. For, this Young King expects very Honourable Addresses, from all that seek his [Page 100]more Intimate Friendship. Therefore a Chiaus wou'd be slighted on such an Occasion, and marr all the Design. I wou'd counsel, That some-body be sent, who perfectly understands the Genius of the French, and the particular Aims of Cardinal Mazarini.
Under the Protection of such a one, I shou'd be able without Hazard of a Discovery, to act all that is necessary to carry on this Design with good Success. Here are Abundance of needy Courtiers, on whom Gold will have a powerful Influence. But neither I in Person, nor any one whom I shall depute, can make such Tenders, unless there were here some known Publick Embassador from the Grand Signior, to countenance the Business. For, otherwise it will presently be whisper'd, That some Private Agent lurks here Incognito. They will start a Thousand Chimaera's of Jealousie; and so I may run the Hazard of a Second Imprisonment, when the Cardinal shall call to mind the Occasion of my First. All that I can then say of my being a Moldavian, will find no Credit; and 'twill be no less than a Miracle, if they do not expose me to a Scrutiny for the Mark of Circumcision. Which if it be found, all's betray'd and ruin'd.
I do not value the Punishments they will inflict on me, nor the Loss of my Life: But I dread the more Important Consequences of such a Discovery; the unmasking the Secrets of the Grand Signior to Infidels.
These are the Chief Reasons I have to offer in behalf of an Honourable Embassy. As to [Page 101]the Person whom thou shalt think fit to employ in so Glorious a Trust, I will not presume to add any Thing to what I have said already, That he be a Man of Experience in the French Affairs, well vers'd in the Knowledge of Christian Policy, the different Interests of the Courts of Europe, and one that exactly knows what Advantage to make of the New Pope. For, after long Debates, the Cardinals have at last Elected one, who has assum'd the Name of Alexander VII.
It is hard to judge at his First Accession to that Sovereign Chair, what Interest this Prelate will embrace, whether that of France or Spain: Or whether his Conduct will be Neutral, deporting himself with an Equal Indifference to all the Nazarene Princes, whom he calls his Sons, endeavouring to compose their Quarrels, and unite their Forces against the Mussulmans. I tell thee, no body can be yet assur'd, what the Temper of the Roman Mufti may prove. For, it is usual for the aspiring Cardinals, to promise many Things in Hopes of the Papacy, which they never perform, when they have once obtain'd that Ʋncontroulable Command. Dissimulation is rank'd among the Principal Vertues, in the Court of Rome: And he that knows not how to disguise his Affections, is not thought worthy of any Important Trust. Adonai the Jew, has lost his Liberty in that City, for being defective in this Courtly Accomplishment. It seems, he and some others of his Nation rail'd too passionately and openly, at the Idolatry of the [Page 102] Romans. Yet I expect daily to hear of his Releafe; for, I understand by a Letter from him, that he was excepted out of the Number of those, whose Condemnation is Irrevocable.
I reprov'd him for his Immorality, in reflecting on the Establish'd Religion of the Country where he resides. But, this Kind of Arrogance, is the peculiar Vice of the Hebrews. They despise all other People in the World: Whereas thou know'st, the Impartial God respects not One Nation more than Another; For, they are all Equally the Works of his Hands. And for ought we know, he tolerates the Variety of Religions that are extant in the World, with the same Indifference, as he dispenses his Common Blessings to such an Infinite Number of Men of diverse Faces.
The Multiplicity in the Ʋniverse, exalts the Divine Ʋnity, which is the Root of All. And if there be Ten Thousand Myriads of Worlds, they all sprang from One Cause, and there they end. For he is the First and Last of Every Thing.
Paris, 2d. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER VII.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.
THE Egyptians have a Proverb, That he who thinks and speaks of God, onely when he is Melancholy, sacrifices to the Planet Pharouis or Saturn, and not to the most High and Exalted King of All Things, who is the Fountain of Joy to Men and Angels.
I counsel thee, not to list thy self in the Number of those who adore the Stars, by cherishing sad Idea's of the ever Indulgent and Merciful Divinity: Nor think thy self the less liable to this Censure, because it proceeds from a Nation which was once at Enmity with the Sons of Jacub. Despise not the Wisdom of that People, from whom even Moses your Lawgiver learn'd all his, and from whom all Nations borrow'd Improvements of Learning, if they are not indebted to them for its First Rudiments.
By what I have said, thou wilt perceive, that I consult thy Happiness, and wou'd have thee chase away Vain Fears and Superstitious Thoughts, the mere Product of an Ill-temper'd Spleen, which is the peculiar Malady of thy Nation. Let thy Heart be always Chearful; for God loves every Thing that he has made: The Ʋniverse overflows with his [Page 104]Bounty. Be not too Religious, nor strain the Faculties he has given thee for thy Support, and not for thy Bane.
I had rather hear from thee Matter of News, than these dismal Scruples about thy Soul. If thou art not willing to embrace the Mussulman Faith, in God's Name continue to observe the Law of Moses, and prosecute thy Affairs with Alacrity.
Thou hast been very slack of late in sending me Advices of what passes at Vienna, and other Parts of Germany. We have flying Reports here, of the Death of Eleanora the Empress; and that on the same Day whereon she died, Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus, the Emperour's Son, was Elected King of the Romans. I know not how to write to the Ministers of the Port, till thou hast ascertain'd me of these. Things. For God's Sake, be speedy in thy Dispatches, and inform me what is done at the Diet of Frankfort. Rowze up thy self, and banish superfluous Cares. Remember, that as there is but One God, so there is but One Law, but One Thing Necessary to Man; that is, To live according to Reason. This is Engraven in every Man's Heart, and there needs no Comment to explain it. Thou art a sufficient Lawgiver, Rabbi, Doctor, and Interpreter to thy self. Let not others amuse thee with Fables.
I will now acquaint thee with something of Certainty. The French have gain'd Landrecies, a Strong Town in Flanders. It was surrender'd to them on the 22d. of this Moon; [Page 105]And the next Day all the Garrison marched out, consisting of 1500 Men, besides 300 wounded.
The King is gone, upon this good News, to view and take Care of his New Conquests. For, this is not the onely Town the Spaniards have lost: They talk of Maubeug, Bovines, and Conde; all which, according to fresh Report, are in the Hands of the French. This Young Monarch, is strangely Fortunate.
If thou canst inform me of such successful Campagnes among the People of the North, fail not to do it in Season: For we are not plac'd in these Stations, to whistle to Sheep.
Paris, 29th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER VIII.
To Mustapha Lulu Beamrilla, a Man of the Law.
I Wou'd willingly be admitted into Paradise, as well as other Mussulmans. Neither wou'd I think, speak or do any Thing which might prejudice my Title, and baulk my Pretensions to Eternal Happiness. This Desire is Natural to all Men; And when I [Page 106]profess it, thou may'st believe me without an Oath. Yet methinks. I wou'd not go Hoodwink'd to Heaven, but wou'd fain enjoy the Benefit of my Sence and Reason, in my Advances to that Region of Bliss.
I believe the Alcoran, as the Oracle of God; and 'tis so firmly Imprinted in my Memory, that I cou'd repeat it Verbatim from the Beginning to the End, without missing a Versicle. I give an Entire Credence to the Doctrine of the Resurrection, being Naturally desirous of Immortality: But I cannot entertain the gross Conceit, which the greatest Part of Mussulmans have of the Resurrection; that is, that our very Dust shall be Rais'd again, and Organiz'd into a Body. The Nazarenes are of the same Opinion. But methinks, there's no Need of stretching and straining of Nature. Besides, this Opinion is Inconsistent with other Fundamental Doctrines of the Mussulman Law.
We are all taught to believe, That the Souls of Just Men, Saints and Martyrs, immediately on their Departure from the Body, ascend to Paradise. If so, then they either live there in an Ʋnbodyed Estate, or they have New Bodies assign'd 'em by the same Providence which gave them their Old. Be it which Way it pleases God; It will appear a manifest Botch in the Works of the Omnipotent, an Indecorum in Nature, to make these Souls either cast off their New Bodies at the Day of Judgment, for the Sake of their Old Rotten Reliques, after they have enjoy'd all [Page 107]the Ravishing Delights of Eden for so many Ages; or to stand in Need of any Bodies at all, after they have liv'd so long in a Separate Condition. There's no Sence in't. Doubtless, this Opinion was first hatch'd by those who believ'd the Sleep of the Soul, and held that it was Inseparable from the Body. For then they had no other Way to comfort themselves with any Probable Hopes of a Surviving Immortality, but by maintaining, That as the Soul slept with the Body in the Grave, so both Soul and Body shou'd conjointly Rise again at the Day of Doom.
Or perhaps, this Figure of our Resurrection was inculcated, to insinuate the Faith of an Immortal State, into the duller Minds of those, who were Incapable of comprehending either the Pre-Existence of Souls, their Self-Subsistence after Death, or their Translation into other Bodies.
It seems to me much more easie to believe, according to the most Obvious Works of Nature, that after our Dissolution here, we shall either assume some Body of Air, Fire, or other Elemental Supplement, or by Magnetick Transmigration shall be United to some Vegetable or Animal Embryo; than to dream of Recollecting all our Scatter'd Ashes together, after so many Thousands of Years, wherein they have been dispers'd, perhaps through all the Ranges of the Ʋniverse.
Surely, our Holy Lawgiver, and all the other Prophets, intended no other Thing by the Doctrine of the Resurrection, but only to [Page 108]convince the World, that the Soul was Immortal, and that consequently there wou'd be a Reward of Good and Bad Works after this Life. We shall live for ever, Old Lawyer: And what signifies it, whether we have the same Bodies or others, so long as we are Happy in any State: And if we are Metamorphos'd, we cannot fail of our Specifick Felicity, since every Creature is Happy in its Own Essence. Then let us be Apes, Dromedaries, Camels, or any Thing but Hogs, and we shall have Bliss enough. That Creature is the very Emblem of Ʋncleanness, and therefore its Life cannot be the Object of a Mussulman's Wish. Yet we know not the Laws of our Change, or Transmigration from this Mortal Life. For the Soul, according to Pythagoras and the Ancients, is Capable of all Forms.
If thou wond'rest what has put me upon this Discourse, it is the Remembrance of what I have heard thee relate of the Apparition of Dead Mens Bones in the Cemetery of Grand Caire in Egypt, at a certain Season of the Year, when Multitudes of People by Custom flock thither to behold this Wonderful Scene of a Sham-Resurrection. I can give it no better Title, since in all Probability, 'tis only the Effect of some Artifice us'd by the Christians, to procure Money from the Admiring Croud. And I'm confirm'd in this Belief, by a Letter I receiv'd from Mehemet the Exil'd Eunuch, who now resides at Caire; and having been curious to observe this Celebrated Miracle, among the other Rarieties of this City, sent [Page 109]me such an Account of this Passage, as convinces me there's some Cheat in't.
He tells a great many other Things of the Superstition and Ignorance of the Egyptians, as to the Pyramids, and the suppos'd Spirits which guard 'em. In all, he laments the Condition of Mortals, who have so far degenerated from themselves, and suffer'd their Reason to be debauch'd with Fables.
Sage Mustapha, thou art of the Race of those who have preserv'd Science and Philosophy. A Halo of Light invests thy Soul. Let no dark Opinion of God and his Works, eclipse thy Intellect.
Paris, 20th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER IX.
To Solyman Kuslir Aga, Prince of the Black Eunuchs.
THY Dispatch came in a Happy Hour: Yet the Contents of it surpriz'd me. 'Tis a strange Turn of Fortune, that the Bassa of Aleppo, after so many Rebellions, shou'd become the Sultan's Favourite, and be invested in the Highest Dignity of the Empire. Yet, who knows, but this may be the onely Effectual Course to reclaim him, and of an Enemy to render him a Friend? For, Ambition is a Vice so nearly bordering on Vertue, so refin'd and subtle in its Complexion, that when the Passion which cherishes it, is once gratify'd with its proper Object, it soon becomes a Vertue it self, and transforms a Libertine to a Hadgi, ranking a Man to Day among the most deserving Hero's, who but Yesterday was in the Number of the Seditious.
Therefore, I cannot but highly applaud the Counsel of those, who perswaded the Grand Signior to this Uncommon Choice of the Vizir Azem. The whole Empire has languish'd for Want of a Man of Abilities in that Supreme Station, ever since the Seal was taken from the most Illustrious Chusaein Bassa through the Malice of his Enemies. And in this Juncture, they cou'd not have pitch'd on a Man [Page 111]more capable of the Charge, than this bold Bassa; who, besides his Experience in the Wars, both by Sea and Land, is look'd on as the Stoutest Man in this Age. As for his Former Crimes, they proceeded onely from his Discontent, and Thirst of Glory, which is now sufficiently allay'd by the Bounty of our Sovereign. The Cause therefore of his Extravagances being thus seasonably remov'd, the Effect will naturally cease.
But, suffer me to ask thee; Do they not resent at the Seraglio, his Approaches to that Sanctuary of Mortals, with such a Formidable Retinue? Thou tellest me, he is attended by Forty Thousand Men, an Equipage fit for a Sovereign Monarch. Perhaps, 'tis onely the Effect of his Martial Genius, and that he is willing to appear like a Soldier. Or, it may be, he really suspected Danger, and that he was design'd for a Sacrifice: Which made him come thus guarded to the Feet of his Master: That his Son might revenge his Death, by some desparate Attempt on Constantinople. Be it how it pleases God, it seems, the Sultan wink'd at all, and receiv'd him with such Marks of his Esteem and Affection, as are seldom vouchsaf'd to Subjects. I hope, the Event will answer his Expectation. These new Methods of Clemency may prove more successful, than the severe Conduct of Former Times. Men of Great Souls, are sooner subdu'd by Favour, than Force and Cruelty.
I am extremely oblig'd to thee for thy Instructions, which I shall exactly observe, in writing to this Supreme Minister. Thou hast match'd my own Thoughts, in this Advice. For, knowing that Bassa's Temper, it will be Policy, as well as Justice, frankly to own what I have writ against him, and not stuff my Letter with abject fawning Submissions, or sneaking Excuses. He is brave himself, and will be pleas'd to see a Man resolute in his Duty.
However, let the Consequence be what it will, I must follow the Measures of my own Integrity. There is Something so Satisfactory in Truth, and an honest blunt Carriage, as far surpasses the little faint Pleasures of Artifice and Dissimulation. And I shou'd be weary of my Life, were I forc'd to preserve it by such Effeminate Tricks. Yet, I must confess, 'tis a vast Encouragement, to find thy Sentiments the same. What is this World, that we shou'd be so fond of it? Or what is the Life of Mortals, that we need be so overstudious of prolonging the Respiration of that Breath, which may with as much Ease be all breath'd out at once, as by so many Successive Millions of Moments? For, Death properly possesses but an Instant of Time; no more does Life. Every Gasp renews the One, and the Last commences and finishes the Other. As to Pleasure and Pain, we generally have an Equal Share of 'em. And it appears to me an Equal, if not a Greater Happiness, at once to be freed for ever from the Latter, than by [Page 113]such an irksom Composition to protract the Enjoyment of the Former.
Brave Solyman, when I contemplate thy Vertue, it inspires me with Courage against the vain Mists of Fear, which the Magick of Opinion has rais'd before the Eyes of Mortals. I embrace thee with an extended Soul, and wish thee the Two Extremes of Happiness, Plenitude of Joys in this Life, and an Immortal Series of Felicities in Paradise. Live for Ever thou Generous Son of Cham.
Paris, the 2d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER X.
To the most Illustrious Vizir Azem, at the Port.
BY the Souls of all my Progenitors, I was glad to hear the News of thy Advance to this Glorious Height of Power: Yet when thou wert Bassa of Aleppo, and heldest Correspondence with the Venetians, I accus'd thee to the Divan, doing thereby no small Service to the Ottoman Empire: For which thou hast now Reason, in Honour, to reward me; knowing, that I prevented a great Deal of Confusion and Blood. It will not become the First Minister, to cherish Private Revenges, [Page 114]or harbour Ill Thoughts of a Faithful Slave. In discovering thy Intrigues at that Time, I did but perform my Duty to the Grand Signior, thy Lord and mine. Nay, for ought thou know'st, I was happily Instrumental in saving thy Life, which might have been lost in the Pursuit of those Hazardous Projects thou wert then engag'd in. Be it how it will, thou art now living, and Install'd in the most Illustrious Charge of the Empire. And, without Flattery I speak it, a braver Man cou'd not have ascended to that Dignity. May God long continue thee in it, to the Joy and Advantage of all the Mussulmans.
All the World extoll thy Valour and Boldness; especially the Nazarenes, among whom the Bassa of Aleppo is Famous. They also highly commend thy Justice. And thou wilt find in the Register, that when I acquainted my Superiours of thy Revolt, I was not Envious in concealing thy Vertues.
Therefore I beg of thee, not to be Partial in thy Resentments; but consider Mahmut as a Faithful Slave, who will never transgress the Commands of the Mysterious Bench, nor suffer any Sinister Motives to byass him, tho' 'twere in Favour of his own Brother. For, this is the severe Conduct that is expected of me by my Superiours, and which thou thy self wilt require at my Hands.
But, I believe, thou needest not these Addresses to move thee to Generosity. Thy own Native Justice will suggest to thee, that I rather merit a Reward than a Punishment, for [Page 115]doing my Duty, tho' 'twere in accusing thy self.
Confiding therefore in thy Goodness, and my own Innocence, I shall not despair of that Protection and Favour from thee, which all thy Predecessors have afforded me, since my Arrival at this Place. Nay, I think thy Friendship and Esteem is rather due to me, than to a Thousand Sycophants and Flatterers.
I will, in this Confidence, write freely to thee, as I have been commanded; and vent my Thoughts, without a Timorous Reserve. For, thou art the Just Judge of the Judges, among the Faithful.
There is no Doubt, but thou hast heard of the Duke of Lorrain, a Famous Warriour in these Western Parts, but now a Prisoner of State in Spain. I sent Intelligence last Year to Mustapha Berber Aga, of the Grounds and Circumstances of this Prince's Confinement: Whereof thou can'st not be Ignorant. For, all my Dispatches are made Publick to the Ministers of the Blessed Port.
The Brother of that Duke immediately succeeded him, by the King of Spain's Orders, in the Command of the Army in Flanders. They call him Duke Francis. Every Body thought that he had consented to the Imprisonment of his Brother, as being disgusted at his Inconstancy, Avarice, and other Vices. It was suppos'd also, that his own Ambition, and Thirst of Honour, had corrupted the Fidelity and Love he ow'd to the Son of his Mother; as knowing that by his Fall, he himself shou'd rise to the Dignity of General, which [Page 116]his Brother enjoy'd during his Liberty.
But now 'tis evident, that this Duke Francis did all along dissemble his Resentments of his Brother's Calamity. For, he is lately Revolted from the King of Spain, and come over to the French, with Five Thousand Horse and Foot. He has openly declar'd, That he will never give Rest to his Sword, till he has either procur'd his Brother's Release, or deeply reveng'd the Injuries have been done him. He was receiv'd by the French King, with all imaginable Endearments and Caresses. The whole Court are Emulous, in striving to excell one another in the Demonstrations of their Civility and Respect to this Prince: And they have cull'd out the best Quarters for his Soldiers. This Nation is always Hospitable to Strangers; more especially to such as court their Friendship after this Extraordinary Way, who enter into their Interests, and engage in their Quarrels. Yet neither France, nor all the Kingdoms of Europe together, can match the Bounty of the Munificent Port, which pardons and receives with open Embraces her most Implacable Enemies, on their Submissions, and Repentance.
Commander of the Mussulman Grandees, thou art but a Man, and hast not exceeded that Character, in the Worst of thy Errors. Now, thou art assum'd to a Charge which requires the Fidelity and Prudence of an Angel. If thou shalt reform the State, and restore the Mussulman Affairs to their true Lustre, we shall have Reason to contemplate thy Life [Page 117]in some Measure a Parallel to that of Crassus, who was pardon'd Three Treasons by Caesar, and afterwards became the most Loyal and Serviceable Man in the Roman Empire.
Paris, the 2d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XI.
To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Caire in Egypt.
THOU tellest me Wonderful Things of Egypt, such as almost surpass Credit. And I perceive thou thy self dost not believe the Story of the Annual Resurrection of Bones, which is so much talk'd of by Travellers. My Cousin Isouf Ridicul'd it with smart Reason; and was almost in Danger of his Life among the Bigotted Moors and Coptites.
But I cou'd hardly imagain there had still remain'd in that Region (which has undergone so many Revolutions of Government) any Foot-steps of the Primitive Egyptians. Yet it seems, the Priests of those Early Ages were particularly careful to transmit to Posterity, an Exact History of their Kings, with Memoirs of their Actions, the Building of the Pyramids, the Palace of the Statues, the Magical Mirrour, the City of the Black Eagle, [Page 118]the Castle of Daemons seated on the Brow of the Mountain of the Moon, the Palace of Adamant, with Innumerable other Rareties.
I tell thee, my dear Mehemet, I know not how to believe all these Romantick Stories. It cramps my Reason to hear of a Brazen Tree, with Iron Branches, and Versatile Hooks, to catch Lyers and Cheats, and there detain 'em till they shou'd do Right to those whom they had Injur'd. Altogether as Improbable is the Story of Gabdapharouis, the Statue set up by King Gariac.
Who can read of that Monarch's being carried in the Air by Eagles, but may as well believe the Romantick Voyage of Domingo Gonsales to the Moon. If thou know'st not that Story, I'll tell thee in short, That this was a certain Spaniard, who in a Passage to the Indies being by Shipwreck cast ashore on the Island of St. Helena, with a Negro his Slave, they were put to their Shifts so far as to divide that Unpeopled and Desolate Island between 'em, out of pure Necessity, that they might both find Provision enough to keep 'em from starving (for it seems, there was great Scarcity of every Thing that serv'd the Uses of Life.)
In this Condition, Necessity, the Mother of Cunning Devices, taught them to hold Correspondence with one another tho' living at Opposite Angles of the Isle, by the Help of certain Wild Swans, which they took out of their Nests very Young, and brought 'em up as they do Pigeons at Babylon and Aleppo, to be Letter-Carriers.
Afterwards, as the Story goes, Domingo trying several Experiments on his Birds, and finding all Successful, at last, having got Four and Twenty of them together, and having brought 'em up to his Lure, he ventur'd his Carcase with 'em in the Air, fastening 'em together with Ropes and other Materials. But the Extravagant Animals one Day took Wing, and carry'd their Master to the Moon: Where he resided a considerable Time, saw and convers'd with Divers Inhabitants of that Neighbouring Globe, visited the Courts of several Lunar Princes, and was kindly receiv'd by 'em all, even at the Seraglio of the Chief Emperor, or Grand Signior himself. And having been presented with Three Stones of Matchless Virtue, and other Rich Gifts, he had his Audience of Congè, and came down to the Earth again, where he publish'd a Journal of his Travels, out of which I have extracted this short Epitome; not thinking it worth the while, to trouble thee with the Entire Relation of his Ingenious Whimsies.
Doubtless, there is Nothing so easie, as to invent new and unheard of Fables, to amuse the Credulous World, and Captivate their Understandings. And I have told thee this, as a Parallel to those Monstrous Figments of Egypt: Such as that of King Gancam's being carry'd in a Pavillion on the Shoulders of Spirits: His Magical Tables, and the rest of his glorious Whim-Whams. And that of the Queen Borsa, who sate on a Fiery Throne, and liv'd in an Enchanted Castle, whose Walls [Page 120]were full of Pipes, which convey'd to her the Addresses of all Sorts of Plaintiffs, and her Decree and Decision of Controversies back again to them. Such another is that of Bardesir's Silver Tower, and his sitting before his People in the Clouds of Heaven: And Bedoura's sending an Angel, who made such a Horrible Roaring, that it caus'd an Earth-Quake.
Who can without laughing, read the Story of the Idol of the Test, which distinguish'd between Harlots and Virgins by the Touch of their Hand? Or of the Spirits which guard the Pyramids, One like a Naked Woman, walking about in the Open Air at Noon, and making Men run Mad for Love of her? Another in the Form of an Old Man with a Basket on his Head, and a Censer in his Hand? A Third, of a Black Woman, with a Monstrous Child in her Arms? There is no End of such Fables. Neither can any Man of Reason, stoop to so much Easiness as to regard 'em. And it is a Pleasure to me, when I consider thee as a Man Actually Satyrical upon Opinions and Traditions repugnant to Sense.
Mehemet, whilst thou art in Egypt, remember that thou wert born in Arabia, where Science has flourish'd for these Thousand Years.
Paris, 28th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XII.
To Zornesan Mustapha, Bassa of the Sea.
I Will not pretend to Divination, nor flatter thee with Presages of better Fortune against the Venetians, during thy Command of the Navy, than thy Predecessors have had. Yet I believe, thou hast more Honesty and Valour than some of them. And I Congratulate thy Rise to this Dignity.
If my Intelligence be true, a more Glorious Fleet has not sail'd out of the Ottoman Harbours, than appears now at Sea, under thy Command. May thy Success answer the Expectation of the Mussulmans. But, I tell thee, thou hast need to look about thee; for thou wilt encounter a Valiant and Subtle Enemy.
These Venetians are not like the Rest of the Nazarenes, Superstitiously devoted to the Sentiments of their Priests. That Kind of Bigottry, chains up Mens Spirits, and renders 'em Effeminate: It blinds 'em, and robs 'em of their Sense and Native Vigour. But these are bold, resolute People, fearing neither Man nor the Devil. They are also well vers'd in Stratagems, being as Cunning as Serpents. In fine, Venice is a Commonwealth made up of Soldiers and Statesmen: And thou canst not expect, that the Sea makes 'em degenerate. [Page 122]Therefore look for Hot Entertainment, whenever thou engagest those Aboriginal Tarpawlins. I speak not this to discourage thee, out to arm thee with due Caution. Thou know'st the same God who made them, made thee and all the Men in thy Fleet. Thou hast also the Happiness to serve the most Victorious Empire in the World. Fear nothing therefore: But when thou loosest from the Hellespont, with the Invincible Fleet, adorn'd with Ensigns of High Renown, the Prosperous Streamers of Mahomet: When thou hearest the All-cheering Clarions and Tymbrels breathing the Lofty Menaces, the Vital Airs of War; then let thy Noble Heart flourish with brave Thoughts, and brisk Resolutions. Yet let not a false Assurance of Victory, make thee Rash, and bereave thee of that Conduct, which is as necessary a Qualification in a General, as Courage. Consider that the Fortune of Battels is Uncertain: Therefore, do all Things with great Precaution. Trust not to the Force of thy Commission, in that thou fightest for the Law and Honour of the Prophet. But remember the Proverb of the Ancients, which says, The Devil often carries the Standard of the Living God. There may be those in thy Fleet, who are Treacherous, and at the Devotion of the Nazarenes. For, I hear, that both Spahi's and Janizaries were very unwilling to embark themselves; and God knows, how far the Venetian Gold may work on some of the Officers. Tho' their Resentments seem'd to be appeas'd by the Bounty of our Glorious [Page 123] Sovereign, get the smallest Occasion may renew their Old Discontent again, and put 'em on more dangerous Tumults at Sea, than those they were guilty of ashore. Or at least, they will become more Remiss and Cold in the Service of the Grand Signior.
Be it how it will, if the Navy has not good Success, the Blame of all will be laid on thee. Pardon therefore the Freedom I take in advising thee, since 'tis an Argument of my Affection and Concern for thy Honour and Safety. And no Man can with Reason be offended at another, for warning him of Dangers. In a Word, I wish thee the good Fortune of the English; who have lately taken an Island in the West-Indies from the Spaniards: They call it Jamaica.
It seems, the Kings of Spain had possess'd this Isle from the Time of his First Conquests in America, where his Subjects had committed horrid Cruelties on the Natives. For which, they are now punish'd by that New Commonwealth, who boast that they are establish'd by God to reform or overturn all the Kingdoms of Europe.
Thou hast heard, I suppose, of Oliver, the Sovereign of that Nation. He appears like another Jingiz Chan, setting up for a Prophet and Founder of a New Empire. He has refus'd the Title of King, which was offer'd him by the English States, with all the Ensigns of Royalty. But, he aims at a more Sublime Character, laying the Foundation of his Hopes in a pretended Modesty, assuming [Page 124]onely the Style of Protector. They say, he talks of leading an Army to the Gates of Rome, and when he has subdu'd the Pope, that he will march or sail to Constantinople, and drive the Grand Signior out of his Seraglio.
I tell thee, these are not Things to be contemn'd or laugh'd at. For, this Oliver has the Fame of a Great and Invincible General. And I can assure thee, all the Neighbouring Kings and States court his Friendship. In fine, he makes the most Formidable Figure at present, of any Prince in these Western Parts.
If it will divert thee at Sea, to hear of the Transactions by Land, know, that Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus, Son of the German Emperor, is Elected King of the Romans in the Room of his deceas'd Brother. There is also a Diet Assembled at Frankford, where they have too many Discords and Quarrels of their own, to have Leisure to plot any Mischief against the Empire of True Believers. These Infidels, in their Publick Councils, are like Women Scolding away the Time, that shou'd be employ'd in Action.
There arrives daily a great Deal of News out of Sueden, Moscovy and Poland. One Post informs us of a Plague raging at Mosco, and other Cities of that Northern Tract: Another alarms us with Intelligence of Sieges and Plundering of Towns, Dispeopling of Provinces, and a Deluge of Blood and Slaughter: For, the Suedes espousing the Quarrel of the Moscovites, endeavour to make their own Game in Poland: Many Princes and Great [Page 125]Men, with their Towers, Villages and Vassals, Revolting daily from the Unfortunate Casimir, and submitting to the Suedish Monarch.
And here in France, those that go not to the Wars, make Private Campagnes at Home. Here's Nothing but Duelling and Murder among Men of the Sword; Whilst the Ecclesiasticks are Combating one another with their Pens, and the Lawyers with their Tongues.
In Suisserland, they're Mad about Religion. At Dantzick, Two Eagles were seen Combating in the Air. And, as if all Nature were in a Ferment, the Winds have been at Variance in the Bowels of the Earth, which has occasion'd frequent Earthquakes in the Parts of Germany. The King of Poland's Brother is dead; and the Queen-Mother of Sueden.
We must all die at the determined Hour; And there is no other Terror in Death, but what is Created by our own Opinion, nor any greater Pain than attended our Birth. For, at our Dissolution, every Element of which we were compounded, takes its proper Share; and that which is Divine in Ʋs, returns to that which is Divine in the Ʋniverse.
Paris, 28th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XIII.
To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs.
OUR Kinsman Isouf is now gone for Moscovy, having visited the most Remarkable Places in this Kingdom. I receiv'd a Letter from him dated at Diep, a Sea-Town over against the English Coasts. He was just going aboard, as he tells me, when he deliver'd his Dispatch to the Post. God grant him à Prosperous Voyage to that Region, and whithersoever his Genius or Fortune carry him.
I am extremely pleas'd with his Conversation. Whilst he was in Paris, I was never sensible of Melancholy, unless 'twere in the Evenings, which forc'd us to part Company. He has an Excellent Memory, and recounts all the Adventures of his Life with a great deal of Ease, both to himself and his Hearers: He never was at a Loss for Matter, or confounded one Circumstance with another; but ranking every Thing in its due Time and Place, deliver'd all with a Clearness and Grace, which affected me with singular Delight.
Besides, he has a ready Wit, lively Fancy, and Judgment enough for one of his Years. I tell thee, the Relations he has made of his Travels, with his Regular Deportment here in [Page 127] Paris, of which I have been a Witness, have Imprinted in me such an Opinion of his Abilities, that I have trusted him with some Particular Instructions, in order to a settl'd Correspondence between us, in whatsoever Court he resides. For, in a Word, I find him Mature enough for Business of Moment: And 'tis Pity his Parts shou'd be bury'd without ever appearing in Action.
If he succeeds in what I have put him upon, when he arrives at Archangel, a Sea-Port of Russia, and a Place of great Commerce and Traffick; I shall have good Reason to hope for more Important Matters, when he comes to Mosco, the Chief City of the Men who worship the Eyes of their Emperour. And then it will be Time to give a due Character of him to the Ministers of the Port: Wherein thou wilt have many Opportunities, to perform the Office of a Kinsman and Friend. Those of the same Blood, ought thus to serve one another with Integrity and Affection: For, in so doing, we help our selves, strengthen the Interest of our Family, and shall find Returns in Time of Need. As thou hast receiv'd Favour from Kerker Hassan, Bassa, on the Score of being his Countryman; so there is greater Reason, that thou should'st shew Kindness to Isouf, who partakes of our Blood.
There arises a vast Complacency from doing Good Offices, tho' to a Stranger, or even to an Enemy. Man is Naturally Generous; and he has debauch'd his Soul, who acts contrary to this Principle. Yet the greatest Part [Page 128]of Men are degenerated. They pursue Lyons, Tygers, Bears, and such like Ravenous Beasts, with Inexorable Hatred and Revenge; they bear secret Antipathies against Spiders, Toads, Serpents, and other Venomous Creatures; and yet they are all these Things, or worse themselves. Ever since Astraea abandon'd the Earth, there has been a strange Metamorphosis in our Race: Men have for the most Part forsaken their Humanity, and chang'd Nature with the Salvages. Nay, we transcend them in whatsoever is Cruel and Vicious. As if our Reason were given us, onely to teach us the most Refin'd Methods of Impiety, and to be a more exquisite Spur to Vice.
Isouf has presented me with Solid Observations of this Kind in his Travels, especially in Africk. He say, that Region is not more Prolifick of Strange and Horrible Beasts, than it is of Monstrous Men, Brutes and Devils in Humane Shape. And tho' he relates some Fair Things of the Indians, and other People in Asia; yet they are intermix'd with Tragical Reports, and Mournful Memoirs: Such as stain the History of our Race, and make it evident, That it is hard to meet with one Good Man among Ten Thousand. The whole World is over-run with Oppression, Cruelty, Avarice, Perfidy, and Lust.
He relates strange Things of the Antiquities of Egypt. He calls it the onely Scene of Wonders and Miracles on Earth. Indeed this Country was ever Famous among all Nations for the Wisdom and Learning of her Priests; [Page 129]who, in the First Ages of the World, understood all the Secrets of the Elements, the Vertues of Plants and Minerals, and were perfectly vers'd in the Science of the Stars and Spirits, and in all Manner of Mysterious Knowledge. They were said to make Statues and Images, that cou'd Speak, Walk, Run, and counterfeit all Human Actions. They were also exquisite in making Miraculous Talismans and Mirrours, with any kind of Magical Work, whereby they kept the People, and even the Princes in a Profound Awe and Veneration of their Prodigious Knowledge and Power, and likewise defended their Country against all Invaders. For no sooner did an Enemy appear with his Armies on the Frontiers of Egypt, but these Priests had present Intimation of it by their Secret Art, even in their Chambers, perhaps at a Hundred Leagues Distance. Then by their Enchantments, they either caus'd Fire to consume them in their Camps, or turned their Swords against each other, or sent an Army of Winged Serpents to destroy 'em. So that for many Ages, no King ever prospered that fought against the Egyptians.
But let not thou and I, dear Brother, suffer our Reason to degenerate, by giving Credit to Fictions and Romances, though vouch'd by some of our Countrymen, such as Morat Alzeman, Eb'n Abdalhokm, and others.
He also tells many Remarkable Passages of the Pyramids of Caire, the overflowing of the [Page 130] Nile, the Mummies, and other Things which I have not now Time to rehearse; but in another Letter I will gratify thee with a more Ample Account of his Observations.
In the mean Time, live thou to enjoy the Fruits of thy own Travels in the East. Which if it matches not the South in Prodigies and Stupendous Inventions; yet it surpasses both it, and all the Rest of the World, in Justice and Morality.
Paris, 17th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1655.
LETTER XIV.
To Ismael Kaidar, Cheik, a Man of the Law.
THou hast the Character and Fame of a Great Historian; a Man of Intelligence both in the Records of Past Times, and the Transactions of the Present. Therefore the Name of Christian late Queen of Sueden, cannot be strange to thee. I doubt not, but thou hast heard of this Princess, so celebrated throughout the Earth for her Learning and other Noble Accomplishments; and how she voluntarily resign'd the Crown, to one of her Kinsmen. But perhaps, thou know'st not the true Motives which induc'd her to this [Page 131] Royal Caprice: For, it deserves no better Name, as thou wilt understand by the Sequel.
Her Father, who for his Successful Wars, and perpetual Victories was call'd the Great Gustave, dying left her in the Entire Possession of his Kingdom, and New Conquests in Germany. But during the Time of her Reign, Piementelli the Spanish Embassador at Stockholm, by daily conversing with this Great Queen, us'd such plausible Insinuations, as prevail'd on her to have a more favourable Opinion of the Pope and his Religion, than she had before entertain'd: For, all the Suedes are Educated in an Aversion for those of the Roman Faith. I need not explain to thee, these Distinctions of Belief among the Nazarenes: Thou art vers'd in their History, as well as in our own. Suffice it to say, that this Embassador possess'd Christina with so fair an Idea of the Catholick Religion, that she abandon'd her Crown, and has ever since been a Queen-Errant, a Royal Rambler through Europe, being resolv'd to make Experiment of the Generosity of Catholick Princes, whose Vertues Piementelli had so highly extoll'd.
'Twou'd be a Work of Seven Moons for the most Industrious Scribe, to relate all the Particular Magnificences, with which she has been entertain'd in her Travels through Germany, Flanders, Alsace, Inspruck, Italy, and Rome, where she now resides. Every Prince of the Roman Church, through whose Territories she pass'd, was Ambitious to appear Prodigal of his Favours and Civilities to their [Page 132] Illustrious Stranger: Perhaps, to evade the Lashes of her Wit, which, they say, is very Satyrical. Or, it may be, for other Reasons, more forcible and poignant. Be it how it will, the Roman Wits have not spar'd her; as thou wilt perceive by the Following Verses, which on the First Day of the Moon of January were found in the Hand of Pasquin, and on the Portal of the Palace Farnese, where she resides.
I send thee these Verses in the Original, knowing thou art a Critick in the Italian Language; besides, they will not found so well in Arabick. Thou that hast been in Rome, know'st what Pasquin is, and art no Stranger to the Humours of that City.
Let not Lampoons of Morose Italians, abate thy Charity for this Renowned Princess. But [Page 133]let her Extravagances be an Argument of the Greatness of her Soul; and remember the old Roman Proverb, which says, There's no surpassing Genius, without some Mixture of Madness.
Paris, 30th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER XV.
To the same.
HAving the Space of an Hour before the Post goes, I cou'd not forbear to inform thee of a New Star which lately appear'd in these Parts, moving in a direct Line from East to North. The Astronomers have made Accurate Observations of it, and yet are at a Loss what to conclude: Some say, 'tis below the Moon, others place it in the Sphere of the Fixed Stars. One will have it a Meteor, a Second affirms it to be a Planet; whilst the Jews report every where, that 'tis the Star of Jacob, and a Sign that their Messias is at Hand.
Nathan Ben Saddi, one of that Nation at Vienna, sends me strange Stories concerning the Prodigies which shall go before, and accompany the Appearance of the Deliverer of Israel (as he calls him.)
He says, there shall speedily come a Sort of People from the Ʋttermost Parts of the Earth, of a Black and Horrible Aspect, so that whoever shall but cast an Eye on any of them, shall immediately die, as by the Glance of a Basilisk. For, every one of them shall have Two Heads, and Seven Eyes, glowing and sending forth Sparks of Fire as Poisonous as the Flashes of the Wind El-Samiel in Arabia. They shall also be Swift as Stags. And about the same Time, an extraordinary Heat shall flow from the Sun, which being dispers'd through the Elements shall corrupt the Air, Earth, and Waters, and infect all this Lower World with such Pestilential Qualities, that a Million of Gentiles (for so the Jews call all that are not of their Own Nation) shall die every Day. And Men shall be in so great Consternation, that they shall run up and down the Streets crying, Wo, Wo to us and our Children! They shall dig their own Graves, and go down into them of their own Accord, expecting Death. But, that all this Time, the Jews shall be in Safety and Health.
This Hebrew adds, That the Light of the Sun shall be totally extinguish'd for the Space of Thirty Days; during which horrible Darkness, the Christians and Mahometans, shall acknowledge their Errors, and many of them shall embrace the Law of Moses; for which God being mov'd to Mercy, will restore that Planet again to its former Brightness.
But, what he says next, is an Unhappy Presage to the Romans, whose Empire, according [Page 135]to this Tradition shall be extended over all the Regions of the Earth for the Space of Nine Moons. After which Term, God shall send the First Messias, the Son of Joseph, who shall gather the dispers'd Tribes of Israel, and conduct them to Jerusalem. From whence he shall issue forth, with a Victorious Army, and lay waste the Roman Empire, sack Rome it self, and carry away the Immense Riches of the Christians to Jerusalem; And the very Fear of him shall reduce all Nations to his Obedience. He shall fight with Armillai Harascha, the Antichrist of the Christians, and shall destroy Two Hundred Thousand of Armillai's Followers; but in the End shall be slain himself, and the Good Angels shall transport his Body to the Apartment of the Fathers.
The Jews hold, That this Armillai shall spring out of an Image of the Virgin Mary in Rome, made of Marble, with which the most Wicked and Profligate among Men shall be enamour'd, and commit the most execrable Uncleanness that can be nam'd. The Result of these Adulterous Congresses shall be, That the Statue by a Supernatural Power, shall prove Impregnate, and cleaving asunder shall be deliver'd of this Young Antichrist, who is to vex and persecute the Jews, and afflict them with greater Calamities than either they or their Fathers felt since the Beginning of the World. They shall be forc'd to flee into the Desarts, and hide themselves in the Dens and Caves of the Earth, living onely on the [Page 136]Grass, and Herbage, with the Leaves of Trees; till the great Michael the Archangel shall Thrice wind his Horn. Then shall the Second Messias, the Son of David, with Elias the Prophet appear, who shall rescue 'em out of all their Troubles, and lead them Triumphant to Paradise.
This is the Sum of what Nathan, and all the Jews believe concerning the Last Times, which they say are now approaching: As is evident by the Rising of this New Star, accompany'd with terrible Thunders and Lightnings. And the Chief Patriarch or Prince of the Jews, is come from Jerusalem to Vienna, to prepare those of his Nation in these Western Parts, for the Grand Revolutions which they believe are ready to fall out in the World. All the Jews in that City went out a League to meet him, with great Pomp and Solemnity.
In the mean while I hear that the Son of the late Vizir Azem, makes a Confusion amongst you at Constantinople, and the Parts adjacent, being at the Head of Fifty Thousand Men, on Pretence to revenge the Death of his Father. But really to recover his Ravish'd Mistress, the Fair Soltana Zamiouvre, who was forc'd from his Seragl' by the Grand Signior's Command. Women and Wine, according to the Proverb of the Franks, make all the Disturbance in the World. And without calling to Remembrance the Trojan Wars, the Unhappy Effects of Helena's Perfidy, we may conclude, That Women are the Occasions of many Quarrels among us.
There is a Peace lately concluded between the French and the New English Commonwealth: By which Means, the Exil'd King of the Scots, was forc'd to depart from this Realm, which has been his Sanctuary for many Years. He went away at the Beginning of the Treaty, and has wandred up and down Germany ever since; sometimes keeping a Court like a King, at other Times living Incognito, and very privately, with onely Two or Three Attendants. That poor Prince is very Unfortunate; yet, they say, he bears his Calamity with singular Moderation, and a certain Royal Stiffness of Mind, which will rather break than bend.
This Pope is a great Peace-Maker, and has sent Nuntio's with Letters to all the Princes of Christendom within the Pale of the Roman Church, earnestly perswading them to Unity and Friendship, that so their Arms may be turn'd against the Mussulmans. His Predecessor was of another Sentiment, and wou'd not inter-meddle in the Quarrels of any. One Day, as he was looking out of a Window of his Palace with some Cardinals, they spied Two Men a fighting in the Street; whereupon, they desired the Holy Father to interpose his Authority, and command Peace. But he refus'd, saying, Let them fight it out, and then they'll be good Friends of Course. And turning to the Spanish Embassador, he said, So will it fare with your Master, and the King of France: When they have sufficiently wearied out one another with Wars, they will gladly embrace the Proposals of Peace.
Here is great Rejoicing for the Reconciliation newly made between the King and his Uncle the Duke of Orleans, who have been estrang'd a long Time, the latter having espous'd the Prince of Conde's Cause. But now he has abandon'd it, and is come to the Court.
These Infidels are as inconstant as the Winds, which vary to all the Points of the Compass.
Paris, the 30th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER XVI.
To Solyman, his Cousin, at Scutari.
I See, thou art given over to a Spirit of Discontent. Nothing can please thee. Thou murmurest at Providence, and castest Obloquies on the Ways of God: As if the Order of All Things, and the Establish'd Oeconomy of the Ʋniverse, must be Chang'd to gratify thy Humour.
Formerly, thou wert troubl'd with dull Melancholy Thoughts about Religion: Now thou art angry with thy Trade, and pinest that thou wert not Educated in the Academy. A Mechanick Life, thou say'st, is Tedious and Irksome: Besides, that it is beneath one of thy Blood, to be always employ'd in [Page 139]making of Turbants. Thou wishest rather to have been a Courtier, Soldier, or any Thing save what thou art.
Cousin, let not Pride and Ambition corrupt thy Manners. Dost thou not consider, that all True Believers are oblig'd to exercise some Manual Occupation, and that the Sultan himself is not exempted from this Duty? Did not the Prophet himself practise it, and enjoin it to all his Followers? Hast thou not heard of his Words, when he said; No Man can eat any Thing sweeter in this World, than what is acquir'd by his own Labour? Doubtless, all the Prophets, and Holy Men, have gain'd their Bread by their Lawful Employments. Adam was a Gardiner, Abel a Shepherd, Seth a Weaver, Enoch a Taylor, Noah a Ship-wright: Moses, Saguib, and Mahomet were Shepherds: Jesus the Son of Mary a Carpenter: Abu-Becre, Omar, Othman, Gali, and Gabdorachaman were Merchants.
Dost thou esteem thy self of better Blood than Adam, from whom thou receiv'dst thine? For Shame prefer not thy self to Noah, the Restorer of Mankind, to Jesus the Messias, to Mahomet our Holy Lawgiver, and to the Rest of those Excellent Persons, who thought it no Contempt to work at their several Trades, and eat the Bread of their own Labours.
Besides, dost thou consider the dangerous Intrigues of a Prince's Court. Art thou sufficiently arm'd with Wit and Dexterity, to secure thy Station against the Wily Trains of designing Men? I do not reproach thy Abilities: [Page 140]Yet I think thou wilt do better in the Post allotted thee by Destiny, that is, in thy Proper Calling; than in the perillous Condition of those who stand or fall at the Pleasure of Others. Whereas, thou art now thy own Man, and needest fear no Tempests of State, or Frowns of thy Prince, so long as thou pursuest none but thy private Affairs. Many Sovereign Monarchs have envy'd such as thee, when they have seen, how chearfully and quietly they pass'd away their Time, under the Ʋmbrella of an Obscure and Private Life: Whereas, at the Court, there is Nothing but Intriguing, Plotting, and Treachery; one Undermining another, to make Way for their own Advance. The Court is a perfect Theatre, of Fraud, Dissimulation, Envy, Malice and a Thousand Vices, which there act their various Parts, under the Habit and Disguise of seeming Vertues. There a Man must flatter the Great, and speak against his own Sence, and the Truth, to procure the Favour of some dignify'd Fool: Than which, Nothing is more Ignoble and Base.
This puts me in Mind of a pleasant Repartee, which Diogenes the Philosopher gave to a Courtier. The Spark passing by Diogenes, as he sat in a Tub, Eating of Turneps, put this Scoff upon him; Diogenes, said he, If thou wou'dst but learn the Art of Flattery, thou need'st not sit here in a Tub, scranching of Roots. To whom the Philosopher reply'd: And thou, vain-glorious Man, if thou wou'd'st but learn to live contented with my homely Fare, need'st [Page 141]not condescend to the Fawning of a Spaniel.
But, Cousin, let not this Passage cause thee to emulate the Philosopher's Manner of Life; For, he had his Vices, as well as other Men. If he was no Flatterer, yet he was Proud and Opinionative: He laid Trains for the Applause of Men in all his Actions, and so taught others to become Flatterers, tho' he was none himself. All his pretended Humility, Mortification, and Rigour, were but so many Decoys for Fame. Of this, Plato was sensible, who was a far more Excellent Philosopher than he. As this Sage was one Day walking with some of his Friends in the Fields, they shew'd him Diogenes standing up to the Chin in Water, whose Superficies was frozen over, save one Hole that Diogenes had made for himself. Puh, says Plato, don't regard him, and he'll soon be out: For, had he not seen us coming this Way, he wou'd not have put himself to this Pain. Another Time this Philosopher came to Plato's House: And as he walk'd on the Rich Carpets with which the Floor of the Hall was cover'd; See, said Diogenes, how I trample on Plato's Pride. Yes, said Plato, but with greater Pride.
Certainly, the greatest Philosophers, Doctors, and even Saints themselves have their Errors and Failings. Do not therefore affect to change thy Calling, for the Life of a Student or a Contemplative Man. For, the same Discontent will still haunt thee in that State, which makes thee so uneasy now. Thou art a perfect Stranger to the Intolerable Anguish [Page 142]of Mind which afflicts Thinking Men, and such as apply themselves to the Study of the Sciences. They labour under a Perpetual Thirst of Knowledge; and the more they learn, the greater and more Ardent is their Desire of farther Discoveries. So that the most accomplish'd Sages, are no more satisfy'd with their own Acquisitions, than he who has never meddl'd with Books.
Then, as to their Bodies, they are always vex'd with one Malady or other, proceeding from the violent Agitation of their Spirits, the Intenseness of their Thoughts, perpetual poring upon Books, and their Sedentary Life.
In all that I have said, I do not disswade thee from seeking after Knowledge. I rather counsel thee to read Books, and I gave thee the same Advice in a former Letter. But, do it with Moderation. Let not thy Studies entrench on the Affairs of thy Calling. Read Histories, or other Tracts according to thy Fancy, when thou hast nothing else to do. But, do not follow it so close, as if thou aspired'st to the Character of a Compleat Historian, or Philosopher. Still remember, that thou art a Turbant-Maker, and that by the Decree of Fate thou art born for this Business. Follow it with Alacrity and Mirth. When thou art at thy Work, 'twill be pleasant meditating on what thou hast read at thy spare Hours. Thou wilt find thy self much more happy, in thus mixing Studies with the necessary Offices of [Page 143]thy Trade, than in abandoning thy self wholly to a Contemplative Life. And in the Midst of thy Disgusts, thou mayst comfort thy self with this Reflection, That thou art of none of the most Despicable Callings, which serve the Necessities of Man's Body. Had thy Employment been onely to make Papouches or Sandals, which cover the Feet, it might have been an Argument of Discontent to thee, in Regard the Foot is the most Contemptible Member in the Body. But now thou passest thy Time in making Ornaments for the Head, which is the Noblest Part, and Commnader of all the Rest, thou hast no Reason to repine.
If, after all, thou resolvest to change thy Course of Life, I advise thee to turn Soldier; for, then thou must be contented and patient per-force.
Paris, 13th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER XVII.
To Melec Amet.
THE Nazarenes boast much of the New Converts they have made from the Moselman Law to the Faith of Jesus the Son of Mary. On the 23th. of the last Moon, a Moor of Tripoli was baptiz'd in a Church of this City; and the next Day he was Anointed with their Chrism or Holy Oyl (as they call it) which they say has a Vertue to confirm and strengthen him in his New Religion. On the 25th. he was cloath'd all in White Linen, and walk'd in Procession through the Streets with Musick playing before him, whilst the Ground was strew'd with Flowers. When he arriv'd at the Great Mosch of this City, a Priest gave him that which they esteem the Body of the Messias: But in Reality, is onely a Wafer, with the Figure of a Man Crucify'd on it. These Wafers are made and sold to the Priests by the Common Bakers of the Town, and yet they make the Poor Ignorant People believe, with Four Words they can change them into an Immortal God.
The Renegado▪ Moor appears very zealous and devout, frequenting the Temples, and visiting all Holy Places. He walks along the Streets with Beads in his Hands, which the People Interpret as an Argument of his Piety to the Virgin Mary, the Mother of Jesus. [Page 145]For, when they pray to her, it is the Custom to number their Oraisons on Beads. But all this while they consider not, that he may be a Hypocrite as to their Religion, and instead of addressing his Prayers to her, may direct them to God alone; as all the True Faithful do, who use Beads, in rehearsing the Divine Ejaculations, as well as the Christians in repeating their Ave Maria, which they say, was the Salutation that Gabriel gave the Virgin, when he enter'd her Oratory.
Be it how it will, he gets Abundance of Money by his Devotion: For the Franks are really very Charitable, and give plentiful Alms to the Poor. But especially to one under his Circumstances, they are extremely Liberal, that so they may imprint in him a more fervent Affection, and profound Reverence for their Religion.
But he is not the onely Convert they brag of. Many Captives they either wheadle, or force to turn Christians. Thus, he that was taken at Sea by the Ships of Malta Twelve Years ago, when it was reported through Christendom that he was the Grand Signior's Son, is of late turn'd Christian and Friar, having solemnly and in Publick abjur'd the Mussulman Law, curs'd our Holy Prophet, and all those of his Race, with the Believers of the Alcoran. He is like to come to great Preferments in the Roman Church. They call him the Ottoman Father; and boast, That the True Heir of the Turkish Empire is a Christian, and in their Custody.
Yet after all, the Proselyte of greatest Fame is Don Philippo, the Son of the Dey of Tunis, of whom I made mention in one of my former Letters. This Prince is now at Valentia, under the King of Spain's Jurisdiction, who allows him a Considerable Pension, and has given him Leave to marry a Princess of that Country, very Beautiful and Ingenious, but of a Poor Fortune. He has one Son by her; and 'tis said, the King of Spain designs to set forth a Mighty Fleet of Ships: And having furnish'd this Prince with all Things necessary for a Warlike Expedition, will send him thus Equipp'd to claim the Government of Tunis; or in Case of Denial, to make a Descent in that Kingdom, and fight for it. But I believe, this will onely prove a Spanish Rhodomontade; that Monarch having Work enough cut out for him in Europe and America, by the French and English, to divert him from any such Wild Enterprize on Africk. However it be, this Don Philippo is much talk'd of in Christendom, and the Spaniards flatter themselves with the Hopes of Conquering a Great Part of Barbary by his Means, he having many Friends and a considerable Interest in those Parts.
Thou mayst acquaint the Divan, that Osmin the Dwarf is still living, and serves the Port with a secret and untainted Zeal. Two days ago he discover'd a Cunning Practice of Cardinal Mazarini, whose Motions and Intrigues he watches very narrowly. He assures me, That this Minister has dispatch'd [Page 147]away Two Agents to the King of Sueden and Elector of Brandenburgh, with a Letter to each of these Princes from the King of France; also with Blank Papers, and the King's Seal, giving them Instructions, to fill up those Blanks and Seal them with the King's Signet, according as they found the Treaty go forward between those Princes. The main Design of this Trick being, to hinder them from entering into a League against the King of Poland, by all the Artifice these Agents cou'd use, in exactly timeing and suiting their Counterfeit Letters, to the Difficulties and Misunderstandings that always happen in such Treaties, that so they may exasperate each Party against the other, as Occasion offer'd, without being oblig'd to send to France for fresh Letters, which wou'd breed too much Delay, and spoil their Design.
By this thou mayst perceive, that Cardinal Mazarini comes not short of his Predecessor Richlieu, in managing the Affairs of Foreign Courts. He is the very Soul of all the Grand Business in Christendom.
A general Heart-burning has possess'd the French, especially the Inhabitants of Paris, ever since the Conclusion of the last Year, when the King issu'd out certain Orders, commanding that all the Gold and Silver-Money in the Kingdom, shou'd be brought in to his Mint to be new Coin'd. The Merchants first complain'd of this Edict; and then it was murmur'd at by all Trading People. At Length the Parliament of Paris took it into [Page 148]their Consideration, and oppos'd the King's Pleasure: Upon which he banish'd Eight of their Members, and has several Times prohibited them to Assemble; yet they persisted to meet, till he banish'd more of them: Which instead of awing them into the expected Compliance, has but incens'd 'em more: And the discontented Clergy blow up the Coals, as do likewise the Friends of the Prince of Conde. The Parliament are very bold and peremptory in their Proceedings, having expressly forbid the Citizens of Paris to obey the King's Order, and decreed that Nothing shall be done in their Assembly, till the Banish'd Senators be recall'd.
Things being at this Pass, we expect Nothing but Insurrections, Massacres and other Effects of Popular Fury. The Rich are laying in vast Quantities of Corn and other Provisions, as if they expected a Siege. And the Poor fare the better for it, whilst great Largesses are given among them by the Grandees of the Parliament, to engage them in the Faction. Besides, thou know'st, the Multitude always delights in Novelty and State-Tempests, hoping for Plunder, and to enrich themselves by the Ruine of others.
I know not what Conduct is fittest for me to use in this Case. Whether it will be best for me to abide in this City, or follow the Court, which is now at La Fere in Picardy. Or Whether I should retire to some other Place, less liable to Civil Disturbances. I wish, the Ministers of the Port would send me full Instructions, [Page 149]what I ought to do in these Emergences.
From Rome we hear, that the Pope and Cardinals are in great Consternation on some Intelligence they have receiv'd, That the English intend to make a Descent on the Territories of the Church. That Nation is now become the Great Bug-bear of all Europe, since they have molded themselves into a Commonwealth.
Every Kingdom and Empire has a Time to rise, and another to fall. But, who can determine the Period wherein the Ottoman Glory will decline, which is not yet advanc'd to its Zenith?
Paris, 27th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER XVIII.
To Sedrec Al' Giraw'n, Chief Treasurer to the Grand Signior.
THY Vertues have at Length rais'd thee to a Glorious Trust, the Charge of Immense Wealth. Thou hast in thy Custody, the Riches which cannot be match'd in the Universe. God inspire thee with Graces suitable to a Dignity so full of Temptations. I hope, thou wilt not be affronted at my Prayer, [Page 150]as was thy Predecessor Kienan Bassa, at some Counsels of like Nature, which I gave him in a Letter. Some Men are strangely Cholerick, and look on him as an Enemy who gives them good Advice. I onely warn'd him of the ordinary Cheats that are practis'd at Certain Times in the Treasury, which thou know'st to be true, as well as I. And I tell thee farther, he himself was suspected by many in the Seraglio, not to have been altogether exempt from Guilt.
Whether he were or not, I perform'd but my Duty in giving him necessary Cautions. For, such is the Will of my Superiours, that I shou'd not be afraid to unravel the Secrets of those who are false to the Grand Signior. I did not charge him with such a Crime, and therefore he had no Reason to be angry: But some Men will pick a Quarrel with their own Shadows. In a Word, this Grandee forgot himself.
In saying so, I do not reflect on his Original, or that he was found sleeping on a Dunghill in Russia, a poor ragged Infant, when the Tartars took him Captive, among many Thousands of others, in the Plunder of Tsinarow, and sold him to the Capa Agasi, for Thirteen Piasters, by Reason of his Beauty. I do not call to mind the Circumstances of his Youth; since 'tis common for the meanest Slaves, to arrive at an Extraordinary Grandeur by their Merits, or at least through the Favour of the Sultan.
But what I aim at is, that in his being disgusted at the Remonstrances I made of some private and sinister Practices in the Treasury, he forgot, that he himself is still a Slave to the Grand Signior, as well as I, and therefore not above Instruction.
Well, it seems he is now made Captain Bassa, and thou succeedest him in the Office of Treasurer. To him I wish all Imaginable Success and Victories at Sea, for the Sake of our Great Master, and the Mussulman Empire: To thee, for thy own Sake, and for my Brother's, whom I know thou wilt ever respect as a Friend; I wish Encrease of Riches and Honours, even as thy Merits and Services augment, in the Esteem of the Sultan, and of all the World.
And, I tell thee, I have far livelier Hopes to see this Latter Wish take Effect, than the Former: For, what Reason have we to expect better Luck from the Courage or Conduct of this Ouroos Kienan, than from the brave Zornesan Mustapha, who commanded the Fleet last Year?
This Unhappy Thought has put me into as melancholy a Humour, as Aeneas was in when the Queen of Carthage required an Account of the Trojan Wars. For, I have heard that Cara Mustapha, Bassa, succeeded Zornesan in the Command of the Fleet, and in the Revolution of a Moon was made Mansoul again, for the Sake of Kienan Bassa, or rather for the Sake of the licentious Souldiers, who it seems command all Things. I have been inform'd [Page 152]also, of all the other Tragedies Acted at the Seraglio, since the Second Moon of this Year. Neither are the Causes and Origin of so much Slaughter and Blood-shed hid from me. 'Tis too apparent, that there is an Universal Disorder and Corruption in the Discipline of the Janizaries.
I formerly wrote to the Kiaya Bey on this Account. But it seems, Avarice the Root of all Evil, had render'd him Insensible and Obdurate.
Is it not a Shame that the Pay of those who serve the Grand Signior in the Wars, shou'd be detain'd, not Three or Four Moons, but Five or Six Years, by their corrupt Officers? They sit at home enjoying their Ease, revelling in Taverns, and committing a Thousand Riots; whilst the others undergo numberless Fatigues abroad, and are reduc'd to the extremest Necessities, not having so much as the Vests allow'd 'em by the Sultan, to cover their Nakedness! And, if they complain of their Sufferings, instead of Redress they meet with Nothing but Taunts and Reproaches, as if they were not worthy to eat the Sultan's Bread and Salt, tho' they freely hazard their Lives for him. It is no Wonder, the Janizaries are so unbridl'd in their Rage, after so many Provocations.
Yet, I cannot but lament the Fate of those Unfortunate Men, who were sacrific'd to the Fury of that insolent Militia: Especially, I condole the Loss of the brave Solyman Kyzlir Aga. The Janizaries had on old Grudge [Page 153]against him, ever since his hot Dispute with the Bostangi Bassa, and now they were resolv'd to execute their Revenge.
As for the Kiaya Bey, it seems to be a Stroak of Divine Justice, that he who had been the Cause of all this Mutiny, shou'd in Remorse strangle Himself, and so go to Hell, as an Expiation for the many Lives he had cast away.
And there's little less to be said, in Respect of the Mufti, who was the Chief of those that betray'd their Master, Sultan Ibrahim. To tell thee my true Resentments, I am heartily sorry for all the Rest: But to those who were concern'd in that Treason, there seems no Pity due. And the Mufti may thank God and his good Stars, that his Life went not with the Others. They report here, he is fled into Egypt.
But, what was that Gelep Assan, who headed this Rabble of Mutineers? I have heard Nothing of him, before the Intelligence I receiv'd of his sudden Rise, and equally precipitate Fall, during this Tumult. He was, I suppose, some passionate Fool, of an ill-contriv'd Midriff, which us'd to make a Quarrel between his Heart and his Spleen: And from this Intestine Broil, he habitually learn'd the Way to set People together by the Ears. A popular Man, an Incendiary, and one that knew how to wheadle the Vulgar to his own Ruine. Who can give an Account of these Things? Or who can unravel the Web of Destiny? Tho' there's nothing strange in his [Page 154]particular Case, yet in the General 'tis prodigious, That such little Instruments shou'd be able to give so terrible a Shock to the Frame of an Ancient and Mighty Government!
He was a Man of no Fame or Character, and yet for the Space of Two Moons, he may be said to command the Greatest Sovereign in the World, Sole Proprietor of Fame and Honour. And, had he push'd on his Interest, 'tis not improbable, but that he might have exalted himself above his Master, and secur'd his Post against all After-claps. For, according to my Intelligence, he had during the Sedition, heap'd together prodigious Sums of Money, the Presents of Bassa's and other Ministers of the Port, who all ador'd this new rising Comet, and sought his Protection and Favour against the Barbarous Rabble. But, it seems, he was infatuated with too much Glory, and consider'd not that every Body watch'd all Opportunities and Occasions to ruine him: And that his very Followers, wou'd be the First to betray him, as soon as the Hurry of their Insurrection was over. This generally happens to all Ringleaders of Parties. When once the Spirits of a Faction are spent, the Lees (which consist of Regret and Confusion) are discharg'd on those who first fermented them, mix'd with the Revenge of the State.
There are Abundance of Great and brave Men gone: But, the old Negidher was of their Council, and he brought them to [Page 155]Ruine, as he did the Coreis of Mecca, when they conspir'd against the Life of the Prophet. This Devil enter'd the Temple (where they were assembled) in the Shape of an Ancient Man, decrepid and leaning on a Crutch. And when he was commanded to withdraw, he told them, He was a Senior, who had seen all Ages, and remark'd the Occurrences of Times; that he was expert in unfolding Secrets, and rendring Difficult Things easie. In a Word, he us'd so many plausible Insinuations, that they admitted him into their Assembly. But, none of their Counsels prosper'd.
That malicious Daemon, is often present in the Cabals of Seditious Men; and tho' they see him not, yet he secretly undermines their Plots, and brings 'em to Shame and Punishment. For, he is the Spirit of Envy: And tho' he be himself a Rebel, and the Ringleader of a Faction in the Kingdom of the Air; yet, such is his spightful nature, that he seldom suffers any Rebellion to thrive on Earth: Not for any Love that he bears to Government, but because he delights to be active in Mischief, be it where it will; and the Guardian Spirits, will not suffer him to mix with the establish'd Divans of an Empire.
The All-Good God preserve thee from the Malice of Wicked Daemons, who always hover about Treasures of Gold and Silver.
Paris, 22d. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER XIX.
To the same.
THE Troubles of the Sublime Port touch'd me so nearly, and embark'd my Soul in such a Tempest of sollicitous Thoughts and Anxieties, for the Honour and Safety of the Osman Empire, that I had no Leisure to think of my own particular Hazards, whilst I was writing the other Letter. Yet I have been engulph'd in Abundance of Vexatious Circumstances and perillous Accidents.
It generally happens, that when one Misfortune befalls a Man, it brings a Train along with it. So that at some Seasons we seem to be besieged with Evils, or at least so closely block'd up by an Army of Calamities, that there is no Passage left open, either for Relief or Intelligence.
So has it far'd with me of late, and with Thousands of others, I doubt not, in this Populous City. The Rebellion of the Prince of Conde, is the Occasion of all this. For, the King having some Reasons to apprehend a secret Conspiracy of the Prince's Friends and Well-Wishers in Paris and other Places, has caus'd a very severe Scrutiny to be made of all Strangers and Sojourners. The Soubashi's or Officers go to every House within their Precinct, taking down the Names of all the Inhabitants in Writing, and seizing the Persons [Page 157]of those whom they suspect. The Prisons are fill'd with People of all Ranks, and the Nobles are sent to the Castle of the Wood of Vinciennes. 'Tis said, the King has a List of many Thousands of Conde's Party in Paris, who design'd on a prefix'd Day to take up Arms for that Prince, and that their Example wou'd have been follow'd all over the Kingdom.
God knows what is in the Hearts of these Infidels: I am sure, Mahmut is wholly a Stranger to their Plots. Tho' last Year I receiv'd certain Instructions from the Vizir Azem, commanding me to act secretly in the Prince of Conde's Behalf, to abett the Faction, and use all the Endeavours and Art I could, to raise a New Party for him among the Courtiers. But, I wav'd so dangerous an Employment, by proposing to him the vast Expences it wou'd require, and the Necessity of sending some Extraordinary Embassy to this Court, to countenance the Business. To tell thee the Truth, I esteem'd it a Thing Impracticable, and a mere Caprice of that Active Bassa, who had a Natural Kindness for Rebels, and delighted to have a Hand in difficult Undertakings, whether there was any Likelyhood of Success or not.
But, he is dead, and let that atone for all his Rebellions, when he had the Command of Aleppo. I love not to load the departed Souls with Accusations. What I have to say, is in my own Vindication, who cou'd not approve his Politick Chimaera: In Regard, had it succeeded, [Page 158]no Profit or Advantage wou'd from thence arise to the Ottoman Empire: And had it been discover'd, not only I and all the Secrets of my Commission wou'd have lain open to the Infidels, but also it wou'd have been an Eternal Dishonour and Blemish to the High Resplendent Port, to be found guilty of violating in so notorious a Manner, the Faith it had given to the most Ancient and Puissant Monarchy among the Nazarenes.
Besides, I knew not but this Minister had a private Grudge against me, for accusing him formerly to the Divan, when he held Correspondence with the Venetians; and that he study'd this Way to be reveng'd, by employing me in an Affair, which must needs be my Ruine. However, I think I had Reason to be Cautious, and Apprehensive of the Worst. This made me dispatch to him a Letter, full of specious Umbrages, seeming to approve his Design, but entangling it with such Difficulties, as wou'd divert him from farther Thoughts of it.
Yet after all, I have been really brought into Danger, on the bare Suspicion of being concern'd on the Prince of Conde's Side: By which thou may'st guess at the Consequence, had I hearken'd to the Vizir's Advice.
One Morning early, the Officers appointed for this Purpose enter'd my Chamber: And having demanded my Name, Business and Quality; I answer'd, My Name was Titus Durlach Nieski; but that for Shortness, and to denote [Page 159]my Country, I was commonly call'd Titus the Moldavian; and that by this Name I was well known to Cardinal Mazarini, as I had been to his Predecessor Richlieu, and other Courtiers of great Quality. I told 'em likewise, That I was a Clerk, who understood some Foreign Languages, and therefore had been often employ'd by those Cardinals, in translating Books out of Greek and Arabick into Latin and French: For which Reason, being recommended by Cardinal Richlieu, I had been introduc'd into the Acquaintance of several Nobles, whose Children I taught those Languages. And that some of them had promis'd to make me Curate of St. Stephen's Church, as soon as it was Vacant.
They seem'd to be very well satisfy'd with what I said; but told me moreover, They had a Commission to search my Lodgings for Arms and Treasonable Papers.
It is impossible to express the Horror I was in when I saw them go roundly to work, prying into every Corner, and searching my Trunks, Coffers and even my Bed it self. Not that I had any Guilt upon me, of concealing either Arms or Papers relating to this Conspiracy, but my Concern was for my Box of Letters to the Ministers of the Port. As for Arms, they found no other but an old Sword, which I told them I travell'd with out of my own Country, and a Brace of Pistols for the same Use, to defend me from Robbers, Assassins and other Injuries.
These Fellows seem'd mightily pleas'd with the Curious Workmanship of my Weapons, survey'd them all over, and having drawn my Sword out of the Scabbard, and made a Pass or two with it against the Wall, after the French Mode of Fencing, they put it up again; telling me, They had no Authority to take these Arms from me, since they were necessary for my Defence. But when they came to my Box of Letters, and saw them written in strange Characters which none of them could read; they began to look on one another, and change their Countenances, as if there were some dangerous Matter contain'd in these Papers, and therefore writ in Cyphers.
They went aside to one End of the Chamber, whispering together, and nodding their Heads with all the Symptoms of Jealousie. At length, I Interrupting them, said, ‘You need not, Gentlemen, be concern'd about those Papers. They were left with me by a Merchant-Jew of my Acquaintance, and they are Letters of Correspondence between him and some of his Brethren at Rome, Venice, Amsterdam, and other Places in Europe. 'Tis therefore they are written in a Character which to you appears strange, it being Hebrew, the National Language of the Jews. They contain onely Matters of Traffick, being Letters of Mart and Exchange: For you know, the Jews are the greatest Merchants, Brokers, and Banquiers in the World.’
These Words, with some Gold which I gave them, dispers'd all their Suspicions, clear'd up their cloudy Brows, and turn'd their Frowns into Smiles and Complimental Addresses. They told me, I was a very honest Man, and they wou'd do me what Service they cou'd. So bid me adieu.
By this thou may'st see the mighty Power of that Charming Metal, which commands all Things. For, whatever I cou'd have said without that, had been Insignificant. But these Idolaters, melted into an Indifference at the First Sight of the glittering Pistoles, and when I had once render'd them thus ductile, 'twas easie to frame 'em to the most devout Appearance of Respect and Friendship. They promis'd and swore, no Hurt shou'd be done me.
But I knew the Fickleness of human Fidelity better, than to repose any great Confidence in these Men's Words. As soon as they were gone, I convey'd my Letters to Eliachim, who cou'd easily conceal 'em in any private Corner of his House: desiring him to furnish me with some Letters of Indifferent Concerns written in Hebrew, that if these Searchers shou'd come again, and demand a second View of my Box, perhaps with Design to carry it to some Minister of State, I might have those Hebrew Dispatches ready to shew; which being put in the same Box, wou'd not be known from the other by such Ignorant Fellows, to whom Hebrew, Arabick and Chinese were all alike, and so I shou'd be acquitted [Page 162]from all future Trouble of this Nature.
And the Event answer'd my Expectation. For, within Three Days, the same Men came again with others in their Company, pretending they had fresh Warrants, and were sworn to be Impartial. Wherefore I was forc'd to attend 'em, whilst they carry'd both me and my Box before a Cadi or Judge, who having examin'd me very strictly concerning my Name, Country, Religion, and other Matters, and seeming well satisfied with all my Answers, at last sent for a Priest well vers'd in the Hebrew Tongue, ordering him to peruse the Letters: Which when he had done, he assur'd the Cadi, that there was not a Word in any of them relating to the State, being purely Matters of Private Contracts and Bargains between Merchant-Correspondents, with Bills of Lading, &c. So I had my Box of Sham-Letters restor'd to me again, and was honourably dismiss'd.
Yet, tho' this Storm was soon blown over, I was very near running on Rocks and Sands through the Persecution of thy Predecessor Kienan Bassa, and Kisur Dramelec, with many others in the Seraglio: The First keeping from me the Pension allow'd by the Grand Signior; the Second either sending me no Intelligence, or else baffling me with trifling News, nothing to the Purpose; the Rest aspersing me to the Ministers of the Divan.
I desire thee to send me the Arrears that are behind for the Space of Nineteen Moons, [Page 163]as thou wilt find in the Register of the Hasna. Had it not been for Eliachim, that honest Jew, I shou'd have been ruin'd in this Place for Want of Money.
I need not say more to thee, who know'st that Gold is the Grand Talisman, which works all the Miracles in the World.
Paris, 22th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS. VOL. V.
BOOK III.
LETTER I.
To Dgnet Oglou.
WHO can penetrate into the Mysterious Conduct of Destiny; Whether God governs this World by the Influence of the Stars, or by the Ministry of Spirits, or by his own Immediate Power? Or, whether All Things did not proceed from Chance, and are still Rul'd by the same? Be it how it will, there remains Something Adorable. Even that Chance it [Page 166]self, supposing Epicurus's Opinion true, is worthy of Supreme Honours and Sacrifices, which has with such Exquisite Luck, perform'd all the Part of Infinite Wisdom and Forecast, in Forming and Preserving the Ʋ niverse. Were I a Disciple of that Philosopher, every Morning when I beheld the Rising Sun, and at Mid-Day when I saw him Climb the Meridian, and in the Evening when he takes his Congè of this Upper World to visit our Antipodes, wou'd I with Profoundest Veneration cry out, O Eternal Chance? O Omnipotent Casualty? O Incomprehensible Blindness! I adore thee, I burn Incense to thee, and do all Things which the duller Sort of Mortals think are only due to an All-Wise, All-Good, and an All-Mighty God. Thus wou'd I address to that Infinite Pell-Mell of Atomes, cou'd I believe with Epicurus, that from such an Unconceivable Hurly-Burly, proceeded all this Admirable Beauty and Order which we behold.
Thou wilt perceive by this, that I am Religiously dispos'd; and rather than not Adore some Supreme Being, I wou'd make a Deity of that which to others is the Fountain of Atheism. And I think there is Reason on my Side. For let this World be produc'd how it will, whether by the Casual Concourse of Atomes, or by the Deliberate Act of an Eternal Mind; Whether it be Eternally Self-Existent, according to the Stoicks, or be the Genuine Result of the Divine Idea's, as the Platonists say; It is but Just, that we shou'd pay the most Devout and Grateful Acknowledgments [Page 167]to the Source of so many Immense Prodigies and Wonders.
But then, what shall we say for all the EVIL that appears in the World? That there is such a Thing as EVIL, scatter'd up and down through all the Ranks of Beings, and as it were blended and rivetted in their very Essences; is manifest at First View, and every Man has his Share of this Epidemical Contagion. But whence it proceeds, who can inform me? I am not the First that ask the Question. Many Ages ago the Inquisitive World was busie in searching out the Root of EVIL. And there were almost as many Opinions about it, as there were Nations on Earth.
Some asserted, That all EVIL came out of the North: Others derive it from the South; as if the Two Poles were the Centers and Native-Seats of this Malady of the World. But these seem to be Men of Short Discourse and Shallow Reason, Supinely Credulous, and willing to take up with any Thing, rather than be at the Pains of Attentive Contemplation.
Yet this Opinion has so far prevail'd in these Western Parts, that the Nazarene Priests when they Celebrate their Mass, stand on the North Side of the Altar at the Reading the Gospel, turning their Backs to that Quarter of the World. And the Reason they give for this Ceremony is, because in the Written Law it is said, Out of the North comes all EVIL. I have heard 'em seriously maintain this Argument. But, God knows whether there be any such Place in the Written [Page 168]Law, or no: Or, if there be, whether it must be taken in this Sence. Yet I must confess, the Romans have some Reason to believe it, having Experimentally felt a great deal of EVIL from the Northern Goths and Vandals, who in Former Ages rush'd out of their Frozen Regions, and came down like a Torrent upon Italy and other Parts of Europe, making Havock of all Things Civil and Sacred. And, if this be the Ground of their Ceremony, they have greater Reason now to change their Station, and turn their Backs to the South-East, having been much more Fatally handled by the Victorious Mussulmans.
The Ancient Persians held, That there were Two Principles or Sources of All Things, viz. GOOD and EVIL; and that there has been an Eternal Quarrel between them: But in the End, they say, the GOOD shall get the Victory, and Exterminate the EVIL. This Opinion was embrac'd by a Sect of Christians, whom they call'd Manichees. The Founder of that Sect, was a Persian by Birth: His Name was Manes, a very Learned Man, as the Records of the East testify: Yet the Christians rank him among the most Pernicious Hereticks. He taught, That Wine was the Blood of Devils; And therefore forbad it to his Followers. He also prohibited the Flesh of Animals. This he learn'd from the Priests of Egypt, where he resided a considerable Time.
But to return to the Sentiments of Men concerning the Origin of EVIL. There are some who affirm, God is the Author of it: Which is not far from Blasphemy. Others say, That when the Devils were Exterminated from the Earth, they in Revenge sow'd the Seeds of EVIL in the Ʋniverse. But that of the Stoicks seems the most plausible to me: For they asserted, That Nothing is EVIL of it self, but that the Contrariety which we behold in the World, is very Good, and conduces to Establish the Order and Oeconomy of All Things.
My dear Gnet, do not esteem me an Atheist, because of the Liberty I take in discoursing of these Mysterious Things. There are a Sort of People here in the West, whom they call Deists, that is, Men professing the Belief of a God, Creator of the World, but Scepticks in all Things else. They have no Implicite Faith in Historical Religion, but think it the Part of Men as they are endu'd with Reason, to call in Question the Writings of Mortals like themselves, though they had the Character of the Greatest Prophets. Thus they think it no Sin to canvass the Books of Moses, and the Hebrew Prophets, the Gospel of Jesus the Son of Mary, and the Alcoran of Mahomet our Holy Lawgiver: Chusing what is Agreeable to Reason, and rejecting the Rest as Fabulous, inserted either by the Craft of Men, or the Interloping of the Devil.
I protest, there appears to me no Reason to call these Men Atheists or Infidels. They [Page 170]rather seem to deserve the Title of Philosophers, or Lovers of Wisdom and Truth. And 'tis from them I have learn'd this Unwillingness to be impos'd on in Matters of Religion. I find them in all Things Men of great Morality and Goodness, far exceeding the Zealots of the Age in true Virtue and Pious Actions. But they make no Noise of what they do: And whilst only their Human Frailties are Conspicuous to all, their Perfections lie conceal'd under the Veil of an Unparallell'd Modesty.
Such of Old were the Associates of Zeid Eb'n Raphaa, my Country-man. This was a Person of an Ardent Spirit and Prodigious Understanding, Educated in the Mussulman Law: But when he came to those Years, wherein Men usually examine the Grounds of their Religion, he sought out the most Learned Men, and such as were vers'd in all Sciences. After he had convers'd some Time with 'em, and found 'em to be Persons of Integrity, as well as Men of Sense, he propos'd to them the Convenience of Frequent Clubs among themselves, where they might with an Unrestrained Freedom, discourse of all Things; and being United in an Inviolable Friendship, might improve one another in Knowledge and Virtue, without regarding the Legends and Harangues of the Mollahs. This Society compos'd Fifty Books of so many several Kinds of Science, and they call'd 'em Echwanossapha, or the Writings of the Sincere Fraternity, concealing their Names. They treated [Page 171]of Human and Divine Matters without Reserves or Caution: Asserting, That the Mussulman Religion was Corrupted and Alienated from its First Institution, having imbib'd many Errors; and that there was no Way to restore it to its Primitive Purity, but by joining to it the Philosophy of the Ancients. In a Word, they endeavour'd to reform whatever was amiss in the Doctrines and Manners of the Faithful, by reducing both to the Standard of Reason.
I know not whether thou wilt approve or dislike their Enterprize. But I am sure, thou art Sensible as well as I, that there are Bigots among the Followers of the Prophet, and that these deserve Correction. The Devil will set his Foot in the Temple of God. But do not thou follow his Steps. If thou do, He that made the Devil, fetch thee back again.
Paris, 30th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER II.
To the Nazin Eschref, or, Prince of the Emirs, at the Port.
THE Christians say, 'tis an Argument of God's Love when he chastises them. Therefore they have no Reason to be peevish, or call it an Effect of his Anger, that a dismal Plague is broke out in the Territories of the Pope, the Kingdom of Naples, and other Parts of Italy. This Contagion rages so vehemently in Rome, the Capital City of the Western Nazarenes, that above a Hundred Thousand Persons of several Ranks have forsaken that Place. The Pope's Palace is shut up, and no Access granted to any, not even to Foreign Embassadors, without great Precaution; and then, none of their Retinue are admitted with them.
'Tis said, Seventeen Hundred die daily in that City, and Six Thousand a Day in Naples. Nay, in some Places, the Living are scarce sufficient to bury the Dead. The Grand Duke of Toscany, to prevent the spreading the Infection in his Territories, has forbid all Intercourse between his Subjects and those of the Pope, neither will he permit so much as a Nuncio to pass through his Dominions.
This Mortality has frighted Queen Christina from Rome. She has sent to desire Passes of [Page 173]the Duke of Savoy and other Princes, designing for France. She is already on her Voyage, having been presented by the Pope with Ten Thousand Crowns, to defray the Expences of her Travels. Here are great Preparations making for her Reception: The King having sent Orders to all Governours of Towns and Provinces through which she must pass, to receive and entertain her with a Magnificence due to her Sovereign Dignity, and worthy of the French Grandeur and Hospitality.
In the mean Time, this Court is in a sullen Humour, by Reason of a late great Loss they have suffer'd at Valenciennes in Flanders. This Place was besieg'd by the French, at the Beginning of the Campagne, but was reliev'd by the Spaniards this Moon, who kill'd above a Thousand Men on the Spot, took Five Thousand Prisoners, with all their Cannon and Baggage. Amongst the Captives of Note, is the Mareschal de Ferte Seneterre, General of the French Army. The Names of the others are wanting. Mareschal de Turenne himself very narrowly escap'd, by timely withdrawing his Brigade from the Fight: For which some stigmatize him with Cowardise and Treachery: Whilst others affirm, he acted the Part of a Prudent Captain, in thus Retreating, since it was impossible to restore the Battle with any success.
From Sueden we hear, that the Elector of Brandenburgh has enter'd into a League with the King of Sueden, by which both their Armies are United against the King of Poland: [Page 174]and 'tis said, their first Design will be upon Dantzick. That Country is in a horrid Confusion, the Nobles, Gentry, and Boores being all in Arms, some deserting their Sovereign, others adhering to his Interest. King Casimir, has invested Warsaw with an Army of Forty Thousand Men. In the mean Time, the Hollanders have sent a great Fleet of Ships of War into the Baltick Sea; but to what end, is not known; nor what Part they will take, whether the Suedes or Poles. Yet, the Latter hope for great Assistance from them, there having been lately some Misunderstanding between the Dutch and the Suedes. The Moscovites also have enter'd Poland with a Numerous Army, and the Tartars are coming with another to the Aid of King Casimir.
Thus is Poland become the Stage of a most Terrible War; and which Side soever gets the Victory, that unhappy Country will be near ruin'd.
Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna, and a Private Agent for the Grand Signior, sends me Word, that the Emperour of Germany hath an Army of Thirty Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse in Silesia, who are to join with the Moscovites, and do some considerable Action against the Suedes, whose continual Victories and growing Greatness, gives Jealousy to these Puissant Monarchs. He informs me farther, that the Emperour has dispatch'd a Courier to the Prince of Transylvania, with Instructions and Letters, to engage him to a Neutrality. [...]
But the Young Ragotski, is as Wild as his Father, and hates to be led by the Nose.
Thou mayest inform the Ministers of the Divan, that Adonai the Jew, is dead of the Plague in Rome, having first taken Care to transmit to me all the Papers which concern the Mysterious Port.
This Court at present is at a Place call'd La Fere in Picardy, a Province bordering on Flanders. From whence there may be a more frequent Intercourse between the King and his Camp.
Prince of the Holy Line, I have sent thee all the News that is stirring at this Juncture, saving some trivial Matters which are not worth a Moselman's Knowledge; much less thine, who art distinguish'd from the Crowd of True Believers, by wearing the Sacred Colour of the Prophet.
Paris, 30th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER III.
To Melec Amet.
HERE has been a strange Accident lately, not many Leagues from Paris, which has occasion'd Various Discourses, and put the Philosophers upon a New Scrutiny. One Morning a certain Peasant or Farmer, walking over his Lands, as his Custom is, to number his Sheep and other Cattle, miss'd a Barn or Store-House which stood in a Field at some Distance from his Habitation. Surpriz'd at this, he hasten'd towards the Place where he saw it but the Night before: When, to his no small Astonishment, he perceiv'd, that not only the Barn, but a great Part of the Field wherein it was built, was sunk into the Earth. He immediately ran and call'd some of his next Neighbours to behold this Strange Spectacle: And the Fame of it spread all over the Country. Divers Learned and Ingenious Persons have been there, to make Observations of this Accident. But none dares venture near enough to the Chasme, to look down into it; because the Earth continues breaking and falling in, which makes a Noise like the Salvo's of the Janizaries, when the Grand Signior visits the Arsenal.
One wou'd conclude by these Uncommon Symptoms, that the Earth grows Ancient and [Page 177]Weak, that her Inward Strength and Vigor decays, and that we are every where in Danger of being swallow'd up. I have not Time to write more, it being Midnight, and the Post ready to go.
The Almighty and All-Good God, have thee in his Holy Protection.
Paris, 30th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER IV.
To Zornezan Mustapha, Beglerbeg of Erz'ram.
I Will still Congratulate thy Happiness, even in this Last Change of thy Fortune; which, though it be a Kind of Descent from the more Lofty Stations thou hast possess'd in the Osman Empire, yet 'tis attended with Honourable Circumstances and an Inviolable Security. Thou art not out of the Sultan's Favour, Banish'd to Egypt, and Confin'd to a narrow Pension during thy Life, as has been the Fate of several Grandees: But thou art withdrawn from the Intrigues of State, the Toils of War, and the Plots of a Courtier's Life, to the Sweet Retirements of the Country, the Peaceable Possession of a Rich and Fertile Province, where thou mayst pass thy [Page 178]Days in Uncontroulable Ease and Felicity.
I am not surpriz'd at the Fall of so many Great Men at the Port, nor do I much regret the Death of those who were known Enemies to the Government: Yet it troubles me to think, how the Brave and the Loyal had their Innocent Blood mingled with that of Traytors and Villains. But, these Things are unavoidable in Popular Insurrections, when the Sovereign is compell'd to sacrifice to the Multitude, whomsoever they require. Thus fell the Illustrious Solyman, among the Criminal Eunuchs, though he himself was free from Stain. But he was a Negro, and that was his Ruine. For, the Malecontents cou'd not discern the Fair Qualities of his Soul.
Curse on that Fool Chaban Kalfa, and double Curses on his Rampant Wife Mulkly Kadin, who gave the First Occasions to all this Disorder and Spoil of Noble Blood. I remember, the honest Solyman gave me once a Hint of the Feminine Debaucheries practis'd in the Queen-Mother's Apartments: But he spoke of it with so much Modesty and Reserve, that it hardly made any Impression on me at that Time. Otherwise I shou'd have imparted it to the Vizir Azem, or some other Minister of the Divan; for, so am I commanded, in Cases that touch the Honour and Safety of the Grand Signior. And, I tell thee, this was none of the least Importance. For, as it appears, the Women were undermining the most Sacred and Firmly Establish'd Government in the World. They were [Page 179]not contented to wallow in their own Impious and Unnatural Delights, but wou'd have set themselves as a Pattern to others, and by Degrees have infected the whole Moselman Empire with a New Species of Debauchery: Which as it began and was carried on by Embezilling the Royal Treasures, selling of Places to Men of no Merit, Buffoons, Pimps and Asses; so wou'd it have ended in enervating our Militia, corrupting all the Faithful, and laying the Empire naked to Infidels.
How many Vizirs, Caimachams, Captain-Bassa's and other Officers have we had this Fatal Year? Among the Rest, I cannot but reflect on the Poysoning of the Chiaux Bassa, after he was made Vizir▪ Azem, as a Stroke of Divine Justice, for having embru'd his Hands in so much Noble Blood, when he enjoy'd that Dignity once before. God pursues the Cruel with Invisible Scourges.
But what was that Achmet Bassa, who took Advantage of the Sultan's Domestick Troubles, and Foreign Wars, to disturb his Government in Asia, and raise a Rebellion, which threaten'd even the Imperial City it self? By the Course of his Fortune, it looks as if he were not contented with his Command in Asia, and therefore took this new celebrated Method to obtain a Higher Dignity, viz. by Rebelling against his Master: Else why was he made Bassa of the Sea, in the Room of Ouroos Kienan? The Bassa of Aleppo first brought into Fashion this daring Way of growing Great. And if it be thus countenanc'd [Page 180]by the Grand Signior, in all Probability, he will have Reason to make Peace with the Christians, that he may have Respite, and Forces to employ against his own Subjects.
A midst all these Things, Nothing afflicts me so much, as the Horrible Loss our Fleet has sustain'd at Sea. We have various Reports of this Combat, but in general they agree, That the Moselmans have lost Seventy Two Ships, and Galleys, with an Infinite Number of Men; That the Venetians have taken the Isles of Tenedos and Lemnos, and that they are advancing to besiege Constantinople. This News is a great while coming to us: So that, if it be true, and the Venetians pursu'd their Victory; for ought I know, by this Time, the Imperial City, the Refuge of the World, may be laid in Ashes.
I have often propos'd the Necessity of Platforms along the Hellespont, to guard that Important Avenue of the Sacred Port. Had they put in Practice Mahmut's Advice, perhaps the Nazarenes wou'd have had no Occasion for their present Triumphs. But, now they Banquet in the open Streets; All Christendom rings with the News of our Disgrace. The Drunkards of Europe, insult o'er the Professors of Sobriety: Amidst their Bowls of Wine, they blaspheme our Prophet, and sing in the Praise of Bacchus their God: They menace the Conquest of Asia, and threaten to exterminate the Moselmans from the Earth.
Enrag'd at these Prophane Boasts, I stop my Ears, and turning round in a Divine Phrensy, I pray that God wou'd baffle the Infidels.
Paris, 6th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER V.
To the most Renowned and most Illustrious Mahomet, Vizir Azem, at the Port.
THAT Incomprehensible Majesty which has no Resemblance, at whose Pleasure all Things are dispos'd and order'd in Heaven and Earth, by whose particular Providence, for the Good of the Osman Empire, thou art exalted to this Glorious Trust, to be Vicar of the Vicar of God; augment thy Graces and Vertues, and bless thee with Superlative Wisdom, and perfect Tranquility.
I renew thy Accomplish'd Soul, consummate in all Moral and Political Science. Thou art the most Experienc'd Man in the Empire. And I ceas'd to condole the late Tumults and Riots at Constantinople, though their Effects were Fatal to some brave Men; since thou art chosen to this Dignity, from whom the whole [Page 182] Empire may expect, not onely a serener State of Affairs, during thy Administration, but also a rooting up of the Causes of these Publick Distempers, and of all other Evils which infest the Monarchy design'd for the Conquest and Reformation of the whole World.
According to the Custom of the East, I approach thee not without some Present: But pardon the Slave Mahmut, who can send thee none worthy of thy Grandeur. I have enclos'd in a Box the true Effigies of the Present King of France, with that of his Uncle the Duke of Orleans, his Brother the Duke of Anjou, and his Cousin the Prince of Conde; as also that of Cardinal Mazarini, and Queen Christina of Sueden, who is now at the French Court. Accept also from an Exile, a little Cabinet containing Twelve Watches, of so many different Contrivances, according to the Circular Variation of the Moons in the Space of Thirty Four Years. They are the Work of my own Hands; therefore I shall not commend 'em. Each is wrapt up in a Piece of Silk, wherein is wrought in Arabick Letters the Method of using it. Perhaps thou wilt find some Diversion in trying the Experiments mention'd in those Tables. However, despise not this mean Testimony of Mahmut's Respect; but consider that if I come short of the Curious Artists in Europe, yet my Labour is passable enough for a Moselman, among whom there is scarce another Watch-maker to be found in the World.
If thou woud'st know the Occasion of Queen Christina's being at the French Court: She came thither from Rome, when the last Moon was in its Wane. Her Passage was by Sea to Marseilles, having touch'd at Genoua, and receiv'd magnificent Gifts from the Republick; but they would not permit her to land, for Fear of the Plague, which then rag'd in Rome, and was the Cause of her leaving that City.
However, the French shew'd no such timorous Squeamishness, but receiv'd Her and her Train with open Arms. She landed at Marseilles on the 29th. of the 7th. Moon; and when she made her Publick Entry, the Consuls of that City, with all the Nobles met her in Coaches, the Great Guns were discharg'd to welcome her, and she was caress'd with all the Demonstrations of Honor that are shew'd to the Queen of France her self in her Progresses.
The same Entertainment she receiv'd at Aix, Avignon, Lyons, and in Fine all along the Road to Paris, the Keys of Towns being surrendred to her (for such was the King's Pleasure) and a Canopy of State born over her Head, when she enter'd any Town, and receiv'd the Addresses and Compliments of Governours, Prelates, and other Great Men in Authority. She was likewise Magnificently treated by Princes and the Chief Dukes of the Realm: And on the 8th. of the last Moon, made her Entry into this City on Horse-back, apparell'd like a Man: Where having staid some Time, she departed for Compiegne, to [Page 184]visit the Court, which resides there now.
It is not Suppos'd, she will tarry long in France, but as soon as she hears the Plague is abated in Rome, and the Adjacent Parts, she will return thither, to pass away the Residue of her Life, in that Nest of Princes and Prelates of the Nazarene Belief.
A little before she left Rome, the Spaniards there had Conspir'd to seize on her Person, as also on the Pope; to have Murder'd the Portugal Embassador, and set the City on Fire. But the Plot was discover'd, and the Conspirators put in Prison: (For, the Sentence of Death is never pass'd in Criminal Cases among the Nazarenes, without a Formal Tryal▪)
Here is a Rumour, as if a Great Fire had some Moons ago broke out in Constantinople, and consum'd much of that City. I wonder, none of my Friends, nor any other residing there, have sent me an Account of any such Thing. Which fills me with Hopes, that this Report is false.
From all Hands we are assur'd, that the Suedes and Brandenburghers have obtain'd a great Victory over the Poles and Tartars at Warsaw; the Vanquish'd having lost above Six Thousand Men on the Spot, with all their Ammunition and Baggage: And unfortunate King Casimir, was forc'd to fly with a small Retinue towards Hungary.
'Twas the General Expectation of Europe, that the Moscovites and Germans, wou'd have done something extraordinary for the Poles, [Page 185]and by some surprizing Action, put a check to the Suedish Successes and Triumphs. For, when the Moscovite Embassador was at Koningsberg, endeavouring to withdraw the Duke of Brandenburgh from the Suedish Interest, he vomited forth terrible Menaces, in Case they comply'd not with His Master's Proposals. And one Day, in a furious Zeal, he took a large Goblet of Wine, in the Elector's Presence; and having drank it off to the Czars Health, the Barbarian said aloud, Thus shall the great Emperour of the Moscovites devour all that oppose him. But now it seems, these were only Empty Bravadoes, and the Moscovites were resolv'd to stand by; and see who got the better on't. The same may be said of the Emperour, and Prince of Transylvania; so of the Danes and Hollanders, who now all declare for the Srrongest Party.
Magnanimous Vizir, if the present Engagements and Wars in Dalmatia and Candy, besides the Domestick Troubles of the Ottoman Empire, did not wholly employ the Arms of the Moselmans; doubtless, 'twould be an Undertaking no less Profitable than Glorious, to succour the distress'd Casimir, turn the Tide of the Gothish Conquests, and oblige the Poles to an Eternal Fidelity and Gratitude to the Grand Signior.
Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER VI.
To Abrahim Eli Zeid, Hogia, Preacher to the Seraglio.
I Have frequent Access to the King's Library: Which Favour was first granted me by Cardinal Richlieu, who often employ'd me in Translating some Curious Treatises out of Arabick into French or Latin. The French seem very fond of Eastern Manuscripts, where ever they can meet with 'em: And they have no less Regard for Men who are skill'd in those Languages. That Minister especially, was very Inquisitive into the Wisdom and Learning of Asia. He Monopoliz'd Persian, Syrian and Arabick Books, and was a profess'd Patron of Linguists. He coveted the Acquaintance of Strangers and Travellers, that he might by their means Inform himself of the different Laws, Customs and Religions of Foreign Countreys; and of whatsoever was Rare and worthy of Observation, in any Part of the World.
Hence it was, that I receiv'd Evident Marks of his Esteem, as soon as he knew that I understood the Greek, Arabick, Hebrew, Turkish and Sclavonian Languages. He often made use of me, as I have said, and gave me free Access to his own and the King's Library. And tho' his Successor Cardinal [Page 187]Mazarini, is not so much addicted to Studies of this Nature, as to the Affairs of State; yet he has continued to me, the Priviledge of visiting this Treasury of Learned Books, where I pass many Hours.
One Day I cast my Eyes on a Manuscript Written in Arabick, and endors'd with this Title, [The Original Covenant of Mahomet, the Prophet of the Arabians, with the Professors of the Faith of Jesus] and Underneath was a Latin Inscription, signifying, That this Manuscript was found in the Convent of Christian Friars on Mount Carmel. I have Transcrib'd the Contents of this Parchment, and sent it Enclos'd to thee, that thou may'st judge whether it be Real or onely Counterfeit. For, the Nazarenes assert it to be the True Agreement of the Messenger of God; and therefore reproach all the Moselmans with Disobedience to our Lawgiver, and breaking the League, Sign'd and Seal'd by Him whom we call the Seal of the Prophets, and Witness'd by the Four Principal Doctors, Abu Becre, Osman, Omar and Hali.
If thou wilt peruse the Enclos'd Paper, it will be easy to discern, Whether We are Guilty of this Violation of Faith, or They. For, though (supposing this to be the Real Testament of the Prophet, as is pretended) that Favourite of Heaven grants many Articles of Peace, Assistance and Friendship, to the Followers [Page 188]of Jesus, with Immunity from Taxes and Impositions, Liberty of Conscience, Freedom of Marriages, &c. Yet 'tis evident, that he promis'd not these Things, but on certain Conditions to be observ'd on the Part of the Christians; as, that None of them shou'd harbour, or hold Correspondence with the Enemies of the True Believers, or Privately accommodate 'em with Arms, Horses, Money or any other Necessaries of War: But, on the Contrary, shou'd Hospitably receive the Mofelmans into their Houses for Three Days, and Protect 'em from their Enemies. If therefore, the Christians shou'd fail in any of these Points, the Prophet declares his Covenant to be void, and that they shall not enjoy the Indulgences granted therein. All this, thou wilt see, is recommended solemnly to both Parties, to be Religiously perform'd, till the Final Consummation.
Now, all the Dispute is, Whether We have First trangress'd these Articles, or the Nazarenes? For, if it can be prov'd, That they are the First Aggressors, then they have no Reason to complain of their Misfortunes, or accuse the True Faithful of Oppression and Tyranny, as they commonly do; Since it is manifest, that they have drawn these Evils on themselves, by their Breach of Faith, and Infidelity, disannulling the Covenant of God and his Prophet, and forfeiting the Benefits they might have claim'd by Vertue of it. Be it how it will, the Prophet is free from Blame: Let the Guilt rest on the Persons that were Criminal.
I know not how it comes to pass, that the Christians of this Age, think and speak more Reproachfully of our Holy Lawgiver, than did their Fathers, who liv'd in his Time or immediately after it, and who by Consequence cou'd better inform themselves of the Circumstances of his Birth, Life, and Renowned Actions. Some Ancient Writers among the Nazarenes, make Honourable Mention of Him and his Family. They conceal not the Early Signs of his Heroick Vertue, and the Grandeur to which he was destin'd. I have read in a certain Christian Author, That when the Prophet was but Nine Years Old, under the Tuition of his Uncle Abu Taleb, who carry'd his Glorious Charge along with him to Damascus, and that whilst they were at Boz'r, a Learned Monk whose Name was Bohira, came out of the Convent to meet them; and taking Mahomet by the Hand in the Presence of many Christians, he said aloud, This Youth is born to accomplish Great Things: His Fame shall be spread from East to West: For, as he drew near this Place, I saw a bright Cloud descend and cover him. Sultan David also Prophesy'd of him, in that which the Christians reckon the 50th. Psalm, and the 2d. Versicle: Where that Divine Poet thus Sings, From Sion God hath proclaim'd the Empire of Mahomet. But the Christians have Interpreted this in another Sence, though the Original remains a standing Witness against 'em. So Moses in the Pentateuch uttered a Mystery, [Page 190]when he said, God came from Sinai, he rose up from Seir, and was manifested from Mount Paran. Intimating hereby, the Descent of the Written Law to Moses, of the Gospel to Jesus the Son of Mary, and of the Alcoran to Mahomet. The Messias also said to his Disciples, If I go not away, the Called of God will not come to You. But the Christian Interpreters wilfully hide these Things from the Vulgar, lest their Eyes shou'd be open'd. There appears an Obstinate Malice and Ignorance in all their Actions.
Who will not laugh at the foolish Spight of the Spaniards; who, in a certain Town, had a Custom, as oft as they enter'd into the Church or came out, to spit on a Black Image of a Man sitting on an Ass, near the Gate. But a Mussulman Embassadour coming thither from the Emperour of Morocco, and observing this Vain Ceremony of the People, ask'd the King, What Person that Statue represented? He made answer, That it was the Image of Mahomet, the Arabian Prophet. That cannot be, reply'd the Embassador, since our Prophet never rode but on Camels: It is rather the Figure of the Messias, who indeed is recorded to have rode on an Ass. The King troubl'd at this Answer, consulted the Priests and Learned Men, who all concluded, that the Embassador had spoke the Truth. And therefore, instead of offering any more Indignities to this Image, they fell into another Extreme, and built a Chappel for it, burning Incense to the Senseless Stock, and paying it Divine Honours. [Page 191]Thus they Pray'd to that, which but a little before, they had Curs'd; and turn'd into a God, that which they had esteem'd almost as bad as the Devil. God's Curse be on the Devil, and all his Adorers: But on the Holy Prophet, and his Followers, may Blessings shower down, and rest till the Knot of the Spheres be dissolv'd.
Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER VII.
To Murat, Bassa.
KNow for Certain, that Dom Juan de Braganza, late King of Portugal is dead. He left this World on the 6th. of the last Moon, after he had been tormented Ten Days with the Stone: His Queen has the Supreme Power in her Hands during her Son's Minority, whose Name is Dom. Alphonso. This young Prince was Crown'd within a few Days after his Father's Decease, to prevent the Plots of the Spaniards, who support a Powerful Faction in that Kingdom of Portugal, and are not without Hopes, to reduce it again to the King of Spain's Obedience. The World is always busy, either in recovering Old lost Interests, or seeking of New. [Page 192]The Mareschal de la Ferte, who was taken Prisoner by the Prince of Conde in the Battle of Valenciennes, and having a Price set for his Ransom, had Liberty to go whither he wou'd on his Parole, either to bring the said Sum, or surrender his Person, by a certain Day; finding himself flighted at the French Court, is resolv'd to perform his Promise, at the prefix'd Time, and go over to the Prince of Conde's Interest, who will not fail to bestow a very Honourable Command on a General of such Merits.
In the mean Time, the Count of Harcourt plays Tricks with his Master, and holds private Correspondence with the German Emperour. He is a Serviceable or a Dangerous Man, according as he is pleas'd or disgusted, and therefore they court him on both Sides. He is now at Brisac in Alsace. I cannot admire a Man, that is thus Industriously troublesome to his Prince, without any Thing of Merit or Bravery to boast of, save his former Services in Catalonia, which have been sufficiently repay'd with Royal Condescensions and Favours. And those who make a Parallel between his Case, and that of the Mareschal de la Ferte Seneterre, consider not, that the last fell into his Enemies Hands, only by the Chance of War: Whereas, the other is a Wilful Apostate, if he embraces the Emperour's Proposals, when no Necessity constrains him, and Honour flies in his Face.
From the North we are informed, That Count Coningsmark, Generalissimo of the Suedish [Page 193]Forces in Prussia, as he was sailing from Wismar, was taken Captive by the Poles, and Imprison'd in the Castle of Weyssel-munden, near Dantzick. And the Inhabitants of that City, miss'd very narrowly of taking the Queen of Sueden herself. 'Tis certain, they have got a vast Booty from the Suedes, consisting of Eighteen Chests full of Gold, with Coffers of the King's Jewels and other Rich Things.
These, King Casimer demands for himself, with a Million of Rix-Dollars to be paid him by the Dantzickers; requiring also, that they should furnish his Army with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions: Which tho' it be a heavy Burden, yet those loyal Citizens think Nothing too much for their King.
The Moscovites in the 9th. Moon besieg'd Riga, a City belonging to the Crown of Sueden, but have newly rais'd the Siege, after they had lost above Ten Thousand Men before the Place.
This is all the News I can send thee, save that the French have taken Valentia, a City in Italy.
I wish I may hear as prosperous Intelligence as this last from Candia, after such Immense Charges and Slaughter. But, Victory is in the Disposal of the Angel of Time.
Paris, 2d. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1656.
LETTER VIII.
To Hebatolla Mir Argun, Superior of the Covent of Dervishes, at Cogni in Natolia.
IT is difficult to define the particular Temper of my Soul, when I first receiv'd the News of thy Predecessor's Death, that Renown'd and Venerable Bedredin, who, as thy Dispatch informs me, is gone to Paradise. I was neither in Passion, nor yet Insensible, but wholly Resign'd to the Will of Heaven. I consider'd his Immense Vertues, and the Course of Nature: His Wonderful Age, and more Admirable Actions, a Life Equally measur'd by Hours, and Prodigies of Piety. For, he was not in the Number of those, who let whole Days pass away, without the least Good Work, or without leaving any Impress on the Track of Time. I express my self according to the Vulgar Saying, [Time Passes away;] Whereas, in my Opinion, Time stands still, and only We pass away, with all Things subject to Motion and Change. 'Tis like the Mistake of those who sailing on the Water, think the Trees and Mountains move, whilst only they themselves are driven before the Wind: Or, like the Philosophy of those, who trusting to their Grosser Sence, maintain, the Sun whirls daily round our World; tho', [Page 195]according to Reason and better Philosophy, that Globe of Light stands still, whilst ours turns round its Axel-Tree, and so deceives our Eyes. Thus, whilst we Mortals, glide o'er the uncertain Waves of Humane Life, and pass by the Visible and Fixed Land-marks of Time, Day and Night, we imagine those Land-marks move, and not we our selves. Whereas, Day and Night remain for Ever, stedfast and invariable in their Successive Intervals, and only the Elements, and Bodies Compounded of 'em, are subject to Change.
Minutes, Hours, Days and Years, are not properly the Measures of Time, but of the Motion and Duration of all Corruptible Beings: For Time is Infinite and beyond all Dimensions. In a Word, 'Tis no otherwise distinguish'd from Eternity, than barely by a Name.
All that I have said on this Subject, is comprehended in the Arabian Proverb, which says, To Morrow, is Never. Doubtless, there's no Paradox or Heresy in saying, 'Tis always To Day; or that this Hour, this Minute is Eternal. And, from this Truth sprung the Contemplation of those, who place Eternity in a Point or Instant.
But, to return to Bedredin, that Faithful of the Faithful, may his Soul repose in the Mercies of God, and his Memory be bless'd. May Gabriel, the Friend of the Prophet, pray for him; then Michael, Israphiel, and the Messenger of Death, with all the Angels who made Oraisons for the Divine Favourite, after [Page 196]his Translation from this Earthly State. And, when thou, and the Religious Fraternity under thy Care, have perform'd the accustom'd Prayers and Expiations, for the Illustrious Prelate Deceas'd; there is no Question but that he shall be in a Condition to Intercede for you, and for the whole Mussulman Empire: For he was a perfect Saint, and the Beloved of God.
O Sage and Reverend Successor of that Holy Man, suffer me to tell thee, Thy Name, Hebatolla [the Gift of God,] fills me with Glorious Presages of thy Life and Administration in that Renowned College, where the Incomparable Bedredin shin'd so many Years. Now he is gone to God, and to the Gardens of Eternal Retirement, having left his Seat on Earth to thee, replenish'd with the Sacred Odour of Vertue.
He was a Religious Imitator of the Prophets, and of all Holy Men in General; a devout Admirer of the Messias, and a Faithful Disciple of the Sent of God. Now he is gone to sit down with them in the Chioscs of Eden, on the Banks of Immortal Streams, the Rivers of Wine, Milk and Honey, which glide along the Alleys of Paradise. This is the Recompence of Heroick Vertue, the Crown of Good Works, the Bliss prepar'd for chaste and purify'd Souls, who in their Transmigration from this Earth, carry no Stains of Vice along with 'em. For, nothing Impure can find Admittance into that World of Glittering Essences.
O Hebatolla, what is there on this Obscure Globe, that deserves to be compar'd with those Serener Joys Above; Those unsullied Pleasures; That untarnish'd Bliss? And yet sometimes we taste strange Felicities here on Earth. But 'tis only when the Gates and Casements of Paradise are open, when a Celestial Wind transports hither the Leaves of the Trees of Eden, and perfumes the Air and Skies with the Transcendent Odours of that Happy Region, wafting also Imperfect Sounds, Musick in soft Fragments and Eccho's, from the Quires of the Bless'd. Then 'tis, the Hearts of Mortals feel a secret and inexpressible Joy springing up from the Root; This Lower World (if I may so express my self) is all entranc'd with Pleasure. This happens not every Day, but only at the Seasons of Divine Indulgence, on the Festivals of some Particular Saints, and in the Time of the Immortal Jubilee, when God exhilarates the Universe with Uncommon Favours, and an Infinite Largess.
As for the Rest of our Enjoyments, they are Mitigations indeed of the Pains and Inseparable Miseries of this Mortal Life; They prevail on us to wait the Appointed Hour of Fate, and not hurry our selves out of the World before our Time: But, they deserve not to be plac'd in the Rank of true Felicities.
However, our Patience under this Fatigue of Life, our Indifference to Pleasure and Pain, Poverty or Riches, Sickness or Health, Honour or Disgrace, with all the other Objects of Humane Passion, will prove a singular [Page 198]Argument of Merit, a prevailing Recommendation to the Life to come, and an effectual Passport to Paradise. For he that is thus insensibly, yet willingly wean'd from the Fulsom Joys of Earth, by the very Course of Nature and Decree of Destiny, must unavoidably ascend to a Purer Region, to a Place capable of satisfying his Aspiring Soul. For, Nature created no Appetite, to baulk it.
This is the Life so recommended by Jesus the Son of Mary, whose Character thou hast in the Library of thy Convent. Here I send thee in a Box, that which by all the Nazarenes is esteem'd his true Effigies. I remember, I once saw another of the same Lineaments, in the Treasury of the Grand Signior. These Pieces are very Rare, because not copy'd by the Hands of Common Painters, but by the most Celebrated Masters in Europe. And the Original Draught, they say, was made by the Messias himself on an Handkerchief, which he clapt to his Face, and so left his lively Portraicture.
I cannot ascertain the Truth of this Tradition: But, in Regard this is one of those Copies which is Closeted by the Greatest Monarchs in Christendom, I send it to thee, as a worthy Ornament of thy Cell, without either the Peril, or Scandal of Idolatry.
The Pious Bedredin, was Covetous of any Memoirs of the Messias; whether written in Hieroglyphicks, or in the more usual Characters of Speech. He wou'd have made no more Exception at a Picture, than at a Poem, in Praise [Page 199]of that Holy Prophet. And, I question not, but thou equallest him in the same Indifference.
I cou'd not so easily procure the true Picture of John, Surnam'd the Washer; but here I will give thee a short History of his Life. This was a Famous Prophet, who liv'd in the Days of the Messias, and was of the Race of the Priests. His Habitation was altogether in the Desert; for, he was an Eremite, and liv'd in a Cave on one of the Mountains of Judaea. Some of the Jews took him for Elias, others for the Messias, and a Third Sort said he was Mahomet, whose coming was foretold in the Book of their Law, and in the Writings of their Prophets.
But John deny'd that he was any of these, calling himself in Modesty, A Voice, or Eccho. His Life was very Abstemious. For, he fed only on the Tops of Plants, and wild Honey, drinking Nothing but Water of the Fountain, which ran by the Side of his Cave. And his Body was onely cover'd with a Vest of Camels Hair, using a Leathern Thong for a Girdle.
To that Solitary Residence of his, there was great Resort of People from Jerusalem, and the Cities round about. For the Fame of his Sanctity had spread through all Palestine and Syria.
He Wash'd his Disciples with his own Hands in the Waters of Jordan, from whence he was call'd the Baptist, or Washer. He daily preach'd Repentance and Good Works to [Page 200]the Incredulous Jews; and openly declar'd, That Jesus the Son of Mary, was the Messias. That Holy Prophet, it seems, was one of John's Disciples, and had been Wash'd by him in the River Jordan.
In fine, after many Years of Heroick Vertue and Piety, John had his Head cut off by the Order of Herod the Governour of Judaea, because he had reprov'd the Tyrant, for marrying his Brother's Wife.
Behold, these Memoirs are the best Presents, the Poor Exil'd Mahmut can send thee, when he Congratulates thy Accession to that Holy Chair. Yet, such as these, were more welcome to thy Predecessor, than Gifts of Silver, Gold or Precious Stones: For, he was a diligent Collector of Choice Antiquities, and Select Fragments of History. He was also a Liberal Patron and Encourager of Philosophy and all Sorts of Learning. Follow thou his Example, and the True Faithful will be eternally oblig'd to thee. Thou hast a fair Opportunity, there being, as I'm inform'd, the best Library in thy Convent, of any throughout the Mussulman Empire. And, the Dervishes under thy Government, are Men addicted to the Study of the Sciences. 'Tis Pity such Inclinations shou'd want Encouragement, whilst the Infidels are every where busie in Founding New Academies, and Augmenting the Old. There is one lately erected in the Dukedom of Cleve by the Elector of Brandenburgh, where the Oriental Languages and Sciences are profess'd.
If the Nazarenes are thus Curious to pry into our Learning, why should we be remiss in attaining the Knowledge of their Languages and Histories, since thereby we shall be in a Condition to know their Greatest Secrets?
Sage Hebatolla, let not the Infidels have any longer Occasion to term us Barbarous and Ignorant. But remember, that in promoting Literature, thou wilt perform a meritorious Service to the Grand Signior.
Paris, 17th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER IX.
To Selim Al' Mosel, Venerable Imaum of the Mosch of Sancta Sophia.
PRaise be to God, sole Lord of the Zenith and the Nadir, Possessor of Infinite Regions, who hides the First Meridian in the Palm of his Hand! The Names of Peru, and Mexico, are not now Foreign in the Ottoman Empire, especially to Travellers, and Men of Science.
When our Fathers first heard of America, they had no other Way to express so Unknown a Part of the World, than by calling it the Land of the Golden Mines, because of [Page 202]the Abundance of that Metal, which was brought from thence by the Spaniards, since their Conquests in those Parts. But now we are no Strangers to the Geography of that Remote Continent. Commerce and Traffick, have render'd all the Known Nations of the Earth, familiar one with another. And I remember, when I was at Constantinople, the Names of Peru, Mexico, Florida, &c. were as Common in the Copha Hans, as the Names of Indostan, Turquistan, Gurgistan, or any other Province of Asia. So that a Man wou'd have been laugh'd at, who in speaking of America, shou▪d have us'd any Circumlocutions, as to call it the Empire of the Golden Mines, the World beyond the Great Sea, or the like.
Yet we must confess, our Knowledge in this Kind is owing to the Franks, who sail into those far-distant Regions, and at their Return, communicate their Intelligence and Observations to us; For else we had been yet altogether Strangers to the History of that New World.
It was first discover'd by Christopher Columbus, a Genouese, in the Year 1492. of the Christians Hegira. This Man had a happy Genius in Contemplating the Motion of the Sun, and the Frame of the Ʋniverse. He was no Stranger to the Extent of our Continent, and the Situation of all its Parts. He had been often at Sea, and seen divers Regions; And particularly when he was in Portugal, the most Westerly Part of Europe, he [Page 203]took great Delight to walk on the Shore in the Evenings, and observe the Setting of the Sun. This Custom of his produc'd various Thoughts in his Breast. But, what was of most Import, his Reason suggested to him, That it cou'd not consist with the Order of Nature, that the Sun, after he left Our World, serv'd only to give Light to the Fishes, or gild the Waves of the Western Ocean. Therefore on good Grounds he concluded, There must be some Ʋnknown Land, beyond those mighty Tracts of Sea, which wash'd the Western Shores of Europe and Africk.
This Thought made him uneasy, and put him upon a Resolution of attempting a Discovery. He made Proposals to the Republick of Genoua, but was rejected. Then he address'd himself to Henry VII. at the English Court; Where not finding Encouragement, he went to the King of Spain; who approving his Design, furnish'd him with Two Ships. He sail'd on the Ocean for the Space of Two Moons, without seeing any Land, which made his Mariners mutiny, their Provisions falling short. They threatn'd to throw him over-board, if he wou'd not return. But he, with mild Words and strong Reasons, appeas'd their Fury; promising to sail back again, if they saw not Land within Three Days. On the Third Day, the Boy on the Main Top-Mast saw a Fire, and within a few Hours afterwards they came within View of Land.
When he had made his Observations, and done what was requisite in his Circumstances, he return'd to give the King of Spain an Account of his Expedition.
After his Death, Americus Vesputius was sent to Conquer these Ʋnknown Regions; from whom, that whole Continent is call'd America; But methinks, not without some Ingratitude to the First Discoverer.
It wou'd be endless to recount all the particular Adventures of the Spaniards in these Parts, with their Cruelties and Massacres: Suffice it to say, to the Eternal Infamy of that Nation, that according to their own Writers, they butcher'd in Cold Blood above Twenty Millions of the Natives, in the Space of Twenty Years: And all this, for the Lucre of their Gold; tho' under the Pretence, of propagating the Christian Religion.
I will not list my self in the Number of those who pretend to be God s Privy Counsellors, neither will I presume to descant on Things out of my Reach. But the Spaniards have lately felt a terrible Blow in Peru; Which, if it be not a Mark of the Wrath of Heaven, is at least a Sign, that the Earth is weary of them, especially in those Parts, where they have stain'd it with so much Innocent Blood.
The City Lima, not many Moons ago, was all swallow'd up by an Earthquake; and Calao, another City not far from it, was consum'd by a Shower of Fire out of the Clouds. Eleven Thousand Spaniards lost their Lives [Page 205]in this Calamity; and the Earth devour'd a Hundred Millions of Refin'd Silver, which the Lucre of the Spaniards had forc'd out of its Bowels. All the Mountains of Potosi, from whence they dug their choicest Metal, were levell'd with the Plain, and no more Hopes of Gold was left to their Insatiable Avarice.
I leave the Judgment of these Events to thee, who art of the Holy Line, full of Resplendent Thoughts, Prophetick Ischarif, Consecrated Emir, Glory of the House of Mahomet. Yet give me leave to tell thee, that this Calamity of the Spaniards, in Part resembles the Fate of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the rest of the Nine Cities of the Lake. The Infidels say, there were but Five. Let them alone in their Errors; 'tis certain the Mussulmans have the only True History of Former Times. Doubtless, God is severe in his Chastisements, when he is Incens'd against a Nation. Witness the People of Aad and Themod, with the Men of the Valley of Smoke, and the City whose Inhabitants were in one Hour, all turn'd into Statues of Stone, and are to be seen at this Day, as a standing Monument of Heaven's Displeasure. Yet no Nation is ruin'd, till it ruin it self, as God speaks in the Alcoran.
O Emir, in whose Veins runs the most purify'd Blood in the World, pray for Mahmut, that he may never turn Apostate from God and his Prophet, nor do any [Page 206]Thing which may hurry him to an Untimely Fate.
Paris, 17th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER X.
To Mustapha, Bassa.
THis following Summer, if all Reports be true, is like to afford some Campagnes of Blood. The General Discourse here is, that the Grand Signior will speedily have an Army of Three Hundred Thousand Men in the Field: Part to act in Dalmatia and Candy, against the Venetians; the Rest to be employ'd against the Persians, the more Inveterate Enemies of the Ottoman Empire.
That sawcy Embassador, Ismael Bir Couli Can, deserv'd the Punishment was Inflicted on him for his Impertinent Huff, and drawing his Sabre in Presence of the Greatest Monarch of the World. And let it be an Eternal Precedent to the Envoys of Foreign Princes, that they may learn a Lesson of Modesty, when they address to the Lord of their Lords, and not by Presumption Incense the King of the Earth.
But 'tis apparent, this Embassador took Advantage of our Troubles: He swell'd with a vain and false Idea of the Persian Puissance. Besides, they say, his Master has enter'd into a Solemn League with the Czar of Moscovy, against the Shining Empire. And 'tis certainly known here, That Two Embassadors are arriv'd at Venice from that Potent Emperour of the North; And others are expected from Persia, to Negotiate a Tripartite League between those Crowns and that Republick against the Victorious Osmans. Hence I suppose it was, that the Rude Heretick took the Boldness to commit an Action, which all the East punishes with Death. Neither is it any Thing to the Purpose, what the Christians of these Parts say, That the Persons of Embassadors are Sacred: For, much more so are the Persons of Sovereigns. And, so long as an Envoy obeys the Law of Nations, in only delivering his Message with Respect and Civility, that Law will protect him from all Injuries. But, if he must needs leap over his own Fence, and instead of appearing like an Embassador, he will act the Part of an Assassin, a Furioso, a Contemner of Majesty, he can expect no better Treatment, than what is due to his Audacious Insolence: He throws off with Scorn the Protection that his Character claims, and in a mad Bravado courts the Revenge of the State.
This Ismael has all along been counted a bold Fool, in the Court of Persia. He has committed a Thousand wild Pranks at Ispahan, [Page 208]more becoming a Jester, than a Wise Minister of State. Yet his Master still wink'd at his Extravagances, for his Father's Sake, who did many Notable Services to that Crown; Among which, his recovering Candahar from the Mogul, was none of the least: It being the onely Town, which commands the Frontiers of Persia and the Indies.
For this and other Merits, Sha Sephi preferr'd both him and his Son to the most Considerable Governments and Offices in the Empire: Wherein the Old Man acquitted himself fairly to the last. But this Young Buffoon grew unwieldy with too Much Honour, affronted the Grandees, and play'd upon the King himself, for which he had once like to have been cast to the Dogs. But, at the Intercession of some of his few Friends, that Punishment was remitted and chang'd into Exile; whilst his Enemies made Use of his Absence, to ruine him.
They were some of the Greatest Lords of the Court, who bore him a Grudge, and they had hourly the King's Ear. Which Advantage they made Use of to insinuate such an Ill Character of Ismael, that he knew no better Way to be handsomely rid of him, than by sending him on this desperate Embassy to the Mysterious Port: Chusing rather, that he should fall by the Grand Signior's Command, than by his own, who had reap'd so much Benefit from the Services of his Father.
By this thou may'st discern, that the King of Persia is earnestly resolv'd upon War, without regarding how his Herald that proclaim'd it, is received: (For that Embassador deserves no other Title, who comes not with the Accustom'd Presents and Supplications; but with an Address of a Harsher Style, denouncing Enmity at his very First Approach to the Feet of the Invincible Sultan Mahomet.)
After all, it rejoices me to hear, that thou, and the other Bassa's of the Empire, are so ready to assist our Great Master. For I am assur'd, that from your Personal and Voluntary Contributions, he has receiv'd a Supply of Thirty Millions of Aspers, besides the Constant Revenues, Customs, Tributes, and Subsidies of the Empire. This is nois'd all over Christendom: Yet the Venetians seem not much to dread the Consequences of these Vast Preparations; judging that they will be employ'd elsewhere, than against any Province of their Dominions, except in Dalmatia, where these Infidels trust to the Strength of their Forts, and the Inaccessible Heights of Rocks.
But He that laid the Foundations of the Earth, and causes it to tremble when He pleases; the same God form'd the Lofty Mountains, and can level them with the Plains to serve the Followers of his Prophet: Even as the Stones came Voluntarily to salute the Divine Messenger himself: The Trees rowz'd themselves, as out of a deep Sleep; and the [Page 210] Earth yielding on all Sides to the Forcible Motion of the Inspired Roots, they walk'd out of their Places, and compos'd an Ʋmbrella over the Head of Mahomet, when he was ready to faint with the Violent Heat of the Sun.
Thus shall the Elements conspire to aid the True Believers: And when they fight for the Alcoran against Infidels, God shall endue the Inanimate Beings with Faith and Devotion.
Paris, the 7th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XI.
To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch in Egypt.
PRepare the self with a Constancy of Spirit becoming a Mussulman, when thou shalt understand, that the best Friend thou hadst in the World is gone to Paradise. May God grant him the Repose of a True Believer, an Apartment of Singular Delight. For 'tis the Brave Solyman I speak of, who not only deserves thy most Grateful Vows for saving thy Life, but has done a Thousand Meritorious Actions besides, which now crown him with Chaplets of Immortality.
I wish I cou'd have been the Relater of better News to my banish'd Friend. But perhaps thou hast heard of his Death already, by some Vessels from Constantinople, and so 'twill be Needless to say any Thing as to his Untimely Fate, or the Tragedies of the Seraglio and Imperial City.
It seems very strange to me, and a Thing Unaccountable, that there can be no Means found out to prevent these dangerous Insurrections of the Soldiers; and that the most Formidable Empire on Earth, should be thus frequently shock'd by her own Subjects! Mehemet, the Things of this Present World are a Perfect Riddle, and our Life it self is but the Shadow of a Dream. Thou hast Experienc'd the Inconstancy of Fortune, and that there is Nothing on Earth deserves a Wise Man's Confidence. Therefore if I may advise thee, it shall be, to wean thy self from the Trivial Affairs of Mortals. Let not the Natural Fondnesses which thou may'st possibly have for thy former Courtly Life in the Seraglio, return to disquiet thy Soul. A Man may be Happy any where, that knows how to be Contented. Nature is serv'd with a Little: And we ought to esteem our Irregular Appetites as Foreigners. If our Fortune be not extended to the larger Measure of our Wishes, 'tis easy to contract and adequate our Minds to our Fortune.
Thou may'st carve to thy self various Sorts of Felicities in Egypt, and render Caire as Pleasant to thee now, as Constantinople was [Page 212]formerly. Virtue makes all Places Delightful. If thou art for an Active Life, there's Business enough in that Populous City; and Opportunities are never wanting to a Man that is ready to lay hold of them. Besides, 'tis the Popular Character of Egypt, That whosoever dwells in it, finds an Employment suitable to his Inclination. But if thou art Melancholy and Contemplative, in my Opinion thou cou'dst not have chosen a Country more agreeable to such a Temper.
Were I in thy Station, I shou'd make frequent Visits to the Pyramids, and never be weary of searching out the Antiquity of those Admirable Structures. There is hardly any Thing made by Human Art, which has put me upon more Importunate Studies and Disquisitions, than the Original of these Stupendous Fabricks. They far surpass in Grandeur and Magnificence, the most Renown'd Buildings of the Greek and Roman Empires, even in the Zenith of their most Flourishing State. And I wou'd fain learn, When they were First Erected, by Whom, and for What Ends? For I cannot believe what Josephus the Jewish Historian reports of them, That they were built in the Time of Moses their Lawgiver, and that all those of the Hebrew Nation, amounting to some Hundreds of Thousands, were employ'd as Slaves in the Work, by the King then Reigning in Egypt.
I have perus'd Herodotus the Grecian, Diodorus the Sicilian, with Strabo, Pliny, and [Page 213]other Writers, who have all taken great Pains to search into the Antiquity of the Pyramids: Yet after all their Travel in Egypt, and their Converse with the Priests of that Country, they seem to have received but small Light in this Affair; leaving Things in Uncertainty, and not agreeing in their Accounts. One will have 'em, to be only design'd for Sepulchers of the Kings: Another says, they were built by Joseph the Hebrew, the Vizir of Egypt, and that they were the Granaries where he laid up Seven Years Provision of Corn, against the Famine, which in his Days afflicted the Earth. Thus they differ in their Sentiments. And our Countryman Ibn Abd' Alhokm declares, That when he was in Egypt, he cou'd not draw from any of the Priests, the least Certainty as to the Age of these Pyramids, or their Founders. Which made him conclude, That since there was no Memory or Footsteps of Their Original left among Men, it is Probable they were built before the Flood.
This agrees exactly with what others of our Arabian Writers have deliver'd concerning King Saurid, who Reign'd in Egypt Three Hundred Years before the Deluge. They relate strange Things of this Prince; and among the Rest, That he dreamt, The Fixed Stars came down from Heaven to the Earth, overturning all Things with the Violence of their Precipitate Fall. Being much troubl'd at this Vision, he sent for the Priests and Sages; who when they were assembl'd together in the King's [Page 214] Palace, Aclimon their Cater, or Prince of the Astrologers, told the King, That a Year before, he had seen a Vision which made a deep Impression on his Mind. For, the Celestial Orbs appeared to descend so low as to touch the Earth, so that the Stars were mingl'd among Men. Then he lift up his Hands above his Head in his Dream, to keep the Heaven from quite oppressing Mortals with its Weight. Whilst I were in this Posture, said he, methought I address'd my self to the Sun, beseeching the Resplendent God, to retire with all his Glittering Train of Lights to their Ancient Stations on High. Whereupon, the Sun made Answer, When I shall have accomplish'd Three Hundred Circuits, the Heavens will return to their Proper Places.
When Aclimon had related this Vision, the King commanded the Astrologers to erect a Scheme of the Present Configurations Above, and to tell them what they Presag'd. They did so, and all agree'd, That a Deluge shou'd First overflow the Whole Earth, and that Afterwards it should be totally destroy'd by Fire.
Upon the hearing of this, they say King Saurid commanded the Pyramids to be built; carrying all his Riches into them, with the Tables of the Mysterious Sciences, and Laws, and whatsoever was esteem'd Precious, and Worthy to be preserv'd from the General Destruction. And the Annals of Egypt say, that he commanded these Words to be Engraven on them:
I Saurid, laid the Foundation of the Pyramids, and finish'd them in Six Years: Yet I Challenge any Future King, to demolish them in Six Hundred Years; Tho' it be much easier to Ruine, than to Build. I cover'd 'em with Silks; let any Man after me, cover 'em with Mats, if he can.
In thus asserting Saurid to be the Founder of the Pyramids, it ought to be understood only of some of the Greatest; and that other Succeeding Princes (perhaps after the Flood) spurr'd on with Emulation and Desire of Glory, built the Rest: Which is the only Way to reconcile our Arabian Writers to Herodotus, Diodorus and other Historians of the West, who assign Cheops or Chemnis, with Cephren, Chabryis, and Mycerinus the Son of Chemnis, as Founders of some Particular Pyramids. Whilst Strabo and Pliny, ascribe the Building of one to Rhodope, a Famous Strumpet, or at least to some of her Paramours.
Doubtless, there is great Obscurity and Confusion in the Records of the Ancients, about the Exact Time when these Illustrious Monuments were built. Which yet is an Impregnable Argument of their Antiquity; since, [Page 216]when One Author asserts this or that King to have built a Pyramid, Another demonstrates the Contrary, by proving that that Pyramid was in Being, long before the Days of the suppos'd Founder. Neither can I find any Concurrence of Authorities, so Rational and exactly agreeing, as that of the Arabians; who all Unanimously deliver as a certain Truth, That these Unparallell'd Structures, were built long before the Flood. All which is confirm'd by the Egyptian Annals themselves, pen'd by those of the Coptite Race, who descended from Coptim the Son of Masar, the Son of Bansar, the Son of Cham, the Son of Noah; With whom and his Family, Philemon the Good Priest made an Alliance by Marriage, and in their Custody were the Records and Traditions of the Old World.
But if it be granted, Dear Eunuch, that those Histories are true, which relate the Transactions of the Kings of Egypt before the Flood; what Reason have we to call in Question the Fragments of Manethos, a Priest of Egypt; or the Genealogy and Succession of Egyptian Monarchs deliver'd by Herodotus; or the Chronological Registers of Egypt unfolded by Diodorus, which carry up the Reign of their Kings to above a Thousand Years beyond any other the most Early Epocha of the Creation, except that of the Assyrians, or the Interminable Ascent of Past Ages in the Records of the Chinese and Indians?
I know not what to call it, whether the Cowardise of the Intellect, which dare not [Page 217]venture to launch into so vast a Speculation; or its Sloth, which will not take the Pains to unfold and stretch its drowzy Faculties on the most Natural Idea in the World. 'Tis true indeed, we cannot without some Fatigue, contemplate stedfastly the Eternal Existence and Duration of Things. 'Tis an Immortal Thought, that can transport the Soul back through such an Infinity of Ages. Yet the Pleasure is Agreeable to the Undertaking: Because Truth, serene as the Mornings in Egypt, enlightens the Prospect, and tempts the Mind, if 'twere possible, to look even beyond Eternity it self: Whereas, he that only confines his View to the Narrow Horizon of Particular Histories, is like a Man in a Wilderness, or a low and shady Vale, where his Eye is curb'd with the Interposition of Thickets, Uneven Ground, and Envious Enclosures. For, such are the Dark Controversies, Inextricable Difficulties, and Affected Umbrages of most Writers, who never durst peep o'er the Mountains of receiv'd Opinion; or, if they did, they fearfully or maliciously hide their Discoveries from the Rest of Mortals. I tell thee, as God is Eternal, there cannot be assign'd an Instant of Time, wherein the World did not Exist. For, the First Matter flows as Naturally from his Essence, as Light from the Sun,
If thou Adorest any other God but this, thou wilt b [...] found in the Number of Idolaters and Infidels, who pay Divine Honors to certain Mighty Angels, Architects, as they believe, of the Ʋniverse.
They behold Houses, Castles and Great Cities built by Mortals, and at a certain Period ruin'd by Fire, Water, Earthquakes, or other Accidents; Or destroy'd by the Effects of War: From hence they form a Notion, of the World's Original and Catastrophe. They Consider the Animals, Plants and Minerals, That every Individual perishes in Time, and that even in the Heavens there are strong Symptoms of Corruption and Alteration. Hence they collect Arguments, to prove the Weakness and Decay of Ʋniversal Nature, which they Vainly compare to the Life of a Man, a Beast, or a Tree. And as these have their Appointed Seasons of Birth, Growth, Maturity, Decay and Death; so is it with the Ʋniverse.
But all this is Sophistry; or, to speak more favourably, we ought to charge it to the Account of short Meditation. For, tho' the Individuals of all Kinds are chang'd, cease and disappear at their Appointed Periods; Yet the Species or Kinds themselves remain for Ever before our Eyes. As fast as One Man dies, Another is born; and so 'tis with the Brutes: And the Seasons of the Year in their Proper Course, renew all the Vegetables. We find the Elements, the Sun, Moon, Stars and Earth remain Unchangeable. And why then shou'd we think, they were not always so, and will not continue so for Ever? Or, if this be too bold a Stretch, let us conceive them at least much more Ancient and Durable, than they are Generally thought to be. And if these Greater Bodies shall undergo a Change in [Page 219]their Outward Forms; we may yet believe their Substances will remain for Ever.
But, whether Corporeal Beings are thus lasting or no, we have Something in us that can never perish. Our Souls are Immortal, and need not the Embalming of Egypt to preserve 'em from Corruption.
Therefore, Dear Mehemet, since we are Destin'd to live for Ever in one State or other, let us not fear Death, which is but a Minutes Slumber, a Short Trance, out of which we shall immediately Awake, to encrease our Knowledge and Experience of those Mysteries and Secrets in Nature, which at Present are hid from us. In a Word, let us live like Philosophers, and then we may hope to die with the same Equanimity of Spirit as he did, who in his last Agonies being ask'd by his Friend, Where was all his Philosophy now? Answer'd, I am just entering on a New Discovery concerning the Nature of Salt. And with that Word he Expir'd.
Paris, 7th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XII.
To the most Venerable Musti.
IF the Publick Seditions shou'd always continue, or be as frequently Renew'd as they have lately been at Constantinople; and if their Effects shall be Equally Fatal to the Grandees, as has been this last Horrid Mutiny of the Soldiers; To Congratulate any Man's Rise to an Eminent Dignity, will be but to flatter him, and Addresses of this Nature must be esteem'd no better than Mock-Compliments, Civil Insults, and Fashionable Sarcasms: Since at this Rate, Great Honours ought to be look'd on no otherwise, but as direct Advances and nearer Approaches to Infamy, and Death; when a Man is Exalted from an Obscure Fastness, and Hurnble Security, to the Glorious Hazard of a Precipitate Fall.
'Tis therefore, when I come to kiss the Dust of thy Feet, among the Crowd of True Believers, and to welcome thee to the most Sacred and Sublime Vicarship on Earth; I draw near with an Indifference, suitable to a Mussulman, wishing thee not more Joy than Safety in that Mysterious Station, but such a Temperament of Both, as is due to thy Sanctity and Incorrupt Actions. In a Word, I wish thee a perpetual Immunity from thy [Page 221] Predecessor's Temptations, and from his Crimes; and then thou need'st not fear his Misfortune and Disgrace.
Let not what I have said, pass for an Argument of Disrespect and Undutifulness to the Heir of Prophetick and Apostolick Revelations, the Great Patriarch of the Faithful. I reverence both thy Office and Person: Yet am Commanded to avoid Flattery and Partial Addresses, when I write to the Greatest Sages in the Empire. And had not this Injunction been laid on me, my own Natural Temper wou'd prompt me to shun that Vice, which renders a Man so much less than himself, by how much he exalts another above his due.
I have often propos'd to thy Predecessor, the Mighty Benefit that wou'd redound to the whole Ottoman Empire, if Learning were more Encourag'd and the Histories of Foreign Nations were Translated into the Familiar Language of the Mussulmans.
It is fit that those who are Destin'd to subdue All Things, and have already spread their Glorious Conquest through the Greatest Part of the Earth, shou'd be acquainted with the Transactions of Former Times, the Wars of Illustrious and Brave Hero's, the Rise and Fall of Ancient Kingdoms, and in General, the most Noted Revolutions in the World. From such Records, our Generals and Military Men may draw Examples of Fortitude and Patience, Conduct and Prudence in all the Fatigues and Difficulties of War. Our Statesmen [Page 222]may Improve their Knowledge in all the Maxims of Policy and Wisdom requisite in Time of Peace. In fine, Men of all Conditions may learn the Precepts of Morality and Vertue.
Methinks 'tis Pity, that we who possess the Territories of the Ancient Grecians, the Kingdoms of Corinth, and the Argives; the Commonwealths of Athens, and Lacedaemon; the Empire of Macedon, and the State of the Jews; shou'd be Ignorant of the Laws by which these divers Countries were of Old Govern'd, and the Characters, Lives and Actions of their First Lawgivers and Succeeding Governours.
But if thou shalt determine, that the Knowledge of these Remote Affairs is Superfluous and Unnecessary for True Believers; let 'em at least not be Ignorant in their Own History, and the Original of their Progenitors.
'Tis true, we Arabians have all a-long taken Care of Our Genealogies, every Family and Tribe being diligent to preserve the Memory of their Ancestors; and all concur with an Unanimous Zeal to Register the Holy Lineage of Mahomet, the Messenger of God. So that we can from his Father Abdalla, run up in a direct Paternal Line to Caydar, the Second Son of Ismael (on whom be the Benedictions of God.) We are not Ignorant, how this Caydar (from whom the Noble Corei's derive their Pedigree) First setl'd at Mecca, in pure Devotion to the Square Temple, which was built by Angels: When he might as well have chosen the more Fertile Plains of Media, [Page 223]Persia, and Assyria, as did his Brethren Doama, Naphis and Redma. But he foresaw by his Skill in Astrology, that the Inhabitants of those Regions would be Idolaters. And so it came to pass: For, they were in the Number of those who Ador'd the Fire. For the same Reason he chose not for his Seat, Armenia, though that Country be Renowned for the Resting of Noah's Ark on Mount Geudis, and the Famous City Themanine, or the Work of Eighty, being the First City built after the Deluge, by the Eighty who Escap'd in the Ark. But Caydar knew that the People of that Province shou'd worship the Sun: And it was Verify'd in the Posterity of his Brethren, Nabsam, and Masna. Therefore he chose Mecca, though a Barren Country, because he knew it was the Seat Predestin'd to the Elect Lineage, the Generation of Just Men and Prophets, from whom was to spring the Light of the World, Mahomet, who in Paradise is called Al Batrasim, and in Heaven Achmet.
Caydar was the Onely Son of Ismael, who took Part with his Father, and follow'd his Example, Worshipping One God, Creator of the Worlds, as he had learn'd by Tradition from Abrahim the Beloved of the Eternal: Whereas Nabayath, Abdael, Thema, and the Rest of the Twelve, either Ador'd the Sun, Moon and Stars, or the Elements; except Jackour, who paid Divine Honours to the Tree Betlemer; and Hadal and Massa, who sacrific'd Beasts to the Idols Bohinun and Alleze.
And as our Historians have been thus Particularly exact in Recording the Affairs of the Twelve Sons of Ismael; so have they shew'd themselves no less precise, in relating the Transactions of the Twelve Tribes which descended from them, even down to the Present Age.
I do not insist on this, to teach thee something whereof thou art Ignorant; but to put thee in Mind of the Benefit and Advantage, besides the vast Delight which accrues to a Nation by thus preserving the Memoirs of their Ancestors. In which, my Countrymen have exceeded the Fidelity and Care of all other People.
Had it not been for the Industry of Arabian Writers, the History of the whole Saracen Empire, the Succession of the Caliphs, with their Wars and Conquests, would have been either quite lost to this Age, or at least much deprav'd and falsify'd by the Malice of Christian and Persian Authors, both Equally Enemies to the Truth. By which it is Evident, that every Nation ought to Register their own Transactions.
What therefore I chiefly aim at is, That the Glorious Osmans, who have by their Valour enter'd into the Possessions and Territories of many Ancient Nations, might also be acquainted with the Histories of those People whose Lands they Enjoy: But, above all, I wish, that after they have found a way to so much Wealth and Honour, they would not lose themselves, and their own Original.
I speak of the Turks properly so call'd; the Descendants of the Scythians, who by some were esteem'd the most Ancient Nation on Earth; a People form'd by Nature for the Empire of the World; were never Conquer'd themselves, yet spread their Victories over all Asia. They routed Zopyrio, a General of Alexander the Great; and drove back a huffing King of Egypt, with Shame and Loss, to his own Country. In fine, they were a People Naturally Just, Temperate, Hardy and Endu'd with all the Excellent Qualities, which the Philosophy of the Greeks and Romans cou'd never Inspire into their Subjects, though they aim'd at it.
These were the People, O Oracle of Believers, from whom the present Turks descend. And is it not a Shame, that they can give no other Account of their Ancestors, but what they borrow from the Christians, who in the mean Time reproach the Mussulmans with Ignorance and Barbarism?
'Tis for this Reason I renew the same Request to thee, which I often made to thy Predecessor, that Learning may be encourag'd. Let all the Ancient Records and Histories of the Greeks and Romans be sought out and Translated, by Men skillful in Languages, into the Familiar Speech of the Ottomans. Some, I know, are already Common among the Grandees, as Herodotus, Plutarch and others; but, let not any Credible Writer be wanting.
In doing this, thou wilt put a Check to the Scoffs of Infidels, augment the Honour and Interest of the Moselmans, and leave an Immortal Name behind thee on Earth: Which will make thy Joys in Paradise more sweet to an Infinity of Ages.
Paris, 19th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XIII.
To the Kaimacham.
ALL Europe, except the French and Suedes, hangs down the Head for the Death of the German Emperour. He went to the Immortals, on the 2d. Day of this Moon, after a long Fit of Sickness, and Forty Nine Years Life on Earth.
Nathan Ben Saddi, the Agent of the Port, at Vienna, informs me, That on the same Day whereon the Emperour died, the Imperial Palace took Fire on a sudden, and with such Impetuosity, that a great Part of it was presently consum'd; and the King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Emperour's Son, narrowly escap'd with his Life. This is esteem'd a bad Omen to the Empire. And without being Superstitious, I can assure thee, That Germany is in a very bad Condition at this [Page 227]Juncture. The Electors are so divided on the Score of Religion, and their Secular Interests and Allyances, That in all Probability, they will not with Ease decide the Succession.
The Duke of Brandenburgh having United himself to the Suedes, will not consent to the Installing Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus, the Emperour's Son, because that Prince supports the Cause of the Poles, and Danes. The Palatine of Heydelberg and Duke of Bavaria, are at odds about their Private Pretensions. The Duke of Saxony wou'd fain be Emperour himself, or have one at least of the Lutheran Religion: And the Rest are so incens'd against the House of Austria, that it is thought, none but the Ecclesiastick Princes will vote for the King of Hungary and Bohemia. So that there being no King of the Romans to claim the Succession by the Laws of the Empire, the Throne is like to be Vacant yet a while.
Cardinal Mazarini, who watches all Opportunities to Aggrandize his Master, has dispatch'd away several Couriers into Germany, to negotiate privately with the Electors, and concert those Measures, which will be most for the Interest of France. And I tell thee, this Minister has no small Influence on the Elector of Colen, and Prince Palaetine of the Rhine. Besides, thou wilt say, he goes the Right Way to Work, when thou shalt know, that he makes Use of the French Gold to compass his Designs.
No sooner did the News of the Emperour's Death arrive at this Court, but it was observ'd the Cardinal took up a Hundred Thousand Pistoles, of the Publick Banquiers in this City. And every Body guess'd how 'twou'd be dispos'd.
The Portugueze Embassador at this Court, has caus'd Extraordinary Fire-works to be play'd on the River Seyne before the Palace of the King, in Honour of his Master's Coronation, the Young King of Portugal. But, the Spaniards are preparing more destructive Fire-works on the Frontiers of that Kingdom, being ready to enter it with an Army of Sixteen Thousand Men, to recover the Portugueze Crown.
In sending thee these Intelligences, Sage Minister, I am not concern'd for the Infidels. Who dies or who lives, who rises or who falls, is all one to Mahmut, provided the Grand Signior's Health, Life and Happiness be augmented. And this I speak as an Arabian and True Believer.
Paris, 30th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XIV.
To Raba Mahomet, General of the Ottoman Forces, at his Camp near Adrianople.
THE Sacred Empire of True Believers, is beset at this Time with Infidels, Rebels and Hereticks. Here are many Rumours spread abroad concerning the Persians, and the Interest they have in the Bassa and Citizens of Babylon. They talk also, that some Male-contents design Things which ought not to be nam'd.
God has given me Two Ears, and I hear these Discourses with both, but I entertain them with one Unchangeable Judgment, That they are only the Whispers of Fame, which has a Thousand Double Tongues. If it be true, that the Four Chiauses who were dispatch'd to Babylon from the Grand Signior, to confirm the Inhabitants of that City in their Allegiance, and assure them of speedy Succours, were Murder'd by the disloyal Citizens; I doubt not but 'tis as true, That the Plague has consum'd the Greatest Part of the Redheads in their Camp at Aransacat. What tho' these Babylonian Mungrels cry, Long Live the King of Persia! The rest of the Empire with true Zeal and Devotion, pray for the Health and Prosperity of the Grand Signior. What [Page 230]tho' the Sultan has sworn by God and his Throne, by the Heavens and Earth, That he will go against the Venetians in Person! The Mufti can easily absolve him in Case of Supreme Necessity, when his Presence is requisite against the more Accursed Kysilbaschi.
'Tis probable, the Osman Monarchy may be much embarass'd by Domestick Troubles, and Foreign Wars: Yet he that founded it, and is the Conservator of Ages, will out of these very Distempers and Evils, produce a good Constitution of Health in the State, and a Firmer Establishment against all Enemies.
In the mean while, the Venetians are very busy in their Levies at Home, and in making Interests abroad. Couriers are perpetually posting up and down Christendom, to and from that City. They wou'd willingly have all the Business of Europe superseded for their Sakes. Every where 'tis whisper'd, There's some Grand Design a foot against the Turks; but no body knows what. And I tell thee, France, Spain, Germany, Poland, Sueden, and the Rest of the Nazarene Kingdoms, are too much entangl'd among themselves, to have any Thoughts of medling with Remote Affairs.
The Poles wou'd have had the German Emperour taken that Crown in Vassalage, on Condition of Protecting it from the Suedes. But, whilst the Emperour was alive, he weigh'd the Difficulties, and refus'd so Chargeable an Offer. Now, he is lately dead, and [Page 231]the Empire is hardly capable to defend it self.
Differences are newly risen between the Duke of Bavaria, and the Elector Palatine of Heydelburg; each claiming the Right to be Vicar of the Empire during the Vacancy. And they are preparing on both Sides, to dispute the Matter with the Sword: Whilst the King of Sueden smiles secretly at their Intestine Quarrels, resolving to be reveng'd on Germany, for the Assistance they have given to Casimir King of Poland.
At the same Time, the Danes are Arming and Equipping by Sea and Land, to Demand Justice of the Suedes. Whilst the cunning Moscovite stands aloft, amusing all Parties with specious Pretexts, but designing only to play his own Game, and espouse that Quarrel, which will bring him most Booty. Prince Ragotski, promises fair to the Suedes, but 'tis thought, will prove false in the End. The Counsels of these Ʋncircumcised, are full of Treachery; They are infatuated, blinded, and know not what they do.
The Case is as bad in Spain, where the King is making vast Preparations to enter Portugal, and claim that Crown, hoping to make Advantage of their Domestick, Factions since the Death of Dom Juan de Braganza, the late Portuguese King: Not considering, that the French are like to find him Work enough in Italy, Flanders and Catalonia; besides the Continual Damages he receives by Sea from the English, and the Losses he sustains in America. [Page 232]I tell thee in a Word, all Europe is at this Time in such a Hurly-Burly, that they have no Leisure to attend our Motions in the East; every Kingdom and State being wholly busy'd in their own Affairs. And Venice can rely on Nothing but her own Strength.
Go on then Brave General of the Army destin'd to Chastise these Infidels; and let nothing discourage thee, from pursuing the Aims of Honour and Religion. Let the proud Franks know, That there is a Sword drawn in the East which will never be put up, till it has not only cut off the Exteriour Members, but even ript up the Bowels of the Western Empire.
The Inhabitants of Sicily are in great Consternation, by Reason of a fresh Eruption of Fire fron Mount Aetna, or Mount Gibel, whereby the City Catanea, and Adjacent Parts, are much in Danger, and the Ashes are scatter'd all over the Island. This Mountain has at Times flam'd forth in an Extraordinary Manner from Immemorable Ages; and in all Probability, will continue to do so till the Day of Judgment.
There is like to be a New Quarrel between France and Holland; The latter complaining, that they have had above Three Hundred Merchant Ships taken from 'em by the French within these Seven Years. Upon which they have stopt Two Vessels belonging to this Kingdom, and Misunderstandings encrease apace between them.
In the mean Time, the German Court is preparing to chuse a New Emperour. His Son is the Person design'd for this Dignity, if the Electors do not oppose it. His Name is Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus, King of Hungary and Bohemia. He lies sick of a dangerous Disease, not less loathsome than the Plague.
And now I have mention'd this Scourge of God, it will not be amiss to inform thee, that in Rome and Naples, where it has rag'd these Eleven Moons, and has destroy'd a Hundred and Eighty Thousand People; 'tis not now to be heard of: Commerce is restor'd; Publick Courts sit; Ambassadors have Audience; and all Things run in their wonted Channel. Yet in Genoua, they feel it still.
The Souls of these Infidels are Infected with an Infernal Pestilence, and therefore God rains Curses on them; whilst the Elect in all Nations, are preserv'd from all Evil, being mark'd in the Forehead by the Angel of Health.
Paris, 15th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XV.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.
I Have encounter'd a Passage in the History of the First Caliphs, which a little entangles me. My Faith is disjoynted. Thou know'st, we Mussulmans believe, that Abu Becre was the True Successor of the Prophet. Yet when I consider, that he attain'd the Sovereignty by Surprize without the Consent of the Mussulmans, I know not what to think of it.
After the Death of the Messenger of God, the Inhabitants of Mecca and Medina rais'd a Sedition, and took up Arms, each Challenging the Right of Election to themselves. When, to prevent the Ill Consequences of this Tumult, Abu-Becre and Omar immediately came to them; and to end the Controversy, Omar stretching forth his Hand to Abu-Becre, saluted him Caliph, and lifting up his Hand to Heaven, swore Allegiance to him. Which Example suddenly prevail'd on others, and so the Tumult was appeas'd. Yet, Omar himself seem'd to repent of what he had done: For a while after he was heard to say, Assuredly, the Inauguration of Abu-Becre was a Rash, Ʋnadvis'd Thing; God avert the Evil which may result from it. But, let it be a Law, That if any one hereafter shall presume [Page 235]to do as I have done, and swear Fealty to another without the Assent of the Mussulmans, he shall be put to Death.
But, that which is of greatest Moment with me, is, that Ali Eb'n Abi Taleb the Sonin-Law of the Prophet, was not present at this Election, who had as much Right to the Caliphate, as any of them, if not more: At least he had a Right to Vote. And when he first heard the News, he protested against what they had done as Null and Invalid, in Regard they had not consulted him. Certainly, Ali Eb'n Abi Taleb was a Matchless Hero, performing Miracles of Valour in Defence of the Prophet. When he besieg'd Chaibar, a City of the Jews, he took the Gates of the City from off their Hinges, and us'd them as his Shield. When he brandish'd his Glittering Sword, he made his Enemies tremble. I will not say more in his Praise, lest thou should'st conclude, I have listed my self in the Number of the Kyzil Bashi. What I write, is only by Way of Scrutiny, being dissatisfi'd about these Things.
So when Abu-Becre lay on his Death-bed, he call'd for Othman Eb'n Aphan the Scribe, and bid him write as follows: ‘In the Name of God, Gracious and Merciful; This is the Testament of Abdollah Eb'n Abu Kohapha, when he was arriv'd to the Last Hour of this World, and the First of the World to come.’ Then he fell into a Trance, while Othman proceeded, and wrote the Name of Omar Eb'no'l Chattab. Then Abu-Becre [Page 236]awak'd; and asking Othman, Whom he had named for his Successor; He reply'd, Omar. Thou hast done well, said he, and according to my Mind. Yet, if thou hadst named thy self, assuredly, thou art worthy of the Honour. Thus Omar succeeded in the Caliphate, by the Private Order of Abu-Becre, without asking the Consent of the Moselmans. It looks like a Contrivance or Bargain between these Two at First. When Omar swore Fealty to Abu-Becre, one wou'd suspect he made him promise to bequeath the Caliphate to him. Be it how it will, thou seest Omar accepted the Government, on Conditions which he himself had made Unlawful, when he prohibited any Succession that would be made without the Consent of the Mussulmans. He was the First that was call'd Amiro'lmumenin, or Commander of the Faithful.
It is reported, that when Omar was near his Death, those that stood about him desir'd him to name his Successor, they themselves recommending Ali Eb'n Abi Taleb, because of his Relation to the Prophet. But he rejected him, and committed the Election of his Successor to Othman, Ali, Telha, Azobair, Abu Obeid, and Saad Eb'n Abi Wakka. Abu Obeid therefore coming to Ali Eb'n Abi Taleb, said thus to him, Art thou he to whom I may swear Fidelity, that thou wilt act according to the Book of God, and the Laws of his Prophet, and the Constitutions of the Two Seniors? Ali answer'd, I will ever act according to the Book of God, and the Law of his Prophet; but as to the Constitutions [Page 237]of the Two Seniors, I will follow my own Counsel. Then Abu Obeid going to Othman, said the same Words: And Othman promis'd to perform all that they requir'd. So they chose Othman to succeed Omar in the Caliphate. He was accus'd of too great Partiality to those of his Blood; For he recall'd Hacem Ebne'l As Eb'n Omaih, whom the Prophet had banish'd. He gave him also a Hundred Thousand Aspers, and to Abdalla Eb'n Chaled, he gave Forty Thousand. They tax'd him also with Pride, in that he sate in the Highest Seat of the Prophetick Throne, where none but the Holy Prophet himself had ever sate: For, Abu-Becre, in Reverence to the Messenger of God, sate One Step below it, and Omar, Two. So that the Arabians being Incens'd at Othman's Arrogance and other Vices, took up Arms, and kill'd him. Then succeeded Ali.
I rehearse this History to thee, that thou may'st know the particular Grounds of my Dissatisfaction, and give me thy Opinion in this Matter. For, if Abu-Becre, Omar, and Othman, were Unlawfully lifted to the Caliphate, it follows, that they were Ʋsurpers, and Hali the only True Successor of the Prophet. And, if this be granted, then we have no Reason to Curse the Persians, who are the Followers of Hali. God knows which is in the Right, We or They. We allare Disciples of the Prophet, and believe in the Ʋnity of the Divine Essence.
God bless Mahomet our Law-giver, with all those of his House. God bless Mahomet our [Page 238]Glorious Sultan; In fine, God bless thee and me.
Paris, 15th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XVI.
To Cara Mustapha, Bassa.
BY the Notices which I receive from Constantinople, it appears that the Ground of all the Publick Discontents in that City, is the Venetians Conquest and Possession of Tenedos: As if the People thought that Island wou'd prove as Fatal now to the Mussulmans, as it was formerly to Old Troy, when the Grecians under the Conduct of Agamemnon, pitch'd their First Camp there, to recover Helena the Fairest Woman of Greece, whom Paris the Prince of Troy had Ravish'd from her Husband's Embraces.
That Rape was Fatal to the Trojans: For, after a Ten Years War, their City was taken by Stratagem, and burnt to Ashes: Their Princes and Nobles either all slain, or carry'd away Captives by the Victorious Greeks. Onely Aeneas sav'd his Father alive, carrying him on his Back out of the Flames, and with some other Commanders, escap'd to Sea in such Vessels as they found ready. The History [Page 392]of all his Adventures, is too tedious for a Letter. Suffice it to say, that after many Voyages from one Region to another, at last he landed in Italy, where he and his Company setled; And from them the Venetians, with other People of Europe, derive their Original.
'Tis this make their present Possession of Tenedos, appear as an Ill Omen, in the Eyes of the Superstitious. As if those Reliques of Ancient Troy, were now come to recove the Habitations of Fathers, and drive both Greeks and Mussulmans out of the Empire
But, these are onely Chimaera's, and Dreams; For, when a Nation is once displanted from their Native Seat, they seldom or never take Root there again. Besides, who knows whether the Venetians descend from Troy, or no? 'Tis true indeed, if Historians speak Truth, That Aeneas sail'd into Italy, Two Years after the Burning of Troy: 'Tis probable also, that he built Lavinium; as Padua is ascrib'd to Antenor, one of his Captains. But where's the Consequence, that the Venetians shou'd therefore be the Off spring of these Heroick Fugitives? They may as well say, the French are the Posterity of the Moors, because those Africans once seated themselves in Spain. For, just so Independent are the States of Italy, one of another, and their Inhabitants of as different Genealogies, as are these Two Potent Kingdoms, with the People that dwell in them.
And now the Trojan War is in my Mind, I cannot but smile at the Egregious Folly of Ajax, the Son of Telamon. This was a Great Commander in the Grecian Army, a huge, brawny, Giant-like Fellow, that had perform'd Prodigies of Strength and Valour in combating the Trojans, and yet at last, fell upon his own Sword and kill'd himself, because he cou'd not have his Will of Ʋlysses; and all about an Old Rusty Buckler, taken from the Enemy, which Ajax claim'd as his Right, in Reward of his Meritorious Services, and the many Scars he had receiv'd. But Ʋlysses over-rul'd the Council of War, which was call'd on Purpose to decide this Quarrel, and got the Shield himself. For, being a cunning, plausible Fellow, he pleaded, That though the Courage and brave Actions of Ajax deserv'd all due Honour and Acknowledgment; yet the Surprize of Troy and ending the War, was onely owing to his Wit and Contrivance, who deluded the Trojans with a Wooden Horse, in the Belly of which lay a Detachment of Armed Men; and these, after the Horse was admitted into the City, came out of their Nest in the Dead of the Night, and set Fire to the Houses, opening the Gates also to the Grecian Army.
If the Venetians cou'd invent some such Stratagem, perhaps there wou'd be Danger of their taking Constantinople: But, till then, Illu strious Bassa, there's no Reason to fear these Infidels. Besides, it will be very easy to dispossess 'em of that Ominous Island, and [Page 241]so dissipate the Charm which has bewitch'd the Seditious Rabble. But I wou'd counsel, that it be attempted in Time, before the Venetians are got into the Hellespont with their Navy: For, there's no Success against these Infidels by Sea. That Element, it seems, is the Wife of the Duke of Venice; being Espous'd with a Ring and other Solemn Ceremonies, on a certain Festival of the Nazarenes.
One wou'd think also, that the English had made successful Love to the Sea; For, their Navies are always prosperous. We have fresh News come in, of an Encounter between them and the Spanish West-India Fleet, near the Island of Teneriff; wherein there were Seventeen of the Spanish Ships sunk and burnt, and among them were Five great Galleons. They took from them an Immense Treasure of Gold and Silver, with other costly Merchandise.
The French Court rejoyces mightily at this Exploit; not in any Real Love to the English, but in Hatred of the Spaniards. For, between these Two Nations, there seems to be an Irreconcilable Antipathy. Besides, the French have Reason of State for their Joy, being in League with the English Commonwealth.
That which renders this Victory the more Remarkable, is, that it was obtain'd in a Spanish Harbour, the Port of Santa Cruz in Teneriff. Every one extols the English Commander for a very brave Person. His Name [Page 242]is Blake. I am the more Particular in this Relation, because thou art expert in Marine Affairs, having had the Command of the Invincible Ottoman Armado.
There is a Post newly come in from Germany, who informs us, that the King of Sueden and Prince Ragotski, have taken the strong Fort of Brzeski Litenski from the King of Poland.
The Portuguese Embassador at this Court, presses the King with much Earnestness, to send Aids to his Master; in Regard the Spaniards are actually enter'd into Portugal, and have taken Olivenza, a City of that Kingdom.
I formerly acquainted the Ministers of the Divan, that the King of Spain had caus'd all the People of his Kingdom to be Numbred: Now I tell thee farther, That in Order to carry on the War effectually against Portugal; this Monarch has commanded the 5th. Man in every Family to take up Arms, and follow the Campagne. At which Rate, they say, he will have a Hundred Thousand Men in the Field.
In the mean time, all the Discourse here at present is, concerning the Siege of Montmedi, a very strong Place in Flanders. It was Invested by the French Army on the 11th. of this Moon, under the Command of Mareschal de la Ferte Seneterre.
F [...]ance has sent a great many Brave Generals in [...]o the Field this Summer; and I perce [...]v [...], the Bassas of the Ottoman Empire are [Page 243]not like to tarry at home. God inspire thee, and thy Equals, with a Resolution which knows no Medium between Victory and a Glorious Death.
Paris, 26th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XVII.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.
THE Beginning of thy Letter surpriz'd me with wonder, when I Read that a Chiaus from the Grand Signior, the Sovereign of Sovereigns, Lord of Three Empires, and Five and Twenty Kingdoms, shou'd have the Dishonour, not to find Admittance within the Walls of Vienna; and that in a Time when the Germans have no Reason to provoke a Foreign War, being sufficiently embarrass'd with Domestick Troubles. But, when I read farther, and perceiv'd, That no Embassador, not even of the Christian Princes, has any more Privilege at this Juncture; and that it is an Establish'd Law of the Empire, thus to reverence the Majesty of their deceas'd Sovereign, and consult the Safety of the next Election; I ceas'd to resent this any longer as an Indignity to our Great Master, [Page 244]and only concluded it to be some Mystery of the Austrian State.
It is an Argument of profound Respect to the Imperial Ghost, That the Churches are all hung with Mourning, throughout the Hereditary Dominions, and that no Musick is permitted either in the Temples or elsewhere; no Jollity or Mirth, till the Funeral Obsequies are perform'd, and the Body of Caesar is consign'd to the Place of its Everlasting Repose.
As to the Quarrel between the Duke of Bavaria, and Prince Palatine, about the Vicariate; there's much to be said on both Sides: And it ought to be a Thing Indifferent to thee and me, which of those Two gets the Victory. Yet, for the Sake of Truth, I will tell thee in Short, what I have collected out of the Journal of Carcoa, thy Predecessor, and out of other Memoirs, as they came to my Hands.
It appears then, that by the Golden Bull of Charles V. this Dignity was declar'd Inherent in the Palatinate Family, in Right of their Possession of that Principality; and that it had been so for many Ages, even before there were any Electors Establish'd in the Empire. 'Tis upon this Ground the present Elector Palatinate claims it. But on the other Side, it is as manifest, that when Maximilian the Father of the Present Duke of Bavaria was Invested with the Electoral Dignity, it was Inserted in the Imperial Bull, that the Vicegerency of the Empire, during an Interregnum, [Page 245]shou'd henceforth belong to that Family. Yet, this Grant was again disannull'd by the late Pacification at Munster. And so the Business is left in Dispute between these Two Families. He of Bavaria trusts to his Strength and Riches, being also back'd by the Ecclesiastick Princes; whilst the other only confides in the Justice of his Cause, the Right of Unquestionable Inheritance.
Leaving therefore these Grandees to prosecute their several Claims, I'll tell thee, what makes the freshest Noise in this City, is an Attempt which the Prince of Conde made lately on the Town of Calais, a Sea-Port of this Kingdom. He had receiv'd certain Intelligence, that the Governour had sent out the best Part of the Garrison to fortify Ardres, a Place not far from Calais, and suppos'd to be in greater Danger; Upon this News, the Prince march'd with great Expedition, designing to surprize Calais by Night. But he was discover'd before he came near them; and the Inhabitants taking up Arms, appeared on the Walls and Ramparts to welcome him, so that he was forc'd to retire again with the Loss of near a Thousand Men.
Here are Two Men come out of England, that pretend to be Prophets, foretelling the Downfal of the Pope, whom they call Anti-Christ, a Beast, a Dragon, and I know not how many other Titles. One of them is gone to Rome, to tell the Holy Father to his Face what is like to befall him. The French Court looks upon them as Mad Men; and no Body [Page 246]can esteem them better, if they go to Rome, where they will Infallibly fall into the Hands of the Inquisition; which, thou know'st, is a Hell upon Earth. Thy Brother Adonai felt the Smart of it, only for Two or Three Words, utter'd in Contempt of their Religion; And tho' he was not Condemn'd to Death, yet he suffer'd a tedious Imprisonment; till at Length, the Plague releas'd, him both from that, and the Chains of this Mortal Life.
Nathan, if he had dy'd by the Stroke of the Executioner, or by Fire, the Common Death of those who rail at the Roman Faith, I cou'd not pronounce him a Martyr, unless it were to his own Folly and Rashness; since he was not plac'd there to make Proselytes, either to the Law of Moses or Mahomet, but to penetrate into the Secret Transactions of the Followers of Jesus.
Thy Business is the same at Vienna; pursue that with Alacrity, and God shall protect thee from all Adversity.
Paris, 9th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year, 1657.
LETTER XVIII.
To Melec Amet.
I Welcome thy Return to the Earth again: For it appears by thy Letter, that thou hast been in the Other World. 'Twere to be wish'd, thou woud'st favour the Living, with a Journal of thy Travels and Observations among the Dead. Those Regions of Silence, wou'd afford Matter of Noise enough to Mortals, that are always greedy of Foreign News. Perhaps if thou wou'dst communicate the Remarks thou hast made during that Ramble of thy Soul, we might find out some Method of Correspondence between Our World, and that Invisible State. We might contrive a Way to send Dispatches to our Friends, and to receive their Answers again. Or, at least we might make some Useful Discoveries, in that Empire of Shadows.
But tell me seriously, dost thou think that it was any more than a Trance or Dream that has happen'd to thee? Such as frequently falls out in Melancholy Constitutions? I once inform'd Cara Hali the Physician, of such an Accident as this not far from Paris. It was of a Man that had lain Five and Thirty Hours as Dead, in all Humane Apperance, and so given over by the Physicians: Yet after that Period, he recover'd his Sences again, and [Page 248]told strange Things to those that were about him. Surely, these are but the Slumbers of the Soul; and Death it self is but a deeper Sleep, when it causes the Dissolution of the Body. Doubtless, Men awake again in some other Active State. For, as a Flame of Fire is Equally dispos'd to embody it self in the Fat of Flesh or Fish, in Oyl, Wax, Sulphur, or any Proper Vehicle; and as soon as it is extinguish'd in One, will readily translate it self successively to all the Rest, if they be within the Sphere of its Activity (as the Western Philosophers speak:) So is the Spirit or Flame of Life, always in a Posture of Transmigration. For ought we know, he that is a King This Hour, may be a Peacock the Next, and within a Few Days be serv'd up at his Succesor's Table, as a Royal Dish.
But not to insist too much on these Secrets, I will relate to thee a Passage, not unlike that thou hast Experienc'd.
It is Recorded in the Writings of an Authentick Pen, the Manuscript of an Ancient Arabian, That Al' Rashid, Emperour of the Faithful, had many Famous Physicians about him. Among the Rest, he highly esteem'd Salch Eb'n Nahali, an Indian, for recovering one his near Kinsmen, out of such a Condition as I suppose thou hast been in. That Kinsman was very dear to the Emperor, who was sitting at a Feast, when News was brought him that he was dead. The Emperour extremely troubl'd to hear this, burst forth into Tears, and caus'd the Table to be [Page 249]taken away. Then Jaafer Eb'n Yahya, one of his Confidents, immediately desir'd that Saleh the Indian Physician, might visit the Corps of his dead Relation. Who went accordingly, and having felt his Pulse, and consider'd him well, he return'd to the Emperour, and said, Cease to mourn, my Lord, Commander of the Faithful: For if this Man be dead, and I do not restore him to Life again, may I be divorc'd from all my Wives for Ever.
He had scarce made an End of saying this, when a Second Dispatch came to the Emperour from those who were about his Kinsman, assuring him, That he was really departed this Life.
Then Al' Rashid began to Curse the Indians, and their Ignorance. But Saleh persisted in his Assertion, crying out with some Vehemence, Be not Incredulous, O Emperour of the Faithful, nor suffer thy Kinsman to be buried, till I have been with him again: For assuredly, he is not dead. I will shew you something that is Admirable. Al Rashid pacify'd with these Words, took Saleh along with him to visit the suppos'd dead Person.
As soon as they came into his Chamber, the Indian took a Needle, and thrust it between the Nail and the Flesh of his Left Thumb. Then the Entranc'd snatch'd up his Hand toward his Mouth. At which Saleh cry'd out, Now my Lord comfort your self; for, dead Men use not to be sensible of Pain, After this, he blew up a Powder into his Nose. Upon which, in a few Minutes the Patient [Page 250]sneez'd; and sitting upright in his Bed, spoke to Al' Rashid, kissing also his Hand. The Emperour asking him, How he found himself; He reply'd, Benefactor of Mankind, I have been in the sweetest Sleep that ever I remember fell on me in my Life. Only I dream'd, that a Dog came and bit me by my Left Thumb, the Pain of which wak'd me. With that, he shew'd him the Mark of the Needle, and the Blood. Adding, Surely it was no Dream, but a Truth; for I feel it yet. The Emperour was extremely pleas'd with his Indian Physician, and did him great Honour. His Kinsman also, whose Name was Ibrahim, liv'd many Years after this, and was made Governour of Egypt, where he dy'd and was bury'd.
The Eastern Physicians have been Famous in all Ages, and are now much in Esteem among the Franks, who addict themselves to study the Sciences. Here are some very Learned Physicians in these Parts, and not a few Ignorant ones, who serve as Foils, to set off the Lustre and Fame of the others. Every Province and City in France, swarms with 'em: And they all find Employment either to Kill or Cure. The Nazarenes live very Intemperately, and fall into Abundance of Diseases, whereof the East is wholly Ignorant: Therefore it is Necessary for 'em to be well stock'd with Physicians. Yet 'twas Satyrically observ'd by a certain French Lord, That in a Town not far from his Palace, the Inhabitants were all healthy long-liv'd Men, till a [Page 251]certain Emperick came and took up his Residence there: For then they began to sicken and die apace. But this may be an Invidious Remark. The Arabian Proverb says, No Man is a good Physician, but he that is born such: Meaning, that some are Naturally dispos'd and fitted to this Science. Indeed, I have known Admirable Cures perform'd by Men, who never study'd in the Academies, or cou'd answer Three Questions in Anatomy. Nay, some Women have a Gift of this Nature, and are very Fortunate in their Practices. But, when all's done, the Beasts are most Happy, who are all their own Physicians by Instinct.
Melec, I wish thee such a State of Health, as needs no Medicines. But if it be thy Misfortune to fall into Parmenides his Indisposition, I counsel thee to make use of the Advice given him by a Philosopher; who, when Parmenides complain'd of a Pain in his Stomach, and ask'd his Advice, he bid him use such and such Confections and Electuaries. The other reply'd, He had made Tryal of them all, and many more, yet found no Ease. Then said the Philosopher, Turn Poet, for they Generally have Good Stomachs.
Paris, 9th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year, 1657.
LETTER XIX.
To the Kaimacham.
COuriers upon Couriers, are come to this City with the Joyful News that Montmedi is surrender'd to the French. For which, the whole Body of the Parliament, and City of Paris, the Chancellour of the Kingdom, with Cardinal Antonio Barberini, and all the Ecclesiasticks, went to the Grand Mosch or Temple where Te Deum was sung this Afternoon, with a Pompous Solemnity. And now whilst I am writing, there is such a Confus'd Noise of Great Guns, Ringing of Bells, and Shouts of People, That one wou'd think it were enough to wake the very Dead, and make them start from their Graves, to enquire what's the Matter.
The Truth of it is, this Place is counted one of the strongest in Europe; and the Inhabitants were not Insensible of it, when they made their Conditions of Honour with the King. And therefore we need not wonder at the Excessive Joy of the French.
When the Keys were deliver'd to the King by the Deputies of the Town, one of them in the Name of the Rest, made this following Address.
‘Sire, We should have had just Reason to complain of Fortune, and accuse our selves of Cowardise, if we had surrender'd this [Page 253]Impregnable Fortress, to the Arms of a Prince less Glorious and Puissant than your Majesty: Since our very Walls are of sufficient Strength to defend us, without taking up Arms, against a Power Inferiour to yours. But, in Regard it is the Will of Heaven, that we must change our Master, we rejoice to fall into the Hands of so Invincible and Generous a Monarch. And we hope, Sire, that your Majesty will shew us the more Favour, for having us'd our Utmost Efforts to conserve an Inviolate Fidelity to the Catholick King, who but Yesterday was our Master.’
This was spoken with so graceful an Action, and such a becoming Frankness, that the King being mightily pleas'd with them, made them this Answer.
‘Yes, I shall always remember, that your Constancy deserves my Esteem. And now considering you as my Subjects, I will bestow such Privileges on this City, as shall oblige you to manifest no less Courage and Zeal for my Service, than you have done for the Catholick King.’
And to evidence, that he has equal Sentiments of Gratitude and Esteem for his Officers, by whose Courage and Conduct this Important Place is come under his Obedience; the King has bestow'd the Government of it on the Lieutenant General of his Armies, who was present at the Siege, and was shot in Seven Places of his Body. They call him, the Marquis of Vandi. He has signaliz'd his Valour [Page 254]in Sixteen Sieges and Battels, being mark'd all over with Scars, the Glorious Characteristicks of an Indefatigable and Fortunate Hero.
It is fit the Divan shou'd be inform'd of all such Passages: Not to instruct them what to do in the like Cases (for they are Perfectly Wise) but that these Examples may be Register'd, as Spurs to Vertue and Magnanimity of Spirit. For, it cannot be suppos'd, that the Emperour of True Believers will come short of these Infidel Kings, in Rewarding his Faithful and Undaunted Slaves.
Mareschal de Ferte Seneterre has also had his Share in the Caresses and Acknowledgments of the King and the whole Court.
This Success has given a great Damp to the Spaniards, who begin to retire as fast as they can from the Neighbourhood of the French Armies. On the other Sides, these are full of Vigour and brisk Resolutions; resolving not to end the Campaign, without some farther Attempts in Flanders.
They creep by Degrees into the very Heart of that Province, which is ever like to be the Stage of War, so long as the King of Spain has one Town left in it. 'Tis a very Rich Country, abounding in all the desirable Productions of Nature. And the People are very Industrious, to learn and improve whatsoever is Profitable in Art. All their Unhappiness lies in this, That they are not able to protect themselves and subsist Independent of [Page 255]one or other of the Neighbouring Crowns. So that whenever those Sovereigns fall out, these Poor People are miserably oppress'd with Armies; and in this Case, their Friends many Times give 'em as much Trouble as their Enemies. Nay, 'tis difficult to determine, which are their Enemies, and which their Friends. For, to whatsoever Master they are subject, he dreins their Coffers of Money by Taxes and Contributions; besides the Intolerable Vexation of Quartering unruly Soldiers, who commit a Thousand Insolences unpunish'd.
Poland is at this Time in as bad a Condition, between the Armies of Sueden, Austria, Brandenburgh, Moscovy, Transylvania, and the Forces of King Casimir.
The Son of the deceas'd Emperour, has sent a great Army to the Aid of that Unfortunate Monarch; and 'tis confirm'd on all Hands, that they have laid Siege to Cracow. Whilst his Embassador is Negotiating with the Elector of Brandenburgh, to draw him off from the Suedish Interest. This is like to prove a War of long Continuance, if the Plague do not make Peace; with rages in those Parts, and destroys many Thousands more than the Sword or Gun. The Moscovites have Combated with this Distemper above these Two Years, the Grand Duke being forc'd to fly with his Army, like Vagabonds, before this Inexorable Conquerour, which gives no Quarter.
In the mean Time, I hear Ill News from Candia, where they say, the Moselmans have in a Late Attempt on the City, lost above Four Thousand Men, with Thirty Four Ensigns, and a Considerable Treasure. These Infidels have also taken and destroy'd this Summer above Thirty Ships of Barbary, and as many more of Constantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, Scanderoon, &c. On Board of one of which, they seiz'd the Yearly Revenue which comes to the Grand Signior from Scanderoon: And out of another they have taken the Revenue of Rhodes, kill'd a Thousand True Believers, took Half that Number Captives, and releas'd Abundance of Christian Slaves: In a Word, they have taken out of the Several Vessels which fell into their Hands, an Immense Treasure of Silver, Gold, and Precious Stones.
These continual Successes of the Nazarenes, wou'd tempt one to think, That this War was Unjustly commenc'd by Sultan Ibrahim, and therefore Unhappily carry'd on by his Glorious Successor, Sultan Mahomet. Pardon the Effect of Melancholy, Benign Minister, if it be a Crime to think, that the Creator of All Things is Angry with those who Violate their Solemn Word and Oath. Thou know'st the whole Story of this War, and the First Occasions of it. I say no more.
They have a Proverb here in the West, That the Voice of the People, is the Voice of God. And though I approve not the Practice of those, who make Use of this Popular Aphorism [Page 257]to foment Seditions in a State; yet I cannot but own, there's a great Deal of Reason in it, and it may be verify'd in the present Circumstances of Constantinople.
Thou observest, that the Souldiers are Mutinous, and unwilling to serve any longer in this Unfortunate War. Thou findest the Merchants, and in General, all Sorts of People discontented and Factious. The Avenues to that Sanctuary of the World, are block'd up by the Venetians; so that neither Corn nor other Necessary Provisions can be brought in, to supply the Wants of so many Hundred Thousands of People. In a Word, thou seest the Publick Calamities have made them almost desperate; they care not what they do. Peace with the Christians, is the Word every where; or else each Impertinent Mechanick, will presage Ruine to the Ottoman Empire.
May God Inspire thee and the other Ministers of the Divan, in this Calenture of the State, to apply such Remedies, as may prevent the Inconveniences of a Domestick War, which is always more Fatal to a Government, than a Foreign Invasion.
Paris, 17th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XX.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.
NOW thou givest me some Solid Hopes of a Convert. Thy Letter has rais'd my Expectation, since 'tis not penn'd in a Style full of Scruples and Insignificant Doubts, which wou'd be Endless: Nor yet does it savour of Hypocrisy and Dissimulation, as if thou intend'st only to mock me and my Faith, and still continue thy self an Infidel. But it abounds with very fair Concessions, Articles of Reason and Honour on thy Side; Only expecting from me, a True and Authentick Account of our Holy Prophet's Life, and of the Miracles which can be produc'd in Confirmation of his Prophetick Office. Thou wou'dst fain see, if any Thing happen'd of this Kind, to the Messenger of God, parallel to the Stupendous Wonders which recommended Moses your Lawgiver to the World, as the undoubted Oracle of Heaven.
I protest, there is no Fault to be found in this Demand: For it is but Reason, that he who assumes the Character of a Prophet, shou'd be distinguish'd from Impostors by some Evident Signs and Wonders. Yet, 'tis needless to make an exact Parallel, because the Occasions of Moses's Miracles, were different [Page 259]from those of Mohammed, the Seal of the Prophets. Your Lawgiver had a Commission and Power given him to work Miracles when he pleas'd: Whereas Ours declar'd, That he was not sent to work Miracles, but to preach the Ʋnity of the Divine Essence, the Resurrection of the Dead, the Joys of Paradise, and the Torments of the Damn'd.
Yet, lest the Unbelieving World shou'd doubt the Truth of his Mission; From his very Birth, his Life was grac'd with many Supernatural Favours. His Mother bore him without the least Pain of Body or Mind: And as soon as he breath'd the Vital Air, he spoke with an Audible Voice, saluting his Mother, and adding, I profess, That there is only One God, and that I am his Apostle. He was also Circumcis'd by Nature, coming into the World without his Prepuce. At the same Hour, the Devils were forbid to ascend above the Orb of the Moon: And Four Voices were heard from the Four Corners of the Square Temple: The First saying, Proclaim, The Truth is risen, and all Lyes shall return into Hell. The Second uttering, Now is born an Apostle of your own Nation, and the Omnipotent is with him. The Words of the Third were, A Book full of Illustrious Light is sent to you from God. And the Fourth Voice was heard to say, O Mahomet, we have sent thee to be a Prophet, Apostle, and Guide to the World.
When he was about Four Years Old, accompanying the Sons of his Nurse into the Field, [Page 260]the blessed Child retir'd into a Cave at the Foot of the Mountain Ʋriel to pray: When the Archangel Gabriel appear'd to him, and said, Bismillahi rrahmani rrahimi, &c. In the Name of God, Compassionate and Merciful, O Child greatly beloved, I am sent to displant from thy Heart, the Root of Evil; for thy Ejaculations made the Gates of Paradise fly open. The Young Resigned one said, The Will of thy Lord and Mine be done. Then the Angel open'd his Breast with a Razor of Adamant, and taking out his Heart, squeez'd from it the Black Contagion, which was deriv'd from Adam: And having put the Child's Heart in his Place again, he bless'd him, and retir'd to the Invisibles.
From that Time the Young Favourite of Heaven, grew up and prosper'd in all Things, having the Smiles of God and Man. He was under the Tuition of his Uncle Abu-Taleb, who discerning the Marks of an Immense Soul in his Young Nephew, was more Sollicitous for his Welfare, than if he had been his Son. His Fortune being Low in the World, he had no other Way to provide for his Illustrious Charge, than by placing him as a Factor to Chadijah, a Widow of the same Tribe with Mahomet, which was the Noblest among the Arabians. Besides, she was very Beautiful and Rich: And there wanted not Hopes, that in Time she might become Mahomet's Wife.
That which chiefly encourag'd 'em to this, was a Vision of Chadijah, every where talk'd [Page 261]of in those Parts. For, she had divulg'd it her self, long before Mahomet became her Servant, or his Uncle had any Thoughts of thus disposing of him. ‘The Sun seem'd to leave his Heaven and come down to her House, from whence he dispers'd his Beams through Arabia, Egypt, Persia, and in fine, through the Whole Earth.’ This Vision had made a deep Impression on the Mind of Chadijah; and she cou'd not rest, till she had told it to a certain Famous Sage in those Parts, who had great Skill in Astrology and other Mysterious Sciences, and was Celebrated for the Integrity of his Manners. As soon as he heard the Contents of her Vision, he said, ‘In the Name of God, O Widow, enter into thy Bath, and prepare thy self with the Necessary Purifications: For, thou shalt shortly be married to the Greatest Prophet in the World.’ And when she ask'd the Astrologer, What was the Country, Tribe, and Name of her next Husband? He told her, He was an Arabian of Mecca, of the Tribe of the Corei's and that his Name was Mahomet.
As yet, the Prophetick Widow knew Nothing of the Nephew of Abu-Taleb. But, thou may'st imagine she felt strange Passions, when his Uncle afterwards recommended him to her Service; and she knew, that he was the Man in whom the Astrologer's Character was verifi'd, as to his Country, Tribe and Name. For, Mahomet was the Son of Abdalla, who descended from the Bani Haschim, [Page 262]who were the Noblest Family in the Tribe of the Corei's. Who can express her Sentiments, when she saw the Beautiful Youth making his First Addresses to her as an humble Slave, whom she believ'd Heaven had ordain'd for the Partner of her Bed? With what a Grace and becoming Modesty, did he receive the last Instructions and Farewel of his parting Uncle? However, she conceal'd her Transports, and sent her beloved Slave with a Caravan into Syria, allowing him a Noble Pension.
In that Journey, there happen'd something very Remarkable in Honour of the Admirable Young Man. For at a certain Place on the Road, as he waited on the Captain of the Caravan to a Synagogue of the Jews, no sooner had Mahumed set his Foot o'er the Threshold of the Synagogue, but all the Lamps therein were loosen'd from their Chains, and fell down on the Floor. All those of thy Nation that were present, being astonished at the Portentous Accident, fell at the Feet of the Rabbies, desiring their Advice in this amazing Circumstance. They having perform'd the accustom'd Ceremonies and Expiations, answer'd, It is revealed in the Traditions of the Seniors, That at what Time soever an Arabian, call'd Mahomet, shall be present at our Solemnities, God shall remove the Candlestieks out of their Place. It is therefore most certain, that such a one is now among us; let him not escape our Hands, lest Reproach and Contempt come on Israel. But behold, [Page 263]whilst they were busy in searching for the Cause of this Prodigy, Two Angels conveyed Mahomet to Mecca, where he soon after married Chadijah.
It were easy to recount many more Miracles in the Life of the Prophet; such as that of the Cloud Overshadowing him, the Eagle perching on his Head when he was asleep, the Trees and Stones proclaiming him the Apostle of God. And, if we were to make Parallels, I think, the Stupendous Descent which the Moon made, at the Prayer of the Divine Messenger; comes not far short of the Celebrated Disorder on Mount Sinai, when your Law was delivered by Moses.
If thou requirest Undoubted Testimonies for the Truth of this Miracle on Our Side, offer something that is Unquestionable on thy Own. We both equally confide in the Different Records of our Nations, which were penn'd by Men as liable to Temptations and Errors of all Sorts, as thou and I, and all that believe what they write. Therefore, unless thou canst start some more Infallible Authority, to prove the Eternal and Universal Obligation of your Law, than I can to the Contrary, thou liest under a manifest Disadvantage: Since I profess with our Holy Prophet and all the Mussulmans, that the Alcoran contains Nothing Repugnant to the Law of Moses; but is only a more Perfect and Complete Idea of the Divine Will: And that as Moses was the Lawgiver of the Sons of Isaac; so Mahomet was the Apostle of the [Page 264] Sons of Ismael, and the Seal of all the Prophets.
Use thy own Reason; and rather be of no Religion, than in the Number of those to whom it shall be said at the Last Day, Drink, ye Worshippers of Ozair, and be damn'd for ever.
Paris, 10th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XXI.
To Dicheu Hussein, Bassa.
THere has been a mighty Quarrel of late between the French and Spanish Embassadors at the Hague, about Precedency. The Occasion was this. One Evening the French Embassador was Riding in a Coach, in a Place where the Spanish Embassador met him in another Coach; and both striving for the Upper Hand, they met with their Horses Heads one against another, and so stood still. There was presently a Tumult of People gathered about them: And the French being most respected, many Gentlemen came in to his Side with Swords and Pistols; and all Things seemed to portend a Combat. But, the Magistrates having Notice of this Disturbance, sent some of the Guards to keep the Peace, and defend the Embassadors from [Page 265]any Attempts of the Rabble. In the mean while, several Great Lords walked to and fro between the Embassadors, proposing Expedients of Accommodation: But it being at the very Juncture when the French Embassador had received the News of the Surrender of Montmedi, he wou'd not in the least yield to any Terms. So that at last the Spaniard was forced to drive out of the Way, thinking it a Matter of sufficient Triumph, That he had stopp'd the French Embassador so long.
There is a Post come in from Denmark, who brings News of the Total Destruction of Itzchow by Fire. This was a Town belonging to the Danes, and was fir'd by the King of Sweden's Order. The Danes are very Unfortunate of late Years; they make no Figure in Europe. There is a Period set to the Grandeur of every Kingdom and State, and the Danes were once very Victorious and Formidable; but now their Monarchy declines apace, to make Way for the Rising Lustre of the Suedes.
By Sea the Dunkirkers make a great Noise: They have lately taken from the French, Twenty Merchant Vessels, and from the English near half that Number. But, if they have not better Fortune than their Neighbours, the French will take their City from them e'er long. Every Campagne makes a fair Advance toward it. I sent an Account already to the Kaimacham of the Surrender of Montmedi, one of the most Important Places in Christendom. Now I acquaint thee, [Page 266]that St. Venant, which has not so great a Character, yet Considerable enough, has yielded upon Articles. This was done on the 28th. of the last Moon. At this Rate, the French Priests will have little else to do, but to sing Te Deum, for their repeated Successes and Victories.
From Portugal we hear, that that Court to secure themselves the better against the Spaniards, have sent to implore the Assistance of Morocco and Fez: Which is much censur'd among the Nazarenes. Others say, they are only Messengers, gone to buy up all the Horses they can get in that Country.
In the mean while, the King of France is taking all the Politick Measures he can, for the Empire of the West. His Embassadors in Germany appear with a Magnificent Train of Three Hundred Men, and they style their Master, His most Christian Majesty, King of France and Navarre, Sovereign Prince in Germany and Italy; Which last, is look'd upon as a Fair Step to the Title of Emperour.
The Counsels of the German Court are not a little disturb'd, to hear that our Invincible Forces are approaching toward the Confines of Hungary. It will put some Stop to the design'd Election. Besides, they cannot agree among themselves about a Successor.
The Queen Christina of Sueden, is come back again into this Kingdom, being frighted out of Italy a Second Time, by the Return of the Plague.
There is a War commenc'd between the [Page 267]City of Munster and the Bishop of that Place: So that he has laid a Formal Siege to it, and presses them very close.
All this is of no such Importance, as the News that I receive from Constantinople; which assures me, that the Mussulmans have retaken the Isles of Tenedos and Lemnos, tho' with some Loss of Men.
I wish they cou'd as easily drive the Venetians out of the Archipelago, and then the Imperial City would have no longer Reason to complain for Want of Bread.
Paris, 10th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XXII.
To Dgnet Oglou.
I Know not what's the Matter, but most of my Friends are of late grown strange to me. They write but seldom, and then their Letters are full of Reserves, as if they suspected my Integrity: Or, that because I am Commanded to inform the Divan of all Criminal Practices, therefore they are afraid to communicate their Sentiments with the same Freedom as formerly; tho' on Themes no Ways belonging to the State, but purely Speculative, and the Common Discourse of all Sensible [Page 268]Men. Are you become more Morose and Rigid at Constantinople, than you were Twenty Years ago? In those Days, I remember it was Common in the Publick Coffee-Hans, for Mussulmans, Greeks, Curds and Franks, or Men of any other Religion, to meet together and vent their Thoughts with Liberty: No Man being willing to be Stigmatiz'd with the Character of a Clown, for taking Offence at another's Faith, tho' different from his own.
It was then esteem'd a Point of Gallantry, to favour the Christians of all Sects, and let 'em talk and act as they pleas'd, provided they Blasphem'd not God, or his Prophets. And they themselves wou'd have Condemn'd any of their own Party, who shou'd have been Guilty of such an Immorality and Affront to the Established Religion of the Mussulmans, and the General Sence of Mankind.
But why then is the same Liberty retrenched now, and that among Mussulmans who are Intimate Friends? Is it not now as Lawful for us to converse with one another by Letter or any other Way, as it was then to enter into Dialogues with Infidels? I would not encourage or imitate the Bold and Prophane Efforts of their Wit, who deny the Being of a God, or utter Blasphemies against his Messenger: The whole Ʋniverse is an Irrefragable Testimony of an Eternal and Omnipotent Nature: And the Alcoran is an Evident Proof, of the Sanctity and Indispensible Commission [Page 269]of Our Holy Lawgiver. But I hope 'tis no Crime, to enter into Speculations of Things liable to Controversy. At least I will venture to disclose to thee my Thoughts, who art the most Agreeable of all my Friends. I tell thee, my dear Gnet, it appears to me Ridiculous and like the Quarrels of Children, for Moselmans to wrangle about mere Trifles in Religion, and that the Resign'd to God shou'd be Zealous for the Whimsies of Men. One Party believes the Alcoran is Eternal, Another says 'tis Created. In my Opinion, they are both Absurd Assertions. The First, because then it will follow, That there are more Eternals than One, which is a fair Step to Polytheism and Idolatry: The Second is only an Impropriety of Speech; For we do not usually say of any Writing, That it is Created, but Pen'd.
I can easily believe the Manifold Descents of Gabriel from Heaven, when he brought down the Hundred and Four Sheets of Science and Faith. But whether Adam had only Ten of these Sheets; or One and Twenty, as some say: Or, whether his Son Seth, had but Twenty Nine of them; or Fifty, according to Others; is not Material, according to my Faith. It is Possible Edris had no more nor less than Thirty, and Abrahim our Father, just Ten of these Divine Manuscripts. Of this we are sure, That the Volume of the Law was sent to Moses, the Psalms to David, the Gospel to Jesus the Son of Mary, and the Mighty Alcoran to Mahomet the Seal of the Prophets.
It is as easy for me to believe the Celestial Pen with which all these Manuscripts were written, to be of some Admirable Substance. But, why it shou'd be made of Pearls, rather than of Diamonds▪ or any other Jewels, I see no Reason; Or, that it shou'd be a Journey of Fifty Years, for the Swifrest Horse in Arabia to run from one End of it to the other. Yet if I have not Faith enough for these Things, I will not be Angry with those that have. Let every Man enjoy his Phancy.
But I cannot be so Indifferent, when I hear Men tell me, That God has a Body like Ours, with Eyes, Ears, Nose, Hands, Tongue, and all other Members and Organs of Life, Sence. Speech and Morion: That he is subject to Passions of Love, Hatred, Anger, Grief, and all the Affections that are Common to Mortals. Yet thou knowest, there is a Sect of Mussulmans, who believe all this, and preach it to others with great Assurance. What is this, but to set up an Idol, in the Place of God? For, the Original of all Idolatry, was the Vain Presumption of Men, who represented the Incomprehensible Divinity, under some Common Visible Figure of Men or Beasts.
If we must assign a Body to God, it wou'd seem more Rational to adhere to their Opinion among the Sephatim, who say, his Body is Infinite, Ʋncircumscrib'd, and beyond all Form. Neither is it of any Import, that the Western Philosophers assert, It is of the Essence of all Bodies to be Circumscrib'd and Finite: [Page 271]Since, though this may be readily granted true of Particular Bodies, yet must it ever be deny▪d of the Immense and Ʋniversal Body out of which the World is Form'd: Unless they will allow an Unlimited and Interminate Unbody'd Space, which is more Unintelligible and Absurd. Doubtless, if the Eternal Mind has a Body, 'tis Expanded Wide as the Endless Aether, and Equally Present in all Places: Neither can this Body be any more Circumscrib'd, Confin'd, or shut up in any Place, than the Light of the Sun can be Restrain'd within a Room, or Separated from its Source by the drawing of a Curtain. For all the World is Pervious to this Infinite Body, which is altogether Indivisible into Parts, even as that which we call a Spirit. In a Word, we must conceive it to be simple and uncompounded, the Finest and First Matter of the Ʋniverse.
But if thou wilt have my Opinion, all this is Infinitely too low and narrow an Idea of that Eternal and most Exalted Essence, that Intellectual Beauty, which no Mortal Eye has seen, no Tongue or Pen can describe; the smallest Glimpse of whose Ineffable Majesty, falling on the Thoughts of Holy Men and Prophets, snatches away their Souls in Sacred Passions and Divine Exstasies, whilst their Bodies are in the Custody of the Angel of Death. At such Times they are carry'd up through the Seven Heavens, beholding all their Wonders, and the Purple Sea which divides the First Heaven from the Second. They pass by the Orbs where Fire, Hail, [Page 272]Snow and Thunder are prepar'd and kept as in Reservatories against the Day of Calamity; being guarded by the Spirits of Vengeance, who are Created to punish Infidels. Then they Ascend to the Fourth Heaven, where dwell Innumerable Armies of Holy Ones. Next to the Fifth, where are the Angels of Intercession. Then to the Sixth, which is the Residence of Archangels, the Internuncio's or Messengers of the Eternal Majesty. And last of all, they are Introduc'd into the Presence of the most Sublime Potentates and Principalities, who wait before the Recess of the Creator, in the Heavens above all Heavens, whose Height transcends the Power of Created Intellects to measure.
O Dgnet, when I have said all I can, 'tis nothing to the Purpose. For no Words nor Thoughts, can reach that Infinite above all Infinity. Nothing but Pure Unbodyed Minds, can have Access to the Skirts and Eorders of that Endless Region of Light.
Therefore, let us not stretch our Vain Imaginations, nor greedily pry into those Secrets, which for ever fly from Humane Thought: But keeping our selves within the Bounds of Reason and Sobriety, let us Adore God and believe his Prophet, Obey the Law of Cleanness and Purity, without Injuring Man or Beast; And that's the Way, if there be any, to ascend to the Vision and Enjoyment of that Happiness, which at Present is hid from us.
Paris, 5th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER XXIII.
To the Aga of the Janizaries.
I Receiv'd the Dispatch coming from Valorous Hands, an Express perfum'd with Narcissus; full of Honourable Words, and exhibiting a Command worthy of an Ottoman General. May the Angel of Fortitude, conduct thee in all thy Expeditions, against Infidels, Rebels, and Hereticks.
Thy Conceptions of the Present State of Europe, are very proper and lively. Yet, in some Things, 'tis possible thou hast been misinform'd. The Affairs of Italy are Inconsiderable, when compar'd with the more Important Wars of the North. That Quarter, is at present the Theatre of the most Remarkable Actions. Yet the Campagnes in Flanders this Year, have made some Noise in the World.
But, all the Discourse at present is, of the Famous Siege and taking of Fredericks-Ode by the Suedes. This is a Fortress belonging to the King of Denmark, and esteem'd one of the strongest in Europe. Yet it was taken by Storm: Wherein the Danes lost Ninety Three Principal Officers, and about Three Thousand Common Soldiers; Thirty Three Colours; Seventy Seven Great Guns of Iron and Brass; Three Hundred and Eighty Two Barrels of Powder; Forty Thousand Musquet-Bullets; Six Hundred Granado's; Three Thousand Pikes, and Two Thousand [Page 274]Two Hundred Suits of Armour.
This Victory makes the Suedes appear Terrible to their Enemies; and they are look'd upon as the only Flourishing Nation in the North, as France is in the West. Yet, to shew that there's no Unmix'd Happiness here below, their Interest has been much lessen'd, by the Desertion of the Brandenburghers, who now seem to favour the Cause of King Casimir.
That Monarch had an Interview lately with the Elector of Brandenburgh, at a Place call'd Broombergh; where they embrac'd one another, banquetted together, and buried all the Memoirs of Enmity in Generous Compotations: For, this is the Way of the Northern Princes of Europe; Who live in so Cold a Climate, that Nothing less than a Debauch with Wine, can thaw their Frozen Souls, and melt 'em into an Obliging Humour.
As for the State of England, I perceive thou know'st the Character of Oliver, the New Sovereign of that Commonwealth. Yet I can inform thee, that he begins to change his Temper. There are Persons in his Court, who give Constant Intelligence to the King of France, of all his Secrets. And, as the Exil'd King of Scots cou'd not snuff a Candle in a Passion, but that Ʋsurper had Knowledge of it; so neither can Oliver have a Dream, but some spightful Mercury carrys the News into Foreign Countries. His Sleep is Interrupted with Fearful Visions of Plots, and Treasons against his Life; which makes him change his Bed, Five or Six Times a-Night. They say, he is [Page 275]Metamorphos'd from a Hero, to a perfect Coward. And, this is not the Report of the Multitude, who take Things upon Trust; but tis the Sport of the French Grandees, who wish well to the Son of the late Murder'd English King.
I must be Irregular in my Method of Writing, that I may oblige thee with Military Remarks. A more particular Account of the Storm of Fredericks Ode, is just come to my Hands, wherein we are assur'd, that it was taken at the First Assault, which much redounds to the Honour of General Wrangle; and that the Crown-Marshal of Denmark, with many Senators and Grandees, fell by the Edge of the Sword; And that Two Thousand Captives were driven yok'd in Couples like Beasts, as an Augmentation of the Conquerour's Triumph.
Thou wilt not be displeased at the little Coherence and Order of these Memoirs, considering that it suits well enough with the Subject: For I write a la Campagne, as the French say, and so am oblig'd to entertain thee with broken Detachments of News, from several Parts, as Occasion offers.
The Spaniards are stark Mad, for the Loss of Mardike, which was taken by the English and French in the 9th. Moon, and all the Garrison sent Prisoners to Calais. They swear, they will have this Important Place again, whatever it cost 'em. The Prince of Conde, lies dangerously sick of a Fever at Gaunt: Whilst Don John of Austria, labours under a Malady of another Nature, being much distress'd for [Page 276]Want of Money to pay his Soldiers. This is look'd upon as a very bad Symptom, in a General of an Army.
The Great City Cracow in Poland, is surrender'd by the Suedes to King Casimir. That Monarch begins to find a Turn of his Affairs; and 'tis thought, he will draw Half the Princes of Europe into a League against the King of Sueden.
It will be of no great Importance for thee to know, that the Siege of Munster is rais'd, and a Peace Concluded between that City and their Bishop: Yet 'tis convenient, that this shou'd be related to the Ministers of the Divan, who are the Judges of all Human Events. Besides, in one of my Letters, I mention'd this Quarrel and Siege.
Illustrious Aga, I have obey'd thy Commands, in sending thee an Abstract of all the most Remarkable Transactions in Europe, during the last Three or Four Moons. I wish, 'twere as agreeable to any of my Friends, to send me the News of our Armies and Navy.
But I am more oblig'd to Strangers and Infidels, for the Intelligence I have of the Ottoman Affairs, than to any of the True Believers.
Brave Commander, may God preserve thee from the Common Vices of a Soldiers Life, and make thee as Renowned as Cassim Hali, who was present in 25 pitch'd Battels, receiv'd 48 Wounds, and yet lived to the 63d. Year of his Age.
Paris, 27th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS. VOL. V.
BOOK IV.
LETTER I.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.
MOST of my Letters to the Grandees of the Port, carry News of Wars, Sieges, and Battles among the Christians. Now I'll tell thee who art my Friend, I'm at War with my self. One Potent Passion takes the Field against another. Opposite Armies of Affections, [Page 278]are Embattel'd in my Breast: My Heart is block'd up: Here, lies Interest Entrenched; There, Honour displays its Standard. One Minute, Nature and Self-Preservation make a Sally; the next, they are beat back by Generosity and Love. The Worst of it is, that these Contrary Factions in the Soul, are so blended together by a secret Correspondence, that it is almost Impossible to discern which is which.
Would'st thou know what the Meaning of this is? I'll tell thee in Brief; I'm in a Controversy with my self, whether I'd best to die or live.
Wonder not at the Expression, as if 'twere in any Man's Power to make this Choice; since according to the Mussulman Faith, we cannot hasten or retard the Moments decree'd by Fate. Assuredly, Predestination does not in the least interfere with what is called Man's Free Will. Every the most Voluntary Action of our Lives, complys as exactly with the Appointment of Eternal Destiny, as the Accidental Fall of a Tyle from a House, or the more Regular and Constant Descent of Rain, Snow and Hail from the Clouds. And, for ought I know, we may as Properly call it the Free-Will of a River to run toward the Sea, as for a Man to pursue the Various Currents of his own Reason or Appetite. For so a Fountain frequently divides it self into many Streams before it falls into the Ocean, which is its, Center. And Man himself, notwithstanding the boasted Freedom of his Will, is [Page 279]as much confin'd to act according to his Principles, Prepossessions, Prejudices, Passions and Habits; as the different Rivulets issuing from the same Spring, are restrained each within the Banks of its Proper Channel.
But not to entertain thee with more Allegories; both thou and I, and all Men, find our selves Violently carry'd away by certain Inclinations so forcible, as no Power of our Will is able to resist: Sometimes our Love, Hate, Joy, Grief, and so the Rest of Human Passions, are as Involuntary, as the Motions of our Pulse. And tho' in the most Important Actions of our Lives, we Generally form some Regular Design, as their Scope and Center; Yet we do many Things without Reflection, as Musicians are said sometimes to play Excellent Tunes, without so much as regarding or thinking what they are about. By all which it is Evident, that our Will has little to do in the Conduct of our Lives. We, like all other Creatures, act according to certain Secret Impulses of Nature. The very same Faculty which we call Instinct in the Beasts, is no other than what we term Reason, Wisdom, Knowledge, Discretion and Forecast in our selves. And I think 'tis no Solecism to say, That that was a Prudent Dog, who perceiving his Master making ready a Rope to hang him, slily slipt away, and never came near him more.
Suffer me to make yet a farther Digression, and ascribe it to Fate. For I'm on a sudden strangely Interrupted in my Thoughts, by a [Page 280]most Furious Tempest; A Medley of Hail, Rain, Lightning and Thunder: And this last, tho' not over-noisy and loud, yet it was the most singularly terrifying, that ever I heard in my Life. There is a Sort of Thunder which they call the Drum, because it approaches near the Sound of that Warlike Instrument, making a Lively, Fierce Rumbling in the Air, like the Beat of an Alarm. There is another more surprizing, like the Roaring of Cannons. But this had a Touch in it, of the most Harsh, Affrighting and Irregular Noises, that ever shook the Welkin.
I was possessed with a deep Melancholy, as soon as I heard the Horrid Clatter begin, and saw the Air darken apace, with a more than Ordinary Gloominess. Then I felt some Religious Passions struggling with my Reason. I was full of Fears, lest God was Angry with me, for my Counterfeited Life among the Christians: And imagined no less, than that this Tempest was raised on Purpose to destroy me; and make me an Example to all Mussulmans, who dare deny the Holy Prophet, to serve the Interest of the Grand Signior, as much a Mortal as themselves. Or, at least, I concluded I should taste my Share of the Wrath of Heaven, at this Cholerick Juncture. Nay, and all the Philosophy I could muster together, served but to raise my dismal Expectations of the Fatal Blast. For I could not avoid thinking, That a Wicked Man is a Magnet, which Naturally attracts the Vengeance of Heaven: And that I being such in [Page 281]the Highest Degree, could not fail of having my Soul scorched up at Once to Nothing, or Metamorphosed to a Fury (which is Worse) by some Surprizing and Inevitable Flash. For, to pass from this Life by Light'ning, Poyson, or an Earthquake, are the only Deaths I fear.
I fell on my Knees and Face, addressing my self to God, with the most Humble and Fervent Devotion I was Capable of. I made my Application also to his Prophets. I said and did, all that I thought would procure a Respite of the Punishment I fear'd. At length being tyred and sick of too much Prayer, I rose and sate down chearfully; remembring I was a Mussulman, and resigned to the Will of Destiny. Considering also, that I was an Arabian, of a Noble Stock; I resolv'd, if I must die, to prepare my self with a Moderation worthy of my Blood; that so I might go to the Invisibles, like the Grand-Son of an Emir.
Perhaps thou wilt impute this to Vanity: But I esteem it a Point of Justice, for a Man to take Care, that he may live and die like himself, without degenerating from the Virtue of his Ancestors, or bringing a Disgrace on the Tribe to which he belongs. For, tho' God has Created all Men of the same Mould, yet he has distinguish'd One Family from Another, by more than Specifick Characters Imprinted on them in their Nativity: And has Ennobled some Mortals with Peculiar Qualities [Page 282]and Innate Perfections, which Others are wholly Strangers to. So, there are Others Remarkable for Hereditary Vices.
Whether these Things depend on the Blood, or on the Different Circumstances of Souls before they came into these Bodies, is a Question not soon resolv'd. But, this I'm sure of, That I find in my self both some Virtues and Vices, which I could never yet discover so Odly blended together in any other Mortal. I'm always Campagning on the Frontiers of Good and Evil. Yet my Passions are not Mercenary: No Price can tempt me to Treason or Perfidy. I am Master of a certain Fastness of Spirit, which no Human Charm is able to dismantle. My Integrity cannot be warp'd by Gold. And 'tis for this Reason, I a little value my self. Which makes me sometimes inclin'd rather bravely to sally forth into the Ʋnknown World, than tarry in This, where I meet with Nothing but Contempt and Disesteem from the Slaves of Him, for whose Sake I bear the Fatigue of Life. Surely, think I, wherever it be my Lot to go, after my Escape from this Mortal State; the Spirits of that Region will be kind to me, for the Sake of my Incorruptible Trustiness: For, they have Intrigues as well as we; and consequently, will be glad of Faithful Agents.
In a Word, since all my Zeal and Loyalty is thought not to merit any Reward in this Life; I would fain try, whether at least I may not deserve to be a Ghost of Honour; If there [Page 283]be any such Distinctions in that World of Spirits.
Paris, 27th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1657.
LETTER II.
To Mustapha, Bassa.
I Shall acquaint thee with a late Transaction in this Kingdom, which I believe has but few Examples. The Kaimacham has already receiv'd a Dispatch from me, wherein I signify'd the Return of Christina, Queen of Sueden into France: This Princess since her Arrival at Fontainbleau, having discover'd some Secret Treachery in one of her Retinue, who was an Italian Marquis, pronounc'd a Formal Sentence of Death on him: Which was accordingly Executed on the 10th. Day of the 11th. Moon, by her own Officers, in a Gallery of her Palace, after he had been warn [...]d of it by her Express Order, and had a Confessour sent to him, to prepare him for Another World.
When this was done, she immediately sent a Messenger to acquaint the French King with this Action, and the Reasons which induc'd her to it. Some of the Courtiers at first persuaded him, That the Queen's Proceeding entrench'd [Page 284]on his Royal Prerogative, he being the sole Arbiter of Life and Death within his own Dominions. Whereupon Monsieur de Chanut was sent to Expostulate with her. I have formerly mention'd this Person in some of my Letters, when he was Embassador from this Crown to Queen Christina, then Reigning in Sueden. He is a Gentleman of Great Abilities; and for that Reason, has been employ'd in the most Difficult Negotiations, with the States of Holland and other Countries.
Yet People Censure variously; And the Case has been referr'd to the Doctors of the Civil Law; who Pronounc'd this Sentence in her Favour, That being an Independent Sovereign, and having the King of France's Permission to reside in this Realm, the Rights of Sovereignty cou'd not be deny'd her over her own Subjects: Such are to be esteem'd all that are in her Service and take her Pay, except the Subjects of the State where she resides.
The swift Execution of this Queen's Sentence on her Servant, in Part resembles the Rigor of our Eastern Justice, which admits of no Delays in punishing Criminal Persons, and removing Traytors out of the Way. Neither is it to be diverted, by any Fears of After-Claps. And though these Western Monarchs Generally put no Man to Death without a Formal Process at Law; yet sometimes they have leap'd over this Rule, and only given the Word of Command to some of their Officers, and the Business was done: [Page 285]As in the Case of the Marshal d' Ancre, and the Duke of Guize; The One falling by a Pistol-Bullet, the Other by the Stab of a Dagger; and both in the King's own Palace, surrounded with their Servants and Friends. And there was no other Way for the Crown of France to secure it self from the Attempts of these dangerous Men, who were grown to such a Height, as to Monarch it almost as much as their Masters.
Mighty Bassa, the Charms of Sovereignty are very strong, Creating Envy and Ambition in Subjects, and Jealousy in Princes. It is not safe for an Eminent Grandee, to appear too Popular. For he that is invested with a Diadem, can never brook a Rival, or one whom he has Reason to suspect for such.
Paris, 2d. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER III.
To Mustapha, Berber Aga.
THE Spaniards are all dissolv'd in Joy for the Birth of a Young Prince, and Heir of that declining Monarchy. 'Tis said, that the King his Father, appointed a Solemn Festival throughout all his Dominions, commanding his Subjects to Celebrate it with the most Exalted Demonstrations of Joy. And on that Day, he himself wore the Ransom of Kings in his Apparel; the very Diamonds and Pearls in his Hat, being Valu'd at Three Millions of Gold. By which thou mayst guess at the Rest.
He has also Communicated this Joyful News to all Christian Princes and States, his Friends and Allies. And indeed, he has some Reason to make a Noise of this Good Fortune, being an Old Man, and in all Men's Opinion not likely to have any more Children.
His Ambassadors in Foreign Countries, endeavour to imitate their Prince in all Manner of Magnificent Triumphs. And particularly from Holland we have the following Account: That on a certain Day of the Moon of January, Don Stephano de Gamara, the Spanish Ambassador at the Hague, caus'd Te Deum to be sung with Excellent Voices and Musick, whilst Fifty Pieces of Ordnance plaid continually. At Night a Hundred and Fifty Pitch-Barrels [Page 287]were lighted on several Scaffolds in the Streets, and all the Windows in the Hague were Illuminated with Wax-Tapers. And these Words were seen flaming in an Artificial Fire-Work for Two Hours together;
I need not explain this Inscription to thee who art vers'd in the Roman Language; and wilt find, that all the Salt of these Words lies in the Capital Letters pointing at the Year wherein this Young Prince was born, viz. MDCLVII. except a little Pun upon his Name, which is Philip Prosper. On each Side, appear'd the Arms of the Spanish King; and Underneath, the Golden Fleece, so Artificially contriv'd, that from it sprung Fountains of divers Kinds of Wine, at which the Multitude drank liberally for some Hours: Whilst many new-Coin'd Pieces of Gold and Silver, were scatter'd among them out of the Ambassadors Windows. They were stamp'd with an Olive Tree, having this Motto on One Side, ‘Crescente hac, Pax aurea crescet:’ And on the Other Side a Hand, with this Inscription in a Label, ‘Dabit Populis Pacem.’
The French ridicule this latter Motto, and say, The King of Spain will e'er long deserve [Page 288]the Title of Peace-Maker, when he shall be forc'd to sue for it, not being in a Condition to carry on a War.
Illustrious Officer, I know thou art well versed in the Roman Histories, having being Educated under Achmet-Lala, who was a Learned Man. And 'tis Probable, thou art no Stranger to the more Modern Relations of Europe, and the Diverse Characters of the People that Inhabit it. Yet, give me Leave to tell thee, That Rome in all its Victorious Bravery, never saw Firmer Soldiers in a Battle, than the Spaniards are at this Day. But the French have Finer Wits, more Money, and better Fortune: And 'tis this makes 'em insult. Besides, Destiny over-rules All Things. Every Kingdom and Empire has its Climacters, wherein it droops, declines, and at the Grand Critical Period falls to ruine.
The Greeks had Money enough when the Great Sultan Mahomet besieged Constantinople: But they had not Wit to use it for their own Preservation; and so that City, the last Considerable Stake of the Empire, was lost to the Ottomans, who soon after became Masters of all the Rest.
Thou hast Wealth in Abundance, and Discretion to manage it: Slip no Opportunities, but remember the Old Arabian Proverb, which says, God has given whole Days to the Fortunate, but to the Ʋnhappy he affords only some Hours.
Paris, 7th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER IV.
To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs, at Constantinople.
I Remember my Promise, though it be late. Thou know'st I have many Hindrances, and therefore wilt not tax me with feigning an Excuse. However, thy Letter came to me in a Good Hour, to put me in Mind of these Things, and to enquire of our Mother's Health, who still resides in this City.
I have said Nothing of her, since my First Letter after her Arrival at Paris. And, to tell thee the Truth, she has said Little her self; being Ignorant of the French Tongue, and too Old to learn it. Therefore her Chief Conversation has been with Eliachim and me, above these Three Years: For, that Jew speaks Indifferent good Turkish and Arabick.
If thou wou'dst know how she has spent her Time, 'Tis divided between her Devotions and her Needle. She lives more Recluse than a Christian Nun; seldom or never stirring abroad, unless to take the Air of the Fields, and then shut up in a Coach with her Maid. In a Word, her Manner of Living, is a fit Example for the French Women: For, in all Things she observes the Laws of her Education, and the Modest Customs of the East.
No Argument can persuade her to change her Grecian Garb, or dress her self after the Loose Mode of Western Females. Neither Will she Eat or Drink any where, but in the House of Eliachim, for Fear of infringing the Precepts of the Alcoran, and disobeying the Messenger of God: For she esteems the Diet of the Jews Pure, and free from Pollution. In her Pious and Motherly Zeal, she rebukes me for Eating and Drinking with Infidels: And I've Nothing to say in my Defence, but the Necessity I lie under of preventing Suspicion, that so I may serve the Sultan with greater Success, and that I have the Mufti's Dispensation for this and many more Irregularities. When she hears this, she lifts up her Eyes to Heaven, lays her Hand upon her Breast, and appears resign'd: Yet shakes her Head, and seems to pity my Case; not without some Reflections on the Corruption of the Times, the Impiety of the Seraglio, and Want of Zeal for the Holy Prophet.
She has her Health to a Miracle: And excepting the First Two Moons after she came to Paris, I never heard her complain of the least Indisposition. 'Tis possible, the Change of Air, with the Inconveniences of Travelling so far by Sea and Land, might incommode her at First. She was for a while troubled with Rheums, Obstructions, and a Dysentery: But she soon overcame these Distempers, and has ever since been perfectly well.
We often discourse together of thee, and thy Travels in the East. Sometimes I read Part of thy Journal to her, which affords her Infinite Delight. She congratulates her self, and thy Good Fortune, in escaping so many Perils and Deaths, as every where threaten a Stranger: And takes a particular Delight to hear thy Adventures with the Indian Lady, at the Court of Raja Hulacu. Thou may'st be assur'd, our Mother bears a Singular Affection to thee: For we never meet, without wishing thee in our Company. She rejoices mightily, to hear of thy Prosperity and Advancement in the Favour of the Grand Signior, and his Principal Ministers; Wishing thee every Day a New Step of Honour and Interest. Thou may'st also rest satisfy'd, that Mahmut comes not short of the Affection he owes to such a Brother.
At other Times we talk of our Cousin Isouf, who is now in the Frozen Regions of the North. His Itinerary Memoirs, are also very Pleasant; And we pass some Hours in reading and comparing 'em with the Dispatches which I frequently receive from Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch in Egypt: For Isouf is more large in his Description of that Country, and his Remarks on its Antiquities, than on any other Part of Africa. Yet he says enough of all that Southern Quarter.
As to what I promis'd to inform thee, concerning the Pyramids, Mummies, and other Singularities of Egypt; know, that our Kinsman Isouf is a great Critick, and gives the [Page 292]Lye to Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, Pliny, and other Writers of Greece and Rome. Neither will he consent in all things to our Arabian Histories.
He says, the Pyramids are neither so High, nor does their Basis take up so much Ground, as is reported by the Ancients. He laughs at those who affirm, They cast no Shadows at Noon, having experienc'd the Contrary when the Sun was in Capricorn. And we may believe him in this, on good Ground: For it is Recorded of Thales Milesius, who liv'd above Two Thousand Years ago, That he took the Height of the Pyramids by their Shadows.
There are Three of these Admirable Structures not far from Caire, and about Eighteen more in the Deserts of Libya. It is Generally suppos'd, That they were built for Sepulchres of the Egyptian Kings; some of them before the Flood, the rest after. There are not wanting Historians, who assert the Greatest of the Pyramids to be the Tomb of Seth, the Son of Adam.
Isouf was within this Mighty Fabrick, and attests, That after he and his Company had descended and ascended through certain Galleries, they came at last to a Square Chamber, wall'd about with Pure Thebaick Marble; in the Middle of which was a Chest of the same Stone, which when struck with the Foot, sounded like a Musical Instrument. It is believ'd, that in this Chest was laid the Body of the King who built that Pyramid.
The Ancient Egyptians were of Opinion, That even after that which we call Death, [Page 293]or the Separation of the Soul and Body, there were certain Arts to retain 'em together; if not in so Strict and Intimate an Union as before, yet in a very Familiar Correspondence for many Ages. So that the Soul should always take Delight to hover about the Body. and to exercise its Faculties in the Place where that was reposed.
For this Reason, in the First Place they took out the Bowels, and whatsoever was most liable to Corruption: And having wash'd the Empty Belly with Wine of Palms, mix'd with Aromatick Powders, they stuffed it with Myrrh, Cassia, and many Costly Confections; and then sow'd it up. After this, they purified the Whole Body with Nitre; And having drawn out the Brains by the Nostrils with a Hook, they fill'd up the Skull with Melted Gums. And last of all, they swathed up the Whole Body in Silk, smearing it over with Rich Mixtures of Bitumen, Spices and Gums, and so delivered it to the Kindred to be laid up in the Sepulchre.
These were the Preparations they made to Court the Presence of the Soul, by rendring the Body for Ever Sweet and Incorruptible. And, that the Majesty of Royal Ghosts might never be Interrupted or Violated by the Neighbourhood of Vulgar Spirits, or the Ruder Approach of Mortals; Kings built these Magnificent Piles, as the Palaces of their Last Repose. 'Tis therefore they were Erected in Desert and Unfrequented Places, and in such a Form as was esteemed the most [Page 294]Durable, and secure from the Injuries of Time, the Assaults of the Elements, and from the Common Fate of all Human Enterprises. Each Stone of a Prodigious Bulk, and rivetted to the next with a Bar of Iron: Which with the Strength and Invincible Fastness of the Cement, renders it a Thing Impossible for any one of these Pyramids to be demolished, tho' all Mankind were set to work for many Successive Generations.
Al Mamun, the Caliph of Babylon, attempted to do it, but in vain. For after he had set his Men at Work, and been at Vast Expences, they made but one small Breach, so Inconsiderable, that being made Sensible it would exhaust his Treasures to remove but the Hundredth Part of the Pyramid, he desisted, full of Wonder at the Wisdom of the Founders.
If it be true, that the Soul may by such Allurements as these, be prevailed on to remain with the Body in its Sepulchre, and that a Man's Future Happiness consists in this, I should my self Admire and Imirate those Egyptian Sages. I would in my Life-Time build me a small Mausoleum, according to my Ability, and order in my Last Will and Testament, that my Body be Embalmed and Condited for a Perpetual Duration. But if none of these Arts can alter the Decrees of Destiny, or force an Immortal Spirit from Ranging where it pleases; I must conclude with Pliny, That this Celebrated Wisdom of the Egyptians, was no other than Glorious [Page 295]Folly, and all the Magnificence of their Kings in building such Costly Sepulchres, but Royal Waste.
They themselves, in thus cautiously providing to secure the Soul's Abode with the Body after Death, tacitely own'd, That by the Course of Nature it would immediately pass into some other. Nay, the Transmigration of Souls, was an Established Doctrine in Egypt. How then could they be so blind as to imagine a Dead Carcase, however Perfumed and Fenced against Corruption, was more inviting than an Embryo formed to live? Or that it was more Elegible for the Soul to be Imprisoned in a Dark Dungeon (for no better are the Insides of the Pyramids) than to enjoy the Light of the Sun, Moon and Stars, and the Various Sweets of the Elements? Brother, in my Opinion, 'twere better to be a Bird, a Worm, a Fly, or any Living Thing, than to be thus Immur'd for many Ages, and have no other Companion, but an Old Salted Mummie.
Isouf has made some Remarks on the River Nile, to which he says Egypt owes not only its Corn and Fruits, but also the very Soil which brings 'em forth. For every Year, at the Time of the Inundation, that River brings along with it from Aethiopia, or some other Regions through which it passes, Abundance of Slime and Mud, with which it covers all the Land of Egypt, leaving it behind at the Decrease of the Waters; So that the Soil of Egypt is borrowed from other [Page 296] Countries. And if this be true, for ought we know, the Place of its Situation may be borrowed from the Sea, according to the Opinion of some Ancient Philosophers.
Herodotus, Pliny and others, were of this Persuasion, grounding their Conjectures on the nearer Approaches of the Continent to the Island Pharos, from the Time of Homer, who exactly Calculated its Distance. And they concluded, That the Immense Quantities of Slime which the Nile transports from the Mountainous Regions of Africa, might in the Space of Two Myriads of Years, have filled up all that Part of the Sea which is now Firm Land, and call'd Egypt.
If this be true, it seems to me very strange, That the Egyptians should boast of Greater Antiquity than any other Nation in the World, tho' their Country it self be the Youngest of all the Regions on Earth, an Abortive Spot of Ground, hatched by a River in the Depths of the Sea, and ever since cherish'd by that River as by a Parent or Nurse, which ceases not to convey to it Yearly a Convenient Proportion of Aliment, whereby the Country it self grows in Bulk, and the Inhabitants are maintained. O Admirable Providence of Nature, who can penetrate into thy Mysterious Conduct! O Egypt abounding in Prodigies and Wonders! Where the Land and Water, with the other Elements, conspire to render thee all over Miraculous.
Dear Pesteli, I am transported when I think of that Region; and could relate a Thousand [Page 297]more Passages, both out of Isouf's Memoirs, and from the Mouths of others, who have travelled thither to observe so many Miracles. But I believe, thy Patience will be sufficiently tir'd with the Length of this Letter. Besides, my Mother is just come to visit me, and desires me to recommend her Unfeigned Affections to thee.
Be assured also, that Mahmut loves thee with the Integrity of a Man, and the Tenderness of a Brother: And he serves thee in all Things without repining.
Paris, 17th. of the 1st. Moon, of the year 1658.
LETTER V.
To the Kaimacham.
THE Venetians are very angry for the Loss of Tenedos; and not without Reason: For, that Island is a delicate Spot of Ground, abounding in Rich Wines, and other Products of Nature. Besides, it commands the Avenue of the Shining City, the Refuge of Mortals.
They variously relate the Manner of its being retaken from 'em, by the Arms which no Earthly Power is able to resist. Endeavouring in all their Rumours, to disguise the [Page 298]Truth as much as they can, and misrepresent the Bravery of the Ottomans; That so the Actions of their own Generals, may make the Greater Figure.
These Nazarenes have a bad Cause, and therefore are compelled to make Use of Shifts and Equivocations to support it. They are quite degenerated from the Integrity of the Primitive Followers of Jesus. In a Word, they make good the Character of the Ancient Candiots; Of whom a certain Poet says, They are thorow-pac'd Lyars, Ravenous Beasts, and Gluttonous Drones.
It is believ'd in these Parts, That when the Venetians quitted the Island they departed not without Revenge, setting Fire to a Mine, and blowing up several Hundreds of Mahometans, into the Air.
However, they have for Ever Proscribed and Excommunicated Girolamo Loredan, and Giovanni Contarini, in whose Custody the Chief Fortresses of the Island were; accusing them of Cowardice and Treachery: Offering also Two Thousand Sequins to any that seizes on 'em within the Dominions of Venice, and Three thousand to him that kills 'em in another Country.
I know, 'tis in the Power of the All-Commanding Port to protect these Exiles, if they are within the Territories of our Sovereign; much more, if they shelter themselves in that Sanctuary of the Distressed. But thou, and the other Supreme Ministers, are best able to judge whether these Infidels merit so great a Favour.
Perhaps, their Case may be like that of Nadast, Governour of Buda, when Solyman the Magnificent besieged that City. For Nadast was a Man of Invincible Courage and Fidelity, but was betrayed by the Soldiers, who bound him in Chains, and deliver'd up the City and Castle to the Victorious Sultan. That brave Hero understanding their Treachery, and the Resolution of Nadast, set him at Liberty, and presented him with Noble Gifts; but commanded the Perfidious Garrison to be cut in Pieces: A due Reward of their Treason. For, tho' Princes often make Use of Traytors to serve their own Designs; yet, when the Work is done, they commonly pursue the Hated Instruments, with the Effects of a Just Contempt and Indignation.
Plutarch the Greek Historian, abounds with Instances of this Nature; so does Herodian, and other Roman Authors. But, no Example of Punishment in this Kind, seems so Proportionate, Regular and Ingenious, as that which Brennus, King of the Gauls, caused to be Inflicted on a Virgin of Ephesus; who, when he besieged that City, promised to deliver it into his Hands, on Condition that his Soldiers would bestow on her, all their Ornaments of Gold, which they had Plundered in the Wars of Asia, and wore about them as Trophies: For, when she had performed her Contract, the Wise General to do his Part, caused this Virgin to sit down on the Ground; and then every Soldier in his Army casting his Plate into her Lap, she was [Page 300]oppressed with the Insupportable Weight, and buried Alive in a Heap of Gold.
I do not mention this, as if the like were due to the Venetian Captains. I refer the Judgment of such Things to my Superiours, Ministers of the Blessed Sanctuary of Mankind.
'Tis possible, the Vizirs of the Bench thought me dead, or turned Renegado, because they have not received any News from me these Five Moons. But I tell thee, neither Men nor Devils can corrupt the Faith of Mahmut. By the God of my Vows, there is not a more Trusty Man in the Ʋniverse.
All the Reason of my Silence, was the Height of the Waters, which seemed to threaten the Earth with a Second Deluge. Germany was a Sea, and Flanders a Lake, for above Three Moons together; so that 'twas Impossible for the Post to travel. There were seen also strange Spectres of Fire in the Air; And the People of Brabant, were Alarmed with Uncouth Noises in the Elements.
Perhaps, Illustrious Kaimacham, these are the last Preparations, to the Grand Cholick of Nature; when Wind, Water and Fire, shall strive to turn this World into its Old Chaos.
Paris, 3d. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER VI.
To Solyman, his Cousin, at Constantinople.
MORE Melancholy still? Wilt thou have no Compassion on thy Exil'd Ʋncle, but harangue him to Death with thy Religious Jargon? Believe me, thy Letters of this Kind are as Irksom to me, as the Continual Din and Babling of Boys is to a Poor Weary Pedagogue. I forbid thee not to write to me, and that as often as thou wilt: 'Tis a Comfort in my Banishment, to hear from those of my Blood. But let me beg of thee, to alter both thy Theme and Style. Leave Spiritual Things to the Mollahs and Imaums: And let thy Thoughts be taken up in Things belonging to thy Trade. In that be as Inquisitive as thou canst. Bend thy Mind wholly, to make new Discoveries and Improvements in that; and it will turn to thy Advantage. At thy Hours of Leisure I counsel thee to read Histories, and sometimes go into Company: There is much to be gain'd by Conversing with Men of Sence. Such will ferve as Mirrous, wherein thou may'st behold Humanity in its Proper Figure, and the Deformity of that Vizard, with which Errour and Superstition disguize our Nature. They will correct thy Mistakes, without putting thee to a [Page 302]Blush. Wit and Reason shall flow from their Tongues, as soft Harmonies breathe from the Pipes of an Organ, which chear the Spirits, and serene the Heart that was clouded with Sadness.
The Imperial City is full of such, both Natives and Strangers. Cull them out from the mix'd Multitude, and make 'em thy Companions, without regarding the Difference of Religion, whether they be Mussulmans, Franks, Armenians, Jews, or others. Above all Things, shun the Society of Bigots, and number not thy self among those who are Opinionated, because they profess the True Faith: For, what signifies that, if their Lives be Vitious? I tell thee, they are worse than the Infidels. Give no Heed to Fortune-Tellers, and such as pretend to Astrology. For whilst they boast of knowing other Mens Fates, they are Ignorant of their own. And if there be any Truth in that Science, one may say, their Ignorance in it affronts the Stars, and often provokes 'em to hasten their own Ruine. Assure thy self, they only amuse the World with Portentous Stories, to get Fame and Money.
Associate thy self with none but Prudent and Moderate men, whose Morals are not leaven'd with a too Furious Zeal; who look not Superciliously and with Disdain on a Frank as he walks along the Streets, much less offer him any Indignity, when he goes about his Honest Business, under the Protection of the Grand Signior. It becomes none [Page 303]but Janizaries and Ruffians, to be guilty of these Incivilities to Strangers. The Law of Nations, and the Particular Commands of our Holy Prophet, oblige us to treat such with all Humanity and Tenderness. Besides, 'tis a Reflection on the Justice and Hospitality of the Magnificent-Port, which is the Refuge and Sanctuary of all the Earth, that a Stranger cannot walk the Streets in Peace. Despise no Man on the Score of his Religion; for there are no Factions in Paradise: But consider, that whilst Thousands of Mussulmans shall go to Hell for their Wicked Lives, so an Equal Number of those we call Infidels, may be receiv'd into the Mansions of the Bless'd for their Virtues.
Thou seemest to be much concern'd for thy Soul: Thy Letter abounds with overmuch Care in this Point. In being too sollicitous, it is Evident thy Faith is small. Every Line is tinctur'd with Sad Expressions about the Perils, Snares, Ambushes, Hooks, Gins, and I know not what other Devices the Devil has to ruine thy Poor Soul, (as thou call'st it.) Cousin, dost thou know what the Soul is, about which thou keep'st such a Pudder? If thou do'st, 'tis more than I do, and yet I have been searching and prying into it above these Thirty Years; I mean, from the Time that I First began to think and consider of Things; but am as far to seek as ever I was. Neither cou'd all the Wise Men of Old, the Philosophers and Sages, for ought I perceive, agree in their Verdict about this Mysterious Thing which we all the Soul.
One will have it to be, Only the Finest Part of Matter in the Body. Another says, 'Tis the Air which the Lungs suck in, and diffuse through all our Members. A Third Sort affirm it to be, A Mixture of Air and Fire; A Fourth, Of Earth and Water; A Fifth call it, A Complexion made up of the Four Elements, a Kind of Quintessence, and I know not what. The Egyptians call'd it, A certain Moving Number; And the Chaldeans, A Power without Form it self, yet. Imbibing all Forms. Aristotle call'd it, The Perfection of a Natural Body. All these agreed, That it was Corporeal, and as it were Extracted from Matter. The best Definition among them is not worth an Aspre.
But there were Men of Sublime Speculations, who affirm'd the Soul to be, A Divine Substance, Independent of the Body. Of this Opinion were Zoroaster, Hermes Trismegistus, Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plutarch, Porphyry, and Plato. This last defin'd the Soul to be, A Self-Moving Essence, endu'd with Ʋnderstanding. But when they have said all, I prefer the Modesty of Cicero, Seneca, and others, who acknowledg'd they were altogether Ignorant what the Soul. is.
There was no less Disagreement among the Philosophers, about the Seat of the Soul. Hippocrates and Hierophilus plac'd it in the Ventricles of the Brain. Democritus assign'd it the Whole Body. Strabo was of Opinion, it resides between the Brows; Epicurus, in the Breast. The Stoicks lodg'd it in [Page 305]the Heart; and Empedocles in the Blood. Which last seems to be the most Current Opinion of the East to this Day: In Regard both Moses the Lawgiver of the Jews, and Mahomet our Holy-Prophet, asserted the same, and for that Reason forbid Flesh to be eaten with the Blood.
But be it what it will, either Corporeal or Incorporeal, a Substance or an Accident, whether it dwell in the Head or in the Feet, Within or Without the Body, there is no Certainty of these Things, neither can we be assur'd, what will become of it after Death. Therefore 'tis in vain to disquiet thy self in Search of a Mystery that is hid from Mortals. And Equally foolish it will be, to frighten thy self with an Imagination of Hooks, Gins, and such like Chimera's, which thou supposest the Devil is busy with to entrap thy Soul. 'Tis a Wonder thou art not afraid to sleep, lest he should catch thee Napping, and steal thy Soul from thee. I wou'd fain know, what Sort of Tools he must use, to take hold of a Substance more Thin and Imperceptible than a Shadow, or how he will be able to seize and run away with a Being Active and Free as Thought?
Cousin, serve God after the Manner of thy Forefathers; love thy Friends, pardon thy Enemies, be Just to all Men, and do no Injury to any Beast. If thou observest this Rule, thou may'st defy the Devil; for thy Soul is in Safe Custody. God is nearer to thee, than thou art to thy self. He is in the Center [Page 306]of Every Thing, and is Himself the Centre of All Things. In a Word, He is All in All.
Paris, 3d. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER VII.
To Afis, Bassa.
NOW the Scenes are changed in Europe. Enemies are become Friends, and those who professed a Mutual Friendship, are at open Defiance. Constancy is a Vice in the Politicks, and a Dextrous Way of shifting from one Engagement to another; for Interest, is esteemed the only State-Vertue.
I have already Intimated to the Divan, the War which broke out last Year between the Suedes and Danes. The latter begun it by Solemn Proclamation, sending a Herald at Arms to the Suedish Court, and dispatching Embassadors to all his Allies in Christendom, to give them an Account of his Proceedings. Now I shall entertain thee with a short Idea of this War. By which thou wilt comprehend, That the Danes are either much degenerated from the Valour of their Ancestors, [Page 307]who formerly made the most terrible Figure of all the Nations in the North: Or else, they are less obliged to Fortune, who has not favoured them with so many Successes and Triumphs of late, but rather exposed 'em to the Insults of their Enemies, and the Contempt of all Men.
When the King of Denmark first proclaimed this War, he had a fair Advantage of the Suedes, who at that Time were sorely entangled between the Polanders, Germans and Moscovites, and had more Need of Helps than Hind'rances. Yet, King Gustavus turning Part of his Forces into Holstein, Schoneland, and Juitland, he took one Part after another, till he had over-run those Provinces in the Space of Six Moons; And reduced the Danes to a Necessity of Composition, and that on such Dishonourable Terms, as renders them the Scorn of the Neighbouring Nations.
On the 13th. of the 3d. Moon, the Two Kings had an Interview near Copenhagen, the Capital City of Denmark: For, so far had the Fortune of the Suedish Arms carried their Victories. They Eat and Drank together several Times, and Conversed privately some Hours. At last, a Firm Peace was Concluded between them, and they concerted the Measures of a Perfect Friendship.
But, before this, the Dane had been forced to yield up Schoneland, with Elsimberg, which commands Half the Baltick Sea. He [Page 308]surrendred also the Provinces of Blakin and Halland, with a very strong Castle; the Island of Burtholme; Ten Ships of War; and obliged himself to pay a Million of Dollars; and to maintain Four Thousand Horse and Foot in the King of Suedeland's Service, and give Free Quarter to all the Suedish Forces till the 5th. Moon. These are such Dishonourable Articles, that the King of Denmark has quite lost himself in the Esteem of all his Allies. They call him a Poor-Spirited Prince, not Worthy of Support or Assistance.
In a Word, Serene Bassa, it is like to fare with him, as with other Unfortunate Men, who when they are once falling, every Body will help to throw them down. Therefore conserve thy Honours, as the only Bulwark of thy Interest and Life.
Paris, 3d. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER VIII.
To the Mufti.
BY the Faith of a True Believer, I swear, the Christians are Enemies to themselves, if they do not embrace the Project of a certain Jesuite. They are no Friends to their Messias, if they reject so Regular an Idea, so Reformed a Model of the Nazarene Empire, as this Sage has lately proposed to the Pope and the Cardinals.
He lays his Foundation very deep, and draws his Examples from the Practice of Peter, the Prince of the First Twelve Christian Caliphs, whom the Franks call the Apostles of Jesus the Son of Mary. For, according to their Traditions, the Messias before he ascended to Heaven, left an exact Pattern of the Empire he designed to Establish on Earth. He divided this Empire into Twelve distinct Provinces, according to the Number of his Apostles or Vicars, assigning to each that Quarter of the World where he was to preside, as Moses had formerly Cantonized the Holy Region of Palestine among the Twelve Tribes, that descended from Jacub.
But the Happy Son of Mary, being a far Greater Prophet than Moses, or any that had gone before him; they say, he would not be content with diminutive Territories, or Dominions [Page 310]disproport [...] [...] his Ineffable Descent and Original. [...] resolved on the Conques [...] [...] the [...]; commanding his V [...]egerents [...] d [...]erse themselves through al [...] Nations, [...]ing to a certain Method, and procla [...] [...] Laws to every Creature on the Globe.
Venerab [...] President of the Faithful, I relate these Things, as I receive them from the Mouths and Pens of Learned Christians, who may be presumed to know their own History. Thou wilt perhaps expect to hear of Armies immediately raised; of Camps, Battles and Sieges; of Devastations by Fire and Sword; Storming of Cities, and Famishing of the more Impregnable Fortresses: In a Word, I believe [...]ou lookest for a Relation of Campagn [...] and Victories, more Glorious than the Atchievements of the Roman Caesars, more Fortunate than the Successes of Alexander the Great: But, I tell thee, all the Registers and Archives of the Primitive Christians, cannot furnish us with any Memoirs of this Nature.
Their Gospel mentions no Warlike Undertakings, nor so much as the drawing of a Sword by the Son of Mary, or any of his Followers, unless in a Private Rencounter, when Peter the Lieutenant of the Messias, enflamed with a Passion to see his Master betrayed by Judas, his Kahya, or Tefterdar, and rudely assaulted by Malchus, a Slave of the Jewish Mufti, the Valiant Apostle drew his Cymetar, and cut off the Fellow's Ear.
Believe me, O Mysterious Doctor of the Mussulmans, I have perus'd the Four Histories of the Life of Jesus, written by those who were Eye-Witnesses of his Actions; and I find indeed, that he once said to them of his Retinue, I come not to send Peace on Earth, but a Sword. Yet by the Sequel it is evident, That when he examin'd what Weapons his Followers had, and they told him, but Two Swords; he seem'd to be well satisfy'd, saying, It is enough; Though a Moment before, he bid him among 'em that had no Sword sell his Robe and buy One.
And I have seen a Dispatch sent by Paul, one of the Primitive Christian Caliphs, to the Nazarenes at Ephesus; wherein he counsels them, to put on Complete Armour, as Helmet, Breast-plate, Shield, Buskins, Sword, and the Rest.
Besides these Passages, or such like, there is no Military Discourse throughout the Book of the Gospel; much less any Relation of Battels, Sieges, or any Martial Exploits. And the Christian Mollahs or Doctors, Interpret that Letter of Paul in a Mystical Sence.
Wilt thou know then, how the Messias and his Apostles subdu'd the World? I tell thee, It was by Exemplary Vertue and Good Works, by Miracles, and Evident Demonstrations of a Supernatural Power assisting them. For, they spake all Languages, yet were most of them Illiterate [...]sons: They Cur'd the Deaf, the Blind, the Lame and the Paralytick, without the Methods of Surgery [Page 312]or Physick. They cast out Devils; Rais'd the Dead: And Finally, perform'd such and so many Stupendous Actions, that the World became Captivated to their Doctrines and Laws, and willingly submitted to a Yoke, which seem'd to come from Heaven. With Divine Eloquence, and the Dint of Irresistible Reason, Peter the Prince of the Christian Caliphs, subdu'd the Minds of his Astonish'd Auditory, one Day in Jerusalem; so that before the Sun went down, he gain'd Five Thousand Proselytes. The Fame of these Things was soon spread through the Adjacent Countries, and diverse Remote Provinces; and the Number of the Converts was proportionably encreased. In a Word, all that Embrac'd the Faith of Jesus, surrender'd both themselves and their Estates, to be entirely dispos'd of, at the Pleasure of the Apostles. So great and unreserv'd an Attach had they for the Vicars of their God.
Now the forenamed Jesuite considering these Things, and comparing the State of those Devout Times, with the Libertinism, Divisions, Wars and General Contempt of the Priesthood among the Christians of Succeeding Times, and especially in this Present Age; attributes the Source of all these Evils, to the Ill Conduct of the Apostles themselves, and their Successors in the Primitive Times, who did not sufficiently improve the Advantages they were possess'd of, when the Pious Multitude wou'd willingly have made 'em Lords of All Things. For, says he, by the [Page 313]same Methods and Reasons might they have Claimed the Dominion o'er the Estates of Kings and Emperours themselves, as o'er the Goods and Lands of the Meanest Proselyte: Since they were all equally Sons of the Church, and Subjects to the Discipline and Laws of Jesus.
This Ecclesiastick Politician therefore mightily blames Pope Sylvester, who sate in the Chair of Peter, when Constantine the Great became a Christian, being the First of the Roman Emperours who embraced that Faith. He accuses him, I say, of Weakness and a Mean Spirit, for accepting of that Denation, which to this Day is called the Patrimony of the Church, and comprehends all the Temporal Estate the Roman Pontifs can boast of. Whereas, he ought to have claimed an Entire Resignation of the Whole Roman Empire into his Hands, as Supreme Vicar of God on Earth. This would have been a Pattern, says he, to all the Kings and Princes of the Earth, who thought fit to turn Christians. And so the Dominions of the World, had all fallen to the share of the Priests.
Neither could it appear difficult, in his Opinion, to have reduced the Greatest Monarchs, to such a Forgetfulness and Contempt of their Royal Birth, and all the Potent Charms of a Crown: Since the same Rhetorick which perswaded 'em to be Followers of the Messias, would have also convinc'd 'em of the Vanity of all Earthly Enjoyments; and of the Obligation they had to be Mortified, [Page 314]and to pursue their Claims to Diadems of a more Exalted Degree, the Ineffable Regalia of Paradise.
But since Things are thus in their Present State, and the Christian Princes retain their Soveraignty, without any other Dependance on the Pope, saving in Matters purely Religious; this Jesuite proposes, That the Roman Pontifs would either first Reform their own Lives and Court, to the Height of that Primitive and Apostolical Purity, which shined so eminently in the Earliest Governours of the Church; and by that means perswade all the Monarchs in Christendom to become their Subjects: Or else, compel them by Force to take the Order of Priesthood, and so turn their Crowns into Mitres, their Kingdoms into Ecclesiastick Commonwealths, where all the Publick Offices of State, Seats of Judicature, and in Fine, the Whole System of the Civil and Politick Administration should be managed by the Priests, in a Subordinate Dependance One of Another, according as their several Characters required. By which means, all Christendom would be soon United into one Ecclesiastick Empire, whereof the Pope should be the Supreme Head, in Temporals as well as Spirituals.
What I have related, is not only this Man's Private Project, but the Ʋniversal Aim of his Whole Order. And Thousands of other Priests and Dervises, are Caballing, in all the Courts and Countries of Europe, to bring it to pass.
Venerable Esad, if God should suffer their Contrivance to take Effect; it is to be feared, our Wars with the Christians would be as Expensive and Troublesome, if not more Fatal to the Mussulman Interest, than when these Infidels, formerly laying aside their Private Feuds, banded together to Conquer the Holy Land.
Paris, 25th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER IX.
To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.
I Received the Pacquet of Venerable Import, containing Sacred Counsels and Acceptable Intelligence; replenished with Noble Memoirs and Illustrious Remarks, Sage Precepts, and Refined Improvemnts in Philosophy and the Mysterious Science of Nature.
With abundance of Affection and Joy I read the Character of Musu Abu'l Yahyan, and the Encomium of his Wisdom and Virtues. May a Constellation of such Lights always adorn that Renowned College, and from thence disperse their Learned Influence and Rays, not [Page 316]only through Africa, but over all the Earth: That Fez may be Numbered among the Cities whose Fame is sweet; That it may be ranked with Jerusalem the Holy, Masre the Ancient, Medina Talnabi the Chast, and the Salutiferous Babylon; acquiring a Peculiar Title of Honour, an Attribute worthy of Respect, when Men shall every where call it, Fez, the Mother of Sciences.
My Soul has been very Inquisitive and Restless for many Years, and I think this is owing to my Captivity in Palermo. For before that, whilst I lived at Ease in the Seraglio, basking under the Warmer Influence of Royal Majesty, the Sacred Presence of the Grand Signior, who like the Sun gives Motion, Heat and Life to all things; I ne'er regarded Books, or once applied my Mind to study any Thing, but how to acquit my self in my Station, and strengthen my Interest at the Court: Esteeming all other Learning as Barbarous, which conduced not to this End.
Foreign Histories and Languages, were Equally Contemptible to me: I thought it beneath a Mussulman Courtier, to give his Tongue and Mind the Fatigue of any other Dialect, save the Persian, Arabick, and Turkish: Or to load his Memory with the Records of other Nations, designed to be the Slaves of True Believers.
As to the Speculative Sciences, I was Naturally desirous enough of Knowledge. But I either had not Leisure, or wanted Books and other Advantages of Study. So that all the [Page 317] Knowledge I could then boast of, consisted only in some loose Notions of Logick and Metaphysicks, which I had got by reading an Old Arabick Manuscript. And I thought my self Historian enough, after I had perused the Annals of the Ottoman Empire, and now and then cast an Eye on the Turkish Translation of Herodotus and Plutarch.
'Tis true indeed, by Conversing frequently with the Greeks, I soon learned their Vulgar Dialect; But this is far from the Polite Language of the Ancient Grecians: And a Page of the Treasury, taught me the Rudiments of Sclavonian; which afterwards I learn'd more Perfectly, hoping it would be of some Service to me one Time or other.
All these were very Superficial Accomplishments; yet I thought my self Happy enough, without searching any farther. The Pleasures and Gayeties of a Courtly Life, took from me the Edge and Gust, with which I have since pursued more Solid Studies, and looked into the Wisdom of the Ancients.
But when once Misfortune had changed the Scene of my Life, and instead of the Honourable Post I had in the Grand Signior's Service, Fate had render'd me a Miserable Abject Slave in Sicily; I began to grow very Thoughtful and Pensive. The Continual Drudgery and Labour I underwent, soon mortified my Former Passions, and weaned me from all Hopes of Worldly Honour. And the Cruel Stripes I daily receiv'd from that Barbarous Infidel, my Master, so broke my Spirits, that [Page 318] Servitude became Familiar to me; and despairing to be Happy in this World, I was only Ambitious to be Wise.
I grew very Contemplative: And having acquainted my self with an honest Carpenter in the Town where we lived, who had a great many Books in's Custody, he lent me several Choice Treatises; and I borrowed all the Hours I could from Sleep, to peruse them with Attention and Profit. That Carpenter pity'd my Condition, and did me many Good Offices of Friendship, without other Hopes of Reward, save what he expected from God. By his Means, I contracted a Familiarity with Two or Three Learned Men, who spared no Pains to Instruct me in the Roman and Ancient Greek Languages, as also in the Principles of Philosophy. My Master often beat me for this, attributing the Neglect of his Business, to my Bookishness (as he called it) and keeping the Priests Company. But all his Severity, could not abate my Ardent Thirst after Knowledge. I still continued Studying at certain Seasons, till the Happy Hour of my Redemption; and then I frequented the Academies. Ever since which Time, I have neglected no Opportunities of Improving my Reason [...] Yet find my self at this Day, much in the Dark. There appears no Certainty, in any Science but the Mathematicks. All the Rest are entangled with a Thousand Controversies and Riddles: Which has made me turn Sceptick in most Things. Only I retain an Inviolable Faith for the Alcoran, and the [Page 319] Book of Prophetick Doctrines and Traditions. Next to these, I pay a Profound Respect to the Writings of Porphyry the Philosopher, who seems to approach nearest to Reason of all the Ancient Sages. His True Name was the same as thine [Melech] which thou knowest, in the Syriack signifies [King.] Whence his Tutor Longinus taking Occasion from the Usual Colour of Royal Robes, called him Porphyrius, which in the Greek signifies, One clad in Purple. He was born at Tyre, the Metropolis of the Ancient Phoenicians. His Pedigree was Noble, and his Education Generous. Nature also had formed him for a Sage, and Fortune favoured him with Advantages enough. For besides his First Tutor, whom I have already mentioned (who was the Greatest Grammarian and Orator of his Time;) Porphyry went to Rome, where he gained the Friendship of Plotinus: And that Philosopher accomplished him in the Perfection of all Science. So that he had Power over the Daemons, and expelled the Genius Atan, which Infested certain Baths in Rome. In a Word, his Doctrines appeared Divine, and his Actions more than Humane. Yet he himself before his Death, publish'd a Reverse of his Former Writings: Which is a sufficient Argument, That there is no Stability in the Thoughts of Mortals.
Therefore, since the Wisest of Men contradict themselves and turn Scepticks, tell me, O Oracle of the Age, Why may not I?
Paris, 13th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER X.
To Murat, Bassa.
THere has been something lately transacted between the French and the English, which seems a Mystery. No body here understands the Meaning of it, but the very Privado's of the Cabinet: Yet every one guesses, 'tis a Fetch of Mazarini's Wit. That Minister has more Meanders in his Brains, than an Old Turkish Gamester at Chess; who foresees no less than Nine Unavoidable Consequences, before he makes One bold Motion: And, to be sure, the last shall be to his own Advantage. In a Word, Dunkirk, the Strongest and most Important Sea-Town of all the West, is surrendered by the Spaniards to the French; and by these, as an Earnest of Friendship, is put into the Hands of the English.
The little Politicians of the City, are amaz'd at it; and the Greatest Machiavils of the Court, either cannot, or will not inform 'em of the True Secret.
You shall see Two or Three Grave Citizens, brooding Thoughts together over a Box of Polvita, and sneezing out their Sentiments, without Reserve. Yet after all their Wise Consult, they part as great Fools as they met, and only satisfy themselves, with Nodding [Page 321]Wisdom to each other, at the last Congè; wherein is comprehended, the Whole System of the Politicks.
It was generally thought to be some Extraordinary Overture this Court would make to the English, when a little before the Surrender of Dunkirk, the Duke of Crequi, First Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, and Monsieur Mancini, the Cardinal's Nephew, were sent with a Splendid Retinue of French Nobles to England. Every Body guess'd, some Surprizing Action would follow; and that it must needs be a Mystery of Grand Importance, which could not be trusted to Persons of less Note than the Two Chief Favourites of the Cardinal Minister. And now 'tis come out, they know not what to make on't, Neither can I possibly learn as yet, the true Reason of putting the English in Possession of such a Town as this, which commands all the Northern Seas, and has cost so much Sweat and Blood to take from the Spaniards. I have set Osmin the Dwarf to Work, and laid Traps to get the Secret from several other Courtiers. But, I might as well have attempted to find out the Body of Moses, which caus'd a Quarrel between Michael and the Devil. Time perhaps will discover the Secret. And I dare at present conclude, that the English are the only Nation in Europe, whose Friendship the French think worth Courting.
The King has been very Ill of a Fever, and in great Danger of his Life: But is now recovered again; which occasions Abundance [Page 322]of Real Joy among his Friends and Loyal Subjects. As for the Rest, they know how to counterfeit.
I had almost forgot to tell thee, that the Spaniards endeavouring to relieve Dunkirk, were encountered by the French, and Routed: About Two Thousand of their Men being killed, and as many taken Prisoners.
Sage Bassa, the Successes of this Monarch are so Constant, that they have given Birth to a Proverb: For when they would encourage any Man's Hopes, or make a strong Asseveration, they usually say, As sure as the Great Lewis will get a Town or Two in Flanders this Campagne.
Mareschal Turenne is a Brave General, and the French Victories are in a great Measure owing to his Conduct. He is very Expeditious in his Undertakings. There were but a few Days between the Surrender of Dunkirk, and his taking of Bergen, Furnes and Dixmude; Three strong Fortresses in Flanders. And, 'tis thought, 'twill not be long before he takes others.
The French King, is in a Fair Way to the Empire of the West. But this will not be for the Interest of the Grand Signior. For, then he will have a New Enemy, of an Old Friend, and one more Potent than he had before. Yet, Destiny over-rules All Things.
Paris, 13th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER XI.
To Mahammed, the Eremit of Mount Uriel in Arabia.
I Have often troubl'd thee with Importunate Addresses, O Matchless Mortal; Permit me once more to unbosom my Thoughts, as to my Confessor, or rather as to an Oracle.
Surely, this Hour the Stars of my Nativity suffer a Mighty Change. I seem to my self, like one newly awak'd out of a deep Sleep, or from the Delusions of a long Dream: For, so methinks, have my Past Years gone away like a Night, wherein my Labouring Spirit has encounter'd with Nothing but Phantasms, Visions and Darkness.
My Infant Days I esteem the most Happy, when my Ignorance of Vice had greater Influence on my Actions, and preserv'd me more free from Blemish, than cou'd afterwards all my Acquir'd Knowledge of the Precepts and Maxims of Vertue. For no sooner was I enjoin'd the Study of Morality, and taught to distinguish between Good and Evil, but my Curiosity prompted me to examine the Nature of the Latter, more closely than by bare Speculation. I found my self more Forcibly carry'd away by a Secret Pleasure, to make Experiment of what was Forbidden, than to practise what was Commanded: So prone is Man [Page 324]to be jealous of his Tutors, and to suspect those Laws as Impositions, which put a Restraint on his Native Liberty.
Besides this, there are certain Genial Inclinations in every Mortal, which the Youngest, and he that is in his Nonage, thinks he has as much right to gratify, as the Wisest Senior. Nor can any Reason easily persuade him to part with this Privilege, but under the Notion of being highly wrong'd; since every Man Naturally places his Interest and Happiness, in pursuing the Motions of his own Will.
'Tis true, I never was prone to any Enormous Vices, or such as for their Singularity, wou'd make the most harden'd Libertine blush, did he practise them to the Knowledge of Men.
I ever had an Unconquerable Abhorrence for those Specifick Acts of Lasciviousness, which ought not to be nam'd, and whose very Idea makes the Thought recoil: Yet am Naturally Amorous, and cannot but pay to Beauty, the Sentiments and Passions which are due from Platonick Love. I admire Symmetry and Elegance, where-ever I discern them; and can stand gazing whole Hours together, on a Flower, a Tree, or a Peacock. I am Enamour'd with the Brightness of the Sun; and like another Endymion, I languish for a more Intimate Acquaintance with the Moon. The Lesser Beauties of the Night, the Stars, enflame me with a Thousand Passions. I make my Court to the Whole Hoast of Heaven, yet I hope commit no Idolatry. In fine, I am [Page 325]in Love with the Ʋniverse; and die hourly, when I contemplate the Glory of that Transcendent Essence, which is the Root and Source of All Things.
These are Passions not unbecoming a Mussulman. But I have also some Emotions for Beautiful Women, more Violent than all the Rest, more Dangerous and Fatal. Tell me, O Pious Sylvan, how I shall gratify my Love, without offending Virtue, or the Gravity of a Man?
These Creatures seem to be Created for our Perplexity; since a Man can neither well be Happy with, or without 'em. They are Perfect Riddles: And to love 'em, or hate 'em too much, is an Equal Solecism. 'Twere a Question worthy of a Philosopher, Whether this Sex, among all the Necessary Good Offices they do us, were not sent into the World as Spies and Trepans, to observe our Counsels and Actions: And by mixing Smiles with Frowns, Flatteries with Reproaches, Sullenness with more Obliging Favours; to keep us in a Perpetual Maze and Labyrinth, lest the Aspiring Wit of Men shou'd, if left to themselves, attempt something more Audacious than the Poets feign of the Sons of Titan, or the Written Law Records of Nimrod and his Companions, who built the Tower of Babel.
But, whether they be Spies, or Faithful Assistants, Enemies or Friends, I tell thee plainly, I have not been able to forbear Loving 'em excessively. And this is Part of the Dream or Trance, out of which I am just now Awak'd.
Another Scene, is that of Honour. This is a Phantome also, a mere Vapour, a Shadow. I never hunted after Glory, nor courted Popular Applause. Yet being entrusted with the Sublime Secrets, and commanded to serve the Grand Signior in this Station, I wou'd fain acquit my self without Disgrace. Nay, like other Mortals in such a Post, I wou'd willingly have the Smiles of my Sovereign, and the Caresses of the Happy Ministers who serve him, if it shall be my Lot ever to return to the Seraglio. Nothing appears to me more Terrible, than at such a Time to encounter with Rugged, Furrow'd Visages, or Cold and Faint Embraces of my Fellow-Slaves.
This puts me upon a Thousand Inquietudes; makes me swear to Contradictions; utter Lyes and Blasphemies, which would turn the Devil to a Saint for Fear. In a Word, I stumble at no Vice or Immorality, which may promote the Cause I am engag'd in. And all this for the Sake of a Fair Character at the Port: Whilst I'm cajoling my self as well as others with a Persuasion, that 'tis only on the Score of Honesty, and to acquit my self a Good Man. Thus, I pursue a Blast, a Bubble, the Idea of Nothing, mere Vanity and an Empty Dream. And 'tis harder for me to shake off this Enchantment, than that of Love.
Yet, all this while, I have not taken the French Method to gain Honour. I never was Guilty of Oppression and Cruelty, nor bath'd my Hands in Human Blood. No Widow or [Page 327] Orphan mourns for what I've taken from 'em. Nor did I ever Dragoon any Body into Compliance with Reason. All the Parts I've Acted in this Nature, were Defensive; Pure Efforts of Self-Preservation: Which, thou know'st, is a Principle Natural to all Men, and even to the Worms of the Earth. These Little Reptiles, when they're trampl'd on, will turn again. And nothing more do I, unless in the Sultan's Cause.
This puts me in Mind of my Integrity: For, I must tell thee my Virtues as well as my Vices. Neither Arabia, nor all the East, have ever brought forth a Man more true to his Trust, than Honest Loyal Mahmut. I will for ever boast of this, in an Age so full of Treachery. This alone will carry me safe to Paradise, in Spight of all the Mollahs. As for the Rest, they're only Venial Sins, easily dropt off on the Bridge of Tryal. And so long as no Body can say, I've betray'd my Master's Secrets, I'm safe as an Angel that is not oblig'd to stand Sentinel at the Lowest Post of Heaven: For, there he's within Gun-shot of the Devil.
Just as I drew my Pen from that Word, a suddain Noise in the Streets call'd me to the Window. Where turning my Eyes from the Earth to the Moon and Stars (for 'twas a very serene Sky) I observ'd a small swift Cloud to glide along from South to North, much in Appearance like a Bale of Silk. It cleft the Element like a Sly Arab Thief, that swims for Booty on the River Tigris. Wondring [Page 328]at this, when all the Firmament was Clear, and not another Cloud above the Horizon; I soon concluded, 'Twas the Chariot of some Airy God, a Mercury or Messenger, sent with speedy News, to the High Lords, Commanders of the Artick Regions; to bid 'em be upon their Guard, or some such weighty Matter. Perhaps, thought I, a War is commenc'd between the Spirits of the Poles. Or, it may be, King Aeolus has sent a Summons to the Northern Winds, being resolv'd to play some Royal Pneumatick Freaks upon the Sea.
In good Earnest, it made me reflect on our Ignorance of the Laws and Constitutions of the Elements. It put me in Mind of the Fogs and Mists, which sometimes envelop the Globe in Darkness; on Purpose, for ought we know, to hinder us from seeing what is transacting at such Seasons in the Higher Regions of the Air. The Spirits of those Serener Tracts, may then be Frolicking in Visible Forms, Celebrating Solemn Festivals, and kindling all the Meteors of the Upper Welkin, as Natural Fire-Works and Illuminations, not fit for Mortals to behold, lest we shou'd learn too much, and grow as Wise as they. However, it made me very Contemplative, to see a single Solitary Cloud thus glide along the Air: And I cou'd have wish'd for Wings to pursue its Motions, because the Appearance was not Common.
Thou that hast measur'd the whole Frame of Nature, and taken the True Dimensions [Page 329]of the World; that hast penetrated into the Secrets of the Elements, and art always busy'd in the most Sage and Solid Scrutinies; wilt smile at the Vanity of Common Mortals, such as I, who when we are Unintelligible to our selves, yet presume to comprehend the Ways of the Omnipotent, who is Perfect in Knowledge.
As for me, who have study'd in the Academies, and read Aristotle, Avicen, Plotinus, Averroes, with other Philosophers; I esteem my self still but at the Bottom of Plato's Cave, Conversing with Shadows, mistaken in every Thing, but the Idea of thy Sanctity and Immense Wisdom, which is Imprinted on my Soul, as those which the Philosophers call First Principles, because they are Self-Evident.
I design'd to have said more to thee; but a sudden Indisposition and Extreme Faintness, has taken away my Spirits. My Limbs tremble, my Head is giddy, my Heart fails me. In a Word, I seem like one between a Mortal and a Ghost.
Paris, 29th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER XII.
To Achmet Padishani Culligiz, Bassa.
THY Sur-Name argues thee a Favourite at the Seraglio: And for that Reason, I know, thou art accustom'd to receive Infinite Submissions and Flatteries. But I must be as blunt with thee, as I was with the New Mufti, when I Congratulated his Accession to the Chief Patriarchate. I told that Prince of the Mussulman Prelates, that I had no Encouragement to welcome him to a Dignity, which though in it self Sacred and Inviolable, yet cou'd not secure him from the Persecutions of Popular Envy, any more than it did his Predecessor. And the same I must say to thee.
Darnish Mehemet, Bassa, is fall'n a Victim to the Rage of the Multitude; and thou hast got his Seat on the Bench. May'st thou enjoy it long, and never be Mob'd out of thy Honour and Life as he was. Some Years ago, he forbad me to write any more to him. What his Reason was, I know not, neither did I ever enquire. However, I obey'd his Injunction; being Indifferent to whom I send my Intelligence, provided I do the Grand Signior any Service: For, to that End am I plac'd here.
Illustrious Bassa, I shall now acquaint thee with Two the most Principal Points of News stirring in Europe. One is, the Election of Leopoldus Ignatius Josephus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, to the German Empire. They have been canvasing this Business Eleven Moons. And at last the Austrian Faction carried it. This was done on the 8th. of the 7th. Moon. And he was solemnly Crown'd on the 22d. of the same. This has height'ned the Quarrel between the Duke of Bavaria, and the Prince Palatine. The Latter was so far transported with Passion at the Diet of Frankford, that he threw a Standish of Ink at the Bavarian Embassador: Which is resented as an Unpardonable Affront. And the Duke is marching with an Army to revenge it, or demand Satisfaction. The Elector of Mentz has deny'd him Passage through his Principality. And they are all like to be embroil'd in a Civil War about it. This is no bad News for the Mussulmans.
But, that which makes yet a greater Noise, is the Death of Oliver, the Protector of the English Commonwealth; who whilst Living, was the Terror of all Europe. The Superstitious, and such as regard Signs, say, This was presag'd Three Moons ago, when a Great Whale, Nine Times as long as a tall Man, was taken in a River of England, near the Capital City Forty Miles from the Sea. I know not whether these Kind of Observations are worthy of Credit. Yet, it seems, the Annals of that Nation take Notice, That the Unusual [Page 332]Appearance of a Whale so far within Land, has always Prognosticated some Mighty Change. Perhaps, the Fate of Illustrious Personages, affects Nature with a more than ordinary Passion, puts the Elements into a Disorder, and Inspires the Brutes with Sympathy.
We are assur'd, that on the Day of this Prince's Death, and at the very Hour of his Departure, there was so Violent a Tempest of Wind, Rain, Hail, Thunder and Lightning, as had never been known by any Man then alive in that Nation. Which some Interpreted to his Dishonour, as if he were a Magician, or at least a very Wicked Man: And that this Hurricane was rais'd by the Devils, who transported his Soul to Hell. Whilst others affirm'd this Mix'd Storm, to be only the Sighs and Tears of Nature, the Mournful Passions of the Guardian Spirits of England, for the Loss of so Great and Fortunate a Hero: And that the very Inanimate Beings Condol'd his Death. As for me, I look on all these Things as pure Accidents, the Effects of Chance. I have an Equal Opinion of another Circumstance, much observ'd both by his Enemies and Friends; That he died on the same Day, whereon he had formerly gain'd some Notable Victories. The One descanting on this to his Reproach, the Other drawing from it Arguments of Honour. 'Tis difficult to say any Thing of him, without appearing Partial. He had Great Vertues, and no Less Vices. He was a Valiant General, and wise [Page 333] Statesman: Yet a Traytor to his Sovereign. As for Religion, though he profess'd himself a Zealot, yet 'tis thought, he was as Indifferent as other Princes; who for Reasons of State, and to please their People, make a Shew of Piety, but in their Hearts Adore no other Gods but Fortune and Victory.
He was esteem'd one of the Greatest Politicians of this Age; and none cou'd match him but Mazarini. Yet I cannot but smile when I call to Mind, how both these Eminent Statesmen were cheated this Year, by Two or Three Fugitives.
A certain French Captain nam'd Gentilot, that had serv'd under the States of Holland in the Wars, and on that Account had often pass'd through the Sea-Towns in Flanders; observ'd a Weakness in one Part of the Walls of Ostend, by which the Town mighty easily be surpriz'd. At his Return to Paris, he acquainted Cardinal Mazarini with this; and gave him so great Encouragement, that the Cardinal resolv'd to try some Stratagem in Order to gain that Important Place, without the Cost and Hazards of a Formal Siege.
To this End, he commands Gentilot to seek out some Persons fit to be engag'd in the Plot: Men of Resolution, Conduct and Secrecy. This Captain therefore knowing Two or Three Fugitives in Paris, who were forc'd to fly out of Flanders to save their Lives, having committed Murders, and other Crimes against the Spanish Government; breaks the Business to them, promising Mountains of Gold, if they wou'd assist in carrying it on.
They seem'd to embrace his Proposals with Abundance of Readiness, and were introduc'd into the Cardinal's Cabinet. Where that Minister being satisfy'd in their Characters, and the Offers they made to serve him in this Affair; seconded the Promises which Gentilot had made 'em, with many Additional Encouragements. In a Word, they consulted together frequently; were late every Night in the Cardinal's Lodgings: And at last, having adjusted all the Necessary Measures that were to be taken; the Fugitives were dispatch'd away into England, with Letters from Mazarini to Oliver, the English Protector. Wherein he acquainted him with the Design, requiring the Assistance of some English Ships to transport Men into the Haven of Ostend.
These Agents went accordingly, but with a Resolution to put a Trick both on the Cardinal and the Protector; and by doing their Country so Considerable a Service as the saving this Town, to merit a Repeal of the Sentence pronounc'd against 'em, that so they might return Home in Peace, and enjoy their Estates and Native Liberty.
Oliver receiv'd 'em very kindly, and embrac'd the Motion with some Warmth. But upon Second Thoughts, try'd to out-bribe Mazarini, and hire these Persons for himself. Ostend was too sweet-a Bait in his Eye, to let it so tamely fall into the Hands of the French, for Want of a few larger Promises, and Offers of Gold. Wherefore he ply'd these Agents [Page 335]briskly with all the Effectual Oratory he could, to win 'em over to his own Separate Interest; engaging to bestow Great Preferments on 'em in England, with Two Hundred Thousand Sequins, as soon as the Business was accomplished.
The Three Flemings desired no better Sport, than thus to cajole Two the Ablest Statesmen in Europe. They possessed Oliver with an Entire Belief of their Zeal and Fidelity in his Service: And it was agree'd on between 'em, To hold Mazarini in Play, and that Oliver should send him an Answer, refusing to meddle in an Intrigue which seemed to carry so little Probability of Success.
From England these Agents passed over into Zealand. It having been so concluded before they parted from Cardinal Mazarini; that so they might there gain more Confederates, and lay all the Necessary Trains to bring this Intrigue to the desired Issue. But, Instead of doing either the Protector or Cardinal Mazarini this Service, they went immediately, and revealed the whole Secret to the Governor of Flanders.
He having duly examined all Circumstances, and being satisfied in the Truth of their Relations, and in their Loyalty to the King of Spain; commanded them to proceed in deluding both the French and the English, as long as they could, with fair Hopes of accomplishing their Aims. Whilst he took Care to secure Ostend, and other Parts of Flanders, from all Attempts of this Nature.
In fine, the Protector falling off again, being frighted by Cardinal Mazarini's Threats, who had discover'd his Under-Hand Dealing; these Agents applied themselves close to the French, who were now made so much more Eager, by Oliver's Design to Interlope 'em. They spun out the Intrigue several Moons, brought the French King to sign Articles, and to pass his Word for the Payment of near a Million of Gold; cajol'd his General in Flanders, and at one Time made him believe, 'Twas his Interest to lie still for Six VVeeks together, when all the VVorld expected he would pursue his Conquests in that Province. At another Time, caused him to march with so much Precipitation, when the VVays were Unpassable, that he was forced to leave most of his Cannon, and a Thousand VVaggons plunged in the deep Roads, with the Loss of Three Thousand Men, who were either drown'd or starv'd: And all this for the Sake of gaining Ostend. VVhen after all, they were not only cheated of their Hopes in that Point, but most shamefully exposed to the Derision and Contempt of all Europe. For Cardinal Mazarini reposed an Entire Confidence in the Fidelity of his Flemish Agents. So that whatsoever they proposed, as an Expedient to compass the Design, was a Law. Hence it was, that the French General in Flanders received Express Orders to emba [...]e part of his Army on certain Vessels that [...] before Dunkirk, and on a perfixed Day to sail into the Haven of Ostend, there [Page 337]to Land his Men, and take Possession of the Town, in the Name of his Master: Being made to believe, That the Gates would be opened to him, and that the Spanish Garrison should march out in his Sight.
All this was carried on with so much Artifice and Subtle Management, that when he entered the Haven with Ten Vessels, he thought himself secure of the Place: Yet no sooner Landed his Men to the Number of Fifteen Hundred, but they thund'red upon them such Volleys of Great and Small Shot from the Walls, that Two Hundred of them fell immediately, as many threw down their Arms, and the Citizens making a Vigorous Sally, the Rest were either Kill'd or taken Prisoners, he himself not escaping that Misfortune.
By this thou mayest discern, how easy 'tis for an Agent of any Prince, to embarass his Master's Affairs: And, that a Publick Minister can never commit a greater or more dangerous Error, than in being too Credulous.
Serene Bassa, let not Mahmut's Name sound harsh at the Port, nor his Honour be traduced by Sycophants: Since his Loyalty is Proof against all Temptations; And this the Ministers of the Divan know by Twenty Years Experience.
Paris, 5th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER XIII.
To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs at Constantinople.
I Have receiv'd a Dispatch from our Cousin Isouf. He has been in a Cold Region, within the Artick Circle, but now is at Stockholm in Sueden. The Parts he has visited, are the Farthermost Tracts of our Continent to the North. They may be call'd, The Territories of Night and Darkness: For they have but One Day in a Whole Year. The Sun appears but Once above their Horizon, during his Annual Progress through the Zodiack. Yet, he makes them amends by the long continued Light he affords them at that Season: For, that One Day is, without the Miracle of Joshua, prolong'd the Space of Four, Five, or Six Moons, according to the Proportionate Distance of each Country from the Pole.
Isouf relates Strange Things of those Dark Countries, and such as seem almost to surpass Credit, were they not confirm'd by very Grave and Learned Writers. He says, that in some Parts of Norway, no Tree is to be seen, by Reason of the Violent Force of the Winds, which blow down all before 'em, carrying away even the Roofs of Houses, and scattering them at a great Distance. So that the Inhabitants [Page 339]are forced to dwell in Dens and Caves, and burn the Bones of Fishes, for want of better Fuel: Since it is Impossible for any Plant to grow in those Parts. Neither can Men travel safely on Horses or a-foot, at certain Tempestuous Seasons. For, the Wind will either throw both Horse and Man to the Ground, or catch 'em up into the Air.
But when he describes the Horrible Coldness of these Regions, the very Idea of it is enough to make one quake. He says, Cold is an Active Quality, and Reigns under the North Pole, as in its Proper Kingdom or Centre, from whence it darts its Freezing Rays through the Earth. Yet, others are of Opinion, that Cold is only a Privation of Heat, a bare Passive Disposition of the Elements; and therefore more Sensibly felt in those Climates that are farthest from the Warm Influences of the Sun, whose Beams give Life and Vigor to All Things. Be it how it will, its Effects are very Remarkable in those Northern Regions.
All the Rivers, Lakes, and Seas there, are frozen up during the Winter. Men, Horses, Waggons, Coaches, and even whole Armies pass as commonly over the Ice, as before Ships sailed there, or as we travel o'er the Firm Land. And last Winter, the Baltick Sea was the Road of Ice, over which the King of Sueden marched with his Army of Horse and Foot into Zealand, to prosecute the War in those Parts. They also raise Strong Forts of Snow, able to sustain the Battery of Bullets and Engines of War, with all the Violence [Page 340]of the Fiercest Assaults. They build Carvansera's on the Frozen Seas and Lakes, for the Convenience of Travellers; and set up Branches of Firr or Juniper, as Marks to distinguish the Holes and Fissures of the Ice, from that which is solid and secure: For there are High-Ways on those Congealed Waters; and Officers appointed to survey them, and take all Necessary Orders for the Security of Travellers. And sometimes they fight Pitch'd Battles on the Frozen Element.
Our Kinsman also has made Curious Remarks on the Triumphal Obelisks, and Funeral Monuments of Ancient Hero's among the Goths and Suedes: For those Nations boast of Giants and Famous Warriours. These Monuments, tho' of Stone, and Exquisitely Shaped, yet were never cut by the Hand of Man; but are as so many Splinters of Rocks and Mountains, torn from the Main Body by the Violence of Earthquakes, Thunders, or the like Motions of Nature; And falling down in the Forms of Pyramids, and other Artificial Figures, were of Old set up by the Graves of Giants and other Renowned Persons. Having also Inscriptions on them, signifying the Particular Hero who there lies buried. Such as these,
I Uffo, Fighting in Defence of my Country, with my Own Hand Kill'd Thirty Two Giants: And at last being Kill'd by the Giant Rolvo, my Body lies here.
And, I Ingolvas that Subdu'd all Oppressors, and defended the Poor and Weak; Now grown Old, Poor and Weak my self; yet having my Sword girt to my Thigh, am forc'd to yield to Death (who Conquers All Things) and to go down into this Sepulchre, which I prepar'd for my Last Retreat.
It seems, there are Infinite Numbers of these Tombs all over the Desarts, Mountains, and Vallies of the North. Which is an Argument, That however Contemptible these People may seem to the True Believers; Yet they have not been wanting in Valiant Men and Hero's. Doubtless, God has dispens'd his Vertues and Graces to Men of [Page 342]all Nations: He is not Partial in his Gifts. We ought to Praise him in the Beginning and End of all Our Actions. And if we contemplate his Honour in the Middle of our Affairs, we shall not do amiss; Since, as he is the First and the Last of the Ʋniverse, so he is the Center of Every Thing.
I had not these Relations only from Isouf, but out of the Historians themselves who write of these Countries: Yet our Kinsman informs me of Some Things, which are omitted by those Authors. Every Traveller is Singular in his Observations: For, all Men have not the same Genius. And thy Journal of the East, abounds with Remarks which are not common in other Writers,
Brother, if I may advise thee, it shall be, to do nothing by Imitation; but pursue the Dictates of thy own Sence, and the Peculiar Bent of thy Soul. For whatever is forced and affected, is Nauseous.
Paris, 16th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1658.
LETTER XIV.
To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant in Venice.
THE Kaimacham has informed me, that thou art appointed to succeed Adonai the Jew, in Italy. He has also acquainted me with other Matters relating to thy Charge. I am glad they have found out a Mussulman Capable of that Important Trust; and that we shall not always stand in Need of Jews to serve the Grand Signior, Emperor of the Faithful. Tho' some of that Nation are very Honest and Loyal; yet 'tis better to be without 'em.
Thou and I, are Strangers to each other: But 'tis Necessary for us to be speedily acquainted, and hold a Mutual Intimacy by Letters; that so we may serve our Great Master, without Interfering or Clashing in our Intelligence. I have been here these Twenty Years, and made no False Steps in my Sovereign's Business, whatever I have done in my own: Yet have encounter'd a Thousand Difficulties and Perils; suffered Imprisonment many Moons in Paris, for my Fidelity; whilst my Enemies at Constantinople, persecuted me as a Traytor and an Infidel.
'Tis Impossible to avoid these Crosses, in the Course of Humane Life. They are as [Page 344]Natural as the Wind or the Rain. All that we can do is, by a prudent and dextrous Management of Contingences, to wind our selves out of Trouble as well as we can. And above all, rather to be our Own Executioners, than betray the least Secret committed to us.
I question not, but thou hast had the same Instructions given thee by the Ministers of the Happy Port. What I say, is only to confirm thee in thy Fidelity and Care. Write to me with the same Frankness, and let Nothing make thee reserved to thy Fellow-Slave. We are both Followers of the Prophet: We Worship One God after the same Manner, and Equally reverence the Alcoran. We serve One Master; and tho' in different Stations, yet let our Affections and Interests be United as Friends. Let no little narrow Passions or Emulations, corrupt our Integrity; or teach us to un-Man our selves.
I know not thy Original, whether thou art of Mahometan or Christian Parents. 'Twould be very Obliging to send me a short History of thy Life, and how thou learned'st the Italian Tongue: For without that, I judge they would not have sent thee into that Country.
As for me, I'm an Arabian by Birth, brought up in the Seraglio; from thence sent to Sea; there taken Captive by the Christians; sold in Sicily, where I underwent a tedious Servitude, yet at length gained my Freedom: and having passed through Various [Page 345]Fortunes, at last was sent hither, to observe the Secret Counsels of the Christians, especially of this Court.
I now grow Old, having seen near Fifty Years. Yet tho' the Strength of my Body fails, I feel not the least Decay in my Zeal for the Mussulman Faith, or my Master's Service. I'm still Mahmut, the Loyal Slave of the Port; and thy Friend; so long as thou art so to thy self.
Paris, 30th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1659.
LETTER XV.
To the Kaimacham.
IT rejoyces me to hear, that Adonai's Place is supplied by a Mussulman, in whom the Sublime Port may put more Confidence, than in any of Jewish Race. 'Twill be an Encouragement to the True Faithful, and a Precedent of good Import. For, no Nation love to see their Prince bestow Offices of Trust on Strangers, when his own People are as capable of Employment as they. 'Tis Generally taken as an Affront and Contempt of their Abilities or their Vertue, and has often produced Ill Consequences.
I deny not; but there are many Honest and [Page 346]Wise Men among the Hebrews, Persons of Merit and Honour, from whom the Sultan receives no small Services. But, this ought not to diminish the Reputation of those who are of the same Faith with their Sovereign. Doubtless, Arabia and Turky are not barren of Good Soldiers, Prudent Statesmen, and Dextrous Ministers.
I know not the Character of Zeidi Alamanzi, whether he be a Natural born Turk, a Tributary Son of a Christian, or a Voluntary Renegado. However, the Choice that is made of him, convinces me, that the Unerring Divan esteem him a Man fit for the Business committed to his Charge.
He ought to be perfectly skill'd in Italian, or at least in some other Language of the Nazarenes: That so he may pass the better unsuspected among the People where he resides, who are more Jealous of Strangers, than any other Nation in Europe. 'Tis a Crime thought worthy of Imprisonment, for a Venetian to converse with a Foreigner too frequently, and in Private: For they are afraid lest by that Means, a dangerous Correspondence should be established betwixt some Ill-affected Subjects of that Commonwealth, and its Enemies: Whereby their Secrets may be betray'd, and Measures taken to ruine 'em.
For this Reason also, they have forbid False Hair or Perrukes to be worn by any in their Dominions, lest this might serve as a Disguize for Villains and Traytors. Yet Nothing [Page 347]more common in France and other Countries of Europe, than for Men to wear on their Heads, Ornaments of Womens Hair, instead of their own.
As to Religion, I believe, they will not much trouble him, being no Zealots themselves: And provided he does but profess himself a Christian and a Catholick, they'll make no farther Inquisition.
The Italians in General, are much like the Ancient Romans in their Humour. Men of grave Aspects, and Carriage, and much more compos'd in both than the French, who appear Ridiculous through the Levity of their Discourse and Actions. The Former abound in Sage Precepts of Morality, and Politick Aphorisms, which serve as a Rule whereby to square the Course of their Lives: The Latter only affect some flashy Improvements of Wit and Conversation, studying rather how to please Women, than Men; coveting to be perfect in External Accomplishments, and the Graces of the Body, whilst they slight the more valuable Endowments of the Mind. In a Word, they are mere Apes, and Mimicks. On the Contrary, the Italians are Men of an Awful and Majestick Behaviour, solid Judgment, and deep Reach. If you see them smile, you shall seldom or never hear 'em laugh: Whereas, the Motion of a Feather will set the French a-Braying like Asses. These will contract a Warm Friendship with any Man at first Interview, heighten it with a Thousand Compliments, make him their [Page 348] Confessor, and unbosom all their Secrets. Yet a Second Encounter shall extinguish this Passion, and a Third shall revive it again. Whereas, those are cautious and flow in the choice of their Friends; and when once that Knot is dissolv'd, 'tis never to be fasten'd there again. They are Irreconcilable in their Hatred and Revenge.
But, there are Men to be excepted in Both Nations, who fall not under these General Characters. France affords many Wise, and Learned Persons; and Italy, not a few Fools and Ideots. Vertues and Vices are strangely mix'd in all People. War, Commerce and Travel, with other Humane Occurrences, alter Men's Natural Dispositions, and give the Lye to the Exactest Observations that can be made. Besides, Time changes all Things: And the Qualities which this Age remarks in the Italians, may in the next be transferr'd to the French. For, there is no Constancy in any Thing under the Moon.
Zeidi will find great Examples of Frugality, among the Venetians, in the necessary Expences of their Persons and Families; Yet Abundance of Magnificence in whatever relates to the Publick, which the Subjects of that Commonwealth serve with open Purses, and free Hearts.
Indeed, they are not so Remarkable for their Temperance, as some other Parts of Italy. Libertinism and Voluptuousness, reign uncontroul'd in Venice▪ Women and Wine, are there almost as Common, as the Elements. [Page 349]Yet, 'tis observ'd, that Strangers generally debauch more with Both, than the Natives. God preserve Zeidi from their Temptations.
If it be his Fortune, or Duty to visit Padua, he ought not to make too long an Abode in that Nest of Philosophers and Physicians, lest they first Anatomize his Soul, and discover the Secrets of his Commission; and then turn his Body to a Skeleton, as they once serv'd a Moor, whom they dissected Alive, to make Experiment, perhaps, whether a Mahometan's Blood Circulated the same Way as a Christians.
Those Italian Physicians, are very Cruel; and think it no Sin to try Poisons, and other Fatal Tricks on the Poor, that so they may be the better able to keep the Rich on the Rack at their Pleasure, and make their Market on 'em.
I know not Zeidi's appointed Station, or what Cities he is to see: But, where-ever he goes, 'twill be Necessary for him to use Abundance of Caution; for the Italians are the closest, slyest and most Judicious People in the World.
But, I forget that he is chosen by the Divan for this Employment, to whom the Characters of all Nations are known, and who penetrate into the most Interiour Recesses of Men's Spirits.
Therefore, I lay my Hand upon my Mouth in profound Submission, and acquiesce to my Superiors. Still praying, That the Grand [Page 350]Signior may have Faithful and Wise Ministers at Home, and no Novices for his Agents Abroad.
Paris, 3d. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1659.
LETTER XVI.
To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria.
THere is a Street in Paris, which they call the Street of Hell. The Reason of this Name is said to be, because at one End of it, there formerly stood an Old House, possess'd by Devils, who were so troublesome, that as the Records of Paris affirm, an Edict of Parliament was pass'd, to remove all the Inhabitants out of their Houses in that Street, and shut up the Entrance with a Wall. Since which, these Daemons were expell'd by the Carthusians, who built a Monastery in the Place. If this Story be true, it redounds much to the Reputation of that Order, and of all you Monasticks in General, who by your Exercisons are able to subdue the Infernal Spirit. But I have heard so many silly Tales of Houses being haunted by Ghosts and Hobgoblins, that I know not how to give Credit to this,
Besides, when I consider the Nature of Incorporeal Beings, it seems Rediculous to think, that they can take Delight to play the Antiques, to frighten poor Mortals: Or confine themselves to an Old Ruin'd Castle (for such was this House) for the Sake of a Little Sport; When according to the Ancient Philosophers, every Incorporeal Being is far more Excellent than the most Perfect Body, and can be Every Where: Neither are they at any Time Locally Present in Bodies, but only by a Propension or Habit are inclin'd to them: And this they mean of Living Bodies. What Charm then can there be in an Old Rotten Fabrick of Stone and Wood, to allure and detain Immaterial Substances?
Certainly, the Nature of these Separate Essences, is very Remote from all Compounded Beings. I have been often at a Loss, in Contemplating the Soul of Man. Sometimes it seems no otherwise distinguish'd from the Souls of Brutes, than by being United to a Body of Different Organs; Which causes us to shew more Evident Tokens of Reason than they, in the Faculty of Discourse, and in our Actions. Yet when I consider more attentively the Operations of our Mind and Intellect, I cannot but conclude, There is a vast Distinction between our Souls, and those of the Beasts. I have with Pleasure observ'd the Excellency of Humane Intellect in Madmen and Dreamers; who being come to themselves, (as we usually say) relate many Things of which they were before Ignorant, and comprehend [Page 352]Things surpassing their Former Imaginations.
It appears therefore more Rational to me, That the Soul is Every-Where and No-Where, as the Ancients say; Than that it is shut up and Imprison'd in the Body, as a Wild Beast in his Den, or Liquor in a Glass. However, by an Ineffable Production of it self, it is Present in Every Part of the Body, as the Light of the Sun is diffus'd through the Air, and can as soon withdraw it self, as that Light when interrupted by a Cloud. In a Word, I conceive the Soul to be a very Free Agent, and that it is here, and there, and every where. It United it self to the Body by its own Choice, and can retire again from it at Pleasure.
One closely pursu'd Act of Contemplation, will at any Time carry thee or me to the Invisibles, whenever we go resolutely about it.
Paris, 1st. of the 4th. Moon. of the Year 1659.
LETTER XVII.
To the Venerable Ibrahim, Cadilesquer of Romeli.
THere has not a Year escap'd, since my Arrival at Paris, wherein I did not send to the Ministers of the Ever Happy and Exalted Port, constant Intelligence of Battles, Sieges, Storming of Towns, and such other Occurrences of War, as happen'd between the Kingdoms of France and Spain. But now I believe, my Future Dispatches must contain other Matters. For, in all Appearance, this War which has lasted Four and Twenty Years, is in a fair Way to be ended. The King of Spain grows weary of his Continual Losses in Italy, Flanders, and Catalonia: And he of France, seems glutted with Perpetual Victories and Conquests. In a Word, these Two Potent Monarchs laying aside their Quarrels, are making diligent Preparations this Year for a Campagne of Friendship and Love.
They are both in Arms, yet commit no Acts of Hostility. Whilst Cardinal Mazarini on the Part of this Crown, and Dom Louis d' Aro de Gusman, First Minister of Spain, are gone to meet each other on the Frontiers of both Kingdoms, as Plenipotentiaries for their Respective Masters, to concert the Measures [Page 354]of a Lasting Peace, and treat of a Marriage between the King of France, and the Infanta of Spain.
All Europe is amaz'd at this surprizing Change. And the French and Spaniards, who border on each other, can hardly believe their own Senses, whilst they find a Mutual Commerce restor'd between their. Frontier Towns and Villages, which had been Interrupted, ever since the Year 1635. about Sixteen Moons before I came to this City.
But, though they are thus disposed to Peace here in the West; the Northern Monarchs are pushing the War forward in Sueden, Denmark, and Poland, with all Imaginable Vigour and Animosity. The coming over of the Elector of Brandenburgh to the Danish Interest, has made a great Alteration in their Affairs. For, whereas Fortune seem'd before in all Things to favour the Suedes; now they lose Ground, and find their Attempts Unsuccessful. Four Thousand of their Men fell before the Walls of Copenhagen, in Three Nights and Two Days: Which caus'd King Gustavus to raise the Siege. Whilst the Duke of Brandenburgh retook Fredericks-Ode, and thereby restor'd to the King of Denmark, the Provinces of Holstein, Jutland and Ditmarsen.
The Hollanders also have had a Combat with the Suedes at Sea, and sunk Fourteen of their best Ships: Besides what they burnt and took.
These Events have stirr'd up several Princes to mediate a Peace. And 'tis not Improbable, but in a little Time, we may see all the Christians good Friends: And then 'twill be Time for the Mussulmans, to be upon their Guard.
As for Mahmut, he will not fail to pry into the Counsels of these Infidels; and send timely Notices to the Port. Leaving the Rest to the Wisdom of his Superiours, and the Pleasure of Destiny.
Paris, 29th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1659.
LETTER XVIII.
To Musu Abu'l Yahyan, Alfaqui, Professor of Theology at Fez.
THE Character, which the Great and Illustrious Abdel Melec Muli Omar, President of Presidents, Grace and Ornament of Ancient Learning, Oracle of Africa, and Restorer of Obsolete Truth; has given me of thy Profound Wisdom and Science, fills me with Reverence and Sacred Love. I am ravished with Wonder and Joy to hear, That in this Age, wherein the Mussulman Theology has suffered so many Innovations, there yet survives a Man who dares, and is able to assert [Page 356]against all Opposers, not only the Primitive and Original Truth, brought down from Heaven by the Hand of Gabriel; but also the Real and Indubitable Sayings, Sermons, Counfels, and Actions of the Prophet, whilst he was on Earth conversing with Mortals, before his Transmigration to the Gardens of Eternal Repose and Solitude. Thou art the Enoch, the Hermes Trismegistus of the Age.
I have seen many Copies of the Zunè, or the Book of Doctrine; each pretending to comprize the whole System of that Divine Philosophy and Wisdom, which dropt from the Lips of our Incomparable and most Holy Lawgiver, and were Attested by his Wife, the Holy Agesha, Mother of the Faithful, and by his Ten Disciples. Yet all these various Transcripts differ, both in their Sence and Manner of Expressions.
I have perused the Books Entituled Dahif, or Imperfect; which contain the Memoirs of his other Wives; and the Manuscripts called Maucof, or Fragments: Being only a Collection of some Select Sentences, Aphorisms and Parables of the Sent of God. But these have no other Authority to back 'em, save the Credit of some Learned Scribes, who were not familiar with the Divine Favourite, only living in his Time, and taking Things on Report.
In fine, I have met with several Parchments of the Zaquini, or Pretended Traditions of Abu Becre, Omar, and Othman: But these I esteem as Spurious, Corrupted, and full of Errors.
What shall I say? The Zeal of Omar Ebn Abdi'l-Aziz, the Ninth Caliph of the Tribe of Merwan, is not unknown to me. I am no Stranger to his singular Piety, not to be matched among Crowned Heads: For, of him it is Recorded, That as he descended from the Throne at the Time of his Inauguration, he gave the Robe from his Back, as an Alms to a Poor Man; And, That during his whole Reign, he spent but Two Piasters a-Day on himself. And so great was his Resignation to Destiny, (an Admirable Vertue in a Sovereign Emperour) that when he was on his Bed in his last Sickness, and was counselled to take Physick, he answered, No; if I were sure to heal my self, only by reaching my Finger to my Ear, I would not. For, the Place to which I am going, is full of Health and Bliss.
This Caliph was a Miracle of Humility, and his Charity always kept him Poor. Moslema Ebn Abdi'l Malec relates, That going to visit Omar on his Death-Bed, he found him lying on a Couch of Palm-Leaves, with Three or Four Skins instead of a Pillow, his Garments on, and a foul Shirt underneath. Seeing this, Moslema was grieved, and turning to his Sister Phatema the Empress, he said, How comes it to pass, that the Great Lord, Commander of the Faithful, appears in so squalid a Condition? She replyed, As thou livest, he has given away all that he had, even to the very Bed that was under him, to the Poor, and only reserved what thou seest, to [Page 358]cover his Nakedness. Then Moslema could not refrain, but burst forth into Tears, saying, God shew thee Mercy upon Mercy, thou Royal Saint: For, thou hast pierced our Hearts with the Fear of his Divine Majesty. This Caliph was numbred among the Saints.
He it was, that perceiving the Contradiction, and Disputes of the Mussulman's, the Darkness and Confusion in the Various Copies of the Zunè, or Book of Doctrine; assembled a General Divan of Mollah's, and Learned Men at Damascus, from all Parts of the Empire: Commanding that all the Manuscripts of the Zunè, which were extant, should be brought in to this Assembly, on Pain of Death to him that should detain one. This being done, he Commanded Six of them, to be chosen out of the Whole Number, by Vote; Men Eminent for Learning and Piety: And that these Six should severally collect, out of all the Multitude of Copies, each Man a Book, containing what he thought to be the most Genuine Discourses of the Prophet, concerning this World, and that which is to come. When this was executed according to his Will, he commanded all the Old Books to be burn'd, in a Field near Damascus.
Yet, after all the Religious Care of this Holy Caliph, to restore these Writings to their Primitive Integrity, the Mussulmans soon fell into New Contentions, about the Sence and Interpretation of these Correct Copies of the Zunè. From whence sprang the Four Cardinal Sects, on which, all the Innumerable, [Page 359]lesser and later Divisions among True Believers, are founded.
I cannot therefore but inwardly rejoyce, and from my Heart highly applaud the Method taken by those of your Renowned College, to discern the True Doctrines and Sayings of the Holy Prophet, from those which are Supposititious, by comparing all the Books that are extant together, and reducing Matters of Divine Revelation to the Analogy of the Alcoran; Those of Philosophy and Moral Regards, to the Standard of Experience and Reason: For, it is Impious to believe, that the Divine Apostle would impose any Thing on our Faith, repugnant to the Sence of Men, or the Express Will of Heaven. By the Soul of Pythagoras, Mahomet said Nothing but what was Rational, and Evident to any Unprejudiced Mind. But, the Greatest Part of these Sectaries, are besotted. They form to themselves False Notions of God and his Prophet, and think to merit Paradise by their Stupidity.
Reverend Alfaqui, I have much more to say to thee, and many Questions to ask; But, Time and the Grand Signior's Service, force me to conclude abruptly, wishing thee Perfection of Bliss.
Paris, 29th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1659. according to the Christian Style.