LETTER I.
Mahmut the Arabian, and Indefati­gable Slave to the Grand Signior, to Mahomet, the Most Illustrious Vi­zir Azem, at the Port.

I Congratulate thy Ascent to that Top of Honour, the First Dignity in the Empire Ever Victorious. 'Tis thy Turn to be now Exalted in the Orb of Fortune: Let not this High Station make thee forget, That that Wheel is always in Motion. But [Page 2]consider, That since the Advance thou hast made, was not but by the Fall of thy Prede­cessor, thou hast the less Reason to think thy own State secure.

I am no Fortune-Teller; nor would I be so rude, as to Prognosticate Ill Luck to my Superiors. But, Men in Eminent Dignity, have Need of a Monitor: And, it is Recorded of a Great Monarch, That he Commanded One of his Pages, every Morning to salute him, when he first awaked, with these Words, Remember, O King, that thou art a Mortal.

Let this Example, Supreme Minister, plead my Excuse, and incline thee to pardon the Freedom which Mahmut takes; who by this, thou seest, is no Flatterer.

Certainly, all Sublunary Things, Ebb and Flow like the Waters. And, though Men may sometimes enjoy a Spring-Tide of Feli­city; yet Fate has Hidden Sluces, which in a Moment, shall convey the Mighty Torrent to some other Channel.

I my self have in some Measure experienc'd this, who am but a Puny in Comparison with thee. Yet Destiny and Chance, are allotted to the Little, as well as to the Great. The Worm encounters as many cross Contingencies, in her humble reptile State, as does the Towring Eagle, in all her lofty Flights and Ranges, through the wide-stretch'd Air.

In my Infancy I was snatch'd from the Cradle, and from the Arms of my Mournful Mother: Mournful on Two Accounts, the Death of a Husband, and the Necessity of [Page 3]parting with her Child. Yet this Early Sepa­ration, turn'd to my Advantage, and her Comfort. The Sequel of my Good Fortune, invited her to forsake her Solitudes, and follow me to the Imperial City; where she exchang'd her Melancholy Widow-Hood, for the Socie­ty and Love of a Merry Greek: Whilst Fate had another Game to play with me; it being the Will of Heaven, That from the Delights of the Seraglio, and the Honour of serving the Greatest Sovereign in the World, I should fall into a Cruel Captivity, and be compelled Ignominiously to drudge for a Barbarous In­fidel. Afterwards, I gain'd my Liberty, and apply'd my self to study in the Academies. I will not boast of the Proficiency I made: But, at my Return to Constantinople, thou knowest, my Superiors thought me capable, of doing the Port Service in this Place. Thus Providence sports with Mortals, and by an Unaccountable Clew of Discipline, leads them through the Mazes of this Life.

How I have discharged my Trust here, I dare Appeal to All; yet can please None. E­very Man will be my Judge, to give Sentence against me; and some, I believe, would wil­lingly be my Executioners: Which, at cer­tain Times, carries me into so deep a Melan­choly, that I even join with my Enemies, and condemn my self, though I know not for what. Surely, say I, so many perspicaci­ous Men cannot be all in the Wrong, and I only in the Right: they must needs see some Faults in me, which I cannot discern [Page 4]in my self: doubtless I'm Partial, and never chang'd the Order of Aesop's Wallet. Then I reflect on these Thoughts, as the mere Pro­duct of Melancholy: For, after the strictest Examination of my Conduct, I find my self Innocent of those Things, whereof I'm accus'd. Yet, whilst I am justifying my Integrity to­wards my Great Master, my Sadness returns again, and tells me, That without Doubt, I have some Ways offended God and his Pro­phet, who, for that Reason, suffer the En­vious to persecute me; and drive me into a more intimate and familiar Converse with my self, that so by making a frequent Scru­tiny after the Cause of my Outward Misfor­tunes, I may discover the Secret Crimes, which I may have committed against Heaven, and which lie hid under my Inadvertence and Oblivion.

Then I'm fill'd with a Thousand Scruples about my telling Lyes, and taking False Oaths; though I'm dispens'd with for all these Immoralities, by the Sovereign Arbiter of the Law. In a Word, I know not some­times what to think. And, were it not, that my Agency in these Parts, meets with some Success, I should often conclude, That I ei­ther lie under some Curse of God, or Charms of Men; That either Heaven or Hell, have a Peculiar Hand in Afflicting me.

But, all this may be only the Fumes of my own Distemper'd Spleen. And, the Indul­gent Judge of Men, may pass a Milder Sen­tence on me, than either I do my self, or [Page 5]my Fellow-Mortals. He is Transcendently Benign and Merciful: And, our Sins of Frail­ty, appear in his Eyes, but as small Atomes in the Rays of a Morning's Sun; which, though they be Innumerable, yet the least Breath of Wind, blows them all out of Sight.

By what I have said, 'tis apparent, that I have Regard both to thee and my self: To thee, as the Supreme Disposer of Life and Death, under the Grand Signior; to my self, as one cull'd out for a Victim by the Malici­ous, and lying at the Feet of thy Noble Na­ture, begging thy Protection. My Enemies are Industrious to ruine me, and lay hold on all Opportunities to accomplish it. The Sentence which they could not procure from thy Predecessor, they may hope to draw from thee by their False Informations. This makes me use Pre-Caution in my own De­fence; hoping to forestall their Malice, by this Humble Address.

Imitate thou the Divine Nature; and be not severe, in remarking the Peccadillo's and small Delinquencies of thy Slave. If I turn Infidel or Traytor, I crave no Favour.

That Supremely Merciful and Gracious, the First and the Last of the World, and Lord of Paradise, heap on thee as many Blessings every Day, as would employ my swift­est Wishes a Thousand Years; and grant, That thou mayst find Admittance into the Place full of Rivers, whose Springs take [Page 6]their Rise, from the Bottom of the Rock of Eternity.

Paris, 17th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1649. according to the Christian Style.

LETTER II.
To the Kaimacham.

THE Troubles of this Kingdom, which a while ago seem'd to be compos'd, are now again broke out afresh. The Private Grudges of Some, and the Ambition of Others of the Nobility, have once more put all in Arms. This City is Block'd up by the Prince of Conde's Army, who has not been long re­turn'd from Flanders. The King, the Queen, with Cardinal Mazarini, and the whole Court, are at St. Germains en Lay, whither they went by Night. This abrupt Departure, gave fresh Courage to the Seditious, and at the same Time, furnish'd them with new Matter of Accusation against Cardinal Maza­rini, who, they say, has stole away their So­vereign from them. The Parliament have declar'd him, an Enemy to the Government. They are levying Soldiers as fast as they can; and Provisions are laid in, as if they were to [Page 7]sustain a long Siege. Several Princes and Grandees, are come over to the Citizens, ha­ving deserted the Court; among whom, is the Prince of Conty, Brother to the Prince of Conde. Yet the Parisians are distrustful of him, and have Consin'd his Sister, as a Ho­stage for his Fidelity; not knowing, that his Desertion is Real, being occasion'd by some Quarrel between him and his Elder Bro­ther.

'Tis said, That Cardinal Mazarini has taken a Resolution to depart the Kingdom, that so he may avoid the Tempest that threa­tens him from all Hands.

The Queen has sent Orders to the Colo­nels, that serve under Mareschal Turenne in Germany, commanding them to abandon that General, who, they say, has declared for the Parliament, and sent to offer them his Service.

On the other Side, the Citizens endeavour to strengthen their Party, by sending to all the Parliaments of France, to desire their Conjunction, in espousing the Quarrel of this of Paris.

The Companies which the Burghers of this City have rais'd, wear this Motto in their Ensigns, WE SEEK OUR KING.

In the mean while, the Arch-Duke of Au­stria, keeps near the Frontiers of this Kingdom, with an Army of Twenty Thousand Men; and sends frequent Proposals to the Parlia­ment, in Order to a Peace.

Whilst I was writing the last Word, [Page 8]News was brought me, That Eliachim the Jew is seiz'd, and clapt in Prison at St. Denis, which Place is in the King's Hands. I can­not learn the Reason of his Confinement, but am apt to suspect, 'tis on the Score of his late appearing among the Rabble of Paris, where­of I gave an Account in a Letter to the Aga of the Janizaries.

The Surprize I am in at this Unfortu­nate Accident, puts me upon a Thousand Thoughts. I know not what Course to take for my own Safety. If Eliachim's Papers should be search'd, Mahmut must be disco­ver'd; and then, if I tarry in the City, I can­not escape a Prison: For, tho' at this Juncture, one would think this Place, a sufficient Pro­tection from the Court; yet the Hatred they bear to the True Believers, and the Disco­very of so Important a Commission as mine, would supersede their Intestine Animosities. I should infallibly be either deliver'd up to the Court, or sent to the Bastile. If I go out of the City, my Danger is yet greater; all the Passes of the Country, being narrowly watch'd, and strongly guarded by the King's Soldiers. This made me at first, resolve to deferr the Conclusion of this Letter to ano­ther Time, whilst I provided for my own Safety; as thinking it impossible, to convey any Intelligence out of France undiscover'd. But being inform'd of a Courier, that was just going from the Parliament, to the Arch-Duke of Austria; and fearing lest I should never have the Privilege of Pen, Ink and [Page 9]Paper again, I have ravish'd a few Moments, from that little Time I have left to shift for my self, that so I might give thee Notice of this Accident.

I have written also to Nathan Ben Saddi at Vienna, to prevent any Dispatches from him, till farther Order. Both these Letters I venture in the Hands of a faithful Messenger, who has caused them to be sew'd up in the Heels of his Shooes, to prevent Discovery. He travels under the Protection of the Cou­rier.

I have not a Minute left to say more, than that I am at this Instant parting from my Lodging; my Books and other Things being packt up, and Porters ready to carry 'em a­way. If I get safe out of the House, I must change my Habit and Name; and so lay the Foundation of a New Concealment, till the Issue of this Adventure, shall direct me what to do.

Adieu, Illustrious Kaimacham, and expect to hear more in my Next; or, let my Silence convince thee, that Mahmut is no longer at Liberty.

Paris, 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER III.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

IF thou hast any Dispatches coming for me, and it be yet in thy Power to stop them, use Wings in doing it: for, I fear, we are discover'd in this Place. Thy Brother Elia­chim, is arrested by the King's Orders. What is laid to his Charge, I know not for certain: Neither is it necessary for thee, to be inform'd in that Point. But, if his Confinement be owing to some Services he has lately done me, we are all lost. His Papers will be search'd, which must of Necessity betray our Secrets: And then, we have Nothing to expect, but the severest Execution of the Christians Fury and Revenge. I am in no small Confusion at this Accident, having scarce Time to pro­vide for my Concealment. Send no more to Paris, till thou receivest farther Advice. We are all in Arms, this City being block'd up by the Queen's Troops; so that I know not well which way to shift for my self, and escape a Thousand Scrutinies, which they will every where make into the Affairs of a Stran­ger. But, that Fate which over-rules Hu­mane Contingencies, will, I hope, rescue me out of this Danger: To which I commend both thee and me; bidding thee Farewel, as [Page 11]if I were never to write to thee again: For, so the Issue may prove.

Paris, 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER IV.
To Adonai, a Jew, at Venice.

I Have something more Respite now, than when I wrote last to thy Brother Nathan at Vienna, to inform him of Eliachim's being made a Prisoner. I was in a greater Hurry at that Time, than the Ninth Sphere. All my Motions were swift. I went Backward and Forward, like the Planets; but had no Leisure to stand still, as they do sometimes. In a Word, I have run over the whole Zodi­ack of Policy, to seek for a New House; that wherein I Lodg'd, being like to prove too hot for me. At Length I have found one, wherein I hope to meet with no Malevolent Aspects, but to remain as before, in a Friend­ly Conjunction with the Moon; behind whose Splendors, I may lie cover'd, from the Inqui­sitions of peering Mortals.

To speak more Intelligibly, I am for the Present, remov'd to other Lodgings in this City, the better to shelter my self from the Storm which seems to hang over my Head, [Page 12]since Eliachim was seiz'd. Yesterday, I wrote to the Kaimacham, and to Nathan Ben Saddi, to give them an Account of this Accident. This goes along with the same Messenger; for, I durst not confide in the Posts, during the Present Disorders of this Kingdom.

I receiv'd a Letter from thee, wherein thou informest me, of an Attempt that has been lately made, to rob the Treasury of Venice: Which, according to thy Description, is ve­ry Rich and Magnificent; not to be match'd in Europe. Perhaps, if thou hadst seen the Wealth that is preserv'd in the Church of St. Denis, a City not far from Paris, thou wouldst be of another Mind. But neither of us can make proper Comparisons, having not seen both Places. The French extol the Lat­ter, and say, it far exceeds that of Venice. But, they may speak Partially; it being the Humour of all People, to magnify the Gran­deur of their own Nation: And, the French come not short of the Rest of the World in Vain-Glory. However it be, it was a vast Attempt, and full of Infinite Difficulties and Perils, to Rob the Vaults of a Church, in the Heart of that Great and Populous City, where all the Riches of the Seigniory were Reposited. It is an Argument of the Great­ness of their Souls, who durst undertake so hazardous an Enterprize.

But, this is not the First Time the Venetians have been in Danger, to lose that Prodigious Mass of Wealth. A Poor Grecian once found a Way, through Marble Barricado's under-Ground, [Page 13]to enter those Golden Cells; from whence he carried away, to the Value of Twenty Hundred Thousand Zechins in Jew­els. But, making one of his Countrymen acquainted with it, the Villain betray'd him to the Doge, who caused him to be Hang'd.

That Commonwealth, has been all along ve­ry Happy in Discovery of Plots, and other Mischiefs intended against Her. I know not whether thou hast heard, of the Famous Con­spiracy of Tiepoli; who not content with the Life and Estate of a Private Gentleman, sought to render himself Sovereign of Venice. And, to this End, insinuated into the Affe­ctions of many Thousands of the Citizens; whom he kept in constant Pension for above Nine Years together, under the Notion of as­sisting him, to revenge certain Injuries he had receiv'd from a Roman Gentleman. They were all to run with their Arms into the Streets, when they should hear the Name Tie­poli utter'd aloud, and often repeated.

But, when the Day was come, whereon he was to put his Designs in Execution, and the Alarm was given in the Streets, and Old Woman made such Haste to look out at her Chamber-Window, to see what was the Oc­casion of the Tumult, that she threw down an Earthen Vessel; which falling directly on the Head of Tiepoli, Kill'd him, and so put an End to the Rebellion. For which happy Accident, the Senate setled a Yearly Pension of a Thousand Zechins, on the Old Woman during her Life, and the same to be paid [Page 14]to her Heirs and Posterity for ever.

Send me no Dispatches, till thou hast re­ceiv'd another Letter from me, which will direct thee what to do.

Paris, 27th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER V.
To Mahummed, Hadgia, Dervise, Eremit, Inhabitant of the Prophe­tick Cave, in Arabia the Happy.

THE Franks (who are more ready to find Faults in others, than to amend their own) censure the Mussulmans, for extending their Charity to Beasts, Birds and Fishes. They laugh at the Alms we bestow to feed Dogs, Cats and other Living Creatures; and ridicule the Tenderness of such, as go into the Markets, and buy the Birds that are there sold, on Purpose to restore them to their Na­tive Liberty. They say, 'tis a sufficient De­monstration of Piety, to relieve the Neces­sities of Men; and, that it is but a Fruitless Hypocrisy, to shew Kindness to the Brutes, who, in their Opinion, have neither Souls nor Reason, and consequently are Insensible of our Good Offices toward them.

These are the Charges of Western Raillery, the Scoffs of the Obdurate, with which they load the Generous Orientals, the Hearts transfix'd with Universal Love. What would they say, if they had heard of thy Heroick Piety, who not only affordest Protection and Relief to those Creatures whereof we have no Need, but even abstainest from the Flesh of all Animals, though the Prophet himself has indulg'd us the Use of some, for our Ne­cessary Food, and without which many plead, that we cannot sustain Life? Oh! excellent man, born for the Reproof and Light of the Age, how is the Soul of our Great Law-giver exhilarated, when he be­holds thy Innocent and Unblemish'd Life? The Treasury of Heaven, is enrich'd with thy Good Works, the Fertile Harvest of Vertues, the First-Fruits of the Purity of thy Nature! From thy first Descent into that Holy Cave, the Angels who Register the Words of Men, Never heard thee utter a Syllable that could be reprehended. Thy Thoughts ravish the Heart of God himself with Joy. The Ʋni­versal Spirit full of Eyes, Watcher of the Ʋniverse, would fall Asleep, were it not Rowz'd by the strong Vibrations of thy sub­lime Soul. Thy Contemplations, are Themes for the College of Those, who were Assistant in Forming of All Things. Were it not for such as thee, the Angel of the First Motion, would cease to Whirl the Globes of Light through the Heavens: The Orbs Above would grow Rusty, and all the Wheels and Springs of Na­ture, [Page 16]would stand still. Oh Elect Idea, be­fore whose Purify'd Essence, the Sun himself appears full of Blemishes! Humane Wit can­not find thy Equal on Earth: Thou art the Impress on the SEAL OF THE PRO­PHETS, the Soul of the Soul of Maho­met!

In thus celebrating thy High Perfections, if I have offended thy Modesty, thou hast the Goodness to ascribe it to the Excess of my Affection, which carries me beyond Human Regards. I would fain be an Imitator of thy Incorrupt Life. For, let the Christians say what they please, I will ever esteem Absti­nence a Divine Vertue. I have consulted the Sages of Old, that I might learn what was the Practice of Former Times, whilst Hu­man Nature was yet in its Infancy, before the Manners of Men were Debauch'd. I have perused the Select Writings of the Ancients, the Records of Truth, and void of Fables. And, believing that such Memoirs will not be unwelcome to thee, I presume to lay them at thy Feet, as a Mark of that Profound Ve­neration, I owe to the Tenant of the Darling of God.

These Historians say, That the First Inha­bitants of the Earth, for above Two Thou­sand Years, liv'd altogether on the Vegetable Products; of which they Offer'd the First-Fruits to God: It being esteem'd an Inexpi­able Wickedness, to shed the Blood of any Animal, though it were in Sacrifice, much more to Eat of their Flesh. To this End, [Page 17]they relate the First Slaughter of a Bull, to have been made at Athens, on this Occasion. The Priest of the Town, whose Name was Diomus, as he was making the Accustomed Oblation of Fruits on an Altar in the Open Field (for, as yet they had no Temples) a Bull came running from the Herd, which was grazing hard by, and eat of the Consecrated Herbage. Upon which, Diomus the Priest, mov'd with Zeal at the Reputed Sacrilege, and snatching a Sword from one of those that were present, kill'd the Bull. But, when his Passion was over, and he consider'd, what a heinous Crime he had committed; fearing also the Rage of the People, he persuaded them, That a God had appear'd to him, and commanded him to Offer that Bull in Sa­crifice, by Burning his Flesh with Fire on the Altar, as an Atonement for his devouring the Consecrated Fruits. The Devout Multi­tude, acquiesc'd to the Words of their Priest, as to an Oracle. And, the Bull being flea'd, and Fire laid on the Altar, they all assisted at the New Sacrifice. From which Time, the Custom was Yearly observ'd among the Athe­nians, to Sacrifice a Bull. And by them, this Method of Religious Cruelty, was taught not only to all Greece, but to the Rest of the World. In Process of Time, a certain Priest, in the Midst of his Bloody Sacrifice, taking up a Piece of the Broiled Flesh, which had fall'n from the Altar on the Ground, and burning his Fingers therewith, suddainly clapt them to his Mouth, to mitigate the Pain. But, [Page 18]when he had once tasted the Sweetness of the Fat, not only long'd for more of it, but gave a Piece to his Assistant, and he to others: Who all pleased with the new-found Dain­ties, fell to Eating of Flesh greedily. And hence this Species of Gluttony, was taught to other Mortals. Neither is it Material, what the Hebrew Doctors object against these Testi­monies, when they introduce the Son of A­dam, Sacrificing Living Creatures, in the In­fancy of the World; since, thou knowest, ma­ny Errors are Inserted in the Written Law, from whence they take this Story.

They say also, That the First Goat that fell by the Hands of Men, was kill'd in Revenge for the Injuries it had done the Owner of a Vineyard, in browsing on his Vines; such an Impious Deed, having never been heard of before.

This is certain, That the Egyptians, the Wisest and most Ancient People in the World, having receiv'd from the First Inhabitants of the Earth a Tradition, forbidding Men, To Kill any Living Creature; to give the great­er Force to this Primitive Law of Nature, they Form'd the Images of their Gods, in the Similitude of Beasts: That so the Vulgar, struck with Reverence at the Sacred Symbols, might learn to abstain from Killing, or so much as Hurting the Dumb Animals; under whose Forms, they Represented whatsoever among them was esteem'd Adorable.

Yet, lest any in his Life-Time, should by Accident, or otherwise, have transgress'd the [Page 19] Law of Abstinence, they used a kind of Ex­piation for the Dead, after this Manner. The Priests took the Bowels out of the Belly of the Deceased, and putting them in an Earthen Vessel, they held it toward the Sun; and calling Witnesses, they made the following Speech, in Behalf of the Dead: ‘O thou Sun, whose Empire is Ʋniversal, and all ye Other Powers, who give Life to Men, re­ceive me into the Society of the Immortal Gods. For, so long as I lived in this World, I Religiously persevered in the Worship of those Deities, which were made known to me by my Ancestors. I always Honour'd my Parents, who begat my Body. I never Kill'd any Man or Beast, nor have been Guilty of any Black Crime. But, if whilst I liv'd I have trespass'd, in Tasting any of those Things which are Forbidden; it was not my Sin, but the Fault of these Entrails, which are here separated from the rest of my Body.’ And having said this, they cast the Vessel into the River, on the Banks of which, the Ceremony was perform'd; Embalming the Rest of the Body, as Pure and free from Sin.

After the same Manner, the Persian Magi, or Wise Men, practised Abstinence. And, to imprint in their Disciples, a Tenderness and Friendship toward the Beasts, they call­ed them, according to their different Stati­ons, either Lyons, Hyaena's, Crows, Eagles, Hawks, &c. And, their Garments were Pain­ted all over, with the Various Figures of [Page 20] Animals; thereby insinuating, the Doctrine of the Soul's Transmigration; and inculcating this Mystery, That the Spirit of Man, enters successively into all Sorts of Bodies: Which, thou knowest, is not remote from the Faith of True Believers.

It would not be amiss, as a Testimony of the Practice of the Ancients, to insert a Memo­rable Address, which the Reformed Priests of Crete, were wont to make before the Altar of Jupiter. ‘O Divine Governor of the Hun­dred Cities, we have led a Holy Life, from the Time that we were Initiated in thy Mysteries, and forsook the Nocturnal Rites, and Bloody Feasts of Bacchus: We are now Purified, and Clothe our selves in White Vestments, the Emblems of our Innocence: We shun the Society of polluted Mor­tals; neither approach we to the Sepulchres of the Dead, nor Taste of the Flesh of any Thing, which has been endued with Life.’

Such also was of Old, and to this Day is, the Abstinence of the Indians; among whom, the Brachmans perform the Office of Priest­hood. These, the Ancient Grecians called Gymnosophists. They are all of one Race, neither will they admit a Stranger into their Order. They live for the most Part near to Ganges, or some other River, for the Sake of their frequent Purifications. Their Diet consists, of Milk Curdl'd with sowre Herbs. They feed also on Apples, Rice, and other Fruits of the Earth; esteeming it the [Page 21]Height of Impiety, to taste of any Thing that has Life. They live in little Hutts or Cot­tages, every one by himself, avoiding Com­pany and Discourse; employing all their Time in Contemplation, and the Service of the Temple. They esteem this Life, but a Necessary Dispensation of Nature, which they Voluntarily undergo as a Penance; ardently thirsting, after the Dissolution of their Bo­dies; and firmly believing, That the Soul by Death, is released from its Prison, and laun­ches forth into Immense Liberty and Hap­piness. Therefore they are always chearfully disposed to Die, bewailing those that are A­live, and Celebrating the Funerals of the Dead, with joyful Solemnities and Triumphs. Among their Good Works, it is accounted an Act of great Reputation and Virtue, to build Hospitals for Beasts as well as Men: And, in every City, there are great Numbers of such, as spend all their Life, in tending on Sick and Wounded Animals, or such as have no Suste­nance elsewhere. And, this is no Novel Insti­tution, but deliver'd down to them by Tra­dition, from Immemorable Ages.

The Precepts also of Triptolemus and Draco, the most Ancient Lawgivers of the Atheni­ans, are a Testimony of the Innocence and Sincerity of the First Ages: For, they com­prehended all the whole System of Piety and Virtue, in Practising these few Rules:

‘Let it be an Eternal Sanction to the A­thenians, To Adore the Immortal Gods: To Reverence the Departed Hero's; to [Page 22]Celebrate their Praises with Songs, and the First Fruits of the Earth; To Honour their Parents; And neither to Kill Man or Beast.’

I could relate to thee, Examples of Absti­nence in the Ancient Lacedaemonians, Spar­tans, Jews, and almost all Nations of the East: Nor are there wanting some Testimo­nies of it, in these Western Parts. This King­dom of France, was in Old Times Instructed by a Kind of Prophets or Philosophers, whom they called Druids; who took up their Usual Residence under Oaks. These taught, the Transmigration of Souls; and therefore, pre­scrib'd Abstinence from Flesh; and shew'd to Men, the Method of Worshiping God with the First-Fruits of the Earth. From hence they sail'd over into Britain, and planted themselves in that Island, propagating the same Doctrines; and were Reverenc'd by the People, as Sacred Oracles.

By all which it is Evident, That the tender Regard which the True Faithful have for the Brutes, is no Innovation, or singular Caprice of Superstition, but the Primitive Practice of the Ancients, the Ʋniversal Tradition of the Whole Earth. Nay, the Eastern Christians, for the most Part, live an Abstemious Life; such as the Grecians, Armenians, Georgians, Mingrelians, and others that are scatter'd up and down in divers Parts of Asia. These following the Examples and Traditions, of the Apostles and Primitive Fathers of their Churches, either taste not at all, or very spa­ringly, [Page 23]the Flesh of Beasts, Birds and Fishes. But, the Nazarenes of the West, boast of I know not what Liberty they have, to Eat, without Scruple, of all Things; having the Dispensation of the Roman Mufti, whom they call the Vicar of God. Hence it is, that these Religious Libertines, are not afraid to gorge themselves, even with the Blood of Slaughter'd Beasts, which their own Law forbids 'em to taste. And they prop them­selves up in their Impiety, by saying, That the Pope has Power, to Change the Traditions and Ordinances of the Apostles, and even of Jesus the Messiah himself. Hence proceeds their Derision of those, who shew any Tenderness to the Brutes; for, they are harden'd in their Gluttonous Cruelty, and are but one Remove, from the most Salvage Cannibals.

But thou, Holy Man of God, pity these Infidels, and pray that Mahmut, may be a sincere Disciple of thy Purity.

Paris, 16th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER VI.
To the Kaimacham.

I Am return'd to my former Lodging again, the Case of Eliachim, being not so bad as my Fears. The Occasion of his Confinement, were certain Words he spoke against the Pro­ceedings of Cardinal Mazarini and the Court, in Company of such as were Officious to ob­lige that Minister. This was done at St. Denis, not far from Paris; where they im­mediately caused him to be taken into Custo­dy by the King's Guards, who quarter'd in that Town. It has cost him a considerable Sum of Money, to purchase his Liberty; which he now enjoys, as before. I had other Thoughts, when I first heard the News of his being seized; and that it was, for some Seditious Expressions: For then I call'd to Mind, how he had Acted last Year by my Order, during the Tumults of Paris; and concluded, That some Unlucky Accident had now betray'd him. Which if it were so, would infallibly bring me into the same Danger. This made me so suddainly change my Habitation, and put a Stop to the Di­spatches of the Sublime Port. I thought no Caution too much, to preserve the Affairs of my Commission Indemnified; and, that it were better to offend, in being too Wary, than too Secure. If I have taken wrong [Page 25]Measures in thus absconding, 'tis for want of fuller Instruction from my Superiors. I wish they would honour me with Particular Rules, in Case of such Emergencies: Then I should steer my Course, without running the Hazard of Rocks or Sands. I have often desir'd to know, Whether, if I were disco­ver'd, I should own my self an Agent for the Grand Signior. But none of the Ministers have vouchsafed to direct me in this Point: Whereby, I may commit an irreparable Mi­stake, if such a Thing should happen.

Adonai the Jew, informs me of an At­tempt lately made to rob the Treasury of Ve­nice; which, according to his Description, is very Rich and Magnificent. He says, there are Twelve Crowns of pure Gold, and an e­qual Number of Breast-plates of the same Metal, set with all Sorts of precious Stones of Inestimable Value: A Hundred Vessels of Agat: Threescore Services for the Altar, all of pure Gold, enrich'd with Dia­monds, Sapphires, Emralds, and other Stones of Price. There is also an Ʋnicorn's Horn, above the Purchase of Money. There are Fourteen Unpolish'd Pearls, as large as a Man's Fist. The Ducal Cap, is valued at a Hundred Thousand Zechins: With many o­ther Rareties and Costly Ornaments, too tedious to be inserted in a Letter.

Certainly, so much Wealth, was never de­stin'd to fall into the Hands of Little Private Thieves: It is a Booty, fit for Kings and great Generals, the Licens'd Banditi of the [Page 26]Earth. So many Glittering Jewels, would tempt the Honesty of an Angel: And, he would be glad to adorn the Apartments of his Heaven, with these Radiant Drops of the Sun, which he sees on Earth.

I have met with some pretty Relations of the Boldness of Robbers, but none that ever match'd the Bravery of this Enterprize; which was no less, than to Rob one of the most Potent States in the World, of her Chiefest Treasure.

He wanted not for Impudence, who, when the Emperor Charles V. was removing his Court, and all the Officers were busy in pack­ing up the Goods, enter'd the Chamber where the Emperor was; and having made his Obei­sance, fell roundly to pulling down the rich Hangings of Tissue, which by the Help of his Confederates, he carried away, with A­bundance of Plate: No Body ever suspect­ing, but that he was one of the Emperor's Servants, till the Person came, whose Office it was to remove those Goods, and then the other was known to be a Thief.

I have heard of a Spaniard, who, on a Great Festival, when the Priests had finish'd the Service of the Altar, and were retir'd to their Lodgings, went very boldly and took the Golden Vessels off the Altar, and carry'd them away under his Cloak, as though he had been the Steward of that Church, no Body suspect­ing any other.

I kiss the Hem of thy Vest, Illustrious Kai­macham, and pray, that thou may'st mono­polize [Page 27]the Choicest Blessings of Heaven, and have thy Share of the Riches of the Earth, without Danger of losing them to Great or Small Thieves.

Paris, 16th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER VII.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

NOW thou may'st continue thy Dis­patches as before. Our Fears are va­nish'd: Eliachim is releas'd, and all Things are in Safety. Thou hast no Reason to tax me with Timorousness, in so abruptly for­saking my Habitation, on the bare Foresight of far-fetch'd Possibilities; when thou shalt consider, that there is no arming against Con­tingencies in the Moment they arrive, and that he who trusts all Things to Chance, makes a Lottery of his Life, wherein, for One Happy Event, he shall meet with Ten Un­lucky Ones. To what Use serves that Ap­prehensive Faculty, which Nature has posted as the Corps du Guard of our Lives and For­tunes, allowing it the Sences for Scouts and Sentinells? To what End, I say, serves this Watchful Faculty, but to take the Alarm at [Page 28]doubtful Emergencies; to rouze our Caution, that so we may make Provision, and be in a Po­sture of Defence, against whatsoever may happen?

News came, that Eliachim was seiz'd, for Seditious Words against the Government. I was conscious, that both he and I, had been Guilty of more than bare Words in that Kind. Therefore, what had happen'd to him, I look'd upon as due to my self also; and, that my Confinement would soon follow, if I took not speedy Care to prevent it, by seasonably absconding. This was the Reason of my sudden Departure, which cannot justly be as­crib'd to Cowardise, since 'twas the Effect of Common Prudence.

Now I'm return'd to my Old Lodging a­gain, where the Joy they are in for the Birth of a Son, will not give them Leisure to reflect on my Affairs: So that I am receiv'd by my Host, without the least Jealousie or suspicious Ani­madversions. Brim-full of Mirth and Jovial Thougts, the Good Man Compliments me, and proclaims his better Fortune: Invites me to sit down with his Friends, and partake of the Gifts of Ceres and Bacchus. This thou know­est, is the Custom of the whole Earth, at the Birth of Mortals. They make merry over one, that is born to the same Miseries as themselves; who, the first Moment he draws the Breath of Life, is enrolled in the Register of Death; and from the Womb, makes swift and direct Advances to the Grave.

However, I sate down with the Rest, to [Page 29]comply with the exhilarated Humour of my Host. I eat, drank, and seem'd Merry with the Company. Yet, at the same Time, I could not but nauseate my Entertainment, and disdain the extravagant Profusion of Spirit, which appear'd in every one of this vain As­sembly. They all talk'd eagerly; and, one Man's Words, drown'd those of another: Whilst an Universal Laughter, confounded the Sence of all. Then I prais'd in my self, the Modesty and Order observ'd in our Eastern Banquets and Feasts, where no uncomely Gestures or Actions, escape the well-nurtur'd Guests; no loud talking or Braying like Asses, but every one strives to suppress the Motions and Appearances of a too forward and Indul­gent Mirth, and contain themselves within the Bounds of a decent and civil Reserve. Such were the Feasts instituted by Lycurgus, among the Ancient Lacedaemonians; where, such as were Friends and Acquaintance, met together and refresh'd themselves, without Riot and Luxury. They convers'd together interchangeably, after the Manner of Philoso­phers, or Men of the Law: Discoursing so­berly either of Natural Things, or Civil Af­fairs: Mixing facetious and witty Jests, with their more serious Talk, without Clamour, Scurrility or giving any Offence. But, these Western People, think themselves not Merry till they are Drunk, nor Witty unless they be Rude. They play a Thousand Wanton Tricks, like Apes; and, the greatest Buffoon, is the best Company.

Wherefore, sick to see Men so much dege­nerate from themselves, I made my Excuses, and retir'd to my Chamber, where I present­ly set Pen to Paper, to give thee an Account of my Return.

If thou continuest thy former Resolution, of following the Dictates of Reason, in Mat­ters of Religion, thou wilt quickly find, that thy Rabbi's have taught thee to believe in Fa­bles, which accord neither with Reason, nor Common Sence. Follow the best Guide, and be Happy.

Paris, 16th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER VIII.
To Adonai, a Jew at Venice.

THY Pen is now free again: Write as soon and as often as thou wilt; our Fears are dissipated, and all goes well. If thou canst inform me of any more Remark­able Passages and Adventures, spare not to oblige me with frequent Letters. And, to encourage thee, I will relate to thee a Story, which is Recorded in the Histories of Naples.

In former Times, there was a Statue of Marble, standing on the Top of a Mountain in Apulia, with this Inscription on the Head, which was of Brass, ON MAY-DAY AT [Page 31]SƲN-RISING, I SHALL HAVE A HEAD OF GOLD. No Man in all those Parts could be found, who was able to unrid­dle this Mysterious Expression; and therefore, it was not regarded for many Ages. But at length, in the Reign of a certain Prince, there was a Saracen, who having seen and consi­der'd the Statue, with the Inscription, pro­pos'd to explain it for a certain Reward. The Prince hearing of this, and being greedy of the Novelty, sent for the Saracen; and bargain'd with him for a Thousand Crowns, to unfold this Riddle. He waited till May-Day came, and watching the Image that Morning Early, he observ'd the Place where the Head cast its Shadow, just as the Sun rose. There he or­der'd certain Men to dig: Which when they had done, and were got pretty deep in the Earth, they encounter'd a Prodigious Trea­sure of Silver, Gold, and Jewels. With which the Prince was so well satisfy'd, that he doubl'd the Saracens Reward, and sent him Home into his own Country, laden with rich Presents. Doubtless, there is much Wealth bury'd by Men in the Earth. For, in Former Times, they were of Opinion, That if they should die suddainly, in the Wars or otherwise, such Riches as they had hidden in the Earth, would serve them in the Other World. And this is the Practice of the Indians to this Day; as my Brother informs me, who has been among them.

Strange Blindness! that Men should think the Immortal Soul, needed the Assistance of [Page 32]Silver, Gold, or any Material Substance, after she herself is divested of the Body, and become a Naked Spirit.

Let thou and I have a Nobler Idea of our Selves, than to phancy we shall be in Want of the Glittering Dross, in that Invisible State, whither we are all hastening. There are no Mony-Changers in that World of Spirits. If thou hast Superfluity, hide it not in the Earth, but give it to the Poor, and thou shalt receive it again, transform'd into a Substance more refin'd and radiant than the Stars.

Paris, 16th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER IX.
To the Reis Effendi, Chief Secreta­ry of the Ottoman Empire.

THE Intestine Quarrels of the French, seem to be like those of Lovers; whose Cholerick Intervals, serve but to give a new Edge to the Returns of their Affection. As if One of these Passions, was made to whet the Other, and make it more sprightly: Or, as if Love would grow dull and feculent, were it not sometimes rowz'd and fermented by Anger.

But, I believe, there is a greater Mystery, in the Reconciliation between the French-Court and the Parliament of Paris. Some Ends of Policy, have hasten'd both Parties to clap up a Peace, while the secret Rancour remains unpurg'd.

Perhaps the Union of so many Princes and Nobles with the Parliament, might incline the Queen to milder Counsels, than her own Spanish Genius. Besides, the Conjunction of the other Parliaments of the Kingdom, the Revolt of Normandy, Gascoigne and Provence, with many Eminent Cities, were very pre­vailing Motives. But, that which was of greatest Force, was the Want of Money and Men to carry on the War, which could not be rais'd without vast Difficulty, during these Publick Alienations.

Whatever were the Inducements, a Peace was concluded about the latter End of the Third Moon, at a Place call'd Ruel, not far from Paris, where the King has a House of Pleasure, seated in the Midst of a little Para­dise. In one of my Letters to the Kaima­cham, I formerly describ'd the King's House and Garden, at St. German en Lay. This is but a little Chiosc or Bower, in Comparison of that Stately Palace. Yet what is wanting in the Grandeur of the Fabrick, is supply'd in its e­legant Contrivance, and the Richness of its Ornaments. And, as for the Garden, it comes not far short of the other; there being in it all Manner of curious Water-works, Groves, Solitudes, Fountains, Statues, and whatsoe­ver [Page 34]the Ingenuity of these Western Artists could suggest, as proper to render this Place agreeable to the Melancholy Humour of the late Queen-Mother, Mary de Medicis, to whom it belong'd during her Life.

When you enter this delicious Eden, your Eyes and Ears are presently deceiv'd, by the Counterfeit Notes and Motions of all kinds of Birds, which perpetually Sing, as the Wa­ter tunes their Throats. A little farther, you see several old Gentile Statues, adorning Two Fountains: And, among the rest, a Crocodile, big as the Life; who by the Harmony he makes, seems to have a Consort of Musick in his Belly, as Regular and Sweet, as that of the Italian Society at Constantinople, which thou hast often heard.

As we depart from this, full of Compla­cency and Admiration at the Exquisite Imita­tion of Nature in these Contrivances, we fall insensibly into a Place exactly like what the Poets describe when they speak of Elysium. It is a Grove, the Tops of whose Trees are so thick interwoven, that the Sun appears no o­therwise through them, than as if he were behind a Cloud or in an Eclipse. So that the Darkness of this Place, and solemn Murmur the Winds make on high among the Tops of the Trees, fills it with a Kind of Sacred Horror. Which has often made me think this Wilderness, something like that which Historians describe, when they speak of the Avenues to the Temple of Jupiter Ammon in Egypt. For, in the very Center of this Grove, [Page 35]stands the House. A Place, one would think, fitter for a Convent than a Prince's Court. At best, it appears but like a Royal Hermitage, a Cell consecrated to Kingly Melancholy.

I could not forbear making this Digression, when I mention'd Ruel to be the Place where the Peace was concluded, between the Court and the Parliament. This Encomium, is a Tribute which I ow'd, for the Satisfaction and Pleasure I have often receiv'd in this Retire­ment. Besides, I thought an Idea of such a Garden, would not be unwelcom to thee, who art a Lover of Solitude.

The Coadjutor of Paris, who is an Arch-Bishop, is highly affronted, that this Peace was concluded without him, who had a chief Hand in beginning the War. He labours to inflame the People again, and reduce all to the old Confusion, being an Irreconcileable Enemy of Cardinal Mazarini. So that we expect another Insurrection in a short Time: For the French cannot be long Idle.

Happy Minister, I leave thee under the Wings of that Spirit which guards the Elect, and bid thee Farewel.

Paris, 15th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER X.
To Dgnet Oglou.

SHall I tell thee, I mourn for the Death of our Friend Egry Boinou, whom thou sayest, a Fever snatch'd from us the First Day of the Moon Regib? That Fever, it seems, was the Effect of his continual and excessive Grief for the Loss of his Eyes; so that we may say, he has been dying ever since the Hour that Fatal Sentence was put in Exe­cution. And, shall we grudge our Friend a Release from so lingring a Death? At best, it was but the Winter of Life, wrapt up in Clouds and Darkness: Now like the Serpent, he has cast his Slough, lifts up his Head with new Vigor, sports himself in the Mea­dows of Paradise, and basks in the Warmth of an Eternal Spring.

'Twill not therefore be a Mark of our Af­fection to him, but only a Discovery of our Self-Love, to condole the Occasion of His Happiness, because it has lessen'd Ours, by robbing us of his beloved Company and Friendship. Besides, we know not, but that he may still continue to be our Friend, even in that Invisible State; and either manage our Interests Above, or at least protect us from Dangers here Below. We are ignorant of the Laws, and Constitution of that King­dom [Page 37]of Spirits; and, for ought we know, the Souls of just Men after Death, may become the Tutelar Genii, or Guardian Angels of their Surviving Friends and Relations. Let it be how it will, doubtless Egry is Immortal and Happy; and, 'twill be Envy in us, to repine at it. Rather let us congratulate the Time of his Decease, as the Day of his Na­tivity; and leave Mourning, to the Crowd of Mortals, who do a Thousand Things, with­out ever thinking what they are about. They tread in the Steps of their Fathers, never ex­amining, whether they be Right or Wrong: Custom and Education have almost ba­nish'd Reason from the Earth. Is it not a pleasant Spectacle, to see the Kindred of an Old Rich Miser (for whose Death they had long waited, like Harpies for their Prey) now flock about his Lifeless Carcase, howling out a Thousand forc'd Lamentations; whilst in the mean Time, their Blood dances in their Veins for Joy? Yet however, this carries a Shew of Civiliz'd Manners, and is better than the Barbarous Custom of the Scythians and Massagetes, who when their Old Men grew Useless and Troublesome, were wont to Sa­crifice them, and make a Banquet with their Flesh; or the Thebarenes, who threw their Aged Friends alive down Precipices. These were Salvages: But, much more so were the Hircanians and Bactrians, who cast their A­ged Parents yet living, to be devour'd by Dogs: Which Inhumanity when Stasanor, the Deputy of Alexander the Great, endea­vour'd [Page 38]to suppress, they had like to have De­pos'd him from the Government: So prevalent is the Force of a Receiv'd Custom, on the Minds of the Unthinking Herd.

Let thou and I therefore, not supinely take up with Common Practices; but, like Men of Reason, let us adjust the Last Offices we owe to our Friend, whilst we pour forth some Devout Oraisons for the Health of his Soul, without disturbing his and our own Repose, with fruitless Lamentations. And, since we are bereav'd of his Society on Earth, let us prepare to follow him, and ren­der our selves agreeable Company at our next Rendezvous in Heaven.

It was an Unjustifiable Rigor in Sultan I­brahim, to deprive him of his Eyes, because he had only cast 'em unhappily on one of the Sultana's, as she enter'd the Garden. This Jealousy, is the peculiar Vice of the East. Yet they are more severe in Persia, where 'tis present Death, to be within Two Leagues of the King's Women, when they travel the Road. But, I never knew, that Eunuchs were thus punish'd. Or, is there such a Difference between a White and a Black Eu­nuch, That the One deserves to lose his Eyes for beholding that by Chance, which the O­ther is honourably rewarded for having Ac­cess to, and seldom being out of their Sight?

This was the worst Punishment that Se­leucus, the Law-Giver of the Locrians, im­pos'd on them that were Actually caught in Adultery. Which puts me in Mind of a No­table [Page 39]Instance of this Man's Justice: For, when his own Son was accus'd, and prov'd Guilty of this Crime; at once to shew the Tender­ness of a Father, and the Incorruptible Seve­rity of a Judge, he first caus'd One of his own Eyes to be put out, and then One of his Sons: Thus taking on himself, Half the Penalty; that so, the Law might be satisfy'd in the Whole, and yet his Son not be Totally depriv'd of his Sight.

Thou tellest me no News of our Armies, nor what Alterations have been made amongst the Ministers of the Port, since the Death of Sultan Ibrahim. We have various Reports here; and some say, that the New Vizir A­zem will be no long-liv'd Man. I desire thee, to write often to me, and send me what In­telligence thou can'st.

Let nothing slip the Knot, which has fast'ned us so many Years together, in an en­tire Friendship: But, let us carry that Mag­net with us to our Graves; that, at what Di­stance soever we may be buried, our Souls may by the Force of that Attractive, find one another out, and converse together, in that Region of Silence and Shadows.

Paris, 9th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XI.
To the Captain Bassa.

I Know not where this Letter will find thee; on the Shore, or at Sea. If thou art in the Watry Wilderness, I have no Art to trace thee. There are no certain Roads in that In­constant Element. It is a mighty Plain, with­out Path or Track. And though there be certain Stages in it, yet thy Arrival at them, is tim'd at the Pleasure of the Winds and Waves, which will not obey even the Orders thou hast received from the Grand Signior, Lord of the Four Seas. Perhaps, thou art in pursuit of some Venetian Ships, or other Chri­stian Vessels, the Corsairs of the Mediterra­nean. Or, thou mayst be Careening thy Fleet, in the securer Retreats of the Archipelago. Thou may'st be within a Minute of a Wreck, or just entring a Harbor. Wherever thou art, may Heaven preserve thee from the Dan­gers, which always threaten such, as trust their Lives to a piece of Wood: For, there will be great Need of thee, if our Intelligence be true in these Parts.

It is reported here, That the Cossacks, Cir­cassians, Mingrelians, and other People who Border on the Black Sea, and Obey not the Law brought down from Heaven, are entred into a League against the Blessed Port, and have covered those Seas with a Mighty Fleet; [Page 41]while the Prince of Georgia, rushes down from his Mountains, with an Army of Forty Thousand Armenians, Persians, and Borde­rers of Mount Caucasus: That the Former have taken a Thousand of our Trading Saicks, and are advanc'd as far as the Ferry of the Bull, which thou knowest, is but Six Hours Sail from the Imperial City: That the Latter, have made Incursions into the Territories of the Grand Signior; put all to the Sword who resisted 'em, as they march'd along; burnt and laid waste the Country: And, that all the Greeks and Armenians, flock to them, threatning an Universal Defection from the Ottoman Empire.

As to the Truth of these Reports, I can ascertain Nothing; but am inclin'd to believe, the Cossacks are troublesome at Sea, and that they may have drawn some of their Neigh­bours into a League, those Pilfering Nations, who live by Rapine and Spoil, on both Ele­ments. Our small Vessels trading on the Black Sea, full of Riches and empty of Arms, must needs be a Temptation to those Pirates, who are the most dextrous at a Rob­bery, and the boldest Fellows in the World. The Merchants of these Parts, who have had some Traffick at Caffa, and other Towns on the Banks of the Black Sea, give a frightful De­scription of those Tempestuous Waters, and no Good Character of the People that Border on them. The Cossacks, they say, are Vali­ant and Mercenary; the Circassians Hardy and Bold; the Mingrelians Sly and Crafty; [Page 42]and the Georgians, of an Astral Complexion, capable of all Virtues and Vices. The First seldom act, unless encourag'd by the King of Poland, or the Czar of Moscovy; and then they are content with their Pay, and the Lawful Plunder of War. The Second are never Idle, when there is hope of Prey, whe­ther they fight their own Cause, or are em­ploy'd by others; and fear neither Hunger, Cold, nor any other Extremity, for the Sake of a Prize. The Third are Good at a Strata­gem, and would steal a Man's Teeth out of his Gums, if he be not wary; Great Cowards, yet desperate in their own Defence, when they see no Medium between Fighting and Death. As for the Fourth, they seem to be a kind of Mungrels, a Medly Race, whose Character is compounded of the Other Three.

They are Stout and Witty, Dext'rous at a Cheat, and no Bunglers at an Ingenious Theft; Great Liars; full of Compliments and External Civilities, but Perfidious and Implacable in their Revenges.

Yet, after all, I cannot believe the Prince of this Country, who is a Tributary to the King of Persia, would venture his Govern­ment at Two such desperate Stakes, by breaking the Peace, concluded by his Sovereign with the Grand Signior, and so drawing upon himself the Vengeance of them both. There­fore, he is either secretly abetted by that Mo­narch, or else the News is false.

Wouldst thou know, how this Country came to be Subject to the Crown of Persia? It was Conquer'd by Ismael Sophi, to whom the Persian Historians, in Flattery, give the Epithet of Great. He was the First of that Name, and of the Persian Kings, that refus'd to obey the Orthodox Successors of the Sent of God. This Prince, was Valiant in the Field; and no Coward at Wine, if we may believe one of his Courtiers, who wrote Me­moirs of his Life. He Records Sixteen Bat­tles, wherein he always got the Victory; and Twice that Number of Royal Debauches, when he shew'd the Strength of his Brain, in the Company of Foreign Ambassadors; with whom he would always Carouse, before they departed his Court, that he might sound the Depth of their Instructions; for, none were able to cope with him, at the Juice of the Grape. And he always esteem'd that Liquor, a Friend to Truth.

If he suspected his Ministers of State, or any of the Governors of Provinces, he us'd to invite them to a Banquet; where, in the Midst of his Drinking, he unravell'd their Secret Inclinations and Counsels; being the most dextrous at picking the Locks of a Man's Heart, of any one living. They ne­ver went Alive from his Presence, if by one false Step in their Carriage, though it were but a Word too passionate, or a Look less composed to Resignation, he could discover or frame to himself the Grounds of a just Jealousy. It being ever his Maxim, That [Page 44]Credulity, was the only Vice, could ruin a Happy Prince. He had another Saying also, That Persia was Fertile of Men, but Bar­ren of Faithful Officers.

I cannot admire these Cruel Strains of Po­licy. Yet Kings have Reasons for their Acti­ons and Words, which we cannot compre­hend. The Philosophers say, That Wine was given Ʋs by the Gods, to mitigate our Cares; and, for a Time, to make Ʋs Equal to their Divinities, in the free Enjoyment of Our Selves. And, tho' as a Mussulman, I am not bound to subscribe to the Principles of Pagans; yet as a Man, Partaker of Flesh and Blood, I think he doubly mis-uses that Liquor, who perverts it to the Ends of Cruelty.

But, this Monarch had other Thoughts, when by the Assistance of the Georgian For­ces, having subdu'd the Regions Bordering on the Caspian Sea, at that Time in the Hands of the Ottomans, he invited the King of Georgia to his Tent, under Pretence of a Fe­stival Joy for their mutual Success. The Unwary Prince, trusting to his own Merit, and the Faith of his Neighbour, ventures him self with a Small Guard to the Camp of Ismael. The Persian entertain'd him, with all the Outward Demonstrations of Affection and Gratitude, for his repeated Aids: But, in the End of the Feast, taking Exceptions at some Words the King of Georgia spoke, in Praise of his own Soldiers, he commanded his Eunuchs to seize on him, and carry him to the Tent of the Ʋnfortunate (so they [Page 45]call'd the Pavilion, or Cage of the Grandees fallen into Disgrace.) Then he gave swift Or­ders, for the Georgian Soldiers to be Mana­cled. And, having thus done, he bestow'd the Government of Georgia, on one Luarzab; on Condition, that he and his Successors, would embrace the Faith of Hali, and pay Tribute to the Crown of Persia.

From this Luarzab, has the Government of Georgia descended, not in a Line of Blood, but at the Pleasure of the Persian Kings, to him who now holds it, Shanavas-Can; Who, I believe, has more Wit, than to hazard his Possessions, for the Sake of a Chimaera.

In thus roving from my first Point, thou canst not blame me, since thou thy self act­est by the Rules of Navigation, which va­ry according to the Byass of the Needle. Thou followest one Magnet, and I another: Yet, let us both meet in the Center of Duty, we owe the Grand Signior.

Paris, 23d. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XII.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

THou wilt say, 'tis an unmannerly Way of Congratulating thy New Advance, to begin my Address with Complaints. Yet, Friendship overlooks Punctilio's. 'Tis not the first Time, I have trespass'd on thy Ge­nerous Temper. I am indispos'd, and cannot act the Courtier, though I am ravish'd to hear the News. It is some Support to my Languishing Spirits, that whilst I am crum­bling and dwindling away into the Little Principles of which I was made, thou my Friend art growing in the Bulk of Mortal Greatness, in the Favour of our Glo­rious Sultan.

However, I cannot but suspect the pretend­ed Kindness of him who rais'd thee, I mean the New Vizir. Neither hast thou much Reason, to take this suddain Reconciliation for any other, than a Masque of his Old Ma­lice. He cannot forget the Quarrel between thy Father and him, on the Account of Dara Meseck, the Lieutenant General of the Ja­nizaries; when the brave Old Cheik, put a Stop to the designed Revenge of this Inhu­mane Upstart.

Assure thy self, that he who has made his Steps, to the Grandeur he now possesses, o'er the Neck of his Master, will not spare any, from whose Wit or Power he may fear a Shock: And, he knows both thy Experience and Interest too great, not to mistrust the Son of his Enemy.

Besides, the eminent Command thy Bro­ther has over the Spahi's, must needs be an Additional Caution to the Man, whose Name sounds no where so sweetly, as in the Cham­ber of the Janizaries.

Thou art sensible, that the newly reviv'd Animosity, between these Military Orders, threatens a Calamity to the Ottoman Empire, which cannot be diverted, without a Sacrifice on one Side or other. And, since the Spahi's have engag'd so many Potent Bassa's in their Quarrels; who can expect to fall, but the Mighty Favourite of the Infantry?

He knows this very well; and, to prevent his own Ruin, he resolves on Thine and thy Brothers: Thine, under the Masque of Friend­ship, till by his Wheadle, he has drawn thy Brother to Constantinople; where he will not fail to be strangled, that so a Creature of the Vizir, may be promoted in his Room. And, what will become of thee after this, I leave to thy own Judgment.

Perhaps, thou wilt despise the Advice of a Sick Man, and impute my Fears to an Excess of Melancholy; from which Distemper, thou knowest, I am seldom free. But, I tell thee, my Reason labours under no Hypochondriac [Page 48]Disorders, though my Body may. I am no Enthusiast, when I counsel my Friend to a­void an Apparent Danger. However, if thou thinkest it needless for me to busy my self in such Cases, I have done. But I shall ne­ver cease to pray for thy Prosperity, as often as I comply with the Law, in Kissing the Floor Five Times a-Day, and Repeating the appointed Oraisons of Faith.

Methinks, when I write to thee now, my Pen is at a Loss. I am puzzl'd for a Style suit­able to thy New Honour, and our Old Friend­ship.

But, if I take too much Liberty, ascribe it to the Sincerity of my Affection, which knows not how to be reserv'd or strange to a Person, whom once I could call my Other self: For, no Wider is the Distance between Friends.

Paris, 5th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XIII.
To Chiurgi Muhammet, Bassa.

I Know not, whether what I am going to relate, will be News to thee, or to any of the Ministers Residing at the Sublime Port. However, 'tis so to me; and I am command­ed, to conceal nothing of Moment that comes to my Ears.

Mahomet, Eldest Son of Achmet, the Dey of Tunis, is now at Rome, having embraced the Christian Religion. People relate variously, the Motives that induced him to this Change. Some say, 'twas Interest; he having held a Private Correspondence with the Viceroy of Sicily, who promised him, in the King of Spain's Name, to make him Lord of several large Territories in the West-Indies.

Others say, 'twas Discontent at his Father's Government, and Austere Carriage towards him; the Old Man, having forced him to marry the Bassa of Tripoli's Daughter against his Inclination.

But the greatest Part, ascribe this Change in Religion, to the Force of his Conscience; which, they say, was convinced by a Miracle, of the Truth of the Christian Faith. For, as they relate, being once at Sea in a Vessel, where­in were many Christians, and a Dreadful Tem­pest arising, the Mariners, who were all Mussul­mans, seeing the Havock that the Winds and [Page 50]Waves had made of the Ship-Tackle, gave over all for lost; and fainting under so much Labour, Watching and Terrour as they had undergone, lay down, and let the Ship drive where-ever the Storm would carry her. But, there being a Christian Priest aboard, E­steemed a very Holy and Blameless Man, he excited the Christians, to appease the Wrath of God by some extraordinary Acts of Devotion. Then they all made a solemn Procession on the Decks of the Ship, the Priest carrying before them, that which they call the Sacrament, Imploring the Mercy of God, and often cal­ling on Jesus and Mary. When behold, as the Priest stood aloft on the Poop, reading a­loud Part of the Gospel, the Storm suddenly ceas'd, the Clouds were dispers'd, the Air grew Serene and Calm, and the Vessel got safe into Harbour. Upon this, they say, Mahomet, when he came ashore, took that Priest along with him, desiring to be in­structed in the Christian Belief; making a Vow also, That he would renounce the Law of the Mussulmans, and embrace that of Jesus.

This is what such, as are Zealous for the Honour of the Christian Faith, relate concern­ing this Princes Conversion. However it be, it is certain, That he privately made his E­scape from Tunis by Sea, and bent his Course directly for Sicily; where, in a few Days he landed, and was receiv'd by the Vice-Roy, ac­cording to the Dignity of a Prince. A while after, he was baptized by an Arch-Bishop, [Page 51]who gave him the Name of Don Philippo, by which he is called in all Places.

They say, he was a little scandalized at first, when he saw with what Freedom, the Sicilian Women appeared abroad in the Streets, and convers'd with Men; but, that afterwards, he took a great Delight in their Company, espe­cially those that could sing well, or play on any Instrument of Musick, to which he is much addicted. And therefore, he chuses to frequent those Temples, where their Ser­vice is perform'd with Variety of excellent Musick, as it is in all great Cities. And for ought we know, the Character which the Christian Priest gave him, of this Harmonious Manner of Worshipping God, might have no small Influence, on a Man naturally affected with that Science. Certainly, Musick has a mighty Force on our Affections; and, it is a Proverb here in the West, That he who does not love Musick, has no Soul. One of the Ancient Philosophers, defined the Soul it self, to be a Harmony. And another, was so sen­sible of the various Effects of this Science, in raising Different Passions in Men, that he left it as an Aphorism, Such as the Musick is, such are the People of a Commonwealth. Whence, it was the Great Care of such, as took upon them to form the Manners of Youth, That no Tunes should be played in their Hearing, which Naturally provoked to Levity and Wantonness; but Grave and Martial Strains, such as prompted Heroick Thoughts, and dis­posed them to Vertue. The Italians, are [Page 52]great Masters of this Science; and the Airs which they compose for their Church-Service, are very deep and ravishing. Which causes their New Proselyte, Don Philippo, to pass his Time very attentively, during the Cele­bration of their High-Mass, and their Even-Song. They report, that he will turn Je­suit.

He went from Sicily, loaded with Gifts and Presents, and came to Rome, the Seat of the Christians Chief Mufti, whom they call the Pope. He is much honoured and caressed by the Holy Father, and all the Cardinals, who have told him so many fair Things of the Na­zarene Faith, and shew'd him so many Sa­cred Reliques of Antiquity, that he thinks himself already within the Verge of Heaven, and that Rome is no other, than the Suburbs of Paradise. There is something very charming and sweet, in the Conversation of the Christian Prelates, if they be Men of Learning, as most generally they are. And, 'tis no wonder that such Polite Company, should prevail much on the flexible Temper of a young Prince, who is as a Pilgrim in a strange Coun­try, where he can hear Nothing, but perpe­tual Eulogies of the Christian Religion; nor see any Thing, but Objects, which serve only to confirm in his Mind, a Venerable Idea of that Faith he has embraced. Besides, they say, he is fallen deeply in Love with a young Roman Lady. So that there is no Hope, of rescuing him from the Power of so many En­chantments.

Therefore, giving him over as lost, let us pray the Omnipotent, to establish Ʋs in his Truth; That neither Interest, Passion, nor an Erro­neous Conscience, may ever be able to make us swerve from the Law written in Heaven; but, that we may adhere to God and his Pro­phet, with a Thousand Souls.

Paris, 5th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XIV.
To Sala, Tircheni Emin, Superinten­dent of the Royal Arsenal at Con­stantinople.

VVE are all alarm'd here, with the News of I know not what boiste­rous Adventures of the Cossacks, and their Neighbours, that possess the Ancient King­dom of Colchis. Had I not a firm Faith in the Alcoran, 'twould fill me with Panick Fears. But, no Attempts can prevail, against the Men fighting under the Shadow of the Prophet. He descended with a Consummate Authority, from the Monarch who commands all Things. The Mandate of Heaven, will disperse the Infidels. The Seven Vizirs Above, were Witnesses to the Words, whose Eccho's caus'd [Page 54]Thunder, when the Prophet retir'd from the Steps of the Throne. Had not Moses given him warning (who remembred the Noise in the Mount) the Apostle had lost his Address, and been confounded before the Angels. But, encourag'd with the Whisper of the Man with Horns, he made no Default in his Conge: And, with little Loss of Time, arriv'd to the Ninth Sphere, where he proclaim'd the Ne­siraum; and, all the Inhabitants of that Orb, resorted to the Banner which he had in his Hands. The Prophet told 'em, 'Twas only for a Tryal of their Fidelity. They made O­beisance, and retir'd. From that Place, he made no Scruple, but that the Elect in Hea­ven and Earth, would obey the Divine Pa­tent. He finish'd his Descent Triumphantly, and pitch'd his Feet on Mount Ʋriel. Those that believe Hali, say, Twas on the Top of the Ragged Rock. But let Hereticks alone in their Infidelity. Be it where it pleas'd God, he spoke the Words that shall ne'er be Re­vers'd, when he display'd the Heavenly Silk, and said, Whoever takes up Arms against this Banner, shall be reputed an Infidel; He shall be exterminated from the Earth.

I often think on these Passages in the Holy Memoirs, the Collections of the Life full of Wonders. Then I comfort my self with this Thought, That if all the Ʋncircumcis'd in the World, should enter into a Combination, they would not succeed against the Men, fighting under the Commission with the Seal.

I have sent a Letter to the Bassa of the Sea, acquainting him with the News of this Ex­pedition of the Cossacks. Since which I am informed, that these People are Headed by a famous Pirate in those Parts, a Man of a da­ring Spirit, and capable of the boldest Under­takings. The French Merchants, who have traded in the Black Sea, give him a High Cha­racter; and portend great Injuries to the Ot­toman Empire, from the Success of his Arms: For, they say, he is a Good Captain, both by Sea and Land. I have heard several different Stories of his Birth and Education: But, this I am going to relate, comes from the best Hands, and seems most probable.

His Name is Pachicour, a Circassian by Birth, but bred up in a Sea-Town of the Ʋ ­krain, near the Mouth of the Niester. He left his Native Country, at the Age of Twelve Years, out of a Desire to see Foreign Parts; Embarking himself, unknown to his Parents, in a Vessel of Podolia, which then was ready to set sail from Bala-Clag. He carry'd with him a small Sum of Money, which he had purloyn'd from his Father, and serv'd as a Fund of his future Fortune: For, arriving at a certain Town in Podolia, he frequented the Keys, and offer'd his Service to several Mer­chants; one of which, observing in his Face the Marks of a Promising Genius, entertain'd him in his House. He liv'd with him Seven Years, and perform'd his Office so well, that he made him his Factor to Constantinople.

Pachicour discharg'd his Trust there, with much Profit to his Master, and Honour to himself. So that at his Return, several Mer­chants entrusted him with their Goods; and sent him to trade at Caffa, and other Towns on the Black Sea. His Judgment and Repu­tation encreasing with his Years, he became in Time famous in all the Trading Towns. And, such was his Credit in the Ʋkrain, that all the Merchants put their Vessels and Goods into his Hands: So that he sail'd many Times with a Fleet of Twenty Ships, having the Dis­posal of all the Goods, committed to his Ma­nagement. He grew so Rich in Time by his Dealings, that he was able to drive a Consi­derable Trade for himself. And then it was, he began to lay the Foundation of a Design, which he has since executed. His Genius was too Active, always to be confin'd to this slow Way of growing Great: Therefore he was resolv'd at one Blow, to raise his Fortune to the Pitch he aim'd at. He was the only Bro­ker, Banquier and Merchant, where-ever he came.

It was no difficult Thing, for a Man of so vast a Credit, to raise an extraordinary Stock; and Pachicour could easily silence the Alarms of Conscience. There happen'd also a Jun­cture, very proper for his Design. For, while he was at Isgaou, a Port of Circassia, Day and Night projecting how to exalt himself, a War broke out between his Countrymen and the Mingrelians. The Latter appear'd with a Navy at Sea, which alarm'd all the Mari­time [Page 57]time Parts of Circassia. Pachicour whose In­vention was always busy, took a Hint from this, to accomplish his Plot. Expedition was his chiefest Game. Therefore he speedily made the utmost Use of his Credit, among the Podolian Merchants, and other Foreigners re­siding at Isgaou. And, when he had amass'd together prodigious Sums of Gold, for which he only gave them Bills of Exchange, he pri­vately sends away this huge Treasure, with all his Jewels, Tissues, and other Rich Merchandise, to his Fathers House, who liv'd not many Leagues from this Town.

Within Two Days after this, the Mingre­lian Fleet made a Descent at Isgaou, sack'd it, carry'd away Two Thousand Captives, and went to their Vessels again.

Pachicour, who knew how to make an Ad­vantage of this Opportunity, privately fled after his Wealth, as soon as the Mingrelian Fleet appear'd before the Place. And it hap­p'ned, that most of his Creditors were made Slaves, and transported to Mingrelia. He had no Need to take any farther Care, but how to secure his Riches from his Pilfering Neighbours: For, the Circassians, are all Profess'd Thieves. He therefore makes haste to his Father; and having gratified him for his Trouble, he in a short Time purchas'd Four Men of War, with which he sets up for a Pirate, infesting those Seas, and Robbing all the Merchants, except those who had formerly entrusted him. His Bounty and Valour, charm'd all that serv'd him. And, [Page 58]his Fame spreading with his wonderful Suc­cess, many Circassians put out to Sea, and join'd with him: So that in a little Time, he made no small Figure in the Kingdom of Neptune. Seeing himself Commander of a Powerful Navy, he found out quickly the Min­grelian Fleet, and engaging with them, got a Glorious Victory.

Soon after, a Peace was concluded, and Pachicour was declar'd Admiral of all the Circassian Sea-Forces: To whom the Min­grelians were oblig'd by Treaty to join theirs, and to obey Pachicour's Orders. In a lit­tle Time, this fortunate General became so famous, that the Cossacks sent to him an Agent, and enter'd into a League; furnish'd out Three Hundred Vessels, and join'd the Cir­cassian and Mingrelian Fleets.

This is the Bottom of the New Expe­dition, which makes so loud a Noise in these Parts.

Thou who art Master of the Arsenal, wilt know what Measures are fittest to be taken, against this bold Infidel, if he per­sists to break the Peace of the most Se­rene Empire. Yet, though he is an Ene­my, let us not envy him the Praises, that are due to his Wit and Courage. He seems to surpass the Sneaking Thieves of his own Nation; and undertakes Nothing but Sovereign Cheats, and Noble Thefts, such as would pass for Vertuous Actions, in a Man of a Higher Birth.

I do not plead for Robbery, nor take the Part of an Infidel; but, if I had Time to tell thee, some Heroick Passages of this Pirate, thou wouldst say, he is worthy of a Generous and Favourable Usage, should he become a Captive. In another Let­ter, I will oblige thee with a Relation, which will not be unwelcome to a Man, who gives not Sentence with the Vulgar. I had more to say on another Subject, but I am interrupted. Pardon the Effect of my Duty to the Grand Signior.

Paris, 19th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XV.
To Melec Amet, Bassa.

THere is News arrived here lately, of the Murder of the English Embassador at the Hague. His Name was Dorislaus. He was sent by the New Governors in England, to make an Alliance with the States of Hol­land, and to satisfie them in Reference to their late Proceedings against their Sovereign. 'Tis said, his Negotiation would have had but little Success, in Regard the Prince of Orange, who is President or Chief over the States, and who married the Daughter of the English [Page 60] King, takes to Heart the untimely Death of his Father-in-Law, and cannot be reconciled to his Murderers. Yet, 'tis to be thought, that Princes are no farther touch'd with one anothers Misfortunes, than concerns their Interest.

However, on the 3d. Day of the 5th. Moon, some Scots enter'd into the Lodgings of the Embassador, and having dispatch'd him with several Wounds, made their Escape. It is not certainly known, who set these Assassins at Work. People descant variously, as their Affections byass them. Some reflect on it, as a Judgment Justly inflicted by God, though by an Ʋnjust Act of Men, on one who had been a Notorious Promoter of his Sovereign's Death. Others censure it, as a most Impious Sacrilege, in Regard the Persons of Embassa­dors, are by the Law of Nations, esteem'd Sacred and Inviolable; and, the Injuries which they suffer, are interpreted, not only as done to their Masters who send them, but to all Mankind: As if Human Nature it self were wrong'd, in the Persons of Publick Ministers.

Indeed, there is no Method of establishing or conserving Friendships and Alliances be­tween different Nations, if their Agents be not secured with an Immunity from Affronts and Violences.

The French relate a pretty Passage of one of their Kings, who before he came to the Crown, being Duke of Orleans, had receiv'd very ill Usage in his Travels from a certain Italian Lord, call'd the Baron of Benevento. After this Prince was possess'd of the King­dom, [Page 61]the same Italian Lord was sent Embassa­dor from the Viceroy of Naples, to congratulate his Accession to the Throne of his Ancestors. Some French Courtiers, who had been Witnes­ses of the Injuries this Lord had formerly done to their Master, now perswaded the King to Revenge himself, by causing some gross In­dignities to be done him, whilst he had him in his Power. To whom the Wise Monarch reply'd, It becomes not the King of France, to revenge on the Embassador of Naples, the In­juries which the Duke of Orleans receiv'd from the Baron of Benevento.

'Tis said, the English Nation have demand­ed Satisfaction of the Hollanders, for the Mur­der of their Embassador; but were answer'd, That they themselves, ought first to Expiate the Murther of their King.

The Scots have Revolted from the New Government in England, and are yet in Suspence, Whether they shall set up the Son of the Late King, or Form themselves into an Independent Republick. The Irish are sted­fast to the Interests of the Crown. And ma­ny Islands in America, subject to the Kings of England, have now deny'd all Obedience to the New English Government, which seems to tend towards a Democracy.

There is much Talk of one Cromwel, the General of the English Forces in Ireland. This Man from a Private and Obscure Estate, is ascended to the Dignity of a General, ha­ving purchas'd this Command, by his Con­duct and Valour. The French extol him, [Page 62]for the Greatest Souldier of this Age: And, if Fame be true, he is no less Statesman.

As a Mark of the Respect I owe thee, thou wilt receive with this Letter, a Pistol of Cu­rious Workmanship, which being once charg'd, will deliver Six Bullets, one after another. If thou acceptest this small Present, it will be an Argument of thy Friendship.

Paris, 19th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XVI.
To the Venerable Mufti.

I Have often wondred at the Lethargy, where­in the Nazarenes seem to be drown'd. They forget what they read in their own Bibles: They there encounter with Expressions, which savour of the East. Every Page of the Writ­ten Law, relishes of the Dialect which is Pure and Lively; though the Translators, have cropt the Flower of the Sence. I have read their Bible in Greek, Latin, and French; but none of these Languages, express to the Life the Original Hebrew: Nor can it be ex­pected. It is impossible to screw up the Dull Phrases of Europe, to the Significant Idioms of Asia. We may as well expect Dates to spring from a Reed: And for that Reason, it is [Page 63]forbidden the True faithful, to Translate the Volume of Light from the Original Arabick: Which is no other, than Hebrew in its Ancient Purity.

This is the Language of those, who dwell above the Seventh Orb. 'Tis the Dialect, wherein God converses with the Pages of his Divine Seraglio: Wherein all the Records of the Celestial Empire are writ. And when he issues out Orders to the Ministers and Bassa's of Heaven, Hasmariel the Secretary of the Immortal Divan, uses no other Cha­racter or Speech, but that which is peculiar on Earth, to the Sons of Ismael, the Inhabi­tants of the Region on the East of the Red Sea. In fine, this is the Language, wherein the Omnipotent thought fit to discover his Plea­sure to Mortals.

Believe Mahmut, when he tells thee with profound Submission, that he has taken some Pains to pry into those Languages, which have been the Channels of Divine Knowledge. I have been peculiarly ambitious, to study the Anatomy of Oriental Words: And it would be no Hyperbole to say, I have learn'd to dis­sect even the very Syllables: Wherein the various placing of Points and Letters, alters the Sence, or at least makes it Ambiguous. So Significant and Mysterious, are Our Sacred Characters.

I speak not this in Peevishness, or to vin­dicate my self, from the Contempt which I­chingi Cap' Oglani has put upon me. I have no Emulation in that Point. Nor can any [Page 64]little Spur of Pedantick Ambition, make me forward to contend with a Man, whose whole Talent consists, in knowing and remembring other Mens Works; as if he had studied at Athens, only for this End, to learn the fa­cetious Art, of turning his Brains into a Ca­talogue of Books: But I reflect on the Lear­ned among the Nazarenes, who are chiefly to blame, having the Custody of the Book de­livered to 'em from the Jews. And among them, the Translators of that Volume, are past Excuse; for, they have deflowr'd the Origi­nal, and robb'd the Virgin Language, of its Beauty and Honour: While the Rest are Witnesses, and silent Abettors of the Rape, in concealing the Indignity has been done to the Letters Form'd by the Finger of God, and full of Divine Mysteries.

In thus accusing the Christian Interpreters of the Bible, I do not patronize the Critical Whimsies of the Jewish Caballists. They are exploded by all Men of Sence. Yet there is a Medium, between the Excess of that af­fected Niceness, which has rendred the One Ridiculous, and of that study'd Carelessness, to which the Obscurity of the Other is owing. As the Hebrews, by pressing the Letters too close, have squeez'd out Divine Chimaera's; so the Christians, in using too slack a Hand, have scarce gain'd a gross Draught of Common Human Sence, leaving the Genuine Elixir of the Writer's Meaning behind.

I will not lay much to the Charge of the Translators, employ'd by Ptolomy Philadel­phus, [Page 65]King of Aegypt. These were no Chri­stians; nor yet in the Number of those, who Adored the Celestial Bodies and Elements: Nor did any of them, pay their Devotions at the same Altar with that Aegyptian Mo­narch, who was a Worshipper of the God Sera­pis: But they were Jews, Seventy, or Two more in Number, as the Tradition goes. And, being every one Commanded severally to Tran­slate those Manuscripts, which the Jews e­steem'd the Oracles of God, without conver­sing with, or seeing each other; 'tis said, their Versions all agree'd to a Syllable.

This is the Story of the Jews, and seems to be Credited by the Christians: Yet some have found many Errors and Incongruities, in that Celebrated Copy. And, 'tis easy for an Impartial Eye, especially in the Head of an Oriental, to spy many more.

But the Latin, which they call the Vulgar Translation, is full of Mistakes. And the Pretended Saint who made it, should have gone farther than Palestine, for his Intelligence in Ancient Hebrew. His Name (if I mistake not) was Hieronymus. He pass'd many Years, in a Cell near the suppos'd Tomb of the Chri­stians Messiah, in the Holy Land: Where, they say, he was Inspir'd with the Knowledge of Hebrew; and from thence, ventur'd upon a Translation of the Old Testament.

Thou wilt not expect a Certificate of these Things from Mahmut, who only tells thee what he has read in Christian Authors, whom they call the Historians of their Church.

But, I can assure thee, 'twas no Spirit of the East, assisted this Ecclesiastick in his Ver­sion. For, he comes far short of rightly rend­ring the Lofty Hyperboles, Apposite Simili­tudes, Elegant Figures, and other Ornaments of Speech, peculiar to the Writings of those, who first see the Rising Sun. Such are all those, penn'd in the East: From which we must not exclude the Manuscripts of Moses, and the Rest of the Hebrew Prophets, Poets, Historians and Philosophers. Of these does the Old Testament consist; except one Book, writ by my Coutryman Jub, who Five Times foil'd the Devil, in so many set Combats be­fore God.

What shall I say then, of the Translations that have been made of their Bible in other Languages, not so Copious and Significant as the Latin?

Since the Division arose, between the Ro­man-Catholicks and Protestants, their Bible has been taught to speak the Dialect of all or most Nations in Europe. Yet, such is the Unhappiness of the Franks, that the more they tamper with the Language of Great Pu­rity, the worse they succeed. Which has oc­casion'd some Learned Men, as I am inforrn'd, to mark above a Thousand Faults, in the Last French Version of that Mysterious Book.

What Room will they leave for the Cen­sures of the Mussulmans, if the Christians themselves are thus Critical, upon the Grand Patent of their Salvation?

It would be an endless Task, to recount [Page 67]all the Errors that may be discern'd in the Various Traducts of the Bible, by any Man that has Convers'd in the East. Neither will I entrench on thy Patience, to gain the Cha­racter of a Critick.

Permit me to glance only on the Psalter, or the Odes of Sultan David. How flat and dull are the Measures of the Christian Transla­tors? How low have they sunk the Sence of that Royal Poet? He never begun to warble forth any of those Divine Songs, till first Inspired by a Seraph, whom he had lur'd down from Paradise, by the Melody of his Harp. That Seraph, was Master of the Musick Above, as the Hebrew Doctors teach. Every Time Da­vid play'd on his Instrument, Ariel (for so was the Spirit call'd) made his Descent, and sung with a Grace which cannot be express'd. The Docile Poet, soon learn'd both his Notes and Words. Seven Hundred Times, David touch'd his Harmonious Strings, and so often the Angel stood by him with the Book of the Quire. He taught him Seven Hundred Sonnets, that are Chanted by the Lovers in Paradise. But the Devil stole 'em from the King, whilst he was gazing on another Man's Wife, bathing her self in an adjoining Garden.

Yet there are above a Hundred Hymns re­maining, which David compos'd by Memo­ry out of the Former. But, some Sects a­mong the Christians, have turn'd 'em to the Ballads of the Vulgar.

So have they dealt by that surpassing Poem of Solyman, taught him by the Etherial Tu­tor [Page 68]of his Father. For Ariel was enamour'd of One of the Virgins of Paradise, at the same Time, that Solyman enjoy'd Pharaoh's Daugh­ter, and had newly built for her a Seraglio of Cedar. The Heavenly Lover therefore, to accommodate himself to the Passion of the Mortal, taught him One of the Pastorals of Eden, a Song peculiar to his Own Amour.

But the Nazarenes, have turn'd it to a dry and Insignificant Allegory, by their Glosses: Putting an Affront also upon Rhetorick and Poetry, in Wording their Translation.

If I should go on, and number the Mistakes they have made in the Writings of the Pro­phets, and other Books of the Old Testament, though it were but in this General Manner, I should tire thee out: But to recount the Particulars, would be a Thirteenth Task for Hercules.

Yet after all these Defaults of the Learned, neither they nor the Ignorant can be excus'd from Wilful Blindness, in shutting their Eyes against the Twilight, which appears in the Worst Translation, and is sufficient to direct any Man to the East, where Wisdom shines in her Perfect Splendor.

There are Expressions all over the Scrip­tures, which point to the Laws, Customs, Habits, Diet and Manner of Life, us'd in the Regions First Visited by the Morning-Sun. These are the same Now, as they were of Old. And the Mussulmans of this Age, observe no other Rule of Life, but what was practis'd by the Patriarch Ibrahim, above Three Thou­sand [Page 69]Years ago, and by all the Faithful of those Times. Our Marriages, Circumcisi­ons, Funerals, Prayers, Washings, and all other Ceremonies, of Religion or Civility, are the same Now as Then. There is Nothing ad­ded or diminished, save the Faith and Obedi­ence we owe to Mahomet, the Ambassador of God, and to the Volume put into his Hands by Gabriel, Prince of the Divine Messengers.

Our very Habits, and the Manner of our Building; our Salutations, and whole Address, are the same at this Day, as the Scripture tells us, were in Use in those Ages next after the Flood, among the Patriarchs and Prophets, and among all the True Believers, the Po­sterity of Ibrahim: Especially the Descendants by the Right Line, the Stem of Ismael, the Eldest Son of him, who entertain'd Three Angels at Once in his Tent.

Yet the Infidels will not consider it: But perswade themselves, they are the Only Chil­dren of the Faithful Ibrahim; pretending to practise, in I know not what Figurative Sense, the Life we lead in Truth: Cheating them­selves with Empty Symbols, while we enjoy the Substance.

But thou, Great Successor of Ibrahim and the Prophets, vouchsafe to pray for Mahmut, That whilst his Duty to the Grand Signior obliges him to dwell here in the West, and to converse with none but Infidels, he may still retain the Faith of the East, the Devotion of an Ismaelite, and the Purity of a True Be­liever. Still crying in his Heart, even in the [Page 70] Temples of the Infidels; There is but One God, and Mahomet his Messenger.

Paris, 5th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XVII.
To the Chiaus Bassa.

THE Peace agreed on last Year between the Germans and Suedes, is not yet fully establish'd and confirm'd. There has been a Cessation of Arms since that Time. And now the Duke Amalfe, on the Emperor's Side, the Duke of Vandort for the King of France, and he of Ersken for the Crown of Suedeland, are met at Norimbergh, to conclude a Final Ra­tification of the Articles.

During this Consult, the Suedish Army, are permitted by the Emperour's Agreement, to Quarter up and down in Seven Circles of the Empire, and not to be discharg'd, till all their Arrears are paid at the Cost of the Ger­mans. 'Tis said, it will amount to Three Millions of Sequins. This War has lasted near Thirty Years; in which, above Three Hundred Thousand Men have lost their Lives.

As to the English Affairs, the Prevailing Party there, have declar'd that Ancient King­dom to be a Free State, and the Monarchy is [Page 71]Abolish'd by a Publick Act. Nevertheless, after Charles was beheaded, his Eldest Son was Proclaimed King, both in England and Ireland, by some of the Nobles and Gentry, that were Friends to that Royal Family. And in Ireland, a certain great Duke appear'd at the Head of a Numerous Army, in Behalf of the Young King's Interest, having laid Siege to the Metropolis of that Kingdom; which, with one o­ther Town, were the only strong Holds, that resisted the King's Party. But in the 8th. Moon, the Army which the English States had newly sent over to that Island, engag'd with the Forces of this Duke, entirely routed them, killing Two Thousand Men on the Spot, and taking many Thousand Prisoners, with all their Ammunition and Baggage. This being seconded with other Victories, in a short Time, reduc'd that Kingdom, under the Obedience of the English States.

In the mean Time, I hear no pleasing News from the Levant. Vessels daily arrive in the Havens of France, who confirm each other's Relations, of a Dreadful Naval Combat, be­tween Our Fleet and that of the Venetians; wherein they say, we have lost Seventy Two Gallies, Threescore Merchant-Vessels, and Eighteen Ships of War: That in this Fight, Six Thousand Five Hundred Mussulmans have lost their Lives, and near Ten Thousand were taken Prisoners.

I tell thee, these are great Breaches in the Navy, which, belonging to the Lord of the Sea and Land, has assum'd to it self the Epi­thet [Page 72]of INVINCIBLE. These are Ble­mishes in the Ensigns of high Renown; Re­proaches to the Empire, which we believe is to subdue All Nations. I reflect not on the Courage, or Conduct, of the Captain Bassa. Neither am I willing to help forward the Ru­ine of a Man, who cannot expect to be ho­nour'd with a Vest, a Sword, or any other Marks of the Sultan's Favour for his Service in this Sea-Campagne. I am Naturally com­passionate. 'Tis not in my Praise I speak it; for, I believe this Tenderness, to be rather a Vice of my Constitution, than to have any Rank in the Morals, much less to be of Kin to the Family of Vertues. I pity a Man falling into Disgrace, on whom the Weather of the Seraglio changes, from which he must expect Nothing but Clouds and Storms. Those Tem­pests will prove more Fatal to him, than any that ever toss'd his Fleet on the Ruffled Ocean. In all Probability, he will suffer a Shipwreck of his Fortune, if not of his Life. Therefore, 'tis with extreme Regret, I must say that which may hasten his Fall.

But I am commanded, not to conceal any Intelligence that relates to the Interest of the Sublime Port; nor to spare the Son of my Mother, if I know him Guilty of Criminal Practices.

All that I have to lay to the Charge of the Bassa of the Sea, is, a Private Correspon­dence which he holds with Cardinal Maza­rini. This I discover'd by the Assistance of a Dwarf, whom I have often mention'd in [Page 73]my Letters to the Grandees of the Port. I need not repeat to thee, what I have said already to them, of the Birth, Education and Genius of Osmin, (for, so is the little Spark call'd) nor of the Method I have put him upon, to wind himself into the Secrets of the Publick Ministers. Onely thou mayst report to the Divan, That this diminutive Man, continues to pursue his Advantages of Access to the Clo­sets of the French Ministers, whereof I gave an Account last Year, in a Letter to Chiurgi Muhamm [...]t Bassa.

Thou mayst assure them also, that when he was Yesterday in the Chamber of Cardinal Mazarini, he cast his Eye on a Letter, which lay open on the Table; whilst the Cardinal was in earnest Discourse, with an Extraordinary Courier from Rome. He had not Opportu­nity to read more than the Superscription, and a Line or two of the Matter; which con­tain'd these Words:

Before Osmin cou'd read farther, the Car­dinal approach'd the Table, and took up the Letter, letting fall some Words to the Cou­rier, by which the Dwarf was confirmed in his Suspicion of the Bassa's Perfidiousness, and that this Letter newly came from him. He posted immediately to give me an Account of this Passage; believing it to be, as it is, of great Import. For, he has a singular Regard for the Family, which first exterminated the Greeks from Constantinople.

Thou know'st what Use to make of this In­telligence. I am not Cruelly inclin'd, but I must do my Duty. The Rest I refer to thy Prudence.

I will only advertise thee of One farther Remark of Osmin; who by comparing what he has seen now, with a Discourse he once before over-heard between Mazarini and a French Nobleman, whilst he lay under the Cardinal's Table, (which I have inserted in one of my Letters) concludes, That the Bassa there mention'd by the Cardinal, was this same Bilal Bassa, who was at the In­stance of the Janizaries, made Bassa of the Sea.

I could not without making my self an Ac­complice, conceal so foul an Ingratitude to the Grand Signior, and so Villainous a Treason against the Empire, which holds the First Rank among all the Dominions on Earth.

Paris, 24th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XVIII.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

VVE have had a violent hot Summer in these Parts, with much Thunder and Lightning; which has done considerable Damage to the Farmers, in burning their Hay and Corn in their Granaries. Complaints arrive here daily from all the Provinces, That Heaven has consum'd their Harvests.

This the Court-Party interpret, as a Judg­ment on them for their Rebellions; causing it to be iudustriously spread about in all Com­panies, That Heaven is Angry with the In­habitants of Guyenne, Bourdeaux, and other Provinces, for taking up Arms this Year a­gainst their Sovereign. I know not how far this Censure is Justifiable: But, 'tis observ'd, That the People of these Rebellious Provinces, have received more Apparent and Irreparable Injuries by the Lightning, than those of other Parts. Several Members of the Parliament of Aix, were found dead in their Beds, after a Tempestuous Night of Lightning. And, next Day, the Roof of the House where they Assem­bled, fell down and kill'd several.

In the Great Church of Bourdeaux, as they were Celebrating their Mass, a Ball of Fire broke in from behind the Altar, smote down [Page 77]several Images, and filling the Church with an Intolerable Stink, flew out at a Window, without doing any farther Harm. And a great Bank of Money, rais'd by this City to pay their Soldiers, was all melted down by Lightning, to the Astonishment of those who saw it; for, it was done in the Day-Time, the Grandees of Bourdeaux being present. It would be endless, to recount all the Mischiefs that have been done in those Parts. We had no great Harm here, save that almost all the Wine in the City, was turn'd to a Kind of Vinegar in one Night. Which the Philosophers attribute to the Peculiar Energy of Lightning; which plays the Chymist with this Liquor, and in a Moment separates and drinks up its Vital Spirits, leaving only a Mortuum Caput behind.

The Season has been so hot during the Dog-Days, that the Air it self seem'd Combusti­ble; and the very Winds, from whence we look'd for Refreshment, were like the Breath of a Stove: All Things seem'd ready to take Fire, as if the Elements waited for the Grand Conflagration. Heat was the Cry every where. Men's Bodies were scalded with Internal Flames; the Shade of Trees afforded no Re­lief; the Fountains could not allay their Thirst. All Nature seem'd to be in a Fever, ready to expire.

Now those Fervors are abated, and we be­gin to have Frosty Mornings. The Nitrous Air, restores Mens Appetites; Abundance of Rain, has new-moulded the gaping parch'd [Page 78]Earth, and produc'd a Second Spring. The Husbandman comforts himself with the Hopes of Another Crop of Hay, to repair the Loss of the Former, which the Light­ning robb'd him of. In the mean Time, the Winds are very busy, in disrobing the Trees, and scattering not only their Leaves, but also the Fruit that is not gather'd, on the Ground; whereby a Banquet is prepar'd for the Hogs in every Orchard, who claim as much Right to feed on what lies on the Common Table, as their Owners. And 'tis no Unpleasant Musick, to hear a Herd of Swine, set their Teeth at Work on the Wind-fallen Apples. At least, this Spe­ctacle and Noise, is delightful to me, who have been without Appetite these Three Moons, and but just begin to recover my Stomach. I often ride out of Paris, on Purpose to take the Country Air, where my Bread tastes more savourly, than in the City. There appears something so Harm­less and Innocent in the Faces and Beha­viour of the Rusticks, as Effectually relieves my Melancholy. I cannot discern in them, any Signatures of Court-Craft and Villainy. Their Conversation, chears my Spirits. I love to hear them talk of their Rural Affairs. My Eye follows the Ploughmen with En­vy. Then I could wish it had been my Lot, to have been bred up in some home­ly Cottage, where I might have tended Ox­len, Sheep or Asses; all which, act Regu­ [...]arly according to their Nature: Whereas, [Page 79]he that is the Servant of Princes, is com­pell'd to do many Things contrary to his Reason; which is the greatest Unhappiness can befall a Man. How sweet is the Sleep of the Husbandman by Night, and how void is his Mind of imbittering Cares by Day? He rises with the Lark, and is as chear­ful as that pretty Bird, saluting Aurora with a Song or a Lesson on his Pipe. He snuffs up the wholsome and fragrant Dew of the Morning, as he walks over his Lands. He beholds with Admiration and Pleasure, the Gilded Clouds and Tops of Mountains, when the Sun comes forth of his Bed-Cham­ber in the East. He spurs himself on to his daily Labour, by the Example of that Active Planet, following his Work with Con­tent and Joy. His Food is Pleasant both in his Mouth and his Belly; he feels no af­ter-Pangs through Satiety; but well re­fresh'd and nourish'd with his Homely Di­et, he lies down with the Lamb, and sleeps in Peace, never dreaming of State-Intrigues, or the Plots of the Mighty. Thus he passes his Life, in a Circle of Delights.

Tell me, Dear Hali, are not these proper Objects of Envy, to a Man in my Circum­stances? Or, can'st thou blame Mahmut, who has neither Health of Body, nor Peace of Mind, for wishing himself in a Condi­tion, which would entitle him to both? I am entangled in a Thousand Snares: My Employment is a Perfect Riddle. I must say and unsay the same Things, as often [Page 80]as Occasion requires. I must tell an Hun­dred Lyes, swear and forswear my self ever­ry Hour, if the Interest of the Grand Signior be at Stake. I must be a Mahometan, Chri­stian, Jew or any Thing that will serve a Turn; Dissemble with God and Man, Blas­pheme the Prophets, Curse the True Believers, and my self too, rather than baulk the Cause I am engag'd in. And yet, all this while they will perswade me, I am a Good Man, and shall go to Paradise. As if the Mufti's Dispensation, were available to cancel the Express, Positive Law of God! Do they think to amuse me with such Umbrages, and send me muzzl'd to Hell with my Eyes open? I tell thee, I have a Conscience, and such a Conscience, as will not let me be at Rest in this Manner of Life. It were bet­ter to die, than to live stain'd with so many Prevarications. I know not what to do, a­midst so many Terrors: I feel my Body de­cay apace, and hastening towards its Disso­lution; What will become of me, if I should die under the Burthen of so many Sins? What Answer shall I be able to make, to the Two Inquisitors of the Grave, the An­gels who shall Examine me, Who is my God? and, Who is my Prophet? and, What is my Faith? The Darkness of that Region of Sha­dows, will not be sufficient to hide my Blushes, and the Confusion I shall be in at so pressing a Tryal.

All my Comfort is, that I have yet Friends left, to whom I may freely vent my Thoughts, and ask their Counsel.

If thou hast any Remains of that Friend­ship that has been between us, weigh my Case throughly, and tell me, Whether I am not lost for Ever, without a Change of Life? Flatter me not, neither use the Artifices of Civility, in palliating my Crimes. But, search my Wounds, and give me thy Advice without a Veil; and Mahmut shall esteem thee, the Physician of his Soul.

Paris, 24th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XIX.
To Kenan Bassa, Chief Treasurer to his Highness at Constantinople.

IF I have not addressed to thee before, attri­bute it to my Ignorance of thy Quality and Person. As soon as I heard of thy Advance­ment to this Important Trust, I resolv'd to salute thee, as becomes a Slave in my Post, and to wish thee all the Happiness thou canst desire. Yet, when I congratulate thy Rise, remember, I do but welcome thee to a Preci­pice, a meer Pinnacle of Fortune, where thou hast no Reason to expect secure Footing. The Blast of an Envious Mouth, will make thee totter. Thou breathest in an Element, full of Tempests. The sly Practices of a Ri­val, [Page 82]may undermine thee; or, the more open Frowns of thy Sovereign, may cast thee down. Thou art ever liable to the Malice of the Vulgar, and not a little in Danger of thy own Weakness, the Inseparable Companion of Humanity. If thou shouldest once look with Disdain on those that are beneath thee, the vast Distance and Height of the Prospect, may make thee Giddy. Therefore, it will be good for thee, to have thy Eyes always fixt on thy self. That will prove the best Chart, by which to steer thy Course, through the Rocks and Sands, which on all Hands threaten the Life of a Courtier. It will not be amiss also, to place before thee, the Examples of Wise Men, thy Predecessors. There is a greater Force in these, than in the best Counsels; because, Matter of Fact, leaves no Room for Distrust: Where­as, Men are Naturally jealous of those who pretend to instruct them. We are all fond of our own Reason and Judgment; and are apt to suspect him of some Design, who seeks to perswade us, though to our Good. Be­sides, there is a Species of Pride, a Punctilio of Honour in Mortals, which will hardly per­mit us to yield our selves in a Condition, to need anothers Advice: Whence comes the Arabian Proverb, which says, A Man pro­sits more by the Sight of an Idiot, than by the Orations of the Learned. We all love to make our own Experiments, and sooner trust any Sence than our Ears. Therefore, the Lacedaemonians caused their Slaves to be made drunk in the Presence of their Children; that [Page 83]from the Squalidness of the Spectacle, they might conceive a Hatred against that Vice, which by all the Instructions in the World, they would never learn to abhor.

The Crimes of some in thy Station, have more of Sobriety in them, but less Honesty. Wonder not at the Expression, nor accuse me of Impudence. I reflect only on the Wicked: Number not thy self among them.

Thou knowest, it has been an Ancient Cu­stom for our Renowned Emperors, to divert themselves at certain Times, with the Sight of their Inestimable Treasury. I am no Stran­ger to the Ceremonies used at such Times. One would think it impossible, amidst so much Caution, that the Grand Signior should be defrauded of the least Part of his Wealth. I do not speak of the Chamber of Arms, or those others which make up the Imperial Wardrobe. The Bulk and Weight of those Rich Velvet Broccades, and other Furniture of Gold and Silver, discourages the Theft. But who can number the Robberies that have been committed among the Jewels, and In­valuable Rareties of the Mysterious Closet? It has been found easy to conceal and tran­sport from thence, whole Beds of Diamonds and Chains of Pearl, undiscovered, I will not say unsuspected, at the Times when Anak­dar-Agasi gives Three Knocks, on the Cabinet of the Keys.

These are Hours of Munificence and Royal Bounty, when the August Lord of the Mines, is pleas'd to gratifie his Slaves with Gifts, and [Page 84]make them sensible they serve Him, who com­mands this Ʋpper World, and that Ʋnder­neath.

No Prince can discommend this Domestick Sport of our Sovereign, when he makes his Pages scramble for Diamonds and Rubies; since it gives him a Taste of his own Huma­nity: Nothing being more agreeable, in Cases on this Side of Amorous Jealousy, than to let others partake of our Pleasures. And, 'tis the peculiar Delight of Kings, sometimes to lay aside their State and Grandeur, to be fa­miliar with their Attendants; making them their Companions, or at least, their Proxies in many Enjoyments.

But, 'tis Pity this Favour should be abu­sed, as it has been in the Instance I mention'd. Thou art no Stranger to the Records of the Hasna, which tell us, That when Gelep Chi­aus-Bassa, was made Chief Treasurer in the Reign of Sultan Mustapha, the Lucre of the Glittering Jewels had tempted him to defraud his Master, to the Value of Five Hundred Thousand Sequins. Which, upon the Infor­mation of Three Pages, and a diligent Search, were found in his Trunks.

It has been whisper'd also, That few have enjoyed that Office, who have not purloyn'd Something from the Imperial Coffers. They say, 'tis an Hereditary Theft, deliver'd by Tradition from one to another. Every Has­nadarbassi being advanc'd to that Honour, by the Recommendation of his Predecessor, for the Service he has done him in conniving [Page 85]at these Practices, which cannot be hid from any of the Sixty who Guard the Royal Wealth.

Thou canst not blame me, for putting thee in Mind of these Things; in Regard I am commanded, to write with all Freedom to the Sublime Ministers, whatever concerns the Interest of Our Great Master.

I have no more to say, but to desire thee, in transmitting what Money is appointed for me, to be Timely and Punctual; to send Duplicates by different Posts, that if one should miscarry, I may not be at a Loss: For, there is no Credit for a Mussulman in Paris. Eliachim would supply me with what may suffice a Dervich; but, it belongs to thee to take Care, that I want not what is requisite for an Agent of the Grand Signior.

Paris, 22d. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XX.
To Pestelihali, his Brother.

I Unwillingly Concluded my last Letter, before I had vented Half my Thoughts on those Oriental Subjects, so full of Instruction and Pleasure. Thy Journal is become my Pocket-Companion. I carry it with me to the Gardens and Solitudes, and even to the Libraries, and Churches: To which Last, I am obliged to go sometimes, That I may avoid Suspicion.

The Christians, when they enter the most Delightful Gardens of Paris, spend their Time, and weary themselves, in walking forward and backward. They will measure Several Leagues, in traversing one Alley: Which vain Custom, thou knowest, is contrary to the Practice of the Eastern People, who love to solace themselves, in sitting still under the cool Shades, and feeding their Eyes with the Grate­ful Verdure of Trees, their Noses with the frequent Smell of Herbs and Flowers, and their Ears with the pretty Melody of the Birds: All which, serve as Helps to their Contem­plation.

After this Manner, I many Times pass a­way some Hours in the Gardens of this City, whereof there are great Plenty. And, when I am cloy'd with the forementioned Pleasures, then I take out thy Journal, and fall to Read­ing; [Page 87]which winds up my Thoughts afresh' like a Watch that is down: Nay, it opens new Sources of Contemplation, and serves as a Miraculous Talisman, to bring China, India, and all the East, into the Place where I am; so Lively and Natural, are thy Discourses of those Parts.

When I am in the Churches, it serves me instead of a Prayer-Book: And, whilst Others are babbling over they know not what, or, at least, they care not what; I offer up to God the First Fruit of my Reason and Know­ledge, which he has given me to distinguish me from all Sorts of Beasts; whether in Hu­mane Shape, or not.

When I go to the Libraries, I compare thy Journal with the Writings of Others who treat of the same Matters; and find, that thou a­greest with some, correctest the Mistakes of others, and in all, shewest a Genius elevated above all others of the Common Historians and Travellers, who seek rather to amuse the Reader with uncouth Stories and Ad­ventures, than to Instruct him with what is really Useful and Profitable.

Thus thy Journal, is become the Compa­nion of my Solitudes, the Object of my Stu­dies, and the Help to my Devotions Abroad; and, it is no less, the Diversion of my Retire­ment and Melancholy at Home. I am a great Admirer of Antiquity: And therefore an old Craggy Rock, o'er-grown with Moss, and full of gaping Chasms, is a more agreeable Sight to me, than the Flow'ry Meadows or [Page 88]Verdant Groves; because the Former, looks like a Relique of the Primitive Chaos; where­as, I know the Latter, to be only the Pro­duct of the Last Spring. 'Tis for this Reason, thy Narrative affords me so vast a Delight, because it treats of the most Ancient King­doms and Governments in the World: And is not stuffed, with Chimaera's and Fables, as most Relations of those Countries are; but, gives a sincere and true Account of whatever is Considerable, without touching on Imper­tinencies.

But, above all, I am delighted with that Part, which relates thy Travels in China: That Country, being of so vast an Extent, so Rich, so Populous; the People so Indu­strious, Learned and Politick (besides the Antiquity of their Empire, which cannot in that Point be matched by any Government under the Heavens;) that the exact Know­ledge of these Things, seems to me of greater Moment, than any other Discoveries what­soever.

What thou sayest of the Chinese Letters and Words, shews, that thou hast made some Inspection into that Language. And, thy Remarks on the long Succession and Se­ries of their Kings, is an Argument, That thou art no Stranger to their Chronology, which takes in many Thousands of Years before No­ah's Flood. Thou art very exact in enume­rating their Publick Tribunals and Courts of Justice; as also, in describing some Remark­able Bridges, Temples, Palaces, and other [Page 89]Structures: Which serves to give the Reader a true Idea, of the Magnificence and Gran­deur of the Chinese Emperors; and of the In­genuity of the People, who seem to excel all others in Arts and Sciences. In a Word, it is evident, That thou didst not pass thy Time with thy Arms folded, whilst thou wert in that Kingdom. And; I know not how bet­ter to express the Esteem I have for thee, on the Account of the Pains thou hast taken, to Inform both thy self and me in Matters of so great Importance, than by giving thee an Ac­count of what Progress the Tartars have made in the Conquest of that Empire, since thy Return to Constantinople. In my Last, I acquainted thee, with the Coronation of the Tartar-King at Pekin. Since which, Other Vessels are arrived from those Parts, which bring an Account, that the Young Tartarian Conquerour, soon pushed forward his Victo­ries. And marching with an Army into Co­rea, (which Kingdom, thou knowest, borders on China) the King of that Country, made his Submissions; and entering into a League with Zunchi, held his Crown in Fee of that Victorious Emperour.

Afterwards, he hastened to subdue the Pro­vinces which remained Unconquered. His Method in accomplishing this Great Work, was by swift Marches, like another Alex­ander the Great; and by laying Siege to the Principal City of a Province, which he never failed, either to take by Force, or compelled to surrender, that so they might escape Fa­mine. [Page 90]And when this was done, he took Possession, both of it and the whole Province, summoning the Cities of Lesser Note to sur­render; which they seldom refused, after they had beheld the Fate of the First. Thus in a little Time, he became Master of all that spacious Empire.

The Fame of his Success, quickly brought Innumerable Tartars out of their Native Country, to follow the Fortune of their Empe­rour. To these he gave the Chief Offices of his Army, and continued the Chineses in the Administration of Civil Affairs. And, as a Token of their Subjection, he commanded all the Chineses, to cut their Hair short, and to Cloath themselves after the Fashion of the Tartars.

They give a High Character of this Young Prince, who amidst so many Successes and Triumphs, discovers not the least vain Glory, but contains himself within the Bounds of a vertuous Moderation, ascribes all to the De­crees of Destiny, and, is not in the least puf­fed up, with any of his Glorious Actions; which is an Argument, of a Spirit truly He­roick. And yet, this Prince is an Idolater, as are all the Tartars of that Nation; or ra­ther, they are Men of no Religion, which makes their Morals the more admirable. For, according to the Relation of those who came last from China, the Tartars are a very Tem­perate and Continent People, abhorring those Vices, which are but too common in other Parts of the World, and from which the True [Page 91]Believers them selves are not Free. They are Rigorously Just also, and punish all Man­ner of Fraud and Deceit, with Immediate Death. As for their Conduct and Courage in the Wars, there is no Nation surpasses them, Few are their equals. They are Passionate Lovers of an Active Life, spending most of their Time on Horse-back, either in Hunt­ing Wild Beasts, or fighting with their Ene­mies. And their Horses are the best and most Courageous in the World. There is Nothing the Tartars so much despise, as the Sedentary Life of Students and Learned Men; accounting them, the Burden of a Common-Wealth, Lazy Drones, fit only to be sold for Slaves. But Men of Service and Merit in the Wars, they have in great Esteem; never failing, to reward such with Dignities and Commands, proportionable to their Deserts and Capacities. Nay, such is the Martial Genius of this Nation, That the very Women Ride to the Wars with the Men, and perform Exploits above what is expected from that soft and delicate Sex. Both Men and Women, are habituated from their Infancy, to live in Tents or Waggons, there being very few Cities in all Tartary. There they are inur'd to Hunger, Cold, Thirst, and all the Methods of a Frugal and Hardy Life. This is that, which renders them Ex­cellent Souldiers, and a Terrour to all the Nations round about them. This is that, which so soon Reduced all China to their O­bedience; the Chineses, among all their Ver­tues and Accomplishments, being the most [Page 92]Effeminate People on Earth. This, no doubt, thou hast observed.

Brother, I advise thee, to go to Kerker Hassan, Bassa, our Countryman, and present to him these Observations on the Tartars; which thou mayst easily do, by transcribing what is for thy turn, out of this Letter. He Inherits his Fathers Genius; who, thou know­est, was one of the Greatest Hunters in all A­rabia, and had a Character, not much diffe­rent from what I have here given thee of the Tartars. That Bassa, will take great De­light in these Memoirs, and will think him­self obliged, to make thee some proper Ac­knowledgment. He is Generous and Great, and it lies in his Power to promote thee. I have writ to him already, and have given him an Encomium of thy Ability. I will se­cond it with another Letter, in Answer to one I lately receiv'd from him, wherein he desires a farther Account of China. I will inform him therefore, of several Passages out of thy Journal. He, no doubt, to make a farther Tryal of thy Knowledge, will ask thee seve­ral Questions, relating to these Matters. So shalt thou have a fair Opportunity, of render­ing thy self Conspicuous, and of gaining his E­steem. Follow my Advice; take Time by the Fore-Lock, and the Event shall prove Happy.

Paris, 8th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XXI.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

I Received thy Commands, and am proud of the Honour thou hast done me, in re­quiring the smallest Service at my Hands; especially, one of this Nature: Which is an Argument, that my Former Relation of Chi­na, was acceptable to thee. This I account my Honour and Happiness, that I have a Brother, who has made such considerable Improvements in his Travels: For, 'tis to him, I owe the Knowledge I have of that Country, and the other Parts of the East. As for my Cousin Isouf, he would never vouchsafe to send me a Syllable, relating to his Travels, though he had rambled through­out all Asia.

I desired this Favour of him in several Let­ters, but have receiv'd no Answer; so that I know not, whether he be Dead or Alive. My Friends are very backward in writing to me: And, unless it be some of the Ministers of State, who sometimes honour me with a Dispatch, though very rarely, I hardly re­ceive a Letter from my familiar Friends and Relations in Twenty Moons. Which makes me conclude, that Absence of so long a Date, has quite blotted me out of their Minds.

As to what thou desirest farther to know concerning China, my Brother says, That [Page 94] Empire contains 4400 wall'd Towns and Ci­ties; 3000 Castles and Towers of Defence on the Frontiers, wherein are always Garri­soned a Million of Souldiers, who are relieved at due Times, by others of equal Number. There are a Million also constantly kept in Pay, to guard the Governours of Provinces, Embassadors, and other Officers of State. The Emperour of China, maintaining Five Hun­dred Thousand Horse, to attend his Person. All this is, in Time of Peace. But, upon any Revolt or Invasion, the Forces are Innu­merable. There are in China 331 Bridges, Remarkable for their Strength and Magnifi­cence, beyond all others in the World. 2099 Mountains; Lakes and Medicinal Fountains 1472; 1159 Triumphal Arches and other Mo­numents, erected in Honour of Valiant: and Learned Men; 272 Libraries, abounding with all Manner of Excellent Books. Temples 300000, and as many Priests, besides the Convents of their Religious. They reverence 3036 Male-Saints, and 208 Female. All which have Temples dedicated to their Honour, besides those which are consecrated to the Sun, Moon, and Stars, Fire, Air, Earth and Water, and to the Heavens which compre­hend All, and to the Celestial Gods who rule All, and to the Supreme God, Creator of the Worlds. In these Temples, they celebrate the Praises of their Gods and Heroes, with Mu­sick and Songs, Incense and Sacrifices; belie­ving, that all Things which are conspicuous for the Excellency of their Nature, or from [Page 95]which Mankind receives any General or Extra­ordinary Benefit, ought to be worshipped with Divine Honours. In this, they differ not from the Ancient Pagans of Greece and Rome, who had almost as Many Gods and God­desses, as there were several Creatures in the World; so that there was no Beginning nor Ending of their Superstitions: And, the most Learned, and Contemplative of their Priests, found the Ceremonies of their Religion, to be an Inextricable Labyrinth, where they were often lost. Certainly, happy are the Faithful Mussulmans, who Adore but One God, the Fountain of the Ʋniverse, without entangling themselves, in the Absurdities of Infidels.

The Chineses, are great Admirers of Them­selves, and their Own Nation; believing, that no People can stand in Competition with them, for Learning, Wisdom and Riches. They have a very contemptible Idea of all o­ther Countries, with their Inhabitants; E­steeming them, either as Ideots, or Mon­sters.

This Conceitedness, is owing to their Igno­rance of the Rest of the World; for, they seldom or never, travel beyond the Limits of their own Empire.

I could say a great Deal more of this Peo­ple; but, it will be better for thee, to hear it from my Brother, who has been there, and can give thee ample Satisfaction in all Things, relating to that Empire. I have wrote to him, to go and kiss the Dust before thy Feet. If thou makest Tryal of his Abilities, thou [Page 96]wilt find him improved by his Travels, a Man sit for Business, and one in whom thou mayst confide; Which is a Vertue, never enough to be prized in these corrupt Times.

In these Things however, mingle thy own Discretion, with the Kindness of a Country-Man, and the Affection of a Friend.

Paris, 8th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1649.

LETTER XXII.
To Chornezan Bassa.

WEre Ovid alive, the Events of this Year, wou'd afford him Matter for New Ficti­ons. He would either tell us, that the God­dess of Love had set a Spell upon Mars, and charm'd him into Good Nature; or, that he had drank so large a Draught of Nepenthe, as had made him forget his Old Trade, of em­broiling Mortals in Wars. However it be, Hymen seems to have the greatest Share in this Years Actions. For, instead of Battels and Sieges, the Nazarene Princes have been engaged in Encounters of a Softer Character, the Gentle Affairs of Love and Marriage.

In the First Moon, the New King of Po­land, whom they call John Casimir, Married the Widow of his Deceased Brother. In the [Page 97]Ninth, the Prince of Hanault, Espous'd the Duke of Holstein's Daughter. And the last Moon was Remarkable for Two Matches; One of the King of Spain with Anna Maria, the Ger­man Emperor's Daughter; the Other, of the Duke of Mantua, with Isabella Clara of Au­stria.

These are all brushing forward in the Crowd of the Living; they are busy in augmenting the Generations of Men: Whilst others of as High Blood, are gone to encrease the Number of the Dead; being enroll'd amongst the Ghosts, and made Denizons in the Region of Shadows.

The Empress of Germany, died in the Fifth Moon. The Duke of Braganza, in the Ninth. The Dutchess of Modena, in the Eighth. And a certain German Prince, whose Name I have forgot, died in the Moon of October. Besides these, Death has also Arrested Ossalmski, the Great Chancellor of Poland; Wrangel, General of the Suedish Army; Frederick, the German Embassador at Rome; Ferdinand, Elector of Cologne; and the Vice-Roy of Bohemia, who was by his Enemies thrown out of a Window, and had his Brains dash'd out. So that tho' Mars may have seem'd to lie Dormant this Year, yet his Companion in Mischief, Old Saturn, has been very Active, as the Astrolo­gers say, who attribute all Events, to the In­flux of the Stars. Some are also of Opinion, that the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon this Year, were Presages of the Death of these Great Persons. They might as well plead, [Page 98]That the Daily Rising and Setting of those Lu­minaries, Portended all the Tragical Events that happen'd on Earth; since it is not more Natural for them, to continue Unalterably Moving from East to West, than it is for them to be Obscur'd, at certain determin'd Stations, in their Journey, by Interpositions which hap­pen of Course.

We are Strangers to the Chronologies of the Chinese and Indian Gentiles. Neither can any good Account be now given, of the Ancient Egyptian and Assyrian Records. They run many Ages back, beyond the Common Epo­cha, of the Beginning of the World.

But the whole System of Known History, re­lates but Two Extraordinary or Preternatural Changes in the Course of the Sun, during these Six Thousand Years.

One, when that Luminary stood still in the Time of Jehoshua, General of the Isra­elites, to serve the Ends of Destiny, and pro­long the Light of the Day to a double Pro­portion, till the Opposite Army was quite destroy'd, and not one of the Ʋncircumcis'd could escape the Swords of the Victorious Sons of Jacob.

That Day prov'd a long Night to their An­tipodes. They turn'd themselves in their Beds, when they had out-slept the Usual Hours of Night, and said in their Hearts, Surely the Sun is fall'n Asleep, or is Banqueting with the Gods of the Sea. Perhaps Thetis detains him in her Embraces, whilst the Tritons fasten his Slumbers with their softest Musick: Or Neptune [Page 99] regales him in the Palaces of the Deep. Thus the Disconsolate Nations argu'd in their Chambers. They were alarm'd with Fears of Unknown Events.

Such as dwelt on the Borders of the Earth, and were accustom'd to mark the constant Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, admir'd the Delay of the Usual Tides, and ask'd, What what was become of the Moon? for, that Planet also, stood still with the Sun.

The Light of their Souls was Eclips'd, and their Reason labour'd under a greater Dark­ness, than that which troubl'd their Eyes. They were Ignorant of the Works of God; and knew not, that the Celestial Orbs stood still at the Command of the Spirit which formed them, even at the Word of the Prophet Inspir'd from Above.

So in the Days of Hezekiah, King of the Jews, the Sun went back in his Circuit, and all the Frame of Heaven was Retrograde, to confirm the Prophet's Good News, when he told the Sick King, That Fate had prolong'd his Life for Fifteen Years. This was in the Days of Merodach Baladan, the King of Ba­bylon, who sent Ambassadors to congratulate Hezekiah's Miraculous Recovery.

Besides these, nothing has happen'd to the Sun, or any of the Heavenly Bodies, beyond the Ordinary Course of Nature. A Man may as well Prognosticate from Cloudy Weather, the Ca­lamities of Emperors and Meaner Men, as from the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon: Since, the One as well as the Other, obscures the Light [Page 100]of mose Heavenly Bodies: And the Former, quite hides them from Us; which is the grea­ter Eclipse of the Two.

Let us pray Heaven, to grant us the conti­nual Use of our Senses, and not to Eclipse the Light of our Reason; and we need fear no Disasters, from the Common Appearances of Nature.

Paris, 7th. of the Moon Chaban, of the Year 1649.

LETTER I.
To Muhammed Eremit, Inhabitant of the Prophetick Cave, in Arabia the Happy.

PArdon my Importunity, if I this once trouble thee with an Address of Scru­ples, begging thy Counsel in the Af­fairs of my Soul. I seem to my self as a Traveller lost in a Wilderness of Doubts and Uncertainties, without Guide or Conduct. Not that I question the Truth of our Holy Re­ligion, [Page 102]or mistrust the Authority of the Sent of God. Certainly, I revere the Book of Glory, whose Sacred Versicles, are transcribed on my Heart. But, there is wanting to every Man, a particular Conduct in the Intricacies of this Life. I have not the Art of applying the General Precepts of the Law, to my Own Personal Occasions and Necessities. Infinite Difficulties arise from my daily Affairs. My Conversation with Infidels, and the Duty I owe my Great Master, entangle my Consci­ence. I am embarassed on all Hands; and whilst I study to conserve Purity, I find my self still defiled.

I am no Heretick, nor in the Number of those who are Predestinated to be Damned, for the Injurious Love they bear to Hali; In­jurious, I say, because it derogates from the Honour they owe to Omar, Osman and Ebu­becher, the True Successors of the Apostle of God.

As I firmly believe the Alcoran, so I give an entire Faith to the Book of Assonah, or the Agreement of the Wise; with the Writings of the Four Principal Imaums, Haniff, Schasi, Melechi and Hambeli. And I am resigned to the Sentence of the Mufti, as our Fathers were of Old, to the Oraculous Determinations of the Babylonion Califfs. I Curse the Kyzil­baschi with as much Devotion, as I pray for the Health and Felicity of True Believers. I spit at the Naming of them, who deny the Chapter of the Covering, and the Versicles brought down by the Squire of Gabriel, in [Page 103]Honour of the Prophet's Wife. I never lifted up my Hand against any who descended from the Divine Messenger. And if in my Passion, I have ever Curs'd a Mussulman, I took of the Dust under his Feet, and laid it on my Lips, before the Shadow of the Sun had advanc'd a Hairs-Breadth; and so I hindred the swift Recorder of our Words, from Regi­string the Imprecation. For, that Dust, I believe, has Power to blot out the Memorials, of our Evil Words and Works.

When I meet a Santone, or one of those Di­vinely Mad, I put in Practice the Lesson of Orchanes; and honouring the Holy Frantick, I fall down and Adore Vertue, in that Con­temptible Disguise.

I neglect none of the Purifications, Com­manded by Our Holy Lawgiver; but rather add those, that we Arabians have received by Tradition from our Fathers, the Sons of Is­mael: Yet, I hope, in Case of Neglect, some Indulgence is allowable to a Mussulman, in a Country of Infidels. I use the Washing of Abdest at all Times in my Chamber, where no Curious Eye can observe my Cleanliness; or Suspicious Apprehension, draw Conclusions of my being a Mahometan. But I cannot thus practise the Washing of Taharet; there being not such Conveniences for that Pur­pose in Paris, as in Constantinople. Yet, I am careful to supply this Want, by other Methods of Purity; otherwise, I should be an Abomi­nation to my self. There is no Necessity, that I should frequent the Bath, who never touch­ed [Page 104]a Woman: Yet, I often go into the River, taking a Boat with me for that End, and cau­sing my self to be rowed half a League from the City, where in a little Bay or Creek, I wash my whole Body, that I may do some­thing beyond the Obligations of the Law, to expiate the Involuntary Breaches of my Du­ty. Yet, after all this, I cannot call my self Clean.

I Pray at the Appointed Hours; Or, at least, if the Affairs of my Commission hinder me from complying with the Law, as to the exact Times of the Day, I atone for that Neglect, by Watching the greatest Part of the Night. And, to the Oraisons appointed by Authority, I add Supernumerary Prayers of my own, to evidence the Sincerity of my Devotion.

I Fast, and give Alms, according to my Ability. I bestow much Time, in Reading and Meditating on the Alcoran. In a word, I do all that my Reason tells me is Necessary, to render me a Good Mussulman; and yet, I have no Peace in my Mind. Methinks, I see Our Holy Prophet furrowing his Brows at me, and darting angry Looks from his Para­dise. He seems to reproach me with Un­cleanness and Infidelity. By Day my Ima­gination troubles me; and at Night, I am Terrify'd with Fearful Dreams. Which makes me conclude, That notwithstanding all my Obedience to the Law, and the strictest Care I take, to acquit my self a True Believer, yet I am far short of my Aim; and therefore, I number my self with those, with whom God is displeased.

It is impossible to express the Horror, which this Thought creates in me. I am overwhelm­ed sometimes, with Melancholy and Despair. And, because I am forc'd to keep my Grief to my self, without having the Privilege of Venting it to a Bosom Friend, it is ready to burst my Heart.

This is my Condition at Certain Seasons; which I esteem as bad, or worse, than those who are Doom'd to Aaraf. For as they can­not enjoy the Felicities of Paradise, so they are secured from the Torments of the Damn'd: Whereas, for ought I know, my Portion may be in Hell. Wilt thou know how I redress this Evil Temper of Mind, and what Method I take to cure my Melancholy? Receive it not as Flattery, when I tell thee, Thou art my Physician, and the Idea of thy Innocent Life, my Medicine. When I have rowl'd over Ten Thousand Thoughts, which afford me no Ease or Relief, no sooner do I fix my Con­templation on the Solitary of Mount Ʋriel, but a sudden Beam of Light and Comfort, glances through my Soul. I promise my self greater Satisfaction from thy Advice, than from all the Imaums and Mollahs of the Em­pire.

Tell me therefore, O Holy and Pious Eremit, how I shall dissipate these Mists of Grief and Sadness, which envelop my Mind, and threa­ten to suffocate my Intellect.

If in this Darkness and Confusion, I should apply my self to the Disciples of Alhazan for Instruction, they will puzzle me with Intri­cate [Page 106]Niceties, about the Essence and Ʋnity of God: Whereas, I am too much troubled al­ready, with distracting Speculations. I seek not to dive into that which is Incomprehensible, but to be Instructed in the Plain and Intelligi­ble Way to Happiness. What Imports it, Whether God be Good by his Goodness, or by his Essence? This is, to throw Metaphysical Dust in my Eyes, and so leave me in a worse Condition than they found me.

No better Light, must I expect from the Momsconderan: For, if they are strict Obser­vers of the Law, so am I, where the Precepts are applicable to my Condition and Circum­stances. But, I want a Direction in many Emergencies, for which the Alcoran seems to have made no Provision, but leaves every Man, to the Conduct of his own Prudence. And, I must confess, I dare not trust mine, in all Cases of this Nature. Besides, instead of In­terpreting to me in a plain Style the Statutes of the Law, they will Confound me with High and Unintelligible Notions of the Divine Attributes, which are sufficient to dazle the Intellect of the Brightest Seraphim. And, if they could once perswade me to be zealous for their Speculations, I might in Time turn such another Religious Fool, as was one of their Followers, the Poet Namisi, who being wrapt in his profound Speculations of the Di­vine Ʋnity, and hearing an Imaum pronounce the Sacred Sentence, God is One, gave him the Lye, and told him, That he multiply'd the Divinity, in assigning it any Attribute, though [Page 107]it were onely that which expressed his Ʋnity. For which Impudent Assertion, he was flea'd Alive.

In as bad a Condition should I be, if I ask'd the Advice of the Muserin, those Infidels in Masquerade, who under the Disguise of Mus­sulmans, deny the Being of a God, assert all Things to come by Chance, and live without Hope or Faith of Another Life. For, if this were true, that there were no Reward or Pu­nishment of Good or Bad Works, I would either soon make my Way to Earthly Happi­ness, by not boggling at any Vice that would conduce to that End; Or, if I fail'd in that Attempt, I would not tamely wait for a Mar­tyrdom from Men, but bravely rid my self of a Life, which was attended with Nothing but Misery.

Almost as bad as these, are the Hairet, those Mahometan Scepticks, who dare not trust their own Reason, but are ever Wavering and Irresolute. If I should seek for Instructi­on at their Hands, they would answer me, God knows best what I ought to do, and so leave me in the same Suspence as I was before.

Much Worse are the Guaid, those Morose Interpreters of the Law of Mercy, who damn a Man Irrecoverably to Hell, for committing one Mortal Sin. This is enough to drive all Mankind to Despair.

Indeed, the Morals of the Sabin please me, who seem to be perfect Mahometan Stoicks, ascribing all Events to Destiny, and the Influ­ence of the Stars. I could willingly embrace [Page 108]the Advice of Philosophers, who appear so void of Passion; but I could never join with them, in Adoring the Sun, Moon and Constellations of Heaven, because the Alcoran has expresly for­bidden it. And, were there no such Prohibition, my own Reason would convince me, that I ought as well to Adore the Fire for warming me and serving my other Necessities, or the Water for quenching my Thirst and Purifying me, or my own Hands for feeding me, as to pay these Divine Honours to the Celestial Bodies; since the one, as well as the other, Act according to their Nature.

In a Word, of all the Innumerable Sects, into which the Mussulman Empire is divided, I cannot expect entire Satisfaction from any; for, if they appear Orthodox in Some Tenets, in Others they are manifestly Heretical. Yet, I cannot but set a higher Value on Some, than Others, as their Doctrines and Practices ap­proach nearer to Reason and Truth. For, I am not yet such an Academick, as to ask that Mock-Question, What is Truth.

Doubtless, our Fathers knew it, and the Messenger of God was sent to Divulge it on Earth. But, if Ignorance, Superstition and Error have banished it from Courts and Cities, let us seek it in the Desarts. Perhaps we may find this Wanderer among the Rocks and Woods; or, 'tis possible She has sheltered her self in some Den or Cave, as hoping for grea­ter Favour from the Wild Beasts, than from the Society of Men.

If Truth be no where to be found Entire, but has divided her self among the Different Religions and Sects in the World, then, rather than miss of this Divine Jewel, I will search for it in Fragments; and whatsoever is Rati­onal and Pious in any Sect, I will embrace, without concerning my self in their Follies and Vices.

After all, the Munasihi seem to me, the onely Orthodox and Illuminated of God, who declining the private By-Ways of Schisma­ticks, walk in the High Road of Pristine Ju­stice and Piety, following the Steps of the Ancients, and obeying the Traditions which know no Origin. Among these, thou ap­pearest as another Pythagoras; confirming them by thy Example in an Innocent Life; enduring the utmost Severities of Abstinence, rather than be Guilty of shedding the Blood of those Creatures, which the Great Lord of All Things Created, to enjoy the Herbage of the Field, and to partake of the Common Blessings of Nature, as well as We.

To thee therefore I have Recourse, as to an Oracle. Tell me, O Sacred Sylvan, am I not obliged to obey the Inspirations of my Nature, or Better Genius, which tells me, 'Tis a Butch­erly and Inhuman Life, to feed on slaughte­red Animals? Did not all those who aim'd at Perfection, among the Primitive Disciples of the Prophet, abstain from Murdering the Brutes? 'Tis true, the Messenger of God, did not positively enjoin Abstinence from Flesh; yet he recommended it, as a Divine Counsel. [Page 110]And, those to whom he Indulged the Liber­ty of Eating it, he ty'd up to certain Conditi­ons. Do not all the Religious Orders Preach up Abstinence, both in their Sermons and Lives? I make no longer Doubt, but the Corruption of Manners, and Voluptuousness of Men, are the Causes, that this Ancient Sobriety is now disus'd and slighted. My own Experience confirms me in this Opinion, who have often attempted to live in Abstinence; but, by the Force of a Voracious Appetite, suffered my self to be carry'd back to my Old Intempe­rance.

Yet, in Eating Flesh, I have been precisely careful, to observe the Prohibitions of our Ho­ly Prophet, so long as it was in my Power. I never Knowingly tasted of Blood, nor of any Thing Strangled or knocked down. But, it is Impossible for me to Assure my self of this; or that all the Flesh I Eat, was kill'd, in Pro­nouncing that Tremendous Name which gave it Life. Neither could I Once escape a Ne­cessity, of Eating Swines Flesh.

But, I abominate my self for this Involun­tary Crime. And, to obviate the like Tem­ptation for the Future, I will taste of Nothing, that has Breath'd the Common Air; being inclined to believe the Metempsychosis: Which, if it be true, I wish for no greater Happiness, than that in my Next Change, my Soul may pass into the Body of the Camel, which shall carry thee to Mecha.

Paris, 14th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER II.
To Minezim Aluph, Bassa.

MY Intelligence from the Imperial Port, sometimes arrives late; either through the Neglect of Kisur Dramelec, to whom that Care is committed, or through the Badness of the Roads, which many Times are Impassa­ble. Besides the frequent Stops and Inter­ceptions of the Posts, in this Time of War. Which is the Reason, I do not always hear of the Alterations at the Seraglio, and the Chan­ges that are made in the Governments of the Shining Empire, till many Moons are pass'd. Who is exalted, or who made Mansoul, are Things to which Mahmut is for a Time a great Stranger.

Therefore, thou hast no Reason to be of­fended, that I am thus late in sending to thee my Congratulatory Address. But rest con­fident, that I wish thee encrease of Happiness, like the Sprouting of the Palm.

As a Mark of my Duty and Affection, I shall now acquaint thee with News, which though it may seem of small Import to the Divan, yet has startl'd all Europe.

It is the Imprisonment of Three of the French Princes; not those of the Ordinary Rank, but Branches of the Royal Stem, whose Names are not unknown in the Seraglio, the Residence of Fame. They are, the Princes of [Page 112] Conde and Conti, Brothers, and the Duke of Longueville, Husband to their Sister. They are the Principal Subjects in this Nation; all Three, having the Majestick Blood of the Kings of France, running in their Veins.

They owe their Confinement to Cardinal Mazarini, or rather to their own Inartificial Conduct. The Prince of Conde, is a Passio­nate Man; and has never learn'd, how to con­ceal his Resentments. When he first return'd from the Battel of Lens in Flanders, whereof I formerly gave an Account, the Insurrection in Paris began. The Prince block'd up the City, and promis'd the Cardinal (against whom alone all this Storm was rais'd) that he wou'd either bring him back in Triumph to Paris, or die in the Attempt. He per­form'd his Word; and the Cardinal rode through the Streets of Paris, in the same Coach with the King, Queen, and all the Royal Blood after the Siege was rais'd, and a Peace concluded. And the Prince, when he alighted out of the Coach, address'd himself thus to the Cardinal: Now, Sir, I esteem my self the happiest Man in the World, in that I have been able to perform my Engagement, in bringing Your Eminence back to Paris; and that by my Presence, the Hatred which the Multitude have for your Person, was repress'd whilst we pass'd through the Streets.

This too nearly touch'd the Cardinal. And indeed the Queen, with all the Rest, were sensible, that the Prince had too far over-shot himself, in this last Expression. However, the [Page 113] Cardinal reply'd in a Kind of Modesty, not wholly void of Choler and Disdain; Sir, You have not only oblig'd me to that Height, but have done the Kingdom so considerable a Service in this Action, That I fear, neither their Maje­sties nor my self, shall be ever in a State, to make you answerable Compensation.

Those who stood by, and heard these inter­changeable Discourses, were apt to interpret the First for a Reproach, and the Second as a Menace. Since it is not unusual for Great Men, to over-value the Services they do their King and Country; and for Princes, when they can­not duely reward an Eminent Performance, to turn their Gratitude into Hatred.

This is certain, that the Prince of Conde has presum'd much, on the Merit of his late Ser­vices; and, it was not easy for the Queen or the Cardinal, to invent such Acknowledg­ments as he expected. For he imagin'd, they ought to deny him Nothing, who had so of­ten hazarded his Life for their Interest.

It was on this Ground, he thought he had a Right to interpose in a Marriage, which Mazarini design'd to make between one of his Nieces, and the Duke of Mercaeur.

This Duke is of a Family, which has been a long Time at Variance with that of the Prince of Conde: And therefore, the Prince was jea­lous lest the Cardinal, by the intended Match, should fortifie his Interest among the Prince's Enemies; and so be in a Condition, not to want his Protection; the onely Thing he was ambitious of. For, cou'd he have once re­duc'd [Page 114]the Cardinal to this Necessity, he him­self had been absolute Master at Court. There­fore, he oppos'd the Match, with all Vigor and Industry. This netled the Cardinal. He complains to the Queen, of the Prince's Un­kindness. She intercedes, and uses her utmost Endeavours, to reconcile the Prince to this Marriage. But his Brother, the Duke of Lon­gueville, had so possess'd the Prince with a Jealousy of the Cardinal's Proceedings, that no Arguments cou'd prevail on him, or overcome his fix'd Aversion for Mazarini's designed Al­liance with the House of Vendosme (so they call the Family, from whence the Duke of Mer­caeur is sprung.) He rails at the Cardinal, and lampoons him in all Companies. This begets ill Blood in the Supreme Minister of State, who secretly resolves the Prince's Ruin.

In this, his Policy and Malice, exceeded the petty Revenges of the Prince; who being of a frank, open Heart, contented himself with Railleries, and Satyrical Expressions, whilst the Cardinal conceal'd his Anger, un­der the Masque of extraordinary Civilities; re­turning all the Contempts of the Prince, with a Respect, which seem'd to speak much Affe­ction and Devoir.

He has been a long Time tampering with a Faction, which goes by the Name of the Fron­deurs. These were his Enemies, not so much in Hatred of his Person, as out of a Zeal to serve their Country, which they imagin'd, was oppress'd under the the Conduct of this Mi­nister.

These he has lately gain'd over to his Par­ty, by representing to them the Prince of Con­de, as the Author of all those Evils, which they ascrib'd to himself: Whilst at the same Time, he perswaded the Prince, that they had some Design against his Person. Thus he artificially blinded both Parties, and en­gag'd them in mutual Revenges; privately animating the Frondeurs against the Prince, and provoking the Prince, to seek the Ruin of the Frondeurs. By this Trap, the Prince was inveigl'd to consent, and give Orders for his own Imprisonment, whilst he was made to believe, the Arrest was design'd against his Enemies; and the People were satisfy'd, since they were perswaded, the Faction of the Fron­deurs had a Hand in the Plot.

The 18th. of the last Moon, the Three Prin­ces were taken into Custody, and sent to a Place, they call the Castle of the Wood of Vin­ciennes, some Leagues from Paris. The same Day, the Queen sent for the Dutchess of Lon­gueville to come to her; but, the wary Dutch­ess, wou'd not put herself into a Cage. She immediately fled in Disguise, to a Sea-Town belonging to her Husband.

'Tis said, the Prince of Conde had Notice given him, of his Design'd Imprisonment; but that he wou'd not escape, projecting to him­self some greater Advantages, from the Discon­tents of the People (who now behold him as a Patriot) than from a Clandestine, or Fugi­tive Liberty. This is certain, his Coach broke on the Road, between Paris and Vinciennes; [Page 116]and 'tis thought, his Friends might easily have rescu'd him: For, this Accident, occasion'd a Stop of Six Hours in their Journey; Time enough to have rais'd a Thousand Men to his Relief, being onely guarded by Sixteen Ca­valiers. But it seems, he courts the Cardi­nal's Persecution, that he may have deeper Grounds for Revenge. I know not, whether his Policy is justifiable, or no: But if I were in his Circumstances, I shou'd hardly take this Method to gratify my Resentments; which in all Probability I shou'd not be in a Con­dition to accomplish, till the Greek Calends, that is, Never.

Paris, 4th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER III.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of the Ottoman Empire.

THE Devotees among the Franks, talk much of the Jubilee that is to be Cele­brated this Year at Rome. They enrich their Phancies, with the Hopes of I know not what Spiritual Treasure, which the Roman Mufti or Pontiff, will distribute among the Pilgrims that resort to Rome, during this Ho­ly Year.

This, as I am told, is Celebrated in Imi­tation of the Sabbatical Year, formerly ob­served by the Jews, when they possess'd the Holy Land. The Hebrew Writers, such as Josephus and others, call That also the Year of Jubilee. Their Cabbalists, like the Pythago­reans, pretended to derive Great Mysteries from certain Numbers: And the Number Se­ven, was had in particular Veneration by the Hebrews: Therefore they kept every Seventh Day, Week and Year, Holy. In the Seventh Year it was not Lawful to till the Ground, plant Vineyards, or sow any Seed. And when Seven Times Seven Years were expired, the Year of Jubilee was proclaim'd, being always the Fiftieth. They proclaim'd it by Trum­pets, throughout the whole Country of Pa­lestine, in the Forty Ninth Year. And the Muezins cry'd in the Gates of their Cities and Synagogues, at the Beginning of the Jubilee: ‘Let every Man return this Year to his Own Possession and Tribe, whether he be a Slave or Free. He that has sold his Houses or Lands, if he was not before able to redeem them, let him this Year take Possession of his Inheritance. He that is become another Man's Slave, and neither himself nor his Friends can redeem him, let him this Year be dismiss'd, and sent Home to the Family to which he belongs; for, henceforth he is Free, by the Indulgence of the Law. Let no Man sow the Ground, nor gather the Fruits that grow of themselves this Year. But, let the Earth as well as its Inhabitants, enjoy Li­berty [Page 118]and Rest; for, this is the Year of Grace and Divine Bounty.’

After this Manner was the Hebrew Jubilee Proclaim'd, and Observ'd. And, they say, from hence arose the Custom amongst the Christians, who in many Things may be styl'd the Jews Apes. But others say, that the present Roman Jubilee, is deriv'd from the Secular Games, Celebrated by their Pagan An­cestors; In Regard, This was renew'd every Hundred Years at first, even as Those Games were. Whence it was, that the Cryer in those Days, at the Indiction of the Secular Games, said, "Come to the Plays which no Man Li­ving has yet seen, nor shall ever see again. For, Man's Life being Generally so Short, they thought it improbable, that any Mor­tal should live to see this Solemnity repeated.

The Modern Jubilee, was first Publish'd by Boniface IX. Bishop of Rome, in the Year 1300 of the Christians Hegyra. At which Time, he promis'd Full and Entire Remis­sion of Sins, to all who should resort in Pil­grimage to Rome that Year. After him, it was Celebrated every Hundred Year, accor­ing to his Institution, till the Days of Cle­ment VI. Who, at the Instance of the Ro­man Citizens, reduc'd it to every Fiftieth Year. Then Ʋrban VI. another Pope, re­duc'd it to the Thirty Third Year. And last of all, Paul II. contracted the Interval to Five and Twenty Years. Which Space of Time, has been observ'd by all his Successors to this Day.

If thou wouldst know the Reason, why they have thus alter'd the Periods; It is for Profit. For, in the Year of Jubilee, there is a vast Conflux of People, from all Parts of Eu­rope: Who bring a far greater Treasure into the Roman Coffers, than they carry away from that City. Though the Pope, 'tis said, is very Liberal of that which they call the Trea­sure of the Church: Which is a certain Fund of Merits, and Superabundant Graces, left by the Messiah and his Saints, in the Custody of this Prelate, to supply the Defects and Infir­mities of Sinful Men. And they believe, 'tis only in his Power, to dispose of this Heavenly Wealth to whom he pleases. They talk also of Indulgencies and Pardons, whereby the Holy Father can redeem Men from all Sin, and the Punishments that are due to it. And this Wonderful Prerogative, they say, does not only benefit the Living, but extends even to the Souls Departed; whom the Pope, accord­ing to their Persuasion, can free from the Torments of Purgatory, and at his Pleasure admit into the Gates of Paradise.

We that are Mussulmans, cannot declaim against the Doctrine of Praying for the Dead, since it is practis'd by all the Faithful. Nei­ther have we Reason to inveigh against Indul­gencies, or Releases from Penance. But that the Power of granting and dispensing these Favours, should be only reposited in the Christian Mufti, will not accord with the Faith of a True Believer. We know who swore by the Hoofs of his Swift and Faithful [Page 120]Elborach, which in One Night carry'd him a Journey of Six Moons, that from thenceforth the Key of Aaraf, or the Place of Prisons, was committed to him. Doubtless, the Om­nipotent can transfer his Commissions, when and to whom he pleases. If he once gave this Authority, of Remitting Sins, to the Messiah, and Peter his Lieutenant, does it follow, that all Peter's Successors, the Califfs of Rome, have retain'd this Privilege? There have been many Good Men in that Seat, and not a Few Wicked: Some Prophets, and some Magicians: A Catalogue interpers'd with Saints, Mar­tyrs, Butchers and Devils.

But 'tis evident, they forfeited their Au­thority, when they declin'd from the Truth, from the unblameable Profession of the Divine Ʋnity, and resisted the Messenger of Heaven, sent to correct their Errors, reform their Vices, and reduce Mankind to One Law of Purity and Light.

I write not Partially, nor am I imbitter'd against the Patriarch of the Romans. He is a Man like others, subject to the Will of De­stiny. The Babylonian Califfs and those of Egypt, Successively enjoy'd the same Power, transmitted to them from the Prophet, who seal'd up all the Former Dispensations. Yet in Time, through their Sins, they forfeited their Authority, together with their Empire, when the Bright Osmans Conquer'd All Things. Then was the Prophetick Office translated to our Mufti, the Guide of those who possess the Sepulchre of Mahomet. To him all the World [Page 121]ought to have Recourse for Solution of their Doubts, Direction in their Lives, Absolution from their Sins, and for the Passport of Im­mortality, the Fefta requir'd of all that enter the Gates of Paradise.

But all Mortals, are Naturally tenacious of whatsoever advances their Honour and Inte­rest. Kings hug Empty Titles, that yield them no Profit. And the Roman Bishops, are un­willing to acknowledge themselves divested of the Privileges, which were once annex'd to that Chair of Peter. They shew the Keys, the Symbols of a Power, which they have lost. And the Credulous Nazarenes believe, that Heaven and Hell are Open'd and Shut at their Pleasure. On the Eve of the Messiah's Na­tivity, the Present Pope Knock'd Three Times with a Golden Hammer, at the Gates of the Principal Mosque in Rome. Which were then Open'd, to signifie the ensuing Year of Jubilee; when the Christians are persuaded, that Hea­ven is open to all that visit Rome in this Holy Time.

I wish thee a Life of many Jubilee's.

Paris, 9th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER IV.
To the Flower of High Dignity, the Most Magnificent Vizir Azem.

WHEN I first heard the News of the Troubles that have been at Constan­tinople, the Deposition of Mahomet, the late Vizir Azem, and the Advancement of the Janizar-Aga to that Dignity, I imagin'd it had been Cassim Hali. But, it seems, that Brave Old Soldier, is elevated to a more Lofty Station: He has enter'd the Immortal Posses­sions, being translated to an High Seat: For, I understand, he has his Rest in Paradise. On that Hero, be the Mercies of the Supremely Indulgent: Whilst I turn my self to thee, his late Successor in that Military Honour, but now the Lieutenant of the Shadow of God. I touch the Earth Thrice with my Forehead, when I salute thee, Great Prince of the Vi­zirs, in Token of my Humility and Reve­rence; and, in Remembrance of my Ori­ginal: That I, who am but the Product of Dust, a meer Worm, may not commit an Indecency, when I address to the Bright I­mage of our August Emperor, who is the Type of the Sun.

In speaking to Persons of thy Immense Power, I strive equally to shun Flattery, and Disrespect; endeavouring to deport my self [Page 123]with an Even Course, between those Two Extremes, as Mariners steer between Scylla and Charybdis. These are dangerous Places in the Sycilian Seas.

All Europe Celebrates thy Praises, and Ex­tols thy Justice, for releasing the Ambassador of Venice, Imprison'd in the 4th Moon of this Year. They say, since thy Assumption to this Important Trust, the Ottoman Port is Reform'd, and grown more Civiliz'd: (For, the Franks esteem all the Followers, of the Prophet who could neither Write nor Read, as Barbarians.)

Here is much Talk, about the Defeat gi­ven to Our Forces in Hungary. The French spare for no Encomium's on the Bassa of Buda, who fought valiantly, till his Legs were shot off; and then caus'd himself to be carry'd up and down through the Army, to encourage his Soldiers. Neither do they di­minish the Glory that is due to his Son, who receiv'd his Death, in defending his Fa­ther, at what Time the Old Captain was taken Prisoner.

But they blame the Conduct of him who Besieg'd the Fort of Clissa, in Regard he un­dertook it in the Wrong Season of the Year. The Defect of a General's Judgment in such Cases, is many Times Fatal to an Army. The French are the best in the World, at spying Advantages, and the most dextrous in making Use of them. Most of their Cam­pagnes, are spent in their Trenches, or in light Skirmishes; seldom hazarding a Battle, un­less [Page 124]on some unequal Terms, to their own Interest; and then they never let slip the Opportunity. This commends their Policy, but is no great Argument of their Cou­rage: For, true Valour never regards Dan­gers.

Adonai the Jew, sends me Word, That the Venetians are put in great Hopes, of accom­modating their Affairs with the Mysterious Divan, since the Release of their Bailo: Yet, both they and all the Nazarenes, re­sent highly the Strangling of his Inter­preter.

They understand not the Measures of the Sublime Port, full of Wisdom and Justice; and, that by the Terror of such Examples, the Ministers of the Righteous Throne, seek to prevent future Wickedness.

In these Western Courts, a little Gold, or a great Friend, shall easily palliate and pro­cure a Pardon for the Greatest Crimes. Their Processes here, are slow in the Execution of Justice: Being Strangers to the Impetuous Orders, and swift Performance practis'd in the East. Besides, this Interpreter sported himself to Death, by the Licentiousness of his Tongue. He delighted to play upon Majesty, and with an Insolent Lascivious­ness of Speech, to deceive Him, whose high, sublime and remote Intellect, uses no other Expressions of his Wrath, but the Hands of his Mutes. It does not become the Emperor of the World, to be profuse in Words, as the Christian Princes are, who take great Pains [Page 125]to satisfie their Vassals, of the Justice of their Proceedings. They cannot Condemn the Wicked without a Formal Process, where­in various Wits shew their Skill in canvas­sing the Cause, which, upon sincere Evi­dence, may be decided in Two Words. This is the Masquerade of Christian Justice, a mere Trap for Gold, the Secret of the We­stern Lawyers, who enrich themselves, at the Price of other Mens Folly, and to the Dis­grace of the Monarch, who there pretends to Command.

Should those Men of Law see this Letter, and know who wrote it, how would they not Circumcise and Flay the minutest Dash of my Pen, to find Arguments of Revenge against a Mussulman?

All Men are full of themselves, and their Own Principles: And the Nazarenes of the West, are so brimming with them, that there is no Room left for Instruction or Amendment. Like the Chineses, they boast of their own Science and Wisdom, reputing all the Rest of the World Ignorant and Blind.

They are so Narrow in their Tenets, so Dogmatical in their Decisions, and so con­ceited of All, that it is difficult for a Man who has convers'd in a freer Air, to frame himself to their Rules.

By what I have said, thou mayst deter­mine, That it is no Easie Task for an Ara­bian Native, bred in the Seraglio, to con­form [Page 126]himself adroit, to the Humours and Fashions of France. Yet, I curb all the Na­tural Propensions of my Birth, Blood and E­ducation, as much as in me lies, that I may serve the Grand Signior. I am Incognito in all Respects, save those wherein I cannot be hid. And, I would change my Masque a Hundred Times over, rather than fail of my Ends.

What can I say more to him, who only values a Slave for his Deeds?

I turn not my Back on thee, Sublime Idea of Absolute Power: but, retiring after the most Respectful Manner of the East, I make a Thousand Obeisances, till the An­tiport has cover'd me from thy Illustrious Presence.

Paris, 17th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER V.
To Sedrec Al' Girawn, Chief Page of the Treasury.

THOU wilt have Reason to wonder at a Man pretending Acquaintance with thee, whom thou canst not remember to have seen. 'Tis from my Brother Pestelihali, thy former Master, I received the News of thy late Preferment, who art thy self but Early in Years. Yet no Time is Unseasonable, to a Man Mature in Vertue and Wisdom.

I knew thee an Infant, in the Arms of thy Mother, the Widow of an Arabian Souldier, who served my Brother in the Wars of Persia. There appeared then, such Evident Symptoms of thy future Wit and Dexterity, as prompt­ed thy Father's Captain, to take thee into his Protection and Care; and thy Mother by her Charms, soon found a Way to his Bosom.

I write not these Things, to Reproach thee with the Meanness of thy Birth. Thy Merits equal thee with those who are born of Nobles. It is not the Custom of the East, to Prefer Men for their Parentage, or because they can shew the Dusty Statues of their An­cestors. That is the peculiar Oversight of the Infidels, to give that Honour to Names, and Men of a Noisy Descent, which is only due to Vertue. There are Families in Rome [Page 128]at this Day, who boast of their Pedigrees, and that they spring from the Renowned Hero's, that are Recorded in the Histories of that Empire. But, they Glory in their Shame; since they are quite degenerated from the brave Qualities, which ennobled their Pro­genitors; and by their sordid Actions, are be­come a daily Subject for the Descants of Pasquil. This is an Image in a certain Pub­lick Place in Rome, to which in the Night-Time, they affix the Libels which they dare not own: A kind of dumb Satyr, on the Vices of the Grandees; not sparing even the Chief Mufti of the Christians, if he is Guilty of any Follies, which merit to come within the Verge of a Lampoon.

It was no Contemptible Jest, which was in this Manner put upon the present Pope, and one of his Nephews, at the latter End of the last Year. It seems, the Good Old Father had advanced this Spark, from a Poor Ignorant Taylor, to the Dignity of a Roman Baron; bestowing on him Offices, which brought him a Revenue, sufficient to maintain his Title and Port. All the An­cient Nobility, were disgusted at this: And some arch Wag was set at Work, to ridicule the Pope's Conduct, and the New Baron's Honour. Wherefore, on the Day which the Nazarenes Celebrate, with Great Solemnity, for the Birth-Day of Jesus the Son of Mary; Early in the Morning, the forementioned Image, Pasquil, was observed to be Appa­rell'd all in Rags, and a very nasty Habit, [Page 129]with a Schedule of Paper in his Hand, where­in was writ, How now Pasquil; what! all in Rags on a Christmas-Day? (for, so they call the Nativity of their Messias.) And Un­derneath was Inscribed this Answer: Alas, I cannot help it; for my TAYLOR is be­come a LORD.

Yet, notwithstanding the Obscurity of this Man's Birth, and the Meanness of his Former Trade, he became an Eminent Statesman, after the Pope had exalted him to that Di­gnity; and lived with an Unblemished Repu­tation, whilst he saw all or most of the An­cient Nobility, Pasquill'd every Day, for their Effeminate Vices.

By what I have said, thou may'st be as­sured, that I have not the Less Esteem for thee, because thou wast not the Son of a Bassa; since, had thy Father liv'd, his For­tune and Courage might have promoted him to that Honour, or a Command equal to it; and thou thy self art in a fair Way, to supply some Future Vacancy, in those Great Charges of the Empire.

I have no News at present to send thee, save that the Three French Princes, of whose Imprisonment I gave an Account to Mine­zim Aluph, are removed by Cardinal Maza­rini's Order, from the Castle of Vinciennes, to a Sea-Town called Havre de Grace, for Fear they should be rescued by Marshall Turenne, who is much Devoted to their Interests. The Princess of Conde, is retired to Bourdeaux, a City at this Time in Arms against the King, [Page 130]having also with her the Young Duke of En­guien, her Son.

The Marshal de la Meilleray, is gone with his Army to besiege this Place; and, 'tis said, the King will soon Follow with the Whole Court. All Things seem to protend another Relapse of this State, into the Old Disorders.

But this is not of so near a Concern to us that are Mussulmans, as the Quarrels that I hear are broached between the Janizaries and Spahi's. They say, the whole Ottoman Em­pire, is warp'd this Way and that Way, into Contrary Factions; and that the Seraglio it self, is full of different Cabals, on the Account of these Military Orders. It afflicts me with extreme Grief, to receive Nothing but sad News from the Port, which is, or at least ought to be, a Fountain of Joy to the Whole Earth. I pray Heaven avert the Omen; for it looks with an Ill Presage, when the Cham­pions of the Divine Ʋnity, are thus divided against themselves.

If thou wilt take my Advice, enter not thy self into the Secret of either Party; but poi­sing thy Affections with Prudence, stand Neuter to all Things, but the Grand Signior's Interest. In that be as Zealous as thou canst. As for the Rest, wait the Decrees of Destiny.

Paris, 29th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER VI.
To the Kaimacham.

GRaphul Eben Shahenshah, the Arabian Philosopher has said it, and every Mans Experience confirms it, That no Humane Care can prevent the Accomplishment of what Heaven has Decreed. There are certain Moments of our Lives, wherein Fate delights to mock our Wit and Prudence, to baffle our strictest Caution, and ridicule all our Con­duct; That we may learn the Lesson of Re­signation, and not trust too much to our selves.

When I first saluted the Light of this Morn­ing Sun, my Spirits were Serene and Joy­ful: No melancholy Dreams, had left their Black Impressions on my Mind; no sadning Thoughts, possess'd my Soul: I awak'd cheer­ful and sprightly as the Lark. After I had Ador'd the Omnipotent, and perform'd my Accustom'd Holy Things, I began to reflect on my own Happiness, in that I had so many Years serv'd the Sublime Port, in this Station, full of Difficulties and Perils, yet by no Mis­fortune, had ever betray'd the least Secret of my Commission. It pleas'd me to think, I still pass'd for Titus of Moldavia, among the French, who are the most apprehensive Peo­ple in the World; and even in the Opinion of Cardinal Mazarini, who, like Janus, has [Page 132]more Eyes than Two. I Embrac'd my self (if I may so speak) in the Conceit of my Good Success; concluding, I was born under Fortunate Stars, and that no Disaster could ever hurt me.

But I took wrong Measures of the Ways of Destiny, which are as Untraceable as the Winds. For before Mid-Day, my Sun was Eclips'd; the Air of my Soul ruffl'd with Storms, and all my Joy turn'd to Mourning and Sadness.

Wilt thou know the Occasion of my Grief? It was this. In the Year 1645, according to the Style of the Nazarenes, I received some particular Instructions from the then Vizir Azem, putting me in Mind of the Hazards I run in this Post, and giving me strict Charge, to bestow all my Letters in a secure Place, whether the Transcripts of those I write to the Ministers of the Port, (for I always re­tain'd a Copy of the Original) or the Di­spatches I receive from thence.

That Minister was afraid, lest I might some Time or other be discover'd; and con­sequently, that my Chamber would be search'd. Therefore obeying his Hint, I im­mediately carry'd all my Writings to Elia­chim the Jew; knowing his House to be free from any Jealousie of the State, and that the most Important Secrets in the World, might be there an Age unreveal'd.

The Letters of my Writing, were enclos'd in One Box, and those which I received from the Invincible Port, in Another. And this [Page 133]was my Constant Custom from that Time: As oft as I writ to the Ministers of the Divan, or had perus'd the Dispatches which came from them, I dispos'd of both in their pro­per Places, leaving all to the Care of Elia­chim.

But, neither his Caution nor mine, were sufficient to prevent the Resolves of Heaven. It was determin'd Above, That we should lose some of these Papers. Eliachim came to me to Day, before the Hour of Ʋlanamisi, all in Passion, astonish'd, raving and staring like a Mad-Man. As soon as he enter'd my Cham­ber, he tore his Inner Vest, which was of Crimson Silk, fring'd round with Gold; and cry'd, We are undone, betray'd and ruin'd!

I presently thought of my Writings; and ask'd him, Whether they were safe. In a Word, he told me he had lost the Box, which contain'd the Letters sent from the Ministers of the Port to me, and that his Slave a Negro, whom he kept in his House, was missing. Thou mayst imagine, Sage Minister, that this News put me into no small Confusion. I presently suspected, that this Villain of a Negro, had got the Writings, and was gone to Cardinal Mazarini with 'em: But then recollecting with Cooler Thoughts, That this African understood not Arabick, in which Language alone Eliachim and I us'd to con­verse; and, that consequently, he never could know our Affairs, or read the Letters, which might tempt him to such a Treason, I was at a Loss what to think of it: Neither am I [Page 134]better satisfy'd now, though I have ruminated on it these Twelve Hours. Onely I think, if Cardinal Mazarini has these Papers in his Custody, he would have given Orders be­fore this Time, to seize the supposed Titus of Moldavia. For, some of these Letters, take Notice of my having assumed that Name. But I cannot perceive any Attempt has been made in that Kind, or that any Body has been to enquire for me at my Lodging. For, I set Spies to observe, as soon as I departed thence with Eliachim, which was about Noon. We are now together in a Friend's House, where we shall continue till we hear farther of this Event. As yet, we are in the Dark, and full of Fears: But Time, which brings all Things to Light, will convince us, what we have to Trust to.

In the mean While, there is little News, save a Discourse of a certain Convention at Norimbergh, and the Great Jubilee which is Celebrated at Rome; where, they say, the Christians Chief Mufti, the Week before their Beiram, or Easter, wash'd the Feet of Twelve Pilgrims; and that Cardinal Ludovisio, en­tertain'd Nine Thousand of these Devotees at once, with a very Magnificent Feast. They say also, That the Pope will get this Year Two Millions of Sequins, by the Resort of Pilgrims to that City.

The King of Denmark's Resident at this Court, has received a Letter, which Certifies him, that his Master has declar'd Prince Chri­stian his Son, Successor in the Throne.

They talk also, of a Marriage lately So­lemniz'd between Charles, a German Count, and Charlotte, Sister to the Lantgrave of Hesse-Cassel.

But that which most takes up Mens Ears, and employs their Tongues and Thoughts, are the Civil Wars of this Kingdom; which is all in a Flame, by Occasion of the Imprison­ment of the Prince of Conde, and his Brothers. The Citizens of Paris are very jocund, at the repeated News of the King's Ill Success: For, they wish not well to his Arms, whilst em­ployed against the Malecontents.

Illustrious Old Grandee, I wish thee the Years of Nestor, and those Calculated by Full Moons of Prosperity. But I pray Heaven a­vert from thee, some of his Moments; where­in, they say, he was tormented with the Gout, as I am at this Instant. It is a Pain hardly to be supported.

Paris, 11th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER VII.
To the same.

BY the God whom I Adore, and by his Shadow, I swear, There is no Disloyalty in Mahmut: Yet his Life is full of Tempta­tions and Perils. The Box of Letters I men­tion'd in my Last, is irrecoverably gone, and laid up in the Bowels of the Earth; if we may believe the Confession of a Man, every Angle of whose Heart, has been search'd with ex­quisite Torments, even to Death.

Eliachim's Slave, the Negro whom I spoke of, mistook that Box, for one very like it, out of which he had often seen his Master take Jewels: For, this is the particular Merchan­dise of that Jew. And the Weight of each was not so Unequal, as to rectifie his Error. Lucre tempted him, and the desire of Liber­ty. Whilst the Darkness (for he committed this Villainy before Sun-rising) and his own Guilty Fears, conspir'd to baffle his intended Theft. The Boxes stood together (so Care­ful was Eliachim of the Sublime Secrets, as not to venture 'em in a Place less secure, than that of his Jewels) and the Villain hasty to be gone, and confounded for want of Light, took up that wherein were the Writings, in­stead of his design'd Prey, the Jewels. He went directly into the Fields, purposing to bury this suppos'd Treasure in the Earth, [Page 137]in some private Place, where he might take it forth at Discretion. But first opening the Box, to supply himself with such Stones as he thought would be unquestionable Pawns for Money, to answer his present Necessities, that so he might the better provide for his Concealment; he was astonish'd, and his Heart became like Lead, when he found Nothing but Papers, full of Characters, to which he was wholly a Stranger. A Thou­sand Resolutions presented themselves to him, in that Agony of his Mind, and he knew not which to fix on. Sometimes he thought to carry the Box back again as he found it; and since his Design had been thus strangely baulk­ed, to Content himself till another Oppor­tunity. But then he consider'd, 'twas too late to return before his Master would miss both his Slave and Box; for the Sun was now far advanced in our Hemisphere, and Eliachim is an early Riser. In a Word, there­fore he thought it the safest Way, to bury it in the Ground, as he first intended had it been the Box of Jewels, and so shift for him­self. Proposing to himself this Advantage, in hiding the Papers in a secure Place, That if they were of Value, he might at any Time make Composition with his Master, by discovering where they were.

All that I have here related, is drawn from his own Mouth in the Midst of Tortures. For Eliachim soon heard of his Fugitive Ne­gro, who was seiz'd on the Rode to Lyons, by some Correspondents of this Jew. Who [Page 138]having Intelligence of it, took Horse immedi­ately, and went to the Place. He did not think it safe to make a publick Business of it, or to arraign him before the appointed Judges of the Country; But relying on the Justice of his Cause, and the Right of a Master, he pri­vately put him to Tortures of divers Kinds, in a House where he cou'd command any Thing.

The stout African, at first deny'd that he had medl'd with any Box; saying, he escap'd purely for the Sake of Liberty. But when a Succession of divers Torments had quite over­thrown his Constancy, he confessed all that I have already related. Eliachim still suspect­ing worse, and that he only fram'd this as a plausible Story to be freed from, or at least to respite the Pains he suffered, caus'd sharp Thorns to be thrust under the Nails of his Fin­gers and Toes; believing, that the Extremity of so sensible a Pain, wou'd extort the true Se­cret from him. But he cou'd get Nothing else from the poor excruciated Negro, though now almost ready to expire, than that he had hid the Box under-Ground in a certain Corner of a Field, out of the City: To which he knew not how to direct Eliachim, but promis'd to shew it him, if he wou'd carry him alive to Paris.

This was no hard Task to perform, in the Opinion of the Jew; it being but a Days Jour­ney to this City, from the Place where they then were. But he was deceived in his Hopes; and now all the Applications and Cordials they cou'd use, came too late: For, that very Night, the Negro breath'd out his Soul.

However, when Eliachim came to Paris, he follow'd the Directions of his dead Slave as well as he cou'd, in searching every Corner of the Fields on that Side of the City, where this Black had been seen to go out. But all to no Purpose. He cou'd find nothing; nor have we any Hopes, ever to see that Box a­gain. Yet I have many Qualms of Fear, lest some Time or other it should come to Light, to our Disadvantage and Ruine.

I desire thy Instructions, Sage Governour of the Capital City, how I shall deport my self, if it be my Lot to be discover'd. As to the Remaining Box, which has in it the Tran­scripts of my own Dispatches, I have taken it Home to my Lodging. Believing it will be as safe here, as in the House of Eliachim; since that faithful Jew, is no more exempted from Contingencies, than my self: And I have no Servant to betray me.

This Kingdom abounds at present, in Trea­sons and Rebellions. The French spare not to massacre one another, for the Sake of a Passion: While the Spaniards make their Ad­vantages of these Intestine Feuds. For, under Pretence of assisting the Princes of the Blood, they get Footing in Picardy, from whence it will not be easy to expel them. Leopold, Arch-Duke of Austria, is at the Head of the Spanish Army; and has taken several Towns, belonging to the French King.

When the Quarrels of these Infidels will end, I am not sollicitous; my Thoughts being ever taken up, in the Service which I owe to the Empire of True Believers.

I cannot bid thee Adieu, Illustrious Kaima­cham, till I have assur'd thee, I am macerated with Zeal for the Grand Signior.

Paris, 23d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER VIII.
To Solyman, Kuslir Aga, Prince of the Black Eunuchs.

AFter I had perus'd thy Dispatch, where­with thou hast honoured the Slave Mah­mut; as I was full of Joy for the continued Demonstrations of thy Friendship and Pro­tection, so my Breast conceiv'd an Indignation at the Affront, which has been offer'd to the Sublime Port by the Cham of the Tartars, in presuming to demand the Tutelage of our Au­gust Emperour. It is an Indignity to the Mi­nisters of Supreme Justice and Honour, Lights of the Imperial Divan, to whom is committed the Cognizance of all Human Events; The Illustrious Vizirs, who manage the Affairs of the Mighty and Invincible Sultan Mahomet, whose Throne may God fortify, till the Moon shall no more appear in the Heavens.

Those People have been ever thirsty of Rule; and 'tis number'd among the Vertues of their Ancestors, that they enlarg'd their Dominions [Page 141]by the keen Edge of their Swords. But in all the Registers and Archives of the Empire, it has not been found, that any of that Na­tion challeng'd a Right to Govern our Sultans, though during their Minority. It is sufficient, That they shall have the Honour (according to the Ancient Capitulations) to succeed in the Throne of the Osman Princes, if ever that Sa­cred Line shou'd be extinct: Which God avert, till the Final Consummation.

It is a Wonder, they demanded not also his Royal Brothers, the other Sons of Sultan Ibra­him; that so they might at one Blow, cut off the whole Osman Race, and take Possession of the Vacant Throne.

I have not heard any Thing these many Moons, what is become of those High-born Infants; whether they are alive, or sacrific'd to the Jealousie of the Sultan, as has been the Custom. Here are various flying Reports con­cerning them. Some say, that thou hast con­vey'd away Sultan Achmet, and that he is pri­vately Educated in the House of a certain Georgian. The Blessing of Mahomet be upon thee, and refresh thy Heart, if thou hast taken this Care to preserve the Life of an Osman Prince, which is more precious than a Hun­dred Thousand of Common Birth.

As for Solyman and the Rest of that Sublime Race, the French give 'em over for lost; And I cannot contradict 'em, for Want of true In­telligence. Besides, I have Reason to fear it is too true: In Regard it has been the cruel Practice of all, or most of our late Emperours, [Page 142]either to slaughter their Brethren as soon as they ascend the Throne, or to put 'em to a more lingring Death and Martyrdom in a Pri­son.

'Tis true indeed, our present Sovereign is not yet arriv'd to those Years, wherein Children commonly lose their Native Innocence. I be­lieve, he suspects none of his Brethren, nor harbours any unkind Thoughts against their Lives. Yet Cruelty may be insinuated into his Tender Years, by the Artifices of his Mo­ther; especially against those of his Father's Blood, that did not also partake of hers. For Sultan Ibrahim, thou know'st, had Children by other Women, beside the Sultana Valede.

The Malteses think they have one of these Royal Infants in their Possession: Thou know­est the whole Story of thy Predecessor's Voyage toward Egypt, with his Beautiful Slave and her Son, whom these Infidels honour as the Off-spring of the Grand Signior. Thou art not Ignorant also, that this Infant with his Mother were Banish'd, out of Jealousy, by the Order of Her who bore in her Womb Sultan Maho­met, our Glorious Sovereign. The Remem­brance of which makes me tremble, for the Sake of the Young Princes, if there be any yet remaining alive. It is in thy Power to certify me, and in doing so thou wilt rid me of much Anxiety.

I am but a Slave of the Slaves who serve the Grand Signior; and it is not decent for me to descant on the Actions of our most Absolute Monarch, whose Will is not to be controul'd. [Page 143]But I am still a Man, and have some Share of Humanity and Reason. Thou also art my particular Friend, and wilt permit me to di­scourse with Freedom. Was it not a Bloody Feast, to which our King's Great Grandfather, Mahomet III. invited Nineteen of his Brethren, on the Day of his Inauguration? Was it not a cruel Act, to cause those Royal Guests, in whose Veins ran the Blood of his Own Father, to be strangled, before they departed from his Ta­ble? No less Inhuman was it of Mahomet, the late Vizir Azem, to guide the Hand of this our Present Sovereign, when but Six Years Old, and incapable of knowing what he did, to sign a Warrant, for the Execution of his Father. Well may the Nazarenes call us Barbarians, when they contemplate the Empire of the Mus­sulmans, supported by such Ʋnnatural Me­thods.

Thou that hast the Superlative Honour, of being the Immediate Guardian of our Young Emperour, wilt pardon the Liberty I take. Ascribe all to the Force of my Zeal and Loy­alty. Thou art valiant and wise. Protect thy Charge, as the Crystal of thine Eyes, which thou wilt not suffer to be hurt by the Dust of the Streets.

Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER IX.
To Gnet Oglou.

NOtwithstanding all my Philosophy, I have not Command enough of my Passion, to conceal it from thee, who hast always been the Partaker of my Unequal Fortunes. What ever Magnanimity of Spirit I pretended to for­merly in my Sickness, 'tis at present overcome by the Desire of Ease. At that Time, I re­member, some Stoical Considerations made me industriously hide from thee the tormenting Pains I felt. I endeavoured to disguize my Sufferings, and to paint my Misery in such Colours, that it could hardly be distinguished from Happiness. But now I have not Courage enough, to hide from thee my Fears and Apprehensions: And all Seneca's Mo­rals, are too little to hinder me, from com­plaining of the Uncertainty that we daily ex­perience in Human Affairs. This is a Theme so Popular, that were not my particular Mis­fortunes very pressing, 'twou'd make me sick to say any Thing on a Subject, that has been in every Man's Mouth, since the Time that our First Father appear'd among the Trees. Therefore thou may'st be assured, I am not going about to make a Declamation, or play the Orator; to expatiate and make large Descants, on the Instability of all Things. What I have to say, refers to my self, and no body else, [Page 145]save to those who are the Occasion of my Me­laneholy.

In the 10th. Moon of the last Year, I sent a Letter to Kenan Bassa, the New Hasnadar-Bassy. I have a Copy of it by me, as I always retain of whatever Dispatches I send to the Sublime Port, whether to the Publick Mini­sters, or my Private Friends.

I have perus'd this Letter several Times with­in these Eight and Forty Hours, and can find no just Ground of Offence, which that Gran­dee cou'd take thereat: Unless he was angry with me, for desiring him to be careful in transmitting my Money. As for the Rest, I onely obey'd the particular Instructions, I received from Mahomet the late Vizir Azem: Who commanded me, not to spare the Greatest Minister of the Port, if I had reason either to counsel or reprehend him. For, said he in his Letter, To this End art thou plac'd at such a Distance, that besides the Service thou dost our Sovereign in disclosing the Secrets of the Infidels, thou mayst also be free to write, whatever thou thinkest will conduce to his Interest, without standing in Fear of the Revenge of the Grandees. These were the very Words, of the Prime Mi­nister of the Ottoman Empire.

Now I only told him of some Miscarriages in his Predecessors, warning him to be wary in his Station. Either he was offended at this Freedom I took, or because I presum'd to ad­vise him how to order my Bills. Be it which it will. I have had a severe Reprimand from the Reis Effendi, whom I have the greatest [Page 146]Reason in the World, to esteem my Friend.

It wou'd never have vex'd me, had he wrote plainly, and not disguised his Sentiments. But all was obscure, saving One blunt Ex­pression, which convinc'd me, That the real Ground of all this Anger, was my Letter to Ke­nan, wherein I desir'd his Care as to my Money.

Can that Minister blame me, for being apprehensive of Want in a Foreign Country, a Region of Infidels, where I have no other Com­merce, but with Courtiers and Strangers; where if I should be in the least suspected, they wou'd presently put me in Prison, which wou'd hazard a Discovery of the Sublime Se­crets? Does he not know, That Money com­mands all Things; and that the Greatest Po­tentates, obey the Power of Gold? It cannot be imagin'd, but that a Man in my Post, has a Thou­sand pressing Occasions for Money, which 'tis troublesome to express. And I have had very wrong Notions of my Employment, if I deserve on this Account, to be reprov'd and threaten'd with such Politick Circumlocutions: For, the Secretary charges me, with Unwillingness to continue in the Service of the Ever Happy Port: As if he thought my Fidelity were corrupted, or that I had an Inclination to the Nazarene Interest.

I tell thee, my Gnet, Perfidy I ever abhorr'd. This appears to me, the most terrible and o­dious of all Vices. I cou'd bear the Guilt and Reproach of a great many Crimes, which have less of Malice in their Constitution. I am not asham'd of many Venial Frailties, [Page 147]which I daily commit, though the Law is severe against them. But, cou'd any Man accuse me of Willful Treachery, and Ingra­titude, I wou'd pray instantly, That the Lu­minaries of Heaven might be extinguish't, and that no Terrene Substance, might hence­forth have in it the least Potential Light: That so I might neither be capable of seeing my self, or of being expos'd to the Eyes of O­thers. And the better to escape the Confu­sion, which wou'd attend that Horrid Guilt, I would not only avoid Human Society, but if it were possible, I wou'd run away from my self.

After all this, methinks such a Tem­per need not be suspected, as averse from the Interest, to which he has so solemnly sworn.

I wou'd not have troubled thee with the News of any other Affliction; but, to be su­spected of what I never was Guilty of, and to be menac'd in dark Mysterious Terms, not by an Enemy, but by my Friend, and one who has in his Keeping the Immortal Re­cords of my Zeal and Integrity; This cuts me to the Heart. And I had no other Way to ease my self, but by venting my Anguish to thee.

If any of the Ministers will charge me with Weakness, or want of Ability to act in this Station, I should have no Reason to repine: Since none of them can think so meanly of Mahmut, as he does of himself. I boast of Nothing, but a Loyalty to my Trust, incapable of being corrupted.

But I forget that I am a Mussulman, and therefore ought to be resign'd to the Will of Heaven in all Things, without Complaint or Murmur. Besides, I am infinitely oblig'd, in many Regards, to the Reis Effendi; and therefore, he may be allow'd to take his own Advantages. Perhaps his Reproofs may be Just, and 'tis my own Peevishness that hinders me from discerning it. How­ever, I cou'd wish he wou'd henceforth express his Resentments with less Obscurity, and not give me Grounds to apprehend the Loss of his Friendship.

For, where I once love, I hate a Changes. And if thou beest of the same Mind, We Two shall continue our Friendship, to the Other Side of the Grave.

Paris, 30th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER X.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of the Ottoman Empire.

IF thou wilt permit me to learn Something from Husbandmen, They say, 'tis not pro­fitable to plough the Fields whose barren Glebe brings forth Nothing but Briars and Thorns. Such are the Grounds of Passion and Anger among Friends. Let 'em lie Fallow for ever. Perhaps, thou wilt call it Presumption in me, to challenge such a Relation between us. Or, if thou ownest the Title of a Friend, thou wilt claim a Right to reprove me. Be it how it will, Reproofs make the best Impression, when they are given with Mildness and Mo­deration. Especially they ought not to be founded on a Mistake, or false Apprehension. For they appear like Arrows discharg'd in the Dark, which being shot at Random, may by gi­ving on undeserved Wound, make an Enemy of a Friend, or at least render a Friend suspected to be an Enemy.

But I tell thee, I will not blow up the Em­bers of a Fire, whose Flame is extinguish'd long ago, and whereof by this Time, I hope, there remains not the least Smoak. I never lov'd to add Fuel in such Cases: Otherwise, had I return'd an Answer to thy angry Let­ter, in the Heat of my Resentments, I might [Page 150]have play'd the Incendiary: For I had both Matter enough, and Passion sufficient, to ven­tilate the already kindled Sparks. And, of this, I know thou art sensible.

Well! to make the best Construction of it. The Hasnadarbassy was affronted, I believe, at the Freedom I took in advising him; not knowing that I had Positive Orders to do so, even to the First Minister of State, if I saw Occasion. And to vent his Choler, he mis­represented the Business to thee, hoping by thy Means, to awe me into a fawning Ac­knowledgment of my supposed Crime. If this was thy Intention in writing that sharp Letter, I smile at his Mistake; but am sorry for thine, because I esteem thee my Friend. 'Twas but an Oversight in you both; and so let it pass.

Thy Friendship I court, and refuse not his, nor that of any Officer of the Seraglio. I ho­nour all the Bassa's and Ministers of the Im­perial Port: I shew to every one the Respect that is due to his Quality: But I am com­manded to write with Freedom to all, and not to speak, as if I had the Bearded Head of a Barly-Stalk on my Tongue, which is apt to slip down a Man's Throat, and threatens to choak him that speaks whilst it is in his Mouth. This Charge I first receiv'd from the late Vizir Azem, Mahomet, and it has been since renew'd with fresh Instructions from others of Great Authority. They all tell me with much Assurance, That one chief End of my being plac'd here, is, that being [Page 151]out of the Limits of the Ottoman Empire, yet holding a constant Intelligence, I may freely and without Fear, reprove the Vices and en­courage the Virtues of the Greatest Governors and Princes among the Mussulmans. Nay, I am threat'ned with Punishment and the Sultan's Displeasure, if I neglect any Oppor­tunity of this Nature, or appear Partial and Timorous in my Reprehensions.

For, it seems, this is judged the most rea­dy and effectual Method, to reform the Cor­ruptions that are crept into Court, Camp, and City: Since every Man is oblig'd to commu­nicate the Letters which he receives from me: And they are all Registred by thy Care: Whereby the Grandees are compell'd, either to live within the Limits of Justice, and their Duty, or else to be the Discoverers of their own Faults: Which will unavoidably bring them into Disgrace, if not to the Loss of their Liberty and Lives; or at least put them to the Expence of costly Presents, to make their Attonement. And, thou knowest, some Men would almost as willingly part with their Lives, as their Money, which is their God.

After all this, I hope thou wilt not be di­spleased, if I perform my Duty. It is not for me to be frightned with Menaces, or soft­ned with Bribes. My Integrity is Proof a­gainst the Pride of the one, and Baseness of the other. Yet I have a great Esteem for the Trea­surer and thee, with other Ministers who are my Friends. I could, to serve such, freely hazard my Liberty, Fortune, and any Thing [Page 152]but my Honour, which I value at a far higher Rate than my Life.

Thou may'st Register it for a Truth, That an English Embassador was in the 6th. Moon of this Year, murder'd by Villains in his Chamber at Madrid, the Capital City of Spain. There has been also a Great Battle fought in Scotland, between the Army of that Nation, who maintain their King's Interest, and the Forces of the New English Common-Wealth; wherein the Latter obtain'd a Signal Victory, having kill'd Three Thousand on the Spot, taken Nine Thousand Prisoners, Fifteen Thou­sand Arms, Two Hundred Ensigns, and all their Cannon and Baggage. These are Pro­sperous Beginnings of that Republick, and re­dound much to the Honour of the English General, Oliver, whom every Body extols for a Gallant Man. And I can assure thee, these Western Nations are not barren of He­ro's.

Principal Scribe of the Mussulmans, I wish thy Heart may be a Transcript of the Best Copies.

Paris, 1st. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1650.

LETTER XI.
To Solyman Aga, Principal Cham­berlain of the Womens Apartments in the Seraglio.

THese Tartars, of whom I spake to thee in my last, are a strange Sort of People in their Manner of Life. But we must not censure 'em, because we are of Kin. I speak not of my self: For, though I am an Arab, yet the greatest part of those who serve in the Armies of the Grand Signior, are descended from the Crims. I mean, the Spahi's and Ti­mariots. Thou know'st the Originals of these Military Orders, and that they are more Ho­nourable than the Janizaries; who being Strangers by Blood, are brought up to the Lure of the Seraglio. They know neither Father nor Mother, (I speak of the Tributary Youths) nor have they any Partial Fondness for their Native Country. They are Educa­ted in a perfect Resignation to the Grand Sig­nior, and his Chief Ministers: Yet often dis­obey both, and not seldom put 'em in Ha­zard of their Lives. How many Vizirs, have been sacrificed to a cunning Janizar-Aga; who to prevent his own Ruine, has tempted those under his Command to Mutiny, and accept of no Attonement for their pretended Grie­vances, [Page 154]less than the Life of the First Deputy. The Rigid Fate of Sultan Osman, Uncle to our present Sovereign, will not be forgot by those who love the Ottoman Family better than these Bastard-Hectors. Shall the Empire of True Believers, be ruin'd by Renegades? Besides, their Discipline is extreamly corrup­ted; they marry, and follow Mechanick Trades, repugnant to the Austere Manners of the Primitive Guards, who were wholly attentive to Martial Exercises.

Were this to come to the Hands of a Jani­zary, he would curse me to the Pains which have neither Medium nor End. Yet I had once a Friend of that Order, Cassim Hali, the Chief Aga, a brave Man, and of the same Sentiments as my self. He sought to reform that Disor­derly Militia, but was oppos'd by the Wise Men in Power. He wou'd freely have sacrific'd his own Grandeur and Interest, for the Good of the Mussulman Empire; but was over-aw'd by those, who had no other Interest, but in its Ruine.

Thou know'st who I mean; Neither am I a Stranger to the Heroick Bravery of the Faith­ful Solyman, when he bearded the Bostangi A­ga on that Account. That Gardiner was of the Faction, being the Son of a Janizany, and train'd up in all the Practices of the Seditious. It makes me asham'd, when I hear the Infi­dels upbraid the Wisest of the Wise, the Su­preme Monarch on Earth with Folly, for per­mitting this Insolent and Mutinous Soldiery, to continue in the Empire. And I tremble [Page 155]to think, That one Time or other, the Re­nown'd Off-spring of Ertogriel, will owe its Ruine and Catastrophe, to these Disloyal Vi­pers, whom it cherishes in the Seraglio.

Much more assur'd is the French King, of his Guard of Switzers; whose Fidelity was never stain'd, with the least Infamous Brand of Perfidiousness, in taking up Arms against their Master, whose Bread they eat. These are Mercenary Soldiers, who travel out of their Native Country, to serve Foreign Prin­ces; and will shed the last drop of their Blood, rather than betray their Trust. Therefore they are admitted into the Palaces, and nigh the Bed Chambers of the Pope, and the King of France, with full Confidence of their Va­lour and Integrity.

As for their Country, it is barren and poor, consisting chiefly of Rocks and Desarts: Which occasions the Youth, who are generally very strong and hardy, to seek their Subsistence A­broad, by serving in the Guards and Armies of Neighbouring Monarchs and States.

Some Regiments of the Switzers, now serve in the Wars of Candy, under the Stan­dard of Venice.

There are Vessels arriv'd lately in some of the French Harbours, which bring News of the Ill Success of our Arms in the Siege of Candia, the Chief City of that Island. They talk, as if above Two Thousand Mussulmans were blown up in the Ninth Moon; and that Chusaein Bassa, discourag'd by this Loss, and with the Inconveniencies of the approach­ing [Page 156] Winter, was forc'd to raise the Siege, in the Moon of October.

The French magnify the Valour of the Knights of Malta, who signaliz'd themselves by many brave Actions, during this Siege. And if all be true, that is related of these Christian Champions, we cannot in common Justice deny 'em their due Character, and number some of them at least among the He­roes.

Otherwise, we shou'd come short of these Western Nazarenes in Generosity, who with no less honourable Expressions, extol the re­peated Courage, and Invincible Constancy of the Illustrious Chusaein, and the Alacrity of all the Mussulman Soldiers, in the Service of our Great Master.

Yet they cannot forbear reflecting on the Cowardise of the Janizaries; who after that fatal Blow, had they stoutly maintain'd their other Posts, that brave Bassa wou'd not so soon have quitted the Siege of this Important Place.

As for other News, I have little to acquaint thee with, save a seeming Calm at present in this Kingdom of France, which has for the greatest Part of the Year, been harrass'd with Civil Discords and Slaughters. Bourdeaux, the Chief City which held out against the King, is now reduc'd to Obedience, the pa­cify'd Monarch retir'd, and an Appearance of Peace.

The Queen of Sueden, we hear, was solemn­ly Crown'd in the Tenth Moon of the last [Page 157]Year, having declar'd for her Successor, Carolus Gustavus, Prince-Palatine, and her Cou­sin.

In the same Moon, died the Prince of O­range; and soon after, the Count d' Avaux, a French Grandee, and Minister of State.

In the mean Time, I rejoice to hear, that my old Friends are Alive and Flourishing; and, that the Knot is not loosen'd, which was ty'd in our Youth. May it continue firm, to the Day of the Earthquake, and to a Term Ʋnlimited.

Paris, 29th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XII.
To Kisur Dramelec, Secretary of the Nazarene Affairs, at the Port.

IN the Name of God and his Prophet, what Occasion hadst thou to send me such an an­gry Letter? Thou that art thy self but a Slave, as I am, to the Slaves of him, whose Throne is above the Flight of the Eagle! Dost thou think to frighten Mahmut into a sordid Com­pliance with thy Ambition, whom Nothing can terrify, so long as he preserves himself free from any Stain of Disloyalty? I tell thee, [Page 158]I'm another Achilles, Invulnerable all over, save the Soles of my Feet, which are the Em­blems of our most tender Affections. There thou may'st wound me, with the soft Ar­rows of pretended Friendship. But if once thou appearest, with the Naked Face of an Enemy, I'm presently on my Guard.

Thou accusest me of many Crimes, where­of I was never Guilty; loadest me with a Thousand undeserved Reproaches, and all to vent thy Choler: Threatning me with Revenge, because I once excus'd the Lateness of my Ad­dress to Minezim Aluph Bassa, then newly Vested by our Munificent Sultan, by laying the Blame on the Badness of the Ways, or the Insolence of Soldiers by whom the Posts are often intercepted in Time of War: or, in Fine, on thy Neglect in not supplying me with more early Intelligence. Wherein 'tis easie to discern, That thou wert the last I wou'd accuse to that Minister, though thou wert Principally in the Fault. For I was after­wards inform'd, That the Posts were neither retarded by any Impassable Roads, or stopp'd by the Orders of Military Men, but arriv'd here at their accustom'd Seasons. Where­fore thou hast no Reason to be offended at me, unless it be for the Shortness of my Ac­cusation, and that it was defective in Malice.

Thou wouldst take it ill, if in my own Defence I shou'd complain to the Vizir Azem, of thy frequent Neglects in this Kind. But I scorn to vindicate my self, at the Price of a­nother Man's Disgrace and Peril. Onely I [Page 159]advise thee, to forbear threatning. It is a Re­flection on thy Prudence, to menace a Man who has no other Resentments of thy Passion, than to own himself oblig'd to thee, for so open a Discovery of it. Woud'st have the very Spleen of my Humour? I smile at thee. Thou hast made me as Jocund as Democritus. If thou know'st not who I mean; He was a pleasant sort of a Philosopher, to whom all Hu­man Actions, were Objects of Mirth. There was another Whining Sage, that perpetually Wept. The most Comical Passages, and such as mov'd all Men to Laughter, drew Floods of Tears from his Eyes. His Name was He­raclitus. It is hard to determine, which of these Two was in the Right. But I think I am not much in the Wrong, to be a little pleasant with thee. Perhaps, it may put thee into a better Humour. However, I wou'd not have thee be displeas'd with thy self, for being of so peevish a Disposition. 'Tis observ'd, That Passionate Men are always best Natur'd, and free from secret Malice. Choler is as necessary as our Blood. Without the Lat­ter, we cou'd not live; and if we were void of the Former, our Lives wou'd be as Ʋna­ctive, as that of Snails and Oysters. We shou'd be absolute Drones.

Hippocrates, the famous Physician, says, This Complexion is the most Noble of all the Four, transforming Men to Heroes, and re­fining our Earthly Mold, to a Constitution like that of the Immortal Gods; whose Bodies, according to the Poets, consist wholly of an Ethereal Flame.

Therefore be not discouraged, neither re­pine at a Temper, which ranks thee among those, to whom Sacrifices are made. On the other Side, take it not amiss from Mahmut, if he tells thee, he has not Devotion enough, to become thy Voluntary Victim.

Yet if I cannot be so Obsequious, as to throw my self away, by acknowledging Crimes where­in I was never concern'd, and for which I have a Natural Abhorrence; rest satisfy'd at least, That I will serve thee as far as I can, without entrenching on the Duty I owe to the Grand Signior. And be assur'd, I will do thee no Harm, so long as thou observest that Rule.

In fine, I advise thee to order thy Steps, like a Man that is walking in the Bogs of E­gypt, where if he observe the Track of those who have gone before him, he may be safe; but if his Foot slips, he Sinks in the Mire. Such is the Life of Courtiers.

Paris, 18th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XIII.
To Minezim Aluph, Bassa.

IN the Beginning of the last Year I sent thee a Dispatch, wherein I acquainted thee with the Imprisonment of Three Princes of the Roy­al Blood of France. Now thou shalt receive the News of their Liberty.

They were releas'd by an Order from the King, on the 13th. Day of this Moon, and arriv'd in this City on the 16th, which was Yesterday, attended by a numerous Cavalcade, consisting of some Princes, divers of the No­bility and Gentry, and one wou'd think, of Half the Citizens of Paris. Even those who triumph'd last Year, and made Bonfires for their Confinement; Yesterday throng'd out of the City, to welcome them Home with Acclamations of Joy, and to congratulate their Release. So fickle and inconstant a Thing is the Multitude, driven hither and thither, with every Artificial Declaration of Statesmen or Pretence of Faction.

But there were divers Princes and Noble­men, who from the First Hour of their being seiz'd, resolv'd not to leave a Stone unturn'd, to procure their Freedom. The Grandees that were their Friends, retir'd to their Go­vernments, and rais'd Rebellions in the Provin­ces. All the Kingdom was harass'd with Ci­vil Wars. The Parliaments decreed against [Page 162]the Court: And there wanted not Cabals of Seditious Courtiers, even in the Palace of the King, to undermine the Royal Authority; which the Cardinal Minister thought to esta­blish, by the Imprisonment of the Princes. In all Places, the King's Interest ran Retro­grade.

Thou wilt not wonder at this when thou shalt know, that the Princes of France are not Slaves to the King, like the Bassa's of the most Serene Empire, who owe all their Great­ness, to the sole Favour of our Munificent Sultans. These Princes, enjoy all that and more by Inheritance, which our Grandees acquire only by their Merits, and the Smiles of their Sovereign. Hence it is, that their In­terest is rivetted in the Hearts of the People, who revere the Blood Royal, in whatsoever Channels it runs.

Therefore thinking Men blame the Car­dinal's Conduct in this Affair; saying, There was neither Justice nor Policy in it. Indeed, if a Mans Wit is to be measur'd by the Success of his Contrivances, the Censure of these People is true. For the Cardinal seems to have made a Trap for himself.

As soon as he perceived the King was prevail'd on by the Importunity of his Uncle, the Duke of Orleans, and the Parliament of Paris, to release the Princes, and that they had at the same Time earnestly begg'd of him, that this Mi­nister might be remov'd from the Court; he sud­denly pack'd up his Moveables, and with-drew privately towards the Place, where the Prin­ces [Page 163]were Confin'd: Hoping, that though he had lost his First Point, yet he might make an indifferent After-Game, by going in Person to the Royal Prisoners, and assuring them, 'twas to him they ow'd their Release; since it was in his Power to carry 'em away with him, as also those who brought 'em the King's Mandate. For, he travell'd not without a considerable Guard.

'Tis said, the Princes receiv'd him with seeming Compliments and Addresses of Ci­vility; promising their Friendship to the Cardinal, now a Voluntary Exile, and in a worse Condition than themselves.

It is very strange that so great a Minister, who Inherited all that Absolute Power, which his Predecessor Richlieu had at this Court, should thus on a sudden abandon his Fortune. But it is thought, he is not gone to pick Straws.

However, he has by this timely Flight, a­voided the Displeasure of seeing himself com­pell'd to depart by an Arrest of Parliament, which was publish'd within Two Days after he was gone; commanding him to depart the Kingdom, within Fifteen Days.

The Wise Minister, foresaw this Disgrace approaching, and therefore thought it more becoming his Honour, to depart of his own Accord: Having still the Advantage, to re­proach the State with Ingratitude, in that they have reduced to such Streights, the Man by whose Auspicious Conduct, France had been elevated to an Extraordinary Grandeur in Europe.

By this thou mayst comprehend, Illustrious Bassa, that there is no Stability in Human Greatness; but that the Wheels of a Courtier's Life, run through Ʋnequal Tracks, often sticking in the Mire of the Valley, and not seldom threatning to overthrow a Man, and cast him Headlong from the Precipice of a Mountain. Against these Inconstant Turns of Fortune, I advise thee to be arm'd with Moderation; since no Man can avoid his Destiny.

Paris, 14th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XIV.
To Isouf, his Kinsman, at Fez.

I Am glad to hear thou art alive. Thy Let­ter came in a good Hour; for I bear a true Affection to those of my Blood, and have been particularly anxious for thee these many Years. The Sun has Nine Times measur'd the Twelve Signs of the Zodiack, since I received thy last Letter before this, or heard any News of thee. It seems, thou hast travell'd a great Part of the Earth, during that Time.

'Twas kindly done of thee, to remember thy Sick Ʋncle's Request, when thou wert at Aleppo, in making Oblations for his Health [Page 165]to Sheigh Bonbac, the Santone; and distri­buting Corban to the Poor, in Honour of Syn­tana Fissa.

Thou hast sent me a large and satisfactory Account of thy Observations in Asia: Yet I am sorry, thou hadst not Time to penetrate into the Religion and Secrets of the Indian Bramins. I am more ambitious, to pry into the Wisdom and Learning of those Philosophers, than into any other Species of Knowledge what­soever. Methinks, 'tis pity the Records of so vast an Antiquity, shou'd be conceal'd from the Rest of the World, and onely known to those Happy Priests. I protest, 'tis impossi­ble for me to think of it without Envy. But perhaps, it is the Will of Heaven, to lock up those Mysteries in the Remotest Provinces of the East, as a Reward of their Constancy, in adhering to the Traditions of their Fathers, which know no Origin; and as a Reproach to all other Nations, who in Matters of Reli­gion, have been Mutable as the Winds.

I have convers'd with several Jesuits and others, who have been in the Indies; but they seem to relate all Things Partially, out of a Natural Aversion for the Manners of the East: And I knew not how to disprove 'em, till my Brother Pestelihali undeceived me. He has al­so visited those Parts, and resided a conside­rable Time in China. It is a difficult Thing for a Traveller, to keep himself within the Bounds of Truth in his Relations; but, I be­lieve, he has not exceeded. Thy Journal, touches but lightly the Indian Affairs, not [Page 166]having Leisure, as thou tellest me, to observe much. However, thou hast made Amends in thy Relations of Persia, Tartary, and the Land of the Curds.

I depend much on thy Promise of sending me a Journal of thy Travels in Africk. To that Quarter of the World, I am much a Stran­ger; not having met with any Authentick Relation, of the Regions in the South.

It seems, thou hast been in Aethiopia, Ly­bia, Egypt; and, in Fine, all over the Tor­rid Zone.

Historians tell Wonderful Things of these Parts. Herodotus mentions a Sort of People in Africk, whose Bodies were more Venomous than Serpents. These affronted once at the Winds, for driving the Sands of Lybia into their Country, and filling up all their Wells and Streams, enter'd into a War against the Kingdom of Aeolus; but the South Wind met 'em in their March, and bury'd 'em under Mountains of Dust.

I do not represent this to thee as a Truth, though related by that Learn'd Grecian. Thou mayst repute it for a Fable, as I do. But let this Passage be a Hint, that I expect from thee none but Solid Remarks.

It wou'd please me to be assur'd of one Thing, which perhaps thou hast heard of when thou wast in Barbary. Very credible Authors report, that when the Phoenicians were ex­pell'd by the Israelites, and driven into this Corner of Africk, they set up Two Pillars of Marble, whereon they Engrav'd these Words, [Page 167]as a Lasting Monument of their Expulsion, ‘WE ARE A REMNANT OF THOSE, WHO FLED FROM THE FACE OF JOSHUA, THE ROBBER, THE SON OF NUN.’

The First Invention of Ships, is by some ascrib'd to these People, whom Necessity taught to seek Rest on the Unquiet Ocean; since the more Turbulent Sons of Jacob, wou'd not permit them to enjoy any Repose on the Land, having harass'd 'em from one Place to another, till at length they drove 'em to the very Borders of the Earth. But, thou know'st, the Chineses pretend to the Ʋse of Ships, ma­ny Thousand Years before this Depredation of the Israelites. Every Nation aims to be esteem'd the most Ancient. And when there was formerly a Dispute between the Egypti­ans and Scythians on this Point, it was ad­justed in Favour of the Latter; but the Chro­nologies of the Chinese and Indians, far oxceed all others in the World. For they seem to out-strip Time it self in Antiquity; at least, they transcend the Common Date of the World's Creation.

I have heard a Traveller assert, That as he was journeying through the Desarts of Lybia, he discover'd an Altar of Stone, with this In­scription on it, in Grecian Characters, ‘I PO­LYSTRATUS OF ATHENS, HAVE CONSECRATED THIS ALTAR, TO ALL THAT IS GOOD IN HE AVEN; AND IF THAT ALL BE BƲT ONE, AS SOME SAY, [Page 168]MAY THAT ONE ACCEPT MY VOWS.’

I desire thee to inform me, Whether thou hast ever seen or heard of such an Altar, when thou wert in those Parts. You Travellers, must expect this Kind of Trouble from your Friends. Every Body is Naturally Inquisi­tive, and Desirous of Knowledge.

'Twill be acceptable also, to send me an Ab­stract of the Present State of Fez. I should be glad to hear of the Health of Abdel Melee Muli Omar, the Superiour of the Magnifi­cent Colledge in that City, built by Al' Habu Ennor, King of the Country. They say, it cost him Two Hundred and Forty Thousand Sequins.

'Tis added, That in Fez there is a Mosque, near Half a League in Circuit: In which are as many Gates, as there be Days in the Revo­lution of a Moon. And that the Number of the Pillars which support it, is equal to the Year of the Hegira wherein it was Founded; being encompass'd also, by Seventeen High Minarets; besides Innumerable Domes and Te­rasses. Having also 900 Lamps burning in it by Night, and 300 Windows to let in the Light of the Day. The Revenue of this fa­mous Mosque, is said to be 36500 Sequins a Year. They relate many other things of Fez, and the Provinces belonging to it. Of all which, I desire thee to send me a Distinct Account.

I had almost forgot one Passage, which I have read in the Ancients, concerning a cer­tain [Page 169]subtle African, whose Name was Psa­phon. This Man had train'd up a Parrot, to repeat very frequently these Words, Psa­phon is a Great God. When the Bird had per­fectly learn'd his Lesson, he let it loose; which being accustom'd to a Domestick Life in a Cage, fled not presently to the Fields, but perch'd on the Temple of the Town, where it was heard by the People, to utter the afore­said Sentence aloud, and very often. They Ignorant of the Quality of Parrots, and led with Native Superstition, esteem'd it an Oracle from Heaven. Wherefore immedi­ately flocking to the House of Psaphon, they offer'd Sacrifice to him, and in all Respects treated him as a Divinity.

Whether this Story be true or no, 'tis cer­tain, Idolatry had no better Foundation, than Artifice and Lyes: Unless we shall conclude with the Poet, That Fear made the First Gods in the World. Cousin, let there be a frequent Intercourse between us. It will be profitable to thee and me.

Paris, 5th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XV.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

'TIS a Custom in the Court of Rome, that every Nation of the West, has a Protector among the Cardinals there, who are Princes of the Roman Church. Such I esteem thee, in the most Exalted Court of the East.

Arabia gave thee thy first Breath: But thy own Merits have lifted thee up to the Dignity of a Bassa, a Prince of the Ottoman Empire, whose Limits far exceed those of Modern, or even of Ancient Rome.

'Tis from hence, our Countrymen address to thee, as to their Patron; using thy Power and Mediation with the Grand Signior, in all their Necessities.

Among the Rest, wonder not that the humblest of thy Slaves, Mahmut, the Son of thy Father's Neighbour, falls at thy Feet, in a Time of great Distress; in the Agonies of his Spirit, the Hazard of his Fortune, and Peril of his Honour, which he values more than his Life.

I complain not of the many repeated A­buses and Contempts I have receiv'd from some in the Seraglio, to whom it belongs not, to meddle with Things out of their Sphere, much less to discourage the Faithful Agents and Missioners of the Grand Signior. Yet the Persecutions I have felt from their Hands, are such as wou'd drive another Man, less patient of Injuries, either to Revenge or Despair.

They have vilify'd all my Conduct in this Station; reproach'd my best Actions, with the odious Characters of Imprudence and Dis­loyalty; and misrepresented the smallest Pec­cadillo's (for which also, I have the Mufti's Dispensation) under the Ignominious Title of Infidelity and Atheism. In a Word, they thirst after my Blood: Nothing will satisfy their greedy Malice, but my Life.

I never was afraid to die, since I perfect­ly understood what it is to live. Nor can I be fond of protracting my Breath, when my Great Master shall please to call for a Surrender of it, for whose Service onely it was given me. But it would render the Scene of my Death Tragical, and strew my Passage into the Other World with Thorns, to be sent out of This, under the Notion of a Traytor, who have acted my Part, without a real Blemish.

Ikingi, that Learn'd Tutor of the Royal Pages, was the first that broach'd this Enmity against me; (for I have forgot the Prevarica­tion of Shashim Istham, the Black Eunuch, since the Time he acknowledg'd his Fault with much Candor and Ingenuity.) 'Twas that Athenian Sophist, who debauch'd the Integrity of my Cousin Solyman; and perswa­ded the Unwary Youth, to enter into a Con­spiracy against his Uncle. But I reprehended my Kinsman's Folly in one Letter; and his Answer, though late, convinc'd me, That he was not guilty of Malice, so much as of Rashness and Credulity. I was extream­ly oblig'd to the Kaimacham, for his Be­nignity [Page 172]and Friendship in this Affair. The good old Minister had a real Kindness for me, and took no small Pains to penetrate into the Causes of my Cousin's eager Passion, and Ma­lice against me. At length he found it to be only the Practices of Ikingi, who took Ad­vantage of Solyman's Temper, equally Loyal and Flexible; insinuated into his Youthful Mind, Monstrous Idea's of me; and, in fine, set him a railing at me with a fierce kind of Liberty, wherever he came. The wise Bassa soon open'd my Kinsman's Eyes; brought him to his Sense; and the Issue of all was, that Solyman writ me a Letter of Apolo­gy.

But since this, the Master of the Pages has laid new Trains for me, and drawn a great many more to his Party. He has corrupted Mustapha Guir, an Eunuch, and Page to the Old Queen; with whom I once held a Cor­respondence, and, as I thought, had contra­cted a Familiarity and Friendship. But, it seems, it was only an Appearance, without Reality. I could give thee a long List of those, whom this Academick has taught to slander Mahmut: But I will not appear so Revenge­ful. Besides, this is not the only Grievance of which I complain.

Shall I remonstrate to thee, most Excellent and Serene Bassa, the true Cause of my Un­easiness? I am weary of living among Infi­dels. Favour me with thy Assistance and In­tercession, that I may have leave to retire from this Place, and vindicate my self before the [Page 173]Faces of my Enemies. And having had that Honour, rend'ring also a just Account of the Affairs wherewith I am entrusted, I may visit my Native Country, and spend the Residue of my Days in Arabia, the Scene of all our Prophet's Great Actions; the Place where I first drew my Breath. I languish for the A­romatick Air of Admoim, the Crystal Foun­tains, and Cooler Shades of that Happy Pro­vince. I long to see the Groves which encom­pass the Village of my Nativity, the Turrets of thy Father's House, and the Mosque of Hasen the Prophet. For, tho' I took no No­tice of these Things in my Infancy; yet ha­ving once seen 'em in my Riper Years, when I were able to make more lasting Reflections, I shall never forget these delightful Objects, so long as I live.

If this be an Infirmity, pardon it, Illu­strious Arab, since it is Natural to all Men. Thou thy self, hast enjoy'd the Pleasure of revisiting that sweet Region: Pity Mah­mut, who burns with Desire to taste the same.

Or, if this shall be thought too great an In­dulgence, to the poor Exil'd Mahmut; yet it will be easy for thee, who art a Favourite, to obtain of the Grand Signior, that I may at least be recall'd from this Employ­ment, and some body else substituted in my Place. There are those among my Enemies, who are Ambitious of the Fatigue; and I­kingi, my Old Friend, would exchange all the Honours he is possess'd of in the Seraglio, [Page 174]for this Obscure, yet Hazardous Post. 'Tis Pity but such a Man's Thirst of Perils, should be gratify'd.

But if after all that I have said, my Supe­riours shall think it expedient to continue me here, I am resign'd: Only desiring, that from henceforth my Slanderers may be su­spected, as Men ill affected to the Sublime Port, for traducing a Man that has waded through a Thousand Difficulties, Temptati­ons and Perils; and serv'd the Ottoman Em­pire in this Station, fourteen Years, without making a false Step, or Transgressing the least Point of his Instructions.

I hear that Chusaein Bassa, is made Vizir Azem. The French have a very great Opini­on of his Valour. They are generally Impar­tial Criticks in Martial Affairs, scorning to deny a Brave Enemy his Due Character.

We are at present barren of other News, save a New Arrest of Parliament against Cardinal Mazarini, and all his Kindred and Creatures; whereby they are declared Enemies to the State, and charg'd with a long Ca­talogue of Crimes, whereof perhaps they were never Guilty.

Here are also some flying Reports of the Cardinal's Death: who, they say, has poy­son'd himself for Grief of his ill Success in this Court. But I esteem this, only as the Froth of his Enemies Malice, who really wish him Dead; and, to discourage his Friends, give it out that he is so.

Serene Bassa, I commit my Affairs to thy Protection, beseeching thee, to do the Office of a Countryman and a Friend, to the be­tray'd for God.

Paris, 26th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XVI.
To Chusaein Bassa, the Magnani­mous Vizir Azem, and Invinci­ble General of the Ottoman For­ces in Candia.

I Am not much above Forty Three Years Old, yet have seen Great Changes in the World, mighty Revolutions in Kingdoms and States, and the Death of many Sovereign Mo­narchs, Illustrious Generals, and Wise States­men. Doubtless, all Sublunary Things, are subject to Vicissitude. There appears Nothing Constant and Settled, but the Heavens and Stars. They indeed persevere in their Immu­table Courses, never change their Orbs, nor start from their Eternal Posts. The Sun rises and sets at his accustom'd Hours, and the Moon exactly observes the determin'd Periods of her Encrease and Wane; These vary on­ly, as the Seasons of the Year, with Exqui­site [Page 176]Regularity, and Constant Returns.

But here below, there is an Universal Trans­migration and Metempsychosis of States, and Forms of Things: A Perpetual Flux and Re­flux of Human Events. Men die hourly, and others are hourly born to supply their Places. One Age treads close upon the Heels of ano­ther. And we who live at present, as we walk in the Steps of our Fathers, so shall we follow them down to the Grave, where our Flesh by a new Metamorphosis, shall be turn'd into the Bodies of Worms, Insects and Serpents: And what shall become of our Souls, is Uncertain.

I was born in the Reign of Sultan Achmet, from whom our present Sovereign is the Sixth Emperour, that has ascended the Glorious Throne of the Ottomans. May God grant him a Long Life, and a Series of Years bless'd with Continual Health, and Victory over his Ene­mies. I pray Heaven also, to perpetuate thy New Office, to the last Period of the Sultan's Life; and in wishing this, I say all that can be expected.

But when I reflect on the frequent and bloody Tragedies, that have been acted in the Seraglio since I can remember, and the many Sacrifices that have been made of Sul­tan's, Vizir's, Bassa's, and Principal Mini­sters of State, besides the Massacres and But­cheries of Meaner Persons; It makes me me­lancholy, amidst the Joys I conceive for thy late Exaltation; and fills me with Fears, lest my good Wishes to the Grand Signior and Thee, who art his Right Hand, shou'd by [Page 177]some sinister Decree of Fate, be almost as soon disannull'd as pronounc'd. I pray Hea­ven avert my melancholy Presages.

The Death of the Old Queen (the News of which is lately arriv'd at this Court) does but revive and encrease my Apprehension, of Greater Tragedies to come: Because one Act of Cruelty, still propagates another. Re­venge is Prolifick, and Mischief is never at a Stand. 'Tis true indeed, as it is not decent to insult o'er the Ashes of Illustrious Persons; so neither has a Loyal Mussulman, any great Reason to mourn for the Fall of a Woman, by whose Connivance her Royal Son, and our late Great Master, Sultan Ibrahim, fell a Sa­crifice to the Mufti's Indignation. 'Twas an Unnatural Part in a Mother: And we may say, the Divine Justice has overtaken her, in making her Grandson sign the Warrant for her Death, with the Consent of that very Mufti, at whose Instigation she had con­sented to the Murder of his Father.

Yet after all, may not she have left behind her a Party in the Seraglio, or at least in the State, who will study to revenge her Fall; or, however, do some Mischief to prevent their own? Let me not seem to contradict my own Arguments; and whilst I plead against Revenge and Cruelty, appear an Advocate for those Inhuman Passions. I do not men­tion the surviving Creatures of this Unhappy Queen, to excite in thee, false Sentiments of Justice, suspicious Chimaera's of a possible Con­spiracy, and so stimulate thee to punish them [Page 178]by Anticipation, for Crimes of which per­haps they never will be Guilty. I rather sug­gest these Things, that after so many Trage­dies in the Royal Family, a Stop may be now put to future Mischiefs; lest, whilst Men pur­sue a particular and self-Interess'd Revenge, the Contagion shou'd spread, and Cruelty be­come Universal, and Infinite.

Let it suffice, that no less than Three of our Sultans, have been Depos'd and Strangl'd within these Thirty Years: Not to mention the Deluge of Royal Blood, that has over­flow'd the Private Chambers of the Seraglio, the Prisons of the Ottoman Princes Brothers, or Sons to the Emperours formerly Reigning.

These were Barbarous Cures of untimely Jea­lousies; and it is Pity that such Royal Massa­cres, shou'd ever be repeated again. Why shou'd the Posterity of Ottoman, be in this Regard the only Ʋnfortunate Princes on Earth? Were it not much more Noble, and equally Wise, to take the Measures of Aethi­opian Policy, where, to prevent Sedition and Discords about Succession, the Princes of the Blood are confin'd indeed, but to a very Plea­sing Liberty: Whilst they have Palaces, Parks, and Large Fields at Command; are serv'd by a Princely Train, and deny'd no Lawful Pleasures, within the Pale of their Restraint: For there is an exceeding high Mountain in the Country, the Top of which is very Spacious, containing large Tracts of Ground, many beau­tiful Seraglio's, furnish'd with whatsoever can contribute to the Enjoyment of these Princes, or [Page 179]at least to compensate for their Want of grea­ter Liberty. This Mountain, is environ'd with a high and strong Wall, having but one En­trance, and that guarded by Soldiers; so that no Man can go in or out, who has not the Emperor's Warrant, or at least a Permission from the Prime Minister of State: For he, upon the Death of the Emperor, immediate­ly calls a Council of the Supreme Officers, who from among these Imprison'd Princes, chuse him whom they think most worthy to suc­ceed. The rest, who never felt the Appetite to Reign (for they are carry'd to this Place in their Infancy, and kept in perpetual Igno­rance of State-Affairs) pass away their Time without Envy, or repining at the Exaltation of their Brother. Addicting themselves whol­ly to the Innocent Delights of that Rural Life, or to the Study of Books, whereof they have great Plenty in their Libraries, and those al­together treating of Matters of Divine or Na­tural Speculation. Whereby, though they know nothing of State-Artifices, and Intrigues of Courts, yet they become able Philosophers, and vers'd in all the Liberal Sciences.

Wou'd to God our Ottoman Princes (I mean the Younger Brothers) had but half this Liberty granted them. Then the Infidels wou'd have no reason to call the Exalted Port, a Nest of Vulturs.

But we must not find Fault with the Acti­ons of our Sovereigns, though they tend to the Scandal and Ruine of the Mussulman Em­pire. Yet I know to whom I write these Things; having often heard thee declaim a­gainst [Page 180]this Barbarous Custom, of shutting up the Royal Off-spring in a Dungeon, without Light or Comfort during their Lives; which many Times are also Cruelly shorten'd, by the Hands of the Executioner.

But, turning our Eyes from the Tragedies of the East, let us fix 'em on the Affairs of the Nazarenes in the West.

The chief Discourse at present is, about a Marriage lately solemniz'd between the Em­perour of Germany, and the Dutchess of Man­tua. She is his Third Wife successively; for Polygamy is not allow'd, even to the Sove­reigns, in these Parts, where the Priests bear all the Sway.

The Posts from Sueden inform us, of the Death of General Torstenson, of whose Exploits in Germany thou hast often heard. That Em­pire is very Unfortunate, spending its Time and Vitals, in Unprofitable Assemblies and Con­sults, whilst her Active Enemies, take whole Provinces from her with Ease: But this need not grieve Us.

Great Atlas of the Mussulman Empire, I wish thee the Continence of Scipio, the For­tune of Alexander, and the Temperance of Ca­to; who when he was marching through the Sands of Lybia with his Army, all ready to expire with Thirst, and one of his Soldiers brought him his Helmet full of Water, as a rare present in that General Distress gratify'd the Soldier for his Gift, but spilt the Water on the Ground, saying, That since there was not enough to satisfy the Whole Army, he [Page 181]wou'd not taste a Drop, and that he was Un­worthy to be a General, who wou'd not en­dure as much Hardship as the meanest Soldier.

Paris, 26th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XVII.
To Nassuf, Bassa of Natolia.

PRaise be to God, Lord of the Seven Hea­vens, and of all that is within their Cir­cumference: These Western Nazarenes, are always a quarrelling. They are resolved to do their Parts toward the fulfilling the Mus­sulman Predictions, and those of their own Prophets. It makes me smile, to see these Infidels employing their Arms against each other, contending about Petty Rights and Possessions, whilst they neglect the General Conservation and Defence of Christendom, from the Impetuous Torrents of our Invincible Armies.

The Elector of Brandenburgh, is enter'd in­to the Dutchy of Mons with considerable Forces, pretending to adjust, I know not what Differences, between those whom they call Catholicks and Protestants.

'Twould be too tedious for a Letter, to run back to the First Original of this War, [Page 182]and trace it down from above a Hundred Years ago to the present Time. Besides, 'tis of no Import to a Mussulman, to hear a long Story of the Marriages, Deaths, Heirs, and Law-Disputes of these Petty Infidel-Princes. Yet, that thou may'st know something of it, I will relate the whole Business as briefly as I can.

In the Year 1546. William Duke of Mons, Juliers and Cleves, marry'd Mary the Daughter of Ferdinand I. Emperour of Germany, and by this March obtain'd of the Emperour (whom they call Caesar, as they did the Ancient Emperours of Rome, whose Successor he pretends to be) some Privileges, touching the Succession of his Children, and their Right to his Dominions: and particular­ly, that this vast Estate should not be Divided, but rest in the entire Possession of One Heir-Male, or in Default of that, it should de­scend to the next Female, which, as I am told, is a Custom in Germany; that so the Grandezza and Authority of Princely Fa­milies, may be supported.

I will not trouble thee with the Particu­lars, which would take up a Volume. But in short, it appears, that notwithstanding all the strict Provision that was, or could be made; this great Estate, after it had remain'd Sixty Years Ʋnited, was at Length Divi­ded between Two Princes, both claiming an Equal Right to the Whole; Yet to pre­vent Wars, and Effusion of Blood, each was contented with Half. These were Wolf­gang, [Page 183]Duke of Newburgh; and Ernest, Mar­quess of Brandenburgh. In whose Families, the Parted Succession has continued to this Day.

The Occasion of the present Quarrel, is their Difference of Religion; the Duke of Newburgh being a Catholick, and he of Bran­denburgh a Protestant. It seems, the Branden­burghers had formerly made Inrodes on those of Mons and Juliers, carrying away Cap­tive their Priests and Dervises from their Altars and Convents, and detaining them in Servitude, for many Years, contrary to cer­tain Articles that had been drawn up be­tween 'em. They also used them with great Cruelty, and committed a Thousand Insolen­ces on the Roman Imaums, wherever they got 'em in their Power.

Thus their Affairs continu'd, till the late Agreement at Munster. Since which Time, the Duke of Newburgh endeavoured to free his Subjects from their former Calamities, and restore things to their Ancient State.

The Elector of Brandenburgh, making this an Occasion of War, has now invaded the Dominions of the said Duke. He is not gone in Person, but has sent a good Soldier, whom they call Otho Sparr, with Four Thousand Men to begin the Campaign; who, 'tis said, will be follow'd by a greater Army.

But before he took the Field, the Elector of Brandenburgh had an Interview and Con­ference with the Duke of Saxony about this Affair, who is also a Protestant: So that 'tis [Page 184]thought, no small Disturbance will arise in the Empire. All Joy and Peace to True Be­lievers!

He of Brandenburgh, has caus'd a Decla­ration to be spread abroad full of Specious Pretences, that so his Conquests may be the more easy. He talks of nothing, but resto­ring the People of Juliers and Mons to their Ancient Liberties and Rights, both in Civil and Religious Matters; promising the fairest Things in the World, to those that obey him, and receive his Armies with Friendship: On the other side, threatning to treat those who resist him, with the utmost Severity that is due to Traytors and Rebels. And all this, for the Sake of Two or Three Insignificant Ceremonies and Opinions, wherein they differ; mere Trifles, Litteral Whimsies, the Sport of their Doctors, the Spawn of Wanton and Luxuri­ant Brains. For, no greater was the Original Difference between the Lutherans, and those of the Roman Church. One will be sav'd by the Strength of his Phancy, which he calls Faith, without doing any Good Work toward it: The Other toils all his Life-Time to me­rit Heaven, and thinks he can never do enough to obtain his End. He wears out the Pave­ment of Churches, and makes the Skin of his Knees like that of a Camel, with perpetual Kneeling, and Praying to Images and Pictures. And after all, they may be both damn'd, for ought I know, for their Ill Lives. They tear and devour one another like Wild Beasts, and think to gain Paradise by their Unnatural Zeal.

The Duke of Newburgh has publish'd a Manifesto against the Proceedings of Bran­denburgh, and sollicited the Duke of Lorrain's Aid, as also that of Leopold, Arch-Duke of Austria. What will be the Issue, no Man knows; but oft-times, a small Spark kindles great Fires: And it is not impossible, that this little Feud, may set the whole Empire in a Flame.

Mighty Bassa, I pray Heaven bless thee with Peace, Health, and thy due Revenue. If these be not enough to make thee Happy, I wish thee an Encrease of Honours, and all the Glorious Fatigues which Mortals court as their Way to Bliss.

Paris, 20th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XVIII.
To Useph Bassa.

SUspect me not: I have an equal Esteem for thee, as I have for the other Bassa's and Ministers of the Divan. But I find it difficult to please any. They are Captious, and every one wou'd have all my Letters address'd to himself: As if I were plac'd here to serve Particular Interests, and not the Publick. However, I cannot but acknow­ledge the tacit Honour they do me, in be­ing so covetous of poor Mahmut's Corre­spondence. I wish I were in a Condition to be more Partial: Then I would quickly make thee and some others sensible, which are the Persons, for whom I have a peculi­ar Regard.

But as the Case is at present, I must ob­serve the Instructions I have receiv'd; and, by Turns, write to All.

Wherein, if I fail of Arithmetical Proporti­ons, I will make Amends by the Rules of Geometry: If I write but seldom to some, I desire that the Length of my Letters, and Solidity of the Matter, may be accepted as a proper Supplement.

But, thou hast no Reason to complain on this Score, unless it be of thy self, for tra­velling into Remote Countries, whither I knew not how to follow thee with Letters, or any [Page 187]other Way. Besides, the former Friendship that has been between us, is a sufficient Counterscarp against all Suspicion of Neglect on my Part, who am a Thousand Times obliged to thee for so many repeated Favours. For the sake of God therefore, and All that is Good, wound my Heart no more with these Undeserv'd Reproaches: But believe stedfastly, That Mahmut can never be un­grateful and false.

Thy Letter is a Miscellany, of Friendly Complaints and Compliments. Thou gi­vest me a Character, to which I do not pretend. 'Tis true, indeed, and I thank God and my Good Stars for it, that I was not born Blind, Deaf, or Dumb. Nature gave me my Senses free from any Manifest Defect; and I have an Indifferent good Memory. When I was Young, I had an Inclination to read Books; and Fortune has since fa­vour'd me, with many Opportunities for that Purpose. But I found the most profita­ble Study to be, that of MY SELF, to which all the Laborious Pains of the Schools and Academies, serve only as a certain Gra­dation and Discipline. Nay, without these, a Man may attain all the Knowledge that is Necessary to the Accomplishment of his Na­ture; For so did the First Philosophers, be­fore Books or Letters were extant. If thou wilt be perfectly Wise, read the ALCO­RAN, and the ƲNIVERSE; After that, peruse THYSELF. Thou wilt find, Matter of Wonder and Improvement in [Page 188] Each; but most of all, in the Last: For, Man is a Medley of all Things.

Were this Lesson well learn'd and practis'd in the Court of France, there wou'd not be so many little Quarrels among these Infidels; or at least, such Petty Originals, wou'd not produce so many Fatal Consequences.

From the first Time the Prince of Conde with his Brothers, were releas'd from their Imprisonment (whereof I have given an Ac­count to Minezim Aluph) there appear'd much Coldness in the Queen's Reception of 'em, and their Addresses to her. On both sides they were at a Loss, how to behave themselves: For, all their Civilities were forc'd. 'Tis true, there was a Splendid Um­brage of Reconciliation; but it soon vanish'd. Their suppress'd Passions, discover'd themselves by Degrees, and at length broke out into open Enmity.

The Queen appear'd full of Condescensi­ons, and Favours: But Young Conde, is as full of his Merits and brave Exploits; remem­bring what Services, he has done to this Crown. Besides, he is not void of Suspicion and Jealousie, lest all those Excesses of Roy­al Kindness are strain'd, only to render him more secure, and so entrap him a second Time with greater Advantage. The Horror of his First Imprisonment, is yet fix'd in his Mind; from whence it will not be easy to efface it. Three Principal Servants of the Queen, were Banish'd, to remove his Fears: For, he ima­gin'd them to be Instruments of Correspon­dence between the Queen and his old Ene­my, [Page 189] Cardinal Mazarini. Yet she publish'd a Declaration, signifying, That the Cardinal should be for ever Banish'd, not only from the Court, but from the Kingdom.

And this Moon, the King being come of Age, invited the Prince to the Ceremonies u­sual on such Occasions: Which Conde appre­hended as a Snare, and so fled out of Paris.

The Event of these Emergencies, is yet in the Secret Pages of Destiny: But in all Like­lyhood, a Civil War will follow. People are whispering, caballing and making Parties on both Sides. All the Powder in Paris, is engrossed and gone; but no body knows by whom. Some say, the Prince is posted into Flanders; others report, that he is retir'd to his own Government, there to raise an Army. The most knowing averr, That wherever he is, he has Two Hundred Thousand Sequins in Bank, to give Life to his New Designs, let them be what they will.

Think not this News of small Importance, Serene Bassa: But when thou hearest of the Civil Wars among Christians, especially in the Realm of France, the First and most Victo­rious Empire of the West, look on thy Right Hand and on thy Left; for our Holy Prophet, or his Herald, is near at Hand.

Paris, 22d. of the 9th. Moon, the Year 1651.

LETTER XIX.
To Solyman, his Cousin, at Constan­tinople.

THou seest, what thy Libertinism has brought on thee. For my Part, I am Sick in reading thy Letter, full of Melancholy, and the worst Kind of Enthusiasm.

Hadst thou follow'd my Advice, or if that be contemn'd, hadst thou but obey'd the Pre­cepts of thy Father, an honest Man, and one that went down to the Grave in Peace, thou would'st have Liv'd as happily as other Men; but now thou art overwhelm'd with Hypochon­driack Vapours, and Dreams of a sickly Brain. I counsel thee, to purge thy self with Helle­bor; for thou hast more Need of that, than of Books. In all my Life, I never heard such Religious Nonsence from a Mussulman, as thy last Letter is stuff'd with.

I have not Patience to make Repetitions, or answer every Particular Whimsie of thine. But in God's Name, what makes thee fright thy self with such a Wrong Notion of Hell? It is a Common Maxim in Nature, That Nothing Violent, is Permanent. Either there­fore, the Pains of the Damn'd are not Infi­nitely Intense, or else they are not Eternal in their Duration. Thou wilt say, The Al­coran it self asserts the Eternity of those Tor­ments. [Page 191]But dost thou understand the Figura­tive Manner of Speech us'd in that Divine Book, and in all our Eastern Writings? Is it not Common to call a very High Mountain, the Mountain of God? As if all the Moun­tains and Valleys of the Earth, were not e­qually his. So, to express an Uncertain Length of Time, 'tis Customary to use the Epithet [Eternal.] Thus, we in ordinary Conversation say in Arabia, I love You Eter­nally, I will serve You, fight for You, &c. E­ternally; and the same of the Contrary Passions: And yet we all know, we shall live but a few Years.

But, granting that the Alcoran speaks in a Literal Sence; it does not follow, That those Pains are without Intervals of Rest. We read of the Tree Zacon, which grows in the Center of Hell: But who will interpret, what is understood by this Plant?

Cousin, make use of thy Reason; and pra­ctise the best Things. As for our Condition after this Life, trouble not thy self; for no Man knows, what will become of him when he goes Hence. However, we cannot believe, the Supremely Merciful Delights in Cruelty.

There is a Path, which the Eagle has not winged, nor the Serpent trac'd, though 'tis obvious to both. But their own Rashness blinds them, and they cannot discern the Way of the Wise. There are Men of towring Speculations, and others very Crafty; yet nei­ther one or 'tother, can grope out the Direct Road to Bliss. If I may advise thee, let Na­ture [Page 192]be thy Guide. Do nothing, but what Humanity prompts thee to: 'Tis this alone, distinguishes thee from other Animals. Ho­nour the Memory of thy deceas'd Parents, love thy Friends, and be generous to thy Enemies: Do Justice to all Men: Observe the Purifi­cations and Prayers prescrib'd by the Law: But give no Credit to the Fables of Infidels. It is common here among the Christians, to paint Hell with Horrid Flames, and Devils flying up and down with red-hot Prongs, to toss the Damn'd from Fire to Fire. And their Preachers make long and direful Harangues, on the same Subject: When all the while, neither they nor we know, What or Where Hell is, or after what Manner the Wicked shall be Chastis'd.

Only the Illuminated of God have this Standard of Truth; That both our Pains and Pleasures after this Life, shall be Exactly pro­portion'd to our Vertues and Vices. There is no Malice or Injustice, in the Good Creator of All Things.

Cousin, once again, let thy Sences be a­wake, and suffer not thy Reason to dream of Things, which have no Existence. For as­suredly, God is the most Impartial Judge of the Ʋniverse.

Paris, the 22d. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER XX.
To Enden Al' Zadi Jaaf, Begler­beg of Dierbekir.

I Have not the Honour to know thee in Person, but have heard of thy Fame. So Mortals are unacquainted with the Secrets of the Fixed Stars; yet we observe their Lu­stre and Rank, and the Figure they make in those Remote Worlds.

Thy Exploits among the Curds and Georgians, are not unknown in these Parts. The Franks that travel in the East, have transported hither such a Character of thy Magnanimous Actions, as makes all Men of Honour in Love with thee: And I have conceiv'd a particular Veneration for thy Vertues. May God encrease them with thy Hours, and grant thee a Monopoly of Bliss.

Thou art plac'd in an Eminent Seat, and may'st with Reason be call'd Lord of Lords, as thy Title imports; for thou art Possessor of the Terrestrial Paradise, if we may give. Credit to the Tradition of the Ancients. They tell us, that for a Time Adam dwelt there, with his Second Wife, and that the particular Place of his Abode was an Island, encompass'd with the Rivers Euphrates, Ty­gris, Pison, and Gihon. From whence it was call'd Mesopotamia by the Greeks; Which [Page 194]signifies, A Region environ'd with Rivers.

All the West of Asia, have a profound Re­spect for this Country. And the Jews relate strange Stories of a Tree in Dierbekir, which grew Five Hundred Miles high, in the Days of Adam; which they say, was cut down by an Angel, lest Man, should climb to Heaven by it before his Time. For, it seems, Ambition was a Vice, early as our Nature; and Adam was no sooner sensible that he was a Man, but he aspir'd to be a God, or something like One: So great a Charm there is in Honour and Authority.

They say also, that Abraham was born in this Region. However, 'tis certain, if there be any Certainty in Records and Histories, that he resided there a considerable Time. But thou knowest best, what Traditions thy Subjects have of these Things.

The Chinese and Indians laugh at all this, as a Romance of Later Date, than their Chro­nicles; which make those Extremities of the East, to be the Stage of the first Mortals. Instead of Adam and Eve, or Alileth, they assert the Names of the Original Parents of Mankind, to be Panzon and Panzona: Whose Off-spring, they say, continu'd Ten Millions of Years; but at length, were all destroy'd from the Earth, by a Tempest from Heaven. After whom, they tell us, God created Lon­tizam, a Man with Two Horns, each as big and tall as a Tree in that Country, which they call the Plant of God, being the Largest and First of all Vegetables. This Man's [Page 195] Horns being Prolifick, according to their Tradition; out of the Right, sprang a Thou­sand Men every Day for a Hundred Years; and as many Women out of the Left, in the same Space. From whom descended all Mortals of both Sexes to this Day; tho' we are much diminish'd in Bulk, through the General Decay of Human Nature. For, these People affirm, That the First Race of Men, were all Gyants: But that through Intem­perance and other Vices, their Off-spring shrunk by degrees into smaller Dimensions, till at Length they arriv'd at the present Stature, and appear'd like Pigmies in Compa­rison of the Primitive Sons of Loutizam. In Confirmation of this the Indians shew to Tra­vellers, some of their Temples hewn out of vast Rocks, with the Images of those Gigantick Men, who they say, were employ'd in the Work. These they honour, as Hero's or Demi-Gods.

I do not relate this for Truth, but only to divert thee, in representing the different O­pinions of Men. God only knows, how to separate the Truth from Falshood in Histo­ries.

But to return to Dierbekir: This Country is Famous for the Tower of Babel, built by Nimrod and his Followers; at what Time, the Languages were confounded, as Moses relates. 'Tis Remarkable also, for the Battel fought between the Parthians and Ro­mans at Harran, and for the Death of Ca­racalla, the Son of Severus, Emperour of [Page 196] Rome, who was Murdered by Macrinus, the Roman General. These Emperors were all call'd Caesars, as the Kings of Egypt were call'd Pharaoh's and Ptolomies▪ It seems, the Word Caesar, was first apply'd to Julius the Roman Dictator, for that his Mother dying under the Pains which were to give him Life, her Belly was ript up, and he drawn forth from her Womb by the Hands of a Surgeon. In Memory of which, he and all his Successors were call'd Caesars; that Word signifying [drawn forth by Violence] But, whatsoever the Manner of his Birth was, this is Certain, that he and Forty of his Successors, were hur­ri'd out of the World, by untimely Death: For, they either laid Violent Hands on them­selves, or were Murder'd by Traytors.

If thou wou'dst have any News out of these Parts, the Chief Discourse at Present is, of a great Victory obtain'd by the Polanders a­gainst the Cossacks and Tartars. And I cou'd wish this were all: But the Nazarenes are continually made joyful, with the Success of the Venetians against the Arms of the Invin­cible Empire. They beat us by Sea, and baffle all our Attempts by Land. We have not got an Inch of Ground in Candia, during the last Campaigne, but lost many Thousands of Men, and brought the Name of the Sublime Port and Victorious Mussulmans, into Contempt and Scorn. Where the Fault lies, God knows. 'Tis too Melancholy a Theme, to insist on Particulars.

Don Juan of Austria, has also besieged Bar­celona by Sea and Land.

Several Arrests of Parliament, are here publish'd against the Prince of Conde and his Adherents; and, 'tis reported, the King will recall Cardinal Mazarini from his Banish­ment.

Illustrious Prince, and Governour of a Hap­py Region, I beg thy favourable Construction of this Address. And thus in Reverence I desist, full of Dutiful and Affectionate Vows for thy Prosperity.

Paris, 19th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1651.

LETTER I.
To Abdel Melech Muli Omar, Pre­sident of the College of Sciences at Fez.

THou hast formerly received a Letter from me, wherein I mentioned the Tenets of a certain French Philoso­pher who maintains, That the Earth moves like the Rest of the Planets, and the Sun stands still, being the Center of this our World: For he asserts, that there are Many.

The Name of this Sage is Des Cartes, Re­nowned throughout the World for his Learn­ing and Knowledge. H [...] lays as a Basis of all his Philosophy, this short Position and Infe­rence, I THINK; THEREFORE I AM. In this alone he is Dogmatical, al­lowing a Lawful Scepticism, in all the Un­certain Deductions which may be drawn from it.

Pardon me, Oraculous Sage, if I expose be­fore thee my Infirmities. I am Naturally di­strustful of all Things. This Temper puts me upon Perpetual Thinking. And that very Act convinces me, of the Truth of my Being, according to the Method of this Philosopher. But What I am, I know not. Sometimes I Phancy my self, no more than a Dream or Idea of all those other Things, which Men commonly believe do Really Exist: A mere Imagination of Possibilities. And, that all which we call the World, is but One Grand Chimaera, or Nothing in Masquerade.

At other Times, when these wild Thoughts are vanished, and my Spirits tired in the Pur­suit of such Abstracted Whimsies begin to flag, and that my Lower Sence awak'd by some present Pain or Pleasure, rouzes my sleeping Appetites: When I am touch'd with Hunger, Thirst, or Cold, or Heat, and find experimentally, I am Something that cannot be a mere Thought or Dream, but of a Com­position which stands in Need of Meat, Drink, Garments, and other Necessaries: Then, ra­ther than fret my self with Vain and Endless [Page 201]Scrutinies, I tamely conclude, I am that which they call a Man, I lay the Sceptick a­side, and without [...]ny farther Scruples or Doubts, fall roundly to eating, drinking, or any other Refreshments my Nature craves for.

But no sooner have I tasted these Delights, when my Old Distemper returns again. I then consider my self as a Being, capable of Happiness or Misery in some Degree, as I shall possess or Want those very Delights I just before enjoyed. This is a sufficient Damp to a Thinking Man, when he knows, that he stands in Need of any Thing out of himself. But 'tis far greater, when he will take the Pains to number all the Train of his Particular Necessities, which he is not sure he shall always be able to supply.

This makes me presently conclude, That as I am Indebted to Other Creatures for my sensible Happiness, so I owe my very Being to Something beside my self. I examine my Original, and find I am born of Men and Wo­men, who were in the same Indigent Cir­cumstances as my self: And that it is not only so with my Particular Family, but with all Mankind; our whole Human Race, being born Natural Mendicants from the Womb. As soon as we breath the Vital Air, we Cry; and with those Inarticulate Prayers, beg for Help and Protection from others, without whose generous Aid we could not subsist a Moment: So poor and beggarly a Thing is Man, from his Birth. This is the Condition [Page 202]of all: Neither is a King any more exempt from this Common Character of Mortals than the Slave who sweeps the Streets.

If I could have rested in this Thought, I should have been happy: For it would have had this Influence on me, either to convince me, that I ought to be content with the Condition to which I was born, or to rid my self out of so despicable a State by Death.

But alas, one Thought produces another: And from the Contemplation of our present Misery in this Life, I fall to thinking what will become of us after Death. For, as we know not What, or Where we were before we came into this World; so there is no Human Certainty, Whither we shall go, or in What Condition we shall be, when we leave it: And therefore, it would be an unpardonable Mad­ness, to throw my self headlong into a State of which I have no Account: And, to avoid the Little Miseries of this Life, which must have an End one Time or other, cast my self down a Precipice (for ought I know) of Intolerable Torments, which has no Bot­tom.

I hear the Philosophers talk of Immortality, the Poets of Elyzium, the Christian Priests of Heaven, Hell, and Pargatory; the Indian Bramins of Transmigration. But I know not what, or which I have Reason to believe, of all these.

I speak after the Manner of Philosophers; for, if we come to Faith, the Case is altered. Think not, I beseech thee, that I call in Question the Sacred Oracles, the Revelations of the sent of God. But I only acquaint thee, how my Natural Reason hatters me with Doubts.

I see Men every where professing some Re­ligion or other; paying Divine Honours to some Superiour Being, or Beings, according as they have been Educated: Which many Times tempts me to think, that Religion is Nothing but the Effect of Education.

Then I wonder, how Men when they come to Years of Discretion, and their Rea­son is able to Distinguish between Things probable, and mere Romances, can still retain the Errors of their Infancy. 'Tis Natural for Children, to be wheadled or aw'd into a Be­lief of what their Parents, Nurses, or Tutors teach them. But when they come of Age, they soon rectify their misled Understandings, in all Things, save the Affairs of Religion. In this they are Children still, tenacious of the Sacred Fables of their Priests, and Obsti­nate in maintaining them, sometimes even to Death.

It puzzles me to find out the Cause of so strange an Effect, That Men otherwise endu'd with Mature Judgments, and an extraordina­ry Sagacity in all Things else, should yet be Fools in Matters of Religion, and believe Things Inconsistent with the Common Sence and Reason of Mankind.

I could never give Credit to the Histories of the Ancient Pagans, which acquaint us with the devout Adoration they paid to the Creatures of the Painter or Carver, did not I see the same practised among the Christians: Or, that those Wise Men of Old, cou'd swal­low the Forgeries of their Priests concerning their Gods and Goddesses, were I not an Eye-Witness, how bigotted the Modern Nazarenes are to the Legends of their Saints, and the Jews to those more Ridiculous Figments of the Talmud.

It perplexes me, to see Mankind generally labouring under so great a Darkness, not so much the Effect of Ignorance, as of Super­stition: To behold Men well vers'd in Sci­ences, and all kinds of Humane Learning; yet Zealous Assertors of manifest Contradictions in Matters of Divinity, rather than oppose, or so much as examine the Traditions of their Fathers.

When I behold Mankind divided into so many innumerable Different Religions in the World, all vigorously propagating their own Tenets, either by Subtilty or Violence, yet few or none seeming by their Practice to be­lieve what they with so much Ardour pro­fess; I could almost think, that these various Ways of Worship, were first invented by Politicians; each accommodating his Model, to the Inclinations of the People whom he design'd to Circumvent.

But when on the other side I consider, there appears something so Natural and Ʋndis­guis'd, [Page 205]in the Furious Zeal, and Ʋnconquera­ble Obstinacy of the Greatest Part; I am as ready to Joyn with Cardan, and conclude, That all this Variety of Religions, depends on the Different Influence of the Stars. This was a famous Philosopher in Europe; and held, That the Religion of the Jews, ow'd its O­riginal to the Force of Saturn, that of the Christians to Jupiter, and Ours to Mars. As for the Pagans, he assigns to them ma­ny Constellations and Aspects.

Thus there is so equal an Appearance of Truth and Falshood in Every Religion, that I should not know how, in Human Reason, to fix on any.

Superstition renders a Man a Fool, and Scep­ticism is enough to make him Mad. To be­lieve All Things, is above Reason; to give Credit to Nothing, is below it. I will keep the Middle Path, and direct my Faith by my Reason.

That Faculty tells me, that if I were in inclined to Adore the Sun, Moon and Stars for their Beauty and Influence, I might on the same Ground Worship my own Eyes, with­out which I could not behold their tempting Splendors: Or, I might as well pay Divine Honour to that more Intimate Sence, my Feeling, or any of my other Sences, which only render me capable to know the Vertue of these Luminaries. The fame may be said of the Elements, and of all Visible Be­ings.

What then shall I Adore, or to whom shall I return Thanks for all the Blessings I enjoy (for, even in this Miserable Life, I taste some Happiness?) To that Being, I say, shall I address my Vows and Supplications, for all the Good that I possess and want? Is it to any Thing that I have seen or can see, or that I can represent to my self under a Figure? Is it to any Part of the Ʋniverse, or no? No: To the whole Complex together? No. I have a Thousand kind Thoughts for the Sun, Moon and Stars, for the Elements, and many other Compound Creatures. My Soul, and that of the World, are Ʋnisons. But 'tis the Profound Depth of Eternity, the Infinite and Immortal, who is the Diapason, and makes perfect Harmony.

To that Being which has no Resemblance, neither is Divided into Parts, nor Circum­scrib'd with Limits; whose Center is every where, Circumference no where; Who hath neither Beginning nor End: To the only Om­nipotent, from whom all other Things flow, and to whom they all return; To him I owe all that I have, and will pay what I can. And something by his Determination, I am Indebted, and will discharge to thee, Orient Light of the Moresco Mussulmans; that is, the Duty of an Humble Slave, in begging Par­don for this Presumption.

Paris, 14th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1652.

LETTER II.
To the Kaimacham.

'TWas the Contemplation of Isouf Eb'n Hadrilla, an Arabian Philosopher, That all Men were at First Created in a State of War: For this Sage, gave no Credit to the Writings of Moses, the Jewish Historian and Prophet; neither cou'd any Arguments perswade him to believe, That all Mortals descended from Adam. 'Twas an Article of his Faith, That in the Infancy of the World, Men were Form'd of the Prolifick Slime of the Earth, Impreg­nated by the Vigorous Warmth of the Sun, and that all other Animals had their Original in the same Manner: But that in Process of Time, the Richness of the Seminal Soyl being exhausted by a continual Spontaneons Produ­ction of Living Creatures, there was no other Way to perpetuate the Various Kinds of Be­ings, and multiply the Individuals, but by the Ordinary Method of Generation. For which Reason, Nature seems to have subdi­vided every Species into Two Sexes.

Hence, this Philosopher concludes, That at First there was no nearer Relation between Man and Man, than there is now betwixt a Lyon and a Sheep, or any other different Kinds of Animals: Saving onely, that as these are distinguish'd by their Forms, into Four-Footed Beasts, Fowls, Fishes, and Creeping [Page 208]Things; so Men assum'd to themselves, the Character of Rational Creatures: And a Prin­ciple of Self-Preservation, was the First Ground of a Tacite and Common League be­tween Men, against the Rest of their Fellow-Animals: Especially against those, which made a more frightful Figure on Earth than we do, and seem'd more Rapacious and In­clin'd to Mischief; such as Dragons, Tygers, Bears, Lions, &c.

But notwithstanding this General Associa­tion of our Race, against the more Salvage and Fierce Troops of Beasts; yet one Man still stood upon his Guard against another. And all the Sons of the Earth, endeavour'd to main­tain the Posts, which Nature had alotted each Man; That is, the Place where he was first Form'd, and drew Breath. But Things cou'd not last long in this State: For, either by Instinct or Reason (call it which you will, says this Author) Men being streightened for want of Fruits, or spurr'd on by some secret Desire of Novelty, soon went out of their Bounds, and encounter'd each other, more by Chance than Design: Whence arose, the First Occasions of Actual War. For, every Stranger, appear'd like an Invader: They Naturally startled and suspected each other. Reciprocal Passions of Choler sprung in their Breasts; and every Man to prevent the Effect of his own Fears and Apprehensions, rush'd on his Neighbour, who was on the same Ground as ready for an Assault as himself. Thus, an Ʋniversal War Commenc'd in the World [Page 209]which by various Methods of Improvement, was carry'd on by the Succeeding Generations, and continu'd to the Present Times.

As for the Original of Governments, the Particular Time cannot be determin'd; but it may be supposed, That Men Generally find­ing the Inconvenience of these private Perso­nal Combats, and by Degrees arriving to grea­ter Maturity of Experience, form'd them­selves at First into little Societies and Friend­ships, or as they dwelt near one another, or as they agreed in some Common Incli­nations, Principles, and Interests. From which Small Associations, they gradually spread into Larger Communities, living under cer­tain Laws and Obligations of Mutual Peace, Justice and Assistance toward each other, and of Defence against their Common Enemies: Some living under the Form of a Common-Wealth, Others of a Monarchy; each Body of Men, setting up such a Model, as best suited their own Interests and Necessities. From hence sprung the Distinction of Na­tions, Kingdoms, and Empires. Thus far the Arabian Philosopher.

But without enquiring into the Truth of his Principles, one wou'd think, that some of these Western Nazarenes were his Disciples. And indeed, all Civil Dissentions, seem to be grounded on the same Maxims: Whilst Men on the least Discontent or Jealousie, lay aside the Obedience they owe to their Sove­reigns, claiming I know not what Natural Right, to defend themselves against the En­croachments [Page 210]and Usurpations of others.

Thus, no sooner was it suppos'd here, that the King intended to recall Cardinal Maza­rini from his Exile; bu [...] the Parliament of Paris, who are secret Friends to the Prince of Conde, publish'd an Arrest against the Car­dinal, whereby all Persons are forbid to con­tribute toward the Return of this Minister; and Ordering, That his Library, with all his Moveables, shou'd be sold to raise a Sum of a Hundred and Fifty Thousand Livres, which is promis'd as a Reward to those who shall either take him Prisoner, or kill him. They also Petition'd the Duke of Orleans, to make the utmost Use of his Authority against the Cardinal. Who, thereupon rais'd Conside­rable Troops, and gave the Command of them to the Duke of Beaufort.

In the mean Time, the Cardinal is not Idle; but with what Forces he has, performs some Considerable Actions, in his own De­fence. He has taken Prisoner, an Eminent Councellor of Parliament. The Parliament sent a Trumpet to demand his Release. This Messenger was rejected. Whereupon, the Parliament are taking New Methods.

The Prince of Conde has sent a Letter and Request to the Parliament, desiring them to suspend the Execution of the Arrest publish'd against him; since the Time given him to lay down his Arms, was not yet expir'd, and that the Cardinal was returned into the King­dom, contrary to a Prohibition, sign'd by the, King.

But, notwithstanding all these Traverses, Mazarini is come again to the Court, which is now kept at P [...]ctiers; Where he was re­ceiv'd with Infinite Respect and Caresses, by the King, the Queen, and all his Friends. A­nimosities daily encrease between the diffe­rent Parties: Private Grudges are improv'd to Publick Factions: An Universal Peevish­ness, has possess'd the Hearts of the French Nation: They are alarm'd and offended, at one another's Looks. If a Man smiles too much or too little, in conversing with his Friend, 'tis enough to give him the Character of an Enemy, or at least to render him suspected. So that he who wou'd live peace­ably here at this Juncture, had need to be well skill'd in all the Secrets of Physiognomy, and make frequent Use of his Looking-Glass; lest any Oblique Cast of his Eye, or Satyrical writhing of his Nose, shou'd be Interpreted for Symptoms of Hidden Malice. For now they'll spy Treason, in every Feature of a Man's Face.

As for me, when I go abroad, I conform to all Companies; yet alter not my Address. I neither play the Ape, nor counterfeit a Sta­tue: But observing a Medium, I pay a Ci­vil Respect to all, without being Courtly or Rude: For this Carriage, best Suits with my Circumstances. Hence it is, that no Body suspects the plain, deform'd, blunt, Crook­back'd Titus of Moldavia, to be what I am really, Mahmut the Slave of the Exalted Port.

Paris, 14th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1652.

LETTER III.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Se­cretary of the Ottoman Empire.

THE Prince of Conde's taking up Arms, has more puzzl'd the Counsels of the King of France, and more embarass'd his Af­fairs, than any Occurrence that has happen'd since the Death of his Father.

I have already inform'd the Kaimacham and others, of all Passages hitherto, relating to these Intestine Broils. Since which they seem to be improv'd into a War, wherein Foreign Nations take a Part. After the Return of Cardinal Mazarini to this Court, the Prince of Conde was driven to great Streights, being compell'd by the swift Marches of the King's Army, to retire to Bourdeaux. Where, con­sidering that it would not be so much his In­terest to keep this Place, as to encrease his Forces, he sent Envoys to the King of Spain, and Arch-Duke Leopold in Flanders, to desire their Assistance.

The Former immediately dispatched away Orders for a considerable Body of Men to approach the Confides of Gascoigne where the Prince had a great Interest; And the Lat­ter lent him Eight Thousand Men, to act on the side of Flanders and towards Paris, as Occasion offer'd.

This is the particular Game of the Spaniards, to take Advantage of the Civil Wars in this Kingdom, that so by assisting the weaker Party, they may balance the Contesting Powers of the Nation, and keep 'em in a perpetual Quarrel: Whilst in the Interim, they gain Ground; recover the Places which the French took from 'em in Time of Do­mestick Peace, and so pave the Way to New Conquests.

In the mean Time, the Parliament sent Deputies to the King, beseeching him to re­member his Royal Word, by which he had for ever banish'd Cardinal Mazarini; and represent­ing to him the Fatal Consequences, which were like to proceed from his Return. But the King, instead of complying with their Requests, caus'd an Edict of Council to be Publish'd, which justify'd his Conduct in this Matter.

He also writ a Letter to the Parliament, full of Complaints, that they had not yet publish'd any Order, to hinder the Entrance of a Foreign Army into the Kingdom. But all signified Nothing, to Men passionately bent, to maintain the Prince of Conde's Quar­rel against their Sovereign. He has but few trusty Men in that Senate, and they are over­aw'd by the Rest. Besides, the Duke of Orleans bears a strange Sway both in the Par­liament and Country.

At the Instigation of the Prince, the Citi­zens of Orleans shut up their Gates, when they heard the King was coming that Way in [Page 214]his return to Paris. Yet the Country was open for the Prince of Conde, a Subject: He travell'd up and down the Provinces, to make New Interests, and confirm the Old; leaving the Command of his Army in Gas­coigne, to his Brother the Prince of Conti.

There have been many Skirmishes and En­counters, between the King's Forces, and those of the Male-contents; and one fierce Combat, wherein the Prince of Conde defeated the Vanguard of the King's Army, as he was marching to this City. Whereby getting the Start of his Sovereign, he arriv'd here, and was receiv'd in the Parliament, whilst the Monarch was forc'd to lie encamp'd in the Field.

The Prince found a different Reception, according to the various Humours of People. The Greatest Part favour'd him, and he re­ceiv'd infinite Caresses from the Citizens of Paris: But met with some Opposition from Persons of Higher Rank, and more stedfast Loyalty to the Crown. The Duke of Orleans is his greatest Friend, and one for whom the Parliament have a great Deference: Not so much in Contemplation of his Wit and Po­licy, as for the Sake of his near Relation to the Crown; he being Ʋncle to the present King: Whereby he has a Right to assume more Au­thority than others, in regulating the Disor­ders of the Court; among which, the great­est is esteem'd, that of Cardinal Mazari­ni's Return.

In a Word, both Parties serve themselves of those who have the greatest Interest, and are most likely to compose the Quarrel. The Exil'd Queen of England, and her Son, who have taken Sanctuary in this Kingdom from the Persecutions of their Own Subjects, make it their Business, to mediate between the Court-Party, and the Faction of the Prin­ces.

The Prince of Conde also, sent Deputies to the King to represent to him, That the only Means to give Quiet to the State, was to ba­nish the Cardinal-Minister; And as they were delivering their Address, Mazarini came in; at the Sight of whom, they aggravated their Charge, and said to his Face, That he was the Cause of all the EVILS, which the Kingdom suffer'd. The Cardinal Interrup­ting them, turn'd to the King, and said, Sir, It will not be Just, that so Flourishing a Kingdom, and, to whose Grandeur I have con­tributed all that lay in my Power, should ruin it self for my Sake: Therefore I humbly entreat your Majesty to grant, that I may return to my own Country, or whithersoever my Fortune shall call me. No, no, reply'd the Queen (not without some Passion) This cannot be grant­ed; The King had never more need of your Counsels, than at this Juncture. We cannot consent, that so Serviceable a Man should be Banish'd, only to humour his E­nemies. Therefore, let us hear no more of that.

The Deputies perceiving nothing of Hopes, return'd to Paris. Then the Parliament de­puted others to go to the King, and Remon­strate the Deplorable Crate of the Realm. This was done a few Days agoe.

In the mean Time, we have been alarm'd here in this City, with daily Insurrections of the Multitude. The Occasion was, some private Orders which the Duke of Orleans had given to the Provost of the Merchants, rela­ting to his Charge, and the Welfare of the City. This being misunderstood by the Peo­ple, who have not the Sence to distinguish the Good Offices of their Governours from In­juries, put 'em all into a Tumult. They as­saulted the Provost in his Coach, as he was passing the Streets: And had he not escaped into an Apothecary's Shop, they wou'd per­haps in their Fury, have torn him in Pieces; For so they serv'd his Coach, as an after. Re­venge.

I am weary of beholding the Malicious Quar­rels of these Infidels. But when I consider, that their Discords will be Instrumental to the Future Conquests of the True Believers, I am Patient and Resign'd.

However, 'tis one Comfort to me in this Thorny Station, that one Time or other, in­stead of the perpetual jangling of Bells in Paris, I may again have the Happiness, to hear the Muezins cry on the Minarets in Constan­tinople, There is but One God, and Mahomet his Prophet. Or, if I shall not live to enjoy this Wish; yet, in the Invisible State, I [Page 217]shall hear the same Cry, and shall be past Doubt of those Things, whereof I have no Certainty in this Life.

Paris, 29th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1652.

LETTER IV.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

THE Christians seem to have too proud an Opinion of themselves, and set a grea­ter Value on Humane Nature than suits with Reason. They assert, That all Things were made for Man, and style him Lord of his Fellow-Creatures; as if God had given him an Absolute Dominion over the Rest of his Works, especially over the Animal-Generati­ons; and that all the Birds of the Air, Beasts of the Earth, and Fish of the Sea, were Created onely to serve his Appetite and other Necessi­ties of Life. I remember a Letter I formerly sent to thee, wherein I discours'd of the Car­tesian Philosophers, and their Contempt of the Beasts, in denying them Souls, or the Ʋse of Reason.

Give me leave to entertain thee now, and divert my self with some farther Remarks on this Subject. 'Tis a Refuge from Melancholy, [Page 218]when I can thus freely discover my Thoughts to a Friend, who I know will not be Partial to the Truth.

I have been long an Advocate for the Brutes, and have endeavour'd both to abstain from injuring them my self, and to inculcate this Fundamental Point of Justice to others. This is owing to the Example and Philosophy of Mahummed, the Eremite in Arabia, that Light and Glory of Religious Men. And were it not that my Humour is to be doubtful in all Things, the Influence of his Conversation would make me a profess'd Pythagorean, a Disciple of the Indian Brachmans, a Champi­on for the Transmigration of Souls.

The last Letter save one I writ to that Solitary, was upon this Subject: Such an one as wou'd divert him in his Cave. It contain'd an Ac­count of the Primitive Manner of Life pra­ctis'd by the Ancients, a Narrative of the Golden Age, a History of Human Innocence, and the Steps which Men first took, to use Violence and Cruelty to their Fellow-Creatures. Now I will present thee with some Additio­nal Observations, some Remnants of Anti­quated Truth, glean'd from Philosophers and Historians, and winnow'd from the Chaff of Error and Superstition.

Who wou'd not believe the Beasts to be en­du'd with Reason, when he beholds them perform all the Actions of Rational Creatures, with more Caution, tho' less Pride than Men? They are more Provident than We, and much more subtile in avoiding any Affliction or [Page 219]Danger. Witness Thales the Philosopher's Mule, which he often employ'd to carry Salt to a certain Market; but the Cunning Beast finding herself over-loaded, when she was passing through a River lay down, whereby the Water penetrating into the Sacks of Salt, melted it away and lightned her Burden. And this was her Constant Practice; till the Philosopher perceiving himself thus outwitted by his Beast, was resolv'd to circumvent her another way. Wherefore, instead of Salt he loaded her with Wool, which he knew would grow heavier by being Wet. But the wary Mule, sensible of the Difference of her Bur­den, wou'd couch no more in the Water; but seeing no other Remedy, went forward on her Journey.

Who will not admire the Wisdom of the Fox in Cold Countreys, which the Inhabitants use as a Guide when they would pass over a­ny Frozen Lake or River. For this Creature going before them, lays her Ears close down to the Ice, and listens to try if she can hear any Motion or Noise of the Water running underneath: Which if she does, she will not venture on the Ice; but if all be still, then by a Logical Deduction she concludes, The Ice is thick enough to bear Passengers; and so she leads the Way, whilst the Men fol­low.

When a Dog is hunting in the thick Woods, and by chance comes to a Place where Three Paths meet, he first Scents the One, then the Other: And perceiving that the Game is not [Page 220]gone by any of those Two Ways; he throws himself swiftly forward in the Third, without such a particular Application of his Nose. Which is an evident Argument, that he makes use of the like Case we our Selves should do.

And now I have mention'd this Creature, I cannot forbear celebrating their Virtue and Fidelity: Whereof we have daily Experience; and there are many pleasant Examples, re­corded by grave Historians.

Such is that of Hircanus, a Dog belonging to Lysimachus, who would never depart from the Body of his dead Master, but following it to the Funeral Pile, leapt into the Fire, and was burned for Company.

But the Gratitude of a Lyon to a certain Slave in Rome, is beyond all Parallel. This Slave was one of those, who were appointed to combat with Wild Beasts in the Amphitheatre, according to the Custom of the Ancient Ro­mans, in the Publick Shews which were exhi­bited to the People. As soon as the Lyon was let loose in the Pavement, he ran furiously at the Slave, but coming nearer, he stop'd on a sudden, as one astonished: Then he came gently toward the Slave, fawning upon him, and licking his Hand, which caus'd all the People to give a Shout. The Emperour being present, and taking Notice of the seeming Friendship and Acquaintance that was be­tween the Slave and the Lyon, sent for the Slave, and enquired the Occasion of so strange an Accident. To whom the Slave made the following Relation:

‘My Name, said he, is Andredus, and I am Slave to a certain Proconsul, who ha­ving determined to Kill me, I made my Escape, and hid my self in a Cave: Where I had not lain long, before this Lyon, which you now see, came in, being very lame of one Foot. As soon as he spy'd me, he came limping toward me, and stretch'd forth the Paw that was Wounded, as tho' he begg'd of me to ease him. Affrighted as I was, I took his Paw in my Hand, and pull'd out a great ragged Thorn, which stuck fast in it. Then I wash'd the Wound with my own Water, whilst he lay very patiently till I throughly dress'd it. The Ease he found by my Application, made him fall a­sleep; and when he wak'd, he lick'd my Hands, and shew'd other Signs of Affection and Gratitude. I liv'd with him thus, Three Years in that Cave, and every Day he brought me a Share of his Prey, on which I su­stain'd my Self. But at Length Tyr'd with this Manner of Life, I took my Opportu­nity, when he was gone abroad, to make my Escape. I wander'd up and down Three days, when a Company of Soldiers meeting with me, and knowing to whom I belong'd, took me and brought me hither to my Old Master, who has Condemn'd me to this Cruel Death. But it seems, Fortune so or­der'd it, that this Lyon should be taken a­bout the same Time, and appointed to be my Executioner this Day. Yet you see, he refuses to perform his Office, out of Grati­tude [Page 222]to me for my former Kindness.’

The Emperour astonish'd and pleas'd at this Passage, gave the Slave his Life and Freedom, bestowing also the Lyon on him, which brought him in a Constant Livelyhood, by shewing him to all People; who having heard of this Wonderful Accident, were desi­rous to see both the Lyon and his Tenant: For so they styl'd the Slave; and some call'd him, the Lyons Physician.

I should think I had said enough already to tire thy Patience, and make thee forswear reading my Letters for the future, were I not well acquainted with thy Genius, and know that thou delightest in Relations of this Nature, being no Enemy to the harmless Brutes.

Whatever thy Sentiments are towards these, I dare be sure, thou art my Friend, and wilt bear with my Importunity, when I strive to convince all Men, and confirm my self in this Truth, That the Wild Beasts are not void of Reason and Moral Vertue.

Paris, 20th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1652.

LETTER V.
To the Captain Bassa.

IN the Name of God, Superlatively Indul­gent and Benign, Lord of Armies which cannot be Numbred, Conservator of the Empire founded on his Own Ʋnity; Praise be to him, that has neither Beginning, nor End! What is the Reason, that we are always Bassl'd by the Infidels? Every Year our August Emperour sends out mighty Armies by Land, and our Fleets by Sea are term'd INVINCIBLE, yet they are still overcome by the Christians. Where the Fault lies, is best known to thee, and the Generals to whom the Command of all is committed.

My Spirit is disquieted about these Things, and I am uneasy by Day, neither does the Night accord me any Repose. This hot Weather, I go up to the Terrass of my House at the Hour of Sleep, thinking that the Cool­ness of the Air would incline me to Rest; but I can find none. I turn my self on the Leads to the Right-Hand and to the Left, yet all Postures are alike. Sleep has abandon'd my Eyes. My Zeal for the Empire of the Faith­ful will consume me.

One Night I made Solemn Preparations to welcome the First Appearance of the Moon, after the Manner of my Countrymen. I [Page 224]sprinkl'd Water on the Floor of the Terrass, and with a New Besom swept away all Ʋn­cleanness: I fill'd a Lamp with the most pre­cious Oyl I could get in Paris, which having lighted at the going down of the Sun, I plac'd directly on that Part which is nearest to Meccha. Then I fell on my Face, and pray'd the Eternal Source of Lights, ‘That at the Moment, when the Moon first Ascended our Horizen, an Intellectual Splendor might shine in my Breast: That I might there, as in a Mirror, behold the Future Fate of the Mussulmans, and the Events, which as yet, were hid in the Dark Womb of Possi­bility.’

My Petition was granted: The Night was in her Shady Course; the Stars on their Watch; and Time, as from a Limbeck, destill'd the Si­lent Minutes, till the Moment wherein the Neighbour-Planet, first peep'd on the [...]ops of Mountains. At that Instant I saw, and heard Things (or at least I thought so) which I never so much as dreamt of before, neither can I remember the Thousandth Part.

Believe me, Supreme Commander of the Marine, I do not boast, or Joy in this. For, I think there can be no greater Affliction, than to be once made Partaker of such a Bliss, and then to lose it, almost as soon as gain'd. Yet there are some Footsteps of the Vision re­maining on my Memory.

I do not relate this, as if I gave Credit to Visions and Trances: Perhaps all this might be but a Waking Dream. Yet such Visionary En­tertainments, happen of Course to our Coun­trymen, when they observe the foresaid Cere­monies. But I tell thee, I am not asleep at this Moment; and yet it appears to me a very Probable Undertaking, for the Mussulmans to fit out a Mighty Fleet, which having a suf­ficient Army of Land-Men aboard, might de­liver them with little or no Opposition, on some of the Wealthy Shores of Italy: And if it is not thought worth the Labour to make New Conquests, which would be difficult to maintain; yet at least our Soldiers by plunde­ring only the Rich Temples and Convents of the Nazarenes, might carry away Inestima­ble Treasures.