THE Second Volume OF LETTERS Writ by a Turkish Spy, Who lived Five and Forty Years, Undiscover'd, at PARIS: Giving an Impartial Account to the Divan at Constantinople, of the most Re­markable Transactions of Europe; And dis­covering several Intrigues and Secrets of the Christian Courts (especially of that of France) continued from the Year 1642, to the Year 1682.

The Third Edition.

Written Originally in Arabick, Translated into Italian, and from thence into English, by the Translator of the First Volume.

LONDON, Printed by J. Leake, for Henry Rhodes, near Bride-lane, in Fleet-street, 1692.

Mahmut The Turkish spy.

Aetatis suoe 72. F. H. Van. Hove. Sculp:

[...]

TO THE READER.

THree Years are now elaps'd, since the First Volume of Let­ters, written by a Spy at Pa­ris, was publish'd in English. And, it was expected, that a Second should have come out long before this. The favourable Reception which that found amongst all Sorts of Readers, would have encouraged a speedy Translation of the Rest, had there been extant any French Edition, of more than the First Part. But, after the strictest Enquiry, none could be heard of: And, as for the Italian, our Booksellers have not that Correspondence in those Parts, as they have in the more Neigh­bouring Countries, of France and Holland. So, that it was a Work despaired of, to recover any more of this Arabian's Memoirs. We little dreamt, that the Florentines had been so busie in Printing, and so successful in Selling the continued Translation of these Arabian Epistles; till it was the [Page]Fortune of an English Gentleman to travel in those Parts last Summer, and discover the happy News. I will not forestal his Letter, which is an­nexed to this Preface, for the Satis­faction of the World: but only acquaint you, that upon the Receipt of it, the Person to whom it was directed, was so well pleased with the Proposal, That he made it his immediate Business, to find out the English Translator of the First Volume, as judging him to be the fittest Person; which being done, he immediately gave an Account of his Proceedings to Mr. Saltmarsh at Am­sterdam, who sent him over Two Tomes of the Turkish Spy in Ita­lian, with promise of the Rest when these were made English.

One of these I here present you with, and the Other will ere long be ready for the Press.

I need not say any Thing of the Ori­ginal Arabic, or of the Author, the Place of his Abode, and how his Wri­tings came to Light. Sufficient has been spoken on that Subject, in the Pre­face [Page]to the First Part. I shall only add, That if his Style may seem in this Part, to vary sometimes from the First Volume, it must be attributed to the Difference of the Languages from whence they are Translated; it being impossible to observe an equal Idiom, in following Two such different Lan­guages, as French and Italian: The One dancing in soft Measures, deli­cate Cadencies and smooth Periods; the Other, advancing in lofty Strains, keeping a Roman Pace, full of Mascu­line and Sententious Gravity.

Neither can the Arabian himself, be supposed always in the same Temper; or, that his Style should be all of a Piece. In some Places, where he treats of Sieges and Battles, he seems to foot the Pyrrick Measures in Prose; there breathes a certain Martial Ar­dor in his Words. In other Places, on the same Subject, he goes on like an Impartial Historian, barely rela­ting Matter of Fact, without any Flowers or Glosses. He seems not to trifle with Philosophy, or Religion; [Page]but, handles the One in the peculiar Dialect of the East, and treats of the Other, in the castigate Language of the Western Schools, to shew, he had been conversant in the Academies; as he himself professes, Letter XX. Book I. Vol. I. In a Word, throughout all his Letters, there is a Queintness of Expression, peculiar to the Arabians: And, however he may vary in his Style, yet his Sence retains the same Edge; he is lively to the very last. Nay, as far as I can perceive, both his Language, Sence, and Judgment grow more correct, as he advances in Years. And, you'll find some Difference between his Letters of 1637. and 1660.

Expect the whole Series of them, as fast as they can conveniently be publish­ed, the Third Volume being almost ready for the Press: In which, the Reader will find the strangest Revolu­tion and most amazing Accidents, that ever happ'ned in the World since the Creation; with many French Intrigues a [...] Court-Policies, which would ne­ver have come to Light, had it not been for this subtle Arabian.

Farewel.

A LETTER From Mr. Daniel Saltmarsh, to his Friend in London, concerning the Italian Copy of the Turkish Spy.

SIR,

TRavelling through Italy this Summer, and coming to Ferrara about the Middle of June, I made some stay in that City, in Compliance with the Importu­nity of my Sister, the Wife of Signior Nicolao Valentini, formerly Merchant in London. During my Abode at her House, I was brought acquainted with that Emi­nent and Learned Physician, Julio de Me­dicis, of the House of Florence, and late Student at Padua. This accomplish'd Person, receiv'd me with singular Huma­nity and Friendship▪ In all his Deport­ment, giving Proofs of a Disposition wor­thy of his Character, and the Blood which runs in his Veins. He is univer­sally Learned; and, by his prodigious Reading, (which cannot be hid from those who converse with him,) he seem'd to me a Walking Library. You cannot name an Author of Note, with whom he is not acquainted; being a careful Col­lector, [Page]or rather an Engrosser of all re­markable Books. He gave me familiar Access to his Library, which, according to the best Computation I could make, consisted of no less than Six Thousand choice Treatises. You know my Inclina­tion, and will easily believe, that I took no small Delight, in the Liberty I had not only to survey, but also to make use of this Treasure, so long as I stay'd in Ferrara. I was there daily, and thought that Time mispent, which my other Ob­ligations took from my Study. Among other Books, I chanc'd to open the Italian Translation of the Turkish Spy, which was so celebrated all over Europe, and which I had read both in French and English. I had the Curiosity to peruse it over, and found it exactly to agree with those Tran­slations I had seen: which made me ask this Gentleman, Whether there were no more Volumes of it printed? He present­ly shewed me Six more, and told me, the Eighth was in the Press. Over-joy'd at this News, I asked him, Where I might furnish my self with those Seven Volumes already Printed? He assured me, the First Impressions were all Sold off, but that they would be reprinted again. I expressed some Sorrow and Concern, that I could [Page]not procure those Books; when, with an unparallell'd Generosity, he frankly be­stowed those Seven Volumes upon me. 'Tis true, at our first Acquaintance, I had ob­liged him with a Present, on which, I believe, he set a greater Price, than on these Books; it being a Watch of most cu­rious Workmanship, made by One of the greatest Artists in Italy. However, I phancy'd my Gift returned Seven-fold in these Books. I brought them along with me through Germany into Holland, where I keep them as a Secret Treasure; being desirous, if possible, that the Six Volumes which are not yet Translated out of Italian, might first speak my Native Tongue, that so we may not always be obliged to the French, for the most acceptable Products of the Press. Knowing therefore, the singular Delight you take in Enterprizes of this Nature, and how much it may lie in your Way to procure a Translation of these Volumes, by reason of your great Acquaintance with Learned and Ingenious Men, I offer you the Refusal of this Un­dertaking; both for the Friendship that is between us, and because I know none so fit to manage this Design, as your self. I will willingly venture a Share in the Cost, but I would have no more than a Third [Page]Person concern'd in it. If you accept of this Proposal, I will send you the Italian Volumes, and leave the Success to your Conduct. I can assure you, that none but the First Part is as yet translated into French, or any other Language except the Italian; and, the following Tomes, are not to be had for Money. There­fore, we have a fair Opportunity of ob­liging the Nation, with a Work so long expected, and so much desired by all that have seen the First Volume. My Occasions require me, to spend this Winter at Am­sterdam; but, I hope in the Spring, to see you at London. In the Interim am,

SIR,
Your, &c. Daniel Saltmarsh.

A TABLE OF THE LETTERS and Matters contain­ed in this Volume. VOL. II.

BOOK I.

  • LETTER I. MAhmut the Arabian, faithful Slave of Sultan Ibrahim, to Bechir Bassa, his Highness's Chief Treasurer at Constan­tinople. p. 1

    Of Carcoa's long Silence, and Mahmut's Suspicion thereof; of his Removal from Paris on that Ac­count.

  • II. To the Aga of the Janizaries. p. 3

    Of the Suedish Amazons; the Death of Duke Al­bert: the Taking of Glogow, Succiniez and Olmitz, by General Torstenson.

  • III. To Ibrahim Chanregil, Chief Bostangi, or Gar­diner to the Sultan. p. 5

    Of an Herb call'd the Ill Neighbour, and of the Sensible Plant; of Mahmut's Enemies at the Seraglio.

  • IV. To Muzlu Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of [Page]State at Constantinople. p. 7

    Of Carcoa's Death at Vienna, and of Nathan Ben Saddi's succeeding him in his Commission; of Mahmut's Return to Paris.

  • V. To the Kaimacham. p. 9

    Of the Death of the Queen-Mother of France; of her Apparition to Cardinal Richlieu, and of his Sickness.

  • VI. To the Venerable Mufti, Soveraign of the True and Ʋndefiled Faith. p. 12

    Of the Death of Mary de Medicis, Queen-mother and Dowager of France; of Cardinal Rich­lieu's Letter to her, and of the Rich Church of St. Denis in France.

  • VII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 17

    Of a violent Tempest of Thunder and Lightning; of what happened to Mahmut during this Storm; and, of the Custom of Ringing the Bells at Paris on such Occasions.

  • VIII. To the same. p. 21

    Of his Friendship and Conversation with a Carme­lite Friar; of Images and Pictures.

  • IX. To the Kaimacham. p. 25

    Of the Wars in Catalonia and Rossillion; of the Siege of Perpignan, and the Generosity of the French King.

  • X. To Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of State. p. 30

    Of the Injuries done to the Two French Lords by the Subbassee of Salhia, near Arabia.

  • XI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 33

    Of Carcoa's Death, and of his Vertues, which he exhorts Him to imitate; he desires, Carcoa's Journal and Papers may be sent to Paris.

  • XII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 35

    Of the French Ladies addicting themselves to Philo­sophy. A Character of Monsieur des Cartes. He desires him to send him the Inscriptions of the Obelisks and Columns in the Hyppodrome at Constantinople.

  • [Page]XIII. To Cara Haely, a Physician at Constantino­ple. p. 38

    Of the King's Physick-Garden in Paris; of a fa­mous Library in that City; of the Palaces and Hospitals; particularly of the Hospital of God. A Digression concerning Friendship.

  • XIV. To the Kaimacham. p. 44

    A Continuation of the Siege of Perpignan; the Ex­ploits of the Mareschal de la Mothe; his Taking the Towns of Tamarit and Mouson; and of a Sea-Fight between the French and the Spaniards.

  • XV. To Isouf his Kinsman. p. 47

    He Congratulates his safe Return to Conftanti­nople; Thanks him for the Alms and Sacrifice he perform'd for the Health of his Soul; Expostu­lates with him concerning his Three Years Travel.

  • XVI. To Berber Mustapha Aga at Constantinople. p. 52

    Of the [...]uke of Lorrain's Excommunication; and of his Protest against it. Of the unaccountable Power the Popes have over the Christian Princes.

  • XVII. To Bedredin, Superior of the Dervises, of the Convent of Cogny in Natolia. p. 55

    He sends him a Character of Jesus Christ; with a Description of his Person, which Publius Lentu­lus, President of Judea, sent to the Senate of Rome

  • XVIII. To the Kaimacham. p. 58

    Of the Reduction of Asac.

  • XIX. To Mustapha, Bassa of Silistria. p. 60

    He Congratulates his Victory over the Cossacks; tells him what the French say of him; acquaints him with the Wars between the Pope and the Duke of Parma.

  • XX. To Reis Effendi Principal Secretary of State. p. 65

    Of the Disappointment the Turks met with in their Design to take Rab.

  • XXI. To Enguruli Emir Cheik a Man of the Law. p. 67

    He complains of the General Wickedness of Europe; The Corruption of the French Court; whereof he [Page]gives him an Instance, in the Story of Mon [...]ieur Belville.

  • XXII. To the most Illustrious Vizir Azem, [...] the Port. p. 70

    Of the Birth of Sultan Mahomet; and the Senti­ments of the French Ladies on that Occasion.

  • XXIII. To the same. p. 72

    He applauds his Justice, in putting to Death the Per­sian Emir, who first taught Sultan Amurath to drink Wine: advises him to do the same to Muftapha Bassa.

  • XXIII. To the Venerable Mufti, Prince of the Reli­gion of the Turks. p. 74

    He discourses of Holy Water; and of Dogs being permitted to enter the Christian Churches: he reproaches the Christians, with prophaning their Temples, by making Love in them.

  • XXIV. To the Vizir Azem, Prime Director of the Affairs of the Ottoman Empire. p. 78

    He informs him of the Commotions in England.

  • XXV. To Abdel Melec Muly, Omar, Superintendent of the Colledge of Sciences at Fez. p. 89

    Of the Motion of the Earth: That the Planets are habitable; of Vigilius's being put to Death, for asserting the Antipodes; and that Galilaeus had like to run the same Fate, for maintaining Copernicus's Doctrine.

  • XXVI. To Cara Haly, the Physician at Constan­tinople. p. 93

    He asserts, That Beasts have Reason, or a Faculty very analogous to it; in Opposition to the Car­tesi [...]n Philosophy.

  • XXVII. To H [...]ssein Bassa. p. 97

    He reproaches the Tutor of the Pages in the Se­raglio, with Envy and ill Offices.

  • XXVIII. To Solyman his Cousin at Constantinople. p. 100

    He accepts his Apology for defaming Him; gives him Counsel how to deport himself toward his [Page]Wife, and exhorts him to keep a good Conscience.

  • XXIX. To the Kaimacham. p. 103

    Of the Surrender of Perpignan; of Olivarez his hindring its Relief; and his being distracted at the News of its Loss. Of Cardinal Richlieu's falling into Disgrace, and his Restauration to the King's Favour.

  • XXX To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 107

    Of the Receipt of his Letter, with Carcoa's Journal and Legacy. He desires him to order his Bills better for the future.

  • XXXI. To the Venerable Mufti, Prince of the True and Ʋndefiled Faith. p. 109

    He discourses of Christ's Incarnation, of the An­gel Gabriel's brushing the Moon with his Wing, and causing the dark Spots in that Planet: Of Renatus des Cartes.

  • XXXII. To the Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 113

    Of a Greek Merchant, who was forc'd out of his Country by the Insolence of the Janizaries.

  • XXXIII. To Cara Haly, the Physician at Constan­tinople. p. 114

    Touching the various Sects of Mahometans and Christians: Of the Golden Age, and many Ab­surdities taught by the Mahometan Doctors.

BOOK II.

  • LETTER I. TO the Kaimacham. p. 119

    Of Cardinal Richlieu's Death; of his De­scent, Education, Preferments, and the Jealousie of the Grandees.

  • II. To the Venerable Mufti. p. 122

    On the same Subject, and of the Cardinal's Lega­cies. His Character.

  • [Page]III. To Jasmir Sgire Rugial, an Astrologer at Aleppo. p. 125

    He Paraphrases on his Name, drolls on his Profes­sion, and wishes him to return to his old Trade, of teaching Pigeons to carry Letters.

  • IV. To the Grand Signior's Chief Treasurer. p. 128

    He excuses the Infrequencies of his Letters; men­tions the King of Persia's Death; relates the Surrender of Tortona, and the Marriage of the Prince of Savoy with his Niece.

  • V. To Darnish Mehemet Bassa. p. 131

    Of Cardinal Julio Mazarini, Richlieu's Successor.

  • VI. To Isouf his Kinsman. p. 133

    He desires him, to make an Offering for him to Sheh Boubac, a Santone at Aleppo: the Story of Syntana Fissa: he requires an Account of his Travels.

  • VII. To Mahomet, Bassa of Damascus. p. 136

    Of Mansour, the youngest Son of Facardine, the brave Emir of Sidon. And, of a Battle fought before Leipsick.

  • VIII. To the Venerable Mufti, Arbitrator of the Problems and Mysteries of Faith. p. 138

    He answers all the Scruples of his former Letter to the Mufti; and, asserts the Bodily delights of Paradise.

  • IX. To the Kaimachan. p. 146

    Of the extraordinary Honours done to the Prince of Morgues by the French King, as a Reward of his Services.

  • X. To Achmet Beig. p. 148

    Of the Design which the Spanish Ambassador had, of murdering the Portugueze Ambas. at Rome.

  • XI. To the Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 152

    He expostulates with him, concerning the Threat­nings of the Bassa's of the Port.

  • XII. To Murat Bassa. p. 155

    Of the Siege of Fribergh, and of the Defeat of the Germans before Leipsick, of the Surrender [Page]of that Place, and the Confusion of the German Court.

  • XIII. To the Kaimacham. p. 160

    Touching Cardinal Mazarini's Conduct.

  • XIV. To the Venerable Mufti, Prince of the In­terpreters of the Law, and Judges of Equity. p. 163

    Of the Death of Lewis XIII. King of France. An Apology for his making war with the House of Austria. A Rehearsal of the Spanish Ʋsur­pations, Plots and Cruelties.

  • XV. To Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of State. p. 169

    Of King Lewis's Death, That some suspected he was poison'd. Of his Piety and Vertues.

  • XIV. To the Kaimachan. p. 173

    Touching the early Discoveries of King Lewis's Va­lour; and of the Civil Wars of France.

  • XV. To the Venerable Mufti, Successor of the Prophets and Messengers of God. p. 177

    He gives him a large Account of the Eastern and Western Patriarchs. Of the Immunities of the French Church. A Description of the Mass. A Character of the Spaniards, French and Itali­ans. Of Reliques. Of Protestants. Of the Hierarchy.

  • XVI. To the Kaimacham. p. 188

    Of the French Dauphin.

  • XVII. To the Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 190

    Of the Wars between Spain and Portugal. A particular Relation of the Imprisonment and cru­el Ʋsage of Dom Duartus, Brother to the new King of Portugal. A farther Account of Spa­nish Cruelties; and of a second Conspiracy a­gainst the King of Portugal.

  • XVIII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 196

    Touching Melancholy, and his Method of curing it.

  • XIX. To the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer. p. 201

    Of the Battel of Rocroy.

  • XX. To the Vizir Azem, at the Port. p. 203 [Page]

    He discovers a Conspiracy of the Bassa's and Gover­nours of the Isles in the Archipelago, against the Ottoman Empire.

  • XXI. To Chiurgi Muhammet Bassa. p. 207

    He relates a Passage at the Dauphin's Christning: calculates the Number of the French Clergy; talks of the King's Revenues, and of the French Dragoons

  • XXII. To Egri Boinou, a White Eunuch. p. 213

    Of the French King's Brothers; of the Princes of the Blood, and the Nobility of France.

  • XXIII. To the Captain Bassa. p. 217

    Of a great Number of Slaves, that escaped from Alexandria.

  • XXIV. To Mustapha Guir, an Eunuch-Page. p. 220

    Of the Murder of the Duke of Orleans his Page. Of mercenary Ruffians. The Duke of Beaufort, suspects Cardinal Mazarini to be the Author of that Murder. The Duke is sent Prisoner to the Castle of the Wood of Vinciennes.

  • XXV. To Pestelihali his Brother p. 224

    He desires him to send him some News of [...]is Mother; Invites him to an entire Friendship, and to joyn with him in the Imitation of their Kindreds Ver­tues. Discourses of his Travels in the Indies.

BOOK III.

  • LETTER I. TO Ibrahim Ali Cheik, a Man of the Law. p. 229

    Of the Wandring Jew; and, of Mahmut's Conversation with him on several Subjects; particu­larly, of the Ten Tribes of Israel, which are lost.

  • II. To the Selichar Aga, or Sword bearer. p. 236

    Of the Wars of Suedeland and Denmark.

  • III. To Cara Haly, a Physician at Constantinople. p. 239

    Of a Man who reviv'd, after he had been dead 35 [Page]Hours. Of another, who as he was carried to the Grave, rose up and spoke Three times, pro­nouncing himself damned. Of the Carthusians.

  • IV. To William Vospel, a Christian Recluse of Au­stria. p. 244

    Touching a Monastick Life.

  • V. To Berber Mustapha Aga. p. 248

    Of the Reception which the Sophi of Persia gave the Cham of the Usbeck Tartars. Of a defeat given the French by John de Werdt, and General Mercy.

  • VI. To the Vizir Azem, at the Port. p. 250

    Of the Dardanels in the Hellespont. What some French Seamen said of them. A Project of Mah­mut, to erect Platforms along the Hellespont.

  • VII. To Oucoumiche his Mother, at Grand Cairo. p. 252

    He expresses his Joy, to hear of her Health; and exhorts her, not to mourn in vain for her dead Husband.

  • VIII. To Muzlu Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. p. 256

    Of the Hatred which Madam de Chevereux, and the Duke of Peaufort bore Cardinal Mazarini. Of an Old Courtier, from whom Mahmut hoped to gain some Secrets.

  • IX. To Signior Lorenzo del' Casa Bianca, a Genouese at Marseilles. p. 259

    Mahmut undeceives him, as to the Story of Sultan Mahomet's being taken Prisoner by the Malteses.

  • X. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 261

    More on the same Subject.

  • XI. To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. p. 263

    Of the Wars between the Duke of Parma, and the Barbarini's. Of the Divisions among the Italian Princes.

  • XII. To Luban [...] Abufei Sa [...], an Aegyptian Kt. p. 268

    Of a Finlander at Pa [...]is 8 Foot [...] Of a Mosco­vite Wrastler at Constantinople. Of [...]ultan Amu­rath's Cruelty. Of a Spanish Cavalier that mur­der'd [Page]his Wife, his Servants and himself out of Jealousie.

  • XIII. To the Kaimacham. p. 271

    Of the Parliament of Paris. A Description of Pa­ris and St. Germain en Lay. Of the King's Water-works.

  • XIV. To the most Illustrious Vizir Azem, at the Port. p. 278

    He perswades him, That it is necessary for the Sultan to abett Prince Ragotski's Quarrel against the German Emperour.

  • XV. To Afis Bassa, at the Port. p. 279

    He discourses of Destiny and Chance; tells a Story, of a Poor Man strangely enrich'd by finding of Treasures; and of the Death of a Soldier in the Duke of Anguien's Army.

  • XVI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. p. 282

    He acquaints him, That he has learnt to make Watches; whereof he has sent some to his Friends at Constantinople. Of the German Emperour's Sickness, and of Prodigies.

  • XVII. To Solyman Aga, Chief Eunuch of the Wo­men. p. 285

    He compares one of the Sultan's Adventures, to an Accident that happened to one of the Kings of Aegypt.

  • XVIII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 287

    He relates, how he had like to have been discover'd, by his former Master at Palermo.

  • XIX. To the Kaimacham. p. 290

    Of the Pope's Death, with some choice Remarks on that Subject. Of his Successor.

  • XX. To the Vizir Azem, at the Port. p. 292

    Of the Preparations, which the Venetians are ma­king against the Sultan. The Speech of a Vene­tian Senator.

  • XXI. To Mirza Muhammed Effendi, Vicar to the Mufti. p. 298 [Page]

    He discourses of Industry and Idleness; acquaints him, That he has learn'd to make Watches.

  • XXII. To Halil Omri Bassa. p. 301

    He treats of the Qualities requisite in a Favourite? of Olivarez his Disgrace and Downfal.

  • XXIII. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 306

    He acquaints him, That he has conquer'd his Passion for Daria; and tells him a Story of a Man who lost his Ass.

  • XXIV. To the Invincible Vizir Azem at the Port. p. 308

    He Congratulates his taking on him, the Office of Bassa of the Sea: Describes the Arsenal of Venice, with other Remarks on that City.

  • XXV. To Dgnet Oglou. p. 312

    He exhorts him, to forget the former Loss he sustain'd in the Fire at Constantinople, and to rely on Providence. Relates a Remarkable Story of cer­tain Merchants, who were burnt to Death in their Inn, being over-greedy to save their Money.

  • XXVI. To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. p. 316

    A Character of the Spanish Pride and Humour; of their Rhodomontado's.

  • XXVII. To Dicheu Hussein Bassa. p. 318

    A farther Account of the Troubles in England, with a Relation of a Prophecy on the English King, when an Infant.

  • XXVIII. To Bajazet Ali Hogia, Preacher to the Seraglio. p. 325

    Of Atheists in General, and several Infamous Ones in Particular.

  • XXIX. To Egri Boinou, a White Eunuch. p. 332

    Touching the Salvation of Pagans, and of honest Men of all Religions.

  • XXX. To the Selictar Aga, or Sword bearer. p. 337

    Of Monsieur la Tuillerie▪ the French Ambassador's deceitful Negotiation for Peace between the Suedes and Danes. Of Galasso's ineffectual Assistance. [Page] Cardinal Mazarini vindicated from the Guilt of these Miscarriages.

  • XXXI. To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. p. 339

    Of the Exploits of Torstenson, Coningsmark and Papenheim.

  • XXXII. To Berber Mustapha Aga. p. 340

    Of the bloody Battel of Jankow, and of the Removal of the German Court thereupon.

  • XXXIII. To Osman Adrooneth, an Astrologer at Scio. p. 342

    He acquaints him with an extraordinary Hurricane that happened near Paris: He discourses of the Nature of Storms, and Danger of Earthquakes.

  • XXXIV. To the Kaimacham. p. 346

    Of Mahmut's Imprisonment at Paris; of Elia­chim's Fidelity; and, of a Friar's Friendship and Assistance to him.

  • XXXV. To the Venerable Mufti. p. 351

    He acquaints him, with his Release from the Ba­stile. Discourses of the Spanish Inquisition. Asks his Absolution, for eating of Swines Flesh, and drinking of Wine.

  • XXXVI. To Mehmet, an Eunuch-Page in the Se­raglio. p. 356

    Touching his Imprisonment; and, how a Man ought always to be provided for Misfortunes. Of Wine, and his Inclination to it.

LETTERS Writ by A SPY at PARIS. VOL. II.

BOOK I.

LETTER I.
Mahmut the Arabian, faithful Slave of Sultan Ibrahim, to Bechir Bassa, His Highnesses Chief Treasurer at Constantinople.

I Know not whether it be a Vice or a Vertue, to be fearful in my Circum­stances. I am no Stoick, nor can I pre­tend an Exemption from the Com­mon Passions of Men. However, 'tis not for my self I am solicitous, but I consult the Good of my Commission. There is a Dif­ference between Caution and Fear; and, Ap­prehension [Page 2]of Danger, is not to be termed Pusillanimity.

I have written Six Letters to Carcoa at Vi­enna, but have received no Answer these Four Moons. This Neglect puts me upon Think­ing; and I am puzzled to find out an Excuse for him. I would fain continue my good O­pinion of his Honesty, without forfeiting my Sense. For, although I am not naturally sus­picious, yet Experience has taught me, to number Jealousie among the Cardinal Virtues.

Not to amuse thee, I am afraid of Treachery. Carcoa knows the Secret of my Commission, and it lies in his Power to do much Mischief. Yet I may wrong the Man; perhaps he is dead: And there are no Posts that bring News from the Grave. If he be in the Region of Silence, and expired in his Integrity, the Two Black Angels shall have no Power to hurt him. But, I wonder I should have no Intelligence of his Death, neither from the Ministers of the Port, nor from Eliachim the Jew. I tell thee, I am uneasie till I know the Truth.

When I sit in my Chamber, and hear any discoursing in the House, I imagine 'tis about me; when I go along the Streets, if any Man fastens his Eyes on me, he arrests me with Fear and Apprehension. 'Tis true, I am wil­ling to undergo the worst they can inflict; but, it would extreamly enhaunce the Sorrows of Death, to see the Secrets of the Sublime Port, become the Scorn and Derision of Infidels.

For these Reasons, I have removed my self about a League from Paris, pretending [Page 3]it is for my Health, trusting the Conveyance of my Letters and other Business to Eliachim, who, for ought I know, may prove a Reed of Aegypt.

I desire thee, nay I conjure thee, to send a speedy Supply of Money, without which 'tis impossible for poor Mahmut, the Vilest Slave of the Great and Invincible Ibrahim, to per­form what is expected of him.

The Great God, reward thy Fidelity with unfading Treasures.

LETTER II.
To the Aga of the Janizaries.

THE God of War seems to espouse the Quarrel of the Suedes; and all the Pla­nets contribute to their Prosperity; Even Ve­nus her self, has for a while laid aside her usual Softness, appearing now in the Field arm'd Cap-a-pe, with a Train of Suedish Amazons at her Heels.

Thou wilt think I Romance in telling thee this, and only temporize with thy Genius, having often heard thee passionately admire the valiant Acts of Semiramis and other Ea­stern [Page 4]Virago's; but, assure thy Self, that the Suedes after some late Battles, when they went to bury their Dead, stripping them of their Cloaths, found several of the Fair Sex under the Disguise of Men, among which there were some of Quality.

It is said, that one of these, was seen to en­gage Duke Albert himself, with a matchless Bravery and Courage, the Duke being twice unhorsed by her, and as often remounted by his vigilant Squires.

Those that pretend to know more than the Common Sort, say, that Revenge was the Motive which brought this Lady into the Field, having received a gross Affront from Duke Albert in the German Court. However, the Duke died of the Wounds he received of this Bellona, and she survived not to triumph over her dead Enemy.

After this, the Suedes, under the Com­mand of General Torstenson, marched into Silesia; took Glowgow by Storm the 12th. of the 5th. Moon; and Suciniez, the 7th. of the 6th. Moon.

And, as if nothing were able to discourage or baffle the Indefatigable Mind of this Great General, he invested the strong Town of Ol­mitz in Moravia, and took it after fourteen Days Siege. The Posts are arrived this Mor­ning with this News.

Be strong and of good Courage, and God shall give thee Victory in Battle, when thou fightest against the Infidels. Abstain from Wine, and from Oppression. And receive this [Page 5]Advice, as a Testimony of my Esteem and Friendship.

LETTER III.
To Ibrahim Chanregil, Chief Bo­stangi, or Gardiner to the Sultan.

THou that art daily conversant with the Eldest Products of the Earth, and canst call the whole Vegetable Family by their Pro­per Names, tell me whether there be such a Plant, as by its baneful Influence blasts all that grows within ten Cubits of its Root. I would not put such a Question to thee, had I not lately seen something in the Garden of a certain Nobleman near Paris, which makes me think 'tis true. They call it here [the ill Neigh­bour] because it preys (they say) on all the Herbage that is near it, rising and flourishing by their Fall. Indeed, at that time I saw it, there was a wither'd Circle round it; whilst this devouring Sprout look'd gay and full, augmented by the Spoils of Neighbouring Grass. A proper Emblem of Oppression; I wish 'twere growing in the Gardens of all cru­el Tyrants, that in this Natural Glass they might behold their Voracious Spirits.

I will not thus call in Question thy Know­ledge [Page 6]of an Herb, which shuns all humane touch. Here is one in the same Garden, which the Nobleman boasts was by thy Hands cropt from the Sultan's Garden, and being set in a Pot of Earth, presented to him. Thou didst not well consult thy Safety, in such a grand Presumption, nor yet the Honour of thy Sovereign Master, who (should it ever reach his Ears) would soon transplant thee from the Garden of the Seraglio, to the Ely­sian Fields.

Thou oughtest to receive this Reprimand with highest Gratitude, since it will not shut thee out of those pleasant Walks and Groves within the High Imperial Walls. Use more Prudence another Time; and scorn such easie Condescensions to Infidels. Say, that I am thy Friend in this Advice; and, in Recom­pence I only desire this good Office of thee, To watch the Motions of my Enemies. There are no less than Three Great Officers of the Seraglio, hammering out my Ruine. Thou knowest who I mean. Keep thy Integrity. The sly insinuating Words of Shashim Istham, the Black Eunuch, spoken not long ago in my Disgrace to the Principal Secretary of State, quickly echoed to my Chamber in Paris. Be Silent and Wise.

LETTER IV.
To Muzlu Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of State at Constanti­nople.

IF it were lawful for me to take the Oath of our Holy Prophet, I would swear by the Hour of the Evening, that thy News is wel­come.

I had scarce finish'd our appointed Devo­tions after Sun-set, when the Post brought me thy Dispatch, which informs me, that Carcoa at Vienna is dead.

I rejoice not in the Death of an honest Slave to Ibrahim; l [...] Flowers spring from the Dust of his Grave. Neither can I mourn for a Man, that may be gone to New and richer Posses­sions; Yet I am pleased, that he quitted the Old fairly, and has left behind him an Odour of Vertue. A Man in his Post, is attaqu'd with strong Temptations, and he that resists to the End, merits a Wreath gather'd from the Tree of Life.

Thou mayst think, 'tis with more ease I receive the News of Carcoa's Death than of his Infidelity; not, that I value the Rack or any other Tortures, with which the Policy of State uses to draw Confessions of Capital Crimes. But, I would not have the Grand Affairs of the Ottoman Port, come within the Verge of a Scrutiny.

This News is the best Cure for the Illness I pretended, when I exchanged Paris for the Country Air, ten Days ago; whereof Bechir Bassa has received an Account.

I am now returned to my old Lodging, and am congratulated for my speedy Recovery, by them that knew not my true Distemper.

Thou infortnest me, that by the Order of the Divan, one Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew, is appointed Successor of Carcoa. I wish he may acquit himself as well.

The five hundred Zechins thou hast ordered me by him, will be very welcom to a Man who has been forced to retrench many Charges, that he might the better serve the Grand Sig­nior.

The King of Spain may wish, that he could conclude a Peace on as easie Terms with the French King, as the Sophy of Persia has with Sultan Ibrahim.

None but God and his Prophet know the Zeal, with which I serve the Sublime Port.

LETTER V.
To the Kaimacham.

I Shall now acquaint thee with the Death of the Queen-Mother and Dowager of France, who fell a Sacrifice to the Ambition of the Cardinal of Richlieu, as those of her Party do commonly suggest. For, being highly disgu­sted at his Counsels, and Intreagues, especial­ly his playing the Incendiary, and inflaming those of the Blood Royal one against another, she departed from France, and by a kind of Voluntary Banishment, exposed her self to so many Inconveniences, Hardships, and Ri­gors of Fortune, as seemed to hasten her End; Her Great Spirit chusing rather to break, than bow to the turbulent Cardinal.

She Sojourned in Flanders, Holland, England, and the Empire. Her Travels being chec­quer'd all along with a Mixture of Good and Evil. Here meeting with Respect, there with Indifference and Coldness, if not Contempt. In some Places, her Misfortunes were pitied, and the Cardinal blamed for Persecuting so Great and Good a Queen: In others, the Car­dinal was Justified, and her Conduct censu­red and condemned. And she accused her self, for raising him to the power of doing her these Injuries. At length, tired out with the Fatigues of State, and grown sick of the World, she betook her self to a Monastery in [Page 10] Colen, where, after she had spent some time in Religious Preparations for another World, she expired the 3d. of this Instant Moon.

It was placed among the Remarkables by some, that the same day she died, the Car­dinal of Richlieu fell sick, which Sickness yet continues upon him. But, whether to appease the Ghost of his deceased Mistriss, whom he had so unjustly persecuted; or, to mollify the Resentments of the People, is uncertain. Yet, notwithstanding his dangerous Illness, he every Day ventures to the Temple, and per­forms the Mysteries of their Law for her Soul. The whole Court and City, is in Mourning for this Great Queen; and general Murmur­ings and Complaints, are raised against the Cardinal on this Occasion; especially among the Common People, who are so far from en­tertaining a better Opinion of him, for his daily Appearance at the Altar on Behalf of the Queen's Soul, that they esteem it but an Offi­cious Hypocrisie, a Medly of Priest-Craft and State Artifice.

Here is a Report about the City, that the Queen's Ghost appear'd to the Cardinal, as soon as she was dead, severely reproaching him with his Ambition and Ingratitude, and tel­ling him, That tho' he was laying the Founda­tion of an Immortal Project, yet he should ne­ver live to see it thrive but warned him to pre­pare for Judgment, for that he should not see another Year in Mortal State; upon which, they say, he immediately sickned. And here are Prophecies privately scattered about, fore­telling [Page 11]his Death in a short time. This is cer­tain, he labours under an unaccountable Dis­temper, his Body strangely wasting, as if it would evaporate it self into Air; for, he seems to be in a manner dried up.

My Duty and Devoir to thee, Sage Minister, would not let me be at Rest till I had preven­ted the Posts, by giving thee a more timely Account of these Occurrences, by a Merchant for whom his Vessel waits at Marseilles. To morrow he takes his Leave of Paris, and once aboard he makes directly for Constantinople, whither he will bring the first News of the Death of one of the greatest Queens upon Earth, in whose Royal Veins ran the Blood of the Emperors, Ferdinand and Charles V. She was married to Henry the Great; and, be­sides her Son now Reigning in France, she matched her Daughters to the Two Potent Monarchs of England and Spain.

The most High and Omnipotent, sole Mo­narch of Heaven and Earth, reward thy Ser­vices and Fidelity to our Invincible Sultan, with the Supream Joys of Paradise.

LETTER VI.
To the Venerable Mufti, Sovereign of the True and Undefiled Faith.

PErmit me to enter into thy Presence, and withdraw thy Ravish'd Eyes awhile from the Contemplation of Sublimest Objects, to cast them on a Spectacle of Mortality. It is the Great and Renowned Mary de Medicis, Queen-Mother of France, who lies now dead at Cologne.

I will not trouble thee with Impertinencies; but, because I know that various Reports will reach thy Ears concerning the Cardinal of Richlieu his being Instrumental to her Death, by driving her to such a height of Indignation as was the Cause of her Voluntary Exile and wandring from France, and from one Coun­try to another; I will here Insert a Letter from the said Cardinal to her Majesty, wherein he vindicates himself, and discovers (if not his Integrity, yet) the best Counterfeit of that Vertue, that I have seen any where penn'd. It was written to her when she was in Holland, and runs thus,

MADAM,

I Cannot but esteem it the greatest Infelicity that ever befell me, that my Enemies have prevailed so far, as to draw upon me Your [Page 13]Majesty's displeasure. That they have by all the Arts of Malice, fastned the Publick Odi­um on me, is a great Ʋnhappiness; but, this is the Master-piece of their Enmity, to render me suspected by you. I could pardon their fre­quent Attempts upon my Life, by private Con­spiracies and Assassinations, though Humane Nature recoils at those who are our Murderers: But, to deprive me of that, without which Life it self is a burden to me, I mean, your Royal Favour, transports me beyond my self; And, I beg, that it may pass for an Excuse of this Presumption. I could easily have pass'd over in Silence all their barbarous Plots against me! I could easily have parted with my Life, and all those Honours and Dignities with which it has been bless'd. But, to rob me of your E­steem, which first rais'd me to this Envied Greatness, and which I value more than all the Grandeurs of the Earth, breaks the Barrs which aw'd my Tongue and Pen, and makes me bold to throw my self at your Royal Feet, with All that I have; for, I received All from your Princely Hands. Deal as you please, Ma­dam, with your own Creature; I cannot mur­mur at your proceedings. But, Madam, let your Native Piety prompt you to favour the Purple of the Church, with which your Bounty has Invested me. Let it not lose its proper Lustre and Esteem, because the Enemies of the Church and State, have cast such Dirt upon it. Is it possible, that a Man the most obliged of all his Race, should become the onely Pattern of the basest Ingratitude? Besides the Ties of [Page 14]Conscience and the Natural Force of Inclina­tion, my Interest chains me to your Service; How can I then withdraw my self from it, and not proclaim my self at once a Traitor to the Rest of Queens, and the most unaccountable of Fools to my self?

This Consideration, Madam, being well weigh'd, is enough to acquit me of all Guiltiness before Your Majesty.

But, if it be my Destiny to be condemned unheard, I shall not appeal from your Royal Sentence, since I owe a perfect Resignation to your Will. I may complain to Heaven of my Misfortune, but I will not expostulate with my Sovereign Patroness, nor make the least Oppo­sition against the Course of your Anger, not even by carrying my Fortune to Rome. For, wheresoever I go, all my study shall be to recover your Majesty's Favour, if it be not a Crime. And if ever I obtain that Happiness, I shall not care whither I go, tho' it be out of the World it self, because I die hourly, while your Majesty suspects that I am not what I ever was, and still continue to be,

MADAM,
Your Majesty's Most humble, Most faithful, And most obedient Servant, Armand. Card. of Rich.

I send thee this Transcript of the Cardinal's Apology, that thou comparing it with what befell afterwards, mayst give a Judgment, whe­ther this Great Minister deserv'd the Censures that were pass'd upon him. For, he falling sick the same Day the Queen-Mother died, People said it was a Judgment on him, and that her Ghost appeared to him, as thou wilt more at large Inform thy self by the Letters I sent to the Kaimacham. But, others are of Opinion, that his present Illness proceeds from Grief of Mind for the Queen's Death, especially in that she died before he was re­conciled to her Majesty. And, they plead in Defence of his Innocence, his daily Zeal in saying Mass for her departed Soul, and that at a time when he has more need to keep his Bed, than go to Church. This I have heard discoursed, even by some who bore no good Will to the Cardinal, yet now begin to relent towards him, seeing the very Lineaments of Sorrow in his drooping Looks, and tracing the Footsteps of a profound Grief in his mace­rated Body. Hence they take Measures, of his real Innocence and Fidelity toward that Great Queen. I will not interpose my parti­cular Opinion on either Side, but stand Neu­ter among these contesting Infidels, tho' my Inclination and regard would rather sway me to the Cardinal's side. But, I leave the De­termination of this Matter to thee, who art the Oracle of Wisdom, from whose Sentence there can be no Appeal.

In the mean while, the Body of the decea­sed Queen, lies, as I have said, at Colen, where she spent her last Days in a Riligious Convent, a Practice not so common now a-days, as it has been formerly among Crowned Heads. And those who thus descended voluntarily, from the Height of Humane Glory, to the Austerities of a Devout Life, have commonly been Canonized for Saints. Nor do the Crea­tures of this Queen spare to whisper about, that such an Honour were but a condign Re­ward to her Extraordinary Merits, being al­ready canonized in the Esteem of the Bigot­ted Vulgar, while her Body is yet above Ground.

The Royal Carkass will be brought and in­terr'd in the Temple of St Dennis, about three Leagues from this City. This is esteemed the Richest Church in France, being a Repository of Inestimable Jewels, Gold and Silver belong­ing to the Relicks of their Saints. Here also generally is lodged, the Dust of all the Royal Blood of France. The Saint to whom this Church is dedicated, is esteemed the Patron of this Kingdom; for, according to their Do­ctrine, the Saints have the Patronage of cer­tain Kingdoms, Provinces and Cities commit­ted to them by God, and therefore they address themselves to them, and to the Guardian-Angels both in Publick, and Private. Every one also has his peculiar Patron-Saint and Guar­dian-Angel assigned him at his own Choice.

But, if these Christian-Saints, are set over such Places and People as they favour'd parti­cularly [Page 17]in their life-time, then one would think, when this Great Queen is Canonized, and Instated in her Saintly Government, the Hugonots here may claim her Patronage, in that she shew'd much Kindness and Friend­ship to them while she was alive.

Pardon, Great Oracle of Truth, the Length of this Epistle; and excuse my presumption, in descanting on Matters of Religion, which belong to thee to determine. I kiss the Hem of thy Sacred Vest, in profound Humility. Vouchsafe to pray for thy faithful Slave Mah­mut.

LETTER VII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

IT is now past Midnight, and being call'd out of my Bed by the People of the House where I lodge, I knew not how to bestow my Time better, than in giving thee an Account of this Occurrence.

Here is now so violent a Tempest of Thun­der, Lightning and Rain, that the whole He­misphere seems to be on Fire, and the Super­stitious are overwhelmed with Panick Fears, concluding this Storm will usher in the Day [Page 18]of Judgment. It has continued these two Hours; and, they tell me, that no less than Twenty Houses are burnt to Ashes already. I had scarce taken my Pen from the last Word, when a Flash of Lightning dyed all the Pa­pers and Books, on the Table whereon I now write, as black as Soot; whereof this scorch'd Paper may be a Testimonial, which I send en­closed. Observe but the Colour and Smell, and thou wilt say, 'tis stamp'd with the Mark of the Thunderer. 'Tis that whereon I had begun to write to thee; but, this thirsty Fire, at a Moment, lick'd up all the Ink, so that the Impression is wholly effac'd.

The Reason of their calling me out of my Bed was, to go to Prayers with them, accor­ding to the Custom of these Infidels, who in Time of Thunder, light certain Consecrated Candles, and fall on their Knees round about them, imagining, that whilst they are with­in the Room where these Candles are, the Thunder cannot hurt them. I excused my self from keeping them Company, by telling them, I had a Hallowed Candle in my Cham­ber, which I would light and say my Prayers there. They were satisfied with this Answer, and sprinkling me with Holy Water, to bless me from the Danger impending, I retired.

There is a private Stair-Case in my Cham­ber, which leads to a Terrass on the Top of the House. My Curiosity carried me thither, where methought I beheld Nature in her Fro­licks and Rants. The greatest part of the Sky was clear and serene, and innumerable [Page 19]Stars appeared; but, round the Brims of the Horizon, a growing Bulk of Clouds encom­passed the Earth, spouting forth Cataracts of Fire from opposite Parts. One would have thought they were impregnated with Bombs and Carcasses, and that some Armies were im­battell'd in the Air.

After this, as if these had been the Heralds of the last and fiercest Combat, the Clouds drew up into a Point, and mingling with each other, shot forth such Showers of Fire, as made the World look like a Furnace. For my Part, I had not Courage enough to stand longer in the open Air, but came down to my Chamber, and falling prostrate on the Ground, recommended my self to the Great Creator of all Things, Lord of Nature, and Sovereign Dis­poser of the Lives of Men.

Neither do I think my self Superstitious in this, any more than I should be, in hum­bling my self in the Dust, before the Terrible Ibrahim when he is out of Temper.

Methinks, Nature seems to be in a Chole­rick Fit, when it Thunders; and, 'tis neither good Manners nor Policy, to draw her Fury on our Heads by daring Carriage.

Our Holy Law, which prescribes Prayer to us at the first Appearance of the Sun and Moon, seems to intimate, that on any Emer­gency which gives us a peculiar Occasion to contemplate an Omnipotent Power, we ought to fall down and adore the High and Eter­nal One.

I am almost deaf with the Bells, which are rung in every Church of the City on this Ac­count. It being the Opinion of the Nazarenes, that this Noise will chase away the Tempest, with all Evil Spirits that infest the Air. And this Opinion is grounded, on the Ceremonies which are used at the Consecratioa of their Bells. For, the Bishop, or, in his Absence, the Priest, hallows them with a kind of Bap­tism, and a Form of Prayer; wherein, among other Petitions, they desire of God, to endue them with a Virtue to resist the Devils.

I am no Friend to Superstition, neither do I give much Credit to Charms; yet I cannot deny, but the ringing such a vast Number of Bells, must needs cause a violent Concussion of the Air; even to the dispersing of the Clouds, and producing a Calm. And Expe­rience assures us, that this is the common Ef­fect of a Battle, which if it happen in Tem­pestuous Weather, yet the Discharge of many Thousand Great and Small Shot, has quieted the Storm, and hush'd the Elements into a very serene Condition.

Though this Noise of Bells be very trouble­some, in a Time when People should take their Repose, yet here we are used to it in a less Degree, every Night throughout the Year.

For, the Christians Law, requires the Der­vises to rise at Midnight, to say their Prayers in their Chappels; and, some are so devout and regular, as to make this their constant Custom: so that assoon as the Clocks have struck Twelve, the small Bells in some Con­vents [Page 21]begin to jangle. About Two or Three Hours afterwards, other Religious Houses ring their Bells, and so continue at certain Hours Day and Night all the Year long.

The Storm is now quite blown over, the Clouds dispers'd, and all Things hush and quiet.

He that brings forth Light out of Darkness, and converts the Terrors and Sadness of the Night, into the chearful Joys of a fair and propitious Morning, have thee in his keeping, and perpetuate our Friendship.

LETTER VIII.
To the same.

THere lives a Dervise in this City, with whom I often converse with the same Freedom as I do with thee; and, it is no small Alleviation of my Melancholy, to vent my Thoughts to one of an agreeable Spirit.

He is a Religious of Mount Carmel; a Man of Singular Piety and Vertue; and, were he not so Zealous a Patron of the Christian Su­perstitions and Idolatry, I should esteem him a Saint.

I have often attempted to wean him by [Page 22]Degrees, from the Errors which he imbib'd with his Mothers Milk, and which seem to be rooted in him through the Influences of his Education.

Sometimes I plant a Battery of Arguments against Images and Pictures; but, I can nei­ther beat them down from the Posts they are allotted in his Oratory, nor am I able to de­molish the Chappels which he has built for their Ideas in his own Breast.

Yet, after a long and close Siege, I have reduced him to Terms of Composition. In the first place, he has surrendred up a Picture which hung in his Closet, in Form of a very Ancient Man with hoary Hairs, designed by the Painter, to represent the Person of God. He yields, that it is not lawful to make any Resemblance of the Invisible Divinity. Next he allows, that it is not lawful to bow or shew any other External Respect: to the Pictures and Images of Jesus, Mary, and the Rest of the Saints, but only to use them as Historical Remembrancers of those Holy Persons, and as Natural Helps and Spurs to Devotion and Vertue.

I tell thee, my Friend Oglou, on these Ca­pitulations I could not but raise the Siege, and yield him the Use of Pictures thus far a blame­less Practice. For, it seems to me unreaso­nable, to debarr those who believe the History of the Gospel, the Privilege to read it in what Language they please, whether this of Images and Pictures, or that of Letters.

Letters are but the Images of such and such [Page 23]Articulate Sounds, by which we express our Inward Conception of things: But, Images and Pictures are the lively Immediate Chara­cters of the Things themselves; and, it seems as easie to me, to look on a Picture or Image without the Danger of Idolatry, as 'tis to read a Chapter in the Alcoran without ado­ring the Letters that compose it. Was not the Tabernacle of Moses adorned with Ima­ges of Cherubims? Was not the Temple of Solomon deck'd in the same manner? If the presence of Images in Temples be a propha­nation, why for so many Ages have our Vene­rable Mufti's suffered the Two Seraphims to remain under the Cupola of the Mosque of Sancta Sophia in Constantinople? Why do they not deface the Picture of Mary the Mother of Jesus, the Two Images of Angels, with other Pieces of Sculpture and Painting in the same place? Are the Devotions of a Mussulman in this Sacred Temple tainted with Idolatry, be­cause he prays before these Images?

Let me unbosom my Thoughts to thee with freedom; Images and Pictures are no Bug-bears to me; I can use them as Instru­ments of Devotion, in the same manner as I do Books. Yet every one cannot do this without Danger of Idolatry; neither is a Pu­blick Toleration of Images and Pictures in Temples to be approved. For, though some Men may look on them without Hurt, yet 'tis hard for the Generality to avoid falling in­to a Culpable Reverence. For, while the Eye is drinking in the fair Idea, the Soul is apt to [Page 24]lose her Force, and fall into Admiration of the Carver's or the Painter's Art, adoring the ele­gant Symmetry of a Beautiful Picture or I­mage, instead of the Original and Increated Beauty, the Majesty which has no Resem­blance.

Therefore wisely has our Holy Law, provi­ded against this Inconvenience, by discoura­ging Imagery throughout the Sacred Empire of the Mussulmans.

He whose Habitation is in the Mysterious and Inaccessible Heighth of an Eternal Recess, whose Glory is beyond all Figure and Expres­sion, augment thy Vertues, which are the truest Images of the Divine Nature.

LETTER IX.
To the Kaimacham.

THE present War betwixt France and Spain, however begun, seems to be carried on by a Principle of Honour, rather than of Enmity. These two Nations are per­fect Antipodes to each other in their Humours, yet this Aversion between them, is discover'd more in Peace than in War. The Quest of Glory has invited many brave Men on both Sides into the Field; and, the Hero's strive to conquer each other, by Civilities rather than by Arms.

Catalonia and Roussilion, were the Stages of this War, in the Beginning of the Year; where the Mareschal de Breze, and the Sieur de la Mothe-Houdancourt, combated with all the Hardships of the Winter, as well as with Valiant Enemies. The Rigour of the Season did not cool the Courage of these Generals, nor divert their Resolution from taking the Field. All the Country appear'd like a frozen Lake, and there was no Place for them to encamp, but in Deep Snows or Ice: yet, for all these Discouragements, the Mare­schal de Breze block'd up Perpignan, a Town of great Strength in Roussilion, whilst the Sieur de la Mothe kept the Arragonians in Play, and baffl'd the Enterprises of the Casti­lians, having given them two Signal Defeats.

These successful Actions of the French Ge­nerals, invited the King their Master to give them a Visit, being very desirous to take Per­pignan, and settle the Affairs of Catalonia. He therefore sends another Army under the Command of the Mareschal de la Mesleraye, which he soon followed in Person.

There was now a generous Envy raised be­tween so many Great Commanders, every one striving to advance himself in the King's E­steem by his Services. And the particular Merits of the Sieur de la Mothe, drew a fa­vourable Eye on him. The King made him Mareschal of France; the Staff which is the Badge of his Office, being presented to him by the Mareschal de Breze at Barcelona, to the general Satisfaction and Joy as well of the Catalonians as the French.

This Honour was conferr'd on him, pre­sently after the great Victory obtained over the Spanish Forces, at Ville-Franche in Ca­talonia.

In the mean while, the Mareschal de Mesleraye, invested the strong Castle of Coli­oubre, which was surrender'd to him upon honourable Terms, by the Marquis of Mor­tare, General of the Spanish Horse in Roussi­lion, and Governour of that Castle.

The King flush'd with Conquests and Suc­cesses, would not suffer his Army to lie idle, but in good earnest laid close Siege to Per­pignan.

Yet such was the Generosity of this Prince, that before he tried the Force of his Cannon, [Page 27]he ordered the Mareschal de Mesleraye, to send a Herald to the Marquis de Flores, Go­vernour of the Town, to put him in Mind of the great Streights the Besieged were in for want of Provisions, of which his Majesty was not ignorant; and, that there was no Hopes of Relief from the Marquis de Povar, General of the Spanish Forces in Arragon, there being left alive but a few Companies of all his Army, after the great Defeat which was given them near Ville-Franche.

He offered the Governour all fair and good Usage, if he would surrender before Things came to Extremities; and, to convince him of the entire Loss of the Spanish Army (to which he trusted) he promised Safe Conduct to any Officer of the Garrison as far as Terragone, where lay all the little Remnant of the Arra­gonian Army, that so he might inform and assure himself of the bad Condition the Spa­nish Affairs were in.

This Favour was received with much Ci­vility by the Marquis de Povar, who retur­ned Humble Thanks to the King for so gene­rous a Condescention, assuring him withal, that the Garrison was not reduced to those Streights as was pretended, but that he never­theless accepted his Majesty's safe Conduct to a Messenger; entreating him, that he would permit him to go to Madrid, that so the King of Spain might have Advice of his Circum­stances.

Thou wilt confess, Illustrious Kaimacham, that it was a great Magnanimity of Spirit in [Page 28]the King, to grant this Request to an Enemy, who might be suspected to design no more in it than gain Time. Yet, he sent the Mes­senger back again, with full Assurance of his Royal Leave.

Whilst this was in Agitation, many other Civilities pass'd between the French and the Besieged; Many Prisoners of Note were ex­changed, and all Things seem'd to speak a fair Understanding between both Parties; when, on a sudden, the Cannon of the Town play'd furiously on the King's Quarters, and at the same Time the Besieged made a vigo­rous Sally, attacking a Redoubt which the Mareschal de Mesleraye had raised.

This Contempt of the King's Favour raised his Choler, and animated the Soldiers with a desire of Revenge. All ran to their Arms, and quickly beat back the Besieged. Thus was the Face of Affairs suddenly chang'd in the Camp. It was too late now, for the Gover­nour to expect the Courtesie he before abu­sed. However, he sent two Deputies again, to know if the King's Resolution continued to grant Leave to send to Madrid, (for they had not as yet sent.)

The Mareschal de Mesleraye sent back the Deputies with this Answer, That if they did not engage to surrender by a prefix'd Day, and give two Hostages for Security of their Perfor­mance, the King would not grant their Re­quest.

This put the Besieged upon desperate Re­solutions; they made frequent Sallies, and all things tended to Extremity.

Whilst Matters were in this Posture, the King, by the Advice of his Physicians, with­drew from the Camp to take the Waters of Maine for his Health. This was in the last Moon, and Perpignan holds out still.

I have been the more particular in relating this Siege, in regard it is the Chief Subject of Discourse among such as are desirous of News. Which is the Reason also, that I begin this Letter with a Relation of what has been trans­acted in Catalonia ever since the Beginning of this Year, that thou maist be able to form a Regular Idea, of this present War between France and Spain. I will continually send thee an Account of the Progress the French make in Catalonia.

God augment thy Honours, and prolong thy Days, to see the Sons of thy Grand-chil­dren.

LETTER X.
To Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of State.

I Should be unfaithful to my Trust, and merit a Bow-String, should I conceal from thee any Thing which reflects upon the Ho­nour of the Sacred Empire, and the Law brought down from Heaven by the Angel Gabriel.

Thou knowest, that it is the Custom of the Christians, to make Pilgrimages from all Parts of the World to Jerusalem, and other Places in the Holy Land; even as the Faithful Mussulmen do to Mecca and Medina Tal­nabi in Arabia, where is the Sepulchre of our Holy Prophet.

Here are Two Noblemen of the first Rank and Quality at Court, who out of Devotion to their Messias, went to visit his supposed Sepulchre; and, in their Travels, pass'd through Part of Aegypt. But when they arrived at a Place called Salhia, bordering on the Stony Arabia, they were made a Prey to the Sub­bassee of that Place; who, understanding from the Captain of the Caravan, that these two were all the Franks he had with him, and that they were Men of Money, he exacted from them twenty Dollars apiece for their Heads, contrary to all Law, Justice or Precedent; [Page 31]which they refusing to pay (as indeed it was unreasonable) the covetous old Subbassee commits them to Prison, commanding them to receive a Hundred Bastinadoes apiece on the Feet, thinking by this Means to frighten them to a Compliance with his Extortion. But they would not pay the Money, chusing rather to suffer, than encourage such Op­pression in corrupt Officers. In the mean time, the Caravan departs, leaving these im­prison'd Lords to the Mercy of the Subbassee; who finding them inflexible, caused his Com­mandments to be put in Execution, and not content with this, orders his Slaves to beat them out of the Town.

The poor Lords knew not what to do un­der this Misfortune; for they were so sore with the Blows they had received on their tender Feet, that they were incapable of tra­velling afoot. But, with Money they prevail on the Slaves, to direct them how they might procure Camels, with a Guide. This done they overtake the Caravan at Gaza, and so finish'd their Pilgrimage. They are now at the Court here, and have made known the Business to the King, who, 'tis said, has dis­patch'd an Express to his Ambassador at Con­stantinople, to demand Justice on the afore­said Subbassee; threatning, that if it be de­ny'd, he will cover the Ocean with Ships, and raze the Palace of the Sultan to the Ground. For, these two Noblemen, are nearly allied to the Royal Family.

I know thou wilt despise the bold Bravado [Page 32]of this King, and so do I, being assured, that the Invincible Sultan, can set his Foot on the Necks of Forty such Petty Kings as this. Yet, let us be the Advocates of Justice, by which the Refulgent Empire of the Mussulmen was first established. Should such a Villainy as this go unpunished, it would encourage o­thers in like Cases, and then there would be nothing but Extortion, and cruel Insolence practis'd by Governours of Towns and Cities on the Road. So barbarous and Inhospitable Usage, would provoke all the Princes of the Christian Law, to take up Arms against us. Thus would the most Glorious Empire in the World, become a Prey to Infidels.

I know this would be misrepresented, were it to come to other Hands than thine. They would say of me openly, what they have al­ready whispered in the Cabals of the Seraglio, That Mahmut is in Pension with the French King. They seek my Life without a Cause. But I trust it to thy generous and right no­ble Hands, of whose Friendship I have had so late Experience.

May the First Mover of the Heavenly Orbs, lead thee as by a Clew of Thread, through the dark Labyrinth of State Affairs, and bring thee, after a long and happy Life, to the Fields of endless Light. Amen! thou Lord of Pa­radise.

LETTER XI.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

I Know thee not, and, 'tis probable, that art as little acquainted with me; Yet, I have often observed more durable Friendships con­tracted between Strangers, than betwixt those of the same Blood. Good Offices equally deserve and attract Love. There are many Opportunities for Travellers to serve one ano­ther. And, he that obliges me in a strange Country, makes himself my Brother.

I received a Dispatch from the Reis Effendi at Constantinople, informing me of the Death of Carcoa, one of the Happy Slaves of him whom God has ordained to dispense Felicities to the World, I mean, the Grand Signior, Possessor of the most exalted Throne on Earth. He tells me likewise, that I must expect from thee the Continuance of Carcoa's Office. I con­gratulate thy Honour, in that thou art thought worthy to serve the Great Viceroy of the Lord of the Ʋniverse, to whom is committed the Flaming Sword of Justice, that he may re­ward Vertue, punish Vice, and reform the Corrupt Manners of all Mankind.

I am a Mussulman, that is, resigned to God, or else it would have raised some Thoughtfulness in a Man of my Circumstances, what should [Page 34]be the Reason of Carcoa's so long Silence, not having received any Answer these Four Moons to the many Letters I sent him. He was en­trusted with the Secrets of my Commission, and, had another been in my Place, he would have suspected Treachery.

Well, he is gone! gone to the Invisible Regions, to the Receptacles of Just and Faith­ful Men, to the pleasant Woods and Groves, the Eternal Blooming Shades and Verdant Fields of Paradise. Follow his Steps, and be happy.

He was a Man true to his Trust, sedulous and active in Business; Punctual in his Ap­pointments; Temperate in a Town flowing with Debaucheries; just toward all Men, and Devout to God.

It is necessary for him that would attain these Virtues, to begin Gradually at the lowest Step; to Guard his Sences, and set a Watch upon the Avenues of his Passions. For a Man becomes neither perfectly Virtuous nor Vicious all at once: And a Wise Man of thy own Nation, Jesus Ben Sirach, has said, He that contemns Little Things, shall fall by little and little.

I desire thee, to send me Carcoa's Journal, with what other Papers he left behind him, except such as concern his particular Estate and Affairs.

Let me know also, how the late Design of the Turks upon Rab, is resented at the German Court; whether the Emperor talks of sending an Embassador to the Sultan about [Page 35]it; and, whatsoever also of Moment occurs.

The Reis Effendi tells me, that Bechir Bas­sa, the Treasurer, has ordered me Five Hun­dred Zechins, by the way of Vienna. I desire thou would'st be speedy and careful in remit­ting them to Paris.

Thou needest no Instructions concerning my Lodging, or the Name I go by here; those who appointed thee this Station at Vi­enna, have informed thee, no doubt, of all Things necessary to the Discharge of thy Duty.

Write often to me, and preserve thy Inte­grity free from Stain.

LETTER XII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

I Know thy Genius, and have observed with what Complacency thou wert wont to peruse thy Uncle Shela Raphim's Travels, a Journal writ in Arabick, and full of profita­ble and wise Remarks; especially, that Part of it, which treats of France. I will not pre­tend to add to his Observations; but only acquaint thee with a Novelty, which France it self ne'er knew in his Days.

The Women of Quality here of late, ad­dict themselves to the Studies of Philosophy, as the Men; the Ladies esteeming their Edu­cation defective, if they cannot confute Ari­stotle and his Disciples. The Pen has almost supplanted the Exercise of the Needle; and, Ladies Closets, formerly the Shops of Female Baubles, Toys and Vanities, are now turn'd to Libraries and Sanctuaries of Learned Books. There is a new Star risen in the French Hori­zon, whose Influence excites the Nobler Fe­males to this pursuit of Humane Science. It is the Renowned Monsieur Des Cartes, whose Lustre far out-shines the Aged, winking▪ Ta­pers of Peripatetick Philosophy, and has e­clips'd the Stagyrite, with all the Ancient Lights of Greece and Rome. 'Tis this match­less Soul, has drawn so many of the Fairer Sex to the Schools. And, they are more proud of the Title [Cartesian,] and of the Capacity to defend his Principles, than of their Noble Birth and Blood.

I know our Grave and Politick Mussulmen, will censure the Indulgence of the French to their Women, and accuse them of Weakness, in giving such Advantages to that witty Sex. But, notwithstanding this Severity of the Eastern Parts, I cannot altogether disapprove the Western Galantry. If Women are to be esteemed our Enemies, methinks it is an igno­ble Cowardise thus to disarm them, and not allow them the same Weapons we use our selves: But, if they deserve the Title of our Friends, 'tis an Inhumane Tyranny to debar [Page 37]them the Privilege of Ingenuous Education, which would also render their Friendship so much more delightful both to themselves and us. Nature is seldom observed to be niggardly of her choicest Gifts to that Sex, their Sences generally as quick as ours, their Reason as Nervous, their Judgments as ma­ture and solid. Add but to these Natural Perfections, the Advantage of Acquir'd Lear­ning, what polite and charming Creatures will they prove, whilst their External Beau­ty does the Office of a Crystal to the Lamp, not shrouding but disclosing their brighter Intellects? Nor need we fear to lose our Em­pire over them, by thus improving their Na­tive Abilities; since, where there is most Lear­ning, Sence and Knowledge, there is observ'd to be the greatest Modesty, and Rectitude of Manners. I see no Reason therefore, why we should make such Bug-Bears of Women, as not trust them with as Liberal Education as our selves.

I believe, thou sometimes bestowest a Com­passionate Thought on the Exil'd Mahmut. Would'st thou do something to alleviate my Melancholy, the next time thou go­est to the Atmidan, transcribe what is en­graven on the Pedestalls of the Obelisks and Columns standing there, and send it enclosed in a Letter.

He that is Lord of the East and the West, from whose Throne hang Millions of Stars in Chains of Gold, encrease thy Virtues and Blessings, and preserve thee from the Poison [Page 38]of ill Eyes and malicious Tongues, and bring thee to the Fields of endless Light.

LETTER XIII.
To Cara Haly, Physician at Con­stantinople.

THere is a Garden in this City, so near resembling that of the Invincible Vizir Azem, on the East of Pera, that I cannot but phansie my self near Constantinople, when I am walking in it. It is called the King's Gar­den, being allotted by the Royal Bounty of the Kings of France, to the Service and Im­provement of Students in Physick. There is a Yearly Stipend settled on an approved Physi­cian, to take Care, that no kind of Physical Plant or Herb be wanting in this Royal Semi­nary. Who also during the whole Summer, is obliged to read a Latin Lecture every Mor­ning, on the Simples there growing; whilst a great Auditory of Young Students, with Books, Pen and Ink in their Hands, wait on him up and down the Alleys, and write down his Discourse. He that is now employed in this Office, is a very Learned and Ingenious Man; he takes great Pains to make all his Young Disciples perfect Herbalists; for, all the way as he passes along from one Herb to another, [Page 39]he stoops down, handles the Simple, and ex­plains his Verbal Description with his Fingers Ends; giving a most accurate account of the minutest Difference between such as seem to be alike, and demonstrating to the Eye, that those are two distinct Plants, which many take to be but one; tracing out their different Families, in the Number, Texture, Shape or Colour of their Leaves and Flowers: And, this he does with so graceful an Action, such elegant Language, and so composed a Spirit, that he charms all that happen to be present at his Lectures, and makes every Body in Love with the Botanicks. The Garden stands open to all Gentlemen, provided they leave their Swords with the Keeper of the Gate, to prevent Quarrels and Mischief.

I enter daily among the rest, and when the Physick-Lecture is over, I retire my self into one of the most pleasant Shades in the World; it is a Gravel Walk, the whole length of the Garden, on each side of which grow lofty Trees, planted so thick, and intermixing their Leaves and Branches so closely at the Top, that they compose a perfect natural Ʋmbrella over the Walk, from one End to the other, so that not a Beam of the Sun can enter. And, that which creates in me the greatest Complacency, is, that the farther End of the Walk, is not shut up by a high Wall, as is the Custom in some Gardens; but, whether you are sitting, or standing upright, it opens to you a very agreeable and large Pro­spect of the Country adjacent to Paris, which [Page 40]affects the Eye with incredible Delight; and mine so much the more, because it perfectly resembles the Country lying East of Pera and Constantinople, which you survey out of the Grotto's of the aforesaid most Illustrious Vizir Azem. 'Tis when I am in this Walk, I ima­gine I breath the Air of Asia, and am within the Verge of the Imperial Seraglio, the San­ctuary to which all the distress'd Princes in the World have Recourse.

There are in Paris above an Hundred Mag­nificent Palaces, and beautiful Gardens belong­ing to them; but, none wherein I take so particular a Delight, as in this Royal Physick-Garden. Here I spend many a solitary Hour, and sometime I meet with Company.

I tell thee, Dear Haly, that though the French are naturally the most polished and refined People in the World, yet I am ma­ny times willing to make Excuses, and leave their Society; being by the Force of a power­ful Inclination either drawn to this Garden, or to a famous Library in this City, in the Custo­dy of certain Religious Dervises, who at cer­tain Hours of the Day, are obliged to give Attendance to all Gentlemen, who are pleased to sit there and study.

Toward the Evening I visit the Hospitals, which are the finest that ever I saw in the World, and I believe the best govern'd. There is one named, the Hospital of God, where Per­sons of Quality themselves, and those of the First Rank, come every Evening, and wait on the sick and the wounded, doing all the [Page 41]meanest Offices of Inferior Servants, and this with abundance of Tenderness and Hu­manity. I have seen the Nicest and Gayest Ladies of the Court, dressing the most squalid and putrefied Sores of Wounded Men, not seeming in the least to be disgusted at the loathsom Sight and Stench of their Ulcers. When one first enters the Place, one would imagine it to be a Chamber of Young Jani­zaries; it being a very long and wide Gal­lery, with Rows of Beds on both sides, where­in the Sick are disposed according to the Or­der of their coming, or the Nature of their Disease. The Curtains of the Beds are all of pure white Linen, prettily wrought here and there with Flowers of Needle-Work. Their Sheets as white as the Curtains; and by each Bed stands a Bason of clean Water, and a fine Towel lying by it. At the farther End of the Gallery, stands an Altar railed in, where the Priests perform their Religi­ous Mysteries for the Sick. In fine, all Things in this Place speak an Exquisite Decorum and Order, with a generous Regard to the Health and Life of Man. Three of these Galleries make up the whole Hospital, and it is as plea­sant to me sometimes to walk up and down in them, as in a beautiful Garden.

Certainly, if any Argument could be of Force to recommend Sickness as a desirable Thing, it must be taken from the Circum­stances of this Hospital, or, an Equivalent Ground. I, for my own part, have often thought, That Death it self would not be [Page 42]formidable amidst so many Ornaments, Sweets and Comforts. If this Publick and Charitable Regard to the Sick, be an Effect of their Religion, I cannot be so partial to deny it a due Acknowledgment; but must own, That Heroick Vertue and Piety is to be found in an eminent Degree, even among the very Infidels.

Thou wilt pardon me for detaining thee so long in the Theatre of the Sick and Wound­ed, and presenting thee with the Tragical Scenes of Mortality; since it is thy proper Profession, to converse with the Infirmities, Diseases and Dolors of Humane Bodies, and to be frequently present in the Anti-Chambers of Death.

Suffer me to press thee to an Integrity of continual Love and Friendship between us. Let not Mistakes or Misapprehensions, cool this generous Affection. It is pity, That either the spightful Misrepresentations of insi­nuating Back-biters, or, our own groundless Jealousies and Suspicions, should dissolve the Union of Faithful and Loving Friends. I had rather suffer a Thousand small Injuries, which I know must proceed from Frailty, and Humane Necessity, than not continue to Love where I have once pitch'd my true Affection. Nothing but apparent wilful Per­fidiousness and Treachery, ought to break the sacred and inviolable Band of Friendship. Fidelity and Love cover a multitude of lesser Faults. He that breaks with his Friend for small Errors, discovers the Rashness and In­constancy [Page 43]of his Mind, and that his Friend­ship was never well grounded. For, had he been a Wise Man, he would either have been more slow and cautious in the choice of his Friend; or, having once contracted Friend­ship, he would not break it again for a less Crime than manifest Disloyalty. But thou, who hast ever pursued me with all the Of­fices of a Generous and Faithful Friend, bear­ing with my many Infirmities and Failings, dost not deserve this Censure. Yet, consi­dering the Instability of all Humane Affairs, I could not forbear putting thee in Mind of these Things; lest, through the Malice of Fortune, or the Envy of Men, or any other Cause thou shouldst withdraw thy Affection from me, which I value above all Temporal Blessings. For, besides the many Favours I have received at thy Hands, whereby I am obliged in Honour and Gratitude to love thee perpetually; a Spark of Natural, or ra­ther of Divine Affection was kindled in my Breast, from the first Time I conversed with thee; whether it proceeds from Agreeable­ness and Harmony of Spirits, or some other secret Operation, I know not. But, sure I am, and would have thee rest confident, That there is not a Man in the World, who Loves and Honours thee with greater Fidelity than I do.

The Great and Eternal Lord of the Ʋni­verse, encrease and multiply thy Vertues and Blessings, and make thee Illustrious in thy Generation; granting also this Happiness to [Page 44]me, That after a lasting and true Friendship between us on Earth, I may drink with thee of the Rivers of Pleasure, which glide along the Fields of Paradise; and, that I may see thy Face brighter than the Stars of Heaven. Amen! Amen! O thou Lord of the Worlds.

LETTER XIV.
To the Kaimacham.

I Take the best Measures for Intelligence, yet I cannot gain a Sight or a Copy of all the Expresses that come to this Court; nor can I learn their Import, as soon as they Arrive. The Ministers of State here, are the Sepul­chres of News, they bury all in Silence.

This is the Reason, that I sometimes have been forced to send thee an Account of many Events, long after they happened. My last Letter, was an Abstract of the French Con­quests in Catalonia, from the Beginning of the Year, to the Moon last past.

After the King of France had retired from the Camp before Perpignan, the Mareschal de Mesleraye applied himself vigorously to perfect the Batteries, Redoubts, and other Works. Whilst the King of Spain was hour­ly [Page 45]perplexed with Cares and Anxieties, for this Important Place.

The Extremities to which it was reduc'd, hastened his Preparations of an Effectual Re­lief. He sent Orders to the Marquises of Terracuse, of Leganez and Mortare, to raise the Flower of Arragon and Castile.

The Viceroy of Naples, furnished out a Considerable Fleet; it being the Catholick King's Resolution, either to Succour Per­pignan, and raise that Siege, or take Barce­lona by Way of Reprizal.

In the mean while, the new Mareschal de la Mothe, flush'd with the late Favour he received from his Master, the French King, and spurred on with the Thirst of Glory, entered like a Torrent with his Troops into Valentia, which at that time lay naked and unguarded.

The first Thing he did, was to surprize a Convoy of the Marquis of Leganez, who were carrying an Extraordinary Piece of Can­non to Viveros.

The French broke through the Foot, with their accustomed Fury, and killed more than Thirty Horse, taking as many Prisoners. They sent the Cannon to the Camp at Reoux.

Thou seest, Sage Minister, how necessary a Qualification it is in a Sovereign Prince, to discern and reward the Merits of his Servants. Men of Vertue are animated with fresh Vi­gour, when their Actions are acknowledg­ed. Of this the ever Victorious Sultans of the Ottoman Empire are very sensible, who [Page 46]value the Abilities and Services of their Slaves, before any Consideration of Noble Blood or Riches; raising Men from Nothing, to the Highest Dignities of the Empire.

The Mareschal, after this Exploit, took the Towns of Tamarit, and Mouson; but the Castle belonging to the latter, was sur­rendred upon Articles, the Fourteenth of the last Moon.

Whilst these things were transacted on the Land, the Navies were not Idle by Sea: The Marquis of Breze set upon the Spanish Admiral, as he lay at Anchor near Viveros; and, not being able to disingage the Vessel from the Shallows, he set it on Fire, together with another of equal Burden.

This was only an Exploit by the by, and as it lay in his Road to Barcelona, where the whole Spanish Fleet were Arrived, with De­sign to Assault the Town by Sea.

The Marquis de Breze, made all the Sail he could toward them; but, the Wind not favouring his Design, he was forced to make use of his Gallies. In a Word, the Spaniards lost Four Ships in this Fight, and Three more on the First of this Moon.

Thus Perpignan is in no likelihood of Re­lief. I will send thee all the Intelligence I receive of this Important Siege.

LETTER XV.
To Isouf his Kinsman.

I Have received thy Letter, and congratulate thy safe Return to Constantinople. The Blessing of Mahomet be upon thee, for the Sacrifice thou madest on Abraham's Moun­tain in my behalf, and for the Alms thou ga­vest to blot out my Sins. Hadst thou sent me the Sacred Relique I desired, I would mul­tiply Benedictions on Isouf my Cousin. It is but a trifling Excuse to say, thou couldst not procure that which is denied to no Pilgrim. The Emir of Mecca expects that every one who Visits that Holy of Holies, should pur­chase a Piece of the Old Hanging, when it is Yearly taken down. This is his Fee, and thou hast at once defrauded him of his Due, fru­strated my Hopes, and weakned the Merit of thy Pilgrimage.

But, I will not be querelous; perhaps thou wert afraid of wanting Money in the Rest of thy Journey. Thy Letter is very short and full of Reserves, hardly vouchsafing to make an Apology for thy long Silence, though it be now the Nine and Thirtieth Moon since thou first partedst from Constantinople, with­out giving me any Account what was become of thee.

Sometimes I thought thou wert over­whelm'd in the Sands of Arabia, or, that [Page 48]some wild Beast had devoured thee. At other times, I imagined thou might'st die of Thirst, in those dry and barren Desarts. When the Caravan returned at the accustom'd Time, and no Tidings of Isouf, I could not divine that thou wert gone into Persia, or that thou wouldst travel through all the East, as thy Letter informs me.

I should be proud of my Kinsman, were I satisfied what Improvements he has made in so tedious a Journey. Thy Letter speaks thee not a Traveller, thou art a Churle in not com­municating to me thy Adventures and Ob­servations, in so many Countries as thou hast pass'd through.

Tell me Isouf, what was the Motive which put thee upon such a hazardous Fatigue? Thou wert a Man of great Faith to trust thy self to the Conduct of the Persian, who invited thee along with him. It is a Sign thou hast a Ro­ving Soul, or else thou wouldst not upon such easie Terms have abandoned the Company of thy Fellow-travellers and Friends, to join thy self to a Stranger, an Enemy to thy Nation, a Heretick. 'Tis true, a Peace was just then concluded between the Grand Signior, and the Sophi of Persia; and so there was no Danger of thy being snap'd for a Spy, and Sacrificed to the Jealousie of State. But, thou exposedst thy self to the Capricio's of Fortune, and the wavering Temper of a Man, who, for ought thou knowest, might have some ill Design upon thee.

Tell me, didst not thou meet with great [Page 49]Temptations at Ispahan? couldst thou with­stand the Charms of Persian Luxury? It must needs be a surprizing Novelty, to see the La­dies of the Court frolicking and revelling in the Houses of Pleasure without the City, so con­trary to the austere Customs of our Women at Constantinople.

Well! I will believe thee Chast in the midst of Courtezans, sober in Company of Drunk­ards; and, that the Spark who pick'd thee up at Medina, made no attempts to debauch thy Vertue; yet thou canst not blame this Rai­lery, when thou considerest the dissolute Man­ners of that Nation. And I will tell thee in­genuously, that I find it very irksome to ab­stain from Wine, in a Country where every Body drinks it but my self.

But, thou givest me no Character of thy Persian Friend, or his Quality. He might, for ought I know, be some Knight Errant, and thou his Squire, and so you rambled to­gether up and down Asia to seek Adventures. For thou art not so complaisant as to tell me the Effect of thy Travels.

Had I been in thy Place, I should have made it my Business, to enquire into the Laws and Religions of those Countries through which I pass'd. I should have taken Notice of the Strength and Situation of their Cities and Castles; Their Manner of Building and Fortifications; The Discipline of their Soul­diers; what Navigable Rivers they have, and which were the most eminent Places of Com­merce and Traffick.

When thou wert in the Court of the Great Mogul, it had been worth thy Observation, to see the Grandure of this Monarch, who ne­ver goes into the Field with less than two hundred Thousand Men. Thou shouldst have remark'd also the Use the Indians make of E­lephants in their Battels. It had not been a­miss to have cast an Eye into their Temples in this Country, where thou wouldst have beheld the Execrable Devotions of these Ido­laters, who worship the Devil under hide­ous Forms. But above all, I should have been greedy to see the Indian Women throw them­selves into the Funeral Pile after their dead Husbands. And, before I parted from the Country, I should have sought the Conver­sation of their Gymnosophists or Brachmans. These are in so great Reputation for their Wisdom, Sanctity, and Incorrupt Manners, that the greatest Potentates have Recourse to them in all Difficulties, as to Divine Oracles.

China also would have afforded thee Mat­ter of Observation and Remark.

These People say of themselves, that they see with both Eyes, the Mahometans with one, and all the rest of the World are stark blind. But in my Opinion, the Chineses can be but pur-blind themselves, since they see no farther than the Mountains which environ their own Country; it not being permitted to the Sub­jects of that Empire to travel. Yet, to give them their due, they are a very Ingenious People, envied by all the World for their Art in making Porphyry.

I should be glad to know, if whilst thou wert in this Country, thou ever sawest any of those Sailing Wagons, which are said to be used there.

It would be very obliging, to send me a particular Relation of thy Travels these three Years. Thou wilt not be angry, that I am soli­citous for thy Good. The End of Travelling, is, to gain Experience and Wisdom. If thou hast attained this, I shall rejoice. The desire of Knowledge has caused many Famous Men to rome about the World. This led Pytha­goras into Palestine and Aegypt. This made Plato leave Athens, to go and learn of Archy­tas the Philosopher at Tarentum in Italy. And the same Motive, carried Apollonius through the greatest part of Asia and Africa.

But, I would not have thee confine thy Search to their Measures. For they only co­veted to know the Mysteries of Nature. Where­as, if thou travellest again, I would advise thee to acquaint thy self with the Constitutions of Kingdoms and States, whereby thou mayst be serviceable to our Great Master, the Grand Signior, Lord of the seven Clymates, for whose sake the Elements are restrained within their Bounds, and Nature it self keeps on her Course.

Cousin, I pray the great God to polish thy Soul with Rational Principles, and make thee useful in thy Generation; for, no man is born for himself. Adieu.

LETTER XVI.
To Mustapha Berber Aga, at Con­stantinople.

I Sent thee a Letter in the Conclusion of the last Year, concerning the Duke of Lorrain, and the Loss of his Estate: Since which, he seems to have lost himself; being Excommu­nicated by the Pope, who is to the Christians, what our Mufti is to true Believers.

If thou knowest not what it is to be Ex­communicated by the Pope, I will inform thee in few Words.

Those who lie under this Censure, are for­bid to enter into any of their Churches, or in the least to partake of what they esteem Holy. All Christians, are commanded to shun their Company; they are esteemed as bad as He­reticks; banish'd humane Society, and given over to the Devil.

The Occasion of passing this so severe a Sentence on a Sovereign Prince, thou wilt imagine was great; and yet, it was onely for putting away his first Wife, and marrying another. A Thing commonly practised all o­ver the East. Should our Mufti's have the same Power, there would be but few Musul­men in the Sacred Mosques.

But, these Infidels call Marriage a Great Sacrament, and esteem it as violated when a [Page 53]Man repudiates his Wife; Divorces being not allowed in any Part of Christendom, unless in Case of Adultery.

People talk variously of the Pope's Censure. Those who favour the Countess of Cantecroix, murmur at the Excommunication, calling it, A Breach of Privileges, an unheard of Innovation, an Attempt upon the Life of the Prince. They add also, that he ought first to have been cited, and his Cause heard by the Court, according to the Canons and Decrees of Councils.

On the other Hand, there are who justifie this Proceeding of the Pope, and accuse the Duke of barbarous Ingratitude, for leaving his Lawful Wife, by whom he got his Estate; and with whom he had lived many Years.

However, the Duke of Lorrain has pub­lish'd a Protestation against the Pope's Pro­ceedings, and caused his Procurator General to do the like; writing Letters also to the Presi­dents and Counsellours of the Sovereign Court of Lorrain and Barois, commanding them not to take any Notice of the Pope's Censure; it being actually null and void, because con­trary to the Fundamental Laws of the Church.

It is to be observed here, that this Excom­municated Prince in the Conclusion of his Protest, appeals nevertheless to the Sovereign Bishop, when he shall be better informed, still professing an Eternal Obedience to the Church.

It is a strange unaccountable Power, the Popes of Rome claim over Emperours and Prin­ces. [Page 54]In his publick Letters, Briefs or Patents, he stiles himself, the Servant of the Servants of God; yet, in his Actions, he assumes a So­vereignty over Kings, calling all the Princes in Christendom, his Sons, and chastising them as such, when he sees Occasion. All this pro­ceeds from the Difference they make between the Temporal and the Spiritual Sword. So, that when their Forces have been Routed, the City of Rome sack'd, and themselves taken Prisoners by the Force of the former; yet they have at the same Time, by the Dint of the latter, subdued their Conquerours, and in the midst of Captivity celebrated a Triumph.

Spare not to command me, if thou canst propose any Method of doing thee Service.

God the Essence of Essences, purify us, and wash away our Imperfections.

LETTER XVII.
To Bedredin, Superior of the Der­vises, of the Convent of Cogni in Natolia.

ART thou alive, Venerable Old Man, or must I expect my Answer in the o­ther World? I have often writ to thee, and more often enquired after thy Health, when I had Opportunity; but have received no Answer, nor heard any News of thee these Seven Moons; which seem so many Years, to a Man who would be ready to die for Joy, could he receive the least Assurance that thou art yet alive.

Without Doubt, thou livest where-ever thou art, and livest in perfect Joy and Peace, the Rewards of thy consummate Sanctity and Vertue. Either thou still enjoyest a Heaven on Earth, thy Incorrupt Soul being a Paradise to it self; or, thou hast translated thy Resi­dence from Earth to Heaven, to augment the Number and Joys of the Blessed.

Well! I will suppose and hope thou art a­live, and that this Letter will come to thy Hand: I will therefore make thee an accepta­ble Present.

Thou hast often spoke with much Af­fection and Reverence of Jesus, the Messias of the Christians, as all Good Mussulmen [Page 56]ought to do; being taught by the Alcoran in several Chapters, that he was a Holy Prophet, and in the Number of the Divine Favorites.

I have met with an Authentick Description of his Person in the King's Library, and have translated it into Arabick for thy Satisfaction. Publius Lentulus being President of Judea, sent it to the Senate of Rome, when the Fame of Jesus began to spread abroad in the World. These are his Words:

THERE lives at this Time in Judaea, a Man of singular Vertue, whose Name is Jesus Christ. Whom the Barbarians esteem a Prophet; but, his own Followers adore him as the Off-spring of the Immortal Gods. He calls back the Dead from their Graves, and heals all Sorts of Diseases with a Word or a Touch. He is tall and well-shaped; of an A­miable, Reverend Aspect; his Hair of a Colour that can hardly be match'd, falling into Grace­ful Curls below his Ears, and very agreeably couching on his Shoulders, parted on the Crown of the Head like the Nazarites. His Fore-head is smooth and large, his Cheeks without other Spot, save that of a lovely Red. His Nose and Mouth form'd with exquisite Symmetry. His Beard thick, and of a Colour suitable to the Hair of his Head, reaching an Inch below his Chin, and parting in the middle like a Fork. His Eyes bright, clear and serene. He rebukes with Majesty, counsels with Mildness; his whole Address, whether in Word or Deed, be­ing Elegant and Grave. No Man has seen [Page 57]him laugh, but he has wept frequently. He is very Temperate, Modest and Wise. A Man, for his Excellent Beauty and Divine Perfecti­ons, surpassing the Children of Men.

I send thee this Picture of the Christians Messias, not drawn by the Pencil of the Pain­ter, but by the Pen of a Roman Governour, and therefore it may pass for Authentick. I have often heard thee praise the Original, and condemn some too Superstitious Mussulmans, who, in their mistaken Zeal for the Alcoran, have Blasphem'd this Holy Prophet; a Man whom the Alcoran it self mentions in several Chapters, styling him, The Breath and Word of God.

Certainly, Malediction becomes not the Mouth of a True Believer; and he, who Curses God, or any of the Hundred and twen­ty four Thousand Prophets, shall be excluded their Society in Paradise.

I give thee a final Adieu, O Holy Dervise; desiring, that this Character of the Messiah, may be transcribed in Letters of Gold on Silken Paper, and laid up in the Library of thy Con­vent. Adieu. Live for ever.

LETTER XVIII.
To the Caimacham.

VArious are the Discourses of People in this Place concerning the Reduction of Asac. For, Paris, like Athens of old, is the Receptacle of all the News in the World.

The French are Naturally a Martial People, delighting much in the Affairs of War; and when the News came last Year of the Raising the Siege of Asac, with all the Particulars of the Defendants Bravery, notwithstanding the Union of so great Forces against them; they highly applauded the Valour and Constancy of the Cossacks, whom neither Threats nor Promises, gentle Means, nor vigorous Assaults could prevail upon to surrender up their Town, but forced the Besiegers to return Home with the Loss of above Twelve Thou­sand Turks, besides Moldavians, Walachians, and Tartars.

But now they begin to change their Notes, and to admire the Invincible Force of the Ottoman Arms, which hew their way through the most Formidable Difficulties, to lay Em­pires, Kingdoms and States at the Feet of our Victorious Sultan.

I have received a particular Account from Nathan Ben Saddi, of the taking of that City. He tells me, That at the News of [Page 59]those great Preparations, which were making by Land and Sea against it; the Inhabitants being denied the Protection of the Moscovites, which was their sole Refuge in this Extre­mity, abandoned the Town, carrying with them their Goods, and demolishing their Houses, so that there was but small Prey left for our Soldiers.

It is the General Discourse of this Court, that there is a Son born to Sultan Ibrahim. I should heartily rejoice, were I assured the News were true; but, there is no Dispatch as yet to confirm it. Besides, I have received Ad­vice from Constantinople, which almost dis­courages me from ever hoping so fortunate an Event.

God lengthen thy Days, and make thee Happy, both in this World, and in Paradise.

LETTER XIX.
To Mustapha, Bassa of Silistria.

THOU hast no Reason to repine at the Exchange of thy Government, though thy present Power be circumscribed within narrower Limits than it was in Aegypt. That Granary of the World, never afforded thee such a Harvest of Laurels as thou hast reaped on the Banks of the Black-Sea. The Con­quest of Asac has loaded thee with Honours, and the Moderation thou hast in the midst of Triumphs, has captivated greater Numbers of the Cossacks, than could the Dint of thy Cymetar. Though the Foundations of King­doms are laid in Blood, yet the Superstructure is cemented with Clemency; and, the Roman Caesars, by timely sheathing their Swords, fastned to their Empire, the Provinces they had won by drawing them.

I am bound to write often to the Ministers of the Port, and all my Moments are conse­crated to the Service of the Grand Signior, who has a Right to command all Mankind: Yet the Fame of thy late Victory reaching these Parts, and giving occasion of Discourse, I stole this time from my self, not from my Great Master (it being the Hour of Sleep) to tell thee what the World says of thee.

They do not compare thee to Hannibal, Scipio, or Alexander the Great; thou thy [Page 61]self wouldst take him for a Flatterer, that should use such an Expression. But they say, the Method thou hast taken, to sweeten the Calamities of the Cossacks, and invite them back to their abandoned Habitations, has some resemblance with the Conduct of Selim, a General of Orchanes's Army; who, after he had taken the City of Prusa, forbid his Soldiers, on pain of Death, to touch the Goods of the Inhabitants, or commit any Insolent Action. The Moderation of this Conqueror, not only rendred the Citizens easie, and willing to submit to their New Lord; but, the Fame of it spreading abroad, he with little Bloodshed reduced all the ad­joining Countrys under Subjection.

It is reported of the Great and Victorious Saladine, That he took more Pleasure in winning the Hearts of his Enemies, than in conquering their Persons. This Prince had a Saying very common in his Mouth, That he did the Office of a Barber and Gardiner, sha­ving the Superfluities, and pruning the Ex­crescencies of Overgrown Kingdoms and States, not destroying them Root and Branch. 'Tis certain, he endeavoured in all his Conquests to mollify the Aversion of his Enemies, by Acts of Generosity.

Thou wilt expect some News from a Man in my Post, and I cannot entertain thee with more agreeable Intelligence, than what is the common Theme of Discourse at this Time.

Edward, Duke of Parma, has entered into the Pope's Territories with Three Thousand [Page 62]select Horse, where he marches Dragooning up and down the Country, bringing Terror and Confusion where-ever he comes. He Conquers without drawing his Sword, the Pope's Army flying before him.

This Prince is by Nature very Fierce and Active, and has a peculiar Gift of obliging his Souldiers, by treating them with a frank, affable Carriage, free from the stately Reser­vedness to which Men in Authority are accu­stomed. By this Deportment, he has insen­sibly stole their Affections; they are ready to follow him all over the World.

When the Princes of Italy fall out with one another, they generally engage the French and the Spaniards in the Quarrel. But the Duke of Parma, refused the Assistance which the former profer'd him of Two Thousand Men, provided they might be disposed in Garrisons; he was Jealous, lest the French design'd to play their old Game; and, that when they were once Housed in his Cities and strong Holds, it would be difficult to Unkennel them.

He has a new way of winning Towns, car­rying with him neither Infantry, Cannon, Ammunition, nor any other Provision ne­cessary to a Campaign. Yet, when he ap­proached towards Smola in his Road to Bo­logna, the Governour sent the Keys of the Town to him in his March; which he made no other use of, than to give his Troops a Passage through the Place, resigning them up again. By these Noble Acts, he paved him­self an easie Way through the Ecclesiastick [Page 63]State; his Army being furnished with Vi­ctuals in Abundance, without Plunder or In­solency.

The first Occasion of this Quarrel, pro­ceeded from some Contempts put upon the Prince of Parma at the Court of Rome, by the Nephews of Pope Ʋrban. And, the Dis­gusts have since been improved to that Height, as to Engage the State of Venice, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Duke of Modena, and other Princes, in the Care of the General In­terest of Italy.

They proceed with Mediations and Over­tures of Peace in one Hand, while the Sword is brandish'd with the other; amuzing one another with Treaties to gain Time. The Loss of Castro, a strong Town on the Borders of the Ecclesiastick State, spurs on the Duke of Parma to Revenge himself on the Barbe­rini's; while the Republick of Venice, strives to mitigate his Fierceness, and accommodate Affairs, espousing his Cause, but fearful of his Rashness, lest his impetuous Humour should carry him to the Walls of Rome, and bring things to Extremities. For, all the Princes in Italy profess an Inviolate Obedience to the Pope, who seems to Inherit the Authority of the Ancient Roman Emperours.

Thou maist comprehend by what I have said, how easie it were at such a Juncture (when all the Principalities in Italy are (as it were) disjointed) to bring them under the Yoke of a Foreign Power. This is what the Spaniards and French have for a long time [Page 64]been nibling at: and, whereof the Rebublick of Venice are so Jealous, that they never side with one Party to the Ruine of another, but endeavour to keep all the Interests of Italy in an Aequilibrium, till they are Reconciled and United, lest the Party which finds it self most weakned, should seek the Protection of one of those Potent Crowns; who would not fail to strike two strokes for themselves, if they are desired to strike one for the Op­pressed Italian.

The Christians call Italy, the Garden of Eu­rope; and, if the Allusion may hold, the King of Spain has possessed himself of two stately Grotto's in it, Naples and Millan; yet, 'tis a Question, whether the Cost in main­taining these two Cities, will countervail the Honour of being their Sovereign at such a Di­stance. The same may be said of his Domi­nions, in Mexico and Peru. This is the Pe­culiar Happiness of the Ottoman Empire, that all the Members of so vast a Body, lie conti­guous to each other.

The Monarch of the World above and this below, encrease the Territories of our Invinci­ble Sultan, and by continually supplying our Armies with such Fortunate Leaders as Mu­stapha, subdue all Nations to the True Faith.

LETTER XX.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of State.

I Have heard with Sorrow, of the Disappoint­ment the Sultan's Forces met in the taking of Rab. The Christians accuse him of Breach of the Capitulations, on which a Peace was concluded for Twenty Years, between the Happy Port, and the Emperour of Germany.

If the Stratagem by which they design'd to take this Town, be truly related to me, it seems to be a Copy of the Grecian Artifice in taking Troy, bating the Difference of ma­ny Carts, and one Wooden Horse.

That Officer who discovered the Intrigue; tho' he had hunted in vain all the former part of the Day, yet returned with good Game at last, when he had ensnared our carted Sol­diers within the Toils, got them within the Walls of the City, and drawn up the Draw-Bridge upon the Ambush which lay behind. The Emperor, it seems takes it mightily to heart; and, as I hear, has sent an Ambassa­dor to the Port, to complain of this Trans­action.

The Court here, is not very solicitous for his Interest, nor will they be much troubled to find that his Ambassador has but a cold Reception at Constantinople. For, the Diffe­rences [Page 66]between the Kings of France and the House of Austria, are too deeply grounded, to suffer any good Understanding or Affection to take Place between them.

And, the Cardinal of Richlieu, was heard to say not many Days ago, That, since the German Eagle was so greedy, he would give her a Bone to pick would break her Bill. This was spoken in Relation to the Emperor's En­croachments on the Palatinate, and his Sei­zure of Juliers and Treves.

I am glad to hear, that the League is renew­ed between the Shining Port and the King of Persia, that so the Nerves of the Sacred Em­pire may be wholly employed in Hungary.

LETTER XXI.
To Enguruli Emir Cheik, a Man of the Law.

THIS Western World lies drown'd in Wickedness; or rather, it is set no Fire with Sin. I sweat while I am within the Confines of the Air of Christendom. An uni­versal Pestilence infects the Souls of Men, from whence their Words breath nothing but Contagion. Even such as one would take for Holy Saints, are meer Cheats; and, like those Fruits that grow on the Banks of the Lake Asphaltites, they are fair and beautiful without, but bring them to the Touchstone, and you will find them meer Corruption and Rottenness within. The Laity openly wal­low in all Debauchery and Licentious Practi­ces. Nor are the Clergy less exempt from se­cret Enormities; while the Ecclesiastick Vest­ments serve but as Cloaks to Pride, Ambi­tion, Covetousness, and other concomitant Vices. The Sword of Justice it self, or at least, that which ought to be so, serves to divide the Spoils of the Poor, the Widow and the Orphan. In Court and Camp all Offices are bought and sold, without regard to Merit or the Publick Good. He that bids highest, is first preferr'd; and, the best-mony'd Chap­man, is the most meritorious Candidate. [Page 68]These are the Escapes of Princes, and the De­signs of Favourites; whilst the Easiness of the one, abused by the Craft and Subtilty of the other, exposes Places of highest Trust, as in an Exchange, to become the Merchandize of eve­ry Pedling Huckster; And brave and gener­ous Souls are many Times put by, tho' the Royal Promise it self has pass'd in their Behalf. This is eminently the Unhappiness of the French Court. And, 'tis thought, the late Duke of Luynes and the present Cardinal of Richlieu, both of them Favourites to the present King, could not have swell'd their Coffers with such Heaps of Gold, but by these sinister Methods.

I am credibly Informed by an old French Courtier, That Monsieur Belville, a Gentle­man of the Province of Languedoc, spared not to pass this Reflection on the Duke of Luynes, even in the King's Presence. Being at Bour­deaux, while the King celebrated his Nuptials with the Infanta of Spain, in a most Magni­ficent Manner; one Day coming to the Court in his Mourning-Coach, (his Father being new­ly dead) he was reprehended by Monsieur Ca­dinet, Younger Brother to the Duke of Luynes, for appearing at Court in such an extraordinary Time of Joy, with a Mourning-Coach. O, Sir, says Belville, the Bravery of your Brother's Coach, may excuse the Meanness of mine, since he borrowed all the Gold I had, to Equipp him­self for this Triumphant Season. This I was told, by one that was present and heard the Words; and, the Occasion of them also he was not ignorant of, which was this:

Monsieur Belville being a Gentleman of a Noble Family, and one whose eminent Ver­tues and Services might have intituled him to some suitable Dignity, but being low in his Fortune, was not regarded or taken Notice of, till he addressed himself to the Duke of Luynes; who, upon the Receipt of Fifteen Hundred Crowns, promised him to make him Cavalier of the Order of the Holy Ghost, a Dignity next to that of the Peers of the Realm, and which is a fair Step to it. But, instead of performing his Promise, after he had got his Money, he by under-hand Practi­ces, procured him to be banished the Court, neither did he ever come near it till this Mar­riage aforesaid was taken in Hand; at which time his Father dying at Bourdeaux, and be­ing there also buried, he by the Mediation of some Friend, procured a Repeal of his Banish­ment, that he might have an Opportunity of making the King sensible of the Duke's In­justice. But, it took not the desired Effect; for, he was upon those Words, immediately imprisoned, where he soon after died of Grief. Thus is Oppression, Murder, and Violence countenanc'd by Authority among these In­fidels.

But thou, Sage Interpreter of our Law, and Patron of Vertue, vouchsafe me thy Counsel, that I may learn not to be corrupted by con­versing with these Ʋncircumcised.

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LETTER XXII.
To the Most Illustrious Vizir Azem, at the Port.

THE Enemies of the Ottoman Interest, ever since the Time that our late Invin­cible Sultan Amurat had caused his Uncle Mu­stapha to be strangled, flatter'd themselves with the vain Hopes, of seeing that Royal Line ex­tinct; it being blaz'd abroad in all the Courts of Christendom, that Sultan Amurat, by ex­cessive Use of Wine, had quite enervated his Natural Vigor, and rendred himself incapa­ble of getting any more Children. And the private Charge which he gave to the Bassa's and Grandees of the Empire, That in Case he died Issueless, they should translate the Impe­rial Diadem to the Tartar, was no Secret here. Every Man look'd upon our present Happy Sovereign, Sultan Ibrahim, as a Man design'd for a Sacrifice to his Brother's Hatred, and that he would not long survive the Fate of his Uncle Mustapha.

I have heard a grave and experienc'd States­man say, that he hoped to see the Ottoman Empire (after the Death of Amurat) rent into as many and fatal Divisions, by the Am­bitious Beglerbegs, Bassa's and other Gove­nors of Provinces, as the Empire of Alexander the Great was, by the Commanders of his [Page 71]Army, after his Death, who shared it among themselves, and Catonized it into as many Principalities, as there were Captains to make Pretensions, either by Merit or the Sword.

But, Praise be to God, Lord of the Ʋniverse, the Sovereign Protector of the Empire esta­blished by his own Hands, the Hopes of the Infidels are defeated. Ottoman is not left with­out an Heir to sit upon the Throne, an Heir of his Blood, as well as of his Empire.

The Birth of Sultan Mahomet is no small News to Europe, after it had been generally reported, that his Father, Sultan Ibrahim, was Impotent. The Ladies of the Court here begin to entertain a better Opinion of him. And the Grandees frame more Masculine Idea's of our Glorious Monarch.

God augment the Imperial Off-spring, and perpetuate the Ottoman Sway, till the Day of the Balance.

I bow my Forehead to the Carpets where­on thou treadest, and kiss the Hem of thy rich Vest. God encrease thy Graces and Fe­licities.

LETTER XXIII.
To the same.

IT is not lawful for a Slave to pry into the Actions of his Sovereign Lord, much less to censure his Conduct with Boldness. But, miserable is that Prince who amongst all his pretended Friends and Servants, has none so Faithful and Discreet, as to warn him of Dan­gers which are ready to devour him.

I cannot but highly applaud the Severity of thy Justice, in taking away the Life of that Persian Traytor last Year, who by his ac­cursed Insinuations and Example, hastened the Death of our late Victorious Sovereign, Sultan Amurat, upon whom be the Mercies of God.

That Heretick, though an Emir, of the Race of our Holy Prophet, and adorned with the Immarcescible Colour, which is appropriated to Sanctity and Vertue; yet, refrained not from Idolatry, being a daily Votary to Bac­chus. He it was, who first taught the Ʋn­fortunate Sultan to drink Wine, which he afterwards practised to that Excess, as be­tray'd him to many Inconveniences, and at last to Death it self.

But, suffer me to ask thee, why thou dost not also take an equal Revenge on Mustapha Bassa, who was as guilty as the Persian; be­ing not only a Companion, but a zealous Promoter of the Royal Debauches? It was he, [Page 73]who first propos'd that Fatal Match of drink­ing, which cast the Sultan into a Mortal Fe­ver, of which he died in less than a Week.

I should not presume to say these Things to thee, nor to call past Miscarriages to Re­membrance, were I not certainly inform'd that the same Mustapha is practising his old Trade with the present Sultan Ibrahim, en­deavouring to enervate the Royal Blood, and withdraw the Sultan from the just Observance of our Holy Law, to the Impious Prophana­tions of the Infidels. I am commanded to give Intelligence of all Important Affairs to thee, and the other Great Ministers of State: I thought none more weighty, than that which Regards the Life of my Sovereign.

I have done my Duty, I leave the Process to thee, who art the Oracle of Government.

God direct thy Feet in the Path of Justice, which will assuredly lead thee to the Gardens of Eden, where thou shalt enjoy Eternal Re­pose, and Supreme Felicity.

LETTER XXIII.
To the Venerable Musti, Prince of the Religion of the Turks.

I Received the Dispatch of thy Sanctity, wherein thou hast renovated my Soul, and restored me to a sound Consistence of Spirit. My Doubts are vanished, I am no longer racked with torturing Scruples about my Conduct. Thy Absolution has obliterated the Sentence my Fears had pronounced on me.

As to the Penance thou hast enjoined me, it is Rational, and adapted to the Quality of my Crime. I have counterfeited a Christian, that I might the better perform the Duty of a Mussulman. I have seemed devoutly At­tentive to the Roman Missal, that I might be Instrumental to propagate the Alcoran. And, for this Religious Fault, thou requirest, that I should inform thee, how the Christians be­have themselves in their Temples, where I have been so often a Spectator of their Cere­monies. I submit with an absolute Resigna­tion, and a willing Compliance to thy Vene­rable Injunction; and, will briefly relate what I have observed.

These Infidels seem to be Ambitious of imi­tating the Ʋndefiled Religion, and yet they proved but bad Mimicks; for, as we are taught to wash our Bodies before we enter the Sa­cred [Page 75]Mosque; so they, at the Entrance of their Churches, dip their Fingers in certain Vessels filled with Water and Salt, and sprinkle their Foreheads therewith; as though their Purity lay in a Swound, and was thus to be recover­ed to life again: or, that the Uncleanness of their whole Bodies, were contracted into the Face. They esteem the Water Holy, and yet they trifle with it as an Indifferent Thing. One would think, they should be desirous to bath themselves all over, and let every Pore in their Skin imbibe the Sanctified Li­quor: But, they seem rather to use it as a Charm; for, after they have sprinkled a few Drops on their Faces, and muttered to them­selves Two or Three Words, they think they have chased all Impurity from them in a Fright, and boldly present themselves be­fore the Altars. Herein also they deviate from the Practice of Former Christians, who (if their own Church-Histories be true) were accustomed to wash their Arms and Feet in certain Cisterns, before they entred the Temples; whereof the Fountains and La­vatories remaining yet on the South Side of the Holy and Magnificent Mosque of Sancta So­phia at Constantinople, are a standing Testi­mony. For, the Greek Inscriptions shew That some of them, at least, were contrived by the Builders of this Glorious Temple, in the Time of Justinian the Emperor, for the Pu­rification of such as came thither to Worship. By which 'tis manifest, That these Modern In­fidels degenerate from those more Ancient ones.

Another Thing offends me also, which is this; They believe the Divinity is present in their Temples, after a peculiar and extraordi­nary Manner, and yet they suffer Dogs to Prophane them with their vilest Excrements. They spare for no Cost to adorn their Churches, and their Altars are enriched with invaluable Treasures of Silver, Gold, and Precious Stones; and yet, after all, they must become the Receptacles of the Dung of Sordid A­nimals.

These wicked Wretches also, walk up and down in these Sacred Places, talking of their Common Affairs, as though they were on the Exchange, or in the Market-Place.

But, that which is to be had in greatest A­bomination, is, that it is common for Men to make Love to the Women in Churches: They present themselves before the Altars, but, the Saint whom they Invocate, is some beautiful Female. She engrosses all their De­votions; to her they make their Vows. The amorous Youth adores his Mistress that kneels by him, laden perhaps with more Sins than himself. His Eyes may be fixed on the Al­tar, or, on the Pictures and Images, but his Tongue Addresses to the more Charming Idol near him: Or, if his Eyes are attentive on his Prayer-Book, he teaches it to speak nothing but the soft and effeminate Things of Love. Thus, Assignations of Lust, are made in the House of Prayer; and the Af­fairs of Cupid, managed under the Masque of Religion. They Fight the Battels of Ve­nus, [Page 77]under the Banner of their God.

I tell thee, Venerable Interpreter of the Di­vine Law, that the Sight of these Things has sometimes enflamed my Zeal to that Height, as had it not been for an earnest Desire to do some extraordinary Service to the Grand Si­gnior (which obliged me to take Care of my self) I should certainly have transfixt these prophane Mockers of God on the Spot, and Sacrificed them to a Zeal, which thou, who art Piety it self, wouldst not, I believe, re­prehend.

I fold my Arms, most Venerable Sovereign of Religion, and wrapping my self in pro­found Humily, I fall prostrate to the Earth; begging thy effectual Blessing and Intercession, that I may be admitted into the Number of the Happy in Paradise.

LETTER XXIV.
To the Vizir Azem, Prime Director of the Affairs of the Ottoman Em­pire.

THE Notices I have of the Present State of England, (in Compliance with thy Commands) are not gained without some Difficulty. It is not easie for a Man that sits in his Chamber in Paris, to pry into the Cabinets of Foreign Courts: Yet, I will com­municate to thee some Intelligences, which thou couldst not learn from the English Em­bassador at the Port, nor from all the Tra­vellours of that Nation, residing at Constanti­nople, Smyrna and Aleppo.

There is a Jew whom they call De Lopez, a Confident and Emissary of Cardinal Richlieu, whom he employs both at Home and Abroad in several private Negotiations and Intrigues. I have insinuated into this Man's Familiarity, and (if I may so express it) I have Riveted my self into his Heart. He treats me with an Assurance void of Jealousie; and, there is no Folding or Angle in his Breast, which I do not easily penetrate. I make use of him, as an Optick, through which I peep into the Cardinal's Secrets, and, as a Mirrour, in which I behold the true Face of many disguised Af­fairs, transacted in the remotest Corners of [Page 79] Europe; there being hardly any thing of mo­ment done in the Courts of Christian Princes, wherein the Cardinal has not a Finger. He seems to be the Genius or Soul of Christendom, communicating Motion, Activity, and Heat, to all the Grand Intrigues now on Foot in these Western Parts of the World.

The Commotions of England, seem to be a complicated Distemper of the State, arising from several Causes, drawn to a Head by the dextrous Artifice of this Busie Spirit. The Present King of that Island, came to the Crown with no small Disadvantages; his Fa­ther having Exhausted the Treasury, and left him deeply in Debt. he had no small Number of the Blood-Royal to maintain; which kind of Charges, thou knowest, our Glorious Sultans, though they be Masters of infinite Riches, endeavour to avoid, by Marrying their Daugh­ters and Nieces, whilst yet Infants, to some of the most Potent and Wealthy Bassa's, that so their Port may be kept up, without burden­ing the Royal Coffers. But, the Infidel Princes are wanting in this frugal Providence. In the Reign of King James (this King's Father) England lay at Ease, slumbring in the Downy Bed of Peace; she wallowed in Pleasures, and had no other Unhappiness, but in being too Happy. Her Affluence and Idleness, af­fected the State with a Plethory. The Publick Health cannot be long conserved, without the moderate Exercise of War. Charles, after the Death of the Old King, being Established in the Throne, committed the Affairs of State, [Page 80]to the Management of his Ministers; never examining his Treasury, nor calling to an Ac­count his Officers, but Indulged himself in the Pleasures most agreeable to his Youthful Genius. He hunted in the Forests, whilst the Grandees, whom he entrusted with his Re­venues and the Publick Conduct, had another Game to pursue post-poning their Master's Interest, and [...] of the Nation, to their own private Avarice. The Favourite Minister, held a secret Correspondence with Cardinal Richlieu, and, by this means, the Court was filled with French Pensioners; countenanced also by the Authority of the Queen, who was the Daughter of France.

It had been before agreed in the Articles of the Marriage, that the Queen of England should have a prefixed Number of French Servants. But they, not content with their Domestick Employments, and Attendance on her Person, sought the Management of that Estate, which King Charles had setled on her as a Dowry. This would by no means agree with the Constitutions of the English. That Island is a Little World by it self; and, the In­habitants boast of an Original Freedom of Birth, which is not so much as dreamt of in all the Dominions of our Invincible Sultans. Though the English have several Times been Invaded and Subdued, by the Saxons, Danes, and French; yet, it has been rather by Com­position than Extremity of War: Or, if it may be called a Conquest, the Victors have been forced to yield to the Vanquished, in as­suring [Page 81]them their Ancient Laws, Privileges and Customs. There is no Nation in the World, more jealous of this their pretended Birthright. And therefore to avoid all Occasions of giving Offence to the Nobles and Gentry, the King perceiving the insolent Demands and Carriage of the French Courtiers, commanded them all, save a few Creatures of the Favourite Duke, to depart the Kingdom. This much disgusted the Queen; and Cardinal Richlieu was glad of the Opportunity to incense the King of France. Lewis was netled at the Affront offered to his Sister. Yet, by the Dexterity of the Mareschal Bassompierre, his Embassador at the English Court, Things were in a way of Accommodation; when all was quash'd by the Seizure which the French made of several English Ships; and so a War com­menced, far more fatal in its Consequences to England than to France.

The King of England rouzed from his Plea­sures and Divertisements, by the Preparations of his Potent Neighbour, began to look about him, and consult the Publick Safety. But, when he examined his Treasury, he found it empty, or, at least, at a very low Ebb.

Behold here, Supreme Bassa, a stroke of Destiny, a Concurrence of Causes, seeming remote and small in their first Appearance; but, in their Process, uniting and involving that Kingdom in Ruine.

Charles could not carry on a War with France, without asking Aid of the Sovereign Divan (which they call the Parliament) [Page 82]of that Nation. It is a Senate composed of above Seven hundred of the Nobility and Gentry of the Land. These have the Power to make Laws, raise Taxes, and redress the Grievances of the Kingdom. It was an ill Season to ask the Assistance of his Subjects, who had already conceived an Aversion for the Royal Dignity. However, a Mighty Fleet was order'd to be Rigg'd and Mann'd out. Car­dinal Richlieu, from afar, beheld the approach­ing Storm, and knew not how to divert it from falling on France, but by Corrupting the English Favourite. De Lopez, from whom I received this Intelligence, was employed in the Affair; he was sent to London, which is the Metropolis of England, and the Place where the King usually keeps his Court. It was an Expensive Negotiation, and cost the Cardinal Forty Thousand Dollars, which is equivalent to Three Millions and Two Hundred Thou­sand of our Aspers. With this vast Bribe, he Proselyted the Favourite Duke to the Interest of France. The English Navy consisted of and Hundred and Fifty Sail, having also Twelve Thousand Land-Men on Board. It was agreed between them, that the English Minister should procure himself to be made Admiral of these Marine Forces. His Indulgent Master, could deny nothing to the Man whom he had entrusted with the Sway of the Government. Now the King of France might sleep at quiet, since the English Ships sailed with a French Wind. They landed upon the Island of Ree, but their Actions were altogether Theatrical; [Page 83]a mere shew of War, without any real Exe­cution. The English General, manifestly o­mitting the proper Methods, and favourable Opportunities of winning that Island: His Conduct speaking, as if he came there rather to Complement than to Fight.

These Things made a harsh sound in Eng­land, and the Nobles resented ill the double-dealing of the Duke of Buckingham (so was the English General call'd.) In fine, the bad Success of their Forces, the Expences they had been at, and the Disgrace they suffered in this War, (Four and Forty of their Colours being carried to Paris, and hung up in the Chief Temple of this City, as Trophies of the French Victory) incensed the Generality of the English Nation against the King and the Government; they began to accuse him in their Cabals, of Male-Administration; and, the Favourite Duke was a while after stabbed by a Ruffian, whom the Malecontents had hired to execute their Revenge.

The Affections of the English, appeared every day more and more alienated from the King. And Cardinal Richlieu had there his Agents, who were not wanting to foment the Publick Discontents, and by divers Arti­fices to draw the Credulous People into Fa­ctions. The French Pensioners were instructed to deport themselves in a Manner every way offensive to the Nation. Black and threat­ning Clouds seemed to hang over the Court of England, exhaled from the ill Blood of the Subjects. The Royal Dignity went Retro­grade; [Page 84]and, all Things tended to obscure the Lustre of the Crown. Yet, there passed some Years, before Things came to Extremities; and, Matters, though ripened, yet were not brought to an open Rupture, till Scotland lanced the Sore.

This Nation is subject to the Crown of England, and makes one Half of the Island of Great Brittain. They are a Warlike People, patient of Labour, accustomed to the Rigour of an Extreme Cold Climate, great Travel­lours, Subtle, Proud and Inconstant.

After that which some call Heresie, others a Reformation, had begun to alienate many Kingdoms and Provinces from the Roman Church; the Scots greedy of Novelties, and spurred on by the Ambitious Pretexts of one of their Grandees (who under the Mask of Religion sought the Crown) introduced In­novations into their Church. They shook off at once all their Obedience to the Pope, and set up such a Form of Religious Discipline, as was altogether Antimonarchical; and, their Preachers ceased not to instill into the Hearts of the People, Democratick Principles. Thus continued Affairs, till King Charles, not in­sensible of these Things, and willing to new-Model that Church, they took up Arms a­gainst him, knowing that he would not be able to raise Forces to chastise them, with­out calling a Parliament. The Parliament of England, was at that time full of Scotish Proselytes, Men of Seditious and Turbulent Principles; so, that the King was like to find [Page 85]but little Favour among them. However, by the Assistance of some Loyal Nobles and Gentlemen, he marches into Scotland at the Head of an Army. Not a Blow was struck on either Side; but all Differences were com­posed, and hush'd up by a Treaty. Yet, soon after, the Scots entred into England with an Army, being underhand invited in by their Partizans in England. The King is a Second Time forced to throw himself upon his Par­liament for Money; but they, instead of grant­ing him any, fell to examining his past Con­duct, complaining and desiring a Redress of several Irregularities in his Administration. There were those who failed not to put in Ex­ecution, the Designs and Instructions of Car­dinal Richlieu; he had his Agents up and down the Kingdom, who insinuated Jealou­sies and Heart-burnings into the Gentry and People of the Land. The King was repre­sented every where as a Tyrant, and all his Actions were misconstrued.

Signior Rossetti, the Pope's Nuntio at the English Court, beside his Instructions from the Roman Pontiff, held a strict Intelligence with the Cardinal. His Business at this Court, was publickly to the Queen (who pro­fessed an Obedience to the See of Rome) but privately he was order'd to Negotiate an Ac­commodation between the Roman and Eng­lish Churches. Cardinal Richlieu thought to strike two Marks with one Blow, that is, to embroil the State of England, and procure himself the greater Esteem with the Roman [Page 82] [...] [Page 83] [...] [Page 84] [...] [Page 85] [...] [Page 86]Court. He appears very Zealous for the Con­version of England; and, in order to it, al­lows a Considerable Pension to Signior Ros­setti: Instructing him withal, to shew his ut­most Dexterity, in gaining the Courtiers and Grandees of that Nation to his Side.

He knew the Genius of the English; and, that there was nothing so offensive to that Nation, as the Papal Power and Religion. Wherefore, De Lopez was order'd to pay Si­gnior Rossetti vast Sums of Money, that so there might be nothing wanting to Proselyte the Courtiers; knowing that they would act insolently, and disgust the Protestants, and so encrease the Publick Aversion for the Regal Authority. There was also another Agent at the English Court, who was Secretary to Car­dinal Barbarini, a Man no less Industrious than the other, in advancing the Roman Inte­rest. He held a strict Correspondence with some of the Chief Ministers, especially with the Principal Secretary of State. Whilst these were doing their Master's Business at the Court, there were others no less Active in the City, where they endeavoured to create a Party and raise Factions, insinuating them­selves into the Acquaintance of the most e­minent Merchants and other Citizens; re­presenting to them, the Dangerous Conse­quences of Signior Rosetti's Residence at the Court; glancing at every Thing which look'd like a false Step in the King's Conduct; a­larming them with Fears and Apprehensions of being subjected to a Foreign Power; and, [Page 87]sing all their Arts to nourish Popular Dissa­tisfaction.

The Scots, about this Time, made another Incursion into England. A Parliament was called, but no Good done. The King's Ne­cessities, made them grow High in their De­mands and Carriage, and all things tended to a General Defection.

A while after, the Irish revolted, and mas­sacred above a Hundred Thousand English. The King is accused for being Privy to it; Tu­mults are raised, who, in threatning manner, seem'd to besiege the Royal Palaces, calling out for Justice; not much unlike the Sedition of our Janizaries; when they are displeased with the Conduct of our Glorious Sultans, or his Prime Ministers of State.

In fine, the Misunderstandings between the King and the Parliament grew to that Height, as induced the King to withdraw from the Capital City, about the Beginning of this Year. And, in the following Moon, he sent the Queen with her Daughter into Holland, that they might pass away the time in the Court of the Prince of Orange, till this Storm was blown over.

In the Interim, the King sends Letters to the Parliament, perswading them to consult the Publick Peace; but all was to no purpose; they seize upon all the Strong Holds and Ca­stles they could; so that, when the King came to one of his Garrison'd Towns, the Gates were shut against him, and he was denied Entrance by the Governour. The Parliament [Page 88]lists an Army, and the King set up his Royal Standard in the last Moon. Since which, there has been nothing of Action between them, but the Armies are drawing near each other.

I will inform thee of all Particulars, as they come to my Knowledge. But the Packet-Boats from the Island, come not so frequenly during the Disturbance, as they have done formerly.

I beseech the Creator of all things, to de­fend our Invincible Sultan, from the Seditious Practices of his Subjects; and make thee In­strumental, to establish and aggrandize the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XXV.
To Abdel Melec Muly Omar, Su­perintendent of the College of Sciences at Fez.

WHEN I write to thee, 'tis with a Respect equal to that which I pay to the Emirs, the Descendents of our Holy Prophet, since thou art sprung from the No­ble Stem of the Ancient Saracens, the Blood of the Celebrated Omar, Successor to the Divine Law-giver, streaming in thy Veins.

I revere the Banner carried into Aegypt by thy Renowned Progenitor, before which the Grecians fled astonished, as at a Sign sent from Heaven of their approaching Ruine. This Sacred Piece of Antiquity I have seen at Medina, where 'tis reposited in the Chancel of the Babylonian Caliphs. I have honour'd it with a Pious Veneration; but, much grea­ter is my Regard to thee, who art a Living Relique of that Illustrious House.

Permit me, Venerable Sage, to converse with thee a little, after the Manner of a Pu­pil; with thee, I say, who art a Fountain of Sapience; For, besides thy perfect Knowledge of the Divine Law, thou art acomplished with all Humane Literature.

There is a Man in these Parts, of a large Soul and elevated Speculations, who stiffly [Page 90]maintains, That the Earth moves, and the Sun stands still. He is not the first that broach'd this Doctrine, it has had several Lear­ned Patrons; but, he has highly Improved the Theory. His Reasons for it, have almost the Force of Mathematical Demonstrations; and, nothing seems to oppose him, but the Authority of Moses, and the Hebrew Scriptures. The Christians will not approve of any Phi­losophy, which interferes with that which they call the Bible; and yet their Practice, gives a perpetual Lye to the Contents of that Book. Surely, there is no Envy in the Deity; and, He that is Omniscient, will not punish Men for improving their Knowledge. The Study of Nature, is full of Innocent Delights; and, he that gave to Man an Appetite of Science, has not forbid him to gratifie it with its proper Objects. Nor can I see how this New Philo­sophy, contradicts any more than the bare Letter of their Bible, (for, I have read it in several Languages;) And, the Jews, who are the Guardians of the Original Hebrew, allow a Cabalistical Interpretation far different from the Literal: So does the Arabian Prince and Philosopher, Avicen, Interpret those Versicles in our Holy Alcoran, (which treat of Para­dise) in a Sence far more refined than the Letter seems to import. In reading such Mysterious Books, it is necessary to practise a Learned Chymistry, to sublimate the gross ex­ternal Sence of the Words, and to extract the Spirit and Soul of the Discourse.

That the Sun is the Center of this our Pla­netary [Page 91]World, and that the Earth with the Rest of the Planets move round about it, is a Thesis which keeps exact Touch with Hu­mane Reason, and seems naturally to square with our Intellectual Faculties. It sets all the Wheels of this Great and Wonderful Machine, in a regular and proportionate Circulation. It gives the truest Account, of the Retrograde Motions of the Planets. Ptolomey's System of the World, seems to Romance upon the Sun, Moon, and Stars, in assigning them hourly such prodigious Journeys through the Heavens, as are inconsistent with the Laws of Motion. And Tycho Brahe was but a Botch­er, in patching up the Orbs with his Eccen­tricks, Epicycles, &c. The former, keeps the Fixed Stars in an endless and unconceivable Hurry; the latter involves the Planets in a Heavenly Perplexity. Both come far short of Copernicus, that Excellent Astronomer, who by placing the Sun in the Center of the World, has solv'd all the Appearances of Nature with the most exact Analogy to Truth. Nor is the Argument, taken from our Sence, of any force, since it invalidates the Motion of the Sun as well as that of the Earth: nay it is more incongruous, that the Sun should move so many Hundred Thousand Miles every Hour, and we not perceive him to stir a Hairs-breadth at a time. But I will not intrench farther on thy Patience, nor run the Risque of a Ver­tigo, by pursuing the swift Orbicular Motions of Nature. It matters not much, whether the Sun stands still, or the Earth, provided [Page 92]we run the Race that is appointed us, so as to gain the Prize. Yet I will ask thy Judg­ment on another Point, which Men of high Reaches have started.

There are some Learned Men who say, the Moon and rest of the Planets are habitable as our Globe is. For my part, to speak freely, I could wish it were true, it is a sociable Do­ctrine. It has made me melancholy some­times, when I have cast my Eyes upwards, to think all those Ample Tracts in the Firma­ment should be void of Inhabitants, and yet scarce a Turf of our Dunghil Earth to be found without its Domesticks. It is demonstrable to the Eye, that the Moon is an Opake Body like this Globe whereon we tread, having no other Light, but what it borrows from the Sun. Where is the Heresie then, in suppo­sing that it is created for a like use? I hope, the Sacred Empire of the Mussulmans, will not stain it self with such a Barbarous Mur­der, as was committed on Vigilius a certain Christian Bishop, who was burnt by the De­cree of the Roman Church, for Asserting the Antipodes; a Truth which all Nations are now sensible of, since the Improvement of Navi­gation and Traffick. And yet Galilaeus had like to have undergone the same Sentence at Rome, within these Ten Years, for maintain­ing the Earth's Motion, and that the Sun is the fixed Center of the World; Nothing but his Recantation being sufficient to have sav'd him. Such Severities choak the Growth of Learning, and stop the Progress, which would [Page 93]otherwise be made in Arts and Sciences.

Happy are the Students that live under thy Auspicious Patronage, in that fruitful Semi­nary of Philosophers, where the Mysteries of God and Nature are taught free from the Pro­phane Licentiousness of the Ancient Pagans, or the Superstitious Rigours of Modern Infidels.

I pray the Sovereign Intelligence, not to withdraw from thee his Divine Influence, nor restrain the Floud of Light that has been let loose on thy Soul; but that thou mayst over­flow like Nilus, and enlighten not only A­frick, but the whole World with some New Discovery.

LETTER XXVI.
To Cara Haly, the Physician at Con­stantinople.

THE Western Philsophers, especially those who follow the Sentiments of Monsieur des Cartes, maintain, That the Souls of all living Creatures (except Men) are Material and Mortal; that a Beast is but a Machine, like a Watch or Clock, not actuated or in­formed by any Spirit distinct from the Body, but moved to the Performance of all Natural [Page 94]Actions by a mere Corporeal Mechanism, 'set on Work by various Impulses from External Objects.

In this they oppose Aristotle, and all the Sages of the East. And thou knowest, that our Arabian Doctors are of a contrary Opi­nion, who ascribe Rea'son, Discourse, and Im­mortality, to the Souls of Bea'sts, as well as to those of Men; having assigned particular A­partments for Elborach, the Beast: which car­ried our Holy Prophet from Mecca to Jeru­salem; for the Ram which Abraham sacrificed instead of his Son Isaac; for the Cow of Mo­ses, the Pismire of Solomon, the Whale which saved Jonas, the Raven which fed Elijah, the Ass which rebuked Balaam; and, in General, for all the Camels which have the Honour to carry the Sacred Alcoran to Mecca.

I will suspend my Belief of their being en­tertained in Paradise, till I shall have the Happiness to see them there; but, I cannot however acquiesce to the Opinions of these Modern Philosophers, who assert their Souls to be meer Matter. The Bodies both of Men and Beasts, I own, perform all Motions by Mechanick Rules; but, that Mechanism is guided by a higher Principle than the fortui­tous Impulse of External Agents, in Beasts as well as Men.

All Animals seem to me to be endued with a Faculty, which if it may not be called Rea­son, yet is something Analogous to it, for which we want a Proper Name. And, of this Mind were Empedocles, Pythagoras, Plo­tinus [Page 95]and Porphyry, with many other Ancient Sages. Though this Faculty is more eminently conspicuous in some Kinds of Beasts than in others.

I cannot but admire the Regular Archi­tecture of Bees, their Industry and Politick Oeconomy, vying with the most Excellent Form and Administration of Government a­mong Men. 'Tis with no less Pleasure I be­hold the Spider, when with exquisite Art she builds her little silken Palace, and lays her fine-wrought Trains to catch the unwary Fly. 'Tis equally Pleasant and Diverting to observe the Conduct of the Pismires, their prudent Forecast; how they trudge up and down all the Summer, to lay up a sufficient Stock of Provinder for the barren Winter. There is no kind of Bird, four-footed Beast or Fish, which does not confute this Cartesian Hypothesis.

It is credibly reported by Porphyry, that in the East-Indies there is a Beast which they call a Hyaena, which approaching near the Villages will imitate a Man's Voice, and calling the Inhabitants by their Names, if they come out of their Houses, 'twill seize on the first that comes to hand, and devour him. The Dog, the Ape, the Elephant, with many other four-footed Beasts, afford us manifest Specimens of Reason, or something very like it.

Who has not heard of the Love which Dol­phins bear to Men? Pliny relates a pretty Story of a Dolphin that frequented the Lake Lucri­nus in Italy, and being often fed from the Shore by a certain School-Boy, grew at length [Page 96]so familiar as to come at a call. We also read of another, who took the Musician A­rion on his Back (when cast into the Sea by cruel Sailers) and carried him safe to Shore.

Can all these Actions proceed from mere Matter? In my Opinion, 'tis as easie to de­fend, That Humane Nature it self is but Mat­ter so and so Modified, and, that all the Bustle Men keep in the World, is but the Effect of a better Composition of Body, the Result of a more perfect and refined Machine.

I easily agree, that we far excel the other Living Creatures in all the Operations of our Souls, and Exercises of our Reason: Yet, we have our defects as well as they; and, this I esteem as one of the greatest, to deny them any share in Reason, who so far excel us in Sence.

It is a culpable Pride and Envy in Men, thus to blast the Reputation of their Animal Kindred; from which Vices I know thou art free.

God, that has made use of the Tongue of a silly. Ass, to reprove the Folly of a Wise Man in his own Conceit, Illuminate our Under­standings in the Mysteries of his Law.

LETTER XXVII.
To Hassein Bassa.

THY Commands I receive as Marks of thy Esteem and good Will, which I de­sire may be perpetual. Thou hast an Emi­nent Share in the Favour of our August Empe­ror; and, I shall study to Merit thy Protecti­on, by all the dutiful Offices that can be ex­pected from a Slave in my Station.

There is nothing so much conduces to e­stablish a permanent Friendship, as a right Understanding. The Souls of Friends are first warp'd by Misapprehensions. I would not have thee think of me, as I do of my self; that would prompt thee to Contempt: nor, as the French do, who take me for Titus of Moldavia; but, look upon me (whatever my Failings are) as a Man that values and practises the Incorrupt Fidelity of the First Ages. I abhorr Treachery, and, for that Reason, am often forced to make an Officious Lye: Yet, I do not prostitute my Conscience, having the Mufti's Dispensation. Whenever it shall be told thee, that Mahmut degene­rates, suspect the Slanderer; perhaps he would supplant me: I am not fond of my Commis­sion, but I dread to loose the Sultan's Favour: Whosoever deprives me of that, robs me of my Honour, which is dearer to me than my Life.

By what I have said, thou wilt perceive, that I am not ignorant of the ill Offices which Ikingi Cap'-Oglani has done me. The Man as­pires, and is envious: Were I in his Post, I would not exchange the Honour and Felicity of Educating the Royal Pages of the Seraglio, for an Employment attended with infinite Hazards, and no less Trouble, as is that of Mahmut. If he be expert in the French Tongue, there are those that excel him; and Language is but the Shell of more substantial Accomplishments. Every Linguist is not fit to be Employed in the Secrets of State; nei­ther are all Paedagogues Politicians. I am startled at the Ambition of a Man, who, be­cause he has studied at Athens, thinks him­self worthy of the Confidences of the Myste­rious Port, which arbitrates the Fate of all the Kingdoms in the World. If this be not his Aim, why does he daily traduce me? Why does he paint me to the Ministers of the Divan, in black and odious Colours, per­swading them, it is my Natural Complexion? He is not content with the Calumnies he himself throws on me, but has corrupted So­lyman my Cousin, and hired him to misrepre­sent me to the Kaimacham: And, that he might be sure to strike home, he has drawn to his Party Shashim Istham, the Black Eunuch.

I sent Solyman a Letter last Year, full of Reproofs, not knowing who had set him at Work: I hope it had some good Effect on him, though late. 'Tis from him I received [Page 99]this Intelligence. He seems to repent of his Malice, telling me, That this Ikingi Cap'-Oglani, had so Artificially possessed him with a Belief of my Perfidiousness, that he thought he did good Service to God and the Grand Signior, to rail at me; but, that the Kaima­cham had afterwards convinced him of my Innocence. This was the Substance of his Letter, and he concludes it with begging my Pardon.

I tell thee, Illustrious Bassa, that though the Wounds which are given by the Tongue of a Slanderer, be deeper than those which are given by the Sword; and, I could sooner pardon him who sought manfully to take a­way my Life, than he which basely Murders my good Name; yet, I attribute my Kins­man's Fault, to Youthful Error, and a Loyal Mistake; and I love him the better, for ha­ting any one that he could imagine would prove Unfaithful, and a Traytor to God and the Grand Signior.

May the benign Heavens bless thee with their good Influences, and prosper thee in all Things.

LETTER XXVIII.
To Solyman his Cousin at Con­stantinople.

THY Apology is rational and modest, and I am glad to be thus happily de­ceiv'd. Thou seest, the Kaimacham, with the other Ministers of the Port, have too good an Opinion of me to listen to the Insi­nuations of designing Men; and, Ikingi Cap'-Oglani was out of his Byass, when he de­fam'd the Loyal Mahmut; and, the Black Eunuch had better been watching the Ladies than wounding my Reputation with his en­venom'd Tongue. I wish thee hereafter to avoid all Company, that profess a Kindness to thee, which thou maist but so much as su­spect to be forc'd.

Thou askest my Counsel how to conduct thy self toward thy First Wife, of whom thou speakest both well and ill. Thou believest her faithful and chast; thou knowest her to be industrious and careful of the Family; good-natur'd, flexible and obliging; but, thou ac­cusest her of a violent and haughty Spirit, fiercely passionate, and of a provoking Tongue. She daily and hourly reflects upon thy Miscar­riages; will play the School-Mistriss with thee, pretending to correct, reprove, instruct, and guide thee in all thy Actions. In fine, thou [Page 101]complainest, that thou canst not enjoy Tran­quility with her.

I tell thee, Kinsman, thou shouldst have applied thy self to the Imaum's and Dervises in this Case, or, at least, to such as have had Experience of a Married Life. Their Sentence would be more Authentick, than what thou canst expect from me. But since thou hast made choice of my Counsel, I will give thee the best I can.

Thou wilt, in my Opinion, find it difficult to be happy with or without this Woman. She is given thee by Fate, to poise the Balance of thy Life; that neither too much Ease nor Pain, excess of Joy or Grief, should turn the doubtful Scales of Sence, and make thee ei­ther swim in Flouds of Pleasure uncontrouled, or sink in Mire of baneful Grief and Melan­choly.

The chast Fidelity, which thou believest her endued with, cannot be valued at too high a Rate. It is a Vertue which renders Woman adorable. Likewise, her Diligence and Care, her Respect and Devoir, her easie Temper and good Nature, are Qualities which cannot but charm thee. Shouldst thou deal unkindly by her, thy generous Soul would re­gret it the next Moment. Nay, shouldst thou take the Common Course, and dismiss her with a Bill of Divorce, according to the Law, thou wouldst repent the Deed within twice Four and Twenty Hours.

And yet, I must confess, 'tis hard to be confined to a fierce Woman's Tongue, to bear [Page 102]Reproaches and Contumelies, Contempts and Defiances, Lectures and other Female Disci­pline. Who, that's a Man, can brook such Slavery? Who, that has but a Spark of Fire within this Hulk of Clay, can stoop to such ignoble and unmanly Softness? I cannot coun­sel thee to such an abject Tameness of Spirit. Man is Lord of all his Fellow-Creatures. The fiercest Beasts submit to his Imperial Sway; Woman alone, ambitious Woman, disputes the Government with him. But, 'tis his Right, and he disowns both God and Nature, who resigns it to that aspiring Sex. Yet, use thy Power moderately; keep the Golden Mean. Be not surly and rough as a Bear, nor yet ef­feminate and without Gall as a Dove. But, if thou findest it impossible to keep her with­in the Bounds of due Subjection, put her a­way, and so preserve thy Peace. The Com­pany of thy other Wives, will soon efface her lov'd Idea, and sweeten thy Loss with a Thou­sand new Pleasures. But, if they should fol­low her Steps, inheriting her Spirit, and tor­menting thee with killing Words, divorce them all. I would counsel thee to take suc­cessively Five Hundred Wives, rather than make thy Life miserable, by too much Love and Indulgence, to one that knows not how to use thy favours.

But, before thou beginnest to put in Exe­cution this Advice, try all the fair and gen­tle Methods thy Wit can suggest, to win her to a Sense of her Fault, and a Change of her Temper. For, be assured, that it will be of [Page 103]less Pain to thee, to have an Eye pluck'd out of thy Head, than to tear from thy Heart, the first Object of thy Love.

In this, and all things else, have an espe­cial Regard to thy Conscience, and to the Observing Angel, who writes down all thy Actions in a Book. Do nothing which may merit the Chastisement of the Two Black An­gels, who shall visit thee in thy Grave. He who deals unjustly and cruelly by Women on Earth, shall be deprived of the Felicities which our Holy Prophet has promis'd us, in the Com­pany of that beautiful Sex in Paradise.

Keep the Law, and thou wilt have thy fill of Love, both here and in the Blissful Bowers of Eden.

LETTER XXIX.
To the Kaimacham.

THE Surrender of Perpignan to the French, startles the World; A Place inexpug­nable by Arms, and not to be reduced but by Famine. Some that pretend to penetrate into Foreign Secrets, lay the blame on the Duke d' Olivarez. They say, that when the King of Spain first heard that Lewis laid Siege to [Page 104]this Important Place, he would have gone in Person to its Relief, but that the Duke hin­dred his Design, fearing lest his own Mis­carriages should take Wind, when the King was got on the Frontiers: This, they say, put a stop to the Levies that were making in Arragon and Castile, and damp'd the Cou­rage of those who were actually in Arms.

Whether this was the Effect or no, 'tis cer­tain, the Duke d' Olivarez had sufficient Rea­son to be Conscious, knowing, that the Grandees of Spain watched for an Opportu­nity to dislodge him from the King's Breast. But, it is strange, that he should at such a Time, neglect any thing that might confirm him in his Master's Favour, as the saving of Perpignan must needs adone; all the Successes and Miscarriages of the State, in Peace or War, being attributed to the Favourite Minister.

Where-ever the Fault lies, I have heard no Man yet condemn the Governor of the Town. 'Tis said, he has given all the Marks of a Va­liant Souldier, a Prudent Commander, and a Faithful Subject. These Vertues are to be honoured, even in an Enemy.

They report, That the Spanish King put a kind of Superstitious Confidence in the Mar­quess d' Avilla, because one of the same Family and Title, had formerly Defended the Place to Extremity, till the Siege was raised. Assuredly, Vertue is not inherent in Names, nor Victory entailed to all of the same Blood. Both the one and the other, are owing, in a great Measure, to Providence and Chance. [Page 105]The Romans did not gain more in the Car­thaginian War, under the Conduct of Scipio the African, than they lost afterwards, when another of that Name, was General of their Army.

'Tis said, the Duke d' Olivarez is seized with a Phrenzy upon the Loss of this Town, or, at least, counterfeits one. I do not assert this as a Truth, Illustrious Kaimacham, but to shew thee, how People are addicted to censure, not only the Miscarriages of Great Men, but the very Regrets which attend their Misfortunes; as if it were a Crime in them, to mourn for the Calamities which they could not prevent.

In the mean time, Cardinal Richlieu has weathered a Tempest raised against him, by the Duke of Orleance and his Party. As if the Fate of these Two Ministers, ran Counter; and, One must Rise by the Other's Fall.

Olivarez had laid a Train for Cardinal Richlieu's Destruction, but fell into it him­self. He had corrupted one of the Cardinal's Creatures, who associated himself with the Duke of Bouillon, and the Duke of Orleans. Besides private Grudges, they all suspected the Cardinal, as designing, upon the King's Death, to take the Regency into his own Hands. They acquaint Olivarez with their Grievances, and enter into a private League with him. He, in hopes to rend the King­dom of France into fatal Divisions, as well as to ruine the Cardinal, agrees to furnish the Conspirators with Twelve Thousand Foot, [Page 106]and Three Thousand Horse; Sedan was to be the Rendezvous of this Army.

But, Cardinal Richlieu, whom no Secret could escape, soon discovered the Plot, and acquaints the King with it; who, forthwith caused the Conspirators to be seized, impri­soned, and Two of their Heads to be cut off; the rest were pardoned on Conditions of Sur­render, and perpetual Banishment from the King's Presence.

This happened much about the Time that Perpignan surrendred, which was, on the Ninth of the Moon Ribiul.

A little before, the Conspirators had so ob­scur'd the Cardinal's Credit at the Court, that the King denied him a Visit, when requested, in his Sickness; upon which, the Cardinal withdrew himself. But, the King was quick­ly glad to follow him; having no other Re­fuge in the midst of his Pressures, but him who was Master of all the Hearts, both of his Subjects and Allies. At that time, the Count de Guische, was defeated in Flanders, and, the Parisians were apprehensive, that Dom Francisco de Melo would bring his Forces into the Bowels of France. None was able to extricate the King out of so many Troubles, but the Chief Minister. Thus, by a Fortunate Concurrence of Events, the Cardinal is restored to his Master's Favour; sees his Foreign Enemies humbled, Perpignan taken, and his Domestick Foes cut off and baffled.

I pray God, whose Eye is over the Mussul­man Empire, to preserve thee from all the Machinations of thine Enemies, and make thee to shine bright in the Favour of the Grand Signior.

LETTER XXX.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

THY Letter, with Carcoa's Journal, is come safe to my Hands, and the Ring which he bequeath'd me. That Legacy, demon­strates his Affection, and that I have not ill deserved of him: For, the Actions of Dying Men, are void of Disguise.

His Memoirs will be of great Service to me, containing a more accurate History of the German Court, from the Year 1600, to the Time of his Death, than I have yet seen ex­tant. I am not unacquainted with Relations of this Kind. The Europeans make their Hi­stories speak, what their Affection or Fear suggests, rather than the Truth. The Liber­ty of Printing, has debauched the Integrity of most Writers; they study rather to please, than inform the Age. For this Reason, I re­ject [Page 108]the greatest Part of Modern History; co­veting onely, the Manuscripts of such as Car­coa. He speaks Impartially, having no other. Byass, than the Service which he owed to the Grand Signior.

I speak this for thy Encouragement and Direction, who succeedest that honest Old Man in his Post. When thou committest any of thy Observations to Paper, let them be of Things Remarkable and True.

The Banker to whom thou didst address the Bill for my Payment, made a demurr at first, but Eliachim clear'd up his Doubts. I desire thee to order Matters so hereafter, that I may not be taken for a Cheat: That may prove of ill Consequence to us all. I would not have any sinister Accident started, which might make the French suspect me. One Misfortune seldom goes without Attendance. The least blemish upon a Man's Credit, streight infects the Air. He whose Reputation is bla­sted, is suspected and shun'd like a walking Pestilence.

Thou wilt do well to prevent these Mis­chiefs, by thy Care and Foresight. Take in good Part this Advice from Mahmut, who studies his Master's Interest, not his own. Adieu.

LETTER XXXI.
To the Venerable Mufti, Prince of the True and Undefiled Faith.

THOU that art a Light to the Blind, the Pole-Star to them that are bewilder'd in an Ocean of Uncertainties; the Sanctuary of the Mind, hatter'd with a Tempest of vain Opinions; tell me why it is Blasphemy to say, That God has already taken Flesh, (as the Christians Believe) since our Holy Prophet himself avouches, That God shall assume a Body at the Resurrection? I approach thy Sa­cred Palace, with burning Coals on my Head, with fervent and enflamed Zeal in my Heart; cast a gracious Eye on thy Suppliant. Resolve my Doubts; dissipate the Mists which cloud my anxious Soul, and restore me to a right Mind.

If a Body be compatible with the Divine Essence, it seems not to me a Blasphemy in the Christians, to assert the Incarnation of the Word, whom Our Holy Prophet calls also, the Breath of God. If this Breath or Word of God, be not of the Essence of the Divinity, why is that Part of the Christian Gospel had in such Reverence, by the Faithful Mussulmans, where it is said, In the Beginning was the WORD, and the WORD was with God, and God was the WORD? If the WORD be of [Page 110]the Essence of God, then it will necessarily follow, that God has taken a Humane Body, since our Holy Prophet calls him the Word of God, whom the Christians adore for God Incar­nate. Bear with my Weakness and Impor­tunity, and, if I err, correct me in thy Wis­dom. And yet, let not these seem so much my Scruples, as the Arguments of Christians, whom I would gladly convince of their He­resie; but, it must be with solid Reason.

Let not my Lord be angry, if I ask one Question more: Our Holy Doctors teach, That the dark Spots in the Moon were made, when the Angel Gabriel flew by, and brush'd the Moon with one of his Wings: I ask how great that Wing was, that could make an Im­pression so great, as to be conspicuous to us at this prodigious Distance? Or, is Gabriel to be numbred among those Lofty Angels, who can stride from one Star to another? If he be, Was there not Room enough in the vast endless Skies, or, did he lose his Way through untrack'd Orbs, or, did he chance to wink in his Career, that he should thus unfor­tunately dash the paler Lamp of Heaven? If he be one of those foremention'd mighty, tall, and wide-stretch'd Angels; How came he so to be contracted, when he visited Mary the Mother of Jesus in her Closet, and presented her with a Rose that grew in Paradise.

Answer me this, O Sovereign Oracle of Truth, since my Ears are frequently invaded with such Objections and Blasphemous Jests, by these Infidels. How can I hear our Holy [Page 111]Law abused, and not burn in Spirit? Tell me, I pray, how I shall silence these bold Dispu­ters, these Mockers of the Book of Glory? Think not this a frivolous Question, and Im­pertinent to Religion; for, these Western Peo­ple are Sagacious and Subtle; if they can find one Flaw in the Holy Alcoran, they'll cry down all the rest as false and an Imposture; at the very thought of which Blasphemy, my Heart trembles.

Not long ago, a famous Astronomer shew'd me in a Telescope the Globe of the Moon, through which it seem'd to me an Opake Body, like the Earth we tread on; and, he affirmed it to be so, giving me Mathematical Demon­strations for it; telling me also, it was Habi­table as our Globe; and, that the Difference of the Brighter and more Obscure Parts of the Moon, consisted only in this, That the one was Firm Land, the other Fluid Water; and, if I may believe my Eyes, when aided by that Optick Instrument, it is no otherwise than as he said.

This Astronomer, is renowned throughout the Western World, being esteemed the Best Philosopher that ever wrote of Natural Things. His Name is Renatus des Cartes. I have been often conversant with him, and took unspeakable Delight in his refined Notions of the World. He is as dextrous at unravelling the Contexture of the very Elements, as tho' he had stood by the Eternal Artist when he extracted them from the Rude Chaos. The minutest Particle of Matter, which is to the [Page 112]Eye of other Men invisible, appears to him in its proper Figure; he talks as familiarly of globous, square, and triangular Atomes, as though he had a Pair of Compasses to take their true Dimensions by. Were not this admira­ble Genius stain'd with great Impiety, in that he mocks the Book of Glory, the Holy Alcoran, true Guide to Paradise, I should believe he was inspired from above.

One Day discoursing about the Body of the Moon, he broke out into this Blasphemous Jest, The Arabian Impostor, said he, might as well have made his Followers believe what we prate to Children, That there is a Man in the Moon with a Bundle of Faggots on his Back, as to tell them that Fable, of the Angel Gabriel's brushing this Planet with his Wing. I was not able to hear any more; but took my Leave.

Furnish me therefore, O Sacred Reposi­tory of all true Science, with such convincing Arguments, as may put to Silence these au­dacious Infidels.

God grant I may be one of those, who shall hear the Angel Ithuriel read Lectures of Di­vine Knowledge in Paradise.

LETTER XXXII.
To the Vizir Azem, at the Port.

I Am acquainted with a Greek Merchant in Paris, who formerly lived in one of those pleasant Islands, which lie about Four Leagues from Constantinople, being situated in the Propontis.

Asking him one Day, whether Trading was the Motive which induc'd him to quit those Paradises upon Earth, and exchange them for the Stench and Noise of this Populous City; he replied, That he had sufficient to make his Life happy in the Place of his Nati­vity, being Master of a good Estate, and of many fruitful Vineyards, having also Houses there which might vye with the most delight­ful Chioses of the Mussulman Grandees: but, that the Janizaries and other loose Mahome­tans frequenting those Islands, and especially that wherein he dwelt, committed so many Outrages, when heated with Wine, as render'd his Life insupportable; for, they would in these drunken Frolicks, domineer as though they were Lords of the Island, seizing upon whatsoever pleased them, spoil his Goods, and beat him like a Slave; and, if he mildly remonstrated to them the Injuries they had done him, they would give him no other Satisfaction but Oaths and Curses.

These Calamities made him sell his Estate, and travel into these Countries, where he might enjoy himself with more Liberty, Pro­fit and Ease.

It is a Dishonour to the Ottoman Port, the Seat of Justice, the Sanctuary of the World, to suffer such Disorders to be committed with­out due Chastisement, within Sight of the Se­raglio, and by those who have the Honour to guard the Person of the Sultan.

I represent these Things to thee, knowing thy Justice will administer a speedy Remedy to these Distempers of the Soldiery. Other­wise should they be suffered to go unpunish­ed, we may expect that not only these Islands, but all Grecia will in Time be dis­peopled.

LETTER XXXIII.
To Cara Haly, the Physician at Constantinople.

SUffer me to converse with thee after the Manner of Friends, with Freedom and Familiarity. I have often discovered to thee the Distempers of my Body, now I will reveal those more dangerous ones of my Mind. And [Page 115]I know not, whether they are Distempers, or Cures of such. I have writ to the Mufti on the same Subject, in Part, but with Cau­tion and Reserve. With thee I will deal frankly, and pour into thy Bosom the Secrets of my Heart.

I am dissatisfied in many Things pertaining to Religion. 'Tis true, I cannot think or speak of our Holy Prophet, but with infinite Attach and Veneration; yet, I owe something to my Reason. I will believe, the Messenger of God was true and perfect; but is it a Crime to think, his Successors were but Men, subject to Frailty and Errour? Their Divisions, imme­diately after the Death of our Great Lawgiver, justifie this Reflection, since the fatal Schism continues to this Day. Either the Persians, or We, must be in the wrong. Grant which thou wilt, it follows, that the Truth was no sooner sown in the World, but it sprung up in Mortal Heresies; and, I find no other As­surance that we are in the Right, but the As­sertion of our Doctors, the Followers of Os­man and Ebubecher; who, for ought I know, are no more exempted from Errour, than the Disciples of Haly. Both Sides believe the Holy Prophet, yet both at Infinite Distance in their Interpretations of his Law. Each Party boasts they have the True Sence of the Divine Oractes, and curses the opposite for Hereticks. Truth cannot be repugnant to it self.

From this Original Schism, well near a Hundred several Sects have sprung, each main­taining different Interpretations of the Law. [Page 116]While Truth can be but One, where shall a Man be sure to find it amongst so many Pre­tenders to it?

Think not, that I am going to turn Chri­stian, because of this Liberty I take to search for Truth. For, the Case is the same, or worse among them.

Jesus (whom our Holy Prophet calls the Breath and Word of God, the Reformer of the Law of Moses, knowing the Secrets of Hearts, and working Miraeles) preach'd to the Jews Repentance, good Works, the Resurrection of the Dead, the Day of Judgment, the Joys of Paradise, and the Torments of Hell. He chose Twelve Disciples, to disperse his Do­ctrine over the World. But, they likewise had Dissentions among themselves, after that God had taken the Messias up to Paradise; Each Apostle, leaving different Traditions behind him in the Countries where he taught. Hence sprung the Difference between the Churches of the East and West, and those in Aethiopia. One following Peter and Paul, Another be­lieving John, the Third defending the Tradi­tions of Matthew. And, from these greater Schisms, have sprung innumerable smaller Sects and Heresies: Each Church and Party, Excommunicating, Damning and Cursing all the Rest; yet all believe they shall be saved.

Thus is the World at Odds about Religion, persecuting, biting and devouring one another, because they cannot all think alike. A singu­lar Argument of Religion, and a special En­couragement to gain Proselytes.

These Considerations have made me a Scep­tick, in Controverted Points of Faith and Mat­ters of Opinion. Onely in this I am fixed, That I believe in One Eternal God, and reve­rence his Holy Messengers and Prophets. But, if an Angel from Heaven should tell me mon­strous and incredible Stories, of Things repug­nant to the common Sense and Reason of all Mankind, I would desire him to excuse me if I suspended my Belief.

I admire the Golden Age, when the Infant World had not yet learn'd Bigotry; when Humane Reason was not corrupted with Divine Fables; and, Natural Conscience, was the Oracle to which all resorted for So­lution of their Doubts; before Superstition had begun to dress the Deity in frightful, uncouth Shapes: Then harmless Innocence could shew her naked Face, which now is fain to go disguised. No Man was put to Death for Words or Thoughts of Things a­bove his Reach. No crafty Numa then had fobb'd upon the Credulous People his feign'd Aegeria; Nor Golden-tongu'd Pythagoras, could impose the forged Whispers of his Eagle on the silly Crotonians for Sacred Oracles. No Wonder-working Magician, had led the Rabble by the Nose with his Infernal Juggles; but, pure and undebauched Reason taught Men to lead Immortal Lives on Earth.

Tell me, O Learned Haly, canst thou be­lieve, That the Divine Architect had no other Way to make Man, than by laying him a Thousand Years broiling in the Sun? Or, that [Page 118]there is an Apple-Tree growing very near the Throne of God? Or, that the Angels can stride some Hundred Thousands of Miles at once? Can we not go to Paradise, unless we swallow these strange Notions? Is it not e­nough to believe in God and Mahomet his Pro­phet, except we will receive all for Truth, which the Doctors tell us? I Fast and Pray at the appointed Times, and sometimes oftner; I give Alms; I love all the Creatures of God, that remain in his Love; I am not guilty of Theft, Murder nor Adultery; I never forswore my self, nor bore False Witness. Yet, when I am recollected, I think my self the worst of all Men; I think of every Peccadillo I com­mit, with inexpressible Regret. If all this is not sufficient to acquit me a true and good Mussulman, no Man, I hope, will blame me, if I joyn with an eminent Man in these West­ern Parts, and wish my Soul among the Phi­losophers.

The End of the First Book.

LETTERS Writ by A SPY at PARIS. VOL. II.
BOOK II.

LETTER I.
To the Kaimacham.

THOU maist remember a Letter I sent thee concerning the Death of Mary de Medicis, Queen-Mother and Dowager of France; wherein I also spoke, of the sudden Sickness of the Cardinal of Richlieu, with the Reports, Opi­nions, and Prophecies divulged on that Ac­count. What Spirit soever inspired those Pro­phets, 'tis certain, the Event justifies their [Page 120]Predictions. For, the Cardinal died this very Day, being the Fourth of the last Moon in the Year, at his Palace in this City, being not full Fifty eight Years of Age.

I am not very Credulous of Apparitions, Ghost, and such like Themes of vulgar Su­perstition: yet, 'tis evident, the Cardinal neither lived to see the Common New-Years Day, nor the Fifty-eight Year of his Life, as, they say, the Queen's Ghost foretold him.

Some that have been Curious in examining his Pedigree, tell me, that his Progenitors were allied to one of the Kings of France. How­ever, 'tis certain, that he was descended of an Ancient and Honourable Family, of above Five Hundred Years Standing and Eminence in that Kingdom.

He had his Education in the Ʋniversity of Paris, where he attained the Degree of a Do­ctor of the Sorbon; a Dignity much esteemed in France, and most Parts of Christendom, except in Rome; which Court is Jealous of the Sorbonists, because they have sometimes De­creed in Prejudice of the Pope's Authority, and the Grandeur of the Roman Court.

After this he was made a Bishop, then Al­moner of France, next Secretary of State, in which Station he acquitted himself so happily that the King procured him the Dignity of a Cardinal. There are none of the Ministers of the Divan but know, that a Cardinal is one of the Princes of the Roman Church.

During these several Stairs of Preferment, he had signalized his great Abilities, in Nego­tiating [Page 121]Affairs of greatest Moment. Yet, in nothing did the Dexterity of his Wit appear more, than in reconciling the Misunderstan­dings between the King and the Queen-Mo­ther. Whereby, he gained much upon both their Affections; so that in a little Time, he was made the Principal Minister of State, and Chief Director of the Government; having a Guard of Souldiers appointed to attend his Person.

Then he was made Superintendent of the Marine Affairs; after this, Generalissimo of the Armies. So that, he seemed to have mo­nopoliz'd all Command both in Church and State, by Sea and Land.

It was Impossible for him to escape the en­vious Eyes of the Grandees; nay, the Queen-Mother her self, who first raised him, began now to grow Jealous of his great Power: But especially, the Princes of the Blood were highly offended at him. The Count of Sois­sons stomach'd the Indignity the Cardinal had offer'd him, in proposing the Marriage of his Daughter. The Duke of Orleans suspected his Designs upon the Regency. Yet, all their Conspiracies against him proved ineffectual. For neither by Publick Arms, nor Private Machinations, could they ever prevail against the fixed Destiny of this Great Minister; who, though he had been often attempted to be Poison'd, Pistol'd and Stabb'd, yet died quietly in his Bed, having a little before re­ceived a Visit from the King.

I will not presume to make Corollaries or Glosses on these Things, as though I were able to Instruct thee, whose Wisdom and Expe­rience renders thee a fit Oracle, for the great­est Princes to resort to in Time of Need. I onely send thee bare Matter of Fact; and to­gether with an Account of the Cardinal's Death, a brief Abstract of his Life, as I re­ceived it from one of the most observing and knowing Men in the French Court.

I wish thee Health, long Life, and Happi­ness.

LETTER II.
To the Venerable Mufti.

I Have sent to the Kaimacham, an Account of the Death of Cardinal Richlieu, with some Passages relating thereto, wherewith I thought it not proper to Interrupt thy Diviner Thoughts.

This Great Minister, died the Fourth of this Instant Moon, being the last of the Year, in his Palace at Paris. His Body is Interred in the Chappel of the Colledge of Sorbon, where he finish'd his Studies, and attained the Degree of Doctor in Theology. He [Page 123]has left behind him a prodigious Estate, a­mounting to a Million of Crowns Yearly; which he has bequeathed in Legacies to his Kindred, Friends and Creatures. And, as a particular Demonstration of his Gratitude to the King, he has made him Heir of his Car­dinal-Palace, in this City, with all the Plate and Furniture in it. And, at the last Visit the King made him (which was a little before his Death) he presented him with a Stone worth a Hundred Thousand Crowns of Gold. Upon which, 'tis discoursed, that the King will settle a Yearly Revenue on a certain Number of the Sorbonists, to celebrate Mass daily for the Cardinal's Soul, during the Space of One Year, and once a Year afterwards on the Day that he died. For, these Infidels ap­proach thus near the True and Ʋndefiled Faith, in that they have Hopes of Immortality, be­lieving the Resurrection of the Dead, and, that the Prayers, Alms, and Good Works of the Living, do atone for the Sins of the De­parted; as our Holy Doctors teach, and, as is the Practice of the Mussulmans throughout the World.

This Cardinal, was richly endowed by Nature, having a firm Intellect, vigorous Spirit, quick Apprehension, solid Judgment, faithful Memory, and a most prevailing Way of Discourse. A Man highly serviceable to his King and Country; and therefore de­serving better of the French, than those Scandalous Reports and Libels which were every where industriously spread abroad, to [Page 124]lessen his Fame. Yet, there wanted not those who strewed Flowers on his Grave, and Per­fumed his Ashes with Encomiums and Pane­gyricks. In this he shared the common Fate of the Great, that he was Malign'd and En­vied Living, but honoured with the Tears of his very Enemies when Dead.

There is one Fault to be found in his Con­duct, without appearing too Censorious, That he being a Man consecrated to the Service of the Altar, should so often take the Field, and divesting himself of the Peaceful Robes of Religion, should clothe himself in Steel, de­lighting more in the Smell of Gunpowder, than that of Incense; and preferring the Noise of War, to the Hymns and Antiphons of the Church: Not, that Religion is incompatible with Valour; and, to fight for ones Country, is not as Lawful and as Pious, as to pray for its Prosperity. Our Holy Law, the Celestial Pat­tern of Truth to the World, exhorts us to Cou­rage. And all True Believers are assured of the Joys of Paradise, of unfading Crowns, and eter­nal Felicities, if they lose their Lives in Defence of the Sacred Empire, and the Book of Glory: Our Immortal Lawgiver, giving us his own Example, when he laid the Foundation of the Greatest and most Illustrious Empire in the World, in the Wounds of his Enemies, cementing the Work with the Blood of Mil­lions of Infidels. Nor has the Superstructure been carried on by any other Methods, than those of perpetual War, with the Nations who will not submit to our Victorious Sultan, [Page 125]the Invincible Lord of the Earth. But, the Messenger of God never required the Imaum's or Dervises to take the Field; leaving Arms only to Secular Men, and the Alcoran to the Religious.

I forget that I am speaking to him, whose Repose and Tranquility is the special Care of Heaven, who is not to be disturbed by Emperors. Therefore, in profound Reve­rence, I salute thy Holiness with a dutiful O­beisance, and so withdraw my Pen.

LETTER III.
To Jasmir Sgire Rugial, an Astro­loger at Aleppo.

THOU needest not be ashamed of thy Name, though it denotes the Dwarfish­ness of thy Body. That little Epitome of Hu­mane Statute, is exquisitely Regular. Na­ture in framing it, has shew'd her Skill in Pro­portions, though she seems to have made it too Narrow for thy Soul. In this, thou art obli­ged to her for thy Knowledge; thy Mind be­ing uneasie in its diminutive Habitation, is for that Reason seldom at Home. Thy Soul is a perfect Night-Walker; when other Men [Page 126]are abed and asleep, thou art taking thy Rounds among the Stars. Thou art become a Spy upon the Planets; If any of them make but a false Step, thou tellest the World of it. Thou art a Pimp to all their Amorous Assig­nations and Conjunctions; and, Vulcan him­self never so often exposed the Intrigues of Mars and Venus, as thou hast done. But, I would have thee beware, lest they revenge themselves on thee some time or other, as they did upon one of thy Profession, by stir­ring up a certain King to take away his Life. He was a bold Fellow, and pretended great Familiarity with the Stars: One Day he came to the King, and told him, he had exactly Calculated his Nativity; and, by his Observa­tions from thence, according to the Rules of Art, had discovered, That he should not live out that Year. The King replied, I will prove, that my Skill is greater than thine; for, I know the very Hour of thy Death, which is now pre­cisely, and which all thy Knowledge in Astrology could never foresee, nor be able to prevent. So, he commanded his Head to be immediate­ly cut off. I would not have thy Star-ga­zing, so suddenly spoil'd; though, they say, thou hast ventured to talk somewhat too largely.

Judicial Astrology seems, in a great Mea­sure, obliged to Superstition, for the Credit it has gained among Men; and, the Latin Pro­verb says, A Wise Man shall over-rule the Stars. For my part, I would rather counsel thee to follow thy old Recreation, of teaching [Page 127] Pigeons to be Letter-Carriers. Yet, I would not have thee from thence, think of building Castles in the Air, like Aesop; nor, of flying to the Moon by the Help of a Team of Geese, in Imitation of Domingo Gonsales.

But, since I am got among the Birds, which thou art so much delighted in; before I take my leave, I wish thee as good Fortune with thy winged Disciples, as the Roman Cob­ler had, who taught a Parrot, to salute the Emperour as he went along the Street, with these Words, Hail Caesar; which the Em­perour hearing, gave him a Royal Price for his Parrot. The poor Man overjoy'd at his good Luck, got another Parrot, and at­tempted to teach her in the same Manner; but, having taken much ineffectual Pains, he used to fret, and say, I have lost my Labour. Yet at length, by daily repeating these Words, the Parrot had learned both Sentences, and, the next time the Emperour came by, it said, Hail Caesar; to which the Emperour replied, I have enough such Flatterers at Home; the Parrot having her Lesson perfect, rejoyn'd, I have lost my Labour; which the Emperour hear­ing, and pleas'd with the Novelty, bought this also, and setled a generous Pension on the Man during his Life.

If thou couldst by some lucky Contingen­cy, sell thy Pigeons at such a rate to Sultan Ibrahim, thy Time would be better spent, than in playing the Mercury, and bringing News from the Stars. But then thy Pigeons must be better bred, than was that which was sent [Page 128]to the Sophi of Persia with a Message from Babylon, when the late Invincible Sultan A­murath besieged it; for, the Feather'd Courier, instead of flying to the Persian Camp, took up short by the Way, and perching on the Pavillion of the Vizir Azem, was forthwith shot, and the secret Necessities of the City, were exposed to the Ottoman Army.

May such Fate, always attend Infidels and Hereticks, when they take up Arms against the Mussulman Empire. Adieu.

LETTER IV.
To the Grand Signior's Chief Treasurer.

THOU tellest me, the Ministers of the Supreme Divan, accuse me of Negli­gence, in not Writing often, and Things of Importance. In my Opinion, thou thy self hast more Reason to complain on this Score, since, I have not sent a Letter to thee these Four Moons; in which Time, not one of the Rest but has received several from me. Would they have me coin News? Would they have me amuze them with Relations of Things which never had any Existence? I [Page 129]have not failed hitherto to communicate to the Port, all the Intelligences I have received: But they ought to consider, that the Winter affords little of Action. Time, the Devourer of all Things, has almost swallowed up the Year; only, this last Moon seems to be pick­led in Ice for a Dessert. We are here up to the Knees in Snow: And the Greatest War­riours, find it best Encamping by the Fire Side.

Here is a Rumour, That the King of Per­sia is Dead: They say also, that the Great Mogul will not put on Mourning for him, being by his Death freed from a Storm which threatned to subvert all his Dominions on this Side of Ganges. 'Tis added, That he has sought the Alliance of the Grand Signior, with purpose to continue the War against the Young King of Persia (who has not yet seen Thirteen Summers) and to carry his Forces to the Walls of Ispahan. It is not lawful for me to dictate to my Sovereign, who is the Sole Judge of the Ʋniverse; but, permit me to guess what will be his Conduct in this Affair (If what I have heard be true.) I have no Reason to think, that Sultan Ibrahim will violate the Peace, which he has so lately con­cluded with the King of Persia, the Articles whereof he carries in his Bosom.

Thou seest, Most Serene Bassa, the Tide of News is so low, that Mahmut is forced to stoop and receive it, puddled as it is by the Mouths of the Vulgar. If I acquaint thee with what thou knewest before, let not the [Page 130]Blame rest on me, who ought to have recei­ved this Intelligence from some of the Mi­nisters of the Sublime Port, which is the Ta­bernacle where Fame keeps her Residence. My whole Life, and the best of my Spirits, are consecrated to the Service of the Grand Signior; I spare no Pains or Cost, whereby I may render my self effectually useful to the Great Master of the Ʋniverse: I write often to the Ministers of the Divan, who are his Slaves as well as I; yet none vouchsafes me an Answer, except the Reis Effendi: I re­ceived also one Letter full of Consolation and Advice, from the Venerable Mufti. Like­wise Hassein Bassa laid his Commands on me. These I esteem my Friends. I would think so of all Men, who serve Sultan Ibrahim, if they would cease to load me with Oblo­quies.

I was about to conclude my Letter, when an Old Courtier interrupts me with the News of the Surrender of Tortona, a Strong Town in Piedmont, possessed by the Spaniards, till now obliged to quit it by the French Forces, under the Command of the Duke of Longueville. This Place, was surrendred on the Twenty-sixth of the Eleventh Moon.

There has been a long Difference, between the Princes of the House of Savoy; which is at length composed, by the Marriage of Prince Maurice, Cardinal of Savoy, with his Niece, the Daughter of the Dutchess Regent. This is that which has warm'd the Courage of the French Army, at this Frozen Time of the [Page 131]Year. For, upon this Match, the Cardinal of Savoy's Brother, Prince Thomas, joined his Forces to the French, and took several Strong Castles and Towns from the Spaniards, whom before this Prince had assisted: And now last of all, to wind up the Year, they have made themselves Masters of this Tortona, a Place environed with Rocks and Mountains.

By which thou maist perceive, that there is no Difficulty so great, which may not be overcome with Courage and Perseverance.

I recommend my self to thy Protection and Favour, Illustrious Bassa, and desire the Heavens to remunerate thee with an En­crease of Joy and Felicity, both here and in Paradise.

LETTER V.
To Darnish Mehemet, Bassa.

SInce the Death of the Cardinal of Richlieu▪ here is great caballing, and changing of Places at Court. His Successor in the Pilot­ship of the State, is Cardinal Julio Mazarini, an Italian of a Generous Extraction. Nei­ther comes he short of Richlieu, in all those rare Qualities and Endowments, which form [Page 132]a Compleat Statesman; having accomplish'd several Negotiations with great Success and Applause.

Now the old Officers begin to be cashier'd, to make room for the Creatures of this New Minister, the King absolutely resigning the Conduct of the Publick to him. And, it is no wonder to see the King thus flexible, if what is privately whisper'd be true, That the Queen has yielded to the Cardinal in Points of greater Reserve. And, curious Eyes pre­tend to discern the Features of Mazarini in the Dauphin's Face, who is not much above Four Years Old, being born the Fifth Day of the Ninth Moon, in the Year 1638. according to the Christians Hegira. The Cardinal is of a Grave and Majestick Aspect, full-fac'd, having a piercing Eye; he is something inclined to fat, being a great Eater, as they say.

T'other Day he had like to have been choak'd by a Piece of Beef, one Part of which hung fast in his Teeth, and the other just reach'd the Passage to the Lungs; and, as it were barring up the door of that Passage, hindred his Respiration so long, that his Nose suddenly started out a-bleeding; his Face grew black, and he was ready to drop down dead, had not one of his Attendants forcibly thrust his Fingers into his Mouth, and fastning on the Morsel, pull'd it out of his Throat.

He that is Lord of Life and Death, preserve thee from all Perils, and make thee happy in the Service of our Great Master; who will [Page 133]in Time, I hope, curb the Insolence, and pu­nish the Vices of these gluttonous Infidels.

LETTER VI.
To Isouf his Kinsman.

I Believe, thou and thy Cousin Solyman, take me for a Marriage-Broker or a Gossip: Is there no Body in Constantinople, can instruct you how to manage your Wives, that you send for Counsel to Paris? or, do you lay Snares for me, by extorting such Advice, as will draw the Revenge of Women upon me? Believe me, I have no Mind to run the Fate of Orpheus, or, that the Tragedy of the Cico­nian Wives should be acted upon me.

I rather expected a Compleat Journal of thy Travels in the East: but, I perceive thou hast not yet received my Letter. Thou talk­est, of going to Aleppo in the Spring. If thy Resolution hold, I desire thee when thou art there, to make an Offering for me to Sheh Boubac, the Santone, whose Sepulchre is about a League from that City, a Place of great De­votion, and resorted to from all the Cities in those Parts. Without doubt, Sheh Boubac is with God; and, his Prayers are heard for such [Page 134]as honour his Vertues and approach his Se­pulchre, to pay their Devotions there with Humility and Faith.

Likewise, I desire thee to destribute Three Hundred Aspers to the Poor of Aleppo, who beg in the Streets for the Sake of Syntana Fissa. If thou hast not heard of this Female Saint, I will relate to thee how she came to be Cano­nized. This City, was the Place of her Na­tivity and Residence. When she came to the Age of Sixteen Years, she was married to a Spahee, called Griuli Eben Sagran: But, the first Night, as her Husband was going to Bed with her, he fell into a Trance; wherein, he saw Paradise opened, and the Holy Prophet leading Syntana Fissa, his Wife, in one of the Allies of Eden. Whereby, when he came to himself, and missing his Wife (who was ne­ver after to be found) he was satisfied that she was one of the Daughters of Paradise. Since which time, the People have esteem'd her as a Saint, or rather an Incarnate Female Angel. The Moors relate this Story other­wise, and make a Second Mary Magdalen of her: of whom the Grecians say, that she was a Common Prostitute at first, but on a time being asked her accustomed Favours gratis, and for the Love of God, she by granting it, merited the Grace of Conversion, and so be­came a Saint. But, I would not have thee regard this Fable, though it be common in the Mouths of the Ignorant at Aleppo.

If thou bearest any Respect for thy Uncle Mahmut, let me have a Proof of it, in giving [Page 135]me an Account of thy Travels. I do not require a Chart of the Regions through which thou hast pass'd; being no Stranger to the Geography of Asia. Neither would I have thee tell me, how many Leagues, Courses, or Forlongs there are between such and such Cities: These are the Remarks of every Carrier or Muccerman. But, that which I aim at, is to know, what Natural, Moral, and Political Observations thou hast made, in so vast a Tract of Ground as thou hast measured, comprehending the Greatest and most Cele­brated Part of Asia.

This is the Second Letter I have sent thee, since thy Return to Constantinople: Let thy Answer be adequate to my Expectation. In the Interim, I counsel thee first to get an Ab­solute Conquest of thy self, and then thou wilt easily govern thy Wife.

May the Most High God, adjust your Diffe­rences happily, and make your Lives to be as innocent and contented, as those of Phile­mon and Baucis. Thou knowest the Story. Adieu.

LETTER VII.
To Mahomet, Bassa of Damascus.

HERE is a Genouese Merchant in this City, with whom I often converse, as I do with all Strangers that are Men of Intelli­gence, learning sometimes from them Advices which are not common. He tells me, that Mansour, the Youngest Son of Old Facardine the brave Emir of Sidon, whom his Father had given in Hostage to Sultan Amurath, is now living in the Court of the Duke of Florence; that he escaped by the Assistance of a Grecian Priest from the Castle of the Seven Towers, and, that the Duke of Florence has promised to assist him with Ships, Men and Money, to­wards the Recovery of his Patrimony.

The French speak of his Father, with much Respect, and Compassion of his Misfortunes; they say, he was descended from a Noble Captain, which the Renowned Godfrey of Bul­loign left in those Parts, when he was enga­ged in the Wars of the Holy Land; and, that though Facardine wore a Turkish Tur­bant, yet he had French Bloud in his Veins. They tax Amurath with the Violation of his Oath, in causing him to be strangled, when he had solemnly sworn to the contrary. And some of them are so bold as to say, That if his Son Ali had not been kill'd, he would have shook the Throne, whose Foundation is deep [Page 137]as the Center of the Earth, and therefore can­not be moved without the Dissolution of the Globe.

This Genouese brags much after the same Nature of Mansour, who, he says, is preser­ved by Providence to abase the Pride of the Ottoman Family, to revenge his Father's Bloud, and reestablish the Druses in their Ancient Possessions.

Supposing this News to be true, I judged it my Duty to give thee timely Notice of it who possessest Part of his Estate; lest he should surprize thee unawares, and serve thee as one of his Ancestors did the Damascenes who got from them several of their Towns and Castles, when they least dreamt of any Invasion. He will lay claim to Gazir, D' Acre, and Saphet, those being torn from his Father in that last Rebellion. In a Word, thou wouldst find him an ill Neighbour, should he catch thee unprovided.

Should it come to a Tryal, I wish thy Sol­diers may prove more Faithful to thee, than did the Germans lately under the Command of Leopold, Arch-Duke of Austria, and Gene­ral Picolomini; who going to relieve Leip­sick, besieged at that time by the Suedes, and entring Battle with them, above Six Thou­sand of their Souldiers never discharged a Musket, or drew a Sword; but gave their Ene­mies an entire Victory, without striking a Stroke. Should thy Forces serve thee so, when Mansour enters thy Territories, thou wilt be in Danger of losing not only the foremention­ed [Page 138]Towns, but Damascus it self; a Place so deliciously situated, that our Holy Prophet himself durst not venture into it, lest this Earthly Paradise should tempt him to take up his Abode there, and cause him to neglect the Heavenly.

May the Great Protector of Kingdoms and Empires, preserve both Damascus and the whole Empire, from the Fury of Rebels and Infidels.

LETTER VIII.
To the Venerable Mufti, Arbitrator of the Problems and Mysteries of Faith.

I Address to the Dust of thy Feet, O thou Spring of all true Science. I wrote to thee formerly, to desire thy Instruction, and Aid, in answering some Cavils and Blasphemies of the Infidels. Now I think a great Light hath shined in my Breast. Now I think I can an­swer them with Arguments clear and Intelli­gible. Nevertheless, I will not walk without a Guide.

Our Life in this transitory World, is chec­quer'd [Page 139]with various Intervals of Light and Darkness, of Knowledge and Ignorance. Some­times the Soul of Man is bright and serene, as the Orient; at other times wrap'd up in Clouds and Mists. Then we are as in a Dream, and full of Anxiety; we grope about for Truth, and yet stumble upon Errors, as in the Depth of Night. So fared it with me, when these Infidels assaulted me with Questions and Cavils concerning our Holy Law. I heard them with Horrour and Pain, but knew not how to put them to Silence. I fled to thee for Succour, who art instructed in all Knowledge, true Heir of the Prophetick Light. But, a Ray from Heaven has prevented thy Answer; and, I will communicate to thee my Thoughts.

God is most High, and Incomprehensible; we cannot overtake him in his Ways. The Works of his Hands are perfect and full of Wisdom. Why do the Infidels blaspheme the Eternal? Gabriel, the Messenger of God, bright and glorious, flew through the Hea­vens; and to avoid a burning Comet which then flamed in the Sky, he took his Course too near the Orb of the Moon; and, with the end of one of his Wings, he brush'd the Planet, leaving a Mark of the Stroak as a Memorial to the Angels for the Future; even as a Sea­mark is plac'd, to give warning of Rocks and Sands.

The Infidels deride, and ask, How big was Gabriel's Wing? Who can measure the Works of the Omnipotent? Let these Infidels num­ber but the Atomes that cleave to the Soles [Page 140]of their Feet, when they walk in sandy Pla­ces! Or, let them weigh the Air, that is shut up in a Bottle! If they cannot perform these Things which are near them, and with­in their reach, why do they mock at the Greatness of Angels, which dwell in the Immense Heavens?

They take their Measures of Celestial Things from the narrow search of their Senses, which yet fail them in common Terrestrial Objects. If we believe our Sences, they would perswade us, that the Moon is no bigger than a Royal Charger, and the Stars have no larger Dimen­sions, than a Lamp or Torch: Whereas, we are assured by Reason and Astronomical Ob­servations, that the Moon is little less than the Globe of the Earth; and, that some of the Stars are near a Hundred Times bigger. If these Ornaments of the Sky, which look at this Distance like glittering sparks of Fire, are really of so prodigious a Bulk; why may we not believe, that Angels who dwell higher than the highest Stars, are much greater, and more Magnificent Creatures than they? Nay, what Incongruity is it to believe, what our Holy Doctors teach, That the Angels can stride from one Star to another?

And now I am plunged thus far in the Depths of Nature, suffer me to wade yet deeper, nay, to swim in the Abyss of speculation. I will tell thee my Thoughts; The Works of God are Ʋnmeasurable, and there is no Bound or Limit to the Extent of the World; 'tis high as Thought can soar, endless as Imagination [Page 141]can travel. Who can tell, where the Walls of Paradise are? Or has any one gone the Circuit of the Seventh Heaven? Magnificent is the Fabrick of God, and the Apartments thereof are full of Majesty. The Potentates above, are Glorious and Mighty; and, the Mansions of Angels, surpass in Grandeur this Visible World. How great then is the Sta­ture of those Angels? Let not Infidels deride nor think it a Fable; for, the Distance be­tween the Feet of an Angel, is many hundred Thousand Miles. They turn the Celestial Orbs about (if what the Learned Christians teach, out of Aristotle and other Old Philosophers, be true, when they assign to each Sphere its par­ticular Angel or Moving Intelligence.) How can this be done, unless the Angels were Grea­ter and Mightier than the Orbs they move? Without all Doubt, the Lesser is moved of the Greater, and the Weaker by the Stronger. These are Arguments clear and intelligible, and such as the Infidels cannot answer. Thus shall I be able to assert the Truth, against the impious; and to vindicate the glorious Works of God (the Strong and Potent Angels, ex­celling in Majesty and Grandeur,) from the Blasphemies of the Ʋncircumcised.

If they ask, How the Angel Gabriel (since he is of so prodigious a Stature) could be circumscribed in the Closet of Mary the Mo­ther of Jesus? I ask them, How the Body of Jesus, which, they say, is in the Sacra­ment of the Mass (of which thou art not Ignorant) can be circumscribed within the [Page 142]narrow Compass of a Wafer? Or, How it can be there, and in Heaven at the same time, which they believe; nay, and in Ten Thou­sand Wafers, in so many different Places of the World at once?

To this so pressing an Argument they have no other Answer, but, That the Power of God is Infinite and his Works Incomprehensi­ble. Very well! if he be Omnipotent in one Thing, is his Power restrained in another? If the Presence of the Body of Jesus, in several Places at the same time, be Incomprehensible; so is the Appearance of the Mighty Angel Ga­briel, in the Oratory of the Virgin Mary, In­comprehensible also.

The Nature of Angels, is unknown to us Mortals, and the Manner of their Appear­ance. Sufficient it is, to believe the Divine Oracles, and not to pry into the Secrets of God.

Thus shall I confute the Infidels, when they cavil against the Alcoran; thus shall I seal up the polluted Lips, and put to silence the Blasphemous Tongues of the Enemies of God and his Prophet.

Moreover, they say, the Messenger of God has promised a Sensual Paradise to the True Believers, because the Book of Glory mentions the Gardens of Eden, Gardens wherein flow many Rivers, Rivers of Wine, Milk and Ho­ney, with Trees of all delectable Fruits; and, that the Righteous shall be cloathed in Vests of Purple and Crimson, reposing on stately Beds, and shall enjoy the Company of Beau­tiful [Page 143]Women, and shall be replenished with Eternal Felicity.

Doubtless, they are blinded with Malice and hood-wink'd by the Spirit of Contradi­ction: Else, why do they thus cavil at the manifest Light of Truth, the Doctrine of Faith, the undefiled Article of Glory? They profess to believe, the Resurrection of the Body, as well as we: Will they not then believe, that God hath provided Pleasures suitable to the Body after its Resurrection, I mean, the Bodies of the Just? They tell their Disciples and Proselytes doleful Stories of the Pains of the Damned in Hell, as Burning in Fire and Brimstone. Nay, the Book of the Gospel it self, speaks of a Lake of Sulphur and Fire. Are not these Torments to be inflicted on the Body, which they own are prepared for the Wicked? And will they deny proportionate Pleasures to the Bodies of the Just in Paradise? What use will there be of our Bodies after the Resurrecti­on, if not to enjoy Bodily Pleasures, or feel the Rigour of Infinite Pains? Doubtless, the Just shall be replenished with all the Joys; and, the Ʋnjust, with all the Dolours of which their Senses are capable. And, this they them­selves believe; yet, these captious Infidels, pick Quarrels with our Holy Lawgiver, and say, That the Paradise which he promises, is fit for none but Fools or Beasts.

I have read in Books of Devotion, which the Christians use, That the Blessed in Hea­ven, shall be satiated with all Manner of De­lights. The Eye shall always behold most [Page 144]Beautiful Objects; the Taste shall be gratified with incredible Sweets; the Smell shall be plea­sed with all Manner of rich Odours and Per­fumes, far surpassing the Aromaticks of Arabia; the Ear shall hear such wonderful Musick, as one onely Strain thereof, were sufficient to lull all the Hearts of this Sublunary World asleep: In fine, there shall be none of their Sences and Faculties, which shall not be transported and ravished with infinite Delights. What is all this, but Sensual Pleasure? Can there be any plainer Description of Bodily Enjoyments than this? Why do they then maliciously traduce the Messenger of God, and resist the Truth?

But they will say, that the Pleasures which they shall enjoy after the Resurrection, will be refined and spiritual as their Bodies shall be: Whereas, they say, our Prophet intimates gross, carnal Enjoyments; as, the Company of Beautiful Women, and such amorous De­lights.

Certainly, they are wilfully blind, and shut their Eyes against the Light; or else, they would easily see through the Veil of Al­legories and Metaphors, which our Divine Prophet uses in the Alcoran, to adapt the Do­ctrine of Heavenly Things, to the dull Capa­cities of Men; even, as all the Prophets and Apostles have done before him. In the Book of the Gospel, Paradise is described under the Figure of a most Magnificent City, built all of Gold and Precious Stones, with a River flowing by it, and Trees whose Fruit never [Page 145]withers, nor their Leaves fade. Will the Chri­stians take this in the Literal Sense, or do they own it to be an Allegory? If the latter, then why do they Blaspheme the Sacred Ora­cles of our Holy Lawgiver, because he de­scribes the Felicities of Paradise under Sensible Figures and Types, such as are most apt to work on the Affections of Men?

It is not to be thought, that our Enjoy­ment of Beautiful Women in Paradise, shall be attended with the Least of those Impuri­ties which stain it in this Life. Our Pleasures shall be agreeable to the Place whither we go, pure and immaculate. As we shall there en­joy the Perfection of Beauty, without the smallest Allay of Deformity; so, in our En­joyment, we shall be transported with the Heighth of Extasie, without the least Mixture of Pollution.

Nor shall these Bodily Delights supersede or hinder our more Spiritual Enjoyments; but, both Body and Soul shall be ravished with Eternal Felicities.

Tell me, thou who art the Key of the Trea­sures of Truth, whether I am now sufficient­ly arm'd with Reasons, to withstand the Cavils and Objections which the Infidels make against our Holy Law! I have laid at thy Feet my Sentiments, submitting all to thy unerring Wisdom; vouchsafe to confirm what I have well said, and to correct my Errors. And, in the Midst of thy Divine Ejaculations, glance a Thought on the humblest of thy Slaves, praying for the Exil'd Mahmut, that he may [Page 146]persevere in the true Faith; and, at the End of his Life, may taste the Joys of Paradise, which he zealously asserts against the Infidels.

LETTER IX.
To the Kaimacham.

WHEN I informed thee of the Siege of Perpignan, I had not heard of the Extraordinary Honours which were done to the Prince of Morgues during that Siege. This Prince, was a Subject of the King of Spain, and had in Possession the Town of Monaco. Yet, for some disgusts which he had received from the Spaniards, he some Years ago had thoughts of throwing himself upon the Protection of the King of France; but, Difficulties arising, it took not effect at that Time. However, in the Year 1641. by the Dexterity of the Governour of Provence, he was so far wrought upon, that a French Gar­rison was by his Connivence put into Monaco, and he totally threw off his Obedience to the King of Spain; and though great Offers were made him by the Cardinal of Savoy and o­thers, yet he rejected all; and, to demon­strate to King Philip, That his Soul was al­together [Page 147] French, he sent him back the Collar which was the Badge of his Knighthood, be­stowed on him in the Spanish Court.

After which, Four Galleys of Naples crui­sing on the Sea before Ville-Franche, one of them by the Order of the Captain sailed to Monaco, not having heard of the Revolt of this Place. The Prince invited the Captain to come ashore, and, as soon as he was land­ed, Threescore Frenchmen who lay hid in the Boat which carried the Message, boarded the Galley with admirable Resolution, killing near Thirty Spaniards who made Resistance, and the rest yielding, the French took Possession of the Vessel.

The Prince sailed in this Galley to Mar­seilles, with his Son, who is dignified with the Title of a Marquis; and, taking their Way through Provence and Languedoc, came to the King of France, while he lay with his Army before Perpignan.

King Lewis, to whom nothing is more delightful than to reward the Merits of Brave Men, caressed him with extraordinary De­monstrations of Affection, and Acknowledg­ments of his Service; sending his Coaches to meet him on the Way, causing his Army to appear in Battel-Array, entertaining him at his own Table, and doing all Things which might honour the Arrival of this Prince at his Camp. And, to make him amends for the Loss of his Order of Knighthood, he inve­sted him with that of the Holy Ghost; which, as I have in my former Letters told thee, is [Page 148]a fair Step to make one a Peer of France.

I thought good to inform thee of this Pas­sage, Illustrious Minister, in whose Power it lies, to lift up to Dignities and the Great Charges of the Empire, Men in whom thou perceivest a Genius capable of Great Under­takings.

God direct thee in making Choice of such as may be effectually serviceable to the Grand Signior.

LETTER X.
To Achmet Beig.

IT seems as if the late Revolution in Portu­gal, had imbitter'd the Spaniards to De­spair, and swell'd the Spleen of that Nation with insupportable Rancour. The Loss, which they cannot hope fairly to recover by Arms, they seek to Revenge by dishonourable Assas­sine and Treachery.

The Marquis de Los-Velez, the Spanish Ambassador at the Court of Rome, could not brook to see there an Ambassador from the King of Portugal, whom he esteemed at best but a Subject or a Traytor to Philip his Ma­ster. He tryed all means to prevent and hin­der [Page 149]his Audience with the Pope, and openly demanded, that he might be sent back into Portugal with Disgrace. But, the Sieur de Fontenay, Ambassador from France, support­ed and countenanc'd the Portugueze Minister, which precipitated the Marquis de Los-Velez, to one of the blackest Attempts that has ever stain'd the Records of Time.

Thou art not to learn, that the Persons of Ambassadors are by the Law of Nations e­steemed Sacred; their Houses, Sanctuaries; and, whatsoever Injury is offered them, is at least accounted a Civil Sacrilege. Yet, the Spanish Ambassador finding the Bishop of La­mego (so was the Portugueze called) protected and favoured by the French Interest, resolves to leap over the Fences which secure the Im­munities and Safety of his own Function, and to violate the Law without which he himself could not sleep free from Danger in his Bed. For, being informed that the Portugueze Am­bassador was gone to visit the Sieur de Fonte­nay, he goes out of his House with a Train of about Twenty Men, and covering his De­sign with a pretence of going to the House of an Eminent Cardinal, he takes the same Way, as the Portugueze Bishop was to return to his House. But, the French Ambassador having Notice, that one of the Marquis's Reti­nue was observ'd to dog the Bishop to his Pa­lace, and return immediately to his Master, set some Spies upon the Marquis de Los-Velez, who brought him Word, that the Marquis had or­dred all his Retinue to arm themselves and [Page 150]follow him. This gave a sufficient Alarm and Suspicion to De Fontenay, so that he com­manded Thirty of his Servants to arm like­wise, and follow him in separate Parties, at a Distance from one another; being resolved to protect the Portugueze, who was an Allie of France, and to prevent the Design of his Enemies. No sooner had the Bishop of La­mego taken his Coach, but Notice was given to the Spanish Minister, who immediately advances toward him, big with the Murder he intended to commit. But, the French appear­ing, and falling briskly on the Spaniards, kill'd Seven of them in a Moment, and broke through the Rest, even to the very Coach of the Mar­quis, with a Resolution to make him taste the Death he designed for the poor Bishop. But, he had the Fortune to escape into the Palace of a Spanish Cardinal, and so saved himself.

The Spanish Ambassador after this, being netled at his ill Success, and the Favour which the Bishop of Lamego found in that Court, de­signed to remove to Naples; but, the Pope set a Guard on him to prevent it, till such time as he had given Hostages for the Indemnity of his Nuntio's in Spain and Naples.

The Neapolitan Viceroy being informed of these Proceedings, made great Preparations; and, the Spaniards threatned to plunder and burn the City of Rome. But, upon more de­liberate Thoughts, the Viceroy made shew of Friendship to the Pope, offering him Five Thousand Soldiers to assist against the Duke [Page 151]of Parma, thinking by this Fraud, to gain Ad­mission into the Ecclesiastick Territories, which would facilitate the Way to the Satisfactions they aim'd at. But, the Pope knew how to return the Viceroy's Compliment, without hazarding his own Estate; telling him, That the Roman Forces were more than sufficient to conquer the Duke, had he any other Designs than those of Peace.

By this Passage of the Spanish Ambassador, thou mayst comprehend the Licentiousness of the Infidels, who dare trample upon Human and Sacred Laws; and, that in Rome it self, where the Supreme Mufti of the Christians keeps his Seat. It was never known, that such a Thing was attempted in the Sublime Port, where the Majesty and severe Justice of the Ottoman Empire, strikes an Awe and Terror into all People, restraining the very Thoughts of so heinous a Crime.

May the Conservator of the Ages, hasten the prefixed Time, wherein the Christian Na­tions shall be subdued to the Mussulman Faith; That so, Justice and Vertue, with perpetual Peace, may bless the Earth.

LETTER XI.
To the Vizir Azem, at the Port.

I Could not let this Post go without a Letter, though I have nothing material to write. However, 'tis a Testimony of my Duty, to let thee know, that Mahmut is not Idle, that he suffers not an Hour, a Moment, to escape, wherein he studies not to do some acceptable Service to the Grand Signior.

All the Dispatches which I receive from the Port, seem like black Clouds, gathering on the Margin of the Horizon, the sure Harbin­gers of an approaching Storm. One accuses me of neglecting the Service of the Master of the World; Another tells me, I am too Expensive; a Third says, the Ministers of the Divan will take other Methods. They mince their Expressions; no Man will deal plainly with me. They mix Threatnings with Complements, as if I were a Child, and needed the Discipline of a Rattle and a Rod. Would they have me reverse the Decrees of Destiny? Turn Winter into Summer, and change the whole Order of Nature? Or, is it expected, that I should renew the Exploit of Cadmus, and cause Earth-born Armies to a­rise, on purpose to furnish Matter of News to the Port? I appeal to thee, Supreme Vizir, at whose Nod the Divan is Assembled or Dis­solv'd, whether I deserve the Censures that [Page 153]are pass'd upon me? No Man can accuse me of betraying my Trust, or of holding any Cor­respondence with the Enemies of the Mussul­man Empire. What is then my Crime? Am I to be condemned, for employing the Money which is allotted me for Subsistence, to ren­der my Ministry more Successful? Will they call it, an embezilling the Sultan's Money; when, rather than hoard it up for my own private Profit and Conveniences, (as I might do considerable Sums, were I so basely Frugal) I frankly part with it, to consummate the Affair for which I am placed here? Or, is the Ottoman Treasury grown low, that heretofore has supported the Indigent World, and by an Excess of Royal Munificence, has been thrown to the Fishes of the Sea? Is Mahmut alone to be esteemed a Prodigal in his pre­sent Expences, because 'tis known that he was a Slave in Sicily, and tyed down to the pe­nurious Stint of a rigorous Patron? Suffer me this once, Sage Minister, to vindicate my self, and to tell thee, That the Hardships and squalid Circumstances of Captivity, would not be very subservient to the Ends for which I am sent hither; neither can a niggardly Pension, qualifie me for the Genius of the Court in which I must be daily conversant, where all Things appear Gay and Polite. It has not been my Custom to complain with­out a Cause, neither do I love to grate my Su­periors, with whining Remonstrances. But, it is my humble Request, That the Minister, of the Divan would consider me, not as a [Page 154]Drudge to a Private Man in Palermo, but as the Indefatigable Slave of the Most Opulent and Liberal Monarch in the World.

In all these Things, I contract my self into a most submiss Resignation to thy Will, who art the Vicegerent of the Empire, found­ed on the Rock of Destiny; beseeching thee, to protect me from the Malice of Whisperers, who envy me because I serve the Sovereign of Sovereigns, Lord of the East and of the West, and all that is between them.

May the Eternal Possessor of all Felicity, cull out of his Immense Treasures, such Bles­sings as thou most ardently desirest in this Life; and, when he has led thee through all the Apartments of Human Bliss on Earth, may he translate thee to the Palaces of Eden, the Seats of an Immarcescible Life, where new Sources of Joy are open'd without End.

LETTER XII.
To Murat Bassa.

THE Floods have been so great, and those also congealed into Ice, that there has been no travelling by some Roads for these Two Moons; which is the Reason, we have been wanting in our usual Advices from Germany, Piedmont, the Valtoline, and other Parts.

Yet now, the Posts bring a Glut of News to this City. Fribergh, a Town in the Parts of Saxony, is at this Time besieged by Tor­stenson, General of the Suedish Army. He Invested it the 11th. of the 1st. Moon. And, People are amazed to hear, that it has held out thus long, being a Place of no great Strength. Especially, considering how soon Leipsick surrender'd to the same Forces; a Town well fortified, and stored with all Things necessary to sustain a long Siege. By this thou mayst observe, how much the For­tune of War many Times depends on one successful Battel.

When Torstenson first lay down before Leip­sick, it was generally believed, he would find a stout Resistance from the Inhabitants, and an Inflexible Resolution in the Garrison, not to yield that Important Place: And per­haps they would not have been mistaken, had not the Imperialists (out of a Generous De­sign [Page 156]to relieve it, and raise the Siege) hazard­ed a Battel. The Arch-Duke of Austria (whose Name is Leopold) and Picolomini, as soon as they received Advice that the Suedish Army had passed the Elbe, and enter'd into Misnia, took their directest Way to stop their Advance into those Parts. But, it had been better they had kept their Quarters; for, in one Battel, they lost all the Glory which they had before acquired by their Arms. Tor­stenson was already intrenched before Leip­sick, when his Scouts brought him Intelli­gence, that the Imperial Army was near at Hand. He immediately disposes of his Bag­gage in a secure Place, draws out his Cannon, and having left a sufficient Number of Sol­diers to guard the Posts of his Camp which were nearest the City, he marches directly to­ward the Enemy, and possesses himself of a Spot of Ground very agreeable to his Occasi­ons; it was called, the Plain of Brittenfield. This Place he designed for the Stage, where­on to perform the Part of a Prudent, and Va­liant General. For, as soon as he came in Sight of the German Vanguard, he caused his Army to retreat faintly, as though he had no Intention to fight. The Germans pursue the Retreating Suedes, till they were got in­to very narrow Streights between Two steep Mountains; not much unlike the Capi Der­vent in Bulgaria (where the Heyducks, ta­king the Advantage of the Heights, commit great Robberies on the Caravans that travel through those Streights, rolling huge Stones, [Page 157]or rather Rocks, down upon the Passengers.) Here the Suedes turned about, and falling behind their Cannon, which Torstenson had caused to be planted in these Streights, play'd furiously on the Germans, while the Musque­tiers which he had order'd on the Sides of the Mountains, gaul'd them from above, yet lay themselves Invisible, under the Covert of Thickets which grew on each Side of the Streight. It was the Left Wing of the Im­perialists which was thus engaged, and Pico­lomini who commanded them, gave admira­ble Proofs of an undaunted Courage, ap­pearing at the Head of his Surprized Soldiers, and heartning them with Words and Actions full of Bravery; but, his Labour was lost, for Six Thousand fled without drawing a Sword. The Suedes pursued them through the Streight, and re-entring the Plain, engaged with the Right Wing of the Germans. The Battel was fierce and Bloody. General Picolomini did Wonders, and many brave Germans signalized their Valour; but, it seems as if the Fate of Torstenson, is to ruine the Empire: For, while the Battel was yet equal on both Sides, and the Victory doubtful; while the Ground was dyed with a Mixture of German and Suedish Blood, he falls into the Main Body of the Imperial Army with a fresh Reserve, which so animated the Suedes and disorder'd their Enemies, that at length the Germans not a­ble longer to sustain the Shock, left their Cannon and retreated into a Forest. Now followed a Dreadful Slaughter; for, the Sue­dish [Page 158]Cavalry environ'd the chas'd Germans, whom Coningsmark had hunted out of the Forest, and charged them with such Fury, that they were most of them cut in Pieces. The Germans lost Four Thousand Men on the Spot, and as many more in the Pursuit.

I have sent thee in the inclosed Paper, a List of all the Officers of Note which were slain in this Battel, which is esteemed one of the most Bloody, that has been fought in Eu­rope between Christians on both Sides these Two Hundred Years. Thou wilt there find above Three Hundred Commanders, from whom a Death not Inglorious has taken their Commissions.

The Germans also lost Six and Forty Pieces of Cannon, Sixty Five Standards, all their Am­munition, a Hundred and Sixty Carts, and Six Hundred Wagons; with all the Treasury of the Arch-Duke Leopold, and General Pico­lomini.

This Battel was fought, on the First of the Eleventh Moon, as we reckon; but, accord­ing to the Christians Account, on the Twenty First of the Tenth Moon.

After this Signal Victory, General Torsten­son shewed himself again before Leipsick, ap­proached the Walls, planted his Batteries; and, though the Besieged at first made shew of a firm Resolution to defend the Place, yet the Terror which the late Defeat of the Ger­man Forces had struck them with, soon alte­red their Counsels, and they surrender'd upon Honourable Conditions.

In the mean Time, General Picolomini and the Arch-duke of Austria, are retired into Bohemia. The German Court is full of Ap­prehensions; and, new Levies are every where making, to join the shatter'd Remnants of the Army. The Affairs of the King of Hun­gary are at an ill Pass, and all things look with a Cloudy Aspect on the Empire.

From the Side of Italy, we hear nothing of Moment, but the Spaniards are taking such Measures, as may best repair the Loss of Tor­tona; and, to that End, the Duke of Milan is making all the Preparations which are cu­stomary in such Cases. 'Tis said here, they intend to recover that Place again.

May these Quarrels of the Infidels continue, till the determinate Time shall come, that our Victorious Armies shall subdue them to the Mussulman Empire.

LETTER XIII.
To the Kaimacham.

WHEN I sent thee Word of the Death of Cardinal Richlieu, I thought it the same thing, as if I had presented thee with the Head of one of the most Dangerous Ene­mies of the Ottoman Empire. That Head which while the Owner lived, was always plotting of Mischief, had it not been diverted by nearer Intrigues, would not have fail'd to put some horrid Design in Execution against the Sublime Port, which of all the Thrones in the World, seems alone to o'er-top the Grandeur of France.

But, this Court, seems to play the Hydra; for, no sooner is the Head of one of her Prime Ministers laid, but upsprings another in the Room of it, equal in Vigour and Subtilty. And we have still as much Reason to appre­hend the Counsels of Cardinal Mazarini, as before we had to suspect those of Richlieu.

The Generality of the People at first, look­ed for another Conduct in the King towards the Creatures of the Late Minister; since he himself, toward the latter End of his Life, seem'd to subsist in the Court, rather through the Necessity the King had of his Counsels, than any Motive of Affection.

However, the King has exactly complied with the Cardinal's dying Requests, in ho­nouring [Page 161]several of his Relations and Friends, with Places of considerable Trust. And, 'tis to his last Recommendation, Cardinal Maza­rini is obliged for the Authority he now pos­sesses. In using of which, he discovers a re­fined Policy, and a Modesty which hath but few Examples.

The many Combinations and Attempts a­gainst Cardinal Richlieu, and the King's Cold­ness to him during the Siege of Perpignan, sufficiently instructed Mazarini, that it was impossible to possess so Eminent a Charge, without drawing on him the Envy and Hatred of the Grandees. He considered also, That he was a Stranger, whereas Rich­lieu was a Native of France. Therefore, he unites his Interest with that of Two Great Officers, who also courted the King's Favour; the one, is Superintendent of the Finances; the other, Secretary of State. These being long­er acquainted with the nice Transactions of the Court, and the Intrigues of the Grandees, do him no small Service with their Instructi­ons, and likewise abate the Popular Spight, or at least, share it with the Cardinal; since no Body will be so partial, as to lay the Blame of any Miscarriage on Him alone, who seems to do nothing without the Direction of his Two Partners, (for so he calls them, as if these Three shared among them the Authori­ty of the Defunct Cardinal.) This is a pure Trick of Mazarini; and he serves himself of them as we use a Ladder, designing by their Means to mount by safer Steps, and on their [Page 162]Shoulders, to lift himself unenvied to the Helm of the State. Not, but that he is actually Invested with the Primacy by the King; but, he is willing to divert the Storm which that will draw upon him from the Nobles, therefore he cunningly seems to decline it, pretending an earnest Desire to with-draw into Italy, and in the Interim has chosen these Two for his Col­leagues. Thus he grasps with one Hand, what with the other he seems to reject; and by his Magnificent Living, his Obsequious Court, and obliging Carriage to all, he demonstrates, that if he should pass the Alps, his Heart would be left behind him in France, and that he only aims to be establish'd in the Ministery, with Universal Applause.

It makes me smile sometimes, to see what pains he takes to entangle himself in Infinite Hazards and Trouble, as if he were of a Con­stitution like that of a Salamander, which cannot live out of a Fire.

The Great God encrease the Vertues and Graces of the Illustrious Kaimacham, and of all the Ministers that stand by the Bright Throne of Justice, the Seat of the Ottoman Em­perors.

LETTER XIV.
To the Venerable Mufti, Prince of the Interpreters of the Law and Judges of Equity.

A Cloud of Sorrow o'er-spreads the Kingdom of France; their Sun is set; the Mighty Lewis, for whom all Europe had been too narrow, had he liv'd, is now confined within the Limits of a Grave. He died at St. Ger­mains yesterday, being the Fourteenth of the Fifth Moon; having left his Queen possess'd of the Regency, and Cardinal Mazarini, of the Prime Conduct of the State.

He was a Prince of great Virtue, which with his successful Conquests and Victories, pro­cur'd him the Envy of his Neighbours. And, some Criticks among his own Subjects, pretend to find many Faults in his Proceedings; as, Breach of Royal Promise to the Governor of Saumur, when he delivered him the Keys of the Town; to the Rochellers, in not raizing Lewis's Fort. Among Foreigners, the Duke of Savoy, the Duke of Lorrain, and the German Emperor, charge him with Breach of Articles in his Treaties. So does the King of Spain. And all of them complain, That he alone has involv'd all Christendom in War and Blood.

Every Thing has two Handles, and Men are apt to take all things by the Worst, especi­ally [Page 164]in Cases of this Nature. It is difficult for a Sovereign Monarch, to carry himself so even­ly in Peace or War, as to escape Obloquy; especially, if he be Victorious. Losers must have leave to be peevish.

But I forget that I speak to him, who can repeal the Sentences of Greatest Monarchs; before whose unerring Tribunal, all Earthly Dignities stand mute. Therefore, avoiding all impertinent Glosses, I will only present thee with what is proper to be said without par­tiality in Lewis his Vindication, being Matter of Fact, and leave the Decision to thy Sacred Judgment.

Herein it will not be amiss to call to Mind, how the Kings of Spain, and the whole House of Austria, have invaded and disturbed the Peace of Europe, from time to time, these many Years.

The Usurpation of Navarre by Ferdinand King of Arragon, began the fatal Jarr, when he deposed John of Albert and Catharine his Queen, though he himself had no other Title to this Kingdom, than what the Swords of the Arragonians and Castilians gave him; being of Pyrrhus and Lysander's Mind, who knew no other Limits to their Dominions, than what their Enemies stout Resistance set them. Thus Navarre being adjacent to Old Castile, Biscay and Galicia, it became a Prey to Spain. Add to this, his Breach of Royal Word to Catharine de Medicis, (Queen-Mother of France;) to Don Antonio, the next Heir of Portugal; the Dukes of Savoy and Parma, and [Page 165] Catharine, Dutchess of Braganza; that he would acquiesce to the Chamber of Lisbon, in the Case of Succession to the Crown of Portu­gal; when, contrary to all Law and Justice, he Invaded that Kingdom unawares, making it a Tributary Province to the Spanish Crown!

It has been the usual Methods of Politick and wise Princes, to check the Torrent of their Neighbours growing Greatness, to lopp the Luxuriant Branches of ill-gotten Empire; and, had Henry IV. of France prolong'd his Life, 'tis thought he would have reconquer'd Navarre, and planted the Flower-de-luces in Fontarabia, and Pampelone. Who can then with Justice, tax Lewis XIII. for managing a War, which all the World expected of his Father?

Moreover, the Spanish Methods in conquer­ing Mexico and Peru, Two mighty Empires in America; their barbarous Cruelty, their inhumane Butchery of above Twenty Millions of the Natives, when neither Dignity, nor Age, nor Sex, was spar'd, but all became a Sacrifice to their Insatiable Avarice of Gold, was a sufficient Argument to incense all the Princes in the World against them.

I have no Interest in France, any more than I should have in Spain if I were there: I only plead for Justice.

'Twas time for France to be alarm'd and stand upon her Guard, when she saw her Potent Neighbour planting fresh Alliances and Inter­ests, like Batteries, round about her; had the Danger only threatned from beyond the Py­renean [Page 166]Mountains, she might have waited their Designs. But, when she saw so many Powers and States united in close Leagues, and wholly subject to Spain, 'twas time to beat the Drum and carry the War from Home, 'twas time to climb the Alps and take a survey of Spanish Italy; for, the Kingdom of Naples, the Dutchy of Millain, the Island of Sicily, the Dukes of Mantua, Parma, and Ʋrbin, the Princes of Massa and Piombino, with the Free States of Genoua and Luca, did then all march under the Banner of Spain. So that none but the Great Duke of Toscany, with the Republick of Venice, were left to withstand his threatning Arms. Who will now blame King Lewis, for drawing into his Confederacy the Hollanders, Hessians, Grisons, and the Suedes? How could he otherwise dissolve that formidable Union aforesaid?

Besides, the Murders of Henry III. and Henry IV. the one Kill'd at St. Clou by James Clement, the other at Paris by Ravillac, were so apparently hatch'd, and committed by Spa­nish Counsel and Influence, that, had Lewis, the late King, no other Reasons to stand upon his Guard, and observe the Motions of Spain, yet that were enough to Justify his war-like Preparations against that Crown. For, be­sides the Motives of a Just Revenge, the com­mon Jealousies of State, must needs prompt him to do his utmost, in Prevention of Spa­nish Intrigues.

Nor ought his matching with the Infanta, to have given him any greater security; since, [Page 167]under the fairest Grass, many times lurks the most Venemous Snake. What Spain could not do by open Force nor secret Conspiracy, she hoped might be accomplish'd by this spe­cious Marriage. And, it was no small step to­ward it, that the numerous Train of Spani­ards, which came into France with the Infan­ta, presently skrewed themselves into all Of­fices and Places of trust, both in Church and States; daily making Parties and Pension­ers for Spain, till at length all France grew weary of them? so that the King was con­strained to send them Home again: Else it is more than probable, that in a little Time he might have seen this flourishing Kingdom, in a worse Condition than ever had been known before. He has already seen the Bowels of France ript up by Intestine Broils, and weltring in its own Blood; he has seen the Princes and Nobles armed against him, debauching and alienating the Allegiance of the French Gentry, Clergy and Commons, and covering their pernicious Rebellion under the Mask of the Holy League. He has seen the Duke of Rohan leading up and down an Army of Twelve Thousand Foot, and Twelve Hun­dred Horse, at the King of Spain's Cost; he himself with his Brother Soubize, being both Pensioners to the King of Spain, the one re­ceiving Fourteen, the other Eight Thousand Crowns a Year. In fine, he has seen the strong­est Cities and Forts of Picardy, Normandy, and other Provinces of France plundered, and pillaged by flying Armies of Spaniards and [Page 168] Imperialists, even when he least dream'd of any such Misfortune, being at the same time involv'd in Civil Wars with his own Subjects. After all this, had he not Reason to prevent the like Mischiefs and Incursions for the fu­ture, by transporting the War into his Ene­mies Countries, who had committed so many Hostilities and Ravages in his? It was certain­ly high Time for France to rouze up her Mar­tial Genius, and leave off her dreaming The­ory, when Spain was so busie with the Pra­ctick.

These are the Arguments that may be al­ledged, in Vindication of the King of France's Conduct toward Spain. And not much less is to be recriminated upon the Emperor of Germany, his seizing the Dutchy of Cleves and Juliers, with many Towns and Bishopricks in the Counties of Luxemburgh and La Marck; as also in the Frontiers of Suisserland and Lorrain. His Conquest of the Palatinate, with the chiefest Cities, Forts, and Passes of the Grisons; his reducing the Lives and Liberties of that People to their last Gasp and Period, was a sufficient Motive to the French King, to put a speedy. Check to this encreasing Gran­deur of the House of Austria.

I leave the Determination of these Matters to thy Sage Wisdom, Great Arbiter of Justice, and bowing my Head to the Dust, awfully retire.

LETTER XIII.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of State.

THREE Days ago, Lewis XIII. King of France and Navarre, was arrested by the King of Terrors, and forc'd to pay the Grand Debt, to God and Nature; I will not say, before it was due, but sooner than the accustomed Time of Payment, being not full Forty Three Years old.

Yet Heaven was so Indulgent, as not to suffer the Grim Messenger of Fate, to snatch him hence without a previous Summons: His Distemper being a lingring Consumption, which gave him frequent Intimations of his fading Strength.

There are not wanting such as whisper, That he was hurried out of the World before his Time, by some unnatural Artifice. And, the Common Sort say, that Mazarini's Scar­let, looks of a more Sanguine Hue, than it did Four Days ago.

The Reason of this Jealousie, I suppose, is grounded on the Familiarity that has been observed between the now Queen-Regent and the Cardinal; both also being Strangers to the French Blood, she a Spaniard and he an Ita­lian. I will not determine how far these Re­flections are justifiable, because I know it is [Page 170]impossible for Persons in their Circumstances, to avoid the Censure of busie prying Minds, in such a Juncture as this: Yet some, who move in a Sphere above the Vulgar, cannot forget by whose Instigations his Royal Father, Henry the Great, was sent out of the World.

The known familiar Access which the Mar­quis Spinola gave to Ravillac at Brussels, the private Entertainments between them a lit­tle before that Murderer gave the fatal Blow, together with other Circumstances, amounted to more than a strong Presumption with the French, that Spain was the Principal Author of that Tragedy.

And, the sudden Exclamation of Francesco Corvini, an Italian Astrologer, the Night be­fore the King was kill'd, made some Men cast an Eye of Suspicion beyond the Alps. For, he standing on the Leads of his House in Flo­rence, as though he were observing the Stars, on a sudden stamp'd with his Foot, and said, To Morrow the Most Potent Monarch of Eu­rope will be kill'd. But some curious Heads imagine, he had his Intelligence nearer Hand, than from the Heavens; and, that rather, some of the Great Italian Stars had made him thus Prophetick.

Hence, by comparing these Times with those, the present Regency of a Spaniard, and Superintendency of an Italian, creates a like Suspicion in the French, concerning the Death of Lewis XIII, who though he died in his Bed, yet might as well be murder'd by a Drug, as his Father was by a Knife. These [Page 171]are the secret Surmises of Cabals, not a little heightned by reflecting on the Time of both their Deaths; both dying in the same Month, the same Day of the Month, and much about the same Hour of the Day.

Yet, notwithstanding these Murmurs, when his Body was open'd, and his Intrails taken out and search'd, the Physicians gave their Sentence, That he died a Natural Death. His Bowels are carried to St. Denis, a Town above Three Leagues from Paris, there to be buried; and his Body is Embalmed in order to its Se­pulture in the same a Place; there being Mag­nificent Church, where all the Royal Blood of France is commonly Interr'd.

Yesterday I was in Company with one of his Physicians, and entring into Discourse of the King's Death, (the common Theme of all Companies at present) he told us that the King's Wasting and Death proceeded from the Disproportion of his Moisture to his Heat, the latter being predominant in his Constitu­tion; so that not meeting with a sufficient check from Natural Humidity, it kindled con­stant Fevers in his Body, which never left him till he left the World.

He was a very devout Man in his Religion, and free from Vice, at least, to outward Ob­servation. A remarkable Instance of his Pi­ety he gave in his Youth; when entring a cer­tain Country Village, the better Sort of In­habitants offered to attend him with a Cano­py; he answer'd, I hear you have no Church here, neither will I suffer a Canopy of State to [Page 172]be born over my Head in that Place, where God hath not a Consecrated Roof to dwell un­der, (For, these Nazarenes believe, that God dwells in their Temples.)

He was temperate to a Miracle, in the Midst of Royal Dainties; not suffering his Pa­late to betray his Vertue. He scorn'd those Pleasures which debase the Mind. And, took more delight in the noise of Drums and Trum­pets, and the Roaring of Cannon, than in the soft Blandishments of Love. He was adorn­ed with many other Vertues, which gained him the Love of all, and more especially, the Favour of Heaven. Yet, after all his Victories, Successes and Triumphs, all that can be now said of him is, He is dead. Thus passes away the Glory of the Greatest Poten­tates.

God preserve our Invincible Sultan, ever Glorious, Prosperous, Renowned and Im­mortal.

LETTER XIV.
To the Kaimacham.

I Am plac'd as an Echo in Paris, to remit to the Ottoman Port, the Sanctuary of the World, whatsoever makes a Noise in Christen­dom. I have sent a Dispatch to the Venera­ble Mufti, as also to the Principal Secre­tary of State, containing the News of the Death of Lewis XIII. King of France and Navarre.

I need not repeat here, what I have said to them; Because I know, they will commu­nicate to thee my Letters.

Yet suffer me to say something of this Great Monarch, who had his Nature been more du­rable, would in all probability have exceeded all his Royal Progenitors, both in his Conquests abroad, and his Absolute Sway at Home. Of which he gave an early Presage, appearing at the Head of Armies, at those Years when other Princes are but learning the Rudiments of War in the Academy.

When he was little more than Twelve Years of Age, he began to discover his Valour and Conduct, in subduing the Rebels of Poi­tou and Bretaigne, leading an Army against them in his own Person.

Yet, that Success, did not discourage o­thers of his Subjects, from attempting fresh Insurrections against him. Fate decreed, that [Page 174]he should gather the Laurels which com­posed his Crown, from amongst Briars and Thorns; His whole Life being one continued Series of War, either at Home or Abroad, and sometimes both.

But, that which most exercis'd his Pati­ence, was, the frequent Intestine Broils and Insurrections of his own Subjects, of which he saw no less than Ten during his Reign, some of them headed and abetted by the Prin­ces of the Blood; Nay, as if Heaven had cut him out for the Toils of War, when all Things else were in a Posture of Peace, his own Mother and Monsieur his Brother, several Times call'd him into the Field, by taking up Arms against him.

When Victory had erected Obelisks and o­ther Monuments of Honour to him in Italy and Spain, and had cut Triumphal Arches through the Alps and Pyrenean Mountains, for the Conquerours Return; when he had made the Rhine to flow with German Blood, and had every where both by Sea and Land left Tokens of his matchless Fortune; com­ing to his own Country, instead of Trophies and Honours to welcome home their Sove­reign, his Ears were always grated with the unwelcome News of Civil Wars in his own Kingdom.

Yet, he that considers, need not wonder at these Convulsions of the State in France; or any other Kingdom so populous as that is. In the Oeconomy of the Ʋniverse, though it be governed by an Eternal Providence which [Page 175]cannot err, yet we see the Elements at war with each other, and that perpetually; and out of this restless Strife and Quarrel, arises the Health and good Constitution of the Na­tural World. So is it in the Political World; No Kingdom or Commonweath can subsist with­out Purgations of her peccant and superfluous Humours; which War effects, as the most Appropriate and Natural Remedy in such Cases.

Neither had Lewis any great Reason to be angry at these Disorders, since through his Prudent Management, they furnish'd him both with the Opportunity and Means to re­duce this Kingdom to an entire Obedience, which his Predecessors could never accom­plish. Thus, they say, the Palm, the more it is oppressed with Weights, shoots up the higher.

Kingdoms and Empires, like Natural Bo­dies, have their proper Time of Growth; and, the Genius of each Nation, stimulates it with a strong Desire and Appetite of enlarging its Dominions, which it never ceases to pursue, till it be arrived to the Meridian and Height of Grandeur; though it be often interrupted and retarded in its Course to Maturity, by State-Fevers and other Maladies.

Thus France, during the Nonage of her growing State, felt various Shocks and Fits; often threatned with a Dissolution by the high-wrought Blood of potent Factions. Yet, in her Constitution, she had Antidotes as well as Poysons: And, her wise Kings, had skill [Page 176]to check and curb a Popular Disease. But, none e'er rooted out the Cause, till this great Lewis took the Cure in Hand. He has a­wakned all the Vital Powers of State, and rowz'd the very Soul of Government. 'Tis he alone, has crush'd the last Head of that Fa­ctious Hydra, which for so many Reigns, had exercis'd the Arms of his Royal Ancestors.

Wouldst thou know, by what Methods he has accomplish'd this Great Work? I'll tell thee in a Word; by Rigour and Severity. He fleec'd the Rich Plebeians of their Gold, and kept the Poor in that Condition, by continual Taxes and Impositions.

Yet, he was a Prince of that admirable Temper in his Government, that he acquired the Epithet of Just.

His Queen is now Regent, according to the Law of France, the Dauphin being but Four Years of Age.

The Sovereign Arbiter of Fate, grant to the Glorious Sultan, Victory over all his E­nemies, that so, these Western Nations, when their Course is run, may be subdued to the Sacred Empire of the True Believers.

LETTER XV.
To the Venerable Mufti, Successor of the Prophets, and Messengers of God.

THY last Letter, has confirmed the Ef­fects of the former; and given me a fresh Testimony, of thy Paternal Affection and Friendship: It is an evident Sign, that thou takest Care of poor Mahmut, when with an Authority full of Tenderness, thou reprovest his Faults, without leaving him Occasion to despair. Such Reprehensions, are a Sovereign Balm to a wounded Spirit; and, I hope, af­ter an Application sweetned with so much Clemency, I shall never do any Thing which may merit or need the Discipline requisite to a Gangrene.

If I was negligent in performing the Pe­nance thou before enjoynedst me, I will now endeavour to make Reparation. If the Ac­count I gave thee, of the Religion of these Western Parts, was too Superficial and Brief; I will now enlarge, and present thee with the Chief Observations and Remarks I have made during my Residence here, and my Captivity in Palermo.

I need not acquaint thee, with that which causes the Greatest Rupture between the Ro­man and Greek Churches; Cyril the Patriarch, [Page 178]has said enough to thee on that Subject. Thou knowest, that the Grand Quarrel between them is about the Supremacy, which the Ro­man Prelate claims over all the Churches in the World, by a Divine Right. But, neither Cyril, nor the Friars of Jerusalem with whom he contested, would inform thee, that this Supremacy where ever it resides, is onely founded in Right of the Empire. They would make thee believe, That the Christian Bi­shops were, from the Beginning, Sovereigns, Established by God, Princes Independent of the Imperial Sceptre; concealing, that the First Founders of their pretended Monarchy, were poor Fishermen, who never dream'd of such a Grandeur, as their Successors were after­wards invested with, by the Liberality of the Roman and Grecian Emperours. It would be a Reproach to themselves, if they should let thee know, how Holy and Harmless were the First Patriarchs of Byzantium and Rome, who refused the Honours and Dignities of the World, and were only Ambitious of Excel­ling one another in Vertue and a Pious Life. Their very Addresses to thee, are a Contradi­ction to the Examples of their Predecessors, each Party offering Treasures of Gold, think­ing to bribe the Incorruptible Judge with the glittering Dirt. Assuredly, the Seeds of an Irreconcilable Discord are sown in these Infi­dels; they are setled upon the Lees of Error, till the Day of Judgment.

As to the State of Controversie between them, it is certain, that while Rome was the [Page 179] Capital Seat of the Empire, the Roman Bi­shops had the Superiority granted them; but, when the Imperial Residence was translated from thence to Byzantium, by Constantine the Great (from whom it derives the Name it now bears of Constantinople) then the Ec­clesiastical Supremacy was also transferr'd to the Patriarch of that City; who enjoys it to this Day, through the Favour of our Mu­nificent Sultans, who succeed the Ancient Emperours of Greece. This Superlative Pow­er, the Popes of Rome would not recognize in any other but themselves, being loath to part with the Authority they once possess'd; whence proceeded the Schism between the Two Chur­ches of the East and West. And, while the Patriarchs of the Grecians, shelter'd their new acquir'd Honour, under the Protection of the Emperours; the Popes, partly by Artifice and partly by Force, made themselves Lords of Rome and the Adjacent Territories, taking Advantage of the Absence of the Emperours, the Pusillanimity of the Senators, and Discord of the Citizens. Supported with this Princely Estate, they Excommunicate all the Churches which did not submit to them, as the Sove­reign Prelates of the Christian World; pub­lishing severe Edicts against the Greek Church, and doing every Thing that might confirm the World, in the Belief of their Authority and Grandeur. The Potentates of Europe, frightned with the Thunder which the Ro­man Pontifs used, and induced by other Rea­sons, did Homage to them, acknowledging [Page 180]their Sovereign Jurisdiction in the West. In this State they have continued ever since, without yielding in any Thing to the Patriarchs of Constantinople.

There have been great Endeavours used on both Sides, to gain their respective Ends; and, several General Councils were called, that is, an Assembly of the Chief Bishops and Doctors of both Churches, to examine and decide the Difference. And, sometimes the Fathers of the Greek Church, have subscribed a Submis­sion to the Pope; but, as soon as they return'd home, they have Recanted, and the Breach render'd as wide as ever. They accuse the Ro­mans of Partiality, and say, That the Coun­cils were pack'd; yet, both Parties seem to give an extraordinary Deference to these Gene­ral Councils, believing, That the Holy Ghost is there present, and guides them into all Truth. The Councils which they esteem In­fallible, have contradicted each other: This Re­pealing what That had Decreed, and a Third Disannulling that Repeal. The Councils be­lieve themselves above the Pope, and the Pope exalts himself above the Councils. Sometimes they have Two or Three Popes together, all claiming that, which can be the Right but of One. In fine, they have involved them­selves in such a Labyrinth of Disputes and Cavils, and are entangl'd in such a Circle of Absurdities, that the soberer part of Christi­ans, begin to question the Authority both of Popes and Councils: Insomuch, as it being ge­nerally known, that the last Assembly of [Page 181]this Kind, was manifestly over-ruled by the Agents of the Court of Rome, people spar'd not to pass this Jest on it, and say, That the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome to the Council of Trent in a Cloak-bag; intimating thereby, the many Instructions and Advices which were continually transmitted from Rome by the Post, to the Fathers sitting in that Council, whereby all things were determined according to the Pope's Pleasure, and to the Advantage of the Roman Court.

'Tis certain, the Christians now-adays, have abated much of that Blind Obedience, which they formerly paid to the Roman Pontifs: they begin to see with their own Eyes, and not with those of their Priests. There was a Time, when many Kings were made to hold their Crowns in Fee of the Roman Prelate, who pretended a Right to dispose of all the King­doms and Empires of the Earth, as Vicar of God. But, the Kings of England, Suede­land, and Denmark, with some Princes of the German Empire and the States of Holland, have taught others the Way to stand upon their Guard; so that, though the Emperour of Germany, Kings of France, Spain and Poland, with the Princes of Italy, profess an Obedi­ence to the Holy Father, yet 'tis rather out of a Maxim of Policy, than any real Perswasion of Religion.

The Spaniards seem the most superstiti­ously Devoted to the See of Rome; yet, they will not endure the Excommunication, which the Pope pronounces against their King, above [Page 182]the Space of one Day: It seems, upon some old Difference between them, it is usual for the Holy Father to Excommunicate this So­vereign once a Year, that is, on the Thurs­day before Easter, which is the same as our Feast of Beiram. Now, as I am told, the Spanish Ambassador next Day, presents the Pope with a Gennet or Horse, upon which the Censure is taken off. This is an Ecclesi­astick Juggle; and the Court of Rome use a great deal of such Holy Legerdemain, to keep the Sons of the Church in their Obedi­ence.

The French Church, though in all Things agreeing and professing an entire Obedience to the Roman, yet claims to her self some Im­munities and Privileges, which the Court of Rome is very loath to grant. Hence it comes to pass, that there arise frequent Contests be­tween the Popes and the Kings of France, which are generally accommodated to the Ad­vantage of the Latter; the Pope not being willing to try the Force, of THE LAST REASON OF KINGS: This is a Mot­to, engraven on the French King's Cannon, which he has threatned to carry to the Walls of Rome, if the Pope should entrench on the Gallican Rights.

But, though they thus disagree in some Ni­ceties of State, yet they and all the Rest of the Nations, within the Roman Communion, have but one Form of Divine Service, which they call the Mass, and it is the same with the Grecian Liturgy. On Festival Days, it [Page 183]is solemnized with Variety of Choice Musick and Singing; with Innumerable Wax-Tapers, burning at Noon-day. I have seen at such a Time, Sixteen Priests before the Altar, all Vested in most costly Silks, embroidered with Gold and Pearls.

They have also many Chappels and Altars in the same Church, and sometimes they Ce­lebrate Mass on all the Altars together; dif­fering herein from those of the Greek Commu­nion, who have but one Altar in a Temple: For which they plead Antiquity, it never ha­ving been known, that the Primitive Chri­stians had any more. On the other side, the Romans plead Conveniency, for the Multi­tude of their Altars, that the Pope has a pow­er to dispense with the Ancient Rites and Tra­ditions in such Cases; and, that nothing was more reasonable, than that their Altars should be multiplied, as the Number of their Prose­lytes and Priests encreas'd.

I will not pretend to decide this Controver­sie; permit me only to say, that the Faith­ful Mussulmans, have more reason to require several Preachers at the same time in our Magnificent Mosques, where it is impossible for all the Auditors in so vast an Assembly, to hear and understand the Law Expounded by one Man, though it be performed in the Vul­gar Tongue: Whereas, their Service is cele­brated in a Language, whereof the Multitude are utterly ignorant. It matters not much, whether they are near the Priest at the Altar, or afar off, since they understand not a Word [Page 184]he says; and, the Grecians judge it sufficient, to be present at this their Daily Sacrifice, tho it be at the very Porch of the Temple.

Another Difference there is also between these Two Churches; The Roman allows not a Married Priest, unless in some extraordi­nary Cases, and then the Pope's Dispensation must be procured. But, Concubinage is con­nived at, though forbidden by the Cannons of the Church: Whereas thou knowest, that all the Grecian Papa's; marry and get Chil­dren.

The Spaniards, among all the Nations within the Roman Pale, are reckon'd the Best Catholicks, but the Worst Christians; the French are said to be, the Best Christians, but the Worst Catholicks; and, the Italians, are accounted neither Catholicks nor Christians.

I know not what reason they have to state the Difference so between the Two Former; but, the Character of the Latter, suits in one Respect with the usual Proverb of that Coun­try; it being common in the Mouths of Ita­lian Gallants, to say, He that is a Christian is a Fool.

The Devouter sort of Catholicks, pay a great Reverence and Devotion to the Re­liques of their Saints. I could not reprehend them for this, if I were sure of Two Things, That all those whom they esteem as Saints were really such; and, That all the Reliques they keep with so much Veneration in their Churches, did really appertain to the Persons under whose Names they go: For, then it [Page 185]would be no more, than what the True Be­lievers practise throughout the World; and it is well known, That when a piece of the Garment of our Holy Prophet, was dipt in the Water which they cast on the Flames of Con­stantinople, the Fire immediately ceased, to which before no Stop could be given by all the Industry and Endeavours of Men. Assu­redly, the Bodies of the Prophets and Mes­sengers of God, are Holy, and have a Power of Sanctifying whatever they touch, produ­cing often Miraculous Effects; but, the Ava­rice of Men may abuse this Truth to their own private Ends; and, the Christians them­selves will not believe all to be true Reliques of Saints, which their Crafty Priests shew for such.

There be innumerable other Sects of Chri­stians, which are neither in Communion with the Roman nor the Grecian Churches; but, accusing them of Idolatry, separate themselves from their Society, and form Distinct Con­gregations. These are not known in France, saving only the Hugonots, otherwise called Protestants: Which last, is a Term compre­hending all that have Revolted from the Roman Church, and was first assumed by the Lutherans at Ausburgh in Germany.

In England and Holland, there are abun­dance of these Sects, some of them newly sprung up, others of longer Date. And, all thus far agree with the Mussulmans, that they use not Pictures or Images in their Temples; so, that were they rightly instructed in the [Page 186] Holy Alcoran, it would not be a Thing alto­gether impracticable, to perswade them to Circumcision. There is a Sect which they call Socinians, who seem to preach out of the very Book of Glory, denying the Divinity of Jesus, the Son of Mary, the Christians Messias; e­ven as our Divine Lawgiver does in several Chapters and Versicles of the Alcoran.

The Christian Church, seems to be a state­ly Building, whereof Prelacy is the Cor­ner-Stone; if this were removed, all would fall to the Ground. That which they call the Hierarchy, if it could once be dissolv'd or pull'd down, we should soon see all Christen­dom laid in Ruines. This Hierarchy is a Gra­dual Subordination of Arch-Bishops, Bishops and Priests; the Inferiour depending on the Superiour, and all deriving their Orders and Dignities from their Chief Patriarchs. These are the Links which compose that Chain, that fastens Christendom together; were this but once broke, the United Interest of Europe would soon fall into pieces. The Way must be, by beginning at the lowermost Link: Could but the Priests be render'd Independent on the Bishops, and on each other, it would be a fair step toward the dismantling of the Out-works, these Priests drawing infinite Numbers of People after them; as it is appa­rent in Geneva, Holland, Suisserland and o­ther Places, where they have quite abolish'd the Order and Authority of Bishops: And it is observable, that none of these foremen­tioned Countries since that Time, have ever [Page 187]been Instrumental in opposing the Victorious Arms of the Ottoman Empire; As, if, with the Downfal of Episcopacy, the Charm were dissipated, which had for some Ages precipi­tated these Nations (among others) to a rash and Obstinate Resistance of that Force, which is destin'd by Fate, to Conquer and Reform the World.

Weigh this Thought well, and thou wilt find, that the Order of Bishops, is Essential and Necessary to the Good Estate of Christen­dom; and, that the onely Way for the Mus­sulmans to undermine all Europe, will be, to supplant this Order, and Introduce an Eccle­siastick Independency among the Priests; by which means, every one shall assume to him­self, not onely his proper Fragment of the torn Dignity, but the whole Fundamental Power of a Bishop; taking upon him to do those Offices, which before it was not accoun­ted Lawful for any but a Mitred Head to per­form. Hence, in Time, will follow innume­rable Inconveniences, Distastes, and Broils; and, perhaps, as many Schisms, as there are particular Priests to head them: Since, every one will be apt to think himself capable of di­ctating to all the Rest, and judge it below him to receive the Law from any. Thus, will there be a clear Stage, for Ambition, Avarice and Lust, to act their Parts on; and when, by the Craft of designing Men, the Supersti­tion of Bigots, and the Easiness of the Credu­lous, the greatest Part shall be so divided, that it will be difficult to find Two Men of the [Page 188]same Mind in Articles of Faith; It will then be easie, either by the Intelligible Reasons in the Alcoran, or the more Cogent Arguments of the Sword, to plant the True and Ʋndefiled Faith in these Countries. The Creator of all Things hasten his Holy Prophet's Return, that all Nations may embrace his Law, assert his Ʋnity, and be incorporated into the Glorious Empire of the Ozmans.

LETTER XVI.
To the Kaimacham.

SInce the Death of King Lewis, all mens Eyes and Hearts are fix'd upon the Dau­phin; who, though he is very Young, yet is he a Prince of a forward Genius, and promising Aspect, giving signal Proofs of a Martial Spirit.

One Day, seeing the Guards, as they were exercising their Arms, he discovered an extra­ordinary Complacency, and said to those that stood by; I had rather be a Soldier, than a King: Imagining, from the Softnesses he is accustomed to in these Infant Years, that the Life of a Soldier, is incompatible with that of a King.

Since that Time, he harasses his Tutor and [Page 189]Attendants, with perpetual Tattle about Guns and Swords. And, Cardinal Maza­rini, not to baffle or check such Generous Inclinations, has cull'd out a Companion for him, agreeable in Temper, onely a Year or Two elder.

These Young Sons of Mars, bestow their Time partly in shooting with little harmless Engines, made on purpose for the Dauphin's Recreation, in Imitation of Guns; some­times with Bows and Arrows; at other Times, they fence with Files adapted to their tender Arms, and childish Skill. In these Kind of Exercises, the Dauphin grows a great Profici­ent; and, it is look'd upon, as an Omen of his future Warlike Deeds.

A Spanish Astrologer, has calculated his Nativity. He Prophesies strange Things of this Young Prince; As, that he shall excel all his Royal Ancestors in Feats of Arms; That he shall make the Crown of France Imperial, having subdued Spain, Italy and Germany; That he shall shake the Ottoman Empire, but, in the End, shall be deposed by his own Subjects.

I know not what Credit may be given to the Professors of this Science, in regard the Ancient Rules of Astrology, on which the Chaldeans, and other Eastern Sages ground­ed their Predictions, are now either wholly lost, or so corrupted and obscured by the Com­ments and Glosses of later Authors, that there are hardly any Footsteps of the Origi­nal Maxims to be trac'd. Yet, without trou­bling [Page 190] Astrologers, Prophets, or Wizards, one may presage from the Natural Genius of the Dauphin, that when he comes to feel his Strength, he will not be idle, but follow his Fathers Steps, who, before he was Thirteen Years of Age, appear'd at the Head of Ar­mies.

The Omnipotent guard our Glorious Sultan, and the Empire Established by his own Hands, and, may his Blessing descend on the Royal Off-spring; that the Young Sultan Mahomet, may perform greater Things, than are pro­phesied of the French Dauphin.

LETTER XVII.
To the Vizir Azem, at the Port.

I Remember, I promised to send thee far­ther Advices of the War between Spain and Portugal, since the late Revolution in those Parts.

The Island of Tercera, was the only Place that held out against the New King, when all others, with Expressions of extraordinary Joy for their Deliverance from the Castilian Yoke▪ submitted to and acknowledg'd D. Juan de Braganza, as the Lawful Heir of that Crown

The Resistance which the Governor of this Island made, obliged the King to send thither a certain Number of Ships of War, to block up the Place, and hinder the Importance of any Provisions. And, this course prov'd suc­cessful; for, though the Spaniards attempted several Times to relieve it, yet their Vessels were either taken by the Portugueze Fleet, or sent back again without doing their Er­rand. So that at length, Dom Alvaro de Vi­veiros, the Governor, finding himself reduced to great Streights for want of Necessaries, without any Hopes of being relieved, was forced to Capitulate and Surrender.

The New King has made an Allyance with the Suedes, which is of no small Advantage to him; having thereby established a Com­merce with that Country, and furnishing him­self from thence with Powder, Horses, Arms and all other Provisions of War.

He has also made a Treaty with the Hollan­ders, but not with so good Success as the for­mer. Thou hast heard what Possessions the Kings of Spain and Portugal have acquired in America, they being the first Discoverers of that New World. It happened, that about the Time of the late Revolution in Portugal, the Hollanders of Brasil took from the Portu­gueze the Towns of Angola, St. Thomas, Ma­ragnon and other Places belonging to D. Juan de Braganza in those Parts. The Knowledge of this coming to the Portugueze Court, cau­sed the King to send his Ambassador to de­mand of the States the Reason of this Breach. [Page 192]They answer, It was done before the News of the Revolution had reached the West-Indies. This, with some Acts of Hostility in the O­riental Parts, has lessen'd the good Under­standing which was between them.

In the mean Time, the Spight and Hatred of the Castilians, encreased daily; much Blood was spilt on the Frontiers of Portugal, which obliged D. Juan to establish Six Places of Strength, quartering in them an Army of Thirty Thousand Men. The Spaniards to op­pose these Forces, had likewise Four or Five Armies in Castile. There were many Skir­mishes and Encounters, Stratagems and Am­buscades on both Sides; and, it was hard to determine who had got the Advantage, till Fortune seem'd to favour the Cause of the Portugueze.

They had a Valiant and Expert Comman­der, who was Governour of one of their Fron­tier Provinces; his Name is, Fernand Telles de Menezez. This Hero animated by the Ju­stice of his Cause, and spurr'd on by the Natu­ral Ardour of his Spirit, pierc'd into the Bow­els of Old Castile, took the Towns of St. Mar­tin and Elges, demolishing the Castle belong­ing to the latter, which also commanded all the Country thereabouts; and, being encoun­ter'd by Two Thousand Five Hundred Spani­ards, he fell upon them and cut them all in Pieces. He also render'd himself Master of a strong Place call'd Valverde, which he stor'd with all sorts of Ammunition, and left a Por­tugueze Garrison in it.

They were no less Victorious in another Province, from whence the Portugueze Ar­mies rush'd into the Adjacent Territories of Spain, taking the Towns of Aroches, Villar de Rey, Codicere, Anzinasola, and other Places of Note, without any Resistance, save that of a few Castilian Troops, most of which they took Prisoners, with a Booty or three Hundred Spanish Gennets. After this, they took Chelles by Storm, one of the most consi­derable Towns in that Part of Spain. Nor was the King of Portugal onely thus success­ful near Home, but his Affairs prosper'd also abroad. The Kings of Goa and Maroc sought his Alliance, with other Princes in the East-Indies; and, in General, all the Potentates in Christendom, excepting onely Spain, made Friendship with D. Juan de Braganza, and espoused his Interests.

There has been a General Assembly of all the Estates of Portugal; wherein, the Peo­ple have testified their Joy and Satisfaction in their New King, by offering him, together with their Lives, the Disposal of their For­tunes, to be imployed for the Service of the Crown, and the Release of his Royal Brother Dom Duartus, of whom I formerly made Mention in one of my Letters.

Thou wilt not perhaps think me trouble­some, if I relate to thee how the Spaniards used this unfortunate Prince after they had Imprison'd him: Neither is it altogether im­pertinent, to let thee see, how spightful this Nation is in their Revenges, and how Cruel [Page 194]in the Execution of their Resentments.

After Dom Duartus was delivered into the Hands of the Marquis Castel Rodrigo, the Spani­ards gave him not the Entertainment and Re­spect due to a Prince, but used him like a Slave or Malefactor, causing him to be lodged in a mean dark Chamber, his Hands to be chained every Night, his Robes to be taken from him, none of his Domesticks suffered to come near him, and doing all the Indignities to him that their Malice could suggest, as proper means to render his Imprisonment intolerable, and his Life a Burden. If thou askest me, for what Crime it was they thus punished him, I can tell thee of none, unless it were one, to be so nearly related to the King of Portugal.

But, this is not the only Example of the Spanish Cruelty; they executed their Revenge on poor unarm'd Peasants in the Field, the Duke d' Alva causing Three Hundred Portu­gueze Husbandmen, as they were labouring in the Vineyards, to be murdered in cold Blood, sacrificing them, as he said, to the Chosts of the slaughter'd Castilians. And, it was attributed to their under hand Insinua­tions, that four Portugueze Ambassadors, with Three and Fifty of their Train, were barba­rously put to Death by the Japoneses, against the Law of Nature, and the Sanction of all Nations. Such Violences have never been practis'd in the Ottoman Empire; the Sanctu­ary of the Earth, has not been prophan'd by an Injustice of so deep a Die.

There has been lately discover'd, a Second [Page 195]Conspiracy against Dom Juan de Braganza, wherein were concerned Dom Joseph de Mene­zez, Governour of St. Julien, the most Im­portant Fortress of all the Kingdom, and Dom Francisco de Lucena, Secretary of State. These held a private Correspondence with the Duke d' Olivares; and, it was agreed between them, that the Governour of Badaiox, a Sub­ject of the King of Spain, should be put in Possession of St. Julian's Fort, which is the ve­ry Key of Lisbon, and that other Places of Strength should be delivered up to such Spa­nish Officers as Olivares appointed. But, a Letter which was sent from Dom Juan de Ga­ray, Governour of Badaiox, to the Governour of St. Lucies-Fort in Portugal, being by Mi­stake carried to the Hands of the Count d' Obi­dos, a Portugueze General, and a faithful Friend to the King, discovered the Intrigue, and the Traytors were seized and brought to Condign Punishment.

I cannot at present send thee any more News of the Portugueze Affairs. God grant thee a long and happy Life in the Favour of the Grand Signior.

LETTER XVIII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

THOU wilt wonder when I tell thee, I am melancholy for want of Solitude▪ That which administers Occasion of Sadness to others, is the onely Cure of my Grief. Yet, this will not seem a Paradox, when thou con­siderest, that Conversation is the Air of the Soul, and that he who values the Health and Ease of his Mind, ought to chuse such an Ele­ment for it to breathe in, as is pure and serene, which is very Difficult to find in any Society. This is the Reason, that I never think my self more alone, than when I am confin'd to some Kind of Company.

Thou hast observed, that most Men will engross all the Talk to themselves; this is ve­ry Irksom. Yet, I should not grudge them the Monopoly, were their Discourse pertinent and agreeable; but, to be forc'd to hearken to all their empty Tattle of Hawks and Hounds, Garbs and Fashions, with an endless Jargon of Things less to the Purpose than the former, which will keep their Tongues employ'd some­times two or three Hours together; renders their Converse more troublesome, than that of the Spark, who pick'd up Horace in the Streets of Rome.

Others are of a quite contrary Humour; and, thou mayst as soon get a Word from [Page 197]the Mufti, as from them. They sit like Statues, as if they emulated the Chara­cter of Griuli Eben Sagran, one of the Vizirs of the Bench, who in ten Years that he had sat in the Divan, was never observed to speak a Syllable.

Yet, this sort is more tolerable than the o­ther, who with their Everlasting Chat, rock the Company asleep, and take from them the very Power of Thinking.

However, I prefer the Retirement of my Chamber, to both these Inconveniences. There I can enter into my self, and by retreat­ing from all Commerce with my Senses, I find a private Back Way to converse with the whole Universe. Think not this a Chimaera, or that Mahmut pretends to extraordinary Illumina­tions; 'tis nothing but what every Man may experience, who will but take the Pains to be throughly acquainted with Himself. If he can but gain a familiar Access to the in­ward Apartments of his own Breast, he will soon find a Postern there, which will readily open and let him into the most retired Closets of Nature: From thence he may sally forth, and take a better Survey of the World, than he can by his Eyes. Here he will behold all Things undisguised, and in their true Quan­tities and Qualities. And, which is more ad­mirable, he will be able, without the Help of Opticks, to see himself enjoying this Felicity, and to know that he sees it, which is a sufficient Conviction, that he is not in a Dream.

Wouldst thou improve thy Knowledge, [Page 198]affect not a Multitude of Books; there are but few worth the Reading. What is the whole Creation, but one Great Library; e­very Volume in which, and every Page in those Volumes, are impress'd with Radi­ant Characters of infinite Wisdom? And, all the Perfections of the Universe, are con­tracted with such unimitable Art in Man, that he needs no other Book but himself, to make him a complete Philosopher. Thou wilt say, that this requires too great an Abstract­edness of Mind, and is very painful. I tell thee, my dear Friend, I am extremely subject to Melancholy; whose Effect, thou know­est, is to render one very thoughtful, and those Thoughts rack the Soul with intolerable An­guish. Yet I do not fly from them, as gene­rally Men are accustom'd, neither do I seek to drown them in Wine, or chase them a­way with any Sociable Divertisements. My usual Way is, to bid them Battel, oppose Thoughts against Thoughts; and, with the Dint of Reason, to subdue this peevish Hu­mour. To this End, I hunt up and down for my Enemy, and rummage every Corner of my Soul, pursuing the Cause of my Sad­ness, with such Arguments as these: Why should I be melancholy, who possess Nothing that I fear to lose, and yet enjoy all that I could wish for, were I without what I now Possess? I am a Mussulman, and therefore under the Protection of God: I serve his Vice­gerent, the Grand Signior, faithfully, and find Acceptance with the Bassa's of the Port: I am [Page 199]in France, yet cannot call it a Foreign Coun­try, since Innocence and Vertue naturalize a Man in all Parts of the World. I cannot say I am unfortunate, so long as I have no Vice, for which I need either to Blush, or grow Pale. If I am slander'd, this ought to be an Occasion of Joy, since it ranks me with Men of the Greatest Merit, who could never escape the Calumnies of the Envious. And, I have reason to Triumph, in that I find no Incli­nation to revenge my self, but rather to pi­ty my Traducers. If any Man should play the Satyrist with my Deformity, and rudely descant on my Ugly Countenance, or the Disproportion of my Limbs; there is no more Reason to be grieved at this, than to be af­fronted at the Wind for blowing off my Hat, or the Rain for wetting my Cloaths, or a Dog for barking at me as I go along the Streets, the one being as Natural as the other.

Thus I argue with my self, Dear Oglou, when assaulted with Melancholy; these are the Remedies which I apply to that black Distemper of the Mind: And sometimes I go farther, if these will do no good: I then ask my self, whether it be the fear of Death that thus perplexes me? And here begins my Cure. This kindles the Brightest Spark of Reason, which in a Moment disperses all the Mists. The dismal Pageantry of Chimera's vanishes, and all the Tragick Pomp of Grief streight disappear. Not, that I would have thee think I am fond of dying, but I consider Death as the unavoidable Fate of all Men [Page 200]and, that therefore it is reasonable to be chear­ful, since that which no Man can escape, will one Time or other, release me and every Man from the Miseries of this Life. This Thought recovers me from the worst Effects of Melan­choly; and, I believe, the Damned themselves would sometimes be in a good Humour, if they had but the least Glimpse of Hope, that they should one Day be deliver'd from their Torments. For, whatsoever sorts of Men there are in this Life, I cannot think, there be any Stoicks in Hell.

And now I have entertained thee with Com­pany and Solitude, with Books and Men, with Life and Death, with Earth and Hell; let us take one Step farther, and refresh our selves with the Remembrance of Heaven, the Joys of the Bless'd in Paradise; which, certainly is the best Relief of Anxious Thoughts, the most perfect Cure of Melan­choly, the Guide of Life, and the Comfort of Death.

God grant, that thou and I may see each other, and drink together in the Arbours of Eden, and kiss the Daughters of Paradise.

LETTER XIX.
To the Testerdar, or Lord Treasurer.

KIngdoms and Empires (like Men) have their Lucky and Unlucky Seasons. Spain seems for a considerable Time to have been under a Cloud, as if her Guardian Fate began to droop, and were not strong enough to check the rising Grandeur of France.

It has been an old Observation, That those whom God consigns over to Ruine, he first in­fatuates. It was a Grand Oversight in Don Francisco de Melo, to constitute the Duke of Alburquerque, General of his Horse. For, he thereby so disgusted the Spanish Officers in his Army, that emulating the Honour of this young Portugueze, the greatest Part of them deserted, in the very Nick of Time, when their Presence was most necessary to confirm the Battalions, already shrinking from the furious Onset of the French.

This gave the young Duke of Anguien, an intire Victory, and has crowned him with glorious Laurels; while Don Francisco de Me­lo, by this ill Conduct, has quite lost his Re­putation, and is forced to resign up his Com­mission to another.

This Battle was fought before Rocroy, and may be reckoned as a Parallel with that Bloody Battel of Leipsick, between the Im­perialists and Suedes, on the 7th. of the 9th. [Page 202] Moon, of the Year 1631. A Day which was remarkable at Constantinople, on the Account of that terrible Lightning, which surprized the late Sultan Amurath in his Bed. Many other extraordinary Events signalized this Day in England, France, Germany, and other places, which occasioned the great Astrologer Herlici­us, to call it, a Day of Blood.

Such another was this Unfortunate Day to the Spaniards, at the forementioned Battel of Rocroy; where they lost an infinite Number of Men, with all their Field-pieces and a Hun­dred and Fifty Colours.

He that created the Moon and the Constel­lations in Heaven, to distinguish the Times and Seasons, guard thee from the Influence of Malignant Stars, and from the Destroyer, who ranges the World on certain Critical Days.

LETTER XX.
To the Vizir Azem, at the Port.

IT is Time, it is high time, most Sage Mi­nister, for the Ottoman Sword, the Sword of Justice to be unsheathed, not against an o­pen Enemy, but against its professed Friends and Subjects. The Head of the Bassa of Cy­prus, is become a Burden to him; as likewise, those of Mitylene, Sio and Lemnos. They plot Mischief, against the Throne that is esta­blished in Equity; they are ungrateful to their Sovereign, who hath exalted them; they are become unworthy of the Honours, with which they are dignified.

I could hardly believe the first Reports of this Treason, till I were at length fully con­vinced by undeniable Testimonies, that it was too true.

Yet, it is a Secret even in the French Court. I alone have discover'd this Mystery, by the Means of a Jew and a Grecian, both my Agents in those Parts, and Men whom I can confide in.

The Business is this. The Bassa's and Go­vernours of the Isles before-mentioned, have conspired together to divide themselves from the Body of the Ottoman Empire, and to make the Islands of the Aegean Sea, a Commonwealth Independent on the Throne which governs the World. The Bassa of Cyprus, is the Ring­leader [Page 204]of this Conspiracy, and that Island is to be the Capital Seat of their New Republick.

The Governours of the Five Greater Isles, are to be called, the Sovereign Counsellors of State. By these, all the Affairs of the Archi­pelago are to be managed. Onely the Bassa of Cyprus shall be supreme, and have the casting Voice in all Cases of Dispute.

The enclosed Papers, contain the perfect Model of their New Government, the Arti­cles and Propositions on which this Rebellious designed Commonwealth is to be built, with the Names of the Chief Conspirators subscribed.

Permit me, Sage Minister, to set before thy Eyes, the Occasions of these Treacherous Designs.

It has been the Custom of the Port, to con­nive for a considerable time at the Oppressions, Rapines, and Exactions of the Bassa's and Go­vernours of Provinces; to suffer them to harass the People under their Jurisdiction; to pil­lage and spoil them of their Moneys, Goods and Estates; till they have amass'd together vast Sums of Money. And then, it has been as usual for the Sultans, upon the least Com­plaint, to send the Bow-String to the Criminal Bassa.

Whatever may be pleaded in Defence of this Method in former Times, my Opinion is, that it may prove dangerous now. And, if I may be permitted to speak freely, I have Rea­son to think, that this was one Ground of the designed Treason in the Isles of the Aegean Sea.

Formerly, those who were removed to these Commands, were not so well versed in the Maxims of Policy, nor so apprehensive of the Cabinet Secrets of State. But now the Age is refined, Men are more subtle, jealous and selfish than they were. Nature teaches all Men to preserve their Lives with utmost Di­ligence.

The Bassa of Cyprus, who is the Ring-lead­er of this Conspiracy, has been let alone in a long Course of Tyranny and Oppression over his Subjects; by which means, he has heap'd to himself prodigious Treasures. His guilty Mind told him, that Complaints would be made against him, and that one time or other he must be strangled. He knew, that his Gold would be thought better to become the Sul­tan's Seraglio than his own; and, that he had been long enough in his Office, to serve the Politick Ends of State.

Revolving these things in his Mind, he quickly concluded, that the Crimes he had been guilty of in his Government, would draw upon him inevitable Ruine, unless he prevented it by committing greater. And that, as Oppression of his Subjects had made him Rich, so Treason against his Sovereign must make him safe. He communicates his thoughts, to some of his trusty Friends and Confidents. They encourage him to proceed, representing to him the Natural Strength of the Island, se­conded by Abundance of strong Forts and Ca­stles. That the Soldiers might easily be won to his Party by Money, and the Inhabitants [Page 206]might be pacified by some Publick Restitu­tions, and other Acts of Indulgence.

Thus was the Foundation laid of this for­midable Treason, which soon gathered Strength by the Accession of more Conspirators, till at length all the Isles aforesaid were engaged in the Disloyal League.

I will not presume to dictate what is to be done in this Case. I leave that to thy Ora­culous Sentence. But, permit me to suggest my Thoughts, of a proper means to prevent the like Miscarriages for the future. And that is, by executing timely and Impartial Justice. It seems to me, not only a Reflection on the Justice of the Imperial Sword, but also on the Politicks of the Royal Cabinet, to suffer a Bassa to grow Rich by Oppression of the Peo­ple under his Command. For, when he has thus plunder'd his Subjects to fill his own Cof­fers, he has armed himself with the very Si­news and Nerves of Rebellion; Money being that, which gives Life and Motion to all great and bold Undertakings.

Therefore, it will be better, not to counte­nance the least Oppression in these great Men, whereby they may at once be tempted, through the Conscientiousness of their Crimes, and strengthen'd by their ill gotten Wealth, to Rebel against their Lawful Sovereign. Let Aleppo, Sidon, Algiers, Tunis and Tripoly, be Precedents of this Kind. By Justice the Throne is best and most securely established: nothing unjust and violent is permanent.

God overthrow the Devices of these Tray­tors, [Page 207]and crown our Glorious Sultan with Suc­cess.

LETTER XXI.
To Chiurgi Muhammet Bassa.

I Have been in this City very near Six Years, and it will be expected, that in all this Time I have made some profitable Remarks, on the Nature of the French, the Intrigues of the Court, the Policy of the State, the Di­scipline of their Armies, and the Strength of the Kingdom.

Some Observations I have already commu­nicated to the Ministers of the Divan, and to others of my Friends at the Sublime Port. All my Letters are made common to the Hap­py Slaves of him who rules the World. Thou hast heard of the Death of a Potent King, a Great Queen, and a Mighty Favourite: Now let us change the Scene, and pass from the Melancholy Themes of Death, the Unavoid­able Fate of Mortals, to the sprightly Joys of Life, the blooming Years of an Infant King, who takes an early Leap from his Cradle to a Throne. Thou wilt not expect I should speak much of him, who as yet can say but little of [Page 208]himself. However, in passing by this Little Great one, it would be ill Manners not to pay him a Salute or Congé who, though Young, seems no Novice in Punctilio's of Courtship, as appears by his Address to the Bishop who Baptized him; (if thou knowest not what that means, it is the first Ceremony whereby they are made Christians, and, it answers to our Circumcision.) As soon as the Mystery was performed, this Young Prince, with an assu­red Countenance, and becoming Gravity, spoke thus to the Prelate: My Father, I hum­bly thank you, and shall be eternally obliged to you: My Parents gave me onely an Earthly Crown, but you have made me Heir of the King­dom of Heaven.

There were present, the Queen, the Prin­cess of Conde, Cardinal Mazarini, with Di­vers other Persons of Quality. The whole Assembly were astonished at the Child's Ex­pression (being but about Four Years of Age); taking it for an Omen of his Future Piety and extraordinary Actions. He discovers a prompt Wit in all his Discourse, using but few Words, and those very apposite. His whole Deport­ment is graceful, and surprizingly regular; at­tended with a Discretion, which is not look'd for, but from those of Riper Years. In fine, Nature seems to have fitted him for the Em­pire to which he is born.

In the mean Time, as if Infant Governours were now become Fashionable, there are se­veral made Bishops and Abbots, while they are yet in the Cradle. This the Inferior Cler­gy [Page 209]stomach, and the Laity grumble, saying, That there are like to be good Times in France, when those who are styled the Fathers of the Church, are Babies. This is Cardinal Maza­rini's Policy, to fasten the Nobility to the In­terests of the Crown, by thus honouring their Children with the Principal Dignities of the Church. And, thou wilt say, he is a Wise Man in so doing, when thou considerest, how great a share the Bishops and other Ecclesia­sticks have, in the Wealth of the Land. And that he could not do the King a better Service, than by disposing of these Preferments, to such as would not onely thereby be obliged to Loy­alty themselves, but would also link the Fa­milies to which they belong, to the Royal Cause.

Thou wilt better comprehend the Policy of this Minister, in thus endeavouring to secure the Dignified Clergy, when thou weighest then Strength, and considerest their Numbers.

There are in France 12 Archbishopricks, 104 Bishopricks, Convents of the Greater Order 540, Convents of the Lesser Order 12320, Ab­bies 1450, Nunneries 67; 700 Frieries, 259 Seminaries of the Order of the Knights of Mal­ta, 27400 Parish-Churches, Hospitals 540, Private Chappels or Oratories 9000. To fill all these, they reckon 226000 Religious, or Dervises, besides 130000 Parish-Priests.

It has been usual, to take an Estimate of the Glory and Riches of a Prince, from the Number of his People; but, I would not have thee think the French King the Wealthier, [Page 210]for this Prodigious Number of Devotees; The greatest part of which, he has more reason to look upon, as an Army of Enemies, than Sub­jects. Indeed, the Interest of the Arch-Bi­shops, Bishops and Parish-Priests, is twisted with that of the Crown; but, the Monks and Friars are the Creatures of the Pope, and all of them together are not maintained with less Cost, than the Fourth Part of the Revenues of France, out of which in former Times, there went Yearly a Million of Crowns to the Court of Rome.

I cannot perceive, wherein consists the Po­licy of cherishing so many Nests of Spiritual Leeches, who suck the very Blood and Vitals of the Nation: One would think, it were sufficiently dreined by the Royal Customs, Tax­es, and Imposts.

These Kings have Monopoliz'd all the Salt of the Kingdom into their own Hands, which they compel their Subjects to buy of them at their own Rates. To this End, they have Officers in all Parts, who vend it for them. It looks, as if they took care to pre­serve their Subjects from Corruption, and were afraid, lest they should putrefy alive; there being not a Man in all their Dominions, who is not obliged to take the Quantity which the Officers Impose on him, except in some par­ticular Provinces, which for reasons of State, or by Treaty, are exempted. The Revenue which arises to the King from this Commo­dity, amounts to near Three Millions of Crowns yearly. He hath Eight Millions more [Page 211]coming in by Subsidies, from the Peasants; besides many particular Imposts on Flesh, Wine and other Commodities. Yet, he loses a considerable Part of his Revenues, by Farm­ing them out to his Subjects, or Mortgaging them in Time of War for ready Money. He has no less than Thirty Thousand Officers, that are wholly employed in collecting his Revenues, whose Pensions and Salaries lessen the King's Income by above half; so that, out of Fourscore Millions of Crowns, which are Yearly squeez'd from the People, scarce Thir­ty Millions come entire into the King's Cof­fers.

Thou wilt wonder at the Improvidence of these Infidel Kings, and at the same time con­demn their Tyranny and Injustice, who op­press, plunder and ruine those that furnish them with all Necessaries for Humane Suste­nance, to enrich (not themselves, but) a Com­pany of greedy Caterpillars; for, such, and no better, are those who gather their Revenues. It is not so in the Sacred Empire of the Oz­mans, where Justice has erected her Throne, and Oppression dares not shew her Face.

But, the French seem born for Slavery, they bear it so patiently, without ever aspiring after a Redemption. The Christians exclaim against our Janizaries, accusing them of In­solence, Oppression, Rapine, and all the Vi­ces to which a Licentious Soldiery are usually addicted; but, these are Trifles, to what the French Dragoons commit, when quarter'd up­on the poor Country-people: they Rob them [Page 212]of all they have, practising a Thousand Vil­lainies, to which the Janizaries are wholly Strangers; Adulteries pass for Gallantry with them, and Rapes are counted but the Exces­ses of an Immoderate Passion; the Husband must stand quietly, whilst his▪ Wife is in the Arms of a Domineering Hector; the Father must behold his Daughter deflowr'd, with­out discovering the least Regret. These are the Methods by which this People are morti­fied, and they seem to be stupid under their Calamities, not having Courage enough left to meditate a Redress, unless it be by becoming Soldiers themselves; for, of such as these, is the Infantry of France composed. Hence, it is not to be admired, that they are esteemed the feeblest, basest and most despicable Soldi­ers of any in Europe; since, not the pursuit of Honour, nor Love to their Country, indu­ces them to take up Arms, but despair of li­ving otherwise, being reduced to the most rigorous Extremities on this side Famine.

Live thou in the Honour with which God and our Emperour have invested thee, and con­serve thy Vertue, which will raise thee yet Higher. Forget not to have Mahmut some­times in thy Thoughts, who loves thee with a true Heart, and serves thee with Alacrity.

LETTER XXII.
To Egry Boinou, a White Eunuch.

THE French Kings steer their Course by other Maxims of Policy, than those which are practis'd at the Sublime Port. It seems, they are not apprehensive of any Am­bitious Designs in the Princes of the Blood; since, they not onely allow them Liberty, but also load them with Honours.

Thou hast formerly heard me speak of Hen­ry the IV. this King's Grandfather, and of the passionate Love he bore to Ladies. Among the Rest of his Mistresses, none possess'd a larger share of his Affections, than the Dutch­ess of Beaufort; by her he had two Sons, the Eldest is called Alexander, the other, Caesar, They are both now Living, and enjoy Great Preferments; the First, being made Grand Prior of the French Knights of Malta, which is a Dignity next to that of Master of the Or­der, who commands the whole Island. It is observable, that this Alexander, during his Father's Life-Time, had attained no higher than to be made a Knight; but, as soon as his Brother Lewis XIII. came to the Crown, he procured him the Honour he now has. The Second Brother also, is made Governour of Brettaigne, and married to the Duke of Mer­ceur's Daughter. By which means, he is be­come one of the Richest Peers in France. [Page 214]King Henry had also two other Sons, one of his own Name, whom he got on the Marchio­ness of Verneville; He is now a Bishop and Abbot, which are considerable Dignities in the Church. The other Son they call Antoine, whose Mother was the Countess of Morret. He also is invested with the like Ecclesiasti­cal Honours as his Brother Henry. These Four Brothers, though by the French esteem'd as Bastards (because born of the Kings Con­cubines) are nevertheless entrusted with the Offices and Preferments already mention'd, without any Jealousie that they will be guilty of sinister Practices to embroil the State, or gain the Crown. And, if I may speak freely, there seems to be more of Humanity and Ju­stice in this Course, than in that Cruel Cu­stom of our Sultans, who no sooner ascend the Throne, but all their Brethren are im­mediately Sacrific'd to their Suspicion and the Ends of State; or, if they chance to escape the Bow-String, are detain'd their whole Life­time in a close Imprisonment, which is worse than Death.

Lewis XIII. has also left another Brother behind him, born of the same Mother as him­self. They call him, the Duke of Orleans; a Man of a daring Spirit, and great Resolu­tion. He is but newly come to the Court, having been banished for some Enterprises a­gainst his Brother.

It was the Opinion of the French, that this Prince would have a share in the Regency; but, Lewis would by no Means consent to it, [Page 215]to the Prejudice of his Queen, whom he left en­tirely possess'd of the Sovereign Power, till the Young King comes of Age. However, as yet, she holds a seeming Correspondence with the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde; by whose Mediations, several Grandees, who were Prisoners of State, are now released, and make their Appearance at the Court.

From hence thou mayst gather, that Things are not managed here with such Rigour and Severity, as at Constantinople, where the Com­mands of our Invincible Emperours are impe­tuous, and Execution swift.

There is a Bishop to whom the Queen-Re­gent seems to be inclined. He has the Cha­racter of a very good Man, but they say, he is too simply Honest for a Courtier, and that Cardinal Mazarini will over-reach him. How­ever, that Prelate has the Queen's Ear at Pre­sent, and his Creatures extol him for a Man of great Abilities. 'Tis said, the Queen has writ to the Pope, desiring a Cardinal's Hat for him: And some whisper, that he will be made the Prime Minister, in the Room of Mazarini. To speak my Sentiment, I wish he were; for there seems not so much Reason to apprehend from his Counsels any notable Design against the Ottoman Port, as from those of the Cardinal, whom I look upon as a Se­cond Richlieu. Here are several Interests on Foot; the whole Court is divided into Facti­ons, striving to undermine and supplant each other.

It is not here as in Turkey, where the greatest [Page 216] Bassa's are but the Sultan's Slaves. The Prin­ces of France, are equal to some Soveraign Kings; and upon the least Grudge, will raise Armies, and give the King Battel, if he does not come to their Terms, and make a satisfa­ctory Composition. Neither dares the King put any of them to Death, for fear of the Peo­ple, who generally take their Part, being gree­dy of Novelties and prone to rebel.

Wouldst thou know, by what Means the Nobility of France arrive to such a danger­ous Power? I tell thee, in a Word, the Kings themselves have put a Sword into their Hands, which they spare not to draw, when their Ambition or Discontent prompts them to it. They are freed from all Tribute and Homage; have the Command of whole Provinces com­mitted to them, in which are great Numbers of Walled Towns, Forts and Castles. These great Charges, procure them the Esteem and Veneration of the People living under their Go­vernment; who honour them as Kings, and readily take up Arms in their Vindication.

The Queen-Regent is fearful, lest they should take Advantage of her Son's Minority; and, under Pretence of Reforming the State, or serving the King's Interest, they should in­volve the Kingdom in Civil Wars. She keeps a strict Watch over the Duke of Orleans, and, observes the Prince of Conde's Motions: Her, Guards are doubled, and she neglects nothing that may assure the Interests of the Crown.

Thou, who standest by the Silent Fountain, and art near the Person of the Grand Signior [Page 217]think of doing Mahmut some good Office, who loves cordially, serves faithfully, and prays servently for the Health and Long Life of our Glorious Sultan, and wishes thee thy Fill of Happiness.

LETTER XXIII.
To the Captain Bassa.

HERE are arrived several Hundreds of Slaves, who have Manumitted themselves by a Bold Adventure; an Exploit, which, to give them their due, has something in it of Bravery. The Place of their Captivity, was Alexandria; thou knowest the Circumstances of that Haven: What Hazards will not the desire of Liberty put Men upon? There were several Thousands of Franks in the City, whom the Restraint and Rigors of Servitude, had made weary of their Lives. Among the Rest, a Native of Brabant, who having been bred up in the Art of distilling Strong Waters, his Patron hired him a Shop, furnishing him with all Materials and Necessaries to prosecute his Calling, in hopes of very profitable Re­turns. To this Man's Shop, there was a great Resort of all the Franks in the City, by [Page 218]which Means he improv'd his Trade, and thriv'd mightily. He was a Bold Fellow, and took a particular Pride in great Attempts; and though he might have lived very happily, and enrich'd himself by his own Occupation, yet he had another sort of Chymistry to practise; being resolved, to draw his Fellow-Slaves, (who were now become his Customers) off from the Lees of Despair, and elevate them to a Resolution of seeking their Freedom. He often harangu'd them on this Subject, and a strict Intelligence was held between all the European-Slaves in that City. At length, it was agreed amongst them, to seize a certain Vessel, that lay in the Harbour, and commit themselves to the Winds and Waves. This was carried on with so much secrecy, and so dextrous a Conduct, that unsuspected, above two Thousand of them got aboard, and put out to Sea. The Wind favouring them, they first arrived at Candia, where they Landed some Hundreds of their Crew; after this, they touch'd at Malta, where they disposed of o­thers; then, at Livorno in Italy; and lastly, came safe to Marseilles, where the Remain­der came ashore. These are Natives of France, England, Brabant, and Holland, with Two Spanish Priests.

The Inhabitants of Paris, are very Chari­table to them, especially the Merchants, who traffick in the Levant, of which there are great Numbers in this City. The Clergy also, have made a Collection for them; and, 'tis said, the Queen-Regent has ordered her Al­moner, [Page 219]to distribute three Thousand Crowns among them.

They inveigh bitterly against the Mussul­mans, cursing our Holy Prophet, and thank­ing their good Stars, for thus fortunately re­deeming them from an Insupportable Slavery. I cannot see, wherein they merit Blame in all this; it being Natural for all Men, to covet Liberty; and to rejoice when they have esca­ped any Misfortune. I protest, I cannot be angry with them in my Heart for any Thing, but the Blasphemies they vomit against the Messenger of God. The rest, are Actions as Natural, as to Eat and Drink. Self-Preser­vation being common to all Animals, there seems as much Reason to condemn a Bird that chirps and triumphs, when she fee's her self up­on the Wing, ranging the Balmy Air, being newly released from the Cage; as, to find fault with these Fellows, for rejoicing that they have escaped the Confinement and Hardships of Captivity.

However, it was an unpardonable Neglect of the Guards who belong to that City, to suffer these Infidels thus to give them the slip. So culpable a Remissness, may cost some of them their Heads.

The Great God, whose Power is manifested in the Ocean as well as on the dry Land, fur­nish thee with as favourable Winds as these Fu­gitives had, when thou sailest to execute the Orders of the Grand Signior.

LETTER XXIV.
To Mustapha Guir, an Eunuch Page.

THIS Court has within these Three Days put on another Face, than it had ever since the Royal Obsequies were perform'd. One would hardly think it the same, were it not for the Mourning they still wear, on the Ac­count of the late King's Death. This is a Formality used all over Christendom in such Cases, and serves for a Disguise to Hypocrites. The French Grandees, make use of it to masque their several Politick Designs. They wear Black, the Emblem of Sadness, to denote their Grief for the Dead Monarch, and yet they feast and revel, to the end they may send more of the Royal Blood after him. The Matter I am going to inform thee of, is Tragical in it self; and had been worse, but for the Pre­vention of Providence.

Three Days ago, the Princes of the Blood, with divers of the Prime Nobility, were invi­ted to a Feast by the Queen's Order. The Place where 'twas kept, is called the New-Ca­stle. It is needless for me to describe the Mag­nificent Entertainment; thou mayst conclude, all Things were performed with Great Cost and Majesty. They Banquetted with Wine to Excess; insomuch, as the Duke of Orleans, about Midnight, walking through a Gallery, was so inebriated with the Juice of the Grape, [Page 221]that he fell asleep on a Couch, which stood about the middle of the Walk; he was wrapt in his Cloak, a Garment well known in the Court▪ by the large Diamond that button'd it before; but no Body came by that way, till two Hours afterwards, a certain French Lord pas­sing to his Lodging, took Notice of a Man asleep on the Couch, and drawing nearer knew it to be the Duke. Wondering what should be the meaning of it, he inquired of the Duke's Page, that stood not far off, who told him, His Master was overcome with Wine. The Lord not thinking it convenient to leave a Prince of the Blood, in such a Place at that Time of the Night, caused his Servants to take him up and carry him to his own Lodgings, who for the greater Conveniency, left his Cloak behind upon the Couch. As soon as they were gone, the Duke's Page puts on the Cloak, and being also tyred with watching, laid himself down to sleep. The Duke not long after awakes, and call'd for his Page, not knowing where he was. The Servants of the French Lord, immediately ran to the Page, but found him dead upon the Couch, being stabb'd through the Heart. Thou mayst ima­gine what a Surprize the whole Court was in, when this Accident was known. Next Mor­ning, strict Inquisition was made into this Affair, but nothing brought to light; onely 'twas observ'd, that about Three a Clock in the Morning, an unknown Person was seen by the Centinels, to be let into Cardinal Ma­zarini's Apartment. The Business is hush'd [Page 222]up; yet people spare not to whisper, that the Cardinal was privy to the Murder; adding, that the Blow was given by Mistake, the Page being supposed to be the Duke, as he lay wrapt up in that Remarkable Cloak. It is common in these Infidel Countries, for great Men to hire Ruffians to execute their Revenge. And these Fellows are as prompt and dextrous at a private Murder, as our Mutes are to exe­cute the Pleasure of the Grand Signior, when he commands them to strangle any Offend­ing Bassa. But they will have half the Price of their Villainy before-hand, and the Residue when 'tis accomplish'd. Thus is innocent Blood become a Merchandice: They Traffick for Assassinations; and, a Man cannot call his Life his own, since at that very Instant, it may be bought by another. I have not heard that such a detestable Wickedness has ever been practis'd in the Empire of the Mussul­mans, much less in the Seraglio's of our Sul­tans, which are the Mansions of Justice and Vertue.

One of the Grandees of France, (whom they call the Duke of Beaufort) takes inces­sant Pains to find out the Author of this Murder. He is a mortal Enemy of Cardinal Mazarini, and would give half the Revenue of his Dukedom, could he remove him out of the Kingdom. He insinuates very plausible suspicions into the Minds of the Courtiers, to render him odious. He dares not openly ac­cuse him of being Accessary to the Page's Death, having no Evident Proofs against him, [Page 223]but he endeavours to create in all Men a Be­lief, that he had a hand in it. He has con­sulted a Magician, who has shew'd him the Figure of the Murderer in a Glass, and by a­nother Effect of his Enchantments, has pre­sented him with a Picture drawn from the Magical Portraiture in the Glass, which the Duke has caused to be imitated by the Skilful­lest Masters in France, sending the Copies in great Numbers to all Parts of the Kingdom, with Orders to the Governours of Towns and Cities, especially such as are on the Frontiers and Sea-Coasts, to cause all Travellers to be brought before them, and confronted with the Picture; that so (if possible) the Murderer may be discover'd, who will not fail to be put to all the Tortures they can invent, to draw a Confession from him, That Cardinal Maza­rini had contrived the Murder of the Duke of Orleans, though by Mistake 'twas executed on his Page. But the Cardinal is even with him, having accused him to the Queen, of design­ing to Murder him; whereupon, the Duke is sent Prisoner to the Castle of the Wood of Vin­ciennes. This makes the Creatures of Beau­fort, to murmur and say, There is a higher Hand than the Cardinal's alone, in the Con­trivance of this Murder. Libels are scatter'd up and down the Streets, and 'tis said, that the Ghost of the Page has been often seen to walk in the Royal Apartments.

In the mean Time, I wait all Opportu­nities to do the Grand Signior some effectual Service, snatching every Contingency which [Page 224]many advance the Ottoman Interest. Neither am I forgetful, to oblige my Friends.

The Great God, preserve thee from untime­ly Death, and give thee Favour with the Sultan.

LETTER XXV.
To Pestelihali, his Brother.

WHEN I wrote last to thee, I thought I should have taken a farther Journey than thou: Asia was the designed Stage of thy Travels; but I look'd on my self at that time, as bound for another World: And therefore, having no hopes of ever seeing thee again in this, I gave thee a solemn Adieu. It is now Four Years since that Letter was writ, during which, thou hast seen many strange Things in the East, while I have observ'd some Remark­ables in the West. Thou art return'd safe to Constantinople, and I am still alive in Paris. I am overjoy'd to hear I have a Brother living; I hope thou wilt not be sorry, that I have hi­therto escaped the Stroke of Death. We two, are the onely surviving of all our Race; let us love one another, as though there were No­thing else in the World for us to love. As for our Mother, I know not whether she be on Earth or in Paradise. The last Letter she sent me, express'd her Grief for the Death of her [Page 225]second Husband, since which, Eighteen Moons are elaps'd, and I have heard Nothing of her. I desire thee, if thou hast any Tenderness for Mahmut, to satisfie me whether she be living or dead? Perhaps she is married again, and may be removed into some unknown Coun­try. I am perplex'd with a Thousand Anxie­ties about her.

Remember, That the Tribe to which we belong, was none of the most Obscure in A­rabia. Let us imitate the Virtues of our Kin­dred, without medling with their Vices; In such a Family, it will not be difficult to find some good Examples, and such as are worthy to be follow'd. Let us learn Temperance from One, Prudence from Another, Magna­nimity from a Third, and the Rules of Piety and Justice from them All. This I take to be a proper Method to acquire an Excellency in Vertue, and to root good Habits in us; it being certain, that Practical Examples have more Influence on Men, than the most pithy and sage Instructions. Who can reflect on the Incomparable Modesty of Ʋseph, my Fa­ther's Brother, and not to be charm'd; Thou mayst remember, with how sweet a Grace of Mildness and Condescention, all his Actions were adorn'd. He was esteem'd the most Polite Man in those Parts. From him we may learn, to bear Injuries patiently, and not to grow pee­vish at the Impertinences of the Vulgar; not to be of a rugged Temper, Fierce or Revengeful, but to be always of an even Deportment, pur­suing all Men with Civilities and good Offices; [Page 226]the very Nature of which, brings its own Re­ward along with it (if there were no other) the Mind being fed with an inexpressible Com­placency, after such Generous Performances.

Mehmet Ali, our Kinsman, was a Man of singular Government and Moderation. He was neither vainly fond of his Friend, nor Humorous or Cold. He rejected Flatterers, and was not concern'd at Slanderers. He was neither Superstitious, nor Prophane; Liberal without Pride, Frugal without Avarice, and in all Things he carried himself with exqui­site Sobriety and Reason.

Such Men as these, we ought to set before us, as Patterns of a good Life; and, in fol­lowing their Steps, we shall honour the Family from which we descend.

In perusing thy Letter, I find thou hast made some profitable Remarks in thy Travels. Thou hast been at the Courts of several Great and Illustrious Princes, and returnest Home en­rich'd with a Treasury of Jewels, of a far high­er Price than Rubies and Diamonds. The Knowledge which thou hast purchased, is a Merchandice for Kings, and will render thee acceptable to the Sovereigns of the Earth. Thou hast improv'd much in a little Time, and shalt reap the Honour and Profit of thy Experience all the Days of thy Life.

It will be a kind Office, if thou wilt gratify thy Brother with some of those choice Obser­vations thou hast made. I have a particular De­sire, to be inform'd of many Things in the Indies. Our Cousin Isouf, is covetous of his [Page 227] Memoirs; he will not impart any thing to me, though he has likewise travers'd all the East. I would fain know the Age and Cha­racter of the present Mogol. Here is a Portu­gueze in the City, with whom I sometimes converse. He has been at Indostan, and says, That the present Emperour of that Country, is a Man of no great Abilities, suffering his Af­fairs to be managed by the Conduct of Wo­men; That he has more than ordinary Fami­liarity with one of his Daughters; That he has Four Sons, whom he has made Sovereigns of Provinces: They are Princes of Active Spi­rits; and, he says, 'tis fear'd, they will one Day depose their Father.

He tells a Remarkable Story of the Grand Mogol's being once in Danger of his Life; which, because it has something in it very ex­traordinary, I will in Brief relate it to thee.

It happened, that this Prince was riding on one of his Elephants in the Province of Cashe­mire, when suddenly the Beast grew raging mad; (it seems it is the Nature of these Animals. when they are stung with Lust, at certain times of the Year, to fall into a kind of Phrenzy, which, if not timely obviated, will last Fourty Days.) He, whose Office it was to manage the Elephant, perceiving that the King's Life was in apparent Danger, through the Furious Humour of the Beast, had not time to say any more to the King, but only these Words; There is but this onely way to save your Life, that I sacri­fice mine to the Elephant, which I freely do, as an unfeigned Testimony of my Loyalty, With [Page 228]that he cast himself at the Elephant's Feet, which immediately took him up with his Trunk and kill'd him, and so became pacified. The King astonished at so surprizing an Ac­cident, and to testifie his Gratitude for so un­parallell'd a Fidelity, sent for this Man's Sons, and having ask'd them, whether they could have Resolution enough to follow their Fa­thers Example in such a Case, to which they all answering, That his Majesty might see it immediately, if he pleas'd to give but the Word; the King caus'd Rich Vests to be bestowed on every one of them, with other Presents, and made them the Chief Masters of his Elephants, throughout the Empire. The Portugueze ad­ded, That in token of Thankfulness to Hea­ven for so signal a Preservation, the Emperor gave Royal and Munificent Alms to all the Poor in that Province, vowing, never to ride again on an Elephant, since it had cost him the Life of one of his most Faithful Servants.

If thou hast met with any Instances of so Remarkable a Vertue, Insert them in thy Letter; for, whatever may be in the East, a Man may live whole Ages, in these Western Parts, before he shall find such unshaken Fi­delity in a Servant. The King Eternal cast an Eye of favour on thee, and reward thee for the Love thou bearest to our Glorious Sultan.

The End of the Second Book.

LETTERS Writ by A SPY at PARIS. VOL. II.
BOOK III.

LETTER I.
To Ibrahim Hali Cheik, a Man of the Law.

HERE is a Man come to this City, if he may be called a Man, who pre­tends to have lived above these Sixteen Hundred Years. They call him the Wandring Jew. But some say, he is an Impostor. He says of himself, that he was Ʋsher of the Di­van in Jerusalem, (the Jews call it the Court of Judgment) where all Criminal Causes were [Page 230]tryed, at the Time when Jesus, the Son of Mary, the Christians Messias, was Con­demned by Pontius Pilate, the Roman Presi­dent. That his Name was Michob Ader; and that, for thrusting Jesus out of the Hall with these words, Go, why tarriest thou? The Messias answered him again; I go, but tarry thou till I come; thereby condemning him, to live till the Day of Judgment. He pretends to remember the Apostles that lived in those Days, and that he himself was Baptized by one of them; that he has travelled through all the Regions of the World, and so must con­tinue to be a Vagabond till the Messias shall return again. They say, that he heals Dis­eases, by touching the Party affected. Divers other Miracles, are ascribed to him by the Ignorant and Superstitious. But the Learned, the Noble, and the Great, censure him as a Counterfeit or a Madman. Yet there are, who affirm, that 'tis one convincing Argu­ment of the Reality of his Pretence, that he has hitherto escaped a Prison, especially in these Countries, where the Authors of all In­novations are severely punished. He has e­scaped the Inquisitions at Rome, in Spain, and in Portugal, which the Vulgar will have to be an evident Miracle.

One Day I had the Curiosity to Discourse with him in several Languages; and, I found him Master of all those that I could speak. I conversed with him Five or Six Hours toge­ther in Arabick. He told me, that there was scarce a true History to be found. I asked [Page 231]him, what he thought of Mahomet, the Pro­phet and Lawgiver of the Mussulmans? He answered, That he knew his Father very well, and had been often in his Company at Ormus in Persia; That Mahomet, was a Man full of Light and a Divine Spirit, but had his Errors as well as other Mortals, and that his chiefest was, in denying the Crucifixion of the Messias; for, said he, I was then present, and saw him hang on the Cross with these Eyes of mine. He accus'd the Mussulmans of Impo­sture, in making the World believe, That the Tomb of their Prophet, hangs miraculously be­tween Heaven and Earth, saying, That he himself had seen it, and that it was built after the manner of other Sepulchres. Thou who hast been at the Holy Place, knowest whether this be true or false. He upbraids the Persian Mahometans, with Luxury; the Ottomans with Tyranny, the Arabians with Robbery, the Moors with Cruelty, and the Mussulmans of the Indies with Atheism: Nor does he spare to reproach the Christian Churches: He taxes the Roman and Grecian with the Pompous I­dolatry of the Heathens. He accuses the Ae­thiopian of Judaism, the Armenian of Heresie; and says, that the Protestants, if they would live according to their Profession, would be the best Christians.

He told me, he was in Rome, when Nero set Fire to the City, and stood triumphing on the Top of a Hill to behold its Flames. That he saw Saladine's Return from his Conquests in the East, when he caus'd his Shirt to be [Page 232]carried on the Top of a Spear, with this Proclamation, Saladine, Lord of many rich Countries, Conquerour of the East, ever Vi­ctorious and happy, when he dies shall have no other Memorial left of all his Glories, but only this poor Shirt.

He relates many remarkable Passages of Solyman the Magnificent, whereof our Histo­ries are silent, and says, he was in Constanti­nople, when Solyman built that Royal Mosque, which goes by his Name. He knew Tamer­lain the Scythian, and told me, that he was so call'd, because he halted with one Leg▪ He pretends also to have been acquainted with Scanderbeg, the Valiant and Fortunate Prince of Epirus. He seem'd to pity the insup­portable Calamity of Bajazet, whom he had seen carried about in a Cage by Tamerlain's Order. He accuses the Scythian, of too Bar­barous an Insult on the Unfortunate Sultan. He remembers the Antient Caliphs of Babylon and Aegypt; the Empire of the Sarazens! and, the Wars in the Holy Land. He highly extols the Valour and Conduct of the Re­nowned Godfrey of Bulloigne. He gives an accurate Account of the Rise, Progress, Esta­blishment, and Subversion of the Mamalukes in Aegypt. He says, he has washed himself in the Two Head-springs of the River Nile, which arise in the most Southern Part of Ae­thiopia. That its Encrease is occasion'd by the great Rains in Aethiopia, which swell all the Rivers that fall into the Nile, and cause that vast Inundation, which has so much [Page 233]puzzled Philosophy, to find out the Origin. He says, that the River Ganges in India, is broader and deeper than the Nile, that the River Niger in Africa is longer by some Hundreds of Miles. And, that he can re­member a time, when the River Nile over­flowed not till Three Months after the usual Season.

Having professed himself an Universal Tra­veller, and that there was no Corner of the Earth, where he had not been present: I be­gan to comfort my self with the hopes of some News from the Ten Tribes of Israel, that were carried into Captivity by Salma­nassar King of Assyria, and could never be heard of since. I asked him several Questi­ons concerning them, but found no satisfa­ctory Answer. Only he told me, that both in Asia, Africk, and Europe, he had taken Notice of a Sort of People, who (though not Jews in Profession) yet retained some Chara­cteristicks, whereby one might discover them to be descended of that Nation.

In Livonia, Russia, and Finland, he had met with People of distinct Languages from that of the Country, having a great mixture of Hebrew Words; that these abstained from Swines Flesh, Blood, and Things strangled. That in their Lamentations for the Dead, they always us'd these Words [Jeru-Jeru Masco Salem.] By which he thought, they called to Remembrance Jerusalem and Da­mascus, those two Famous Cities of Palestine and Syria. In the Circassians also, he had [Page 234]traced some Footsteps of Judaism; their Cu­stoms, Manner of Life, Feasts, Marriages, and Sacrifices, being not far removed from the Institutions of the Mosaick Law. But what is most remarkable, he said, that he had con­versed with professed Jews in the North Parts of Asia, who never so much as heard of Je­sus, the Son of Mary, or of the Revolutions in Judea after his Death, the Siege and De­struction of Jerusalem, or any other Matters wherewith all Histories abound concerning that Nation. He said moreover, that these Jews had only the Pentateuch, not having heard of the rest of those Books which com­pose the greatest Part of the Old Testament; and, that this Pentateuch, was written in a sort of Hebrew, far different from that which is now commonly spoken, by the rest of the dispersed Jews throughout the World. That the number of these Jews was Infinite. And finally, he thought, that these (if any) were the true Posterity of those Ten Captive Tribes.

Having mentioned the Destruction of Je­rusalem, I ask'd him where he was at that time? He told me, in the Court of Vespasian at Rome, and that he had heard the Emperor say, when he understood the Temple of Solo­mon was burnt to Ashes. He had rather all Rome had been set on Fire. Here the Old Man fell a weeping himself, lamenting the Ruines of that Noble Structure, which he described to me as familiarly, as if he had seen it but Yesterday. He says, that Josephus [Page 235]wrote partially of the Seditious in the City, being related to one of the Chief Ring-leaders, whom therefore he spar'd, being loath to stain the Reputation of his own Family to all Posterity.

I tell thee, Sage Cheik, if this Man's Pre­tences be true, he is so full of Choice Me­moirs, and has been Witness to so many Grand Transactions for the space of Sixteen Centuries of Years; that he may not unfitly be called, A Living Chronology, the Proto-Notary of the Christians Hegira, or Principal Recorder of that which they esteem the Last Epocha of the World's Duration.

By his Looks, one would take him for a Relick of the Old World, or one of the Long­liv'd Fathers before the Flood. To speak mo­destly, he may pass for the Younger Brother of Time.

It would be endless to tell thee how many other Discourses we had of his Travels and Memoirs; till tired with his Company, and judging all to be a Cheat, I took my Leave.

I tell thee, he seems to be a Man well vers'd in all Histories, a Great Traveller, and one that affects to be counted an Extraor­dinary Person. The Common People are ready to adore him; and, the very Fear of the Multitude, restrains the Magistrates from offering any Violence to this Impostor.

Live thou in the Exercise of thy Reason, which will not permit thee to be seduced into Error, by the subtle Insinuations of Men. [Page 236]Continue to Love Mahmut, who Honours thee without a Fiction.

LETTER II.
To the Selictar Aga, or Sword-Bearer.

JEalousie, the Bane of Publick Alliances, as well as of Private Friendships, has car­ried the Arms of Suedeland into Denmark, at a Time when least expected.

All Europe was alarmed at the News of this Surprizing Invasion; it being thought, that the Suedes had Work enough cut out for them in Germany.

However, few could penetrate into the Reasons which induced them to respite the Im­perialists, and at the same Time carry the War into the Dominions of King Christian; who, by his Mediation, and other good Of­fices between the German Emperour and that Crown, merited another kind of Return, than an Hostile Invasion.

But the Peace-maker has most Times a thankless Office. I have seen a Gentleman, endeavouring to part or pacify Two of his Friends, encountring in the Streets of Paris, [Page 237]and has received the Point of one of the Rapiers in his Heart for his Kindness. So fared it with the King of Denmark, who was accepted of by both Parties, as Umpire of the Quarrel; and had sent his Ambassador to Munster, where he treated so successfully with the Imperialists, that he brought them to Terms very advantageous to the Suedes; yet, the first Overtures of his Mediation, gave so great a suspicion to that Nation, that while the Danish Ambassador was actually con­cluding a Peace for them, they commence a War, or rather translate it from the Provinces of the Empire to Scania, entring that Coun­try with Twelve Thousand Men; And, to shew the World they were in Earnest, they pri­vately treat with the Hollanders, to assist them with a Fleet and Men, which was granted them under the Command of Admiral Martin Tyes.

At the same Time, General Torstenson en­tred Holstein, where he advanced with ad­mirable Success; took Kiel by surprize; and, passing forward, possessed himself of Jutland, driving King Christian into a Corner of his Dominions; for, now he had only Zealand and Fionia left, which are Two Islands; the former whereof, commands the Passage into the Baltick Sea.

Here, the King of Denmark finds himself beset with Difficulties and Dangers, by Sea and Land; yet, in regard his greatest Strength lay in his Shipping, he wholly applies him­self to rig and man out a good Fleet. At [Page 238]the same Time, he informs his Allies of this Unjust War, and made passionate Complaints to the Emperour, for whose Sake all this be­fell him, imploring his Friendship and Aid in so great a Calamity. The Emperor sends Ga­lasso with Forces, who entring the Territo­ries of Hamburgh and Lubeck, a League was Negotiated between the Emperour and the Danish King. But by the Artifices of the French and Holland Ambassadors at Copenhagen, the King was disswaded from making an Alli­ance with the House of Austria.

However, the Dunkirkers offered King Christian, to maintain a Considerable Fleet in the Sound, at their own Charge, which he seemed to accept of.

All the Ministers endeavour to play their own Game, and abuse the Goodness of the Unfortunate King. Whilst in the mean Time, he loses Ground in Holstein; General Torsten­son having taken Christianprys, a very strong Place.

What will be the Issue of these Transacti­ons, Time will manifest; but, were not this King Master of an Extraordinary Vertue, he would sink under so many pressures, being a Man of a Great Age. But, God supports whom He pleases.

LETTER III.
To Cara Haly, the Physician at Constantinople.

THOU hast seen many in the Arms of Death, wrastling with the Grim Mo­narch of Shadows, who by the Privilege of an excellent Constitution, have disengaged themselves from his Clutches, and stood at open Defiance with him for some Years after­wards. But I question, whether thou hast ever known any, whom that Conquerour has once laid in the Dust, that recover'd again.

In a Village about half a League from this City, there died a Man (or at least he seem'd to die) about a Week ago. He was stretch'd forth into the Posture fittest for his Coffin, by the Hands of two old Women. His Re­lations and Friends, flock'd about the Body, to pray for his Soul, as is the Custom of the Christians. The House was fill'd with Tears and Sighs, and a mournful Cloud sat on every Brow. He lay thus for the space of Thirty five Hours, Dead in the Supposition of all his Family. When the Watchers who sate by, were suddenly astonished to hear him sneeze; they ran away at first, as People affrighted at some Ghastly Vision, and alarm'd the whole Neighbourhood with the News. Physicians were sent for, who causing him to be laid in [Page 240]a Warm Bed, and using proper Applications, he recover'd his Senses, and by Degrees his Speech: they are in Hopes to restore him to perfect Health again. He relates to his Vi­sitants, many strange Things, that he has seen and heard during the Five and Thirty Hours that he was thought to be Dead. He says, he has been before the Throne of God, and has seen all the Orders of Angels; that he was commanded to return back again to his Body, to warn Men of the approaching Day of Judg­ment. He preaches Repentance and good Works, to all that come near him. Hence it is, that the devouter sort of People, resort to his House in Pilgrimage, esteeming him a Saint. They say, he has anticipated the Ge­neral Resurrection, to give a fresh proof of it to this unbelieving Age, and to evince, that it will come to pass before he shall quit his Body. He Prophecies, the Conversion of the Jews to be near at Hand, and, that the Mussul­mans shall embrace the Christian Faith.

Such as are fond of Novelties, and supersti­tiously inclined, believe what he says, to be as true as the Alcoran; but, the Learned im­pute it all to the Fumes of Melancholy, to which he was always naturally prone. For my Part, who believe that Mahomet, the Mes­senger of God, was the last, and Seal of all the Prophets, look for none after him; nor am I credulous of every one, who pretends to a. Divine Commission. Yet, when I am in Com­pany with such as are this Man's Admirers, I talk as they do, and seem what I am not, that [Page 241]I may the better acquit my self what I really am. Besides, it is not Prudence, to provoke the Fury of Bigots, by opposing their Senti­ments.

They relate a Story, of a Man who died in this City, some Hundreds of Years ago; and, 'tis upon Record, That this Person during his Life Time, was esteemed a very Holy Man, but after his Death, while they were perform­ing his Funeral Obsequies, and carrying the Body round the Church in Procession, he sud­denly started up from the Bier on which he was carried, pronouncing these Words with an Audible Voice, I am arraigned before the Judgment Seat of God. All that heard him speak, were astonished at so surprizing an E­vent, and the Priests who sang the Hymn of Rest to his Soul, for a while desisted. But a­gain going on with their Procession and Hymns, he arose the Second Time, and said aloud, I am tryed at God's Tribunal. This put another stop to the Solemnity, till after some Deliberations, they resolved to proceed a Third Time, when he started up again, and said, I am condemned by the just Sen­tence of God. This put a final Stop to the Funeral Ceremonies. They would no longer chant a Rest, to the Soul of him, whose dead Body arose, and pronounced him Damned. Neither would they bury his Body in Consecrated Ground, whose Soul they knew was lodg'd in Hell, by a Voice from the Dead. There is an Order of Der­vises, called Carthusians, who, they say, [Page 242]are a standing Monument of the Truth of this Relation. For, one Bruno, being touch'd with Compunction, at so tremendous an Acci­dent, immediately forsook the Society of Men, and led a Contemplative Life in exquisite Si­lence, Abstinence, Fasting and Prayer, en­joyning all his Followers to do the like. Who are now spread into most Parts of Christen­dom, having Magnificent Monasteries, Great Immunities, and are esteem'd the strictest Or­der of the Roman Church. They are served in the Markets before the King himself. If any Dervise of another Order desires to come into this, he may; but from this there is no Return. They dig a part of their own Graves every Day, having every one a Cell and a Garden to himself. They converse with one another but once a Week. And if when they are walking in the Cloysters of their Monastery, they happen to spy a Stranger, they scud a­way into their Cells, as Conies into their Holes, at the sight of a Dog. They never taste of Flesh, and are obliged to pray Eight Hours in Four and Twenty.

This Order has afforded Eminent Scholars and Statesmen; but now 'tis like to have Men of another Character for its Proselytes; for, since the Resurrection of this new Prophet, I mentioned in the beginning of my Letter, the Rabble are all turning Carthusians.

Thou who art acquainted with the Nature of Ecstasies and Trances, wilt know what to judge of this Man's Raptures. The great Car­dan, could fall into them when he pleased; [Page 243]and I have heard of a Learned Mahometan Dervise in the Indies, that had the Art of with-drawing his Soul from the Body, at which times he beheld Divine and Celestial Things, not by way of Contemplation, but real Intuition. We must acknowledge these to be the Favourites of Heaven, Friends of Nature, and privy to the Secrets of both Worlds.

I desire thee, to write me some News of my Friends; for, I can hear nothing from them. Which makes me think my self among the Dead, and quite forgotten. If thou still re­tainest thy wonted Chearfulness, thou art hap­py. Sadness is the Bane of the Soul, from which, I pray Heavens, preserve both thee and me.

LETTER IV.
To William Vospel, a Christian Re­cluse of Austria.

I Am a Christian as well as thou, and yet I cannot find a Reason to live after thy Man­ner. Not, that I reprehend thy Choice, but I consult my own Happiness. I could wil­lingly embrace a Monastick Life, were it not for the Vow of Obedience. Those of Chastity and Poverty, are not so frightful. But, to be absolutely resigned to the Will of a Superiour (who may be a Thousand Times more Vici­ous than my self) is far more irksome, than to be a Slave in Turky. There, a Man may pave himself a Way to many Enjoyments in the midst of Captivity, and sweeten his worst Condition, with the Hopes of Freedom one Time or other. But here I must be con­demn'd to an everlasting Servitude, and such an one, as renders it a Crime, so much as to think of Pleasure, or dream of a Release. I must be for ever confin'd, to obey one that perhaps is not Master of himself; to humour all his Caprices; to give the Lye to that Sence and Reason, with which God and Nature have endued me: to make Black and White, Good and Evil, Reciprocal Terms; though every one knows, they are perfect Contra­dictions. In fine, I must resolve in all Things, [Page 245](not excepting my very Thoughts) to be conducted by him, who for ought I know, follows no other Guide but his own Irregular Passions. What will then become of me, af­ter such an unreasonable Forfeiture of my Na­tive Liberty? I will tell thee in one Word; from a Rational Creature, I shall be changed to a Brute; from a Man to a Sot; and, having now some Sparks of Vertue, I shall then be made the Rendezvous of all Vice.

Think not, that I go about to make thee hate the Manner of Life thou hast chosen: Though I esteem thee miserable, do not judge so of thy self. Thou mayst find, a great deal of Pleasure in that Restraint, which to me would be the most Insupportable Calamity in the World: And, it may be as easie for thee, to submit to the Will of another, as 'tis hard for me to comply with my Own. I am of so wavering a Constitution, that I cannot with­out great Difficulty please my self, much less could I be able to humour the Extravagancies, of a Soul different from Mine. I have obser­ved, that should I follow the Motions of my own proper Inclination at all Times, I should do many Things whereof I might afterwards repent: why may not the Case be the same, or worse, if I blindly obey the Will of a Stran­ger? Am I sure, that he is a Good Man? Or, if he be so to Day, how do I know but that he may be otherwise to Morrow? Nay, what Se­curity can be given me, that if he be a Saint this Hour, he will not be a Devil the next; since, the Temper of Man varies as often, and [Page 246]suffers as many Alterations, as the Elements do, out of which he is compounded? Where then can be the Reason, of giving my self wholly up to any Man's Disposal all my Life Time? Is it not sufficient to obey the Sove­reign Prelate, who commands the whole Church, yet imposes not the Dictates of his own Will as a Law, but governs all Christi­ans according to the Antient Traditions, Sta­ted Canons, and Decrees of the Apostles, Fa­thers and Councils? Whereas, those who Pre­side over the Convents of the Religious, many Times rule arbitrarily, commanding their Sub­jects to do those Things, which are diametri­cally opposite to the very Fundamental Rules of Christianity, and contrary to the Law of Nature. The more I think on't, the greater is my Aversion for this private, blind Obedi­ence.

Thou wilt say, that a Regular Life is the Way of Perfection. I grant it; but cannot a Man lead a Regular Life, unless he be immur'd in a Convent? Or be Perfect, if his Mind be not squar'd to the Retirements of a Cloyster? I will tell thee my Sentiments freely, and with­out a Masque. The Nature of every Thing, is its Perfection: There are Perfect Sinners, as well as Perfect Saints. Thus we say, such an one is a Perfect Drunkard, Fornicator, Cheat, Tyrant or the like. I ask thee, Whe­ther this sort of Perfection may not be (I wish I could say, is not too often actually) found, within the Walls of a Religious House? On the other hand, dost thou think it impossible, [Page 247]to find the Perfection of Vertue, in the mix'd Life of the World? Be not a Cynick, nor con­demn Things whereof thou hast made no Ex­periment. Remember, how many Kings and Queens, Princes and Nobles have been Cano­nized for Saints, who in the midst of so many Splendors, kept their Eyes undazled. Whose Ears, never let in the Blandishments of Flat­terers, nor the malicious Whispers of the En­vious. Whose Hands were never polluted with innocent Blood, nor their Thirst quench'd with the Tears of Widows and Orphans. But, in all Things, they conserv'd an inviolate Pu­rity, Modesty and Integrity of Manners. These Persons, were perfect in the midst of Imper­fections, and Regular in the Height of Hu­mane Disorders; Saints upon Earth, and An­gels among Men.

Assuredly, 'tis not impossible for a Man (let his Condition be what it will, Publick or Pri­vate, Servile or Free) to conduct himself even­ly and by a Rule, through all the Meanders and Mazes of Humane Life. I must confess, This is very difficult, and all Men have not that Divine Art. Few can walk on Pinnacles, and not make false Steps; such is our Life, and happy is he that makes the fewest. Yet, there is a Dexterity, with which whosoever is ac­quainted, need not go to a Monastery, to en­quire the way to Bliss.

Thou wilt perhaps accuse me, of too much Bluntness and ill Manners, in thus Declaim­ing against that Kind of Life, which thou hast enter'd into. But, pardon the Freedom I take [Page 248]with my Friend; and rest satisfied, That though I affect not a Recluse Life my self, yet honour I those, who having once engaged themselves therein, persevere with Constancy; from which I shall never perswade thee, or any Man to depart.

LETTER V.
To Mustapha Berber Aga.

A French Merchant, lately come from Is­pahan, brings Intelligence, that the Chan of the Ʋsbeck Tartars, is arrived at that City, to crave aid of the present Sophi of Persia, a­gainst his Rebellious Children who have depo­sed him, and bereaved him of one of his Eyes. The Sophi has given him a Royal Reception, going himself in Person, above a League out of the City to meet him, accompanied with all his Nobles. This Gentleman came away, before the Tartarian Prince had succeeded in his Design. But, it was generally supposed, that Cha Abbas would assist him, with a con­siderable Army of Horse and Foot, as also with Money to carry on the War.

This King is not Thirteen Years of Age, yet takes upon himself the Management of Pub­lick [Page 249]Affairs. He is addicted to drinking of Wine a great Lover of Musick and Women. Of a Noble Inclination, yet something too Passionate. He commanded the Belly of one him Pages to be ript up, for breaking a Crystal Bason which he much admired. Yet afterwards, repenting of what he had done, he caused him to be ho­nourably buried, and a stately Tomb to be e­rected over him. He also enquired out such of his Kindred as were living, to whom he gave large Pensions.

There has been little of Action in these Parts, since the Signal Defeat that was given to the French, by the Forces of John de Wert, and General Merey. Four French Mareschals were taken Prisoners, with all the Chief Officers, Six Thousand Soldiers, besides their Ammuni­tion and Baggage.

In this Action, 'tis said, the Spanish Horse behaved themselves very bravely, spurr'd on with an Ambition, to recover the Glory they seem'd to have lost in so many Battels. They rush'd into the French Quarters, with a Fury which soon put them into Disorder, and after­wards disposed them to quit the Field.

Before this Battel began, 'tis said, there were seen Two Armies of Birds fighting in the Air; which engaged so furiously, that the Ground was cover'd with their Dead Bodies. And, that Morning, when one of the French Mareschals was going out of his Tent, with a Pistol in his Hand, in order to try it, the Barrel Split and tore his Hand in Pieces. These are now looked upon as Prodigies, and O­minous [Page 250]Signs of the Loss they afterwards sus­tained: but, had the Victory been on their Side, no Body would have taken Notice of them.

The God that gives Victory when, and to whom he pleases, grant, that the Ottoman Arms may be ever successful against the In­fidels.

LETTTR VI.
To the Vizir Azem, at the Port.

THOU that art the Principal Support of the Ottoman Empire under the Grand Sig­nior, oughtest to be informed of all Things which may either threaten Damage, or pro­mise Assistance, to the Throne which rests on thy Shoulders.

I pass away some of my Time among Sea­men; especially such as sail in the Levant; their very Breath, is a Relief when I am Chamber-sick, or stifled with the close Va­pours of Paris. I phancy, their Lungs trans­port hither the Breezes of the Mediterranean, or the more wholesome Airs of Asia. I talk so familiarly with them in their Marine Dia­lect, that they scruple not to take me for a [Page 251] Tarpaulin, and therefore entertain me with­out Reserve, as one of their Crew.

This very Evening, I was with some of these Retainers to Neptune. Among the Rest of the Discourse I had with them, we touched upon the Dardanells which guard the Hellespont. They taxed the Christian Princes with Cowardise, or, unpardonable Negligence, that they have never attempted to force their Passage through that Channel into the Pro­pontis, and block up the Imperial City by Sea, and set it on Fire; especially the Royal Serag­lio, from whence are issued out the Decrees of Life and Death to the whole Earth.

I told them, they were mistaken in the Strength of those Castles, which command that Important Avenue. And, that no Ships ever durst venture within their Reach, with­out Leave. When one of them started up, and made me this Answer: Sir, we have Ves­sels impenetrable as Rocks, which dare come to an Anchor, under the very Walls of those superannuated Forts, and defie all the Turkish Artillery, to remove us thence. We onely want a Commission from our King, to try the Experiment.

I tell thee, Supreme Minister, I found too much Reason in his Answer, to make room for a Reply. Wherefore, dissembling for a while, the Agony I was in for the Welfare of the Sublime Port, I took my Leave of the Company, and immediately set Pen to Pa­per, to let thee know what is in the Hearts of these Infidels.

I am not vers'd in the Art and Method of Fortification; yet, pardon an Errour of Loyalty and Zeal, if I commit it, in pro­posing to thee the Necessity of erecting Platforms all along the opposite Shores of the Hellespont, to strike Terrour, and prevent the Enemy from attempting that, which in all probability would not fail of Success.

Thou that art all Wisdom, wilt know how to make a right Use of this Hint, from the faithful Mahmut, who never thinks him­self Happy, but when he does some accepta­ble Service to the Invincible Sovereign of the Sea and Land.

LETTER VII.
To Oucoumiche his Mother, at Grand Cairo.

THOU mayst better imagine than I can express, the mighty Joy I felt, when I first opened thy Letter, and read the Name of her that conceiv'd me, written by her own Hand; whereby I am assur'd, that thou art yet alive and in Health. Believe me, it came in a seasonable Time, to rescue me out of a dismal Melancholy, which had seized my Spi­rits. [Page 253]Surely, Fate directed thy Pen, and Providence timed the Arrival of the Vessel which brought me this happy News from Africk, in the saddest Hour of all my Life. Just as the Messenger knock'd at my Chamber-Door (where I sate overwhelm'd with dole­ful Thoughts) the whole World seem'd to me a vast Wilderness or Desert, inhabited only by Beasts of Prey, where the Great and Strong, devour those whose Weakness cannot arm them in their own Defence. A mere Stage of Tragedies, the Shambles of cruel Butcheries and Murders. In this Figure, did my troubled Imagination represent the Earth, with all the Race of Adam dwelling upon it. If I could propose to my self such a Thing as a Friend in the World, I know not how long 'twould be, before that very Person whom I had greatest Reason to esteem as such, might prove my Mortal Enemy; of so brittle a Composition is the Fidelity of Man. I look­ed upon my Life, not as my own, but alto­gether lent me; I esteemed not onely Men, but Beasts, and the very Inanimate Things, my Creditors, for the Permission. I had to breathe. I thought my self highly indebted to the Fire, that it did not burn me to Death in my Sleep; and no less to the Winds, that they did not blow the House down where I lodge, and bury me in its Ruins. For, where would be the Injustice, if any of those Elements which are the Ingredients of my Life, should become the Instruments of my Death? I con­sidered, that as I neither made my self, nor [Page 254]knew how I came to be what I am, so I was ignorant when and by what means I should cease to be. Perhaps, I might be struck with a Thunderbolt from Heaven, or swallowed up by some greedy Chasm in the Earth. A Tile from a House, might put a stop to the Motions of this Machine of Flesh; or, a Fall from a Horse, might break its Master-Springs. My present Station I looked upon as Preca­rious, since those very Persons who appointed me this Employment to serve one Turn, would not Scruple to take off my Head to serve another.

In these melancholy Thoughts was I almost drown'd, when thy Letter came and struck a Light out of the midst of Darkness. I was now ready to die with Excess of Joy, who before was half killed with extreme Sadness.

But tell me, my Dear Mother, in the Name of our Holy Prophet, what Motive in­duced thee to quit the wholesome Air of Greece, for the noisom and pestilential Va­pours of Aegypt? Is Cairo a more eligible Seat than Constantinople? Or, because thou hast lost thy Second Husband, wilt thou be wedded to an Incurable Grief, and think no Mourning sufficient, unless thou go in Pil­grimage to his very Grave, there to dissolve in Tears, and mingle thy self with his Ashes. He died in Cairo, and is there interr'd; and thou mightest have liv'd in Scio, or any part of Greece, without blemishing thy Widow­hood. People will say, thou aimest at the Fortune of the Ephesian Widow, who found [Page 255]a living Husband, in the Sepulchre of her dead one; but I, who know thy Vertue, have o­ther Thoughts of thee; yet, I cannot ap­prove thy thus becoming Tenant to a Charnel-House. Therefore, the best Advice I can give thee, is, to return to the Imperial City again, to the Company of thy Friends and Acquaintance; or, at least, return to thy self, and be not transported with an extravagant Sorrow, for one whom thou shalt never see again. Tears cannot recover the Dead, nor can thy warmest Sighs inspire him with Breath. He is divorc'd from thee by an Irre­vocable Law; and whilst thou art in vain la­menting for him on Earth, he may be cele­brating new and joyful Nuptials in Heaven, being espoused to some of the Beautiful Daugh­ters of Paradise. Be perswaded then, that he has quite forgot thee, having engaged him­self in fresh Amours above; That he is in the Arms of some Surpassing Beauty of Eden, and that thou hast no more Interest in him. Let this Consideration, asswage thy Grief, cure thy Fondness, and make thee begin to think of another Husband. Those who make their first Visits to the French Widows, after the usual Formalities of Condoleance are over, take the Liberty to tell them, That they must live by the Living, and not by the Dead. This comfortable Proverb; is often used, even be­fore the Funeral Solemnities are finis'd; and, thou hast now passed away above Two Years since thy Husband's Death, in fruitless Mourn­ing. 'Tis Time to consult thy future Hap­piness, [Page 256]and abandoning thy Commerce with the Dead, to become sociable with the Li­ving.

The Great Creator, who is God of the Li­ving, and not of the Dead, inspire thee to take such Measures, as may best comply with the Ends for which he made thee; and, replenish thy Latter Days, with double the Blessings of the Former.

LETTER VIII.
To Muzlu Reis Effendi, Principal Se­cretary of the Ottoman Empire.

IT is no small Satisfaction to me, that since the Death of Cardinal Richlieu, I have started no Reasons to apprehend any Designs in this Court, against the Empire of the True Believers. The French Grandees, have pass'd away a whole Year, without giving much Trouble or Alarm to the rest of the World. Every one minds his own Affairs, and all push forward to get nearest the Queen Regent. The Misunderstandings between her, and the Duke of Orleans, encrease daily. And, this divides the Court and City, into Two Facti­ons, Cardinal Mazarini, seems to be the [Page 257]Man destin'd to balance the Authority of both Parties. He Spins his Fortune, with as fine a Thread as his Predecessor; being sensible, that though the Court love him not, yet they can­not subsist without him. He Inherits the Me­moirs and Instructions of Cardinal Richlieu, and his Spirit too, as well as his Ministry; be­ing a Man, of an Invincible Courage, and ex­quisite Forecast. The Greatest Enemy he has, is a Lady of the Court (for, I will not com­pare the Malice of the Duke of Beaufort to that of Woman) they call her, Madam de Chevereux; a Person of a keen Wit, and good Judgment; a professed Enemy to all that had any Dependance on Cardinal Richlieu. And, I could never learn any other Ground of her Hatred to Mazarini, but his being the Crea­ture of that Minister.

The late King had conceived an Irrecon­cilable Aversion for this Lady, suspecting her to be Instrumental in carrying on a Private Correspondence between his Wife (the now Queen-Regent) and the Spaniards. To avoid the Consequences of his Anger, she fled into Spain, but is lately returned to this Court. 'Tis said, the Queen received her with all the outward Marks of Affection at first, but sud­denly grew cold and estranged, when she began to attempt against Cardinal Mazarini. This made the Lady unite her Interest with that of the Duke of Beaufort, who very well matches her in the Imperiousness of his Tem­per, and his Hatred of the Cardinal. They both agree in their Endeavours to ruine him; [Page 258]but, I believe the Female Persecution to be the most dangerous. The Duke has made too great a Noise, to do any considerable Ex­ecution on a Man, who has the Wit to conceal his Resentments, and strike before he is per­ceiv'd. In a word, the Duke finds himself in a Prison, while the Cardinal is every Day more and more established in the Queen's Fa­vour.

In the mean while, I insinuate my self in­to all Mens Company, from whom I can hope for any Intelligence. Among the Rest, I have observed a Courtier, who often goes be­tween the Grandees, and seems to be entrust­ed with great Secrets; he is very sparing of Words, and makes his Shoulders do the Office of his Tongue. I have sometimes enter'd in­to a Discourse with him about the Queen, the Cardinal, and others; but all his Answers, are comprized in Italian Rhetorick, a Shrug and a Grimace. This silent Language, speaks very efficaciously to me, and I esteem him worthy to be courted, who knows so well how to bridle his Tongue. I ply this Politi­cian every Day with Addresses, and tell him a great deal of Feigned News, that I may tempt him to utter some that is True. He is a great. Privado of Madam de Chevereux; often waits on the Queen; sometimes visits the Cardinal; and is every Day conversant, with one or other of the Nobles. If I can win this Man, I hope to penetrate farther into the Mysteries of the Court.

The God, from whom nothing is hid, so dispose of all Humane Events, that the Empire of the Mussulmans may be established, not­withstanding the Cabals and Plots of the In­fidels.

LETTER IX.
To Signior Lorenzo del' Casa Bianca, a Genouse at Marseilles.

THOU sendest me strange and surprizing News, that the Malta Gallies have ta­ken the Eldest Son of the Grand Signior, and Heir of the Ottoman Empire, Captive at Sea, as he was sailing to Aegypt.

I tell thee, if such a Thing were true, the Grand Signior would not fail to send such a Force, as should dig up the very Foundations of that Island, and cast it into the Sea.

But I can resolve thee, that there is nothing more of Truth in this Story, saving, that about Ten Vessels of the Grand Signior's, bound for Alexandria (on Board of one of which was Sultan Mahomet's Nurse, with her Son, much about the Age of Sultan Ma­homet) were taken by Six Gallies of Malta, [Page 260]whereby the Malteses were enriched with a great Treasure of Silver, Gold and Jewels, be­sides Slaves.

This Intelligence I have received from my Correspondents at Constantinople. Men that are no Strangers to the Seraglio, but such as have the Ear of the Prime Vizir.

They say indeed, the Grand Signior took a particular Phancy to this Nurses Child, often play'd with it, and seemed to caress it with more Complacency, than his own Son Sultan Mahomet; which gave so great a disgust to the Sultaness, the Mother of Mahomet, that she procured the Banishment of the Nurse and her Child, who in their Voyage to Alex­andria, were taken Captives by the Maltese Galleys, as has been said; and this is the Ground of the Report.

However, Sultan Ibrahim is so exasperated against the Malteses for this Depredation, that he has sworn by God and Mahomet, never to sheath his Sword, till he has revenged the In­jury, by laying waste the Island, putting the Knights to Death, and leading the Inhabitants into Captivity.

He has vented his Rage already on the Cap­tain Bassa, causing him to be strangled, for not guarding the Seas better; and, 'tis said, he threatens a War with Venice on the same Account, because the Maltese Galleys, after this Pyracy, put a Shore in Candia, where they recruted their Vessels, with all necessary Provisions.

I expected the Silks last Week, which I wrote for, and the Oil of Calabria. Send them by the first Opportunity.

LETTER X.
To Dgnet Oglou.

ALL Europe rings with the Report of the Sultan's Son being taken Captive by the Maltese Galleys. No doubt, but thou hast heard such a Discourse among the Franks at Constantinople; and, thou knowest the In­trigues of the Seraglio. It is pleasant, that the Kuzlir Aga's Slave, should have no Fa­ther for her Child; that he himself should a­dopt it for his own; that the Mother of it should be preferred to be Nurse to Sultan Mahomet; that Sultan Ibrahim, should single out this Fatherless Son of an Eunuch, to sport with him, take him in his Arms, and treat him with all the Endearments that are Natu­rally shew'd by Parents to their own Chil­dren.

The French Ladies laugh at this Story, and say, That the Seraglio begins to grow more Civiliz'd, and to exchange the Severity of Constantinople, for the Gallantries of Paris. [Page 262]But, let them laugh that win; the Malteses have most reason to caress themselves for their good Fortune in such a Prize.

They say, the Grand Prior treats his Young Captive with a most profound Attach and Veneration; imagining, he has in Custody the Heir of the Ottoman Empire: for, they know not the true Secret, but are possessed with a real Belief, that Young Sultan Ma­homet, is in their Hands.

Let what I have said, be as the words of thy Nurse, when she prated a thousand Imperti­nencies to thee, within a Month of thy Na­tivity. In fine, be trusty to thy Friend.

LETTER XI.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of the Ottoman Empire.

IT is not unknown at the Divan, how the Princes of Italy have worried one another these Two Years. I dispatch'd long ago some Memoirs of the Feuds between the Barbarini's and the Duke of Parma. The Pope upholds the Former, making the Quarrel his own, in Defence of the Ecclesiastick State: The Ve­netians, the Grand Duke of Toscany, the Duke of Modena, with the French King, interest themselves in the Cause of the Latter. He is a Prince of an Active Spirit, and darts up and down like Lightning through the Pope's Ter­ritories. If he has lost Castro, Montalto, and other Places of Strength in this War, it is but by Way of Exchange; having possessed him­self of as considerable Holds belonging to his Enemies. Yet, the Barbarini's sheltring themselves under the Protection of Pope Ʋr­ban, seem to triumph and promise themselves an entire Victory; using the Artifices of Su­perstition, to weaken the Duke's Credit. And because some of his Vessels (which carried a­bove a Thousand Souldiers) were cast away, they would perswade the credulous World, that Heaven fights against him. They like­wise had designed, to build a Fort and a Bridge over the River Po, to open a Way to [Page 264]themselves into the Confederates Country, and to shut it up to all Invaders of their own; but were prevented by the Venetians, who sent Ten Thousand Men to stop the Building of the Bridge, or to demolish it, if built.

In the mean while, the Confederates though they seemed to espouse the Duke's Quarrel, yet trifled with him, protracting their Assi­stance, and disputing about Punctilio's; every one restraining the Conditions of their Friend­ship, within the Limits that would best square with the Interest of their own State. They had all Armies on foot, but could not agree how to dispose of them. The Venetians de­manded such a Post, as might be most ad­vantageous to that Republick. The Duke of Toscany, would have the main Body of their Forces so quartered, as to cover his Domini­ons. Thus, each Party pursued their own Claim, while their Enemies gained Time, and put themselves in a Posture, either to march into the Territories of the Confederates, or, defend the Ecclesiastick State.

Certainly, it is Fatal to the Christians, to be thus divided among themselves, even when they have greatest Cause of Union. Yet, the Duke of Parma, the very Soul of this Confe­deracy, breaks through all their Demurrs and Hesitations, impatient of fruitless Delays; rushes into Ferrara; takes Bondeno, abando­ned by the Garrison; after that, La Stellata, a Place of greater Strength; but, proceeding forward, the Barbarini's encamped not far from Ferrara, the better to observe the Pro­gress [Page 265]of the Confederates, and so put a stop to the Motions of the Duke. He and his Friends had Twenty Thousand Men in the Field, to which the Venetians not long after, added Six Thousand more. They were in different Bo­dies; and as they quarter'd themselves, so the Papal Forces remov'd their Camp. Several Skirmishes passed between them, but no great Execution done.

In the mean while, the Venetians were not idle by Sea, having several Barks and Galleys full of arm'd Men, Coasting along the Pope's Territories. They took Five Forts on the Shore; and, piercing farther into the Coun­try, made themselves Masters of Arriano, a great Town, and sacked Codegoro, putting all to the Sword, and laying the Place in Ashes.

On the other side, the Barberini's seized on Spilimberto, Vignivola, and some other weak­ly guarded Towns on the Frontiers of Mode­na, and killed Two Hundred of the Confede­rates, who had invested Crevalcuore. Cardinal Antonio, on the Pope's Side, has the Manage­ment of the War; a Man of an aspiring Ge­nius, and very subtle. He, perceiving the Duke of Toscany incensed at the late Loss, had taken the Field, with a considerable Army; sends Six Thousand Men to oppose him, but they were raw and undisciplin'd Souldiers, and could not hinder the Duke's Forces, from seizing an Important Pass, and reducing the City of Pieve, Monteleone, Castiliano del Lago and Passiniano.

While the Sons of War were thus busied in [Page 266]the Field, the Agents of Peace were not want­ing on all Sides, to accommodate the Diffe­rences that threatned all Italy with fatal Con­sequences. But, they did no more than amuse one another with Ambiguities, Subterfuges, and Evasions; while the Barberini's sought to gain Time, and draw the King of Spain to countenance their Interest. The Venetians, sensible of this underhand Dealing, protested by their Ambassador at Madrid, that they would unite with the French Crown, if his Catholick Majesty, should by indirect Ways strengthen the Bearbrini's. The King, ap­prehensive of such a League, forbears to med­dle in an Affair which might be so Injurious to Spain, and gives Instructions to his Ambassa­dors at Rome and other Courts of Italy, to mediate a Peace, which might be advantage­ous to the Confederates.

The Treaties however came to nothing, and the Mediators finding themselves eluded, su­spended their Negotiations, and gave fresh Opportunity to the Men of Arms to play their Parts. Cardinal Antonio assaulted No­nantola with Four Thousand Men, but was defeated by the Venetians, who slew several Hundreds of his Souldiers, and took Two Hundred Prisoners. After this, the Confede­rates plunder'd all the Country of Ferrara, and took Vergato, defended by Eight Hundred Men. In the Surprizal of Bazano, they kill'd above Two Hundred of the Enemy; and, marching forward, took Monteria, Serra­valle, and other Places; while Cardinal Bar­berini's [Page 267]Forces, were cut off at Burgho St. Se­polchro, where he lost Eight Cannon, Four Petards, with Abundance of Provisions.

It would be an endless Task, to recount all the Skirmishes and Battels, that have passed between them. I only inform thee of the most Remarkable, that thou maist insert them in the Register of the Ottoman Empire.

To conclude this Letter, it will be worth thy Observation, that the Pope falling Sick, and his Death feared, did much conduce to put an End to these Difference. For, the Barberini's, now being apprehensive of the Advantage his Death would give the Confede­rate Princes, were very forward to embrace any Overtures of Peace: So that by the Dex­terity of the French Ministers, it was at last concluded, and all Differences adjusted; the Duke of Parma's Territories being restored to him, the Censures of the Church taken off, and the Ecclesiastick State put in the same Con­dition it was in at the Beginning of the War.

I shall continue to send thee such Intelli­gence, as may be serviceable to thee in that Eminent Station thou enjoyest in the Empire of the True Believers. And, shall think my self a very happy Man, if I can by any Means acquire thy Favour.

LETTER XII.
To Lubano Abufei Saad, an Aegyp­tian Knight.

ONE would think that there were yet some of the Ancient Race of Gyants on Earth. Here is a Man come to this Court, full Eight Foot high, a Finlander by Nation; he looks like some Posthumous Birth of the Sons of Tatan. He is Master of prodigious Strength, and challenges any Two the stout­est Men in France, to throw him a Fall. I have seen him take Two Boys of Ten Years of Age on the Palm of each Hand, and lift them up from the Ground together, with his Arms stretched out to the full Length, and walk Sixty Paces with them in this Posture; at the End of which Stage, he set them down again on their Feet, without the least Violence or Straining. There are none so hardy, as to accept of his Challenge; for, they know he will not suffer them to come nearer than the Extremity of his Arm. And, such is the monstrous Strength of his Hand, that he will either infallibly throw them down, or stifle them with his Grasp. He talks of Travelling into Turkey; if he does, I hope he will have more Discretion, than to venture within the Seraglio, lest he incurr the Fate of the re­nowned Muscovite Wrestler, in Sultan A­murath's Time. Thou remembrest that Tra­gedy, [Page 269]which made all the Brave and the Ge­nerous, condemn Amurath's Cruelty. He was a Stout Prince himself; and, it look'd like Envy in him, to punish the Efforts of Courage in his Slaves, with so unrelenting a Rigour. But, he was himself a Slave to his Passions; and, Jealousie had the Predomi­nance in his Temper. That Vice betrayed him to horrid Violences, of which thou art not ignorant, having been privy to several of his Amours.

This puts me in mind of a Spanish Cava­lier, who had a very Vertuous and Beautiful Wife, which, thou wilt say, are Two rare Companions. He kept a Moor in his House, whom the Lady had one Time caus'd to be severely beaten. The Moor secretly vow'd Re­venge. He had an Intrigue with one of the Lady's Women, to whom he imparted his Mind. They conspired together, to accuse the Lady of Lightness, and Infidelity to her Husband's Bed. The Cavalier, their Master was naturally Jealous, as generally are all the Spaniards; these Two possessed him with a Belief, that the Gardiner had frequent Access to his Lady's Chamber, and undertook to make him an Eye-Witness of it. Where­upon, one of them goes privately to the Gar­diner, and tells him, that the Lady would speak with him. Whilst the other runs to the Lord, and bids him make hast; for, that the Gardiner was at that Instant with his Lady. The Impatient Cavalier hastens up Stairs, and meeting the Gardiner coming out [Page 270]of the Door of his Chamber, stabs him to the Heart, without any farther Expostulation; and, rushing furiously into the Chamber, serves his Wife in the same Manner. But, coming down again, the Maid struck with Remorse at so black an event, fell down at his Feet, confessing her Crime, and declaring, that her Lady was Innocent. The Spaniard, raging Mad, at a Conjunction of so many Misfor­tunes, stabs the Maid and the Negro; and last of all, to complete the Tragedy, kills himself.

I have often wonder'd, that some such fatal Consequences did not attend the Jealousie of Sultan Amurath. He spared not to rip up the Bellies of his Pages, for the Sake of Two or Three Melons; and, 'tis a Miracle, that he did not sacrifice half the Slaves of the Seraglio, on the Account of his Mistresses.

Thou art now in a better Station, and free from Restraint. Act according to Reason, and let not Passion byass thee one way nor other.

LETTER XIII.
To the Kaimacham.

THOU hast often required an Account of the Parliament of France, which is the Supreme Court of the Kingdom. Though the Name be known at the Sublime Port, yet the Ministers are unacquainted with the Power and Authority of this Senate.

When it was first instituted it consisted of Twelve Peers, an Hundred Bishops, and all the Prime Nobility of the Land; who had power to give Audience to Foreign Ambassa­dors; to adjust all Differences of the Subjects. In fine, it might then be called the Sovereign Tribunal, from whence there could be no Ap­peal. Three Foreign Kings have sat as Mem­bers of this Court. It was in those Days Am­bulatory, following the King whithersoever he went; but now it is always assembled in Paris, in the Palace which Philip the Fair built for his own Dwelling-House. This Parliament, is divided into Seven Chambers, whereof, that which they call the GREAT CHAMBER, is the Chief. There belong to this Chamber, Seven Presidents, Twelve Counsellours, the King's Cadi, or Attorney, with a great Number of Advocates, and Men of the Law. The Presidents and Counsellours are cloath'd in Scarlet, which strickes an awful Reverence into all that approach their Pre­sence. [Page 272]Some call this, the Golden Chamber; and well they may, since that glittering Me­tal, is thought to be the Umpire of most Causes that are tryed in this Court. He that brings most Gold, is sure to have his Business first dispatched, and to come off Conqueror. For, as their present Power is little else but a mere Formality, so is also their Justice. The King's of France, have gradually so clipt their Ori­ginal Authority, that now they seem to be but the Shadow of their Antient selves. They never pretended to meddle with Ecclesiastical Affairs; that was always out of their Jurisdi­ction. The Mufti of Rome, claims this Pre­rogative as his Right. From whence thou mayest observe, how maim'd and imperfect is the Royalty of Christian Kings, who cannot punish their own Subjects, if Clergy-men, without the Pope's Permission. Yet, though this Chamber cannot meddle with the Ecclesi­asticks, they have a Privilege to dispose of the Regency, during the King's Minority; as is evident in the late Queen-Mother, Mary de Medicis, and the present Anne of Austria, who were both by the Parliament decla­red Regents. They also confirm all the Kings Edicts; neither does he proclaim War without their Consent, or establish any Alliance.

There are also besides this, Six other Cham­bers of Parliament; Five whereof, are called Chambers of Inquests, and they consist of Two Presidents, Twenty Counsellors, and a convenient Number of Lawyers. The Sixth Chamber is a Collection out of all the Rest, [Page 273]and contains no less than Two Hundred Offi­cers. Here, all Criminal Causes are tryed; which are either immediately, or by Appeal brought before them. As in the Chambers of Inquests, Controversies of the Civil Law are decided.

It is a pleasant Sight, to see the Men of the Law all in their Habits, which are very Glo­rious and Rich. Indeed, all the Citizens of Paris, are extremely Gallant in their Apparel. But, I cannot be reconciled to their lavish Custom, of changing the Fashion of their Clothes almost with every Moon. This Va­nity has been forbid in all well-ordered Com­monwealths. And, thou knowest, our Ea­stern People would as soon be stript of their Skins, as change the Fashion, which has been in use for immemorable Ages. Here they have no Distinction of Dress, the Noble and Vulgar, Rich and Poor go all alike. You cannot discern a Slave from a Prince by his Garb.

Paris is divided into Four Parts, the City, the Ʋniversity, the Town, and the Suburbs. It is about Three Leagues in Circuit; seated advantageously enough, but wanting Fortifi­cations. Henry IV. had added some Strength to it, had he not been apprehensive of the Seditious Humour of the Inhabitants, who in time might make an ill Use of his Kindness, and shut those Gates against him, which he should build for their Defence against a Fo­reign Enemy.

The Court is generally at St. Germain en Lay [Page 274]one of the King's Royal Mansions, seated on the Top of a Mountain, which commands a Prospect of a large and beautiful Valley. I have been there often, that I might be the better able to penetrate into the Conduct of Cardinal Mazarini, who is never from the Queen-Re­gent. I have already transmitted to the Sub­lime Port, such Intelligence as I could gain of this Great Minister's Intrigues. I will now entertain thee with a Glimpse of this Palace, that thereby thou mayst conjecture at the Ma­gnificence of the King's of France.

It is divided into Two Parts, the Old and the New. The Former was built by Charles I. the Latter by Henry IV. That may boast of its Antiquity, but this is so Majestick and Costly a Structure, as sufficiently demonstrates, that Modern Architects come not far short of the Ancient Romans. The Rooms are all lofty and large, the Roofs and Ceilings admi­rably contriv'd and adorn'd; the whole con­sists of so many Courts, that it rather looks like a Town than the Seat of one Family.

But pardon me, Illustrious Kaimacham, if I tell thee, that none of the Kings of the East, can match this Monarch in the Gardens belonging to this Palace. I saw there, such a Charming Variety of Delightful Objects, as made Art seem to surpass Nature, and even to out-do it self. In a Word, the Christian Princes, are very ingenious in the Contrivance of their Pleasures, and make all the Elements contribute to their Recreations. Thou hast often seen the Artificial Fireworks which are [Page 275]exhibited at Constantinople at our Festivals, and on all Occasions of Publick Joy. But, thou hast never beheld such Water-works, as are exposed in the Gardens of this Palace eve­ry Day. There, by the mere Force of this Li­quid Element, Instruments of Musick are set at Work, which afford a Harmony little Infe­riour to the best Consorts in the World; and, which extremely adds to the Pleasure, one may at the same Time behold seeming Musi­cians playing on them, and keeping as exact Time with their Fingers on the Keys of Or­gans, Strings of Viols and Lutes, as if they were living Persons. There you may see, all Man­ner of Mechanick Trades exercised by Statues, who do every Thing with a proper Action, and are very eager at their Employments, so long as the Water gives them Motion; when that ceases, they all return to their Primitive Ina­ctivity. From hence you pass to a seeming Sea, with Tritons moving on Dolphins, and sounding their Shell-Trumpets before Nep­tune, who is drawn in a Chariot by Four Tor­toises. The Story of Perseus and Andromeda, is also acted to the Life by mere Statues. But the most Ingenious Piece of Workmanship, is, Orpheus playing on a Viol, while the Trees move, and Wild Beasts dance round about him. This is so costly an Invention, that, as one of the Overseers of the Water-works told me, a String of Orpheus's Viol being broken, cost the late King Lewis Thirteen Hundred Crowns to repair it again.

We Mahometans, are apt to value our selves [Page 276]too high, on the Score of our Princes Gran­deur. We boast, we flourish, and are guilty of a Thousand Insults, despising and putting the rest of Mankind under our Sandals; as, if none of the Race of Adam understood the World but we, or had the Wit and Power to carve out to themselves the same Felicities we enjoy. The Monarchs of the East, style themselves, The only Happy ones, Possessors of infinite Treasures; Kings of the World, Sha­dows of God, and what not! The Great Mo­gol, with his Omrah's and Raja's, pride them­selves in their Elephants. So do the Kings and Mandarins of China and Tunquin. The Sophi of Persia, swells at the Sight of his immense Treasures of Gold and precious Stones; glo­rying, that the very Shooes of his Horses, are of the most exalted Metal; also the Mangers wherein they feed, and the Nails whereby they are fasten'd to the Ground. The Cham of Tar­tary, rejoices in the Multitude and Strength of his Horses, his Winged Chariots and Waggons, and, that when his Armies rise and sit down, the Earth trembles with their Weight and Mo­tion. 'Tis true indeed, the Grand Signior, who is the Wisest of the Wise, and the Greatest of these Great Ones, is not guilty of this Vanity. He is destin'd by the Lord of the Ʋniverse, to chastise the Follies both of the East and the West. Yet, his Slaves cannot forbear Rhodo­montado's. I have heard some of our huffing Janizaries, tell the Greeks of Constantinople and Pera, that the Royal Seraglio is the most Magnificent Fabrick in the World, and that [Page 277]the Garden belonging to it, is a perfect Tran­script of Paradise. Thou wilt not approve such Brags as these, when thou considerest, how expert the Infidels are in Building; and, that they spare no Cost to erect such Edifices, whose very Ruins may proclaim to future A­ges, the Magnificence of their Founders. And, as to their Gardens, they are so regular and beautiful, adorn'd with so many Delicacies of Nature and Art, that one would think, they were made by some Traditional Disciples of Adam; and, that they had their Rules, from the Primitive Planter of the World.

The French King, has other Houses and Gardens of Pleasure round about Paris, where the Court interchangeably divert themselves during the Summer.

I humbly kiss the Hem of thy Vest, craving thy Protection against the Malice of my Ene­mies.

LETTER XIV.
To the most Illustrious Vizir Azem, at the Port.

SInce the Losses which the German Empe­ror has received from the Arms of Ragot­ski, I am inform'd by Nathan Ben Saddi, that the Emperor designs to send a splendid Em­bassy with extraordinary Presents to the Sul­tan, in Hopes to prevail on him, not to pro­tect that Prince.

'Tis true, Ragotski is of a violent and chan­geable Nature, and therefore no great Confi­dence is to be reposed in him. Yet, I take it to be the Interest of the Sultan, rather to win him by Offices of Kindness and Friendship, than to make him his Enemy, by deserting him in this Juncture.

He is at the Head of a Potent and Formi­dable Army, has taken Solnock, Breden, Mernatz, together with the strong Castle of Sendar near Cassovia; and many other Places of less Importance, whereby a Way is laid open for his Army to over-run all Hun­gary, if assisted with the Ottoman Forces. Thus will he do the Office, which, they say, the Jackall performs to the Lion, that is, to hunt out the Prey, and secure it for his Ma­ster and Sovereign.

Besides, the Fortune of this Prince, seems to invite our farther Assistance; for, he has [Page 279]had great Success all along this War; whereas the Ottoman Forces no sooner appear'd on the Frontiers of Moravia, but Six Thousand of them were encountred by the Germans, and routed.

Should the Sultan desert him now, he may be compelled to resign himself, with all Tran­sylvania, to the Protection of the German Em­peror. It is not safe to run the Risque of such an Event; Transylvania cannot support it self. Either the Sultan must continue his Prote­ction, or the Germans will soon find the Way, to plant their Garrisons in the Four Capital Cities, and reduce the whole Country under their Obedience.

LETTER XV.
To Afis Bassa, at the Port.

THE Pagans, in painting Fortune Blind, discovered but the Dimness of their own Sight. And 'twas a double Errour, to offer Sacrifice to her, that could not discern her Votaries. Yet, in my Sentence, the Christians are more to blame, who term her Incon­stant, Partial, Bawd, Whore, and what not? [Page 280]These are Prophanations of Providence, and impious Scandals cast on Eternal Destiny. Fortune and Chance, are but Nick-names of Fate, since there is nothing absolutely Casual in the World. They see the Vertuous perse­cuted, while the Vicious insult and flourish; and they tax Heaven with unequal Dispensa­tion of Rewards and Punishments; as if with Epicurus, they thought the Adorable Numen, took no Care of Things on this Side the Empy­raeum, and rested in an Eternal Ignorance of Humane Affairs.

Doubtless, the Infidels are in an incurable Error. They pore on the Outside of Common Events, and look no farther; they behold not the hidden Chain of Causes, nor the Invisible Hand, which disposes all Contingencies with admirable Order and Decorum. Hence it is, that what comes not to pass but by the certain Decree of Fate, appears to these Buzzards, only as an Accidental Occurrence, and the mere Effect of Chance.

But thou, who art instructed in the Do­ctrines of Truth, wilt have other Thoughts of that, which befell a Poor Man not long since in these Parts. This Person was Cha­ritable to Excess; for, he gave away all that he had, to relieve the Necessities of others, chusing rather to throw himself naked upon Providence, than to deny an Alms to any One that ask'd him; so long as he had any Thing to bestow. Being at length, by his constant Liberalities, reduced to a very indi­gent Condition, he was forced to betake [Page 281]himself to Digging for his Livelihood. Yet, notwithstanding he gained his own Bread with hard Labour, he ceased not to shew his wonted Kindnesses to the Poor, giving them whatsoever he could possibly spare from his own Necessities. One Day, as he was digging in a Field belonging to the Duke of Montmorency, he found several Earthen Pots full of Gold, supposed to be buried there in the Time of the Civil Wars. The good Man carries this huge Treasure by Degrees home to his House, with all imaginable Privacy. And, having distributed the greatest Part of it in Works of Charity, he was going with his last Reserve to the House of a decayed Gen­tleman, to whom he gave a sufficient Sum to repair his shatter'd Fortunes, being all that he had left: When, as he returned home­ward, he found a Jewel in the High-way, which being sold, yielded him Ten Thousand Crowns. A Noble Bank for new Liberalities, and a convincing Argument, that there was something more than Chance, which thus strangely recruited his Purse, that it might never cease to be opened in Largesses to the Poor.

Who will not say, That Fate had a Hand in the Death of that Souldier, in the Duke of Anguien's Army, who maliciously and wrong­fully accused his Comrade, of raising a Mutiny? For, the incens'd General, took a Fusee, and discharged it at the innocent Person, thinking to have killed him on the Spot; but, it prov'd otherwise, the Bullet passing through some [Page 282]Part of his Body, and through half a dozen Tents, smote the Slanderer in the Pan of the Knee, which put him into so violent a Fever, that he died in Two days; while the other (whom before his Death he confessed to be In­nocent) lives yet a Witness of this Remarkable Stroke of Divine Nemesis.

The faithful Watchman of the Sublime Port, Mahmut, salutes thee with humblest Obei­sance, and wishes thee in all Things, a favou­rable and benign Destiny.

LETTER XVI.
To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

SINCE I came to this City, I have lear­ned the Art of making Watches; which I exercise not for Lucre, but to comply with a Precept of the Alcoran; wherein also I find no small Diversion, it being a Relief to Melan­choly to be in Action.

Should the Ecclesiasticks of the Latin Church, be made sensible that I practise a Mechanick Trade, they would think me a Scandal to their Profession, since I wear the Habit of a [Page 283] Clerk. They esteem it next door to Sacri­lege, for a Gown-Man to condescend to the La­bours of the Laity. They would pull my Cas­sock over my Shoulders, should they catch me in this Honest Crime; forgetting, that the Pri­mitive Professors of their Religious Orders, got their Bread by making of Baskets.

The Box I send thee, contains some of my Merchandize; being designed as Presents for some of the Ministers of the Port, and my o­ther Friends at Constantinople. I desire thee to take Care in sending it safe, that the Watches may receive no Damage by Water.

It is reported here, That the Emperour is Sick; thou wilt do well to inform me of the Truth. I hear also, That Prodigies have been lately seen at Vienna, which the French inter­pret, as Fore-runners of his Death, and Signs of approaching Desolations in Germany. I am not credulous of all Things, which the Vulgar say on such Occasions. Yet I cannot deny, but that the Angels who preside over King­doms and Empires, may be the Monitors of Mankind, and by raising unusual Spectacles in the Elements, may warn Mortals of future Alterations. This was the Opinion also of thy Country-man Josephus, who says, That immediately before the Destruction of Jerusa­lem, there was a Voice heard in the Templs of Solomon, supposed to be uttered by Angels, say­ing, Arise, let us go hence; as if the Guardian Spirits of that City, were then forsaking their Charge.

In this Place not long ago, were seen Three Suns together, or at least the Appearance of so many. This the Superstitious construed as an Omen of ill Luck. While the Court-Flatterers said, they represented the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Condi, and Cardinal Mazarini, who now have united their Interests, after a long Time of Animosities and Misunderstand­ings. I look upon this Apparition, to be only a Natural Production, resulting from the Re­flexion of the Sun-beams on a bright Cloud. It is easie to solve such Phaenomena, without a Miracle. Yet some, I confess, have the Stamp of a Supernatural Power in their very Front. I my self once saw Two mighty Armies mar­shall'd in the Air, who acted all the Bloody Tragedies of War, and made Arabia deaf with the Noise of their Artillery; yet, not a Cloud at that time to be seen. But I remark'd no extraordinary Event to follow it. 'Tis hard to trace the Omnipotent in such Mysterious Works, or learn the Drift of Providence.

I desire thee to use thy utmost Diligence, to penetrate into the Designs of the Court where thou residest. 'Tis an Honourable Post, to serve the Greatest Monarch in the World. Be Faithful and Vigilant, so may God and the Grand Signior heap greater Favours on thee. Adieu.

LETTER XVII.
To Solyman Aga, Chief Eunuch of the Women.

I Perceive by thy Letters, that our Heroick Sultan is very Industrious to take off the Scandal of Impotence, which the Ladies at his first Accession to the Throne fastned on him, having now seen a Fourth Son, born to him in the Seraglio. The Multitude of Subjects, is the Glory of a Monarch, and a strong Defence in Time of War; and, the Multitude of the Prince's Children, is the Security of his People both in War and Peace.

The Sultan's Adventure, as he was going to Scutary, puts me in mind of an Accident, which befell one of the Ancient King of Ae­gypt; who, as he was walking in the Royal Garden at Memphis, spyed an Eagle flying toward the Place, where he was; at which Sight he stood still, gazing on the King of Birds; till at length the Eagle arriving to that part of the Air which was over his Head, lets fall a Woman's Shooe at his Feet. The King surprized at this Accident, takes up the Shooe; and, surveying its exquisite Symmetry and Form, thence took his Mea­sures of the Lady that had worn it, and suddenly grew enamour'd of the unknown Fair; proclaiming through all Aegypt, great [Page 286]Rewards to any that could discover the Owner of that Shooe. At length, a certain Beautiful Courtezan of Naucretis, named Rhodope, was proved to be the Mistress of it; who being brought to the King's Presence, he took her to his Bed, making her the Partner of his Empire.

This Lady had a much better Fate, than the tall Armenian Woman, with whom Sul­tan Ibrahim fell in Love on the like Occasion: For, Rhodope, after she had enjoyed her Ho­nour many Years, at last died peaceably in her Bed, and was Entombed in one of the Pyra­mids of Aegypt: Whereas, thou tellest me, that this Armenian, soon after her Exalta­tion to the Sultan's Embraces, was strangled by the Queen-Mother's Command. I tell thee, it was a Bold and Cruel Act; and, were the Sultan sensible how she was Murdered, he would not spare to vent his Indignation a­gainst her that bare him.

LETTER XVIII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

ONE would think it an easie Matter, for a Stranger to conceal himself, in so vast and Populous a City as is Paris. Especially, one who makes so mean and contemptible a Figure, as does the supposed Titus of Molda­via. I little thought, that the Lowness of my Stature, and the Deformity of my Body, would have attracted any Curious Eyes; but, that my very Habit, would have protected me from all Suspicion, and, that I might have pass'd an Age undiscovered, amongst the Infi­nite Crowds of People, who throng both the Houses and Streets of Paris. Yet, there are some Critical Moments of our Lives wherein Fate delights to sport with us, to throw Stum­bling-Blocks in our Way, to entangle us in Difficulties and Perils. This is a necessary Discipline of Heaven, to rowze Men from the Lees of Security, and Confidence in their own Strength and Abilities, and to instruct us, That Providence alone can extricate as out of the La­byrinths we often fall into.

I was walking Yesterday before the Great Temple of this City, which is dedicated to Ma­ry the Mother of Jesus; when, on a sudden, I was accosted (by one whom I little imagin'd to have seen in Paris) with these Words; [Page 288] Mahmut! How came you by this Habit? What make you in this Place? Are you a Christian, or do you thus disguise your self for other Ends? Thou mayst easily imagine, what a Terror seized me, when I knew that he who spoke to me, was my old Master at Palermo. It brought to my Remembrance all the cruel Blows and Stripes I had received, during that irksom Cap­tivity; and I could almost have phansy'd my self ready for the Bastinado. However, dis­sembling my Confusion, I answered briskly, Sir, you are mistaken in the Person; my Name is not Mahmut, but Titus. I am a Christian and a Catholick; if you are such your self, you have no Reason to upbraid my Habit, since I wear it as a Badge of my Profession, being a Student, and Candidate of the Priesthood.

This Answer, instead of satisfying him, did but augment his Jealousie; and, being of a Passionate Temper, he broke out into fierce Language, calling me, Turk, Infidel, Slave, Dog, and all the ill Names his Fury could suggest. He spoke so loud, that it was taken Notice of by the People as they walked by, who began to gather about us, to learn the Occasion of so much Noise. I then condemn'd my self, for not rather owning my self to him, and inviting him to some more retired Place, where I might give him an Account of my Circumstances. I look'd upon my self as a dead Man, and would gladly have sustained Seven Years of Servi­tude again in Sicily, to have been rid of the Fear I was now under, of a more terrible Pu­nishment.

While I was in this Confusion of Spirit, thinking of Nothing but Racks and Tortures, the Noise of the Rabble, who flock'd about us, had alarm'd the People that were at their Devotions in the Church, who came running out, to enquire the Cause of such a Tumult: Among the Rest, a Friar, eminent for his Learning and Vertue, and who had a parti­cular Esteem and Friendship for me, per­ceiving the Matter, came up close to me, and taking me by the Hand, spoke aloud these Words: Sirs, forbear to Injure a Stranger in the Court of the Mother of God. I know this Man very well, and will be Responsible for him; he is a Catholick-Clerk, and Servant of the Living God. The Rabble gave a great Shout at the End of this Harangue; and, had not my Sicilian Master made a narrow escape, they would have endangered to tear him in Pieces. I know not what became of him afterwards, but I attended the Friar into the Temple, where we staid during the Cele­bration of their Mass; and, then he condu­cted me through the inner Parts of the Tem­ple, by private ways into the Lodgings of the Priests; whence we issu'd out by a Postern, and, taking Boat, we cross'd the River Seine into the Fields. The Friar congratulated my Escape from the Hands of the Multitude; and, I return'd him a Thousand Thanks, for lifting me out of the Mire.

Thou seest, Dear Friend, that the Arabian Proverb speaks not in vain, when it says; That the Habitation of Danger, is on the Bor­ders [Page 290]of Security: And, That a Man never runs greater Hazards, than when he least fears them.

He that turns the Scales of Life and Death, Good and Evil, grant, that some happy E­mergency may always arise, to divert the Perils which thou shalt incurr in this Uncer­tain Life.

LETTER XIX.
To the Kaimacham.

THIS Court is now in Mourning, for the Death of the Chief Mufti, or Pope. And indeed, there seems to be more than mere Ce­remony in it, he having all along favoured the French Interest. He had almost pass'd the Twenty second Year of his Pontificate; which few of the Popes have done since St. Peter, a Disciple of their Messias, from whom they pretend to derive their Succession. Their Histories say, that this Peter, was the Mufti of Rome Five and Twenty Years, and that since him not one, whether he was elected Young or Old, has enjoy'd the Sovereignty so long. Those that have approached nearest to it, were Adrian I. Sylvester I. and this Ʋrban VIII. who is now dead. It is reported, that [Page 291]at their Coronation, the Master of the Cere­monies, kneeling down, burns Flax before him that is elected, and with a loud Voice, repeats these Words Thrice: O Holy Father! think not you are to live here as long as did St. Peter; but, let this Flame put you in Mind, of the Vanity of the World, and how swiftly the Glory of it passes away.

Cardinal Pamphilio succeeds him in the Ro­man Chair, and has given himself the Name of Innocent X. it being the Custom al­ways at their Promotion, to assume the Name of some Holy Man (a strange Piece of Hypocrisie, as if that was sufficient to atone for their own wicked Lives.) But, none of them has presumed to take the Name of Peter, out of Respect to the First Vicar of Jesus. This Pamphilio is above Threescore and Twelve Years of Age, by whose Exaltation the Family of the Barbarini's, to whom he was a pro­fess'd Enemy, begin to fall into Disgrace. Cardinal Antonio, one of that Family, is tax­ed with embezelling the Treasures of the Church, committed to his Trust.

He flies to France for Succour; and though he had no great Reason to expect Car­dinal Mazarini's Friendship, having formerly opposed his Interest at the Roman Court, in the Time of the late Pope Ʋrban; yet this Cardinal, by an Excess of Generosity, has espoused his Cause, and engaged his Master, the King of France, in his Quarrel.

What will be the Issue of this Contention, Time will evince. But, Men begin to talk [Page 292]already, That the King of France, will carry a War into Italy, which will shake the Walls of Rome it self.

Thus, there is no Stability in Humane Af­fairs; but, Time and Providence, perpetually start new Events.

God grant, that thou mayst live to see the Ottoman Crescent, on the Top of St. Peter's Church in Rome.

LETTER XX.
To the Vizir Azem at the Port.

THE great Preparations which Sultan Ibra­him is making by Land and Sea, affords a Subject of Discourse to all Christendom; but administers a special Occasion of Jealousie, to the Republick of Venice.

They look on his declared Intentions to Invade Malta, only as a Cover or Cloak to his real Designs upon themselves; being confirm­ed in their suspicion, by the Complaints which the Sultan made to Soranzo, their Resident at the Port, when he delivered himself with an Air, that expressed far deeper Resentments than his Words.

Nor can the Artificial Strains of Courtesie which are used toward the Resident, blind or [Page 293]cancel the apparent Affront and Contempt which he received from the Caimacham; who refused to give him Audience after some hours Attendance, though at the same time Prince Ragotski's Envoy, was admitted at the first Word.

These Considerations, with others of like Nature, have sufficiently alarm'd the Vene­tians; so that they are making all the season­able Preparations that are requisite, to oppose the Torrent of the Ottoman Fury and Rage, which they apprehend is to be poured on them. This, they perform with all imagi­nable Diligence and Secresie, being neither willing to give a just Ground of Jealousie to the Sultan, nor yet to be surprized unpro­vided.

There have lately been extraordinary Con­sultations in the Senate about these Affairs, some disapproving these Warlike Preparati­ons, others promoting them: One Party judging, that a Peace ought rather to be purchased with a Tender of Gold: A con­trary Side pleading, that such a Purchase would be both dishonourable and disadvan­tageous; since upon every new Disgust, the Ottomans would commence, or, at least, threaten a War, on purpose, to erect a continual Mart for Peace, the Sale thereof being like to prove so profitable to them. Among the rest of the Senators, Signior Grimaldi made an Oration, of which I have obtained an Authentick Copy; And, it speaks thus:

THIS Glorious Republick, which has flourish'd for so many Ages, ought not, in my Opinion, to become the Merchandise of up-start Shepherds. 'Tis needless, to recount our Original, or wipe off the Ancient Dust of our Primitive Records, that we may be able to tell the World, we are the Reliques of Troy. 'Tis bootless, to put you in Mind, how this most serene and flourishing State, laid her first Foundations in the Sea, and built her Nest in the Floods: That the Nereids fled to her Shadow; and, the Rest of the Sea-Gods, even Neptune himself, courted her Alliance and Protection. Suffice it to say, that this Victorious State thus founded and built, has spread her Conquests through Istria, Dalma­tia, and Epirus; has annexed unto her Go­vernment, Corfu, Cephalenia, Zant, and Crete, with many other Islands of the Adri­atick, and Mediterranean Seas; and, that this Virgin Commonwealth, has preserved her self undeflowred these Twelve Hundred Years. In all which Time, she never submitted to the lustful Tyranny of any Foreign Con­querour: And, must she now become a Com­mon Prostitute to Infidels? be bought and sold at any Rate? and pay the Price of her own Sla­very? Has this most August Senate, by a long Series of successful Wars, been exalted to the [Page 295]Height of Sovereign Power, and is she now to be brav'd into a base and mercenary Peace, the gilded Mask of abject Slavery? We that have stemmed the Torrent of Ottoman Inva­sions, and resisted the Puissance of all Asia, must we now pull down our own Banks, and tamely let the proud Insulting Enemy in, pave­ing his Way with Gold? Rouze up, my Lords, the Ancient Genius of this Mighty State, a­waken the old Venetian Valour; and, unless you resolve always to bear the Ottoman Yoke, now shake it off, and make a War your Choice, rather than your last Remedy.

The Eyes of all the Western Nations, are fixed on this August Assembly. The Fate of Christendom is now in the Scales; it is in your Power alone to turn the doubtful Balance; it is from your unshaken Valour, the Christian World expects a Benefit, which shall be record­ed on the Pillars of Eternity. Suffer not your selves, Most Excellent Lords, to be cajoled by the specious Pretences of the Ottoman Fox, but confide in your own Illustrious Arms, and the Justice of your Cause, which will not fail to attract the Favours of Divine Providence. Let not those Laurels, which have been all a­long sprinkled with the Noble Bloud of your Renowned Ancestors, be tamely taken from your Heads, and trampled under the Feet of Infidels. Whom do you fear? A man supine­ly [Page 296]lull'd in wanton Pleasures; drown'd in the soft Delights of his Seraglio; a fitter Champion for the Fields of Venus, than for the bloudy Toils of Mars, the harsh Fatigues of War? But what do you dread? The Bug­bear-Title of Grand Signior? It is in our Power, to check his boasted Grandeur, and make him sensible, The State of Venice, has a Sword can match the Turkish Scymitar.

Do but resolve, the Work's half done. I feel already in my Mind, blissful Presages of a lasting Peace, the effect of a Just and Sea­sonable War, which is much to be preferred to the precarious Truce (for it deserves no better Title) which they design to cheat us with, in Contemplation of our Gold; a Truce, which they will break at Pleasure, to Start new Grounds of Composition. Thus, could we drain the Indies dry, we must refund our Trea­sure into the Ottoman Coffers, and all too little to satiate their Greedy Avarice, and Tyran­nous Demands. Thus would the most Se­rene Republick of Venice, be post-pon'd to the Divan of Algiers; who have already shaken off the Turkish Yoke, retaining indeed the servile Name of Subjects, but refusing the Tribute they were wont to pay. Let us not suffer that Barbarous Little State, thus No­bly to assert their Liberty, whilst we resign our Necks to the Yoke. Our Fleets are [Page 297]numerous, our Soldiers disciplin'd, our Sea­men bold and expert, our Treasury full of the Nerves of War. Let us be in a Readiness, and, if Sultan Ibrahim dares be the first Ag­gressor; then, beat Drum, sound Trumpet, and every Man to his Post.

This huffing Harangue of Signior Grimaldi, though it met with some Abettors in the Se­nate, yet the Counsel of the Graver and Wi­ser Heads prevailed; which was, to send Or­ders to the Venetian Resident at Constantinople, to sound the Inclinations of the Sultan, and, if possible, to make a Pecuniary Accommo­dation.

This Intelligence I receive from a Jew, li­ving at Venice; one whom I confide in, and who gives me a constant and faithful Account of all the Important Occurrences of that State. He is familiar with Girolamo Pusserla, and Bernardino Lupulo, Two of the Senators who voted for Peace; by which Means, he can easily feel the Pulse of the Venetian State, no­thing of Moment being concealed from him by these Clarissimo's.

The late Action of Giacomo da Riva; Sopra­veditor of Tino, against the Ships of Tripoli and Tunis, is interpreted to be done altoge­ther in his own Defence. I doubt not, but it will be otherwise represented at the Port; but, I wish some Mens groundless Discontents, and the private Interest of others, be not impro­ved to the Notion of Publick Injuries; by the [Page 298]Artifice of such as wish not well to the Otto­man Empire.

I discharge my Duty, in sending thee the best Intelligence I can in this Juncture.

God, the Supreme Monarch of the Ʋniverse, dispose these Overtures, and all other Humane Events, to the Exaltation of the Ottoman Empire, and the Propagation of the true Faith.

LETTER XX.
To Mirza Muhammed Effendi, Vicar to the Mufti.

THE Jews have a Proverb, That he who breeds not up his Son to some Trade, makes him a Thief. And the Arabians say, That an idle Person is the Devil's Play-fellow. Therefore, our Holy, and Wise Lawgiver, has commanded all True Believers, to exercise themselves every Day in some Manual Oc­cupation. Neither is the Sultan on his Throne, any more exempted from Obedience to this Ʋniversal Precept, than he who cleans the Streets. The Soul of Man, is active as Fire; or, to take our Comparison as the Hebrews do from another Element, It can no more [Page 299]cease from being busie, than Water can with­hold it self from running out of every Hole of a Sieve. Men will be always exerting their Faculties one way or other, and there is no Medium between Good and Evil: Whosoever is not employ'd in One, must necessarily fall into the Other. These are the Points to which all the Lines of Humane Actions tend, the Centers where all our Af­fairs meet. But, though there be no such Thing as a Mediocrity between these Two Extremes, and every Man is within the Circumference either of Vertue or Vice: Yet, there are certain Steps and Degrees in each; Specifick Differences also, which take their Rise and Proportions from Nature, Morality and Religion. Thus, Humane Pru­dence teaches us, of Two Evils to chuse the least; while the Divine Oracle instructs us, Not to stand upon Niceties and Punctilio's with Vertue, but to push forward till we arrive at an Heroick Generosity.

As for me, who serve the Grand Signior in this Station, I am forced to compound with the Law, and capitulate with the Severer Precepts of the Alcoran. I tell many a Lye, that I may do the more effectual Service to Truth. I am compell'd to deny my Religion, that I may pre­pare a Way for others to propagate it. By ob­lique and remote Fetches of Policy, I accomplish the Direct Intentions of Justice, while I com­mit little Vices among the Infidels, to intro­duce great Vertues. Thus, making good the Counsel of the Persian Philosopher, That it is [Page 300]necessary for him who would reach his Journeys End, sometimes to go round about. And, thou knowest what Encouragement has been given me; being assur'd by the Sovereign Pre­late of our Holy Law, That while I keep in the Orb of my Duty to the Grand Signior, I am out of the Devil's Circle.

If thou wouldst know how I busie my self at my Hours of Leisure: I make Watches; not knowing how better to spend my vacant Time, than in framing an Instrument, where­by I may perceive how Time passes away. This little Engine, points out each Minute, and measures exactly the Succession of Hours; it keeps Pace with Years, yet out-runs not Months. 'Tis the Journal of the Sun, a faith­ful Record of his daily Travel through the Heavens. In a Word, 'tis the Secretary of Time; and a compendious History of the First-born Issue of Eternity.

Eliachim the Jew, takes some off my Hands; and, the Rest I present to the Gran­dees, or any Body whom I would oblige. I have sent some by the Way of Vienna to the most Venerable Mufti, and to thy self, as also to others of my Friends at the Sublime Port. They are all seal'd up, with Directions to those for whom they are Designed. I wish, that this mean Testimony of my Duty and Affection, may be accepted. And, that my Superiors would from hence conclude, that I am no bad Husband of my Time.

The Ʋnchangeable Essence, who moves all Things, yet is mov'd of None; who sets all [Page 301]the Springs and Wheels of Nature a-going, yet remains himself in Eternal Rest; be­holding all Things past, present, and to come with one undivided Glance; grant, that I may be approved of Heaven, while I obey the Mufti and his Vicar on Earth.

If thou favourest the Cause of the Merchant who brings thee this Letter, thou shalt do well. He will inform thee of his Affairs. God encrease thy Felicity.

LETTER XXII.
To Halil Omri Bassa.

THOU that art exalted from a Page, to one of the Highest Dignities in the Em­pire, and possessest an Eminent Share of the Sultan's Favour, wilt not be displeased if Mahmut, whom thou hast formerly honour'd with thy Friendship, puts thee in Mind of some Qualifications that are requisite in a Fa­vourite. I know thy Abilities are great, yet he that walks on Pinnacles, will not refuse the Assistance of any kind Hand that offers it, nor tax a Man with Presumption, for endea­vouring to preserve him from a Fall.

It will not be sufficient, that thou art very [Page 302]Zealous to serve the Sultan, to aggrandize his Honour, and prop the Imperial Dignity: Nor, that thou art extremely accurate in ma­naging the Affairs committed to thy Charge: That thou art assiduous and extraordinary careful; not addicted to Recreations and Pleasure: That thou art rigorously Just, deaf to Flattery, and inexorable to Bribes; but in all Things sollicitous for thy Sovereigns Interest and Greatness, without any other Byass, save that of untainted Loyalty. (All these, I must confess, are great Vertues in a Statesman and a Favourite; yet, they may become Vices, by their Excess as well as their Defect; and he that steers not his Course in the Golden Mean, may soon preci­pitate himself into Ruine.) But it is also ne­cessary for thee, to have an Eye to the Satisfa­ction of the Subject, as well as to the Prince's Prerogative. It will not be safe to immo­late the Peoples Interests and Liberties, to the Humours and Caprices of their Sovereign. Neither will he thank or reward thee, for such a dangerous Piece of Zeal. Nay, should he himself command thee to do any Thing, which would intrench on their Rights and Privileges, thou oughtest rather to shew thy Fidelity, in humbly remonstrating to him the ill Consequences of such a Proceeding, than by a blind Obedience, to betray both him and thy self to the Publick Odium. On thee, to be sure, it will fasten, however thy Master may escape; and, thou must fall a Victim, to appease the incens'd Multitude and save him harmless.

This was the Case of the Duke d' Olivares, the late Minister and Favourite of the King of Spain. He was endued, with all the foremen­tioned Vertues requisite in a Statesman; but, his immense Zeal to advance the Kings Pre­rogative, betrayed him to such Measures of Oppression and Tyranny, as were the Occa­sion of his Ruine.

The Spaniards claim certain Franchises and Immunities, which when granted them, they pay a voluntary Homage to the Castilian Crown. D' Olivares sought to bereave them of these their Native Customs and Liberties, which by degrees gave so general a Disgust to that apprehensive Nation, that they broke out into an open Rebellion. Hence sprung the Revolt of Catalonia and Rossilion; and, the total Defection of Portugal. He thought by Rigour, to drive these People to Extremes, making them fall into Treason, and then taking advantage of their Crimes, to make his Master more absolute. But, these indirect Courses never prosper'd; and, we now see the Duke of Braganza, by this Means esta­blished in the Throne of Portugal, that King­dom quite rent from Spain, and the other Pro­vinces in the Hands of the French.

The Spanish Grandees, sensible of the Male-administration of the Favourite Duke, grew disgusted, with-drew from the Court, and from their Charges, leaving the King almost desti­tute of Attendants at home, or Officers a­broad; yet, none durst discover the Grounds of their Discontent, till the Constable of Ca­stile [Page 304]broke the Ice, on the following Occasion. This Constable, is one of the Prime Nobility of Spain, deducing his Pedigree from a Race of Kings. Him had Olivares made his Mor­tal Enemy, by proposing a Match between a Son of his, and the Constable's Daughter. This Son, whether Natural or only Adopted, is not certainly known; but, he had lived an obscure and debauch'd Life, not so much as taken Notice of unless for his dissolute Man­ners, and enormous Crimes, which had once expos'd him to the Sentence of Death, had he not met with better Fortune than he deserv'd. All the Nobles were highly disgusted, when they saw this Prodigal own'd by Olivares for his Natural Son and Heir, invested with the highest Dignities of the Kingdom, and made Master of prodigious Riches; especially, since he was no Ways worthy of such Preferment, retaining still his former Vices, and giving e­very where Proofs of an abject and base Ge­nius. To see such an one made President of the Indies, and at the Height of Honour, in a fair Way to succeed the Duke in his Mini­stry, irritated the whole Court, and drove the Constable of Castile to Impatience. He utter­ly refuses the Match, disdaining that his Daughter should be linked to such an Upstart. He remonstrates to the King, the exorbitant Ambition of Olivares. In fine, being second­ed by other Lords of the Court, and by Let­ters from the German Emperour, he so far prevailed on the King, that his Eyes began to be opened, and he now clearly saw, that [Page 305]all the Disorders of the Government, ow'd their Origin to the ill Conduct of Olivares. Wherefore, taking the Advice of his faithful Counsellors, he banish'd him the Court, de­priv'd him of all Authority, confin'd him first to a Place not far from Madrid, and af­terwards to Thoro, a City in Old Castile.

Thus fell that great Minister, through his own Ambition to rise. Seeking by unwarranta­ble Methods to secure his Master's Favour, he incurr'd the Height of his Displeasure, and brought upon his own Head, an irrecoverable Disgrace and Ruine.

I send thee this Example, as a Testimony of my Friendship and Fidelity; and, that thou mayst inform the Divan, of the true Grounds of this Man's Misfortune. The King has now taken the Reins of Government into his own Hands, though, 'tis thought, too late.

I wish thee an Encrease of Vertues and Hap­piness, and that thy Moderation may keep thee stedfast in the Sultan's Favour.

LETTER XXII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

IT is, thou knowest, a considerable Time since I was Love-smitten with the Beautiful Daria, who was Fair as an Angel, and dis­creet above any Mortal Creature. It's hard to say, whether the Beauty of her Mind or that of her Body, struck deepest Impressions on my Soul. How long were the Nights and how short my Slumbers, and what a general Distraction of Thoughts were I in? I could not abide my Chamber, and when I went out, no other Place could please me. I knew not what I said or thought, whether I dreamt or was really awake, stood or sate, went back­wards or forwards, all Postures and Places being alike, seeing none of them could afford me the Relief I sought after.

I imagin'd no less, but that I must thus lan­guish on; yet I find, That Time and Absence have, at length, made Way for Reason. Marvel not, dear Oglou, I have suffered these Transports. Our Passions are not in our Power; we cannot love and hate when and whom we please. There is a Conformity of Blood, wherein the Stars, they say, work Wonders. It's true, no Man can love and be wise at the same Time; but, prithee tell me, didst ever know any Wise Man, who was not one Time or other in Love? Remember thine own Passion for the same Object, which will make thee the easier [Page 307]to excuse mine. I'll tell thee a Story, which I have some-where read; which, if it does not palliate, yet will not aggravate my Weakness.

A certain Country-Man having lost his Ass, came to the Muezin, or Cryer, desiring him to give Notice at the Door of one of their Mosques: which he did for Three several Fe­stivals. But, no News being heard of the Animal, the Owner urged the Muezin to continue his Proclamations, with the Reward of a fat Pig to the Finder. The Muezin be­ing an arch Wag, and tired with the Fellow's Importunity, one Day when the Ceremonies of their Superstitious Worship was ended, and People flockt amain out of the Mosque, he made this following Proclamation: If there be any Man here amongst you, who will come forth, and solemnly profess, he never was in Love, he shall have a fat Pig.

An ungainly loobily Fellow, who was lean­ing listning on his Staff, bawled out, That he could safely take his Oath, he was the Person who had never been in Love. Whereupon the Muezin taking him by the Sleeve, presents him to the Country-Man, saying, Here, Friend, I have found your Ass, the Pig is mine.

Rejoyce with me for the Recovery of my Liberty, and believe an experienced Man, when he tells thee, that a Man's Love to his Friend, though it be not so violent and strong as that to his Mistriss, yet is more solid and lasting.

LETTER XXIV.
To the Invincible Vizir Azem, at the Port.

SInce thou, who art the Center and Source of all dignity, hast drawn back one Ray of Honour into thy Self, whose Emanation before made some of thy Slaves Illustrious, with the Title and Power of Captain Bassa: Since thou thy self, I say, who art always Ge­neralissimo by Land, vouchsafest also at this Juncture to become Bassa of the Sea; I wish that both Elements may prove propitious to thee, and Fate crown thy Arms with the Height of Success. May the King of the Wa­ters, proclaim a Nesiraum where-ever thou sailest, and may the Winds pay Homage to the Banner of the Ottoman Empire. In a Word, may yielding Waves and timely Gales, con­vey thee safe and prosperous to Venice; and, may Fortune always attend that Courage, which never forsook thee when thy Master's Honour lay at Stake.

The Empire of the Osmans, is highly obli­ged to Providence, for such a Valiant and Ex­perienced Leader of their Armies. There is need of the Resolution of Alexander the Great, to encounter with all the Formidable Difficul­ties and Hazards of this War. Thou art not marching against the soft and effeminate Per­sians, [Page 309]Men drown'd in the Luxurious Debau­cheries of Asia, and enervated by continual Voluptuousness: But, thou must combat with the fierce Rascians, hardy Servians, the vali­ant Inhabitants of Dalmatia and Istria, Men inur'd to Toils and Fatigues, and steel'd in Blood and Slaughter. I tell thee, there is no State in the World, that takes more Care to breed her Subjects up in all the Discipline of War, than this Republick. Thou hast heard of the famous Arsenal of Venice, wilt thou be­lieve what Adonai the Jew has told me, con­cerning that Nursery of War? He is newly come from thence, and says, That this Arsenal alone is half a League in Circuit; that there is but one Gate and Channel into it, by which their Vessels pass in and out; That in this Place, as in a Seminary, are bred up an infi­nite Number of Slaves, who are a little Com­mon-wealth by themselves. Some of these are employ'd all the Year round, in making Gallies, Galliasses, Pinnaces, Brigantines and other Shipping, with all Materials belonging to them, as Masts, Oars, &c. Others make Bullets, Chains, Anchors, Cannon, and all kinds of Artillery. A Third sort, are busied in making Ropes, Sails, Shrouds, and such like Naval Implements.

He says moreover, that in this Magazine are contain'd 40000 Pistols; 200000 Daggers; 60000 Partizans; Javelins 100000; Cross­bows 30000; Long-bows 50000; with 500000 Swords; Musquets 200000; 1000 Cannon; as many Sacres; 500 Culverins. All these are [Page 310]preserv'd as a Treasury of War, besides Infi­nite Quantities of all Manner of Weapons and Ammunition, which are daily carried from hence, to furnish their Ships by Sea, and their Armies and Forts by Land. Thou wilt conclude from hence, That this is a Wise and Martial Nation, and that the Conquest of Venice will cost much Sweat and Blood.

Wilt thou hear what this Jew says of their Publick Buildings, which are all made of the best Marble? He counts Sixty six Parish-Churches; Fifty two Monasteries; Twenty six Nunneries; Eighteen Chapels; Seventeen Hospitals; and Six Schools. He numbers Fifty six Courts of Justice. Ten Gates of Brass; Four hundred and fifty Stone-Bridges; Eighty Thousand Boats, which cannot be served with less than double that number of Water-men. The Inhabitants of this City are computed to be 800000. By all this, thou mayst comprehend the Greatness and Wealth of this Republick, and that it is no Inglorious Enterprize to carry on a War against it.

These Infidels, give Publick Toleration to Harlots; which is practised not only in this City, but all over Italy, and brings a vast Re­venue into the Treasury. The Whores-pence of Venice, is said to amount Yearly to 100000 Zechins.

The Multitude of Jews also, does mighti­ly enrich that City, who have no less than Nine Synagogues there. They are Masters of Infinite Wealth, and engross the greatest Part of the Levantine Traffick, whereby Ve­nice [Page 311]is become superlatively Wealthy, and has required the Epithete of Rich. This is grown a Fashion in Italy, That every City has its peculiar Title, as Rome the Holy, Padua the Learned, Milan the Great, Naples the Proud, and Venice the Rich.

One Thing extremely pleases me, and had it not a shew of Idolatry, I could not but ap­plaud it, as an Argument of the Generosity of this State. Adonai tells me, That there are no less than 165 Marble, and 23 Brazen Statues, erected by the Order, and at the Charges of this Republick, in Honour of the like Number of Valiant Soldiers, who have merited well of the Publick. This is an ef­ficacious Encouragement to Others, a Spur to Vertue, the Cherisher of Martial Ardor. And Venice herein seems to imitate the Gra­titude of Ancient Rome, which never spared any Cost, to honour her Heroes, and render their Memory Immortal.

God grant thee Victory over these Infidels, that at thy Return, laden with the Venetian Spoils, thou mayst rejoice in the Royal Ca­resses and Favour of our Glorious Sultan; and, that not only Constantinople, but all the Ot­toman Empire, may celebrate Triumphs for the Success of thy Arms.

LETTER XXV.
To Dgnet Oglou.

IT appears by thy melancholy Letter, thou hast not forgot the Loss thou formerly sustainedst by Fire, but still continuest to di­sturb thy self, with dismal Apprehensions of spending thy Days in ignominious Poverty. I am afraid, thou didst set thy Heart too much on thy Wealth, which makes thee so uneasy under thy Misfortune. Perhaps, thy Money was thy Master, and God in removing it from thee, has made thee free, and thereby fitted thee for the Contemplation of the Ʋni­verse.

Never fear Want; the same Providence which took Care of thee before thou camest into the World, will never be wanting to thee now thou art in it. It is but a Little that we need, and it will not be long before it will be impossible for us to want any Thing. Poverty never meets the thinking and indu­strious. And a Man may satisfy Nature, with­out the least Obligation to Fortune; who, when she seems most angry with us, scarce ever denies us Necessaries. The Belly, indeed, is a troublesome Creditor, yet is quieted with a Little. Seneca tells us, That Epicurus con­fined himself to a narrower Allowance, than that of the severest Prisons, to the most hei­nous Offender; and, found himself at Ease [Page 313]too in a stricter Diet, than any Man in the worst Condition needs to fear. But the Mise­ry of it is, we are governed in all Things by Opinion, and every Thing is to us as we think it to be.

The same Great Man tells us, of one Apici­us, who poison'd himself for fear of starving, when he had Two Hundred and Fifty Piasters in his Coffers. And, another more Modern Philosopher relates, That a rich Man, an Ac­quaintance of his, falling mad, snatcht up a Straw, and complained he must perish with Hunger, for he saw there was no Grain in the Empty Husks.

It's said of the Emperor Galba, That he was wont to weep, when he saw his Table better covered than ordinary. And, I have read of a certain Christian Mufti, who was so wretchedly covetous, that he would steal privately into the Great Mosque of Rome, and put out the Lamps there to save Charges.

But methinks, I hear thee murmuring me an Answer, That this was never thy Humour, and these Citations make little Impression on a Man, that has had his House and Goods burnt, and narrowly escaped in his own Per­son.

Shall I tell thee then, what hap'ned lately in these Parts, which will, perhaps, make thee more contented and thankful for thy Life, see­ing what was these poor Peoples Lot, might have been thine.

Certain considerable Merchants coming to this Town, and Lodging at an Inn, not far [Page 314]from my Quarters, the House being full of Guests, they were forced to be content with an upper Room; where, entertaining one another with pleasant Discourse, to pass away the Time till Supper, on a sudden the Kitchin was all in a Flame, unfortunately encreased with combustible Matter lying near the Chimney. Some say, there was great Quantity of Oil and Gun-Powder (an odd Store-House to lay such Commodities in.) However, the Fire appeared so suddenly and violently, that in a Moment all the Floor un­der them, was seiz'd with it.

These Gentlemen, who were Two Stories high, in a Chamber towards the Street; as soon as they heard the Cry of Fire, began to make towards their Trunks and Port-mantles, which were lock'd up in a large Coffer, the Key of which hung at their Hostess's Girdle. They were for going down to fetch it, but the Fire had, in a Manner, consum'd all beneath them. Whilst they were busied in trying to break open the Cof­fer, and to take out every Man his own, their Chamber became instantly so full of Smoak, as was like to Choak them. They could neither save themselves by going up or down, the House being all over in a Flame. Moreover, their Neighbours seeing their own Houses in Danger, were so concerned for themselves, that they had no time to Pity Others. So that, few People attempted to succour these poor Gentlemen, who, on their side, endeavoured with great Pieces of Wood, [Page 315]to force a Passage; but the Walls and Win­dows were too Strong to give Way to their Efforts, being secur'd with thick Iron Barrs, fastned in the Stones. In this lamentable Condi­tion, having this inexorable Flame before their Eyes, which had already seized on the Cham­ber, tearing the Hair off their Heads, and stamping on the Ground, they sent forth such dreadful Skrieks, as moved all that heard them to extream Compassion.

They threw their Gold and Silver into the Streets, in vain crying for Help; the Fire being so encreas'd, that before the People could bring Ladders and other Instruments to break a Way into the Chamber, these poor Wretches miserably perished in the Flames.

Thank God thou hast still thy Life and Sen­ses. Turn these last the Right Way, and thou wilt find thou hast lost Nothing.

LETTER XXVI.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of the Ottoman Empire.

THE Spaniards, are the Proudest Peo­ple in the World. They strut like Cranes, as they go along the Streets, and Walk by Rules of Geometry. Here are many of them in this City, since the Revolt of Catalonia and Roussilion. The French accuse them of Uncomplaisance and ill Manners, in that they will not change their Habit or Gate, in a Country so averse from Formality.

They are extremely addicted to Rhodo­montado's; as thou wilt easily guess by this which follows: Lewis XIII. asking a Spanish Officer, who was a Prisoner of War, Why the Kings of Spain went not in Person to the Wars, as the Kings of France: He Answer'd, If the King, my Master, should lead his own Army into the Field, the whole Earth would tremble under him.

Another being ask'd; Why the Spanish King in his Style, boasted, That the Sun was his Helmet, replyed, Because that Luminary never sets on all my Master's Territories. But the French-man wittily retorted, He will neither set, nor rise on any of your Master's Dominions e'er long, if the Great Lewis goes on with his Conquests.

Indeed, to pass from Jest to Earnest, this Victorious King, continually pares away some Part or other of the Spanish Monarchy. I have acquainted the Ministers of the Divan, with the most important Passages of this War, ex­cept the taking of Graveling, which I did not then think so considerable a Place, as I am since inform'd it is. 'Tis a Sea-Town, lying on the Northern Shore of France, and com­manding the Narrow Seas, between the Con­tinent and England. Some say, that it is one of the strongest Towns in Europe. The French King, by the Conquest of this Place, is in a condition to give the Law by Sea, to all the Northern Nations.

The Great God who protects the Ottoman Empire, set Limits to the Conquests of this Christian King, and so continue the Wars of these Infidel Princes, that neither any One of them may be in a Condition, nor All of them together be agreed, to make Head against the Arms of our Invincible Sultan.

LETTER XXVII.
To Dicheu Hussein Bassa.

THOU hast already in the Divan, heard of the present Convulsions of the English State. I communicated to the Vizir Azem, what Intelligences I had received of the Trou­bles of that Kingdom. Besides, the Imperial City is full of Strangers of all Nations, who maintain Correspondences with their several respective Countries: Whence it comes to pass, That whatsoever is done in the most re­mote Corners of the Earth, is soon known to the Ministers of the Sublime Port, which is the Sanctuary of the Whole World. But, I shall gratifie thee, in unveiling the Interiour of those Events, which have made such a Noise. Thou art naturally curious in thy Researches; and, I shall present thee with some additional Re­marks, which I have made on the English Affairs, since I wrote to the Supreme Minister on that Subject.

I acquainted him, that the late Cardinal Richlieu, had a hand in Embroiling that Island, as he had in exciting the Tumults of Catalonia, and promoting the Revolution of Portugal. The part which he acted, was by Proxy. He had his Agents there, to blow up into a Flame, the Sparks which lay smothering in the Breasts of that Discontented People. Those of the Latin Church, reflect it as a Judgment on the [Page 319] English Nation, that they have never been free from Conspiracies, Seditions and Rebellions, since the Time they shook off their Obedience to the Roman Mufti; which was, in the Days of King Henry VIII. As if, that Revolt in Point of Religion, had been the Source of all the following Tumults and Disorders in the State. 'Tis certain, Religion has great Influ­ence on Mens Morals, and where a Liberty of innovating is once allow'd, it makes conti­nued Progressions. Some French Antiqua­ries say, that the English embrac'd the Roman Communion for the Space of Seven Hundred Years; and, that during so long a Time, they never had any Civil Wars, but such as were made on the Account of Succession to the Crown. But, that after they had chang'd their Faith, they were always restless, still hatching some Alteration in the Government. I know not how far these Observations are justifiable, Men being generally partial to their own Cause. But, the present Stirs in that Island, seem to owe their Increase, if not their Birth, to the Latitude which the Subjects take in Matters of Conscience. Whilst every Man, carves out to himself such a Religion, as best pleases him; without being accountable to the State, or paying any Tribute, as is the Practice of the Ottoman Empire. Hence, it is few Mens Ambition, to conform to the Re­ligion of the Prince; but, every Sect endea­vours to perswade both Prince and People, to subscribe to their Sentiments; and, the most potent Party, threatens all the Rest with [Page 320]the ill Consequences of War, in Case their Tenets be not establish'd. Among all the Religions which divide the Inhabitants of that Island, there is none for which they have so general an Aversion, as that which they call the Roman Catholick, though it were once the Establish'd Religion of the Country. This is now become the publick Eye-sore; and, the rest of the Sects, though they are at immor­tal Difference with each other, yet all join Heart and Hand to oppose this Common Bug­bear. The French say, That the Protestants are like the English Mastiffs, Two of which, I remember, were presented to Sultan Amu­rath, by the French Ambassador, with this Character of them, That though when they quarrell'd they would fight with each other to Death, yet should a Bear be let loose upon them, in the Midst and Heat of their Fury, they would soon become Friends, and turn the Battel upon their Savage Enemy. Such, they say, is the Humour of the English Sectaries; and, the Factious have improved it so far, as to fasten the Odium of the Vulgar on the King himself, by suggesting, That he designs to introduce the Roman Religion into that Country; whereas, according to the Relation of Travellers and knowing Men, he is a zealous Protestant. This is the Pretence of taking up Arms against him: An Artifice, by which Rebellion is generally usher'd in; whilst the Defence of Religion, is made a Cloak for Sacrilege and Treason.

The Infidels have found out a Way to divide a Man from himself, by Metaphysical [Page 321]Niceties, a Science wherein the True Believers are happily ignorant. They are actually in Arms against their Sovereign, yet they declare they fight for him: Maintaining their Rebellion by this Sophistry, That they fight against his Na­tural Person, to defend his Political; as if they could separate one from the other. Some thinking Men say, 'tis well if they do not di­vorce his Soul from his Body by the Help of these Juggling Distinctions.

His Viceroy in Ireland, has already lost his Head, for no other Crime, but his Loyalty to his Master, who is blam'd for giving Consent to the Execution of so faithful a Minister. Yet, the Curious pretend to trace the Footsteps of Justice in this Man's Destiny, since he fell a Sacrifice to the fame Democratick Principles, whereof he had formerly been a zealous Pa­tron, having been observed to be once a great Opposer of the Royal Prerogative. If this be true, it seems as if Nemesis her self had brought him to his Punishment.

Thou wilt wonder at the Presumption of these People, in divesting the King of the Military Power by Sea and Land, and assu­ming it themselves. Especially, when thou considerest, that this is the Essential Preroga­tive of Sovereignty, without which it is but an Empty Title.

Our Invincible Sultans are possessed of such an uncontroulable Authority, as cannot be transferr'd to any Subject, or to all the Sub­jects of so vast an Empire put together; but is only communicated at the Imperial Plea­sure, [Page 322]as Rays from the Sun, whose Emanati­ons, though they are immense and infinite; yet do they not in the least, diminish or weak­en that Immortal Fountain of Light. But, the English have not that Veneration for their Prince, as is found in the Mussulmans: They esteem Him but the Trustee of the Common-Wealth, the Creature of the Populace, having imbib'd the Principles of Aristotle, Cato and other Democratick Philosophers; who teach, That the Sovereign Power is Originally in the People, and but transmitted from them to the Prince, by way of Deputation and Credence. My Letter to the Prime Vizir, will inform thee what the English Parliament is. At this Time, as I'm inform'd, it consists for the most Part of Men of this Stamp: Yet they do not openly profess these Antimonarchick Te­nents; but, under the Mask of Loyalty, amuse the credulous Multitude with specious Pre­tences, Of making the King the most Glorious Monarch, and his Subjects the Happiest People in the World. But, 'tis thought he will rather confide in his Arms, the Justice of his Cause, and the Protection of God, than suffer himself to be any longer cajol'd by their false Rhetorick.

He has given them Battel once, wherein they say, the Victory was in an even Balance, and neither Side could claim it.

The Rebels have put to Death the English Mufti, whom they call the Arch-bishop. They struck off his Head with an Ax, in the open Street, on the 10th Day of the 1st Moon of the Year 1644.

Before I conclude this Letter, I shall re­late to Thee a Passage, which happen'd in this King's Infancy, worthy of Remark: In former Ages, there were a Sort of Philosophers or Prophets in England, whom they call'd Druids, and Bards. These instructed the People in the Belief of a God, the Immorta­lity of the Soul, and other Principles of Natu­ral Religion. They foretold Things to come, and had acquir'd so great a Reputation, that the Kings of that Country would undertake no Affair of Moment, till they had first consulted these Oracles. 'Tis said, there are yet living some of that Prophetick Race in the Mountains of Scotland. One of which, a Man of great Sanctity and Wisdom, being an Hundred and Twenty Years old, came to visit this King's Father; at which Time he saw this King, be­ing then an Infant in his Nurses Arms, whilst his Elder Brother and Heir of the Crown stood by. The Old Man, after his Complements to the Father, takes the Infant Prince in his Arms, and bestows his Benediction on it, in these Terms, Hail, Royal Babe, Heir of Two Crowns; thou shalt Reign a long Time happily; but in the End, a Flower-de-luce shall be thy Bane. The Nobles that were present, thinking that the Extremity of Age had bereav'd him of his Reason, were ready to thrust him away; offering to take the Child from Him, and telling Him, That he mistook; for, this was not the Heir of the Crown, but his Brother who stood by. But he, with a composed Look and an assured Carriage, made Answer, That [Page 324]what he spoke, was Truth; adding withal, That the Elder Brother should die before his Fa­ther; and, That this should live to inherit the Kingdoms of Scotland and England. The Event has made good some Part of his Pro­phecy; for, his Elder Brother dyed at Twelve Years of Age, and he at this Day possesses those Two Kingdoms; but, how the Flower­de-luce shall be his Bane, Time must evince. It is thought, That by it is meant, the French King; because that is the Arms of the Royal Blood of France. It is hard to determine of future Events; yet there are some, who ob­serving the Influence which this Court has had on the English Commotions, and how far Cardinal Richlieu had engaged King Lewis XIII. in Revenging the Affronts which were given to his Sister the Queen of England, by that Inhospitable Nation, make no Difficulty of interpreting this Prophecy; but conclude, That the Unfortunate King of England, will at length fall a Victim to the French Resent­ments, though his own Subjects be Instru­mental to his Ruin.

I will continue my Intelligence of the Eng­lish Affairs, as I receive them. In the mean while, I pray the Great God, to protect the Mussulman Empire from Sedition and Trea­son, and keep the Subjects of Sultan Ibrahim in their due Obedience.

LETTER XIV.
To Bajazet Ali Hogia, Preacher to the Seraglio.

HERE are to be met with in these Western Parts, infinite Numbers of People, who not only despise and vilifie our Law, but their own, and openly scoff at all Religions in the World. These are known by the Name of Libertines or Atheists, which is to say, People that profess themselves Enemies to the Belief of a God. A lewd and unthinking Herd of Animals, who dare not be alone, lest they should come to the Remembrance of them­selves, and be Wiser.

These People are in some sort, like Ninus that great Assyrian Monarch, who vaunted, He never saw the Stars, nor desired it; Wor­shipp'd neither Sun nor Moon, never spoke to his People, nor took any Account of them, but was valiant in Eating and Drinking.

He was said to have this Inscription on his Tomb:

I WAS FORMERLY NINUS, THE GREAT LORD OF THE WORLD, AND LIVED AS THOƲ DOST, BƲT AM NOW NOTHING BƲT DƲST. ALL THE MEAT I HAVE EATEN, ALL THE HANDSOM [Page 326]WOMEN I HAƲE ENJOY'D, ALL THE WORSHIP THAT WAS PAID ME, AND ALL THE RICHES I WAS POSSESS'D OF, HAVE FAIL'D ME; AND WHEN I SET FOR­WARD FROM THIS WORLD INTO THE INVISIBLE STATE, I HAD NEITHER GOLD, NOR HORSE, NOR CHARIOT. I AM NOW, I SAY, BƲT THE DƲST THOƲ TREAD­EST ON.

Such another was Sardanapalus, one of the Successors of Ninus in that Monarchy, and in the Corruption of his Manners. An effemi­nate Prince, a Slave to his Lusts, and not wor­thy of an Imperial Crown. It was not to his Vertue or Courage that Nineveh was obliged, for sustaining a Siege of Eight and Twenty Moons, but to the Impregnable Strength of her own Walls. For, so soon as he was told, that the Oracle was fulfill'd, and that the River Eu­phrates was joyn'd in League with his Ene­mies, and had by an unusual Flood, broke down a considerable Part of the Walls in which he trusted; all his Bravery vanish'd; he shew'd he was a Coward, and kill'd him­self for fear of Death. Yet such was the sor­did Impotence of his Spirit, that even in this Way, he durst not die alone; but, taking his Concubines and nearest Attendants, with all his Gold and Jewels, he forced them to ac­company him into the Hollow of a Funeral Pile, which he fired with his own Hands, [Page 327]and burnt his Servants with Himself. I do not esteem it an Effect of Courage, to make Death a Sanctuary from the inevitable Miseries of a hated Life. But, to be either willing to die, in the Height of humane Enjoyments, or to be resolved to live and out-brave these very Calamities, which would tempt any Man to die, is the peculiar Mark of an Heroick Re­solution.

However, thus died Sardanapalus, having desired, that a Monument might be erected to his Memory, with this Inscription;

SARDANAPALUS LIV'D MƲCH IN A LITTLE TIME, HAVING ALWAYS GRATIFIED HIS SENSES: HE BƲILT TWO CITIES, ANCHI­ALA AND TARSUS, IN ONE DAY; PERFORMED THE TASK OF MA­NY YEARS, IN FOƲR AND TWEN­TY HOƲRS. ADVISES THEE, REA­DER, TO IMITATE HIS EXAM­PLE; EAT, DRINK, AND ENJOY THY SELF; FOR AFTER DEATH, THERE IS NEITHER PLEASƲRE NOR PAIN.

These were but Pigmies in Atheism, in Comparison of others. Dionysius, the Sicili­an Monarch, was a Gyant in Infidelity. He not only committed Sacrilege, but, made it his Pastime. He droll'd upon the Gods, while he robb'd their Temples; into which he never enter'd without a Jest, nor departed [Page 328]from their Altars without a Satyr. He put a Woollen Garment on the Image of Jupiter O­lympius, instead of the Golden Robe with which King Hiero had cloath'd it; and, excus'd the Sacrilege, by saying, Exchange was no Rob­bery, and, That he consulted the Ease and Health of the God, both for Summer and Win­ter. He play'd the Barber to the Statue of Aesculapius; and, shav'd off his Golden Beard, saying, That since Apollo his Father was beard­less, it was but good Manners for the Son to be so too. When he came into a Rich Temple in Syracusa, and saw in the Hands of Mars, a Sword, whose Hilt was thick set with Dia­monds, Emeralds and Rubies, he made a mock-Obeisance, and took the Sword from the extended Arm of the Image, saying, The God of War presented him with that Sword, as an Earnest of his future Victories, and, he should be very ungrateful and impious, not to accept the Gift of the Deity. It was a nasty Affront which Nero put upon the Syrian Goddess, when he caused his Excrements to be thrown in her Face.

These were Royal Atheists, and no Body durst controul their Impious Pranks. The Libertines now a-days are more modest and politick. They dare not violate Temples, nor prophane the Altars of the Christians openly, but secretly they undermine all Religion, and dispute People out of their Faith.

Some of these Atheists maintain the World to be Eternal. Others hold, that it came by a fortuitous Concourse of Atoms; which, [Page 329]after an Eternal Dance in an Infinite Space, at last jumbled together into that exquisite Or­der we now behold, and contemplate. They profess themselves Disciples of Epicurus, yet willfully corrupt the Doctrines of that Ver­tuous Philosopher; who, though he taught, That the Supreme Felicity of Man consisted in Pleasure, yet never meant that of the Body, but the purer Joys and Tranquillity of the Mind, arising from a Life lead according to Reason: Whereas, these Modern Epicureans, place their highest Contentment in the Satis­faction of their Sensual Appetites. A Jolly Crew, who number their Days by Debauche­ries, and reckon that Hour mispent, wherein they have not drawn some Line of Voluptu­ousness. And, as if they had consecrated Themselves to Bacchus and Venus, Women and Wine, divide the most important Actions of their whole Lives.

They are professed Enemies to the Doctrine of the Resurrection, of Good and Evil Spirits, of the Day of Judgment, of Heaven and Hell. They esteem Religion only as an Invention of Politicians, to reduce the World under some Form of Government; and spare not to call Moses, and Jesus the Son of Mary, Impostors, as well as Mahomet our Holy Lawgiver. They laugh at Miracles, and ridicule Prophecies; and, you had as good talk to them of a Man in the Moon, as of an Apparition from the Dead.

These Sort of Libertines, are not only to be found in the Court of France, but in General [Page 330]all over Europe. The Contagion is Epidemick, the Infection has spread it self through Clergy and Laity, Nobles and Vulgar; insomuch, as he passes for a Man of no Wit, who has not a Spice of Atheism.

This will not seem strange when thou shalt know, that even among their Mufti's them­selves, there have been some Lucians; who esteem'd Religion but an Old Wife's Tale, and us'd the most important Articles of their Faith, but as Instruments of Ambition and Avarice, to aggrandise themselves and fill their Coffers. Leo X. a famous Roman Pontiff, will be record­ed to all Posterity, for that Sarcasm of his on Jesus, the Messias of the Christians; How much are we enriched, by this Fable of Christ? Indeed, if we reflect well on the Maxims and Practices of that Court, it will not be hard to conclude, That Gold is the Great God of the Romans, and the Ʋltimate Object of their Adoration, since that alone can open or shut Heaven and Hell; no Piety or Vertue, no Prayers or Tears, Alms or Penances being a­vailable, unless made so by the meritorious Adjunct of this powerful Metal. Neither need the most enormous Sinners despair of Pardon, if they have but Pluto for their Proctor, and Gold for their Apology; there being certain Rates set upon all Sins, which if paid, those of the deepest Dye are as readily absolv'd, as the smallest Peccadillo's.

This Spiritual Merchandise of Souls in the Supreme Court of Christendom, has in no small Degree contributed to the Atheism of the Age. [Page 331]While Religion is thereby render'd Cheap and Vile, a mere Artifice of Government, a Stra­tagem of the Priesthood, to keep Fools in Awe and Subjection. And therefore, such as have a better Opinion of themselves, and would be thought Men of Sense, take Occa­sion to carp at the very Fundamental Princi­ples of all Religion, and to dispute against the Being of a God. Rather than tamely couch under the Luggage of manifest Impo­stures, they like wild Colts, throw off the Yoke even of natural Religion and common Morality: And, because they have too much Sense to be abus'd with Religious Ʋmbrages, and too little Faith to swallow all the Pious Frauds of the Church for undoubted Oracles of Heaven, they will have no Faith at all, nor give any Credit to the Dictates of Cor­rect Reason; but, turning Scepticks in all Things, are stedfast to Nothing but the Satis­faction of their Lusts; looking upon it as ill Husbandry of the present Time, to squander away the least Moment on the Thoughts of a Future Life.

But thou, Venerable Hogia, who hast been present at the Mysteries of the Holy Sepulchre, and kiss'd the Floor of Abraham's Oratory, art Happy in the Possession of a blameless Faith. Thou hast renounced the vain Plea­sures of Sense; and, thy Life, is one conti­nued Series of Abstinence, Prayer, Fasting, Alms and other Good Works. Having been bless'd, with frequent Visions of Paradise, and Anticipations of the Immortal State; [Page 332]pray that Mahmut may persevere in the Faith of a Mussulman, and the Integrity of a Loyal Slave to the Grand Signior.

LETTER XXIX.
To Egry Boinou, a White Eunuch.

I Cannot forget the Time, since thou and I sate together in the Chiosc at Scutari, and entertained each other with the Stories of the Ancient Greek Poets. The Prospect which that Gallery afforded, renew'd our Memory of several Nations Strife about the Birth-place of Homer; and, from thence gave us Occa­sion, to discourse and make Comparisons be­tween Him and Hesiod, Orpheus, and the Rest of the celebrated Poets, Philosophers, and Sages of the East. I remember, we passed by De­grees from one Subject to another, till at length we fell upon the Translation of their Heroes, and the Genealogy of their Gods. Thou wilt say, I have a good Memory, should I now rehearse the Series of our Conversation on this Point. But, I will not be so trouble-some for the sake of Applause. Though I often think over thy Sentiments with infinite Delight, yet I will not repeat them here, lest I tempt thee to throw away my Letter, [Page 333]before thou hast half read it. Only give me leave to put thee in mind, How thou didst then vindicate the Infant World, for placing those Excellent Souls in Heaven, who had been Illustrious Benefactors to Mankind on Earth: And, that though after-Ages fell into the Crime of Idolatry, by giving Divine Ho­nours to the first Inventors of Arts and Sci­ences, and by sacrificing to the Manes of de­parted Heroes; yet, it was thy Opinion that those who first consecrated them to Immorta­lity, and a Fame that should know no End, did but perform the Rights of Gratitude, exe­cute the Dictates of Innocent Nature, with­out ever dreaming of the Religious Cere­monies which their deluded Posterity super-in­duc'd.

To do thee Justice, this was a Noble Thought, full of Humanity, and exactly squaring with unbyass'd Reason; and, I must confess, I owe the frequent Cure of my Me­lancholy, to the Force of this generous Senti­ment.

The Christians, especially here in the West, out-go the Jews in the Superstitious Narrowness of their Principles; and, as the latter confined Salvation to the Lineage of Jacob, so the former restrain it to the Latin Church. I have often convers'd with some of their Learned Der­vises, on the Theme of the Pagans Salvation, but can by no Arguments beat them off from their inveterate Prejudice. They will not al­low so much as one of the Heathens to be saved, and but a Hundred and Forty Four Thou­sand [Page 334]of the Jews, accounting Twelve Thou­sand of every Tribe. This is the severe A­rithmetick of the Western Religion, whose Professors thereby render themselves greater Infidels than those they damn. 'Tis to be hop'd, there is a larger Calcule with God for the Number of the Blessed, or else one would think, Hell would be too populous, and the Devil would be forced to make frequent De­cimations, and send Colonies abroad, to make Room for the ever fresh Glut of his new Guests.

For my Part, who was Educated in the im­partial Rudiments of Truth, in the serene Prin­ciples of the Mahometan Faith, I believe, That there are some saved of all Religions, and that at the Day of Judgment, there shall be erected a Fourth Banner for such to resort to, who never heard of Moses, Jesus or Ma­homet. Assuredly, there is no Malice in the Omnipotent, and he will not Damn Men for their Involuntary Ignorance of his Revealed Laws, provided they live up to the genuine Dictates of Nature and Reason, which are the truest Standards of Vertue and Positive Reli­gion.

The Christians have a Heaven for their Saints, and a Hell for Sinners; in this they agree with the Mussulmans. They have a Limbo for Infants, that die unbaptized; and, another for the Vertuous Israelites, who lived before the Messias. Their Charity had been complete, had they provided a Third, for Just and Vertuous Men of all Religions; whom it [Page 335]is too hard to damn on the Score of what they know not, so long as they unblameably pra­ctise whatsoever Good they know. The Chap­ter of Prisons in the Alcoran, seems to contain a more equal Distribution of Justice, when it assigns a Middle-Place, between Paradise and Hell, to those who have led an indifferent Life, equally checquer'd with Vertue and Vice. They there shall behold the Joys of the Blessed, and the Torments of the Damned; yet shall nei­ther taste of the One, nor feel the Other; but pass their Time in a tedious Neutrality, between the Height of Bliss, and the Depth of Misery.

But, what Mussulman will question the Sal­vation of the Gentiles, when the Book of Glory it self tells us, That Alexander the Great was an Holy Prophet; and yet we know, he neither was of the Seed of Abraham, nor was he so much as Circumcis'd.

My Converse with the Learned Dervises in this City, has taught me some of their School-Distinctions; among which, they use a pretty one in the Damnation of Unbaptized Infants; teaching, That such are damn'd to the Pain of Loss, but not to the Pain of Sense. I am apt to think, this Distinction may very well be adapted to the Case of many Men, who as their Vertues are not of that Heroick Stamp, as to carry them directly to Paradise; so nei­ther are their Vices of so black a Tincture, as to sink them immediately to Hell. I believe, there are Proportionate Rewards and Punish­ments, for all Sorts and Degrees of Vertue and [Page 336]Vice; and that the Souls of the Departed, are marshall'd and disposed in Receptacles a­greeable to their proper Rank and Quality. And, if I can but get to Virgil's pleasant Greens and shady Woods, the fortunate Mansions of Innocent and Just Men; I will not envy the Heroes, nor desire to be canoniz'd among the Gods. Elyzium or Paradise are much One to me: I seek not the Name, but the Nature of Bliss. Provided I may but gain a Place of Rest and Refreshment, and be admitted into agreeable Company, I will not complain, nor disturb the Peace of the Blessed, with an Am­bitious Quest of the Highest Dignities in Heaven; as if a Man could not be Happy, unless he be made a Vizir of the Bench a­bove.

Let thou and I, dear Egry, live in such an exact Conformity of Manners here, that when we go hence, we may by the Divine Numen, be both disposed in the same Apartment and Society, carry our Friendship along with us to that other World; and let us make a Co­venant, That whosoever dies first, shall soon appear to the Surviver, and give a hirn true Ac­count of his State, if it be in the Power of the Dead to perform such Bargains.

In the mean Time, I counsel thee to make much of this present Life; not by sordid Vo­luptuousness and Vice, from which I know thy natural Aversion; but by borrowing from each Element, an Occasion of improving thy Science and Vertue. This is the Way to be raised above the Elements, in which at pre­sent [Page 337]thou art a Sojourner; and, to attain thy Native Skies, and Kindred Stars, where the Renown'd Poets, Philosophers, Lawgivers, and other Vertuous Men, are gone before us, ex­pect our Coming, and are ready to welcom us to the Rights of their happy Society. A­dieu.

LETTER XXX.
To the Selictar Aga, or Sword-Bearer.

IT is apparent, that the States of the World are void of Compassion, and that they are altogether actuated by a Principle of Interest.

Monsieur la Tuillerie, Ambassador from France to the King of Denmark, arrived at that Court with specious Pretexts of Media­tion, promising to do his utmost to accommo­date the Differences between the Two Crowns of Denmark and Suedeland, will all possible Advantages to the former. But, when the Business came to the Tryal, when he saw King Christian advancing into the Field a­gainst Gustavus, with an Army of near Twen­ty Thousand Men, which in all likelihood would have given the Suedes occasion to [Page 338]repent their rash and unjust Incursions; he charmed the good-natur'd old King, with such fair Promises, and subtle Insinuations, that he caused him to retreat at the Moment of giving Battel.

In the same Manner dealt Galasso with the King, who did but make a show with his Forces, without doing any effectual Service. For, when he might have compelled the Sue­dish General, either to Fight or Retire, he suf­fered him freely to pass through Holstein and return into Germany.

The Curious and Inquisitive, lay the Blame of this Treachery on Cardinal Mazarini, whose Pistols, they say, had corrupted Ga­lasso, and made him run counter to his Ma­ster's Instructions.

But, in my Opinion, this is an unjust Cen­sure of the Cardinal, who was afterwards known to be Instrumental, in spurring on the Hollanders to compose these Quarrels: Which at last was accomplish'd, by the dextrous Me­diation of this Great Minister.

I wish the Differences between our glori­ous Sultan and the Venetians, were as well ad­justed with Honour to the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XXXI.
To the Reis Effendi, Principal Secre­tary of State.

THE Wars of Germany and Suedeland are the Principal Subject of Discourse all o­ver Europe; especially in this Court, which has a great Interest in the good Success of the Suedish Arms; the House of Austria, being the most formidable Enemy, that France has in the World.

General Torstenson marches about, like ano­ther Scanderbeg; Victorious where-ever he strikes. 'Twas to his own Ruin, that Galasso suffer'd him to pass quietly through Holstein; when, in Conjunction with the Danish Army he was in a Condition to give him Battel, or compel him to retire.

No sooner was Galasso separated from the Danes, and Encamped near Magdeburgh; but, Torstenson began to observe his Motions, and lay down not far from him, between whom there passed many Skirmishes, which very much lessen'd the German Army. Besides, they were extremely incommoded for want of Provisions; so, that at his return to Bohe­mia, he could present the Emperour but with a few of his Men, and give but a shallow Ac­count of the Loss of the Rest.

In the mean Time, Conningsmark and Pa­penheim, [Page 340]Two other Suedish Commanders are not idle, having taken Staden and Boxte­hawdt, with most of the other Important Pla­ces in the Archbishoprick of Bremen.

Thus the German Affairs decline apace; and, the Suedes, who not long ago were ob­scure and scarce regarded, begin to make a considerable Figure in the World.

I shall send thee a constant Account, of what is most Remarkable. God augment thy Felicity.

LETTER XXXII.
To Berber Mustapha Aga.

THE Blood, Battel of Jankow, has un­percht the Emperial Eagle, which can no longer endure the Smoak of Suedish Gun-Powder.

The German Court, is removed in a great Fright to Prague in Bohemia, there to curse the Avarice of the Souldiers; whose greedy Desire of the Suedish Prey, betray'd the Ger­man Army to the Swords of their Conque­rors.

This Battel was fought, on the Sixth Day of the Third Moon of this present Year. Goetz, [Page 341]one of the Imperial Generals, was kill'd in the first On-set; which so Inflamed Baron John de Werdt, that with Four Thousand Men, he brake into the Left Wing of the Suedes; put­ting them into an Irrecoverable Disorder. The Germans seeing their Enemies retreat in much Confusion, fell to plundering the Bag­gage. General Torstenson, turning their Cove­tousness to his Advantage, lets them alone till they were all entangled and loaden with Booty; then suddenly falls upon them, and turn'd the Fortune of the Day to his own Side.

There were above Three Thousand of the Imperialists kill'd upon the spot, and Four Thousand taken Prisoners; among which, were the Generals, Hatsfeldt, Mercy, Broy, Zara­deskie, and Seven other Principal Comman­ders.

By this Fatal Stroke, the Suedes have open­ed to themselves a Passage into Moravia, Au­stria, and Hungary. So that, in Time they may extend their Conquests, even to the Con­fines of the Ottoman Empire.

I pray the Great God, to continue the Wars between these Infidel Nations; that so, not attending to the General Interest of Christen­dom, but weak ening each other, they may at Length become a Prey to the True Be­lievers.

LETTER XXXIII.
To Osman Adrooneth, an Astrologer at Scio.

I Know not whether it be an Effect of the Stars, or the Sport of Spirits, that has happened here lately; whether it proceeds from Heaven or Hell, Nature or Magick Art, Chance or Destiny; the Marks it has left be­hind are very Terrible, and the Astonishment is not yet off from the Peoples Hearts.

Three Days ago, I was riding from Paris to St. Germain en Lay, where the Court re­sides. When I was got about Half-Way on the Road, there arose a sudden Blast of Wind, which rushing vehemently among the Trees, made an uncouth Noise, and struck me with some Surprize and Horror: But, my Amaze­ment was soon encreased, when I perceived the Hedges and Trees that grew along the Road side, torn up and carried away by an Invisible Hand. I was afraid, my Horse and I should have been taken up for Company. For, this Whirlwind passed very near us, twisting in all that was in its way; and, swiftly moving in a Circular Figure, it grew to such a Bigness, by the continual Addition of Trees, Hedges, Stones, Earth, &c. that it seemed like a flying Wood.

I tell thee, though I was not without some [Page 343]Apprehension of Danger, yet hitherto this was the pleasantest and most diverting Spe­ctacle that ever I saw in my Life. Trees are a very grateful Object on the Earth, but they are much more so in the Air; and, especially at that Height and Distance, they affect the Eye with unspeakable Delight. I was ravished to see a moving Forest, almost as high as the Clouds. The pendulous Gardens of Babylon, would have appear'd but a Trifle, in Com­parison of his Noble Scene.

I followed it with my Eye as far as I could, till at length my Sight was intercepted by a thick Shower of Rain, which drove me into a House for Shelter. Where, before I came away, I was informed, that what I e­steemed so delightful, proved very Tragical to the Neighbouring Villages. Falling down from that Height I left it at, and scatterring its former Load, it fell violently into the Groves and Orchards, tearing up some Thou­sands of Trees by the Roots, and carrying them away like Chaff in the Air, throwing down many Hundreds of Houses, removing others from the Foundations, and doing the poor Husbandmen such irreparable Damages, as the like has not been known in the Memory of Man.

Common Humanity, taught me to pity these Infidels; and, the Natural Principle of Self-preservation, made me bless my self, That I had escaped so imminent a Danger. But tell me, Thou who art conversant in the Secrets of Nature, who knowest the Influ­ences [Page 344]of the Stars, and the Hidden Force of the Elements, What is the Cause of these wild Fits and Convulsions of the Air? The Super­stitious here say, the Devils are let loose at such a Time from their Infernal Prisons, to keep a Carnaval, and play their wanton Pranks in open Light, there being no Holi­days in Hell. Others believe, Magicians are at Work; and, by the Force of Spells, raise Hurricanes and Storms. But, the Learned say, That these are only the Effects of Nature, proceeding from Meteors and Exhalations in the Air. I, for my Part, never puzzle my self with a vain Search, after that which can­not be demonstrated. If these Hurricanes be Natural, then 'tis certain, Nature does not discover her Power at all Times, nor in the constant Series of her Works; but, has her Reserves, and Times of State, wherein she displays her Self with greater Pageantry, to create Respect: Since the unthinking Part of Mankind, is sooner taken with such unusual Events as make a Noise, than with the Antient standing Miracles of the Creation, the silent and regular Motions, exquisite Order, and never ceasing Activity, of the Sun, Moon and Stars. Thus, we are never sensible of the Heat that is within us, or the Circulation of our Blood, because we are always habituated to feel it from our Embryo.

I tell thee, Sage Osman, if I have any Dread upon me, it is of Earthquakes; be­cause they take from us all sure Footing. From Thunder, Lightning, and all the Storms [Page 345]in open Air, Tiberius's Remedy may secure us: Nay, the very Beasts will be our guides to some safe Den or Cave: But, from an Earth-quake there's no Retreat; that under­mines and blows us up without any warning, neither have we Time or Means to escape. This makes me always think, I walk upon a Cobweb; so thin and brittle is this outward Crust of Earth we tread on.

He that Founded the Earth, and has ad­mirably kneaded this Globe together with Wa­ter, grant us a Refuge in Time of Danger, and an Eternal Sanctuary in Paradise.

LETTER XXXIV.
To the Kaimacham.

I Need not Apologize for my long Silence. Eliachim assures me, he has acquainted Nathan Ben Saddi with the Occasion of it, by whom the News of my Imprisonment might be transmitted to the Sublime Port. When I was first seized upon, I had not the Liberty to send for Eliachim, or see any Body that I desired to speak with. But, that honest Jew, soon heard the News, and writ to Vienna to prevent any Dispatches that might come from thence, or from Constantinople. He has now fully convinced me of his Fidelity, which I so long suspected; and, I dare trust him henceforward, with the most important Con­cerns of my Commission. His Sagacity and Conduct in this Occurrence, is worthy of Ac­knowledgment and Reward; having dex­trously blinded Cardinal Mazarini, who is an Argus: baffl'd his severest Scrutinies, and been highly Instrumental in procuring me the Liberty I now again enjoy.

The Arabian Proverb says, The Camel that Travels often to Meccha, will return Lame at last. I had for a long Time essayed, to pe­netrate into the Drifts of this Cardinal, as well as those of his Predecessor Richlieu, yet found nothing but Riddles. One might as soon trace Arethusa in her Wandrings under [Page 347]Ground, or pursue a Man in the Intricate Mazes of Daedalus, as discover the Intrigues of this State-Serpent. His Designs are a per­fect Labyrinth. However, walking one Day in one of their Churches, I cast my Eye on a Stone in the Pavement, just before the Image of the Virgin Mary, which by the perpetual kneeling of many Thousand Votaries, was worn away half a Cubit. The Sight of this, made me conclude, That there is no Difficul­ty so great, which by assiduous Industry, and constant Resolution, may not be overcome. Chear'd with this Thought, I determin'd with my self, never to faint, or give over my most strenuous Endeavours, to unlock the Cabi­net of this Great Minister, wherein I knew all the Secrets of Europe were laid up. I left no Stone unturn'd, to compass my Design. I haunted the Court daily, and follow'd the Cardinal like his Shadow. I insinuated with his Followers and Creatures, Flatter'd the Soft and Ambitious, presented Gifts to the Covetous; was Merry and Frank with some, Reserv'd and Grave with others: In fine, I so aim'd to comport my self with every One, that I might win All. At length, knowing that there was a private Agent from Prince Ragotski come to this Court, my Zeal for the Grand Signior, suggested to me, That if I could wind my self into this Man's Acquain­tance, I should be able to unravel some great Secret, and do an Acceptable Service to the Ottoman Empire.

Opportunities are seldom wanting to the [Page 348]Watchfull and Diligent. I had acquaintance enough at the Court. And appearing often in the Retinue of Mazarin; and, the Cardinal sometimes singling me out, and Discoursing with me, in the Presence of the Transylva­nian, this Stranger took more than ordinary Notice of me: Which gave me Occasion to ad­dress my self to him, in Hopes to accomplish my Purpose. But, Fate had otherwise de­creed. The Agent remember'd my Face, and told me in the Sclavonian Tongue, That he had seen me in the Grand Signior's Seraglio. It is not hard for thee, Illustrious Kaimacham, to conceive the Disorder I was in at this Challenge. But, resuming Courage, I re­plyed That it was possible he might have seen me there; for, I had formerly served a Ger­man Ambassador at the Ottoman Court, in Quality of Secretary. He seem'd satisfied with my Answer, dissembling his farther Thoughts: But, as I afterwards perceiv'd, I owe my Confinement to this fatal Interview. No doubt, but he remarqu'd the particular Station I was in at the Seraglio, when he came thithe [...] to Negotiate for Prince Ragot­ski, in Sultan Amurath's Time. For, before I went to Bed that Night, I was sent for to Cardinal Mazarin, and strictly Examined about my Country, my Religion, my Busi­ness at Paris, and other Matters; and, was sent away Prisoner to the Bastile, (which was formerly a Citadel, erected to awe this Town, but not being found serviceable in that Kind, is since made a Prison.) That which most [Page 349]puzzles me, is, That I was not confronted Face to Face, with this Transylvanian. My Confinement was very close, being denyed the Use of Pen, Ink and Paper, and the Access of any of my Friends. Indeed, I knew not what use to make of those Materials, nor durst I write to any Body, lest I should have brought them into the same Snare, and done my self a greater Disservice. All my Comfort was, That I had left no Writings in my Lodgings, which could discover the Affairs of my Commission. 'Tis true, when I was search'd, they found the Alcoran in my Pocket, which gave a mighty Jealousie to the Cardinal; but, I excused it by saying, I kept that Book, that I might not forget my Arabick; in which, the Cardinal knew I was well skill'd, having formerly seen a Translation, which I made out of that Lan­guage for Cardinal Richlieu. Besides, they found in my Chamber Plutarch's Lives, the Annals of Tacitus; Livy's Roman History; a Philosophical Treatise of Averroes, and a small Tract of St. Augustine, one of the Christian Fathers: Which made it appear, as reason­able to conclude me a Pagan or a Christian, for having their Books by me, as a Turk for having the Alcoran.

I still persisted, in asserting my self to be Titus of Moldavia, and that I was a Christi­an (Heaven forgive the Perjury!) I had a Friar sent to me, who exhorted me to a Con­fession of my Sins, thinking this way to pump the Mighty Secret from me. But, this turn'd [Page 350]to my Advantage; for, calling to mind a Learned and Ingenuous Friar, with whom I had convers'd, and contracted some Friend­ship, I signified my Resolution to confess my self to him. This is a Privilege could not be de­nied me, it being lawful for every Man, to chuse his own Confessor. The Friar was sent for: And, this being the only time I was like to speak to any of my Friends without Wit­nesses, I improv'd the Advantage; and, to make my Confession seem the more sincere, I accused my self of what I ne'er was guilty of, telling him with a well counterfeited Sorrow, That the true Reason of abandoning Mol­davia, was, because I had murdered a near Kinsman there. My Confession ended, and Absolution granted, the Friar embraced me, and told me, That he would do me all the Service he could; in Order to my Release. I expressed my Gratitude in the best Terms I could, and begged of him to visit me often, since he was the only Person would be al­lowed to do me that kind Office. I will not detain thee longer, Sage Bassa, in Expectati­on of the Issue.

This honest Friar was as good as his Word. He was admitted to see me almost daily, without Suspicion. I trusted him with Eliachim's Acquaintance; which render'd him very Serviceable; for, he often brought me Money from the Jew, when he knew not how otherwise to convey it to me. In a word, between them both, they so wrought on the Cardinal, that after Six Moons Imprisonment, [Page 351]I was releas'd, and am now in more Credit than before.

The Great God grant, that the Malice of the Infidels, may always turn to the Advantage of the True Believers; and that from their Jea­lousies, occasions may arise to promote the In­terest of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XXXV.
To the Venerable Mufti.

AT length I am releas'd from a tedious Imprisonment, the Occasion of which the Kaimacham will acquaint thee with. Had this happened in Spain, my Usage had been much worse. And, for this Reason, I esteem France the Noblest and Freest Kingdom with­in the Pale of the Latin Church; that it ne­ver would submit to the Tyranny of the Inquisition: Which is a kind of Ecclesiastical Divan, or High Court of Judicature, where Crimes against the Church and State are try­ed. It was first erected, at the Instance of one Dominick, who for this meritorious Pro­ject, was afterwards canonized A Saint. The original Design of it was, to extirpate the Moors and Jews out of Spain and Portugal. But now, 'tis made a Trap for all Strangers, and espe­cially [Page 352]those they call Hereticks. Whosoever falls into it, is commonly fleec'd of his Estate, and not seldom chous'd out of his Life. For, the first Thing the Holy Fathers Inquisitors do, is, to make a zealous and devout Inspection into the Possessions of the Prisoner. If they find him Rich, that is sufficient to make him Criminal; and, the good Fathers, will take a pious Care to dispose of his Wealth. They have their Spies in all Companies, who inform them of Mens Words and Actions. These Hounds, are always upon the Scent; and, will smell a Heretick out, if he breaths within the Purlieu of their Hunt. A Man dares not say, his Soul is his own in these Countries; nor, claim the Privilege to exercise his Reason. The Inhabitants live in a most abject Slavery to the Priesthood, and Travellers must drag the Chain, bridle their Tongues, and curb their Actions for their own Security. But, in France, the Inquisition is abhor'd; and, an Immortal Aversion conceived against the Ty­ranny and cruel Practices of the Spaniards. The People are of more generous Tempers, the Laws not so rigourous, and yet they come far short of the Justice of the Ottoman Em­pire. Though my Confinement was tedious, yet 'twas tolerable; and, if I could not be happy in a Prison, so neither was I properly miserable.

When Evil surprises us, we commonly af­fright our selves, by beholding it in its gross Bulk; our scattered Spirits, are astonished at an infinite Bugbear. Whereas, if we take a more [Page 353]particular Survey of the dreadful Object, ana­tomize and view it Piece by Piece; we find, that the greatest part of what so dismay'd us, had no other Existence, than in our own Ima­gination. Thus, when I was first seized by Cardinal Mazarini's Order, I presaged to my self no less than insufferable Tortures, an igno­minious Death, and (which affected me with the most sensible Grief) the Discovery of my Commission, and the Affairs of the Sublime Port. When I first enter'd the Prison, I bid adieu to all Joy and Comfort in This Life, and thought of Nothing but preparing my self for that O­ther World, where I hope to be renewed again to immense Pleasures, the Delights of Para­dise, as a Reward of my Sufferings for that Law, which was brought down from Heaven by the Angel Gabriel.

These were my first Thoughts in Prison; but, when Sleep had composed my Spirits, and Time had render'd me more familiar with the Place of my Restraint, I began to think, it was not impossible to live, and even to regain my Liberty. However, I resolved to alleviate the Grief of my Restraint, by contracting my Desires within a narrower Compass, and circumscribing my Wishes within those Walls which confined my Body. I framed to my self Felicities, out of the Contemplation of my Misery; and, by considering what I en­joyed, I pacified my Discontent for what I wanted. I was not so close shut up, but that I could at Pleasure let in fresh Air, and take a Prospect of the City and adjacent Fields, at [Page 354]my Window. This made me relish my Prison with some Degree of Content. The Want which most afflicted me, was, that of Fountain Water; which, I durst not so much as ask for, in such Quantities as are requisite to the Clean­ness of a Mussulman, lest I should have con­firmed them in the Suspicion, which was the Occasion of my Imprisonment. For, I was sure, my Actions would be narrowly observed.

The same Caution, made me not refuse to eat of Swines Flesh, and drink freely of Wine, when once invited to the Governour's Table. 'Tis true, I had great Scruples and Fears upon me. But, I comforted my self with those Passages in the Al­coran, which seem to indulge us this Liberty in Case of Necessity, by assuring us, That God is the Merciful of the Merciful, and that he re­quires not Unreasonable Performances of his Creatures. Otherwise, I should have thought every Morsel I swallow'd of that execrable Meat, would have choak'd me, and every Draught of Wine, have been my Poison. Tell me, Great Oracle of Truth, Whether in this I have not sinned? I think my self not Innocent, till thou hast pronounced me so. However, this Frankness in Eating and Drinking, with the Christians, without the least Reserve or Niceness, contributed something to their bet­ter Opinion of me. Men are generally so wed­ded to their own Customs, that he looks like a Monster, who thwarts them, and does not comply with the present Mode. And, the French, have a Proverb, That when a Man's at Rome, he must live like the Romans.

I believe, I was invited to this Collation, in Order to a Discovery; and, had I refused to eat and drink what was before me, it had, no doubt, been a convincing Argument to these Infidels, That I was a Mussulman.

If I have sinned in this Point, I humbly crave thy Absolution and Prayers; but, if I have done well, inform me, that so I may have Peace of Conscience.

LETTER XXXVI.
To Mehmet, an Eunuch Page in the Seraglio.

THOU hast long ago heard of my Impri­sonment at Paris: let not the News of my Release be unwelcome to thee. If thou didst then Sympathize with my Sufferings, now take a Share in my Joy. I believe, thou hast Friend­ship enough to do both; and, I am willing thou shouldst divide the One with me, as well as the Other.

I will not therefore make thee melancholy, with a Rehearsal of my Fears and Apprehen­sions, my Wants and Discontents, with other doleful Circumstances of a Prison. I am now at Liberty, let Sadness vanish. Yet, I have not so forgot my late Grief, as to be now exces­sive in my Joy; since I am liable to the same, or a Worse Disaster again. It is never good to be secure, while we are ignorant what's the next Potion that Fate is tempering for us. Moderation keeps a Man upon his Guard; and, if any Stroke of Misfortune be aim'd at him, if he is aware of the Blow, and so can ei­ther dextrously ward it off, or at least take Honourable Quarter: Whereas, he that suffers himself to be dissolv'd, and his Mind unbent with Prosperity, is taken Captive by Evil, without being able to make any easie Condi­tions [Page 357]for himself. I love to have my Eyes open, and to look round the whole Horizon of Contingencies: I watch for the very Possibi­lities of Misfortune, that so I may not be catch'd napping by a Calamity, but be always in a State to Fence, or make Composition.

I will now tell thee with more Freedom than I did the Mufti, what happened to me during my Imprisonment. The Gover­nour of the Citadel where I was confin'd, in­vited me one Day to a Banquet. I need not give thee an Inventory of the various Dishes, with which his Table was furnished: Our Entertainment was generous, he regal'd me beyond the Expectation of a Prisoner; and, had there not been a design in it, I should have admired the Bounty of this Infidel. But, his Treat was a Snare, and contrived for a Test of my Religion, Whether I was a Di­sciple of Mahomet or Jesus. Thou knowest, the Christians eat Swines Flesh, and drink Wine, which the Mussulmans have in Abo­mination. We had Plenty of both at this Feast, and I durst not be squeamish at either. I tell thee, though I eat of the One with lit­tle Pleasure, yet I drank of the other with­out any Disgust. These Nazarenes, imitate the Ancient Grecians at their Banquets, in drinking of Healths to such as they most e­steem. The Governour plied me with Glasses, and I quaffed liberally. Policy and Self-pre­servation, taught me to begin the Debauch; and, the Charms of that tempting Liquor, would not suffer me to shrink to the End. [Page 358]The Wines of France are very delicate, and we had choice of the Best. The Pleasure I enjoyed at this Banquet, had almost recon­ciled me to the Disciples of Hali; and, I could have wish'd, our Prophet had been in a better Humour, when he forbid us the Juice of the Grape. He promises us Rivers of Wine in Paradise; and, while I was in my Cups, I thought he might connive at us, for taking a Glass or two sometimes on Earth. If thou hast not yet tasted this Enchanting Liquor, I wish thee to abstain as long as thou livest; for otherwise, thou wilt find it very difficult, to overcome the Desires of it, or to live without it. For my Part, I greedily longed for it, before ever I tasted it, because it was forbid: And now I have often had my Fill of it, my Appetite is encreased. The more I drink, the greater is my Thirst after it; which is never like to be quenched, till I shall drink at the Original Fountains of Wine in Paradise.

I do not think it is so great a Sin, as our Doctors would make us believe; since, the Divine Lawgiver prescribes Abstinence from Wine, rather as a Counsel than a Command. If thou art of another Opinion, I Censure thee not. The late Sultan Amurath was of my Mind; and many Grandees at the Port, count it no Heresie. All the Danger lies in the Ex­cess, I am no Advocate for Drunkards.

Let these Things be spoken like Words in a Dream, which cannot be remembred again. Thou hast Prudence enough to take Care, that this Letter fall not into the Hands of such [Page 359]as shall dispose of it in the Wall of the Hazoda. It is evident that I love thee, in that I thus frankly disclose such Passages, as I would not have others be privy to.

After all, I declare I should esteem my self much more happy, might I exchange Paris for Constantinople, and the most delicious Wines of Europe, for the wholesome Sherbets of Asia.

May Heaven fulfil my Desire, to see thee once again, with the Rest of my Friends at the Seraglio. Continue thy Affection to Mahmut, who loves his Friends without Hy­pocrisie. Adieu.

The End of the Second Volume.

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