THE present designs, and puissance of France both by Sea, and Land, being at once both the Wonder, and Dread of Europe, hath pos­sest me with so many sad Reflections on that Subject, that I who am but dust, and ashes, and dwell in the shades of Obscurity, cannot refrain to form, and meditate how Barrs may be put to such approaching Dan­gers, especially since the honour, safety, and welfare of our Prince, and Country ought to be the bent, and study of the most retired Subject.

The present State of Europe I might fitly resemble to the Body of a Man, wherein all the Members either languish, or are viciously affected; some through self-mischiefs, others op­prest by their Fellow-Members. Spain, (heretofore the great Pretender to the Western-Monarchy) droops through her own Follies, whereof if she expire, a Jury will undoubtedly find her a Felo de se, whilst her Neighbour Portugal, instead of holding her sick-head, and pitying her case, is ready on all occasions to knock out her Brains. Italy and Germany are troubled with one Disease, through the windy humours of her many, and ambitious Princes, whose continual Jealousies fill them with frequent Gripings, and Disquiets: England and Holland are desperately bruised through mutual buffetings, to which France cunningly loo'd them on, intending, like Si­meon, and Levi, to suppress these Shechemits, when sore, and unable to resist; all which Mistakes and Calamities have been to France as so many Indulgent Nurses to feed, and pamper her, who like unruly Cattel, trespass most on that Neighbour [Page 2]whose Fence is lowest, and Quarry best without fear of im­pounding, whereby (like the Head in a Body Rickity) she grows to an unproportionable, and dangerous bigness, whilst her erring Neighbours (like the Members) wast, and lan­guish; of whose sudden, and prodigious growth I will not now insist on, (which yet is none of the least dreadful con­siderations) nor tell how our Cromwell seem'd a Dictator there, nor record how 6000 English Red-Coats was, at that time, more essential then Humanity, and Protection to an oppres­sed King of the Bloud of France; for now the Scene being al­tred by the admirable Conduct of a Prince, whom therefore his Subjects ought to reverence, I cannot but observe how Christendom, instead of a generous Resentment, and defence of the Oppressed, Shrinks, and Faints at every undue seizure made by that haughty Monarch, as if they fancied such soft­ness could secure their own Peace, or charm an ambitious Conquerour into Modesty, or put a stop to his Career, whose utmost end is the Western-Monarchy, whereunto, with spread Sailes, he now apparently hastneth; whereas they ought ra­ther to be powerfully perswaded that such tameness must at once enable, and encourage him to devour them also.

What Prudence can justifie such procedure? can Time and Patience repare the Mistakes? or may such easie Conquests glut his Appetite, or possess him with Compassion to spare the rest? or does not rather one Conquest beget a Stomach, and ability to more, and greater? who can suppose the seizure of Lorain will immerge him in Ease, and Voluptuousness? or his Successes in Flanders serve as an Attonement to secure the rest? must not these unrevenged Conquests rather be as so ma­ny prosperous Gales to transport him to greater Atchievements? Seeing the like drousiness in relation to Christian Princes gave occasion formerly to the growth of the Ottomon Greatness, and is like still to add to his Triumphs; and as an Historian observes in the like case of the ancient Britains, Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur.

Remarkable then was the former Policy of these Western-Princes, when, with the hazard of their Ease, and Lives, they maintain'd the power of Christendom in an equal Ballance, [Page 3]dexterously throwing their Arms into that Scale which appear­ed lightest, knowing they secured thereby their own Peace, and Government: On this account England, and France are thought to have wisely fomented the revault of the Low-Coun­tries, and were, in effect, as fond, by that means, to lessen the Grandure of Spain (who then Alarum'd Europe, as France does now) as if they themselves had made new Conquests; hence it was that Philip the Second, by way of requital, and our Elizabeth (to whose Ptudence, and Memory we owe our remaining Glories) threw Oyl, and not Water into the long Troubles of France; with which Council the same Philip was so transported, judging it the best expedient to improve his grand design of the Western-Monarchy) that to carry the War into France he apparently (but not wisely) neglected his own Affairs in the Low-Countries; thereby spoiling a most soveraign Antidote by an unseasonable application. Nor was the costly attempt of 88. any thing but carrying Fire into an Enemies Kingdom, the better to extinguish the Flame made by that Foe, in his Country; Kingdoms (like Houses, in a dreadful Fire) being best secured by blowing up the next dangerous Neighbour: Hence the French are supposed (by no Fools) to have been both the Midwife, and Nurse to our late Scotish, and English Wars; begot the several costly Wars between us and Holland. Conteind, and fostred the revaults both in Catelonia, and Portugal, and of late assisted that King both with Men, and Money.

Cromwell, indeed, was an unparalled Sinner against this ancient King-craft, when post-poning the general tranquility to his own wretched Humour and Interest, he assisted France, at such a time, that all the World judg'd her too powerful for her Rival Spain, who then lay drooping under her own Wounds and Follies, in relation, principally to the ill Con­duct of her Treasure, which alone will founder the strongest Empire; and had this Nation no other Crime to charge on that ill man, (who, like the greatest Mortals, must, living or dead, be exposed to the severest censure of the people) it were alone sufficient to render him an impolitick and hateful per­son to all Generations: Whereas on the contrary, we owe great [Page 4]Reverence to the Wisdom of His Majesty in espousing the Triple Alliance, and entring generously into other Leagues in order to secure the Peace of Christendom: But yet, I humbly conceive, 'tis not enough for a cheap, sure, and lasting Peace, so long as the Ballance remains so unequal between the two great Pretenders; and France, through her Military Grandure, continues so Arm'd, Able, and daring to give perpetual Frights, and Alarums to the whole Neighbourhood; whereby Peace, through a just, and necessary Jealousie becomes as costly as War itself, consuming those that are suspicious of her, and the daily motions, and buzzings of her Armies oblige the Neigh­bours, with Sword in Hand, to an Eternal Watchfulness, least unawares the blow be given; which continual bendings in­evitably must draw so many dreadful weaknesses on the par­ties concern'd, as must, at length, without a Miracle, im­prove both the Designes, and Glories of that Prince, which is so obvious to all considering Men, that some of his own Subjects have had the vanity of late, to boast even in this Kingdom, what Charge their King would put us unto by marching his Army (mighty, and in perpetual Pay) yearly near our Coasts, before really he would attack us: and cer­tainly great must the advantage be which France hath now o­ver us (whereby in Estimate may be taken of our decay e­ven in the midst of Peace) if when the humour possesseth that daring Monarch (whose Armies like Birds of Prey are always on the Wing) to move towards us either in pretence, or reallity (which by the event is only determinable) we must equip, at least our Fleet, at six or seven hundred thou­sand Pounds Charge to prevent the meer fear of an Invasion; and when we are wearied, and consum'd by so many fruitless, yet necessary Armings, and laid to slumber after so many false Alarums, who can but easily foresee what dreadful Effects may ensue? wherefore I conclude with that great States man Cicero, Pace suspecta tutius Bellum.

But suppose, that whilst the United Provinces, and Spain maintain their Posts, we were able both to resist his Attempts, and bear the Expence, yet 'tis fearce deniable, but if he de­vour those Countries by Peice-meals, and pluck up that glo­rious [Page 5]Common-wealth by the Roots (which, without effectu­ally Assistance, infallibly he will) we must also receive a Law from him; for what can then keep us, with the rest of Christendom from Subjection to that Crown? since we alrea­dy see the very clapings of his Wings beget Amazement: Joyn the Power, and Riches of Holland to him, and all the known World must bow to his Scepter.

Again, should France attempt, and reduce us to severe Terms whilst our Neighbours stand with their Arms across, it would only expedite their Confusion, and draw on them a more certain Conquest.

I will not therefore doubt but as the Safeties of us and our Allies are floating in one common bottom, and fortified by Mutual Interests, (the only true Cement of Leagues) so our joynt Designes, when once put into Action, will be vigorously push'd on till the Ballance of Christendom be reduc'd to its pro­per Standard. And whereas it must be granted that no Con­quests can Saciate, Bonds tye, nor Leagues charm this great Pretender, whereby the Milky ways of Peace may felicitate Europe, without the costly, and terrible Guards of Armies, so long as the Odds remains so unequal, and this Mighty Hero (Arm'd and Victorious) is able thus to affright the World, Hector his Neighbours, impose upon the Weak, and on every feeble Pretence ransack their Countries without re­venge; nothing remains justifiable by the just Rules of Policy, but with the joynt Arms of all Parties concern'd (which indeed is all Europe) attack this Illustrious Man upon the ve­ry first just Provocation, and by dint of Sword carry the War into his own Bosom; and from the Example of wise Princes, make his Country at once both the Seat of War and Desola­tion; whereof the Romans in the War of Carthage, are a puissant Instance; whereas on the contrary, the States, and Princes of Europe, Italy especially, neglecting of late to As­sault the Turk powerfully before Candia, are now justly expect­ing him, with horror and amazement, at their own doors: He that fights in his Enemies Country, does in effect fight at his Enemies Cost, and when Peace is clap'd up, leaves his Enemy, for that Age, Poor, and Miserable, as we have, not long since, beheld in poor Germany: [Page 6]The French K. therefore commonly makes himself the Assailant, maintaining half his Wars at his Adversaries Charge, by fight­ing in their Countries; where, if he receive a Blow, has his own unharrassed Kingdom either to receive, or recruit him; and our Heroick Elizabeth (who knowing that Vertue and Ju­stice were the only Ligaments of her Peoples Love, govern'd her Affairs with miraculous Wisdom and Huswifery, made her Payments sure to a Proverb, and was accordingly adored) studied by all Arts imaginable to fight her Enemies on their own Soyl, whereby at once she imprinted thereon the terri­ble marks of Desolation, and preserv'd her Country as proper Fuel wherewith on all occasions to consume her Adversaries. Nor was her Sister Mary intentionally her inferiour in this particular, when the loss of Callice (which in her hand was so ready an Inlet to assail either of the great Pretenders, as common Interest directed) was suppos'd either to have occa­sioned, or hastened her Death. For this reason all our Kings from the glorious Edward the Third, to Queen Mary, being 210 Years, with infinite care and cost, preserved Callice a­gainst all Comers, as a Sacred Jewel of the Crown; however a sort of new Policy seems of late to have been introduc'd. He that fights out of his Country, seldom ventures any thing besides an Army; but he that is assaulted, and beat upon his own Dunghil, commonly loseth that with the Victory, or at least suffereth ten thousand Calamities, besides the usual ter­rours of Invasion: Whereof the Sweeds Discent into Germany, by vertue of her King's Courage and Alliances (such as I drive at) is a wonderful Example; wherein a puissant Emperour (arm'd and victorious as France is now) was couragiously set upon, and after a fierce War of sixteen Years, and the death (as is suppos'd) of three hundred thousand Germans, torn to pieces by so many eager Confederates, (whereof France was none of the small ones) who by the deep Counsels of those mighty Oracles, Richelieu, and Oxenstern (guided peradven­ture by a Divine hint) pursued this Method as the likeliest way to chastise and humble that haughty Family, who other­wise, possibly, would by piece-meals, or drowsie Peace, have swaggered, if not subdu'd Europe. Let brave Princes for the [Page 7]common safety of Christendom, repeat this Counsel on ano­ther Theatre, the Scale may soon be turn'd, and France most justly be chastis'd with her own terrible Scourge forty years after; otherwise it must be a long, and unlucky War manag'd by France on the Soil of other Princes to make her miserable so long as she enjoys Peace at home; allow her that, and she may tug hard with Christendom; like Spain, who by vertue of the Domestick Peace, contended, in effect, with all Europe for eighty years, and put them shrewdly to their Trumps: Nothing more, then Peace at home, enables a Prince to ma­nage Wars abroad; he then that will humble his Enemy, must throw Wild fire into his Bosom, carry the War into his Coun­try, and strike home at the Head, and Heart.

Nor are the ill Humours, which, peradventure, may be found in every Country, the meanest Argument to excite an Invasive War; since poor Germany receiv'd the deepest Wounds from his own Weapons, and France by her Arbitrary Govern­ment, and Intollerable Impositions (to omit the natural fickle­ness of her People, the oppressed Hughenots, and the lofty, and never dying Pretences of the House of Conde) hath pro­bably prepared combustable matter wherewith at any time to consume herself, when once, especially her Neighbours, with powerful Arm, bring Flames unto it, which otherwise (as we have there often seen within this thirty years) is, in ef­fect, as soon extinguish'd as begun.

Why then does Europe slumber, and meekly suffer such dan­gerous Cloudes to encrease, and impend, till of themselves they break about their Ears? Our common Safeties invocate our common Arms to assail this Lyon in his Den, pare his Claws at least, and abate his fierceness, and instead of expect­ing him in ours, attack him vigorously in his own Country on the next just Provocation, since nothing is more certain then that delays, and softness fortifie the Danger, and improve that, which, in Prudence, is now resistable, into a folly to with­stand: Slight distempers, at first dispised, prove oftimes dead­ly; whereas to meet with a Disease, e're it come to the Cri­sis, is a probable means to ascertain the Cure, and Venienti occurrite Morbo may be as choise a Maxim in Government, as [Page 8]Aphorism in Physick. Pax queritur bello was a shrewd Motto of a bad Man, and ought, more justly, on this occasion, to be wrote in Capital Letters on all the Confederate Standards of Europe: In fine, he that sees not an absolute necessity of embracing speedily a Confederate War to abate the Edge of this Illustrious Pretender, hath either not duly weigh'd the Danger, has some vile, and by-ends, Bedlam mad to intro­duce some Heresie, or is resolv'd to truckle. Tanti Religio po­tuit suadere malorum.

I should tremble to sound a Trumpet to War (which is al­ways accompanied with fearful Circumstances) did I not from my Soul believe that a Supream Peace, like an incurable Gan­green, would create greater Calamities, and introduce both a certain War, and the hazard of a total Subversion; for, if whilst we become meer Spectators of our Neighbor's Losses, and Calamities, this Prince, either by force, or subtilty im­prove his Dominions, we can expect no other favour but the miserable satisfaction either to be last devoured, or shamefully impos'd upon; which sounds so dolefully in every free-born Ear, that to prevent it, nothing can be esteem'd too dear; whereas a speedy Arming of all the Confederates may not on­ly repel, but force the Infection into his own Bowels, and make him experimentally feel those Miseries, which, meerly to aggrandize his Name, and Kingdom, he has incompasso­nately brought on others; whereof I may not doubt, when I consider how one of His Majesties three Kingdoms by the proper Vertue of her Kings (which were truly Heroick) and the slender help of some one Confederate, hath more then once made terrible Impressions in France, and turn'd up even the Foundations of her Government; for which those brave Princes will be eternally celebrated, whilst the Memory of the Sloathful, and Voluptuous perish, who by forgeting their own, and their Nations Honour, have taught their own, and future Ages to forget and dishonour them; so true is it, that that Prince who Reigns without Honour, lives in Contempt, and Danger, and has his Tomb, at last besmeared with Re­proaches.

[Page 9]Men cannot be wanting for so honourable, and necessary a War, whilst these three Kingdoms enjoy Peace at home; nor Money, (the Soul of War) if prudently manag'd; since the Issue of such a War must, with the Divine Blessing, se­cure the Subjects in their Beds, and establish such a Peace as may be a lasting Happiness to the Christian World; they will therefore certainly tear open their Breasts, and give the King their Hearts, and with them their Hands, and Purses, whilst with Cato they esteem nothing too dear for the Peace of the Common-wealth, according to the Dutch Motto, Defend us, and spend us.

And although we must not expect a cheap War, yet certainly it cannot be dearer then a watchful, suspected, and languishing Peace; since if His Majesty maintain; for his share, maintain 14 or 15 thousand Foot, and 4000 Horse, the pay whereof will not exceed five hundred and thirty thousand Pounds per Annum, nor go beyond a yearly Tax of 10 pence in the Pound; a Sum, which otherwise (with much more) must be yearly spent in watching a seeming Friend that he become not a real Enemy, and yet not be able to prevent it at last. Nor needs this Treasure be exported in Specie, (which by all imaginable ways ought to be avoided as part of our Life-blood) but the value thereof transported in the Growths, and Mani­factures of England, (besides Clothes for the Souldiery) which either His Majesty's Ministers may there expose to Sale, or our Confederates be obliged to answer quarterly at a certain Rate; being assured the Sweeds maintain'd that long War in Germany without drawing any Silver out of their Dominions, but contrariwise enrich'd their Country with the choiceth Spoils of their Enemies, as by woful experience we have found the Scots wisely to practise upon us.

I know it will be Objected, that we are in an untoward pickle to begin a War, after so many hideous Calamities, grievous Impositions, and universal fall of our Rents, occa­sioned by a thousand Follies; and why shall we throw off Peace a moment sooner then we must needs loose her, see­ing with the loss of her, our Trade must be miserably inter­rupted?

[Page 10]To which I answer, That were the continuance of Peace, and Trade to be always at our Option, and that probably, the power of no Neighbour could ever part us, he were be­yond the Cure of Hellibore that would propose War in their stead; but seeing the Case is quite contrary, Peace, and Trade were better suspended for some years, with probable hopes to enjoy them plentifully afterwards, then after a short enjoyment, to humour an unreasonable fondness, loose them and freedom eternally. Not but that I am powerfully per­swaded, that the very commencement of such a War, may be so far from interrupting our Trade a moment, that it may be, at once, the only means to enlarge ours, and beat the French out of hers: Whereas we now plainly see, how during this present uncertain Peace, she dilates her Commerce, and thrives on the Ocean; which with the very first approaches of a Confederate War, must in all probability vanish; whilst the Dutch and We have thereby so many advantages both to beat her out of Sea, and encrease our own Navigation and Traffick. This is certain, such a War cannot prejudice us, by hindering our Trade with her; it being notoriously known that our Commerce there, is, at once, mischievous to us, and strangely advantageous to her, whether you respect the open, or clandestine Traffick: First, in the Quantity, by the vast over-ballance of her Commodities. And Secondly, in the Quality of them; those which she receives from us, being such as are necessary, and useful to her, and infinitely disad­vantagious to us, as our Wool, &c. whilst we import nothing thence but what we were a thousand times better to be with­out; and such as if we consume them not, must, in effect, perish on their hands, to the infinite prejudice of her King, and People, as we know they now suffer by the Dutch late prohibition of Brandy, Salt, &c. and which, to gratifie our ill tutred Humours, and Appetites, subdue our Rents, corrupt and impoverish our Nobility and Gentry, destroy our Manufactures, and snatch the Bread out of the Mouths of our Artificers, and by consequence encreaseth our Poor, and ren­der us the most vain and luxurious Creatures in Europe.

[Page 11]And although I cannot magnifie our present condition, and fitness for War, yet certainly 'tis safer enterprising her abroad (as shaken as we are) with the help of powerful Confederates (whose Shoulders may bear part of the burthen) whilst there remains fresh hopes of Victory, then slumber in a dangerous Peace, till invincible Mischiefs awake us, our Neighbours sub­du'd, our Trade expired, War brought to our Doors by a tri­umphant Enemy heightned by Conduct, and Successes, and Cock-pit Law against us; hoping now by a reasonable Army, (such as the Nation may maintain in Pay, and Courage) and the joynt Force of Confederates, to reduce the Scale, and confirm that Peace which thrice their numbers, and treble Charge at another time cannot procure; and of all Evils the least is always to be chosen.

If I be asked what Assurance can Princes have of Alliances, since all Ages afford untoward Instances of foul play therein, to the Ruin, commonly of the most sincere, and daring?

Not to distinguish between the dissimulation of the South, (where under the Name of Prudence, and Circumspection, Falshood, and Frauds are daily reverenced) and the sincerity of the North, (where most of our Alliances are:) Nor de­bate the difference between Leagues commenced by Revenge, Passion, or some frivolous Capricio, (which are no sooner patch'd together then rend asunder) and those led on by the exact Rules of common Safety and Government (whose re­sults are immortal) I answer, That honourable Leagues hold commonly Inviolable until the several Fundamental Interests of the Confederates are secured: Now 'tis almost impossible that any Princes true Interest can be secured whilst France remains so Mighty, and Rampant: Let a League hold till her swag­gering Fit be over, her Nails pared, and she reduc'd to terms of Modesty, and good Neighbourhood, and then let the Al­lies fall off as they please: I know in all Leagues of this nature, differences from several little Interests have risen, how far it has been safe, or necessary to weaken the common Enemy; wherein some have always been fiercer for a total Subversion then others, as in the miserable Case of Germany, wherein nothing would satisfie the Sweed, and French, but dividing the [Page 12]very Carkass of the Emperial Eagle, whilst the rest of the Confederates were contented to cut off her Beak, and Tal­lants; yet they all agreed in this, that she was to be reduc'd and weakned: But suppose that Allies should prove false when once a War is commenced, what would it do else but at once hasten the ruin of them all? And in the mean time in­struct the deserted Prince to yield to larger terms, out-bid the Apostates, stoop to the Pretender, (who, as a generous Con­querour must pity such) and with him, in revenge, set upon the perfidious, and make them eternally repent such unwor­thiness, unless safe Counsels in the mean time present.

Again, it may be objected, that Peace ought to be preserved as long as may be, in hopes that this busie, and dangerous Prince may expire e're his haughty Designs are accomplish'd, and the Affairs of France fall thereby into the hands of an In­fant, or a lazy and effeminate Prince, (that is worse than a Child) accompanied (as commonly) with corrupt, faith­less, or factious Counsellors, and Flatterers, the Vermine of Court, and Plague, and Ruine of Crowns and Sceptets, whereby (without the hazard of a War) her huffling, and prosperous condition (as frequent examples tell us) may be rendred languishing enough.

I answer, That that which may be, may not be, and ei­ther this active Prince, who is now but 32, may live (without a powerful Confederacy) to give Europe a woful conviction of the Folly of such lazy Counsel, or leave a Successor to tread in his glorious Steps, till that be accomplish'd, which all but French-men ought to abhor, whatever their Religious Perswasi­ons are; and what wise man will expose, even his little pri­vate Affairs to such a Risque, when safer Remedies are at hand.

If it be said, That in case our Neighbours think fit to in­vade us, we have store of Sampsons to give them Warlike En­tertainment, whereby we may defend our own without con­cerning our selves in Affairs abroad.

I answer, First, This is clearly against the practice of our re­nowned Ancesters, and of all wise States in all Ages, who have chosen to fight their Enemies on an Enemies Soyl at any [Page 13]rate, rather then suffer the Terrours and Desolations of an In­vasion, though the Enemy should have perish'd all on the spot. Secondly, There is a Moral Impossibility to maintain England otherwise then in a languid and frightful condition, were her Sampsons twice as many, should France (whilst we slumber) reduce the Spanish, and United Provinces, and annex the greater part of Germany to his Flourishing and Mighty King­dom; Acquisitions whereof he has too fair a Prospect. Thirdly, I dare affirm, that nothing but invincible Necessity, or ill Coun­sel ever dispos'd a Prince to receive an Enemy into his own Bowels instead of seeking him abroad, for which I humbly offer these Reasons.

• 1. The Assailants both in their own, and their Enemies O­pinion (which in War, works mighty Effects) have com­monly the Reputation of being the better Men, meerly be­cause they have the courage to seek the Enemy at his own door.
• 2. The Invador seldom ventures any thing besides an Army, which ten to one is exceedingly strengthned (especially if his usage, or pay be good) by either Male-contents in Church, or State, or Necessitous Persons, to whom Novelty is wel­come, and all Governments alike; a Reason which made Ly­curgus fear to see a Begger, or a voluptuous Person, who rides Post to Poverty, dwell in Sparta.
• 3. The assailed Prince, in case he has not a standing Army, and mighty Treasure, is, by an Invasion cast into ten thousand straits in procuring Moneys, and raising Men, when he should be fighting the Enemy, or securing the Country; whilst the people instead of taking Sword in hand fly with their amazed Families before the Enemy they know not where, cursing the Follies of the Government which have undone them, whilst Invasions seldom leave other Counsellers but Fear and Revi­lings, whose Results are always wild and preposterous.
• 4. If a Prince has not a Treasure of his own, he shall scarce command the Purses of his Subjects upon an Invasion, when they are busier in concealing their Mony to supply their own wants in the day of Calamity, then expend it in defence of the Publick, which their fond hopes insinuate may either be [Page 14]sav'd without it, or fears suggest is past recovery with it, as was clearly seen in the loss of Constantinople, when taken by Mahomet the Great; unless the Subject has an egregious Reve­rence for the Government, and Counsels of the Prince, as the Results of his Justice, and Vertue, whereof the great Queen Elizabeth in the attempt of 88 is a Glorious Instance.
• 5. Souldiers are generally observ'd to be most warlike, and managable farthest from home, when freed from the Cares and Addresses of Wives and Families.
• 6. The Prince assailed had need stand right in the Opinion of his people in relation to his Religion, Treasure, and Go­vernment; for if they (who in all Disasters will be Judges in spite of Fate) have once lost all Sentiments of Veneration, and Confidence of him through Mis-govovernment, they soon grow to despise and naciate all his Actions, Distrust, and preindicate his Counsels, invocate the Ghost of some glorious Ancestor, and are easily won by the next Comer.
• 7. The Prince assailed doth not only on a Battle or two venture his Country, wherein if he be beaten, he is certainly Conquered, but if he subdue the Aggressors, he has only their Carkasses to attone for the devastation of his Country (the certain effect of Invasion, and next to a Conquest, the busi­ness of an Enemy) which hastens Barbarity, and a certain Carelesness, and opens an easie way to the next comer; as it fared with this Island in relation to the Danes, Saxons, and Normans, whose Conquests and Pressures made way one for another; so true is it, that Poverty weakens the hands, and intimedates the hearts of mankind, and also renders Countries not worth keeping.
• 8. 'Tis the fundamental Interest of Princes to keep the Ballance even, which is not to be done without Confederacies, & warring upon the growing and dangerous Monarch, it being certain that Armies, Fleets, and Fortresses (though highly valuable in their kind, and without which Kingdoms are defective) secure a Country not half so safe, or cheap as parity of strength among Neighbouring Princes.
• 9. A Prince, who with his Sampsons intends only his own defence, without regard had of his Neighbours Peace and [Page 15]Safety, may one day fall without the help or pity of his Neigh­bours, as the Excellent Sir Philip Sidny observes, he that only stands on his own Defence, stands on no Defence.

For these Reasons a Kingdom abounding with Sampson's ought therefore to encounter the Philistins in the Philistins Country to prevent their marching into Canaan; since every Prince, by the plain Rules of Discretion, ought rather to humble the thriving Monarch by making his Country the Theatre of War, (whereon is acted nothing but Horrours, and fearful Representations) then see his own even with Vi­ctory, a Field of Bloud and Desolation

Lastly, If from the doubtful event of War it be alledged that Peace even on any terms ought to be maintained.

I answer, That from the uncertainty of War there remains to us as much hopes of success, as fear of miscarriage, but from a Supine Peace we have only a certain assurance to be subdu'd at last, without the least rational hopes to escape; for let France extend her Conquests and Tryumphs, whilst we bask and wantonnize in Peace, and no imaginable softness and compliance of ours can oblige her, till she has justly branded us with some hateful marks of Subjection; this sort of Peace being like a Mercenary Woman, enchanting at first, but rea­dy enough at last to betray us to a thousand Mischiess, when once her vile ends are accomplish'd: And the better to repre­sent this Danger, we must consider what inclinations France has to us, when during the late Dutch inglorious attempt at Cha­tham (whereunto by our own nakedness and prostitution they were invited, and by what else I know not) she was upon the point of Invading us with a Royal Army, though Affairs seem­ed not then ripe for so high an Attack; which if she had ne­vertheless perform'd, what dreadful Effects must have ensued, I leave them to judge, who, (with my self) either saw our strange Consternation upon the Attempt of a weak, yea and modest Enemy in June 1667, or ever beheld a powerful Ar­my in an Enemies Country; and although peradventue we might have destroy'd them, yet if they had stood but two months to an end, and harrassed four or five Counties, it had been far less Charge to the Nation (besides our dishonour and [Page 16]hazard of our Navy, and Naval Stores) to have born the Expence of an Offensive War so many years together: Nor must we imagine this haughty Design of France (where the easie Conquests of England, and her drooping Condition is lately exhibited in print) is otherwise then wisely defer'd till she is become our Rival at Sea, and Flanders subdu'd; for both which she now bids fairly, unless by some Potent Confedera­cy she be happily prevented: And when in our weekly Audi­ences I read of the French Growth, and Marine Preparations especially, (which our Glorious Queen though Friend enough to Henry the Fourth, abhorr'd to suffer, knowing the conse­quence to be such which by Experience we now find) and yet see the World inclin'd to slumber; I cannot discern whether we are warn'd to a generous Resistance, or to prepare our Necks for the Yoak: In the mean time the Ghost of that renowned Woman (who yet loves her Country even in the shades of Death) reproves us for suffering these French thus to encrease at Sea; and from her profound Experience recommends to us Justice, and Thrift in Publick Treasure, (as the main Pillar of the Government) and War in the great Pretenders Country; (as the best Expedient to keep Peace at home) from which Rules the Prince that swerves must end Ingloriously, and be content to be hard censured by Posterity; however out of fear he may escape his own Generation.