THough this work which I have undertaken is the natural se­quel of the History of Calvi­nism, 'tis yet most certain that the Subject which I treat has no relation to that Heresie. For it was not the desire of preserving the Catholique faith in France, nor any true motive of Reli­gion which gave birth to the League, as the common people who have not been able to penetrate into the secret of [Page 2] that accursed Cabal, have always been persuaded. It was derived from two passions which in all ages have produc'd most tragical Effects, I mean Ambi­tion and Hatred. 'Tis true, the mul­titude, and above all the Church-men, who believ'd they had occasion to be alarm'd in matters of Religion, if he who was call'd to the Crown by the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, shou'd obtain it, these I say were se­duc'd by that specious appearance of true Zeal, which seem'd to be the ve­ry Soul and Foundation of the League. But it will not be difficult to disco­ver in the process of this History, that the Authours of that Conspiracy made use of those pretences of Religion, to abuse the credulity, and even the Pi­ety of the People; and to make them impious, without their perceiving it, by animating and arming them against their Kings, to root out (if they had been able) the last remaining Stem of the Royal Stock; and to plant on its Foundations, the dominion of a Fo­reigner.

And as none are able to execute an unjust Enterprise, but by means as per­nicious [Page 3] and execrable as the end it self which they propose, so will there be manifest in the sequel and progress of the League, even yet more disorders and mischiefs than ever Calvinism it self produc'd; against which alone it seem'd to have been arm'd: Yet in this particular, most resembling that For­midable party which was rais'd against the Catholique Church, that, being blasted as the Heresie had been by the Lord of Hosts, it was always unsucces­full in the Battels which it strooke against the lawfull power; And at length overwhelm'd with the same Engines which it had rais'd for the destruction of the Government.

Truly, 'tis a surprising thing to find both in the design and sequel of the League, by a miraculous order of the divine providence, revolutions altoge­ther contrary to those which were ex­pected. On the one side the majesti­que House of Bourbon, which was de­sign'd for ruine, gloriously rais'd to that supreme degree of power in which we now behold it flourishing, to the wonder of the World; and on the other side, that of two eminent Fa­milies [Page 4] which endeavour'd their own advancement by its destruction, the one is already debas'd to the lowest de­gree, and the other almost reduc'd to nothing. So different are the designs of God, from those of men; and so little is there to be built on the foun­dations of humane policy and pru­dence, when men have onely passion for their guides, under the counterfeit names of Piety and Religion.

'Tis what I shall make evident, by unravelling the secrets and in­trigues, couch'd under the League, by exposing its criminal and ill manag'd undertakings, which were almost al­ways unsuccessfull; and by shewing in the close the issue it had, entirely opposite to its designs, by the exalta­tion of those whom it endeavour'd to oppress. But is will be first neces­sary to consider in what condition France then was, when this dangerous Association was first form'd, against the supreme Authority of our Kings.

Ann. 1574. The [...]ury of the Civil Wars which had laid the Kingdom desolate under the reign of Charles the Ninth seem'd to have almost wholly been extin­guish'd [Page 5] after the fourth Edict▪ of pacifi­cation, which was made at the Siege of Rochell; and if the State was not altogether in a Calm, yet at least it was not toss'd in any violence of Tem­pest, when after the decease of the said King, his Brother Henry, then King of Poland, return'd to France, and took possession of a Crown devolv'd on him by the right of Inheritance. He was a Prince, who being then betwixt the years of 23, and 24, was endu'd with all Qualities and perfections capable of rendring him one of the greatest and most accomplish'd Monarchs in the World. For besides that his person was admirably shap'd, that he was tall of Stature, majestique in his Carriage, that the sound of his Voice, his Eyes, and all the features of his Face, were in­finitely sweet; that he had a solid Judgment, a most happy Memory, a clear and discerning Understanding; that in his behaviour he had all the winning Graces which are requir'd in a Prince, to attract the love and respect of Subjects; 'Tis also certain, that no man cou'd possibly be more Liberal, more Magnificent, more Valiant, [Page 6] more Courteous, more addicted to Re­ligion, or more Eloquent than he was naturally and without Art. To sum up all, he had wanted nothing to make himself and his Kingdom happy, had he followed those wholsome Counsels which were first given him; and had he still retain'd the noble am­bition of continuing at least what he was formerly, under the glorious name of the Duke of Anjou, which he had render'd so renown'd by a thousand gallant actions, and particularly by the famous Victories of Iarnac and Montcontour.

The world was fill'd with those high Ideas, which it had conceiv'd of his rare merit, expecting from him the re­establishment of the Monarchy in its ancient splendour, and nothing was capable of weakning that hope, but onely the cruel Massacre of St. Bartho­lomew, whereof he had been one of the most principal Authours, which had render'd him extremely odious to the Protestants. And therefore in his re­turn from Poland, the Emperour Ma­ximilian the Second, who rul'd the Empire in great tranquillity, notwith­standing [Page 7] the diversity of opinions which divided his cares betwixt the Catholiques and the Lutherans; the Duke of Venice, and the most judici­ous members of that august Senate, which is every where renown'd for prudence; and after his return to France, the Presidents, De Thou, and Harlay, the two Advocates General Pibra [...] and du Mesnil, and generally, all those who were most passionate for his greatness, and the good of his Es­tate advis'd him to give peace to his Subjects of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd, to heal and cement that gaping wound, which had run so much bloud, in that fatal day of St. Bartholomew, and not to replunge his Kingdom in that gulf of miseries, wherein it was almost ready to have perish'd.

But the Chancellour de Birague, the Cardinal of Lorrain, and his Nephew the Duke of Guise, (who at that time had no little part in the esteem and fa­vour of his Master,) and above all, the Queen Mother, Catharine de Medi [...]es, who entirely govern'd him, and who after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, [Page 8] dar'd no longer to trust the Protestants. These I say, ingag'd him in the War which he immediately made against them, and which was unsuccessfull to him. So that after he had been shame­fully repuls'd, from before an inconside­rable Town in Dauphine, they took Arms in all places, becoming more [...]ierce and insolent than ever, and made extraordinary progress, both in that part, in Provence, in Languedoc, in Guien­ne, and Poitou.

That which render'd them so pow­erfull, (which otherwise they had not been,) was a party of Malecontents a­mongst the Catholiques, who were call'd the Politiques, because without touching on Religion, they pr [...]tested that they took Arms onely for the pub­lique good; for the relief and bene­fit of the people; and to reform those grievances and disorders, which were apparent in the State: A ground, which has always serv'd for a pretence of Re­bellion to those men, who have rais'd themselves in opposition to their Kings and Masters, whom God commands us to obey, though they shou'd some­times even abuse that power which he [Page 9] has given them, not to destroy, or to demollish, as he speaks in his holy Scriptures, but to edify, that is to say, to procure the good, and to establish the happiness of their Subjects.

These Politiques then joyn'd them­selves to the Huguenots, according to the resolution which they had taken at the Assembly held at Montpellier, in the month of November, and year of our Lord, 1574. Henry de Mont­morancy Marshal of Damville, and Governour of Languedoc, who to maintain himself in that rich Govern­ment, of which he was design'd to be bereft, first form'd this party of the Politiques, into which he drew great numbers of the Nobles, his partisans and Friends; and principally the Seig­neurs de Thore, and de Meru-Montmo­rancy his Brothers, the Count de Van­tadour his Brother in Law, and the fa­mous Henry de la Tour d' Auvergn, Vi­count de Turenne his Nephew, who was afterwards Marshal of France, Duke of Boüillon, Sovereign Prince of Sedan, and the great Upholder of the Huguenots.

[Page 10] But that,Ann. 1575. which made their power so formidable in the last result of things, was that Monsieur, (the Duke of A­lanson, onely Brother of the King) and the King of Navarre, detain'd at Court, and not very favourably trea­ted, having made their escape; the first of them, who, besides his own followers, was joyn'd by a considerable part of Damville's Troops, put himself at the head of the Protestant Army, which was at the same time reinforc'd by the conjunction of great Succours of Reyters and Lansquenets, whom the Prince of Conde had brought from Ger­many, under the conduct of Iohn Casi­mir, second Son to Frederick the E­lector Palatine. So that in the gene­ral Muster which was made of them near Moulins in Bourbonnois, their For­ces were found to consist of thirty five thousand experienc'd Souldiers, which power 'tis most certain, the King was in no condition to resist, in that mise­rable Estate, to which he had reduc'd himself, by the prodigious change he had made, in his conduct and his car­riage, immediately after his succeeding to the Crown of France.

[Page 11] He was no longer that Victorious Duke of Anjou, who had gain'd in the world so high a reputation, by so many gallant actions perform'd by him, in commanding the Armies of the King his Brother, in quality of his Lieute­nant General through the whole King­dom; but as if in assuming the Crown of the first and most ancient Monarchy of Christendom, he had despoil'd him­self at the same moment, by some fa­tal enchantment, of his Royal per­fections, he plung'd himself into all the delights of a most ignominious idleness, with his favourites and Minions, who were the Bloud-suckers, the Harpyes, and the scandal of all France, which he seem'd to have aban­don'd to their pillage by the immens­ness of his prodigality. After this he render'd himself equally odious and contemptible to his Subjects, both of the one Religion and the other, by his inconstant, and fantastique manner of procedure. For he ran sometimes from the extremity of debauchery in­to a fit of Religion, with processions and exercises of Penance, which were taken for Hypocrisie, and then again, [Page 12] from Devotion into Debauchery, as the present humour carried him away, and busied himself in a thousand mean em­ployments unworthy, I say, not of a King but of a man of common sense. All which Davila the Historian, after his manner of drawing every thing into design and Mystery, though at the expence of Truth, has endeavour'd to pass up­on us, for so many effects of a subtile, and over-refin'd policy. In conclusion, to discharge himself of the burthen of Royalty, which was grown wholly in­supportable to him in that lazy effe­minate sort of Life, he relinquish'd all the cares of Government to the Queen his Mother, who to continue him in that humour, and by consequence to make her self absolute Mistress of af­fairs (which was always her predo­minant passion,) fail'd not to furnish him from time to time with new baits and allurements of voluptuousness, and all that was needfull for the shipwrack of vertue and honour, in a Court the most dissolute which had ever been be­held in France.

Since it therefore pleas'd the Queen that War shou'd be made against the [Page 13] Huguenots, to infeeble them as much as was possible, that they might give no trouble to her management of Busi­ness; So also when she saw them strengthen'd with so formidable an Army, and her Son Alanson at their head, she began immediately to ap­prehend, that at length, making them­selves Masters, they might degrade her from that Authority, which she was so ambitious to retain, by what­soever means, and consequently she resolv'd to make a peace, for the same reasons, for which she undertook the War. And as she was undoubtedly the most subtile Woman of her time, and had so great an Ascendant over all her Children, that they were not able to withstand her, or to defend them­selves against her artifices, and with­all wou'd spare for nothing to compass her designs; she manag'd so dexte­rously the minds of the Princes, and cheif Officers of their Army, in gran­ting them with ease extraordinary Conditions, even such as were beyond their hope; that she conjur'd down the Tempest which was about to have been powr'd upon her head, and [Page 14] shelter'd her self at the cost of our Re­ligion, by the fifth Edict of Pacifica­tion, which was as advantageous to the Huguenots as they cou'd desire. To whom, amongst other privileges was allow'd the free exercise of their pre­tended Religion in all the Cities of the Kingdom, and in all other places, ex­cepting onely the Court and Paris, and the compass of two Leagues about that City. This peace was infinitely dis­tastefull to the Catholiques, because it serv'd for a pretence, and gave a fa­vourable occasion to the birth of a de­sign long time before premeditated, and hatch'd by him, who was the first Authour of that League whose History I write; and who began to lay the Foundations of it, precisely at this point of time, in that manner as shall imme­diately be related.

'Tis certain that the first persons who were thus Associated,Ann. 1576. under pre­tence of Religion against their Sove­reigns were the Protestants: Then when the Prince of Conde made him­self their conceal'd head at the Conspi­racy of Amboise; and afterwards o­vertly declar'd himself in beginning [Page 15] the first troubles by the surprise of Or­leans. That League, (which always was maintain'd by force of Arms, by places of caution and security, which upon constraint were granted to the Huguenots, and by the treasonable in­telligence they held with Strangers, even till the time wherein it was to­tally extinguish'd by the taking of Rochell, and of their other Cities, and fortified places, under the Reign of the late King of glorious memory,) ob­lig'd some Catholiques oftentimes, to unite themselves without the partici­pation of the King in certain Provin­ces; as particularly, in Languedoc, Guyenne, and Poitou, not onely to de­ [...]end themselves against the encroach­ments of the Huguenots, but also to at­tacque them, and to exterminate them, if they had been able, from all those places, of which they had possess'd themselves in those Provinces. But he who employ'd his thoughts at the utmost stretch in that affair, and was the first who invented the project of a General League amongst the Ca­tholiques, under another Head than the King, was the Cardinal of Lor­rain, [Page 16] at that time assisting at the Council of Trent.

That Prince, whose name is so well known in History, and who had a most prompt and most piercing un­derstanding, fiery by nature, impetu­ous, and violent, endu'd with a rare, natural eloquence, more learning than cou'd reasonably be expected from a Person of his Quality, and which his e­loquence made appear to be much grea­ter than it was; the boldest of any man alive in Councils, Cabals, and in Contrivance of daring and vast designs, was also the most pusillanimous and weakest man imaginable, when it came to the point of Execution, and that he saw there was danger in the undertaking. But above all, it can­not be denied, that through the whole series of his Life, he had a most im­moderate passion for the greatness of his Family. Insomuch, that when he saw the great Duke of Guise, his Bro­ther, at the highest point of glory af­ter the Battel of Dreux, where it might be said that he was the safeguard of our Religion, which depended on that day's success, and that all the Council [Page 17] was fill'd with the applause of that He­roe, for so memorable a Victory, which he had in a manner gain'd singly, after the defeat and taking of the Constable; he believ'd he had found the favourable occasion he so ardently desir'd, to satisfie his ambition to the full, by [...]ai­sing his Brother to that degree of Ho­nour, in which he might enjoy a Su­preme, and Independent Authority, equal to the power of the greatest Kings.

To this effect he was not wanting to represent to the Heads of that Assem­bly, and by them to the Pope, that for the support of Religion, against which the Heretiques made so cruel War, particularly in France, there was no better means, than to make a League into which shou'd enter all the Princes and great men whom they cou'd procure, and above all the rest the King of Spain, who was so power­full, and so zealous for the Catholique Faith. He added, that it was neces­sary for the Pope, to declare himself the Protectour of it, and to elect a Head of it in the Kingdom, on whose Piety, Prudence, Valour and Expe­rience, [Page 18] all things might safely be re­pos'd; and whom all Catholiques shou'd be under an obligation to obey, till they had totally extirpated the Hu­guenots. This proposal was receiv'd with great applause; and as their minds in that juncture of time were wholly prepossess'd with a high cha­racter of the wise conduct, the perpe­tual felicity, and heroique vertues of the Victorious Duke of Guise, there was not the least scruple remaining for them to conclude, that he alone was fit to be the Head of [...]o glorious an Undertaking. But the sad news of his Death, arriving in the very upshot of that project, made this great design to vanish; which the Cardinal, who never lost the imagination of it, nor the hope to make it succeed at some other time, was not able to bring in play again till about ten or eleven years after that accident: And then sound the young Duke of Guise, Henry of Lorrain, his Nephew, both of age and of capacity, and intirely dispos'd to its accomplishment. For at that time he propos'd warmly the same de­sign to the Pope, and the King of [Page 19] Spain, who both enter'd without dif­ficulty into his opinion; though upon motives very different: The Pope, out of the ardent desire he had to see Heresie altogether exterminated from this most Christian Kingdom, and the Spaniard, out of a longing appetite to make his advantage of our divisions, and those great disorders, which he foresaw the League must inevitably cause in France.

The Duke also, on his side, who had much more ambition, and much less affection to the publique good, than his Father, embrac'd with all his Soul so fair an occasion as was there­by put into his hand, of raising him­self immediately to so high a degree of Power and Authority, in becoming Head of a Party, which in all appea­rance wou'd ruine all the others, and give Law universally to France. But the Death of his Uncle the Cardinal, which happen'd at the same time, broke once more the measures of his ambitious design, which notwithstan­ding he never did forsake, as being ful­ly resolv'd to put it into execution, on the first opportunity which shou'd be [Page 20] offer'd. This he cou'd not find, till two years afterwards, when Don Iohn of Austria pass'd through France, to take possession of his government of the Low Countries. That Prince who travell'd incognito, and had already made a secret correspondence with the Duke of Guise, saw him at Ioinville, where after some conferences which they had together, without other wit­ness, than Iohn d' Escovedo, Secretary to Don Iohn, they made a Treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, mu­tually to assist each other to their ut­most Abilities, with their Friends, their Power, and Forces, to render themselves absolute; the first in his government of the Neatherlands, the second in that party, which he always hop'd to form in France, according to the project of his Uncle, under pre­tence of maintaining the Catholique Religion in France against the Hugue­nots.

Though Historians are silent of this Treaty, I suppose, notwithstanding, that it is undoubtedly true, considering what Monsieur de Peiresc, (a name so celebrated by the learned) has writ­ten [Page 21] concerning it in his memoires; which was grounded on what was re­lated to him by Monsieur du Vair, who had it from Antonio Perez.

For that famous Confident of the Amours betwixt Philip the second, and the fair Princess of Eboli, acknowledg'd freely to President du Vair, that to re­venge himself of unfortunate Esco­vedo, who at his return to Spain wou'd have ruin'd him in the favour of the King, he gave him so well to under­stand, that this Secretary of Don Iohn was intrusted with all his most secret designs against the State, and that having discover'd the love of the King his Master, he travers'd his amorous intrigue, to serve the Prince of Eboli, on whom he had dependance, that Philip who made not the least scruple to rid himself of any one whom he suspected (as having not spar'd even his Son Don Carlos) made him be as­sassinated. After which, having seiz'd his Papers, he there found this private Treaty, together with the memoires and instructions, containing the whole foundation, and all the minutes of this project, with the means which the [Page 22] Duke of Guise intended to make use of, to make his Enterprise succeed; of which that King, who made advan­tage of every thing, most dexterously serv'd himself long time after, to en­gage the Duke so deeply in his Inte­rests, that he was never able to disen­tangle himself, as the sequel will de­clare. But in the mean time, that Peace so advantageous to the Protes­tants, being made in the manner a­bove mention'd; the Duke beleiv'd, he had now a fair occasion to begin (by making use of the discontents of the Catholiques,) the forming of that League, of which he intended a [...]ter­wards to declare himself the Head. How he manag'd that affair, is next to be related.

Amongst the secret Articles of that Peace, so favourable to the Huguenots, there was one, by which the Prince of Conde had granted to him the full possession of the Government of Pi­cardy; and besides it, for his farther security, the important City of Peron­ne, the Garrison of which, shou'd be maintain'd at the King's expence. The Governour of Peronne, at that time, [Page 23] was Iaques, Lord of Humieres, Encre, Bray, and many other places, who by other large possessions of his own, and the Governments of Roye, and of Mont­didier, added to Peronne, was with­out dispute the most considerable, the wealthiest, and most powerfull Lord of all Picardy. Besides, that being of an illustrious Birth, and Son of the Wise and Valiant Iohn d' Humieres, (who had been Lieutenant of the King in Piemont, and Governour to King Henry the Second,) he was respected, lov'd and obey'd in that Province, where he was in a manner absolute, both by the great Authority of his own merit, and that which was deriv'd to him from his Father.

This Nobleman, having formerly been ill us'd by the Lords of Montmo­rency, then in power; and having been hinder'd by them, from entring into possession of a fair Inheritance, which he claim'd, as rightfully belong­ing to him, had put himself into the interests of the former great Duke of Guise, a declar'd Enemy of the Hugue­nots. And that Prince, to bind more [...]irmly to his party, to the cause of Re­ligion, [Page 24] and to his Family, a Person so considerable, had procur'd him to be Knight of the order of St. Michael, at that famous promotion which was made by Francis the Second, on the Feast of St. Michael, in the year 1560. Insomuch that the young Duke of Guise doubted not, that the concern­ment which this Lord had to maintain himself in the Government of Peronne, join'd in the present posture of affairs with zeal, either true or apparent, for Religion, and the particular obligati­ons he had to the House of Guise, would render him capable to be dis­pos'd of absolutely, in the execution of that high enterprise, on which he was himself resolv'd; it seeming to him that he cou'd never expect a bet­ter opportunity, and that all things were conspiring in his favour.

In effect there was nothing wanting that cou'd possibly concur, either of good or ill, to make that succeed, which he had resolv'd so firmly for two years together; and which in process of time was capable of raising him to a higher pitch of greatness, than at present he cou'd possibly con­ceive, [Page 25] how vast soever those idea's of power and authority were, with which he flatter'd his ambitious imagination. He was a Prince, at that time, in the flower and vigour of his age, which was about thirty years; furnish'd with all those admirable qualities and per­fections both of Soul and Body, which are most capable of charming the Hearts, and acquiring an absolute em­pire over the Souls of the people, who were even enchanted with his graces, and almost idoliz'd his person. For he was tall of Stature, excellently well proportion'd, altogether resembling what is commonly attributed to Heroes; having the features of his face of a Masculine Beauty, his Eyes sparkling and full of Fire, but whose lively and piercing motion was temper'd with a certain kind of sweetness. His fore­head large, smooth, and at all times serene, accompanied with an agree­able smile of his mouth, which charm'd even more than those obliging words, of which he was not sparing to those who press'd about him; his complex­ion lively, white and red; and which [...] honourable Scar remaining of [Page 26] the wound he had receiv'd by a Pistol Bullet on his left Cheek, (when he de­feated a party of the Reiters of Casimir, which William de Montmorency, Sieur de Thore, conducted to the Duke of Alanson,) heightn'd to much more ad­vantage, than all the ornaments which the vanity of Women has invented to add a lustre to their Beauty. His walk was grave and stately; yet neither Pride nor affectation appear'd in it. In all his Garb there was a certain inexpres­sible air of heroique greatness, which was made up of sweetness, audacity and a noble haughtiness, without any thing of shocking, or ungracefull in his whole composition. Which, altoge­ther, inspir'd a mixture of love, of awe, and of respect into his conversa­tion.

This admirable outside was anima­ted with an inside yet more wonder­full, by reason of those excellent qua­lities which he possess'd, of a Soul that was truly great; being liberal, mag­nificent in all things, sparing nothing to make Dependents, and to gain per­sons of all sorts of conditions; but prin­cipally the Nobility, and the Soul­diers; [Page 27] civil, obliging, popular, always rea­dy to doe good to those who address'd themselves to him; generous, magnani­mous, not to be mov'd to injure any man; no not to hurt even his greatest Enemies, but by honourable ways; ex­tremely persuasive in discourse, dis­guising his thoughts, when he appear'd most open; wise and prudent in his Counsells, bold, prompt and valiant in the execution of them, chearfully enduring all the hardships of War, in common with the meanest Soldier, exposing his person, and contemning the greatest dangers, to compass what he had once determin'd. But that which gave the greatest lustre to so many noble qualities, was the quite contrary of all these, in the person of the King; who, by his ill conduct, rather than his ill fortune, had lost the affection of the greatest part of France, and chiefly of the Parisians, which by the highest disorder, that cou'd possibly happen in a State, was already trans­ferr'd to him, who, from his subject began openly to appear his Rival, in the thing of the World, whereof Mo­narchs are, and ought to be, most jea­ [...].

[Page 28] But as there is no Mine of Gold, where the pretious Metal is so wholly pure, as to be found unmix'd with common Earth, so were these great natural endowments of the Duke of Guise debas'd by the mixture of many imperfections and vices; of which the principal was the insatiable desire of greatness and of glory, and that vast Ambition, to which he made all other things subservient. Besides which, he was rash, presumptuous, self-conceited, wedded to his own o­pinions, and despising the advice of o­thers, (though that more covertly,) subtile, unsincere, no true friend, but centring all things in his own interest; though he appear'd the most obliging and the most officious of all men, yet the good he did, was onely in order to himself, always covering his vast designs, by the specious pretence of publique good, and the preserva­tion of the true Religion: too much confiding in his own good fortune, loosing and hoodwincking himself in his prosperity, which gave him such a gust of the present pleasure, that he cou'd not think of taking his [Page 29] precautions for the future; to con­clude, giving up himself too much to the love of Women, of whom ne­vertheless, without their being able to divert him from the care he took of his great concern, he dextrously made use to advance it by their means and without their knowing that they were his Instruments. Yet in spight of all these vices, which were indeed most subtly manag'd, or disguis'd un­der the most fair appearances, and veil'd with a profound dissimulation, his vertues at the same time glittering, and blazing over all the World, he was universally ador'd and lov'd, par­ticularly by the Parisians; and even they, who knowing him at the bot­tom cou'd not love him, yet cou'd not hinder themselves from admiring him; which doubtless is a most uncommon thing, that a man shou'd be able at the same time, to deserve and gain the peoples love, and the admiration of those who were so clear sighted, as to discover his imperfections and vices.

Such was the famous Duke of Guise, whom that amiable mark of the Pis­tol [Page 30] Bullet, which as I said he receiv'd in defeating some Troops of Calvinists and Rebels, caus'd to be surnam'd, THE SCARR'D. And who, in those times, of which I Write, found all things sufficiently dispos'd to the execution of his enterprise. For he found the Catholiques provok'd to his hand, by those advantages which newly were granted to the Huguenots, the people dissatisfi'd, and weary of the Government, not able to endure, that the wealth of the Nation shou'd be squander'd on the King's Favourites, whom they called the Minions: the genius of Queen Catharine, pleas'd with troubles, and even procuring them to render her self necessary, to the end that recourse might be had to her for Remedies; the Princes of the bloud become suspected and odious to the three orders of the Kingdom, ei­ther for favouring the Huguenots, or for being publiquely declar'd Calvi­nists, thereby renouncing the Catho­lique faith, as the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde had openly done; the King faln into the con­tempt of his Subjects, after having [Page 31] lost their love; himself, on the con­trary, lov'd and ador'd by the people, worship'd by the Parisians, follow'd by the Nobility, indear'd to the Sol­diers, having in his Interests all the Princes of his Family, powerfull in Offices and Governments, the multi­tude of his Creatures, whom his own generosity, and that of his Father, had acquir'd him; the favour of the Pope, the assistance of the Spaniard, ready at hand to bear him up, and a­bove all the seeming Justice of his cause, which he industriously made known to all the world, to be that of Religion alone, whereof, in the general opini­on, he was the Protectour and the Pil­lar; and for the maintenance of which it was believ'd, that he had devoted himself against the Huguenots, who had enterpriz'd to abolish it in the Kingdom. But the last motive which fix'd his resolution, was the ex­treme rancour he had against the King, one of whose intimate Confidents he had been formerly, and who had now abandon'd him, by changing on the sudden the whole manner of his Con­duct, and giving himself entirely up [Page 32] to his Minions, who omitted no oc­casion of using the Duke unworthily: For disdain, which is capable of hur­rying to the last extremities the grea­test Souls, and the most sensible in point of Honour, made hatred to suc­ceed his first inclinations against him whom already he despis'd; and hatred and contempt being joyn'd with Am­bition, incessantly push'd him for­wards, to make himself the head of a Party so powerfull as that of the League, which pass'd for Holy in the minds of the people, and to avail him­self of so fair an opportunity to form it.

For this effect, he immediately caus'd a project to be formally drawn, which his Emissaries shou'd endeavour to spread about the Kingdom amongst those Catholiques who appear'd the most zealous and most simple, and those who were known to be the most addicted to the House of Guise: in this Breviate which they were oblig'd to subscribe, they promis'd by Oath, to obey him who shou'd be elected head of that holy Confederacy, which was made for maintaining of the Ca­tholique [Page 33] Religion, to cause due obedi­ence to be render'd to the King and his Successours, yet without prejudice to what shou'd be ordain'd by the three Estates, and to restore the Kingdom to its original Liberties, which it en­joy'd under the Reign of Clovis.

At the first there were found few Persons of Quality, and substantial Citizens of Paris, who wou'd venture to subscribe to that Association, be­cause it was not precisely known, who wou'd dare to declare himself the Head of it: besides, that by the vigilance of the first President Christopher de Thou, it was first discover'd, then dis­sipated, and at last dissolv'd with ease, with all those secret Assemblies, which were already held in several quarters of the Town for entring such persons into that infant League, whom either their Malice, their false Zeal, or their Simplicity cou'd ingage. But the Duke of Guise having sent his project to the Sieur d' Humieres, of whom he held himself assur'd, that Lord, (who be­sides his obligation to the House of Guise, had also his particular interest, and that of no less Consequence than [Page 34] the maintaining himself in his Govern­ment of Peronne; which was taken from him by the Edict of May, and that important place, order'd to be put into the hands of the Prince of Conde,) ma­nag'd the affair so well, by the credit he had in that Province, that, as the Picards have always been zealous for the ancient Religion, he ingag'd almost all the Towns, and all the Nobility of Picardy to declare openly, that they wou'd not receive the Prince of Conde, because as it was urg'd in the Manifesto, which was publish'd to justifie their refusal of him, that they certainly knew he was resolv'd to abolish the Ca­tholique Faith, and establish Calvinism throughout all Picardy.

'Tis most certain that they wou'd never be induc'd to receive that Prince into Peronne, or any other part of that Government; and that to maintain themselves against all those who wou'd undertake to oblige them by force, to observe that Article of the Peace, which they never wou'd accept, the Picards were the first to receive, by common agreement, and to publish in Peronne t [...]e Treaty of the League, in twelve [Page 35] Articles, in which the most prudent of the Catholiques themselves, toge­ther with the Illustrious President Chri­stopher de Thou, observ'd many things which directly shock'd the most Holy Laws both Divine and Humane.

For 'tis obvious in the first Article, that the Catholique Princes, Lords and Gentlemen, invoking the name of the Holy Trinity, make an Association and League, offensive and defensive, betwixt themselves, without the per­mission, privity, or consent of their King, and a King who was a Catho­lique as well as they; which is direct­ly opposite to the Law of God, who ordains that Subjects should submit themselves, and be united to their So­vereign, as members to their Head: even though he shou'd exceed his bounds and be a Tyrant, provided that there be no manifest sin, in what they are commanded to obey.

In the second, they refuse to render obedience to the King, unless it be con­formable to the Articles which shall be presented to him by the States, which it shall not be lawfull for him to contra­dict; or to act any thing in prejudice [Page 36] of them. 'Tis evident that this over­throws the constitution of the Monar­chy, to establish in its place a certain kind of Aristocracy, against one of our fundamental Laws, which ordains that the States shou'd have onely a de­liberative voice for the drawing up of their Petitions into Bills, and then to present them with all humility to the King, who examines them in his Coun­cil, and afterwards passes what he finds to be just and reasonable. They give not Law to him, who is their Master, and their Head, as the Electours of the Empire, by certain capitulations do to the Emperours of Germany, who are indeed the Heads, but not the Masters of the Empire; but, on the contrary they receive it from their King, to whom they onely make most humble Addresses, in the Bills which they pre­sent to him.

In the third Article the Associates assume to themselves, to be Masters of the State, while under pretence of reforming it, they ridiculously take upon them to abrogate the Laws ob­serv'd by our Ancestours, in the second and third race of our Kings, and wou'd [Page 37] establish the customes and u [...]ances, which were practis'd in the time of Clovis: which is just the same thing that certain Enthusiasts sometimes have attempted in the Church, who under the specious names of the Reform'd and Primitive Church, endeavour­ed to revive some ancient Canons, which now for many ages have not been observ'd; and gave themselves the liberty to condemn the practices, and customes authoriz'd by the Church, of remisness, and abuse; since it be­longs onely to the Church, according to the diversity of times, and of occa­sions, to make new regulations, in its Government and Discipline, without touching the capital points, that re­late to the Essentials of Religion.

To conclude, from the fourth Arti­cle to the twelfth, there are visible all the marks, and the foulest characters of a Rebellion, form'd and undertaken against their Prince, particularly where there is promis'd an exact obedience in all things, to the Head, whom they shall elect; and that they will employ their lives and fortunes in his service; that in all Provinces they will levy [Page 38] Souldiers,Anno 1577. and raise money, for the support of the common cause; and that all those who shall declare them­selves against the League, shall be vi­gorously prosecuted by the Associates, who shall revenge themselves without exception of person; which in the true meaning, is no other thing, than the setting up a second King in France in opposition to the first; against whom they engag'd themselves to take Arms in these terrible words, without ex­ception of person, in case he should go about to hinder so criminal an usurpa­tion of his Royal Authority.

Such was the Copy of the League, in those twelve Articles which were Printed and dispers'd through all Chri­stendom, as we are inform'd by an Authour who was contemporary to it; and has given it at large, in his History of the War under Henry the Fourth: But being conceiv'd in certain terms which are too bold, and which mani­festly shock the Royal Majesty, Mon­sieur d' Humieres a prudent man, re­duc'd them into a form, incompara­bly less odious, in which preserving the Essentials of the League, of which [Page 39] he was Head in Picardy, he appears, not­withstanding, to do nothing, but by the authority, and for the service of the King.

Now as it is extremely important to understand throughly this Treaty of Peronne, from which the League had its beginning, which is not to be found in any of our Authours, and the Ori­ginal of which I have, as it was sign'd by almost two hundred Gentlemen, and after them, by the Magistrates, and Officers of Peronne; I thought I shou'd gratifie my Readers by commu­nicating to them a piece so rare and so Authentique, which has luckily fallen into my hands. They will be glad to see in it the Genius, the reach, and the policy of that dextrous Governour, and Lieutenant to the King, who in declaring himself Head of the League in his Province, and procuring it to be sign'd by so great a number of Gen­tlemen, took so much care to make it manifest, at least in appearance, that he intended always to give to Caesar what belong'd to Caesar, and that the Imperial rights should be invio­lably preserv'd in that Treaty. For [Page 40] they protest in all their Articles, and that with all manner of respect in the most formal terms, that nothing shall be done, but with his good liking, and by his Orders, though in pursuance of this, all things were manag'd to a quite contrary end. But it fre­quently happens that men engage themselves with an honest meaning, and are led by motives of true zeal, in some a [...]fairs, whereof they foresee not the dangerous consequences, which pro­duce such pernicious effects, as never enter'd into their first imagination.

Behold then, this Treaty in eighteen Articles, together with the subscripti­ons of the Gentlemen and Officers, whereof some are written in such awk­ward Characters, and so little legible, that I could never have unriddled them, without the assistence of a person very skilfull in that difficult art of deciphe­ring all sorts of ancient writing. I mean Don Iohn Hericart an ancient man in Holy Orders, of the Abbey of St. Nicholas aux Bois in Picardy; who having labour'd to place in their due order, and to copy out the Titles and Authentique pi [...]c [...]s of many ancient [Page 41] Monasteries, applies himself at present, by permission from my Lord Bishop of Laon his superiour, to a work so ne­cessary in the Treasury of Chartres, and in the famous Library of the Ab­bey Royal of St. Victor of Paris, where he has found wherewithall to exercise the talent of the most knowing, on a great number of Titles, of more than six hundred years standing, and above three thousand Manuscripts, of the rarest and most Ancient sort, which compose the most pretious part of that excellent and renowned Library. 'Tis then to this man's industry that I am owing for this piece; and to deal sin­cerely, so as not to pass my conjectures on the Reader for solid truths, I have left Blanks for two of their names, because the letters which compos'd them, cou'd never be certainly distin­guish'd.

Whatsoever Resolution was taken to keep this Treaty secret, it was impos­sible to be long conceal'd being sign'd by so many men who were desirous to have Copies of it. Accordingly, there were found some both amongst the Catholiques and Protestants, who were not wanting to answer it publi­quely, endeavouring to make appear in their Writings, the injustice which they said was couch'd under those fair and specious protestations which they [Page 58] demonstrate, particularly in this, that without the King's privity, there was made a Confederation and Association of many persons of all the Orders of the States, who combine themselves to reform the Abuses of it: That ano­ther Head of it was chosen, and not the King. That they bind themselves by a new invented Oath to that Head, and that they take upon them to make Levies of men and money. 'Tis with­out all manner of dispute, they say, that this directly strikes at the founda­tion of the Monarchy, if done with­out the express permission of the King, to whom onely it belongs to give out those orders which he judges to be ne­cessary for the safety of the State, and the well being of his Subjects.

Moreover as great evils are com­monly contagious, and that a dange­rous Conspiracy is like Poison, which beginning from any little part, if Sword and Fire and violent Re­medies be not immediately apply'd, and if the Scorpion be not crush'd up­on the place which he has envenom'd, spreads it self swiftly through the whole body: thus the example of the Picards [Page 59] for want of immediate acting with force and vigour, against the Authours of that tendency to Rebellion, was quickly follow'd in all the Provinces of the Kingdom, by many persons of all ranks and conditions, who under the fair pretence of Religion, inroll'd themselves covertly in the League. But he who most openly declar'd for it, was the Lord Louis de Trimoüille who was afterwards Governour of Poi­tou, and the Païs d' Aunis. For as he was most extremely incens'd against the Huguenots, who because he was not favourable to them, took all occa­sions of revenge upon him, and by fre­quent inrodes, had made spoil of his Estate, and was on very ill terms with the Count de Lude, Governour of that Province, and a faithfull Servant of the King; He fail'd not to take advan­tage of the occasion which was offer'd him, to be head of a powerfull par­ty against them, and to declare him­self for the League, into which he caus'd a great part of the Towns and Nobili­ty, both of Touraine and of Poitou, to enter.

[Page 60] Thus was the League fram'd, and be­came in a short time exceeding power­full; while the King who cou'd not possibly be ignorant of the designs and practices, or the dangerous con­sequences of it, either durst not, or wou'd not oppose it: whether it were that fatal drowsiness which oppress'd him, plung'd as he was in his delights, or the laziness of an unactive ef [...]eminate way of living, a­verse from labour, and application to business; or were it that the Queen Mother who at that time was no other ways link'd to the Guises, than by her hatred to the Huguenots, who had en­deavour'd to ruine her, made the King believe that he ought to serve himself of that League, to infeeble and abase them, by taking from them all those great advantages, which they had not obtain'd but through compulsion in the last Peace, so odious and insup­portable to the Catholiques.

'Tis what was driven at and done in the first Estates, which were held at Bloys; which began in the month of November the same year, 1576. The Protestants had importunately [Page 61] demanded them, when the last Treaty was concluded; not at all doubting as they were in conjunction with the Politiques, but that they should be the strongest, and that consequently they shou'd procure the Edict of May to be confirm'd, which was so favourable to them. But they were deceiv'd in their expectations, for it was found that by the management of the Queen Mother and the Guises, and by the Money which was distributed in the particu­lar Assemblies of the Provinces, not onely that almost all the Deputies were Catholiques, but that also the greatest part of them were of the League. Insomuch that without re­gard to the protestations of the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, against the States; and after the re­fusal, which those two Princes, and the Marshal d' Amville, Head of the Politiques had made, to assist in them, to which they had vigorously been solicited by a solemn deputation; the Edict of May was finally revok'd, and prohibition made to all exercise of the pretended Reformation, and all the Ministers, and Directours were ba­nish'd [Page 62] out of the Realm by a new Edict, till such time as they shou'd be converted. Behold in what manner the Protestants, who as yet were not apprehensive of the League, found by experience that it was stronger than their party in the Estates according as the King had hop'd it wou'd be.

But on the otherside that Prince, immediately perceiv'd that it acted not with less artifice and vigour, to w [...]aken his own authority, than to pull down the party of the Hugue­nots. For they had the impudence to demand of him that the Articles which shou'd be approv'd by the three Estates, shou'd pass into inviolable Laws, which it shou'd not be in his power to alter, and that for other Ar­ticles, concerning which the States cou'd not agree amongst themselves; his Majesty might be permitted to or­dain, conformably to what shou'd be found just and reasonable, by the ad­vice of the Princes of the bloud, and twelve of the Deputies. Which to speak properly, was to devest the King of his Sovereign Power in making Or­dinances [Page 63] and Laws, and to transfer it to the States, according to the project of the League.

This undoubtedly surpriz'd the King, but he was yet much more a­maz'd when at the same time, there was shewn him the Memoires of one David an Advocate, which contain'd certain propositions the most villa­nous and detestable that can possibly be imagin'd.

For that Fellow who was onely a pitifull wretched Advocate, a Defen­der of the worst Causes, and such as were given for quite lost, lays down at the first for an undoubted Prin­ciple, ‘That the Benediction of Popes, and principally that of Stephen the Second, was bestow'd on the Race of Charlemain alone, and not exten­ded to that of Hugh Capet, an U­surper of the Crown; And that on the contrary, he by that Usurpation has drawn on his Descendants those Curses, the deplorable effects of which have been seen in so many Heresies; and above all others, in that of the Calvinists, who have laid waste the Kingdom by Civil [Page 64] Wars, which after the fruitless Vic­tories gain'd against them, have been succeeded by a Peace, most advan­tageous to those Heretiques: that, this notwithstanding, God Almigh­ty whose property it is to draw good out of evil, has made use of that extreme horrour which all good Catholiques have conceiv'd for that un­happy Peace, to restore the Princes of Lorrain to their rights, who are as that Advocate pretends, and as the people were made to believe, the true Poste­rity of Charlemain.’ After this he makes a fulsome panegyrique of them, extolling them infinitely above the Princes of the Bloud, against whom he most satyrically declaims. Farther, he proposes the means which ought to be employ'd, to animate the people against them, and to oppress them in the States, as well as the Huguenots; advising that the King shou'd be oblig'd to declare War against them, and to give the command of his Arms to the Duke of Guise. Then adds, that when the Duke, who will quick­ly have suppress'd and rooted out the Huguenots, shall have made himself [Page 65] Master of the principal Towns of the Kingdom; and that all things shall bend under the power of the League; he shall cause the process of Monsieur, the King's Brother to be made, as a ma­nifest abetter of the Huguenots; and after having shav'd the King, and con­fin'd him to a Covent, he shall receive the Crown, with the benediction of the Pope; shall make the Council of Trent to be receiv'd, shall subject the French, without any restriction to the obedience of the Holy See, and abo­lish all the pretended liberties of the Gallicane Church.

It must be acknowledg'd with all ingenuity, that it is not credible as some have vainly imagin'd, that the Huguenots forg'd those horrible Me­moires, and caus'd them to be printed, to blacken and make odious the name of the League amongst all good Catho­liques. For 'tis most certain that this Advocate, who hated mortally the Huguenots, by whom he had been ill us'd, and upon that account had en­tirely devoted himself to the League, undertook of his own head a Voyage to Rome, to carry thither those Me­moires, [Page 66] and to present them to the Pope, in hopes to ingage him in that party; and that having been kill'd by some accident in his Journey, those pa­pers were found in his Portmantue. Besides, that the Lord Iohn de Vivonne, the King's Ambassadour in Spain, sent him a copy of them, assuring him that they had been shewn to King Philip. But in plain truth, there is great pro­bability, that those Memoires were onely the product of the foolish crack'd brain'd Advocate, who being discom­pos'd by his passion discharg'd upon the paper all his furious imaginations and chimerique dreams, in forming this ridiculous project, which no man can reade, without discovering at the same time all the signs of a distracted mind.

The Duke though full of ambition, was not so weak to fall into the Snare of those extravagances; and if he were so haughty, as to soare in his imagi­nation to the possession of a Crown, it was not till of a long time after­wards; and when he saw that Mon­sieur being dead, and the King without appearance of having any Children, [Page 67] the succession was of course to fall on the King of Navarre, whom the Duke under pretence that the said King was a relaps'd Heretique, believ'd that he might easily cause to be excluded from the Crown, and that in his place he might himself obtain it.

What I may lay down for a certain truth is, that there was never any piece so black, so malicious, and so gross as was that of a certain Protes­tant Writer, who has compil'd the Memoires of the League, and who wou'd have it, that those Articles which are contain'd in the miserable Writings of David the Advocate, were onely the extract of a secret Council held at Rome, in the Consistory, by Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to exter­minate the Royal race, and to set the Princes of Lorrain upon the Throne. For it is so false, that this Pope who was always very prudent and mode­rate, shou'd doe any thing of that na­ture, that he constantly persisted in refusing to approve the League, what­ever instance was made to him; though it was promis'd him, to ingage him by his interest, that they wou'd [Page 68] begin the execution of this great pro­ject, by chasing the Huguenots out of the County of Avignon and Dau­phine, to take from them all means of troubling the possessions of the Church, and of passing into Italy: Nay farther, he repli'd to those who were plying him incessantly, and proposing the welfare and security of Religion, thereby to make him countenance the League, that it was in his opinion but a pretext, and that those who made it had other secret designs, which they had no mind to publish in the Articles of their Association.

In the mean time, those pernicious Memoires, with those impudent pro­positions of the Associators, induc'd the King to a strong apprehension, that the League was not form'd more against the Huguenots, than it was for the sub­version of his Authority. And, as he wanted magnanimity of to take up a bold and generous resolution, of oppressing so dangerous a Faction in its infancy, which he might have per­form'd; so to deliver himself from that formidable danger, he took indirect courses, and much unworthy of a King, [Page 69] following the timorous Counsels of the Sieur de Morvillier. That famous Iohn de Morvillier, who was Bishop of Orleans, and afterwards Garde de Ld. Keeper. Sceaux of France after the disgrace and retirement of the Chancellour de l' Hospital, was undoubtedly one of the greatest men of those times; and he who had the greatest credit and Au­thority in Council; generally valu­ed, and belov'd, for his excellent qua­lities, and above all for the mildness of his temper, and his rare moderation, joyn'd with an exact prudence, and large capacity, not onely in the ma­nagement of affairs, but also in all sorts of Sciences, proper for a man of his profession, and even in the studies of Humanity, Poetry and Eloquence.

This he frequently made appear, in those excellent Speeches which he drew up for our Kings, and principally that which Henry the third pronounc'd with so much applause, in the first Estates, at Blois. For this reason he was extremely importun'd to write the History of his times, because it was the general belief that no man cou'd acquit himself of so noble an employ­ment, [Page 70] with so much eloquence, judg­ment and politeness as himself. But, as that Subject was not very favourable to the two last Kings, Charles the Ninth, and Henry under whom he liv'd, that on the one side, he was too generous, and too gratefull to write any thing, which might dishonour and blast the memory of those two Princes his Benefactours, and that on the other side, he was too sincere, and too ho­nest to betray and suppress the truth, with any shamefull baseness, or to al­ter and corrupt it with mean flatteries, altogether unworthy of the majesty, and noble freedom of History, he said pleasantly to his friends, in excusing himself from their solicitations, that he was too much a Servant of the Kings his good Masters, to undertake the wri­ting of their Lives. A notable saying; the sense of which examin'd to the bottom ought to oblige great Princes to doe great things, thereby to furnish a sincere Historian with materials, whereby to render their Memory immortal, and to fill the World with the glory of their names. But on the otherside it gives an Historian to understand, that when he [Page 71] is oblig'd to write a History, neither fear, nor hope, nor threatnings, nor re­wards, nor hatred, nor love, nor par­tiality, nor prejudice to any person, ought to turn him one single step out of the direct road of truth, for which he is accountable to his Reader, if he intends not to draw upon himself the contempt and indignation of poste­rity, which will never fail to condemn him for an Impostor and a publick poisoner.

Thus you have the Character of this great Man; in whom nothing cou'd be censur'd, but that he was somewhat too timorous, and that he had not firmness and resolution enough to give generous and bold advice in pressing emergencies, so to have cut up by the root those great evils which threatned the Government. There­fore, when he saw the King, (who was yet more fearfull than himself,) amaz'd at the audaciousness of the Asso­ciators; And likewise was of opinion, that if he wou'd have ventur'd, it was not in his power to have suppress'd the League, knowing also full well that, the Queen Mother who was his Ma­ster's [Page 72] Oracle, and who underhand sup­ported the League, would never con­sent, that the ruine of it shou'd be en­deavour'd, and that, on the other side he was very desirous to draw the King out of this present plunge; betwixt both, he took a trimming kind of way, by which he thought he shou'd be able to preserve the Royal Autho­rity, without the destruction of the League. To this effect, not doubting but that in case it were not prevented, they wou'd chuse a Head, who had power to turn it against the King him­self, he advis'd him to declare in that Assembly, that far from opposing the League of the Cath [...]liques against the Huguenots, he was resolv'd to make himself the Head of it, which they dar'd not to refuse him, and by that means wou'd make himself the disposer of it, and provide that nothing shou'd be enterpris'd against him.

And truly this was no ill expedi­ent, to check, and give a stop for some time to the execution of those vast designs, which were form'd by the Authours of the League. But it must also be confess'd, that by signing, [Page 73] this, and causing it to be sign'd by others, as he did, when he declared himself the Head of it, he authoris'd those very Articles, which manifestly shock'd his Royal Authority; put the League in condition, and even gave it a lawfull right, according to that Treaty which he approv'd, to act against himself, in case he shou'd disturb it, or finally break with it, which was impossible not to happen in some time; he infring'd the Peace which he had given his Subjects by the Edict of Pacification granted to the Huguenots, and precipitated France into that bot­tomless gulf of miseries, that are inse­parable from a Civil War, which him­self renew'd, and which was of small advantage to him.

I shall not describe the particulari­ties of it, because they belong to the History of France, and have no rela­tion to the League, which on that oc­casion acted not, on its own account, against the Authority of the King. By whose orders two Armies, the one commanded by the Duke d' Alanson, the other by the Duke de Mayenne, attacqu'd the Huguenots; from whom [Page 74] they took La Charite, Issoite, Broüage and some other places of less impor­tance; I shall onely say, that the King quickly growing weary of the Cares of War, which were not [...]uitable to his humour, loving, as he passionately did, his ease and pleasures, A new Peace ensued, which was granted to the Huguenots at the end of Septem­ber, in the same year, by the Edict of Poitiers, little different from that of May, onely with this reservation, that the exercise of Calvinism was restrain'd within the limits of the former pacifi­cations, and that it was forbidden, in the Marquisate of Salusses, and the County of Avignon.

Farther,Anno 1579. it was during this interval of Peace, which was highly displea­sing to the Leaguers, that the King to strengthen himself against the League, by making himself Creatures, who shou'd inviolably be ingag'd to his Service by an Oath, more particu­lar and more solemn, than that which universally oblig'd his Subjects; esta­blish'd and solemnis'd his new Order of the Holy Ghost, which is even at this day, and after the entire revolu­tion [Page 75] of an Age, one of the most illus­trious marks of Honour, wherewith our Kings are accustom'd to reward the merit and service of the Princes, and the most signaliz'd Nobility. It has been for a long time believ'd, that Henry the Third, was the Institutour and Founder of this Order; and him­self us'd whatever means he cou'd, to have this opinion establish'd in the World: But at length the truth is bro­ken out, which with whatever arts it is suppress'd can never fail, either sooner or later, to exert it self, and to render to a man's person or his me­mory, the blame or praise that he de­serves.

For it has been found out by a way, which cannot be suspected of forgery, and which leaves no farther doubt concerning this Subject, that the be­ginning of this Order is to be referr'd to another Prince of the Imperial bloud of France, I mean Louis d' Anjou styl'd of Tarento, King of Ierusalem and Si­cily, who in the year, one thousand three hundred fifty two, instituted in the Castle Del Vovo at Naples, the Or­der of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, [Page 76] on the precise day of Pentecost; by its constitution containing 25 chapters, and which, in the style of those times, thus begins.

We Lewis, by the Grace of God, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, to the Honour of the Holy Ghost, on whose day we were by Grace, Crown'd King of our Realms, for the exaltation of Chivalry, and increase of Honour, have ordaind, to make a Society of Knights, who shall be call'd the Knights of the Holy Ghost, of right intention; and the said Knights shall be to the Number of three hundred, of which we, as beginner and founder of that said Order, shall be Prince, as also ought to be all our Succes­sours, King of Jerusalem and Sicily.

But seeing he died without Children by Queen Iane the first, his Wife, and that after his death there happen'd strange revolutions in that Kingdom, that order so far perish'd with him, that the memory of it had not re­main'd, if the Original of that consti­tution of King Lewis, had not by some [Page 77] accident fallen into the possession of the Republique of Venice, who made a present of it to Henry the third, at his return from Poland, as of a piece that was very rare, and which coming from a Prince of the bloud Royal, of our Kings deserv'd well to be preserv'd in the Archives of France, which was not the intention of King Henry.

For finding this Order to be excel­lent, and besides, that it was exactly calculated for him, because being born on Whitsunday, he had been Crown'd afterwards on the same day King of Poland, and some time after King of France, as Lewis of Tarento, had re­ceiv'd his two Crowns of Ierusalem and Sicily, on the like day before, he took a fancy to renew that Order, four years after his Coronation. But desi­ring to be esteem'd the Authour of it, he chang'd the Collar, where he plac'd certain Ciphers, to which has been substituted in following times, the Coat of Arms in manner of a Trophy, as it is at present to be seen. And af­ter he had transcrib'd, what best pleas'd him, from the Statutes of that Order, [Page 78] he commanded Monsieur de Chiverny to burn the Original, thereby totally to extinguish the m [...]mory of it.

But that Minister though most faith­full to his Master, believing not that he was bound to be the Executioner of that Order, this rare piece descen­ded to the Bishop of Chartres, his Son; from whom by succession of time, it fell into the hands of the late Presi­dent de Maisons, as it is related by Monsieur le Laboreur, who has given us the Copy at large, in the second Tome of his Additions to the Me­moires of Monsieur de Castelnau. In this manner, this famous Order was rather restor'd than instituted, by King Henry the Third, to combine a new Militia of Knights, which he might oppose against the Leaguers, who were much dissatisfi'd with the Peace, which he had given to the Hu­guenots.

Nevertheless this Peace was not so well observ'd, but that from time to time they created new disturbances, which two or three years afterwards kindled the seventh War, after the re­fusal they had made, to surrender those [Page 79] cautionary Towns which had been granted them for a certain time, which was then expir'd, and by their surprisal of some other places. But this War was ended in the second year after the conferences of Nerac, and Fleix, by a peace which lasted four or five years till the League, which from the time wherein the King had made himself their Head, had not dar'd to attempt any thing, all on the sudden declar'd it self against him, under another, the occasion of which I am going to relate.

Immediately after the peace was made, the Catholiques and Huguenots, whom the Civil War had arm'd against each other, joyn'd themselves to serve in the Army of the Duke d' Alanson, who being declar'd Duke of Brabant, by the States of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, entred as it were in Triumph into Cambray, after he had rais'd the Seige, which the Duke of Parma had laid to it. And after having been proclam'd a Sove­reign Prince in Antwerp, and been re­ceiv'd at Bruges and Ghent, in the same quality, he continued the War, [Page 80] assisted underhand by Succours from France, and openly by the Queen of England, that he might drive the Spaniard out of all the Low-Countries. On the other side, the Queen Mother, who had pretentions to the Crown of Portugal, had also sent a gallant Navy to the Tercera Islands, under the Command of her Kinsman Philip Strozzi, and openly protected Don Antonio; who after having lost the Battail before Lisbonne, was fled for refuge into France, and yet ceas'd not to dispute that Crown against King Philip of Spain. For which reason that Prince, who fol­low'd the Steps of his Father, and of Ferdinand, his great Grandfather by the Mother's side, in this as in all o­ther things, thought of nothing more than how to greaten himself at our ex­pence, and appli'd himself with his ut­most vigour, to foment new divisions a­mongst us, to hinder us from giving him trouble in his own Estates.

To this effect he us'd his best endea­vours, and employ'd all his arts to in­gage the King of Navarre and Dam­ville, who after the death of his elder [Page 81] Brother,Ann. 1581. was now Duke of Montmo­rancy, to break the peace, and renew the War in favour of the Huguenots; making not the least scruple on that occasion, to act against the true inte­rest of Religion, at the same time when he upbraided for the same thing, those who in reality made the war in Flanders, out of no other considera­tion, but the relief of an oppress'd peo­ple of which even the greatest part were Catholiques. But seeing that de­sign of his cou'd not possibly succeed, for certain reasons which belong not to this History, he turn'd his thoughts towards the Duke of Guise, and gave orders to his Ambassadour Mendoza, to omit nothing which might oblige him, to make the League take Arms, which was already exceeding power­full, and of which he might absolute­ly dispose, as being the principal Au­thour, and the very Soul of it.

The Duke who was intrepid, and bold even to rashness, when he had once resolv'd upon his Business, was not­withstanding very subtile, and clear-sighted, wary, and prudent enough to take just measures, and not to in­gage [Page 82] in any Enterprise, of which he was not as much assur'd as man cou'd be, to have all the means of making it succeed. From thence it procee­ded, that he resisted for a long time the temptation of great Sums that were offer'd him, and held out against the threatnings of the Ambassadour, to discover the secret treaty he had made with Don Iohn of Austria, the Original of which was in the King of Spain's possession; nay even against the pressing solicitations of his Bro­thers, and the rest of the Princes of his House, who being more impati­ent and less discerning than he, thought every minute an age till he declar'd himself. But at last arriv'd the fatal moment, in which, after having well examin'd all matters, he thought that every thing concurr'd not onely to favour the design he had always had, to make himself Head of the Catholique League, but also to carry his hopes much farther than his ambition, vast as it was, had yet led him to imagine.

In Effect, on the one side, the King was reduc'd to a lower condition than [Page 83] he ever was before:Ann. 1582. his immense pro­digality in a thousand things, altoge­ther unworthy of the Royal Majesty, and of no profit to the State;Anno 158 [...]. the pomp, the pride, and the insuppor­table insolence of his Favourites; his fantastique way of living, which hur­ri'd him incessantly from one ext [...]eme into another, from retirement and so­litude to a City life, from Debauche­ry into Devotion, and such a Devoti­on as pass'd in the peoples minds for a mere Mummery, into those Proces­sions of Penitents, habited in Sack­cloth of several colours, where he walk'd himself with his disciplining whip at his Girdle against the Genius of a Nation, which loves to serve God in spirit and in truth; these and a thousand such like things wholly con­trary to our customs, and to the use of his Predecessours, had drawn upon him such a detestation, and so great a contempt from the greatest part of his Subjects, that against the ordinary practice of the French, who adore their Kings, there were given a thou­sand publique marks, and principally in Paris, of the aversion which they had for him.

[Page 84]On the other side, all things con­spir'd in favour of the Duke of Guise, to raise him to that high degree of power, which seem'd to equal him with the King himself, who in effect already look'd on him as his Rival; and as such hated him, without daring as yet to enterprise ought against him to prevent his designs, or to shelter himself against the mischief which he apprehended from him. The people united themselves to him, as to their Protectour, and the pillar of Religion.

Most of the great men at Court, discontented at the Government, threw themselves into his party; the Ladies, from whom the Minions cou'd hold nothing, disclos'd to him all the secrets of the Cabinet, to revenge themselves of the King whom they hated mortally, for certain reasons not so fit to be divulg'd. He was offer'd to have the Dukes of Lorrain and Sa­voy in his interests, who both hop'd to draw great advantages from the League, and principally so powerfull a Prince as the King of Spain, who [...] him two hundred thousand Li­vres of [...]ension, besides the Sums he [Page 85] wou'd furnish for the levying of his Troops.

These were indeed strong tempta­tions to a Prince of his humour, and who was inclin'd to throw at all. But that which gave the last stroke to his determination, was the death of Mon­sieur the King's onely Brother: who after his unsuccessfull Enterprise on Antwerp, having been constrain'd to return dishonourably into France, dy'd at Chateau de Thierry, Anno 158 [...]. either of Me­lancholy, or of his old Debauches, or as the common report was of poi­son. For about that time it was, that believing the King wou'd have no Children, and that the King of Na­varre might be excluded with ease from the succession, for more than one reason, (which he hop'd to make au­thentique rather by force of Arms, than by the Writings of the Doctours of his Faction) and that the Queen Mo­ther who hated her Son-in-Law Na­varre, had the same inclination to ex­clude him, thereby to advance her Grand-Child the Prince of Lorrain to the Kingdom, he rais'd his imagination to higher hopes than what he had for­merly [Page 86] conceiv'd, when first the Cardi­nal of Lorrain his Uncle, had drawn the platform of a Catholique League, whereof he might make himself the Head. And on these grounds, with­out farther balancing the matter, he resolv'd to take up Arms, and to make War against the King. But to make so criminal an enterprise more plausible, there was yet wanting a pretence, which in some sort might justifie his actions to the World; And fortune produc'd it for him to as much advan­tage as he cou'd desire, almost at the same time when he had taken up so strange a resolution.

As it was impossible that so great a Conspiracy shou'd be manag'd with such secrecy, that the King shou'd not be advertis'd of it, (which in effect he was from many hands.) That Prince (who had suffer'd his natural courage to be made effeminate by the laziness of a voluptuous retir'd Life, was become exceeding timorous, and incapable of coming to any resolution within himself, to stifle in its birth so horrible a mischief by some generous action, and some Master stroke,) had [Page 87] a desire to have near him his Brother-in-Law the King of Navarre, whom he acknowledg'd according to the Sa­lique Law, for the Heir presump­tive of the Crown, and knew him to be the man, who was most capable of breaking all the measures of the Duke of Guise. But foreseeing that in order to this, it was necessary that he who was Head of the Huguenots, shou'd first renounce his Heresie, and be re­concil'd to the Catholique Church, he dispatch'd the Duke of Espernon to him in Guyenne, to perswade him to a thing of so much consequence, to the ree [...] ­tablishment of his fortune, and his true interest both Spiritual and Tem­poral. As that Prince had always pro­tested with much sincerity, that he was of no obstinate disposition, and that he was most ready to embrace the truth, when once it were made to appear such to him, he receiv'd the Duke with exceeding kindness; to whom he gave a private audience in his Clos­set, in presence of the Lord of Roque­laure his Confident, of a Minister of his own Religion, and of the Presi­dent Ferrier his Chancellour; who [Page 88] had always lean'd to the opinion of the Huguenots, of which at last he made profession in his extreme old age, and some little time before his death.

In plain terms, that Conference was not manag'd very regularly, nor with extraordinary sincerity; for Espernon and Roquelaure, who were no great Doctours, propos'd nothing but hu­man [...] reasons for his Conversion; and alledg'd no stronger arguments, than what were drawn from the Crown of France, which they preferr'd incompa­rably beyond the Psalms of Marot, the Lords Supper, and all the Sermons of the Ministers. But on the other side, the Minister and the President, who were much better vers'd in disputation than the two Courtiers, to destroy those weak reasons of secular interest, pro­duc'd no motives, but what they af­firm'd to be altogether spiritual and Soul saving, and the word of God, which they expounded to their own meaning, to which those Noble Lords who understood nothing of those mat­ters, had not the least syllable to an­swer. Insomuch that the King of Na­varre, who piqu'd himself extremely [Page 89] upon the point of generosity, looking on it as a most honourable action, for him to undervalue so great a Crown at the rate of selling his Conscience and Religion for it; the Duke was constrain'd to return as he came, without having obtain'd any thing toward the satisfaction of the King. But what was yet more displeasing in that affair, was that Monsieur du Ples­sis Mornay, a Gentleman of an ancient and illustrious Family, a great wit, whose Learning was extraordina­ry for a man of his Quality, and who besides made use of his Pen, as well as of his Sword; but above all, a most zealous Protestant, put this conference into writing, which he also publish'd; in which having expos'd what was urg'd on both sides, he pretends to manifest the advantage which his Re­ligion had against the Catholique, and that the King of Navarre being evi­dently convinc'd of the weakness of our cause, was thereby more than e­ver confirm'd in his own opinion.

This was the reason why the Facti­ous and the Catholiques, who were heated with a false Zeal, began to fly [Page 90] out immoderately against the King, whom they charg'd with a thousand horrible calumnies, publishing in all places that he kept Correspondence with the King of Navarre, to whom he had sent Espernon, not with intenti­on of converting him, but rather of confirming him in his Errours, as it appear'd sufficiently by the procee­dings of that conference, where no­thing was urg'd to the advantage of Religion, but on the contrary, all things in favour of Huguenotism. And it hapning almost at the same time, that the King (in order to hinder the Huguenots from resuming their Arms against the Leaguers, who had pro­vok'd them by committing many out­rages against them without punish­ment,) thought himself oblig'd to grant them that prolongation which the King of Navarre demanded, of the term prescrib'd them for the surrender of those cautionary places which they had allow'd them for their security by the last Edict of Peace: upon this pretence, the Factious cast off all manner of respect to him. They cla­mour'd publiquely on all occasions, [Page 91] the Preachers from their Pulpits, the Curats from their Desks, the Confes­sours from their Seats, the Professours in their Lectures, and the Doctours in their Resolutions which they gave, that they were oblig'd to oppose them­selves with all their power against the King, who supported the Navarrois, and resolv'd, that Heretical and stub­born as he was, he shou'd nevertheless succeed to the Crown, which ought never to be suffer'd, they being assur'd that this Prince, if ever he shou'd mount the Throne, wou'd abolish the Catholique Religion in France.

This was that terrible machine, of which they made use to stir up the people; over whom there is nothing has so great a power as the motive of Religion, when once they are perswa­ded that it will be forceably taken from them; And to bind them inseparably to the interests and party of the Duke of Guise, whom they believ'd to have no o­ther aim in all his undertakings, than the maintenance and defence of it against Heretiques, and the favourers [...] of Here­sie. But because that Prince, who was extremely dextrous, had no mind that [Page 92] it shou'd be perceiv'd he acted for him­self, under so specious a pretence; be­sides that he believ'd not that it was safe for him, as yet to attempt the ex­clusion of the other Princes of the bloud from the Succession, they being good Catholiques, he endeavour'd to draw subtilely into his party, the good old Man Charles, Cardinal of Bourbon. And indeed having with great Presents gain'd the Sieur de Rubempre who ab­solutely govern'd him; he perswaded him without much trouble, that he being by one degree of kindred nearer to the King, than was the King of Navar­re his Nephew, it was to him that the Kingdom belong'd of right, in case the King shou'd dye without Children, and that the whole Catholique League wou'd stand by him in his claim with all their power, were it onely to hin­der an Huguenot Prince from succee­ding to the Crown.

There needed not more to shake a Soul, so weak as was that of the Car­dinal de Bourbon; who devout as he was, yet suffer'd himself to be seduc'd with the vain hopes of Reigning. He was so much dazled with the false glit­tering [Page 93] of an imaginary Crown, that without considering he had already one of Cardinalship, that threescore and ten came fast upon him, and that the King was not yet thirty five, he quit­ted his Habit of Cardinal, and appear'd in publique, like the General of an Army; which gave men occasion to believe, that his great age had at least craz'd his understanding, if it had not quite destroy'd it. Yet this opinion of the world hinder'd him not, from calling himself the Heir presumptive of the Crown, nor from declaring himself openly the Head of the League, against his Nephew the King of Na­varre; especially when he saw that party, in which he thought himself already so firmly rooted, become eve­ry day more powerfull and formi­dable, by the conjunction of the par­ticular League of the Parisians, which caus'd such furious disorders, under the famous name of the sixteen; and which was fram'd in Paris, about this time, in that manner which I am [...]ow going to relate.

After that, by the vigilance of the [...]rst President, Christopher de Thou, [Page 94] and some other Magistrates, the course of the League was stopp'd at Paris, where it had begun to make some im­pression, after it had been sign'd by the Picards, all things were in a peace­able condition there, none daring to hold any secret Cabals against the State; till such time as on occasion of the Conference betwixt the King of Navarre and the Duke d' Espernon in Guyenne, a malicious report was rais'd, that the King protected the Hu­guenots, who so soon as their Head should mount the Throne, which he pretended to be his right, wou'd not fail to abolish the Catholique Religion in France. For then it was, that a mean Citizen of Paris call'd La Roche Blond, a man rather weak and silly, than wicked, prejudic'd by the calum­nies, which the factious publish'd a­gainst the King, got it into his head, through a false zeal of Religion, that the good Catholiques of Paris shou'd unite themselves together, and oppose with all their force the King's designs, (who, as it was imagin'd, favour'd the Heretiques) and hinder the King of Navarre, from his Succession to the [Page 95] Crown. To this purpose, he ad­dress'd himself immediately to one Mr. Matthew de Launoy, who having first been a Priest was afterwards the Minister of Sedan, from whence he had escap'd in his own defence, being there taken in Adultery, and there­upon renouncing his Calvinism, was made Canon of Soissons, and at that time preach'd at Paris. He also communicated his design to two noted Doctours, and Curats; the one of Saint Severin, nam'd Iohn Prevost, and the other of Saint Benet, who was the famous Mr. Iohn Boucher, one of the most follow'd Preachers of Paris; but whose talent chiefly consisted in his extreme boldness, which stretch'd even to impudence, a man more pro­per, as it appear'd, to raise a great Se­dition, by his violent and furious de­clamations, than to preach the Gospel of Iesus Christ, which inspires onely humility, obedience, and submission to the higher Powers.

These men being united all four in the same opinion, which the Spirit of Division and Rebellion, disguis'd un­der the specious appearance of Zeal, [Page 96] inspir'd into them, communicated to each other the names of all their seve­ral acquaintance in Paris, who were most proper to enter into Society with them, and to lay the foundations of an Holy Union of Catholiques in that great City; which without farther deliberation they coucluded to be of absolute necessity, to preserve Religi­on in France, and to extinguish Ty­ranny: for by that name it was that those factious Bygots took the licence to call the Government. But for fear of being too soon discover'd by their multitude, as it had happen'd former­ly in Paris, when the project of the League was first broach'd, they agreed each of them to name two Associats, of the most con [...]iding men they knew, to whom they shou'd communicate the whole secret of their enterprise. Upon which, La roche Blond chose the Sieur Lewis d' Orleans, a famous Advocate, and the Sieur Acarie, Ma­ster of the Accompts, who was af­terwards ironically call'd the Lac­quay of the League, because, that be­ing lame, he was one of those who went and came, and acted with most [Page 97] earnestness, for the interest of his par­ty: The same man, who was Hus­band to that pious Mary of the Incar­nation, of whose good example he profited so ill. The Curat of St. Benet, nam'd Mignager, an Advocate, and Crucè a Procureur of Parlament. He of St. Severin, gave his voice for the Sieur de Caumont an Advocate, and a Merchant, call'd Compan. Matthew de Launoy, who was not yet so well acquainted in Paris, cou'd name but one, which was the Sieur de Manaevre, Treasurer of France, of the House des Hennequins. But to complete the num­ber of eight, they Associated with him the Sieur d' Essiat, a Gentleman of Au­vergne, who was very well known to the Curat of St. Severin, who made himself answerable for him.

These twelve (as I may call them) false Apostles, were the Founders of the League in Paris, who admirably counterfeiting zeal for the publick good, and discoursing of nothing else amongst their friends in private, but of the oppressions of the people, of the avarice and insolence of the Favou­rites, the correspondence which the [Page 98] King held with the Head of the Hu­guenots, and the manifest danger in which they were of losing their Reli­gion, had immediately made many Churchmen Proselytes of their opini­on, as also Lawyers, and Shop-kee­pers, as for example, Iohn Pelletier, Curat of St. Iaques de la Boucherie, Guincestre Curat of St. Gervase, La Morliere a Notary, Rolland a Collector of the King's Revenue, the Commis­sary Louchard, the Procureurs, Emmo­not and La Chapelle, and Bussy Le Clerc, the most Factious of all the Leaguers, besides many others whose names are of little consequence to the History, and who wou'd doe their poste­rity but small credit to be mention'd.

But to maintain at least some kind of order, in a design which tended to the confusion and ruine of the State, and to take care that their Conspiracy might take no vent, there was imme­diately establish'd a Council of Ten, who were selected out of that great number, to meet together, sometimes at one man's house, sometimes at ano­ther's, very secretly; but most com­monly they met at his lodgings who [Page 99] was the most desperate of them all, and who during the greatest part of that time was the leading man in all deliberations, I mean the Curat of St. Benet, in his chamber at the College of Sorbonne, and afterwards at the College of Forteret, whither he re­tir'd, and which afterwards on that account was call'd the Cradle of the League. Out of these Ten, there were appointed Six, which were, La Roche Blond, Compan, Cruce, Louchart, La Chapelle and Bussy, amongst whom the sixteen Wards of Paris were distri­buted, for them to observe in their respective Divisions, all that occurr'd, either to the furtherance, or the disadvantage of their Plot, and to pick up those, whom they cou'd draw into their Faction with most ease: as also there to put in execution, by their Accomplices, whatsoever they had re­solv'd in their Cabal; which not long after was inlarg'd to the number of Forty Men, the most considerable a­mongst them. 'Tis upon this account that the first Union of the Parisians, was call'd the Sixteen, from the num­ber, not of the persons but of the Wards.

[Page 100]And, since nothing spreads with so much ease, and so suddenly, especially amongst the Common-people, as that disease which is taken by contagion; so by the conversation, which these men, infected with the Spirit of Re­bellion, had by themselves and their Emissaries, with the false Zealots, the simple, the Malecontents, the facti­ous, the greatest part of the populace, and the meanest sort of Citizens, that evil, which was infinitely contagious, was multipli'd with ease, and spread it self in little time through all the Quar­ters of the Town. And it encrea'sd with so much vigour, that those Mu­tineers, who at their beginning durst not openly appear, but held their meetings as privately as they cou'd, out of their fear to be discover'd, now believ'd themselves so formidably strong, and so very numerous, that none wou'd dare to make head against them.

They had even the boldness to send their Deputies into all the Provinces, to invite into their new Association those who had declar'd for that of Peronne, who sign'd at this time to a Paper more [Page 101] pernicious than the first. For where­as in the other, they promis'd by their second Article to employ their lives and fortunes for defence of King Henry the Third, in his Authority, and to cause due obedience to be render'd to him; They swear in this other, that they enter into the Union with the Parisians, not onely to exterminate the Heretiques, but also to destroy Hypo­crisie, and Tyranny, that is to say, in their execrable meaning, to pull down the Authority of Henry the Third, whom they accus'd of those two crimes with all injustice imaginable. This is that, which was call'd the League of Sixteen, which after the former League was joyn'd to it, by its secret Agents residing in Paris, acknowledg'd in reality the Duke of Guise for their Head, and the Cardinal of Bourbon one­ly in appearance.

In the mean time, that Duke finding himself to be so powerfully supported, and all things well dispos'd for his en­terprise, as he cou'd possibly desire, resolv'd at last on execution. To this effect, being retir'd from Court into his Government of Champaign, under [Page 102] pretence of some discontent, he went to Ioinville, where (as matters had been laid before) there met him, at the same time, the Envoyes of the King of Spain, and those of the Car­dinal of Bourbon, who had taken on himself the quality of first Prince of the Bloud, and Heir presumptive of the Crown. And there, (the Duke act­ing for himself, and for the Princes his Confederates,) was concluded a perpetual League, both Offensive and Defensive, for them, their Allies, and their Descendants; by which it was covenanted, That to preserve in France the Catholique Religion, the Cardinal of Bourbon, in case the King shou'd die without Children, shou'd succeed him, as nearest Heir to the Crown, from which all the Heretique Princes, shou'd for ever stand excluded; as also such of them as were favourers of He­retiques, and above all, those who were relaps'd, so that any of them, who had ever made profession of He­resie, or who had onely given tole­ration to it, shou'd never be judg'd ca­pable of Reigning. That the Cardi­nal, when King, shou'd banish out [Page 103] of the Realm all those Heretiques; shou'd cause all the Decrees of the Council of Trent to be observ'd, and shou'd solemnly renounce the Alliance made with the Turk. That the King of Spain shou'd furnish every month fifty thousand Pistoles, for the charges of the War, which by obligation was to be made against the Huguenots, and against the King himself, in case he shou'd not abandon them. That also the Cardinal, and the other Princes of the League, shou'd mutually assist His Catholique Majesty with all their Forces, in reducing his Rebellious Subjects of the Low Countries, under his obedience, and cause the Trea­ty of Cambray to be punctually ob­serv'd.

After this, the Duke receiving im­mediate payment of one half of the money stipulated for his Pension, or­der'd some levies of Swisses, and Rei­ters to be made by the Colonels Phif­fer, and Christopher de Bassompierre, who were entirely at his Devotion. But before he cou'd draw those Forces together, the Deputies from the States of the Low Countries, about the same [Page 104] time, coming to make tender of them­selves to the King, and pressing him extremely on behalf of their Superi­ours, to accept the Sovereignty of those Provinces; the Spaniards toward that fatal blow, and to hinder him from sending a powerfull Army into Flanders against them, resolving to make a present diversion, oblig'd the Duke of Guise, who by reason of his ingagement cou'd refuse them no­thing, to begin the War against the King.

Accordingly he began it with the surprise of Toul, and of Verdun, and possessing himself of Chaälon and Me­zieres, of the most considerable Towns of Picardy by his Cousin the Duke d' Aumale, of Dijon and the greatest part of Bourgogne by the Duke of Mayenne his Brother, of Orleans by the Sieur d' Entragues, of many other places by his Dependants, and of the City of Lyons it self, by the Souldiers of Cap­tain Le Passage, whom the Duke of Espernon had plac'd there, and who being corrupted by the Emissaries of the Guises, turn'd out their Comman­der who held the Citadel which they [Page 105] themselves demolish'd, and declar'd openly for the League, saying malici­ously in their own excuse, what they had been taught by the Leaguers, that they wou'd not be damn'd for serving the King, who was a favourer of Heretiques, and adding falsely, that the Iesuits whom they had consulted upon that point, had absolv'd them from the Oath which they had made him.

Now as all the Favourites, and prin­cipally Espernon, were as generally ab­horr'd, as the Duke of Guise was be­lov'd, those two passions love and ha­tred joyn'd with hopes of raising them­selves by Civil Wars, ingag'd a great number of the most considerable and bravest of the Court, to take part with the Leaguers; And amongst o­thers Charles de Cosse, Count, and af­terwards Duke of Brissac, Son to the great Marshal de Brissac Viceroy of Piedmont, and Brother to the brave Timoleon, Colonel of the French In­fantry, Claude de la Chastre, Bailiff of Berry, Francis d' Espinay de Saint Luc, the Count of Randan, the Mar­quis of Bois Dauphin, the Marquis de [Page 106] Rane, Claude de Baufremont Baron of Senecey, who allur'd into it Anthony de Brichanteau, Beavais Nangis his Brother-in-Law; Son to the Valiant Marquis de Nangis, Nicholas de Bri­chanteau, Knight of the Order, who died of his wounds receiv'd at the Bat­tel of Dreux, bravely fighting for his King and his Religion; This generous Son of his having serv'd the King very gallantly, both in Poland and in France, having also been esteem'd by him, and admitted into the favour of his Confidence, was retir'd from Court, because the Duke of Espernon, after he had carri'd from him the Com­mand of Colonel of the French Infan­try which had been promis'd him by the King, caus'd also to be taken from him that of Maistre de Camp, of the Re­giment of Guards: in the just resent­ment of which injury, he was not able to resist the pressing solicitations of those two Lords, de Rane, and de Senecey, who to draw him along with them into the Duke of Guise's party, made him a pro­mise from the Duke, which was ne­ver perform'd to him, (viz.) that no peace shou'd be concluded but upon [Page 107] condition, that Espernon his Enemy shou'd be turn'd out of Court, and that his charge of Colonel of the French In­fantry shou'd be restor'd; farther assure­ing him, that he shou'd exercise the same Command in the Army of the League.

Thus it may be seen how much the haughty and injurious proceeding of that Favourite, was advantageous to the Duke of Guise. Therefore whenone of his Captains, who had heard him make great complaints of the Duke of Esper­non offer'd himself to murther him, as he pass'd through Chaälons in his return from Metz, by no means (reply'd he) I shou'd be very sorry he were dead; for he gives us many gallant men, who wou'd never ingage in our party, if the desire of revenging so many intolera­ble affronts, as are daily put on the worthiest of the Court, by that little Cadet of Gascony, did not bring them over to us.

In this manner the Duke of Guise made himself every day more power­full, both by the peoples love to him, and their hatred to the Favourites. Insomuch that the King seeing so for­midable a party arm'd against him, [Page 108] was forc'd to answer the Low Country Deputies, with tears in his Eyes, that in his present condition, he was not able to accept their offers, as he wou'd certainly have done in a more favour­able conjuncture, which never after­wards befell him. Observe now the first Exploit of the League, which if it had never occasion'd any other mis­chief, than this to have hinder'd the reuniting of the Low Countries to us, which were the first Conquest of our Crown, and the most ancient Patri­mony of our Kings, 'tis most certain that for this onely reason, it ought to be had in detestation by all good Frenchmen.

But that which ought to render it yet more odious, is that they did not onely take up Arms in manifest Re­bellion against their King, but also tim'd it so unluckily and mischievous­ly, that far from exterminating the Huguenots, which they made a show to desire, they hinder'd by that War the ruine of Huguenotism, which was mouldring insensibly by the Peace. And truly all things were dispos'd in such a manner, that had they conti­nued never so little longer in that [Page 109] peaceable Estate they then enjoy'd, there is hardly any doubt to be made, but that Heresie which grew every day weaker, wou'd in the end have crumbled into nothing. Most certain­ly the King who mortally hated the Hu­guenots, which appear'd but too visibly in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and who was not able to destroy them by force, had taken his measures so surely, by changing that manner of procee­ding, that he had infallibly compass'd his ends by the Peace he gave them, had it continu'd a while longer.

For at that very time, when the Duke who was so long in demurring, e'er he came to a resolution, at last took Arms, under pretence of abo­lishing Heresie in France; 'tis well known, that there were not remaining above twenty Ministers in all the Pro­vinces on this side the Loire: none of them writ any thing against the Ca­tholique Religion, neither was there any Huguenot in Office or Employ­ment. The King of Navarre, who was Head of that Party, at that time was desirous of nothing more, than to return into the King's favour, and that [Page 110] he might deserve that Honour, he had not long before advertis'd him, that the same Philip King of Spain, who affected to appear with so much ostentation, the great Defender of the Catholique Faith against the Protestants, had proffer'd him large Sums of mo­ney, and promis'd to assist him in re­ducing Guyenne under his Command, on condition that he wou'd break the Peace, which the King had given to the Huguenots, and cause them to re­sume their Arms, to which he wou'd never give consent. In like manner the King, who held himself assur'd of him, fail'd not to advise him, that he shou'd beware of some secret practices amongst the Huguenots, who began to be suspicious of his conduct, and that by no means he shou'd permit any other but himself to be Head and Protectour of that Party. Thus it was to have been hop'd, that under favour of this Peace which had disarm'd the Huguenots, they wou'd have been reduc'd insen­sibly, if the Leaguers by taking up Arms to force the King, as in effect they did, to break the Peace which he had given them, had not necessitated [Page 111] them to recommence the War, which in the progress of it was favourable to them.

In the mean time, amidst the many good Fortunes which happen'd to the League in the overture of the War, they had the displeasure of failing in their endeavours to possess themselves of two very considerable Cities in the Kingdom; and such as had render'd them absolute Masters of Provence and Guyenne. The one was Marseilles, which the second Consul, feigning to have receiv'd Orders from the King to invade the Huguenots, had put into commotion, and was just ready to have deliver'd it into the hands of the Guisards; but being circumvented and taken, by some honest Citizens who had discover'd his Treason, he was im­mediately hang'd, and appeas'd by his death the Sedition, which he had rais'd to have betray'd them. Lodowick de Gonzaga Duke of Nevers, was accus'd as Authour of that Enterprise, in hope to have seis'd the Government of Pro­vence, but he most constantly deni'd it. And as about that time he re­nounc'd the League; the Duke of [Page 112] Guise his Brother-in-Law upbraided him, that he had never done it, but out of shame and vexation to have miss'd his blow. He on the other side protested, that he chang'd Parties one­ly for the satisfaction of his Consci­ence which oblig'd him so to doe. On which Subject to justifie his procedure, he affirm'd, that he had never enter'd into the League, but that it was con­fidently told him, that the Pope had licens'd and approv'd of it; But that having some reasons to suspect the contrary, he had sent three several times to Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to be satisfi'd of his doubts, and nam'd the Messenger, who was Father Claude Matthew a Iesuite, call'd the Post of the League, because he was in conti­nual motion betwixt Rome and Paris, employ'd in the Business of the Holy Union, of which he was a most ardent and zealous Factour. And that Duke positively affirm'd, that after all, he cou'd never draw from the Pope any kind of approbation, not so much as by word of mouth, much less in writ­ing, for he always answer'd, that he cou'd never see into the depth of that [Page 113] affair,Ann. 1585. and therefore wou'd not be in­gag'd in it.

The other Town which the League miss'd of surprizing was Bourdeaux, where the most zealous Catholiques, who were enrag'd against the Hugue­nots, endeavour'd to have made them­selves Masters for the League, and had already advanc'd their Barricades to the very Lodgings of Marshal de Ma­tignon their Governour, a faithfull Servant to the King, and a declar'd Enemy to the Guises: But that Lord, equally Wise, Valiant and Resolute, knew so well by address to manage the minds of those Citizens, that ope­ning for himself a passage through the Barricades, without other Arms than a Sword by his side, and a riding Rod in his hand, he seiz'd on one of the Gates, through which causing some of his Troops to enter, who were not far from thence, he not onely assur'd himself of the Town, but also got pos­session of Chateau Trompette, after having seiz'd the Governour, who was suspected by him, and who was so ve­ry silly, to come out of the Castle and take part of an Entertainment, to [Page 114] which the Marshal had invited the chiefest of the Town.

To proceed, at the same time when the League took Arms, and began the War, with surprizing by Strategem, or taking by force so many places from the King, they publish'd their Mani­fest, under the name of the Cardinal de Bourbon, who by the most caprici­ous weakness that can be imagin'd, had got into his head, at the Age of threescore and so many years, that he shou'd succeed a King, who was yet in the flower of his Youth. That Cardinal in that paper, having bespat­ter'd the King, and the King of Na­varre, with all the venom, which the factious ordinarily threw upon those two Princes, to make them o­dious to the people, concludes that his party had taken Arms, onely to preserve Religion, exterminate He­resie, to Banish from the Court those who abus'd the King's Authority, and to restore the three Orders of the Realm, to their primitive Es­tate.

The Proclamation of a King against his rebellious Subjects, ought to be no [Page 115] other but a good Army, which he may have in a readiness long before them, and reduce them to reason e'er they have time and means to gather Forces sufficient to oppose their Sovereign. This was what the King was advis'd to have done, by his best Servants, and especially by the Lord Iohn d' Aumont, Count of Chateau-Rou, and Marshal of France: He, whose invio­lable fidelity in the Service of the Kings his Masters, and his extraordi­nary Courage, tri'd in so many acti­ons, joyn'd with a perfect knowledge of all that belongs to a great Captain, have render'd him one of the most illus­trious persons of that Age. This faith­full Servant, not able to endure ei­ther the insolence of the Rebels, or the too great mild [...]ess of his Master, advis'd him resolutely, that with his Guards, and the old Regiments which he might suddenly form into an Army, he shou'd immediately March into Champaign, and there fall upon the Leaguers, who were yet in no condition to oppose him.

And truly it appear'd but too plain­ly that this was the Counsell which [Page 116] ought to have been follow'd. For at the beginning of this first War of the League, the Duke of Guise (to whom the Spaniards, after such magnificent promises of so many thousand Pistoles, had not yet paid one besides his Pen­sion,) was not able with all his cre­dit, and his cunning, to raise above five thousand men, the greatest part of which were of Lorrain Troops, who came stragling in by a File at a time, and whom the King, had there yet re­main'd alive in his Soul but one spark of that Fire, which once so Nobly ani­mated him, when being Duke of Anjou, he perform'd so many gallant actions, might have easily dispers'd with his Household Troops, and such of the Nobility as were about him, who had been immediately [...]ollow'd by the bra­vest of the Nation, had they once be­held him but on Horseback.

To this purpose, Beavais Nangis, who was infinitely surpris'd to find the Duke of Guise at Chaälons, so thinly attended by his Troops, hav­ing demanded of him what were his intentions, in case the King shou'd fall upon him before he had assembled [Page 117] greater Forces, he answer'd him coldly, that then he had no other way to take, but to retire into Germany with what speed he cou'd. But the Queen Mother, who held a Correspondence at that time with the Guises, and that fatal love which the King had to a lazy quiet life, which he cou'd not quit without extreme re­pugnance, and which immediately replung'd him into his pleasant dreams, wherein he seem'd to be enchanted, render'd fruitless so wholsome an ad­vice. Insomuch that he satisfied him­self with making a feeble and timo­rous Declaration, wherein answering the Conspiratours in a kind of a re­spectfull way, as if he fear'd to give them any manner of offence, he seem'd rather to plead his Innocence before his Judges, than to speak awfully to his Rebels like a King; and in the mean time gave leisure to the Duke of Guise to form a Body of Ten or twelve thou­sand Foot, and about Twelve hundred Horse.

The King of Navarre, at whom the Leaguers particularly aim'd, did in­deed make his Declaration, which he address'd to the King, and to all the [Page 118] Princes and Potentates of Christen­dom; but he made it in a manner, which was worthy of the greatness of his courage, by the masculine and eloquent Pen of Du Plessis Mornay; who particularly understood how to serve his Master according to his Ge­nius. For, after having generously refu­ted the calumnies, with which the Facti­ous charg'd him, he made protestation that he was no ways an Enemy to the Catholiques, nor to their Religion, which he was most ready to embrace, when­soever he shou'd be instructed by another method, than what was us'd to him after St. Bartholomew, by hol­ding the Dagger to his Throat. After which, he declar'd, that all those who had the malice, or the impudence, to say that he was an Enemy to Reli­gion and to the State, and that he de­sign'd to oppress either of them, by an imaginary League, which was [...]al [...] ­ly suppos'd to have been made to that intent at Madgburg, with respect to the King's Honour, Lyed in their throats, and above all others the Duke of Guise; and humbly begg'd his Ma­jesty's permission, without regard to [Page 119] his being first Prince of the bloud, that for once he might levell himself to an equality with him, to the end that they might decide their quarrel, by the way of Arms, singly betwixt them­selves, or by a Duel, two to two, ten to ten, or twenty against twenty, to spare the effusion of so much bloud, as must inevitably be shed in a Civil War.

But though he did his uttermost to excite in the King a generous resolu­tion of Arming himself against his Re­bels; though he offer'd to Combat them in his own person, and with all his Forces, in conjunction with those Catholiques who were Enemies to the League, and that he assur'd him of powerfull Succours from England and from Germany, which had been pro­mis'd, yet cou'd he never strike more fire out of that irresolute soul, than onely some faint sparks of a languish­ing and impotent anger, which his fear and effeminacy soon quench'd; like those weak motions which men seem to make in frightfull dreams, when they rowze themselves a little but immediately yield to the force of sleep.

[Page 120] 'Tis acknowledg'd that he made E­dicts against them, injoyning them to lay down Arms, and commanding all his Subjects to ring the Larum Bells against them, and to cut them in pieces if they disobey'd. He summon'd the Nobility, and Princes of the bloud to attend him: he gave Commissions, and issued out Orders, to make a great Levy of Reiters and Swisses, and com­manded his Guards to be in a readiness to march to the rendesvouz, which shou'd be appointed them. But after all, the insuperable passion which he had for quiet and the soft pleasures of the Cabinet, and the fear of the League with which he was possess'd by the Queen Mother, who held intelligence with the Duke of Guise, and magni­fi'd his Forces incomparably beyond the life, together with the advice of some of his Council, who had rather he shou'd arm against the King of Na­varre his faithfull Subject, than against Catholiques though Rebels, brought the matter to that pass at length, that he grew colder than ever, and left all things to the management of his Mo­ther, to whom he gave full power of [Page 121] treating with the Associated Princes, and even of concluding as soon as possi­bly she cou'd with them, on what con­ditions she shou'd please.

Thus, after a Conference begun at Epernay, and afterwards finish'd at Ne­mours, on the Seventh of Iuly 1585. a Peace was concluded with the Lea­guers, granting them whatsoever they cou'd demand, either for Religion, or for themselves.

For what concern'd Religion, an Edict was made, by which revoking all those that had formerly been granted in favour of the Huguenots, all exercise of the pretendedly reform'd Religion was prohibited: The Mini­sters were all commanded to depart the Kingdom a month after the pub­lication of the Edict, and all the King's Subjects enjoyn'd to make pub­lique profession of the Catholique Faith within Six months, on pain of banish­ment. And, for the interest of the Confederate Princes, who affected above all things to have it believ'd, that their principal aim was the pre­servation of the Catholique Faith, a ratification was made of all which [Page 122] they had done, as onely undertaken for the maintenance of Religion, and service of the King: and besides, there was a promise made them, that they shou'd command the Armies which were to put this Edict in Execution; and to make War against the Hugue­nots, in case they refus'd submission to it. And for places of Caution, besides Thoul and Verdun, of which they had possess'd themselves at first, there were granted them three Towns in Champaign, Rheims, Chaälons and St. Dizier; Ruë in Picardy, besides those of which they were already Masters in that Province, which had declared first of all others for the League. Sois­sons in the Isle of France: in Bretagne Dinan, and Concarneau; and Dijon and Beaune in Bourgogne. Yet more, there was money given them to pay the Souldiers they had Levied; and to the Cardinal of Bourbon, to the Duke of Guise, his two Brothers, and their Cou [...]ns the Dukes of Mercaeur, of Au­male, and of Elbeuf, to each of them a Company of Arquebusiers (or Dra­goons) on Horseback, maintain'd for their Guard, as if they resolv'd by so [Page 123] glaring a mark of honour to make ostentation of their triumph over the King, against whom they had newly gain'd so great a victory without com­bate, onely by the terrour of their Arms; which contrary to the order of Nature, made, of a Master and a Sovereign, the Slave, and Executo rof the good will and pleasure of his Sub­jects.

Such was the Edict of Iuly, which was extorted from the weakness of the King; who immediately perceiv'd, that instead of securing Religion, and his own repose, by granting all things to the League, as he was made to believe he shou'd, he had plung'd himself into a furious War, which might have been extremely dangerous to Religion, if the Huguenots had overcome the Catho­liques. 'Tis what he himself took no­tice of when amidst the acclamations and cries of Vive le Roy, which resoun­ded from every part, when he went in Person to the Parliament, to cause the Edict to be inroll'd, he was not able to hold from saying to some about him, with a sigh, I much fear, that in go­ing about to destroy the Preachments, [Page 124] we shall hazard the Mass; which after­wards he repeated more than once up­on several occasions.

And truly as he had foretold, imme­diately upon the publication of the Edict, the War was kindled through­out all France. For, when the King of Navarre had notice that the King had verified the Edict, which was in reality a solemn declaration of War against him, he united himself more firmly than ever with the Prince of Condè and the whole Huguenot Party, in an Assembly which was held for that purpose, at Bergerac. And these two Princes going from Guyenne into Lan­guedoc, to the Marshal Duke of Montmo­rancy, who was Governour of that Pro­vince, gave him so well to understand, that it was not onely his particular in­terest to oppose the Guises, who lov'd him not, but also for the service of the King, whose Authority was struck at, and for the preservation of the Mo­narchy, whose foundations the Lea­guers were undermining, by open breach of the Salique Law, that they brought him over into their Confede­racy, with the whole party of the Po­litiques, [Page 125] who had ever acknowledg'd him their Head.

Thus, instead of the Catholiques be­ing united against the Huguenots, as they had always been, during the pre­ceding Reigns under Henry the Third and his Successour, they were divided into two parties; whereof one was the Leaguers, and the other the Po­litiques; who by another name were call'd the Royalists. And at that time it was manifestly visible, that the War had no reference to Religion, as those of the League pretended, but was a War purely of State Interest; since the Duke of Montmorancy, Head of those Catholiques who were united with the Huguenots, to maintain the Authority of the King, and the Royal Family, as was declar'd in their Manifest of the Tenth of August, shew'd himself on all occasions a most zealous Defender of Religion; therein following the exam­ple of the Great Constable his Fa­ther.

'Tis certain, that he protected it so well in his Government, that the King of Navarre cou'd scarcely bring the Huguenots to confide in him; because he [Page 126] always oppos'd the progress of their de­signs in that Province. He also exten­ded his Zeal into the County of Avig­non, and hinder'd Heresie there from taking root: For which Pope Gregory the thirteenth, thought fit to make him great acknowledgments in many Let­ters. It was not therefore with any de­sign of ruining Religion that the King of Navarre, as Head of the Huguenots being united with one part of the Ca­tholiques, made that War; but for preservation of the King and State, which the League endeavour'd to op­press; as the King himself understood it to be, not long time after, declaring that he had not a better servant than the Marshal of Montmorancy. And such indeed did he always continue, so firm to the interest of that Prince, and of his Successour the King of Na­varre, that the latter of them ho­nour'd him as a Father, by which name he first call'd him, and afterwards being King of France, made him Constable in recompence of his great deserts and service to the State: And from that time forward, that he might treat him with the same kindness [Page 127] which Henry the Second used to Anne de Montmorancy, the Father of this Duke, he never call'd him by any other name, than that of Partner. Thus, by the joyning of those Forces which so great a Man brought over with him to the King of Navarre, that generous Prince was in a condition to defend himself at least against the Par­ty of the League; who were not onely countenanc'd by the authority of the King, whom they had as it were dragg'd into that War, but also drew great advantages from those Spiritual thun­derbolts which the Pope darted the same year against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde.

Those of the League had more than once already employed their utmost interest with Pope Gregory the Thir­teenth, to obtain of him, that he wou'd approve the Treaty of their Asso­ciation; a thing they passionately desir'd: And being on the point of declaring themselves more openly than they had yet done, and to take Arms, after the death of the Duke of Alanson, they renew'd their solicitations to his Ho­liness more earnestly than ever, to [Page 128] obtain from him that Declaration, thereby to authorize their attempts, and insinuate themselves the more in­to the hearts of those people, who were obedient to the Holy See. To this effect they dispatch'd once more to Rome, Father Claude Matthew, who, according to his custome, fail'd not to apply himself to the Cardinal of Pellevè, the most stiff Partisan which the League ever had, and the Eternal Solicitour of their Cause in the Court of Rome.

This Cardinal was descended of an an­cient and illustrious house in Normandy, (as 'tis deliver'd to us by the Sieur de Brantome) from whence are issued the Marquesses de Beury, and the Counts de Flers. Which ought to mortifie those hot Writers, who in hatred to the League, have traduc'd him as a man of mean Parentage, who from a Scullion of a College, came to be a Servitour, or Sizer, to the Cardinal of Lorrain. 'Tis true indeed, that because there was not much to be had out of a Pa­trimony, which was to be divided in shares amongst eight Brothers, he put himself into the service of that Cardinal, [Page 129] who made him Steward of his House. But it is not to be inferr'd from thence as some have maliciously done, that he was of low Extraction; nei­ther is it to be denied, that he had many good qualities, which being supported by the credit of the House of Guise, to which he was entirely de­voted, gain'd him the esteem of Henry the Second, who made him Master of Requests, and bestow'd on him the Bishoprick of Amiens, from whence, sometime after, he was translated to the Archbishoprick of Sens, by the fa­vour of Lewis Cardinal of Guise, who also procur'd the Hat for him. So many benefits receiv'd from that po­werfull family, bound him so firmly, and with so blind a passion to the interest of the Guises, that he us'd his utmost endeavours, in favour of the League against Henry the Fourth, even after the conversion of that Prince; till seeing at Paris, where he then resided, the entry of that victorious King, to the incredible joy of all the Parisians, he di'd of anguish and de­spight.

[Page 130] Now this Cardinal and Father Mat­thew, well hop'd, that his Holiness seeing the League become so power­full, that it was in a condition of making War, wou'd declare for it, at that time. On this expectation, they renewed with great warmth the Solicitations which they had often be­fore made to him; and continued to ply him till his death; which hap­pen'd the same year, without their ob­taining from him any part of their pre­tensions.

He had for Successour that famous Cordelier, Felix Peretti, Cardinal of Montalto, when he was created Pope, call'd Sixtus the Fifth. He who from the most miserable way of living, to which he was reduc'd by the wret­ched meanness of his birth, as being no better than a Hogherd in his Youth, rais'd himself step by step, by his merit and his industry, to the Triple Crown; which he wore more haughtily during the five years of his Pontificate, than his Predecessours had done for many Ages. As he had been a great Inquisitour, and one of the most severe who had ever exercis'd [Page 131] that office, those Agents of the League, in conjunction with the Spaniards, be­liev'd they shou'd easily obtain his ap­probation, and that joyning his Spiri­tual Arms with their Temporal, he wou'd thunder out his Anathema against the King of Navarre.

But they mistook the Man with whom they had to deal: for as he was of an humour extremely fierce, haughty, imperious, and inflexible, and wou'd give the World to under­stand, that he was govern'd by no rea­sons but his own, and least of any by the Spaniards, whom he hated, he immediately took up an air of Ma­jesty in his discourse with them, which made them find to their cost, that he suffer'd not himself to be deluded with appearances, and that he was a Ma­ster as discerning as he was abso­lute. In effect, they were infinitely surpriz'd to find they had not the least power upon a Soul, which they then understood to be of quite another make, than what he formerly appear'd▪ so moderate, so humble, so soft and so complying, when he was Cardinal, with his head stooping towards the [Page 132] earth, and looking there (as he own'd afterwards himself) for the Popedom, which finally he found.

In the mean while, as on the other side he thought he had a fair occa­sion, to make an ostentatious shew of the Supreme power of the Pope­dom, which he coveted to make for­midable to the whole World, by some extraordinary manner of procedure, he made a little time afterwards of his own mere motion, and when no body importun'd him, a most thun­dring Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. For after he had in it exalted infinitely the Power and Authority Pontifical, above all Kings and Potentates of the Earth, so far as to affirm, that he cou'd over­turn their Thrones, by pronouncing irrevocable judgment upon them, whensoever they shou'd be wanting to their duty, and trample them un­der his feet as Ministers of Satan; and after having rail'd at large, in the rudest and most contemptuous words he cou'd invent against those two Prin­ces, he deprives them at last of all their Estates and Demeans, of which [Page 133] they then stood possess'd, and de­clares them incapable, both in their own persons and in their posterity, for ever to succeed to any Estate or Prin­cipality whatsoever, and particular­ly to the Kingdom of France, absolves from their Oath of Fidelity all their Vassals and their Subjects, whom he forbids most strictly to obey them; and gives notice to the King of France to assist in the execution of his De­cree.

As much as this Bull, which was sign'd by five and twenty Cardinals, and sent by the Pope into France, re­joyc'd the party of the League, who took care to publish it, so much did it afflict those Catholiques and good Frenchmen, who were opposite to that Faction: They were not able to endure, that the Popes (who had for­merly been in subjection to Kings and Emperours, whom they thought them­selves bound to obey, as St. Gregory the Great protests to the Emperour M [...]urice, and the Popes Leo the fourth and Pelagius, to our Kings Lothaire and Childebert,) shou'd now dare to think of deposing them, and absol­ving [Page 134] their Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance, against the declar'd Law of God, which enjoyns Obedience in so many places of the Scripture, even when Kings shou'd be wanting to their Duty.

God, (said they) has so divided those two Powers, the Temporal, and the Spiritual, amongst Kings and Prin­ces on the one side; and on the other betwixt the Pope and Bishops, who are Princes of the Church, that as it is not lawfull for the secular Power to interfere with that of the Spiritual, nor to lay hands upon the Censer, so nei­ther is it lawfull for the Spiritual to attempt any thing against the Secular, by abusing that Ghostly Authority which was bequeath'd to them by Ie­sus Christ, onely to exercise in those affairs which are not of the World; in the Government of which, they have no manner of concernment, to intermeddle either directly or indirect­ly; much less have they the power of deposing Princes, and of hindring (by the censures, and fulminations of the Church,) the due obedience of Sub­jects to their Sovereigns. They ad­ded, [Page 135] that the Doctrine opposite to this, sustain'd by some Writers on the other side of the Alpes, to flatter and sooth the Court of Rome, had always been condemn'd by the decisions of the Gallicane Church, by the decrees of Parliaments, and by the protesta­tions which our Kings have often made against this Invasion of their Prerogative, unheard of in the Church of God, during more than eleven A­ges, and never admitted in the French Nation.

And while I am writing this part of my History, on this instant twenty third day of March, I am inform'd that there is a perpetual and irrevo­cable Edict enregister'd in the Parla­ment; by which Louis the Great, who well knows how to maintain with so much power the rights of his Crown, and with so much piety those of the Church, ordains that the absolute In­dependence of Kings, in Temporal affairs, (which no Authority whatso­ever shall presume to shock, either di­rectly or indirectly on whatsoever pre­tence,) shall be maintain'd and taught in his Dominions by the professours of [Page 136] Divinity, Seculars and Regulars, con­formably to what the general Assem­bly of the Clergy, representing the Gallicane Church, has solemnly de­clar'd in expounding the opinion, which both it self and we are bound to receive on that Subject.

To pursue our History, the Bull of Sixtus no sooner appear'd in France, through the care of the Leaguers to di­vulge it, but a multitude of Writers answer'd it, both of the one and the other Religion, who agreed in one and the same Doctrine, of the indepen­dence of Kings on any other power but that of God alone in reference to their Crowns: shewing the invalidi­ty of that pretended Authority of Popes, some quietly contenting them­selves with the force of reason, with­out mixing Gaul and Passion in their Writings, and others in the declama­tory Style, abounding with furious [...]nvectives. The sharpest, and most splenetique of the latter sort, though [...] the weakest and least knowing, is the Authour of the Treatise called Bru [...]um Fulmen, which some have fa­ther'd on Francis Hoffman a Civilian. [Page 137] But that Writer whoever he were, had more strongly maintain'd the rights of Sovereigns, had he written with a more moderate Zeal, without giving the reins to his passion against Popes, towards whom, even when we blame their failings in some particulars, we are never permitted to be wanting in re­spect.

The Parliament which is always vigorous in opposing such Attempts, fail'd not to make their most humble Remonstrations to the King, worthy of the Wisedom, and Constancy, which that August Body makes ap­pear on all occasions relating to the defence of the rights of the Crown, and the privileges of the Realm. The King of Navarre added his own to these, wherein he represents to the King, that His Majesty was more con­cern'd than he, not to suffer this inso­lent and unmaintainable attempt of Sixtus. And as he thought himself oblig'd, by some extraordinary and high manner of proceeding, to re­venge the affront which was put up­on him in that Bull, wherein he was treated so unworthily, He both had [Page 138] the courage, and found the means, of fixing even upon the Gates of the Va­tican, his solemn Protestation a­gainst it. In which, after having first appeal'd, as of an abuse, to the Court of Peers, and to a general Council, as superiour to a Pope, he protests the Nullity of all Sixtus's pro­cedure: And farther adds, That as the Princes and Kings his Predecessours have well known how to repress Popes, when they forgot themselves, and pass'd beyond the bounds of their Vo­cation, by confounding Temporals with Spirituals, so he Hopes that God will inable him to revenge upon Six­tus the injury which is done in his Person to the whole House of France, imploring for this purpose the suc­cour and assistance of all the Kings, and Princes, and Republiques of Christendom, who as well as himself are assaulted in that Bull.

Though Pope Sixtus, following the bent of his own temper, which was naturally violent and inflexible, revok'd not his Bull for this; nevertheless, as he had a Soul that was truly great, he cou'd not but acknowledge that [Page 139] this action was extremely generous; nor cou'd he hinder himself from tel­ling the French Ambassadour, that he wish'd the King his Master had as much courage and resolution against his real Enemies, as the Navarrois had made appear against those who hated his Heresie, but not his Per­son.

But that wish of his was very fruit­less: for that poor spirited Prince was in such awe of the League, that what­soever Remonstrances were made him, and though the example of the late King his Brother was propos'd to him, who had acted with much more vi­gour on the like occasion, on behalf of the Queen of Navarre, whom they endeavour'd to have depos'd at Rome, that he durst never permit any oppo­sition to that Bull. Insomuch that he contented himself barely, with not allowing it to be judicially pub­lish'd in France, without so much as once demanding of the Pope that he wou'd revoke it, as Charles the Ninth had done, who by a manly protesta­tion constrain'd Pope Pius the Fourth to recall that Bull, which he had [Page 140] made against Queen Iane d' Albret. This was the effect of that fear, so unworthy of a King, which Henry the Third had of the League; which take­ing advantage of his weakness, became more arrogant and more audacious to oblige him, as in effect it did, in spight of his repugnance, to infringe that Peace which he had given to France, and to make War against the King of Navarre, who had at all times most punctually obey'd him, even when he forbad him to take Arms, and to March in defence of him against the League. All he cou'd obtain of that party was by gaining a little time to keep matters from coming to extremity, (the dan­gerous consequence of which he well foresaw.) And to this purpose Messire Philip de Lenoncour, who was afterwards Cardinal, and the President Brulart, with some Doctours of the [...]orbonne, were sent by him to the King of Navarre, to persuade him to return into the Communion of the Catholique Church, and to suspend the Exerci [...]e of Calvinism, at least for the space of six Months, during which, some expedient might be found to [Page 141] accommodate all things amicably.

A better choice cou'd not possibly be made, for the treating an Affair of that importance, than was the person of that famous Nicholas de Brulart, Marquis of Sillery, whose approv'd fi­delity in the Service of our Kings, and whose Wisedom and ripe experi­ence, in the management of affairs, were at length recompens'd by Henry the fourth, by conferring on him the highest Honours of the Robe, in which Office he gloriously ended his days, under the Reign of the late King. 'Tis the distinguishing character of that illustrious House, to have the ad­vantage of being able to reckon, amongst the great men who are de­scended from it, two Chamberlains of Kings, one Master of the Engines and Machines, one Commandant of the Cavalry, kill'd at the Battail of Agin­court, in fighting for his Country, one Procureur General, and three Presidents of the Parlament of Paris, two Premier Presidents of the Parla­ment of Bourgogne, and above all a Chancellour of France, to consum­mate the Honour of their House, and [Page 142] one of the most splendid titles of No­bility, which the Sword or long Robe can bestow.

'Twas then this excellent Person, who was joyn'd in Commission with the Sieur of Lenoncour, for this important Negotiation. Because it was hop'd from his address, and the mildness of his be­haviour, which was insinuating and persuasive, that he above all others, wou'd be able to win the King of Na­varre to a compliance with his Majesties desire, that he might not be constrain'd against his own inclinations, to bring a War upon him. But as that happy hour was not yet come; And that it was an ill expedient to procure the Conversion of a Man, and especially of a Great Prince, who has where­withall to defend himself when he is attacqu'd, to bring Faith to him with threatning, like a Chalenge, and to shew him the Arms which are in a readiness to constrain him; he onely answer'd that he had always been dis­pos'd, as he then was, to receive the instructions which shou'd be given him, according to the Decisions of a free General Council, and not with [Page 143] a Dagger at his Throat, which was the Argument they us'd to him, after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

There was therefore a necessity at last of coming to a War, according to the wishes of the League; which be­liev'd it was able to overwhelm at one push, both that Prince and his whole party, before he cou'd be recruited with Foreign Forces: But it was ex­tremely deceiv'd in that expectation.

For of the two Armies, which the King was oblig'd, according to the trea­ty of Nemours, to give to the Com­mand of two Lorrain Princes, the one to the Duke of Guise, in opposition to the Germans, if they shou'd attempt an entrance into France, to which they had been solicited by the Hugue­nots, the other to the Duke of Mayenne, for his expedition into Guyenne against the King of Navarre, whose defeat and ruine the Leaguers concluded to be inevitable; the last of the two, af­ter a Campaign of ten Months, with­out performance of any thing, but onely the taking in some few places of small importance, which afterwards were easily retaken, was in a manner [Page 144] wholly ruin'd, and dissipated for want of Money, of Provisions, and Ammu­nition, of a train of Artillery, and other Supplies, which were always promis'd them, but never sent them; and especially by the ill intelligence, which was betwixt the Duke of May­enne and the Marshals of Matignon and Biron; the first Governour of Guyenne, and the last Commander of a little Army in Poitou, which was to have cover'd that of the Duke.

For those two faithfull Servants of the King, well knowing the secret of their Master, who was wholly averse from the destruction of the King of Navarre, for fear himself and the whole Royal House shou'd be left at the mercy of the League, which he knew wou'd never spare them, artful­ly broke all the measures of the Duke of Mayenne; Insomuch that he found himself constrain'd, to return to the King without bringing along with him the King of Navarre Captive, as he had boastingly promis'd him to doe, and without performing any thing of that, which the League expected from his Zeal to the party. As for the [Page 145] Duke of Guise, finding no Germans upon the Frontires of Champagn to combat, and besides not being accom­panied with any great Forces, his whole expedition was terminated, in taking Douzy and Raucour, two small Towns belonging to the Duke of Bouillon, against whom the Duke of Lorrain made War, concerning which I shall say nothing, because it has no relation to the History of the League.

On the other side, the Huguenots manag'd their affairs not much better; 'Tis true, that the Sieur of Lesdigui­eres had some advantage over the League in Dau [...]hine, that he made him­self Master of certain places, and amongst others of Montelimar with the Castle, which he took by a regu­lar form'd Siege, and Ambrun which he surpris'd; and where the rich Or­naments of the Metropolitan Church, were plundred by the Souldiers, ac­cording to the custome of the Hugue­nots, which, though he was a man of strict Discipline, and moderate in his Nature, he was no way able to oppose. But, besides that, they wer [...] [Page 146] roughly handled in other Provinces, and that all which cou'd possibly be done by the King of Navarre, who had not yet drawn together all the Troops which he expected, was one­ly to stand upon the defensive; they receiv'd a great blow, by the memo­rable defeat which was given to the Prince of Conde who was like to have perish'd, in that unhappy attempt which he made upon the Castle of Angers. That Prince who had made up a little body of an Army about the Skirts of St. Iean d' Angely, which he held in stead of Peronne, had success­fully begun his Campaign in Poitou; having driven out of that Province the Duke of Mercaeur, who was come from his Government of Bretagne, to the assistance of the League. And as after that gallant action, he had re-in­forc'd his Army, with Troops which swarm'd to him, from the neighbour­ing Provinces, upon the report of his Victory, he undertook the Seige of Broüage in favour of the Rochellers, who suppli'd him with Money and Amunition.

[Page 147] He was accompanied with a great number of brave Gentlemen, and Lords of great Quality, amongst o­thers by Rene Vicount of Rohan, Fran­cis Count of Rochefoucault, Montguion Lieutenant to the Prince, George Cler­mont d' Amboise, Loüis de St. Gelais, and Claude de La Trimoüille who was afterwards Duke of Thouers, and whose Sister he then sought in Marriage, whom he espous'd not long after; and there is great appearance of probabi­lity, that it was rather on that account, than any motive of Conscience and Religion, that this young Lord, far from [...]ollowing the example of his Fa­ther, who declar'd himself Head of the League at Poitou, gave into the other extreme and turn'd Huguenot, together with his Sister Charlotte Ca­tharine de la Trimoüille to have the Honour of being Married to the Prince of Conde. How strong is the Power of Ambition, over minds that are dazled with the deceiptfull Splendour of wordly Greatness, that it should be able to oblige a Brother and Sister issu­ed from Loüis de Trimoüille and Iane de Montmorancy Daughter of the great [Page 148] Constable both of them firm Catho­liques, as were all their illustrious An­cestours, to turn Calvinists, one to be Brother in Law to a Prince of the Bloud, and the other to be his Wife!

From this Marriage there was Born on the first of September, in the Year 1588, the late Prince Henry de Bour­bon, who by a most happy Destiny, directly opposite to that of his Mo­ther, being issued from a Father and Mother so obstinate in Calvinism, be­came one of the most Zealous Princes for the Catholique Faith, that this Na­tion cou'd ever boast, and he, who declar'd himself the greatest Enemy of Calvinism. So also has he left to Posterity a most glorious remem­brance of his name, which shall never perish amongst all good Frenchmen, for having constantly defended Reli­gion with all his power, exercising in that Holy and Divine Imployment, both his Valour and his Wit, which he had in perfection, as he made ap­pear on all occasions, and principally in the Counsel whereof he was cheif, when he died of such a death, as the [Page 149] Acts of all the most solid vertues, where­with it was accompanied, render'd pre­cious in the sight of God. I believe my self oblig'd in point of gratitude to doe justice in this little Panegyrique to the great Merit of that Prince, who has for­merly done me the Honour, on many occasions, to give me particular marks of his esteem and his affection; and hope, that they who take the pains to peruse this work, will not blame me for this short Digression, taken occasionally by writing of the Prince his Father, to whose actions I now return.

The Nobility who were come to attend and serve him in that important Siege of Broüage, had brought along with them a considerable number of Huguenot Gentlemen, as also some Catholiques, who were Enemies to the League. And with these Recruits he had almost reduc'd the place to terms of yielding, when changing his design all on the sudden, like an un­experienc'd Captain, he lost the fruit of his former labours, and plung'd himself into extreme danger. For ha­ving understood, that Captain Roche-Mort, one of his best Officers had sur­priz'd [Page 150] the Castle of Angers, in the ab­sence of the Count de Brisac, who be­ing made Governour of it after the death of the Duke of Alanson, had de­clar'd himself for the League, he left before Broüage the Sieur de la Roche Baucour St. Meme with the Infantry, to continue the Siege, and march'd himself with all the Cavalry, consisting of two thousand Horse, to relieve that Captain, who with Seventeen or Eigh­teen Souldiers onely held the Castle of Angers against the Burghers who be­sieg'd him. But the Prince setting out somewhat of the latest, and mar­ching too slowly, when the fortune of his Enterprize depended on celerity, he had no sooner past the River of Loyre in Boats, betwixt Saumur and Angers, but he receiv'd advice that Roche-Mort being kill'd with a Mus­quet shot, as he was looking through a Casement, the Castle had been sur­render'd two days since.

Notwithstanding this Misfortune, which the greatest part of his Soul­diers wou'd not believe, having joyn'd fifteen hundred men, whom Clermont d' Amboise, a little before the Siege of [Page 151] Broüage, was gone to raise for his ser­vice in Anjou, he took a resolution to attaque the Suburbs: But was vigo­rously repuls'd by the good Troups which the King had sent thither to assist the Citizens, who had retrench'd themselves against the Castle which they held besieg'd. After which, in­tending to repass the River, he found that not onely all the passages were guarded, but that also he was ready to be compass'd round by the Troups of the King and of the League, who were gathering together from all parts, both on this side the Loyre and beyond it, to inclose him. Insomuch that, not being able either to advance or to retreat, without being taken or cut in pieces with all his men, they were at length forc'd to disband, and dividing themselves into small companies of Se­ven and Eight, or Ten and Twelve together, every man being willing to save one, march'd onely by night through bye passages out of the com­mon Road, and through Woods for fear of being met with, either by Souldiers or Peasants, who kill'd as many of them as they cou'd find, and [Page 152] pursued them, as they wou'd so many Wolves, when they caught them en­tring into a Sheepfold. The Prince himself had much adoe to escape, the tenth man, and disguis'd, into the Lower Normandy, from whence he pass'd in a Fisher's Barque betwixt Au­ranche and St. Malo into the Isle of Guernsey, and from thence aboard an English Vessel into England; where he was very well receiv'd by Queen Eli­zabeth, who sent him back to Rochelle the Year following with a considerable supply.

In the mean time St. Mesme, (who during this unhappy expedition of the Prince, continued the Siege of Broüage, [...]inding himself too weak to resist the Marshal de Matignon, who advanc'd by order from the King, to force his Retrenchments, with an Army of experienc'd Souldiers,) truss'd up his Baggage, and retir'd with what speed he cou'd, but in so much fear and disorder, that he lost great num­bers of his men in his hasty [...] march, and particularly in passing the Charante, where St. Luc, Governour of Broüage who always shew'd himself as brave in [Page 153] War, as he was agreeable at Court in Peace, having charg'd him in the Reer, cut it entirely off: Thus the League, and the Calvinism, lost on that occasion, the one the Castle of Angers, wherein the King plac'd a Governour, on whose fidelity he might rely, and the other almost all its Forces, which after that shock, durst no longer keep the Field.

This furnish'd the King with an op­portunity to publish new Ordinances, by which he commanded the Good [...] of Rebels to be seiz'd; and particular­ly of those who had followed the Prince of Conde, with promise never­theless of restoring them, when they shou'd return into the Catholique Church, and give good security of re­maining in it; Ordaining farther, in execution of the Edict of Iuly, that all such shou'd be forc'd to depart the Realm, who refus'd to make abjura­tion of Calvinism, into the hands of the Bishops; and it was enjoyn'd them to make it according to the Form which was compos'd by William Ruzè Bishop of Angers. It was thus practis'd be­cause [Page 154] it had been observ'd, that the greatest part of the Huguenots, had invented a trick, neither to lose their Goods, nor to leave the Kingdom; but thought it was lawfull for them to accommodate themselves to the times, and so deceive men by making a false profession of Faith, onely for form sake, and in external obedience to the Edicts: which they express'd by these words, Since it has so pleas'd the King, with which they never fail'd to preface the Oath of Abjuration when they took it.

Now this prudent Bishop having observ'd that intolerable abuse, which was follow'd by an infinite number of Sacrileges, and most horrible profanati­on of the Sacraments, which those false Converts made no scruple to receive, betraying by that damnable imposture both the one Religion and the other, wou'd admit none into the Commu­nion of the Church, who had not first made his profession of Faith according to his form, which much resembled that of Pius the Fourth, and which from that time forward was and is presented to be sign'd by all those who abjure He­resie.

[Page 155] 'Tis most certain that these Edicts, joyn'd with the extreme weakness in which the Huguenot party then was, made in a little time many more con­verts, true or false, than had been made by the Massacre of St. Bartholo­mew. But also on the other side, they occasion'd the Protestants of Germany, whom the King of Navarre cou'd ne­ver draw to his party against the Leaguers, now to incline to his as­sistance. Two years were almost past since that King, who desir'd to shelter himself from the Conspiracy which the League had made principally against him, with purpose to exclude him from the Crown, against the funda­mental Law of the Realm, had solici­ted those Princes, by the Sieur de Se­gur Pardaillan, and de Clervant to raise an Army for his assistance; and elsewhere by the intermission of Geneva, he press'd the Protestant Can­tons of Swisserland, to make a Coun­ter-League with the Germans, for the same purpose. Queen Elizabeth, who besides the interest of her Protestant Religion, had a particular esteem and love for that Prince, the Duke of [Page 156] Boüillon a declar'd Enemy of the Lor­rain Princes, and the Count de Mont­beliard, Frederick de Wirtemburg, a most zealous Calvinist, used their ut­most endeavours with those German Protestants to stir them up: all which notwithstanding, they were very loath to resolve on a War with the King of France their Allye; saying always that they wou'd never engage themselves in it, till it was clearly ma­nifest, that the War which was made against the Huguenots, was not a War of the Government against its Rebels, but purely, and onely against the Pro­testant Religion, which they intended to extirpate. But when they saw be­fore their eyes those Edicts and Ordi­nances of the King, who was abso­lutely resolv'd not to su [...]er any other Religion beside the Catholique in his Kingdom, and that otherways they had given them all the security they cou'd desire for the payment of their Army;Ann. 1586. then they took a Resolution of Levying great Forces, and of assist­ing the King of Navarre powerfully, after sending a solemn Embassy to the King, to demand of him the Revo­cation [Page 157] of his Edicts, and an entire liberty of Conscience for the Prote­stants.

The King of Denmark, the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburgh, the Prince Palatine Iohn Casimir, the Dukes of Saxony, of Pomerania, and of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, and Iohn Frederick, Administrator of Magdeburg, were the Princes who As [...]ociated themselves with the Towns of Francford, Vlmes, Nuremberg, and Strasburg, to send this Embassy to the King; who, not being resolv'd what to answer them, for fear of provoking the League, in case he shou'd grant them their demands, or of drawing on himself the united Forces of almost all the Protestants of Germany, in case of a refusal, to gain time, took a Progress as far as Lyons, while the Deputies of those Princes were at Paris: which caus'd the Count of Montbeliard, and the Count of Isembourg, who were the chief of that Embassy, to return. But so did not the rest, as being obstinate­ly set down to wait the King's return, who was at last constrain'd, being overcome by their extreme persistance, [Page 158] whom he well hop'd to have tir'd first, to give them the Audience which they demanded. He who was spokesman for the rest, loosing all man­ner of respect, made a blunt and haughty Speech, reproching him in certain terms which were but too in­telligible, that against his Conscience and his Honour, he had violated his faith so solemnly given to his most faith­full Subjects of the Protestant Reli­gion, to whom he had promis'd the free exercise of it, they remaining, as since that time they had always done, in that perfect obedience, which is due from Subjects to their Sove­reigns.

That Prince, who at other times was but too meek and patient, or ra­ther too weak and timorous, was so much offended at this brutal insolence, that he was not able to curb himself from breaking out into choler on this occasion. For he repli'd smartly, to them, with that air of Majesty and fierceness, which he knew well to take up, whensoever it pleas'd him, that as he had not taken the liberty to give Laws to their Masters of ruling [Page 159] their Estates according to their own liking, and changing the Civil and Re­ligious constitution of their Govern­ment, so neither on his side wou'd he suffer them to intermeddle in those alterations which he thought fit to make in his Edicts; according to the diversity of times and of occasions, for the good of his People, of whom the greatest part depended on the true Roman Catholique Religion, which the most Christian Kings his Predecessours had ever maintain'd in France, to the exclusion of all others. Afterwards, retiring into his Cabinet, where after he had revolv'd in his mind, what had been said on either part, he was of opinion, that his Answer had not been sharp enough, he sent them by one of the Secretaries of State a Paper writ­ten with his own hand, which was read to them; and in which he gave the Lie in formal terms to all those who said he had done against his Ho­nour, or violated his Faith, in revo­king the Edict of May, by that of Iuly; after which it was told them from him, that they had no more to doe, than to return home; without expecting any farther Audience.

[Page 160] This was certainly an Answer wor­thy of a great Monarch, had he main­tain'd it by his actions as well as by his words; and had he not shewn by his after conduct, the fear he had of this irruption of the Germans. For, in order to prevent it, he seem'd to de­scend too much from that high and Su­preme Majesty of a King, by treating almost upon terms of equality with the Duke of Guise, and offering him, besides whatever advantages he cou'd wish, in Honours and in Pensions, and many Towns for his security, which had made him a kind of Independant Royalty in the Kingdome on this onely condition, that he would be re­concil'd to the King of Navarre, and give him leave to live in quiet; as if it were the Duke, and not the King, who had the power of giving Peace.

Though these advantageous prof­fers, were sufficient to have tempted the Duke's ambition, nevertheless he wou'd not accept them, because he hop'd to satisfie it much better by con­tinuing the War in which he had en­gag'd the King; who was not able to recall his promise: besides, he was [Page 161] not willing to destroy the opinion which the people had conceiv'd of him, that he acted by no motive of self-interest, but onely for the Cause of God and of Religion. This expe­dient of Peace therefore failing the King, who had ardently desir'd it, he employ'd another, which was to in­treat Q. Katharine de Medices, to confer with the King of Navarre, her Son-in-Law; to try if by her usual arts, she cou'd induce him to some ac­commodation, which might be sa­tisfactory to the League, and stop the Germans, of whose Succours, his peace once made, that King wou'd have no farther use. The Queen Mother, who at that time desir'd the peace at least as much as he, because she fear'd to be left at the discretion of either of the two parties, by whom she was equally hated, willingly accepted that Commission; groun­ding her hopes on those tricks, and artificial ways, by which she had so often succeeded, on the like occasi­ons.

Having then advanc'd as far as Champigny, a fair house belonging to [Page 162] the Duke of Montpensier, she manag'd the matter in such sort, by the medi­ation of that Prince, who went to vi­sit the King of Navarre from her, that it was agreed there shou'd be a Conference. After many difficulties which were rais'd concerning it, and which, with much canvasing, they got over; the place was appointed to be St. Brix, a Castle near Cognac, be­longing to the Sieur de Fors, who was of the King's party. She came thither attended by the Dukes of Montpensier and of Nevers, Marshal Biron, and some other Lords, who were no friends to the Guises or the Leaguers, to the end that Conference might be the more amicable. The King of Navarre came also thither, with the Prince of Condè, Vicount de Turenne, and some others the most considerable of their Party.

It appear'd manifestly at this Enter­view, that the Queen held no longer that Authority, which had been yiel­ded to her in the former Conferences, wherein she had carried all things ac­cording to her own desire, by the won­derfull Ascendant, which she had over their minds; And she understood, [Page 163] but too well from the very beginning, that she had to doe with such as were distrustfull of her subtilties, and who wou'd not suffer themselves to be sur­pris'd easily, as some of them had been, on St. Bartholomew's day, where­of they had not yet worn out the re­membrance. For they wou'd never adventure themselves all three toge­ther in the Chamber appointed for the Conference; when the King of Na­varre was there, the Prince and Vi­count, well accompanied, made a guard at the door; and when either of the other two enter'd, the King of Navarre and the other did the like for him: that they might not put themselves unwari­ly into her hands, on whose word they had no reason to rely; and who dar'd not to arrest any of them singly, the two remaining being at liberty, and in condition to give themselves satis­faction on the Aggressours.

Thus, being too suspicious, and their minds too much embitter'd, to act calmly and reasonably in this Con­ference, it went off in three Enter­views; which were made in resenting terms, and mutual reproaches, with­out [Page 164] coming to any amicable conclusi­on. The Prince of Condè, according to his lofty and severe humour, spoke always more sharply than the other two: rejecting all methods of recon­ciliation, and saying, with an air ex­tremely fierce, that there was no be­lief to be given to those who had so basely falsified their Faith, in violating the Edicts of the King, to satisfie the Seditious and the Rebels. The King of Navarre, of a temper much more sweet and complaisant, though with a becoming noble boldness, he gave the Queen to understand that he had no great reason to commend her pro­ceedings in reference to himself, yet he never forgot the respect which was due to her Character. And upon oc­casion of her remonstrating to him, that the peace of France depended on his conversion; since the onely fear of falling under the dominion of an Hu­guenot Prince, had made and arm'd the League, which had no quarrel to His person, but onely to his Heresie: his answer was no more than this; That Religion was onely a pretence, [...]hich the Authours of the League [Page 165] had taken up, to cover their ambition, which manifestly design'd the total ruine of the Royal family; and as to his conversion, he was always dispos'd to it, on condition he might be instruc­ted in the truth by a free Council, which he had oftentimes demanded; and in the definitive judgment of which, both he and his party would wholly acquiesce. He consented even to a Truce of twelve days, during which, the King's good pleasure shou'd be consulted, by proposing to him that condition; though it was known be­forehand, that he wou'd never consent to it. And in the mean time, the Vi­count of Turenne coming to wait on the Queen at Fontenay, whither she was retir'd, the Conference was resum'd for the last time.

For, after they had amplifi'd their Forces on either side, and both had set forth the advantages of their own party, which cou'd not be done with­out some sharpness, and even menaces; the Queen losing patience, and taking up that air of haughtiness and Majesty, which she had often assum'd at the like Conferences in the Reigns prece­dent, [Page 166] and at the beginning of this, said in an imperious tone, that there was no more room left for delibe­ration; and that the King, who wou'd be absolutely Master in his Realm, had fix'd his positive resolution, to have but one Religion in France: 'Tis well, Madam, repli'd the Vicount, with a disdainfull kind of smile, we joyn issue with you in the same resolution; Let there be but one Religion, provi­ded it be ours; if otherwise, we must hack it out on both sides. On which, without staying for a reply, he made a low bow, and immediately with­drew. Thus the Conference was en­ded, to the extreme displeasure of the King, who to gain covert from that Tempest of the Germans, which he foresaw to be powring upon France, had passionately desir'd a Peace, which he cou'd neither obtain from the King of Navarre, nor even from the League, in whose quarrel he was engag'd to make War against that King.

For the Leaguers, whose number was prodigiously incr [...]as'd, especially in Paris, grown jealous of those fre­quent Treaties with the king of Na­varre, [Page 167] let loose their tongues, more brutally than ever against the King: as if he had held a secret correspon­dence with the Huguenots, and play'd booty with the League, by a counterfeit shew of ruining its En [...]mies. There are those who have gone so far as to report, that at this very time they had laid a terrible Plot against the King, in which they engag'd the Duke of Mayenne, who had made himself their Head, in the absence of his Brother; and that the Conspirators had resolv'd to put all the Guards of his Majesty to the Sword; to seize his Royal Per­son, and afterwards, either to confine him to a Monastery, or to imprison him in a Tower; to cut the throats of the Chancellour, the first President, and all the Principal Officers, to put others in their places, and to create a new Council consisting wholly of their own party; to possess themselves of the Bastille, the Arsenal, the Chastelets, the Palace and the Temple; to give entrance to the Spanish Armada, which was then prepar'd against England, by Boulogne; and a hundred other par­t [...]cularities of that Conspiracy, which [Page 168] the President de Thou thought fit to insert in his History, upon the credit of one Nicholas Poulain, Lieutenant in the Provostship of the Isle of France; who having been of the Council of the League, reveal'd, as he relates himself, the whole secret to the Chancellor de Chiverny, Monsieur Villeroy, chief Secretary of State, and also to the King. But, besides that no credit ought in reason to be given to a man of double dealing, who has betray'd both sides, and who to set himself right with that party he had forsaken, may affirm a thousand things which he cannot prove; which is a crime that hath often brought the infor­mer to the Gallows; there is nothing of all this matter to be seen in those Papers, which were written at that time, either for or against the League; especially in those of the Huguenots, who wou'd be sure to omit nothing that cou'd possibly make against their Enemies, or for themselves, neither in the Memoires of the Chancellour de Chiverny, nor of Monsieur de Villeroy, who in all probability, wou'd not have forgotten a thing of that importance, [Page 169] if they had had it from the mouth of the Informer, or indeed if they had be­liev'd it true.

And certainly there are many things so very improbable, in that verbal process of Nicholas Poulain, which I have most exactly read; and even so many notorious falsities, and those so opposite to the nature and genius of the Duke of Mayenne, that it is a prodigious thing in Monsieur de Thou, that he wou'd take the pains to transcribe it almost word for word in a History, so elegant and serious as that of his. This in reason shou'd give a caution to such as undertake the writing of a History, not to trust all sorts of Writers, and not ambiti­ously to swell their Works with all they find written in certain Unauthen­tique Memoires, without giving themselves the leisure to examine their merit, and their quality. That which is certain in that affair is, that the Leaguers of Paris interpreting malici­ously, and in the worst sense, those Negotiations and Conferences, which were made with the King of Navarre, were not wanting to make the peo­ple [Page 170] understand, that the King held intelligence with him, and protected the Huguenots. It was also in order to destroy that belief and false opinion which ran of him to his disadvantage among the people, that the King re­new'd with more apparent fervour and solemnity, those extraordinary devotions which he practiss'd from time to time, and above all his Pro­cessions of Penitents, which, far from serving his design, render'd him yet more despicably odious.

As evil, by the abuse of the best and most holy things, often proceeds from that good which insensibly is de­generated into corruption; it some­times also happens that good is pro­duc'd out of evil, which is rectifi'd, by taking from it that which is ill in the practice of Devotion, and leaving onely what is wholsome. This is what has been observ'd in our present Subject, the Brotherhood of Penitenti­aries. More than four hundred years agoe, a certain devout Hermit finding himself to be strongly inspir'd from God, to Preach in a Town of Italy, as Ionas did at Nineveh, began to [Page 171] threaten the Inhabitants, that in a short time they shou'd be buried under the Ruines of their Houses, which shou'd fall upon their heads and over­whelm them, if they appeas'd not the wrath of God, by an immediate, se­vere and publique penitence. His Au­ditours after the example of the Nine­vites, touch'd with so powerfull a Ser­mon, and fearing to feel the effects of so terrible a threatning, cloath'd themselves in Sackcloth, and arm'd with Whips and Disciplines, walk'd in procession through their Streets, lashing themselves severely on their Shoulders, to expiate their Crimes by their tears, and by their Bloud. This sort of Penance which sprung out of a good principle, and an ar­dent desire of appeasing the Divine Justice, may be very laudable; and was afterwards practis'd in other Coun­tries, particularly in Hungary, dure­ing the rage of a great Pestilence, which made havock of that poor Kingdom. But not long after, it de­generated into the dangerous sect of the Flagellants, who running in great Troops naked to the middle, through [Page 172] most of the Provinces of Europe, made themselves all over bloudy, by the vigorous handselling of their Disci­plines, saying, with horrible impiety, that this new Baptism of bloud was more available than that of Water, in that it expiated for all their future Sins, which from thence forward they might commit with all impunity.

There was much difficulty in abo­lishing so pernicious an abuse; and therefore with mild usage to reduce those wandring Souls into a regular Penance, it was permitted them to retain what ever was good, in so au­stere a Practice. From thence are sprung up the fraternities of Penitents, which are at this present seen in Ita­ly, in the Patrimony of the Church, in the County of Avignon, and in Languedoc, who have their Chapels where they assemble, and practise the Exercises of their Devotions, and who make their Processions where they go, particularly on Holy Thursday, cloath'd in Sackcloath, with Whips at their Girdles, which nevertheless are not for any great execution, but for Ceremony, to mark out the pub­lique [Page 173] profession which they make of being Penitentiaries, and the love they have for Christian Penance.

When therefore the King, who was naturally inclin'd to Devotion, had in his return from Poland, beheld the Procession of the white Penitents of Avignon, and was even then desirous of shewing himself a zealous Catho­lique; he commanded himself to be in­roll'd in that Fraternity, and about seven or eight years after, he esta­blish'd another of the same kind at Pa­ris, in the Church of the Augustines, under the title of the Annunciation of our Lady. The most part of the Prin­ces, and great men of the Court, and the principal Officers were of it; and all his Favorites never fail'd to assist at those Processions, wherein he went without his Guards, or any mark whereby he might be distin­guish'd from the rest, Cloath'd in a long white Habit of Holland, shap'd like a Sack, reaching below his Feet, some­what large, with two long Sleeves, and a Cowl or Monk's Hood over his Head piqu'd on the Crown, and hav­ing two great holes in it right against [Page 174] his Eyes, sow'd behind to the Collar, and coming down before in a sharp point, half a foot below the Girdle, which was woven of the finest white Thread, and little knots in it, hanging down below the Knee; in the Gir­dle was hung a jolly little Disci­pline of the same materials, nothing proper to give the penitent a smarting lash: On his left shoulder he had a Cross of white Satten, upon a ground of tawny Velvet, almost wholly cir­cular.

For the rest, he made profession to observe exactly the Rules and Sta­tutes of that Fraternity, which Fath [...] Edmond Auger a famous Iesuite, who was then his Confessour and Chaplain, had drawn up by his own Order. That good Father entertain'd him with great care, in these sorts of Devotions, though not altogether so proper for the practice of a great King, to whom much more solid instructions shou'd be given, of which the principal consists in advising him to apply himself vigo­ [...]ously to that charge of Government, which God, to whom he must render an Account, has committed to his [Page 175] trust, as his Minister and Lieute­nant.

To this purpose 'tis said (as Bus­bequius writes from Paris, to the Em­perour Rodolphus his Master) that the Que [...]n Mother (seeing the prejudice which this fantastique carriage did to the reputation of the King her Son, and to the State, the care of which he abandon'd, to give himself up to these cloysterly Processions,) spoke sharply to the Iesuite, upbrayding him, that he was an ill Guide to his Penitent, and that of a King, as God had made him, he made a Frier, to the great prejudice of all his King­dom. And for that very reason, time and experience having made it mani­fest, that much disorder had crept in­to these Fraternities of white Penitents, as well as those of the blew and black, and that under pretence of practising holy Exercises, most dangerous Plots were hatch'd against the Government, they were totally abolish'd at Paris, about ten or twelve years after­wards.

It was especially that year 1586, that the King willing to make appear, [Page 176] that he had more zeal than ever for the Catholique Faith, renew'd these ostentatious Devotions of his Frater­nity, with so much fervour, that not being satisfied with his ordinary Pro­cessions, which he made in the Habit of a Penitent, through the Streets of Pa­ris, he made one very extraordinary, going on foot in the same Habit, with the greatest company he cou'd get to­gether of his most devout and fervent Brothers, from the Chartreux, quite to our Lady of Chartres; from whence he return'd in the same manner, in two days to Paris. In truth, 'tis cre­dible that this proceeded from a great Foundation of Piety in this Prince, whose nature was infinitely sweet, if he had not suffer'd it to be corrupted by his pleasures. But as the Leaguers were not throughly perswaded of this truth, and that through the hatred which they bore him, they interpre­ted his best actions in the worst Sense, they decri'd this with all imaginable spight; saying, it was nothing but mere Hypocrisie, and a ridiculous Mascarade which he had invented, to mock God and deceive men, by [Page 177] covering his Vices and his no Religion with the veil of Piety.

Yet the Leaguers were not the one­ly men, who were scandaliz'd at these new forms of Processions, which are not much to the humour of the French. They were almost generally blam'd by all the World, and those who spoke the least harm of them, cou'd not hold from open Laughter. The most ridiculous part of them, and which made a kind of Tragicomedy, where­in there was matter of Mirth and Mourning, was that the Lacquies of these Courtiers, who in compliance to the King, had inroll'd themselves in this Brotherhood of Penitents, had the insolence to mimick it, in derision of their Masters, even in the Court of the Louvre, making shew of lashing themselves lustily, as if they had been Flagellants in earnest. But the King having heard of it, before the Farce was quite play'd out, caus'd fourscore of them to be seiz'd, whom they drew into the Cour des Cuisines, where they were so well belabour'd with Whips, that they were left in a way representing to the Life, that conditi­on [Page 178] into which the ancient Flagellants put their bodies by their bloudy pe­nance.

This, notwiths [...]anding, hinder'd not others, from doing some­what much more criminal, than the poor Lacquies had attempted. For some malicious Wits there were a­mongst the Leaguers, who had the impudence to expose publiquely, a Picture where the King was seen cloath'd in his penitential Robes, pul­ling the Honey combs out of an Hive, saying these words, which were writ­ten over his Head, as the Motto of the Embleme, Sic eorum aculeos evito, 'Tis thus I cover my self from their Stings. As if they desir'd to be un­derstood in this witty, but very spight­full expression, That as a man who in­tends to rob a Hive, must cover his Face and Hands to avoid Stinging from the Bees, who Associate them­selves against the Thief: So the King, who drew the vital nourishment of his Kingdom to lavish it prodigally on his Minions, and who endeavour'd to ruine Religion, by the secret intelli­gence he held with the King of Na­varre [Page 179] and the Huguenots, disguis'd himself in this Habit of a Penitent, to cheat the League, and to shelter himself from the just indignation of the Catholiques united against him. But they who were more clamorous than all the rest, were certain Prea­chers of the League, who profaneing their Sacred Function of Preaching the Gospel, by their Seditious Tongues, and dealing out a thousand impostures from the Chair of Truth, declaim'd venemously against the Lord's An­nointed, all whose actions they be­spatter'd, even those which were a­dorn'd with the greatest Piety.

Of all those Satyrists, he who roar'd the most insolently against those Devotions of the King, was Doctour Poncet, Curate of St. Peter des Arsis, who was accustom'd to relate blunde­ringly in his Sermons, the sillyest things, which the most violent Lea­guers us'd to say, and preach'd them without fear or wit to his Congrega­tion, as if they had been as true as Gospel. 'Twas not that he wanted good natural parts, as once he made it sufficiently appear, when the Duke [Page 180] of Ioyeuse, the King's Favourite, hav­ing told him that he was glad to know a man, who had so noble a Talent as to divert the people, and set them on the merry pin of Laughing at his Ser­mons: He drily answer'd him, 'tis but reasonable that I shou'd make them laugh sometimes, since you have made them cry so often, for the extraordi­nary Subsedies which were impos'd for the defraying of the excessive charges of your sweet Marriage. For the re­port went, that the King had expen­ded on them more than twelve hun­dred thousand Crowns.

Now this Seditious Preacher de­claim'd so outragiously against those Processions, and told so many scandalous lies of the King himself, and the fraternity of Penitents, whom he call'd the Brotherhood of Hypo­crites and Atheists, that the King clap'd him up in Prison for some days, after which he set him at liberty, thinking that this light Correction wou'd teach him better manners. But it was to little purpose; for the Fel­low having heard it reported, that he [...]ad cha [...] his note, after having [Page 181] smarted for it, had the impudence to say publiquely in the Pulpit, that he was no Parrot to be taught his Lesson; and thereupon, he fell to his old trade of railing more violently than ever. Yet it was not long e'er he inflicted on himself the punishment which he had so well deserv'd.

As the Licence of speaking evil of the Higher Powers, was now become the common practice of the Leaguers, a certain Advocate of Poitiers call'd Le Breton, who had lost his Suit at Poitiers and at Paris, in pleading for a Widow, enrag'd that the Duke of Guise and Mayenne, the King of Na­varre, and the King himself to whom he had made his addresses, going from one to the other, and making so many fruitless Journies to complain of his hard Usage, had always shaken him off, and treated him like a Fool or Madman, made a Libell full of Villa­nous reproaches and calumnies against the King, and the Members of the Parlament. The Writing having been seiz'd together with the Authour, it was thought fit to make an example of him, to stop the fury of that licen­tious [Page 182] way of Writing and of Speaking. Upon which, short work was made in the process of this audacious Advo­cate, he had Justice roundly done him, and was fairly hang'd before the Steps of the Palace. None are so wretchedly fearfull and cowardly at the point of danger, as those who are the most fool-hardy in railing, when they believe they are out of reach: When our noble Doctour Poncet was told of this Execution on the Lawyer, and that he saw by this terrible exam­ple, they were punish'd with death who dar'd to affront the Sovereign Majesty with Scandalous and Sediti­ous Invectives, he was taken so vio­lently with a sudden fright and ap­prehension, that it seiz'd on his Heart, and stop'd the circulation of his Bloud; he betook himself immediately to his Bed, from whence this tongue Bravo did never rise, for he died some few days after of pure imagination, that the same distributive Justice wou'd reach him, which had overtaken the miserable Advocate.

In the mean time, the King who had always earnestly desir'd to have peace [Page 183] in his Kingdom, made another at­tempt, though without Success, to ob­lige on one side the Duke of Guise, to accommodate matters with the King of Navarre, on Conditions more ad­vantageous than he had yet offer'd him: and on the other side, to cause the King of Navarre to return into the Catholique Church, promising him in case he wou'd, to declare him Lieutenant General in all the Realm, to impower him yet with more Au­thority, than he himself had possess'd when he Commanded the Armies of the late King his Brother, to make him President of the Council, and e­ven at last, (which that King most passionately desir'd,) to Dis [...]olve his Marriage with Queen Margaret, and to give him the Princess of Lorrain, Grand-Daughter to the Queen Mo­ther, who was willing to consent to this Marriage, which might one day make that Princess Queen of France, whom she always lov'd with so much tenderness.

These undoubtedly were most ad­vantageous offers, and very capable of tempting a man of that King's Chara­cter; [Page 184] who to say the truth, was none of the most bigotted Huguenots, nor any bitter Enemy to the Catholiques. But as he cou'd not believe after what had been done against him, that he had reason to rely on these fair pro­mises, that he fear'd to fall to the Ground betwixt two Stools; nay, if once he was perceiv'd to Waver, to be soon abandon'd by his party, which already lean'd extremely towards the Prince of Condè, who was Known to be a much better Protestant than him­self, and moreover, that he thought himself secure of great Succours from the Germans, he wou'd not lend an Ear to any of those Proposals, and gave a quick dispatch to the King's Envoys, with an answer worthy of his ingenuity and of his Courage; That his Enemies desir'd nothing less than his Conversion, because they took Arms for no other reason, than to Exclude him from the Succession of the Crown; and to cantonize the Realm amongst themselves, under pretence of preserving the Catholique Religion, which he wou'd maintain in it, much better than themselves; That [Page 185] he most humbly besought his Majesty, to permit him to decide that Quarrel with the Princes of the League, with­out his Majesty's giving himself the trouble to interpose in it; and in three Months time he shou'd have Fifty thousand Men, with which he hop'd Almighty God wou'd do him the fa­vour, to reduce the Leaguers in a short time to their Duty, and to bring those Troublers of the publick Peace, and those Rebels, to the terms of O­bedience which they ow'd their Sove­reign.

This answer put the King into an extreme Agony of Spirit, not know­ing where to fix his Resolutions, nor which of the three Parties he shou'd Espouse. For, in case he shou'd stand Neuter betwixt the King of Navarre and the League, he ran the risque of being at the disposal of the Conque­rour; if he rang'd himself with the King of Navarre's Party against the League, (as some time after he was constrain'd to do,) he fear'd to pass for an Heretique, or for a favourer of Heretiques, as the League endea­vour'd already to make it be believ'd [Page 186] by their Calumnies against him; and in the sequel, to draw upon himself the power of Spain, and all the Thunderbolts of Rome, which in that conjuncture he dreaded more than the League and the Spaniard put together.Ann. 1587. Thus as he believ'd not himself to be singly strong enough, to force both parties to Obedi­ence, that latter fear determin'd him though contrary to his Inclinations a­gainst the King of Navarre's Party, as judging it to be the juster, excepting onely their Religion, which that Prince had solemnly protested, was no ingre­dient of the present Quarrel. Insomuch that following the advice of the Queen his Mother, and some few of his Council, who out of their hatred to Heresie, were favourable to the League; he joyn'd himself with those whom he regarded as his greatest Enemies, to make War with his Brother-in-Law, whose good intentions he well knew for the publique wellfare. A War which drew from both parties both much Bloud, and many Tears: the various events of which will be the Subject of the following Book.

THE King,Ann. 1587. according to his Custome, pass'd the Winter of this Memorable Year 1587, partly in Feasts, Gaming, Ballets and Masquerades, and such other di­vertisements; and partly in his Pro­cessions, his Fraternities, his Retire­ments and his Penances, among the Feuillants, whom he had founded at the Fauxbourg St. Honore, among the Capuchins, and especially in his little [Page 188] Cells of the Monastery of Bois de Vin­cennes, wherein he had plac'd the Ie­ronimites who were come from Spain, and wherein afterwards were plac'd the Minimes. But to his great grief, at the beginning of the Spring, he was forc'd to quit the Pleasures and Exer­cises of that sort of Life, with which he was infinitely satisfied, and rowze up himself to make War in conjunction with the League against the King of Navarre, and the Germans, who were coming to joyn their Forces with him.

To this effect, the Duke of Guise, who till that time had been making War with the young Duke of Bouillon la Mark, without any considerable ad­vantage, return'd to the Court, which was then at Meaux; and after having assur'd the King that there was a great Army of Germans in readiness to take their March towards our Frontiers, and demanded Forces which might be capable of stopping them, he made great complaints of the Breach which he pretended to be made of some Articles, in the Treaty of Nemours. Those of the League maintain'd that [Page 189] these complaints were just, the others on the contrary made it evident, that they were altogether unreasonable.

He complain'd amongst other things, that the Count of Brissac was not re­stor'd to his Government of the Castle of Angers. But to that it was an­swer'd, that the King had retaken it from the King of Navarre's Forces, by whom Brissac, who held it for the League against his Majesty's intentions, had suffer'd it to be surpris'd. He ad­ded that such as were his Dependants, and in his interests, were not treated so favourably at Court as others; as if the King had been oblig'd not onely to forgive, but also to bestow particu­lar favours on those who had taken Arms against him, and to reward them for having discharg'd their Can­non against his faithfull Servants, as Francis de Balsac d' Entragues had done against the Duke of Montpensier whom his Majesty had sent to Orleans. In conclusion, he took it exceedingly ill, that the temporal Estate of Car­dinal Pellevè, Archbishop of Sens had been seiz'd into the King's hands; as if the World were not satisfi'd that [Page 190] this Prelate, a Pensioner of Spain, and who was a declar'd Enemy to the King, was not then at Rome, doeing him all manner of ill Offices with the Pope, eternally decrying his conduct, and blasting him with his sinister interpretations, and venemous asper­sions.

Nevertheless, the King had the good­ness not long time after, to grant him Possession of his Revenues, and that to gratifie His Holiness, who had de­sir'd it of him by his Nuncio Morosini, but at the same time he desir'd the Pope to admonish the Cardinal in pri­vate, that he shou'd beware of relap­sing into so hainous an Offence, which if he shou'd, he then hop'd his Holi­ness wou'd hold himself oblig'd to pu­nish him with the same Severity, as if the crime were committed against his own person. For the present, he was content to mollify the Duke of Guise with a parcel of fair words, as­suring him that he wou'd take such order, that he shou'd have reason to be satisfi'd in all things. After which, having again exhorted him to make Peace with the King of Navarre, and [Page 191] finding him still obstinate in the Nega­tive, he took at last the resolution, to dispose of the Forces he had already on foot, and of those he expected from the Catholique Cantons of Swisserland, in such manner that he might find a way to make himself Master of all, by weakning the King of Navarre and the League, and by dispersing the German Army.

To this effect, he determin'd to have three Armies; The first very strong, under the Command of the Duke of Ioyeuse in Poitou, against the King of Navarre, who was not yet in a condition, as he believ'd, to oppose him. The second in shew, and upon the paper, at least as strong, but in reality much weaker, under the Duke of Guise against the Germans, by whom considering their great Numbers, he might reasonably hope the Duke might be oppress'd, which he had occasion enough to wish: And the third, in­comparably stronger than the other two, he was resolv'd to command in person, to hinder the Strangers, who by that time wou'd be harrass'd with so long a March, from passing the Ri­ver [Page 192] of Loire, and from joyning the King of Navarre, and afterwards to oblige them by Treaty to return into their own Country; After which he shou'd be in condition, easily to reduce the two Parties to the obedience which they ow'd him.

Undoubtedly this design was not ill laid; but by the prudent Conduct and Valour of the King of Navarre on the one side, and on the other of the Duke of Guise, this specious project happen'd quite after another manner, than he had imagin'd. And this is my present Business to discover, by describing exactly and in order, the Exploits of these three Armies, which had all of them such different Success.

The first of them who was oblig'd to take the Field, was the Duke of Ioyeuse, to oppose the Progress which the King of Navarre began to make in Guyenne and in Poitou. This Duke was that famous Favourite, whom the King, to comfort himself for the loss of his other Minions Quelus and Mau­giron, who were kill'd in Duel, and St. Megrin who was Murther'd as he went out of the Louvre, took pleasure to [Page 193] raise to the highest Honours of the Realm, so far as even to make him his own Brother-in-Law by Marrying him to Margaret Princess of Vaude­mont, Sister to the Queen, and loading him with Wealth and Favours, which he lavish'd upon him with a full hand, without Rule or Measure; Insomuch that he seem'd as if he wou'd share the Kingdom with him, and make him equal to himself: which things are not compatible with the Dignity, nor consequently with the Friendship of a King, as they are with that of a pri­vate person.

'Tis true, that amongst all that Crowd of Favourites and Minions, who made themselves insupportable under this Reign, especially to the Princes and the Nobility, by the in­solence of their Carriage, and abusing the favour of their Prince, this man was the least hated of the whole Num­ber: for, besides that he was of a Birth much more illustrious than any of the rest, he was also without comparison the most well-Natur'd, being Courte­ous, Obliging, Civil, pleas'd with doing good Offices, and above all [Page 194] things Magni [...]icent, even beyond what can be express'd, as if he had endea­vour'd to equalize the greatness of his Fortune, by that of his Bounty, which in a manner bore proportion with the prodigality of the King his Master: Insomuch that one day finding at his Chamber-door the four Secretaries of State, who had waited long for his coming out, after having excus'd him­self to them with all manner of civili­ty, he presented them with an hun­dred thousand Crowns, which just be­fore he had receiv'd from the libera­lity of the King.

But, as with all these good Qualities, he was extremely vain, opinionated of his own capacity for all things, though as yet he had gain'd no man­ner of experience; the Duke of Esper­non his Rival, who endeavour'd to make his advantage of the other's ab­sence from Court, and to get the up­per hand in the King's favour, infus'd into him with great artifice the desire of Commanding that Army, which was to be sent into Guyenne against the King of Navarre. In effect he sued for it, and fail'd not to obtain it of the [Page 195] King, who was not able to refuse him, though he had promis'd it before to Marshal d' Aumont, who being endu­ed with Conduct, Valour, Experience and Fidelity, had certainly acquitted himself much better of that employ­ment.

At first he had indifferent good Suc­cess, in Auvergne, in Givaudan, and in Rouergue, which he had order to cleanse of the Huguenots; from thence to pass into Languedoc, and afterwards into Guyenne. He took some little Places which were tolerably strong; amongst others Maleziou, Marenghol, La Peyre in Givaudan, and Salvagnac in Rouergue; from whence he March'd, and presented himself in Battaglia, be­fore Tholouse, intending thereby to give notice to the Parlament, that he was come to joyn himself with the Marshal of Ioyeuse, his Father, Lieu­tenant of the King in Languedoc, to de­liver that great Town, from the trou­blesome neighbourhood of the Hugue­nots. After which, his Army being much diminish'd by Sickness, and by the retiring of many Gentlemen to their own Houses, he left there the [Page 196] Marquis of Lavardin, Iohn de Beau­manoir, his Marshal de Camp, and re­turn'd in Post to the Court, there to pass the Winter.

The year following he had al­most the same Fortune; for as he had been inform'd, that the King of Navarre who had taken the Field a­bout the beginning of April, had al­ready made himself Master in Poitou of Talmont, Chizay, Sasay, St. Maixant, Fontenay and Mauleon, he return'd to the Army with great speed, bringing with him a recruit of six or seven thousand Men, with whom he reco­ver'd St. Maixant, possess'd himself of Tonnay-Charente, and of Mallezays, made incursions even to the Gates of Rochelle, and cut in pieces two or three Regiments of the King of Na­varre, whom he forc'd in their Quar­ters: But, after two Months of Cam­pagne, the Plague and the Deserters, who were many, having extremely weakn'd his Army, he the second time return'd to Court, leaving his Army as before, under the Command of the Marquis of Lavardin, who had not [Page 197] the good fortune to preserve it, so well as he had done the year before.

For the King of Navarre, who was March'd out of Rochelle, with all the Forces he cou'd make, to distress the Army of Lavardin, having heard that he was making his Retreat towards the River of Loire, follow'd him so close, that on the twenty eighth, and the twenty ninth of April he surpris'd him, and cut in pieces one half of his Cavalry, and even the Duke's Gens­darms, consisting of threescore and ten Horsemen, were all kill'd or taken, together with his own Standard. All that the Marquis of Lavardin cou'd doe, after this defeat, was to re­tire at full speed to La Hay upon the Creuse.

It was before this place, which was not assaulted for want of Cannon, that the King of Navarre receiv'd a Rein­forcement of six hundred Horse, and two thousand Arquebusiers, which the Vicount de Turenne brought him from Perigord and Limousin; and al­most at the same time, the Prince of Condè came to joyn him with the grea­test part of the Gentry from Saintonge. [Page 198] And it being then reported, that the young Count of Soissons, (whom he had drawn into his party by large promises, as well as the Prince of Con­ti that Count's Brother,) was ap­proaching to the Loire with three hun­dred Gentlemen, and five hundred Dragoons, he advanc'd as far as Monso­reau upon that River, whither the Vi­count of Turenne, who went to receive him at Lude, with a convoy of seven hundred Horse, brought him without the loss of one single man.

This being done, it was resolv'd in their Council to pass no farther in the direct way towards the Germans whom they were to meet; because they were not yet strong enough, and that they shou'd have upon their hands both the King's Army, and that of the Duke of Ioyeuse, who wou'd certainly beat them, which by consequence wou'd prove the defeat of the Foreign Army. For which reason they return'd into Poitou with design to fetch a large com­pass, and to gain the passage of the River more upward toward Roan, and afterwards to march into Bourgogne, there to receive the German Army, [Page 199] to whose principal Commanders the King of Navarre dispatch'd away Mor­las, to desire them that they wou'd take that way. But that King had not the leisure to execute his intended Enterprise, because he was follow'd so hastily by the Duke of Ioyeuse, that there was a necessity of coming to a Battel, which was given in the manner that I am now going to re­late.

The news being already spread at Court of the late successes of the King of Navarre, the Duke of Ioyeuse, to whom the King had given a very con­siderable recruit of Souldiers, and who was accompanied by all the young Gallants and sprightly Noblemen of the Court, who according to custome attend the Favourite, receiv'd orders to repair immediately to the Troups he had left with the Marquis of Lavar­din, to follow the Navarrois, which way soever he bent, and to hinder his conjunction with the Germans. In order to this he came to Tours, where having understood, that the King of Navarre being gone from Monsoreau, was upon his retreat in Poitou, and [Page 200] hasting into Guyenne, he pursued his Army with so much speed, that he got before it at Saintonge, insomuch, that having pass'd the River of Cha­rente, at Chasteauneuf, coasting always on the left hand, he came by the way of Barbesieux to Chalais, very near the River Drogne, the same day, being the Eighteenth of October, that the King of Navarre, who had taken more on the right hand, by Taillebourg, quar­ter'd at Monlieu, somewhat farther off on this side the River, having receiv'd some small recruits, and Cannon, which he had from Rochelle.

At some little distance from that place, the small River of Drogne casts it self into that of Lisle, which is some­what the larger of the two: The lat­ter has its source in Limosin, near St. Irier, and the former in Perigord near Brantome; and after having been mix'd for three or four Leagues, they disembogue themselves into the Dor­dogne, overagainst Libourne. A little be­low the place where these two Rivers meet, is situate the Bourg of Guitre, and somewhat above it that of Coutras, with a reasonable strong Castle upon [Page 201] the Drogne betwixt the two Rivers. Now the King of Navarre being of necessity to pass them, that he might follow his intended way to Guyenne, the Marshal of Matignon, Go­vernour of that Province, one of the most faithfull, most valiant and most prudent Captains which France has ever had, and who had orders from the King to assist Monsieur de Ioyeuse, writ him word, that he advis'd him to possess himself speedily of those two Bourgs, and there to intrench, assu­ring him that he wou'd not fail to be at Libourne, by the 22d day, with all the Forces he could draw together from Gascogne, Quercy, Perigord and Li­mosin. 'Twas prudently consider'd by him; for there was nothing more wholsome than this counsel, because in following it, the King of Navarre had easily been stopp'd; without daring to attempt the passage either a­bove the conflux of those two Rivers or below it; or in case he had attem­pted it, he had been shut up betwixt two Armies, each of which cou'd not be ingag'd with more than half of his, when the other half had pass'd the River of Lisle.

[Page 202] But the foresight, the celerity and the resolution of the King of Navarre on the one part, and on the other the rashness, the presumption and the va­nity of the Duke of Ioyeuse, broke those just measures which the Mar­shal of Matignon had taken. For the next morning, Lavardin, Marshal de Camp to Ioyeuse, who had advanc'd the night before with 120 light Horse to possess himself of Coutras, found that La Trimoüille had prevented him an hour before, and seiz'd that Post, with greater numbers than he had with him. Insomuch that he was forc'd to return to the Duke, who was gone to pass the Drogne somewhat higher at Roche Chalais; where he lodg'd himself while the King of Na­varre who had follow'd Trimoüille ve­ry close, pass'd over his Army at the Ford of Coutras. Thus these two Armies were inclos'd at the same time betwixt the two Rivers, at the distance of two short Leagues from one ano­ther, without any thing betwixt them, that was capable of hindring them to ingage, in case they were so resolv'd.

[Page 203] 'Tis true, that both parties had strong reasons to avoid the Battel; for the King of Navarre, if he shou'd lose it, was irrecoverably ruin'd, because he shou'd be left without any possibi­lity of recruiting, at the mercy of two powerfull Armies, in pursuit of him; and if he gain'd it, his affairs wou'd not be in a much better posture than they were already: because he had yet upon his hands the Marshal of Ma­tignon, a General of much better con­duct than Ioyeuse; and the King had three other Armies on foot, which might unite themselves to get betwixt him and the Germans, and to hinder his conjunction with them.

As for the Duke of Ioyeuse, he ought to have consider'd, that he had to doe with old Souldiers, more experienc'd, and better disciplin'd than his own; which consisted for the most part of new rais'd men; that the young Gal­lants who accompanied him were in­deed men of Courage, but who had gain'd no more experience than him­self: considering which, if he had acted prudently, he shou'd have stay'd for the Marshal of Matignon, who in four [Page 204] time at the farthest, wou'd have been at Libourne, from whence he might easily have joyn'd him. And if the King of Navarre had endeavour'd to have hinder'd it, he had been in­clos'd betwixt the two Armies, one of which had charg'd him in the front, and the other in the Rere: For thus in all reasonable probability it must have happen'd. But the Duke was so blinded with his eagerness of fight­ing, (as being infinitely desirous to redeem his reputation at Court, and to regain the advantage, which his Ri­val had got over him in the King's favour, by an eminent victory which his vanity had assur'd him was indubi­table) that his opinion of success hurri­ed him beyond those weighty reasons, the rules of War, and even those of common sense.

In pursuance of this, he first of all others having resolv'd upon the Bat­tel, and giving onely this for his rea­son, that the Enemy, whom he held inclos'd betwixt two Rivers, cou'd not possibly escape, in case they march'd directly to him before he had time to get away, all the young Nobless who [Page 205] surrounded him, gave such loud ap­plause of his opinion, crying out, Battel, Battel, that they drew the rest into the same resolution; no man be­ing able, or daring to resist the tor­rent. And there was so much of pre­sumption in this Council, which was so hastily concluded, that the Duke, as if he were assur'd of victory, fear­ing nothing but that the Enemy shou'd escape his hands, before he cou'd come up to him, began, even before midnight to march his Army towards Coutras, that he might attack the King of Navarre at break of Day. But that Prince being inform'd of his in­tentions by his Scouts, and foreseeing that he shou'd be constrain'd to come to a Battel, unless he wou'd incur the manifest danger of being beaten, if he shou'd make his retreat in the face of the Enemy, was resolv'd, for that reason, to march towards him, and spare him the pains of half his way.

In effect, having heard the account of a rough Skirmish, which happen'd in the Night betwixt the Scouts and the Light Horse of the two Armies, [Page 206] without any considerable advantage on either side; he got on Horseback a little before Day, and advancing towards the Enemy, he went to pos­sess himself of the Place he had design'd for the Field of Battel, which was a Plain betwixt six and seven hundred paces of Diameter, on the far side of a little Wood, about half a League distant from Coutras, having that Town on his Back, on his left hand the Drogne, which bounds the Plain on that side, and on his right hand a Warren, a Copse, lopp'd the year before, a kind of little Park ben­ding towards the Enemy, and fenc'd onely with an Hedge and Ditch. There it was that he drew up his Ar­my in Battalia, which consisted in the whole of about four thousand five hundred Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse.

He plac'd on his right Wing, the biggest of the two Battalions of his In­fantry, made up of the Regiments of Castelnau, Parabere, Salignac, and some other Companies, who extended themselves in the Warren, advancing even to the Hedge and Ditch which [Page 207] fenc'd the little Park that cover'd them. These were sustain'd on their left by the Squadron of Light Horse, which had at their Head La Trimoü­ille, Vivans, Arambure and Vignoles, who Commanded them; and before them an hundred and twenty Arque­busiers for their Forlorn Hope. There follow'd them sloping always to the left, the whole Gendarmery divided into six Squadrons: the first, consisting at most of two hundred Gentlemen, almost all Gascons, Commanded by the Vicount of Turenne, accompani­ed by Pardaillan, Fontrailles and Choupes.

There came after them at the dis­tance of sixty Paces, the Squadron of the Prince of Condè, who had with him Louis de Saint Gelais, Marshal de Camp, des Agueaux, Montaterre, the Vicount of Gourdon, the Vidame of Chartres, and more than two hundred and fifty Men at Arms. There was an Interval of an hundred and fifty Paces, betwixt the Prince and the King of Navarre, who Rode at the Head of his Squadron of three hundred Gentle­men, amongst whom were the Lords [Page 208] de la Force, de Ponts, de la Boulaye, and de Foix Candale who bore the Standard. At last follow'd the young Count of Soissons, having after him the famous Captain Favas, and two hundred Horse in his Squadron, dis­tant from the King two hundred Pa­ces, and sustain'd, on his left, along the River side, by another gross Bat­talion, compos'd of the very flower of the Regiments, which were Com­manded by Charbonniere, the young Montgomery, de Preaux, de la Borie and de Neuvy.

All these Squadrons made up a large Front, and were of little Depth, that they might take up the more in Bredth. And the King of Navarre, as he had formerly seen it practis'd by the Ad­miral of Coligny, had cast into their Intervals, on both sides of his Horse, small Parties of Dragoons, by fifteen and twenty in a Company, who some of them with one Knee on the Ground, some of them half Stooping, and some of them standing upright, that they might not mischieve one another, shou'd discharge upon the Enemy at fifteen foot distance, for certainty [...]o [Page 209] Execution. And his Artillery, which the Night before he had left beyond the River, that he might pass it more speedily to gain Coutras, being come up to him, just in the nick, under the Convoy of George Clermont d' Am­boise, Master of the Ordnance, was advantageously plac'd on a small as­cent, at the right hand of the Count of Soiss [...]ns. Thus was this Army rang'd in form of a Crescent, whose two Battalions of Infantry, more ad­vanc'd than the Squadrons towards the Enemy, made the two Horns, and betwixt both of them the Squa­drons of the Prince of Condè, and the Vicount of Turenne form'd the hollow of the middle part.

In the mean time the Duke of Ioyeuse, having pass'd through certain narrow and troublesome ways, which lay betwixt his last Nights Lodging and the Plain, and that with difficulty e­nough, which was caus'd by the dis­orderly March of his young Gallants, whose eagerness was not to be com­manded; the Marquis of Lavardin his Marshal de Camp a great Souldier, on whom chiefly he rely'd, drew up [Page 210] his Army into Battalia, as well as the disorder wou'd give him leave; his whole Forces, at that time, not amount­ing to more than nine thousand men, and those ill Disciplin'd. Over against that gross Battalion which inclos'd the right Wing of the Enemy, he plac'd on his left Wing the Regiments of Pi­cardy and Tiercelin, which form'd a Battalion of eight hundred Musque­tiers, cover'd with about a thousand Corslets. These had on their right hand the Light Horsemen and the Al­banois, Commanded by their Captain Mercurius Buat, and another Squa­dron of four hundred Lances, whom Lavardin himself chose to Lead in the room of Monsieur de Souvrè, who lay dangerously hurt of a fall. Montigny who Commanded another of five hun­dred Lances, was plac'd on the same hand, in opposition to the Vicount of Turenne; after which, bending still towards the River which they had on their right Hand, there was extended on both sides the way right over a­gainst the three Princes, a gross of twelve hundred Lances, wherein was the Person of the General, and the [Page 211] Standard, born by the Sieur de Maillay Bressay.

The whole body of the young Gallants who were Voluntiers, with the greatest part of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, were in this gross, the first Rank of which was compos'd onely of Counts, Marquesses and Ba­rons, having at their Head the Duke of Ioyeuse, accompanied by his youn­ger Brother the Marquis of Saint Sau­veur, and the brave St. Luc; and to close the Right Wing, there was plac'd betwixt the Standard and the Drogne another gross Battalion, made up of the Regiments of des Clus [...]aux, and de Verduisant, sustain'd by seven Cornets of Dragoons, which might make in all a gross of near three thousand men. The Artillery which like the King of Navarre's consisted onely of a few Field-Pieces, was planted advancing a little towards the right hand, be­twixt the gross Squadron of the Duke of Ioyeuse, and that of Montigny.

The two Armies, which continu'd in presence of each other for the space of almost an hour, without moving, made two very differing Prospects▪ [Page 212] For on the one side, there was nothing to be seen but guilded Armour, glori­ously damasqu'd, glittering in the Sun; painted Lances cover'd over with Ribands, with their Banderolles dancing in the Air, rich Coats of Velvet, with broad Lace and Galoon of Gold and Silver, wherewith every Troup was Habited, according to the Colours of his Captain; large and beautifull colour'd Plumes, waving on their Crests, and shadowing them in large Bunches; Scarfes magnificently embroider'd, and edg'd with long Gold Fringe, and all these young Cavaliers carrying the Cyphers and Colours of their Mistres [...]es, as proudly adorn'd as if they were Marching in a Carrou­sel, and not upon the point of giving Battail. To conclude, we may say it was an Army equipp'd after the Per­sian mode, where so much luxury and pomp was seen, and so much Gold and Silk, in the Habits of the Men and the Caparisons of the Horses.

But the contrary side afforded no such Spectacle; old Souldiers inur'd to toil and labour, whose meens were [...]ierce and menacing; uncomb'd, ill [Page 213] cloath'd, with their long Buff-Coats all bespawl'd, over their course thread­bare Clothes, having no other Orna­ment than trusty Bilbo by their sides, and sound Armour on their Breasts, Mounted on travelling Horses, with­out Housses, or any other part of bra­very besides the Horsemen on their backs; in fine, the Army of another Alexander, in opposition to that of a­nother Darius.

These two Armies so very different, having look'd each other in the Face, long enough to take their Measures, the King of Navarre somewhat before Nine of the Clock, commanded Prayers to be made, to ask the assistance of Almighty God, making loud Protesta­tions that he was not going to fight against his King, but against the Lea­guers who had enterpris'd the destruc­tion of the Royal House, by deprive­ing of his Birthright the Heir pre­sumptive of the Crown. This exam­ple was not imitated in the Army of the Duke of Ioyeuse: on the contrary, when they perceiv'd a kind of motion in the other Army when they were at Prayers, some who were about the [Page 214] Duke of Ioyeuse cry'd out aloud in de­rision of them, they are our own, the Cowards tremble: But the Sieur de Vaux Lieutenant to Monsieur de Bel­legarde, Governour of Saintonge told him plainly in these words; No, no, Monsieur, believe it not, I know those people better, they are now at their Devotions, but you shall see them fight like Lions.

Immediately upon this, the Cannon began to play; the first discharge which was made from the King of Na­varre's Ordnance, took place in the very Standard of the Duke, which was an ill omen to him, and all the other Vollies, thundring athwart the thick Forest of their Lanciers, into the gross Battalion which clos'd their le [...]t Wing, put all the Regiment of Tierce­lin into a vast disorder, sweeping a­way whole ranks of them at once. On the contrary the Duke's Cannon, did little or no Execution; for besides that it answer'd not the roaring of the other, till some time after, it kill'd b [...] onely one Horse of the Prince of Condè's Squadron; because their Guns were so unadvisedly planted, and the [Page 215] Cannoniers took their aim so very low, that the Bullets were grounded in a little rise of Earth, which intercepted their passage to the Enemy.

Then Lavardin, crying out to his General that all was lost, if they gave time to their Enemies to fire again, immediately sounded the Charge, and joyning to his own Squadron, those of the light Horsemen and the Alba­nois, gave in so furiously on the gross of the Enemies light Horse, that ha­ving at the first onset overturn'd la Trimoüille and Arambure with his Lance, and dangerously wounded Vi­vans, their whole Squadron was bro­ken, routed, and pursu'd into Coutras, where the Albanois fell to Plundering the Baggage, which the King of Na­varre had left behind him in that Town. At the same time Montigny who was directly opposite to the Vi­count of Turenne, perceiving the Flank of his Gascons to lie bare, by the flight of the light Horsemen which they had on their right hand, push'd them so vigorously on that part, that he broke into them, and open'd withou [...] [...]ny trouble from one [Page 216] side to the other, that whole Squadron, which thus disorder'd, were put to the rout, as their [...]ellows the light Horse had been before them.

There were some of them, and e­ven of those who had the reputation of the bravest, so throughly seiz'd with this sudden fright, that they took the River, and flying for their Lives, as fast as they cou'd Spur, carri'd as far as Pons the false report of their Armies being wholly routed, for which they had afterwards so much regret, that they died for shame and sorrow of it. This [...]light of the light Horsemen was so precipitate and so general, that at first there were onely remaining in the Field Turenne and Choupes, with one other Gentleman, to whom la Tri­moüille and Arambure joyn'd them­selves, who having been remounted, and seeing they were abandon'd by their Souldiers, cast themselves into the Squadron of the Prince of Condè, to combat by his side.

'Tis true, that the greatest part of these Runaways, immediately ralli'd, and put themselves in order behind the squadrons of the Princes, to repair their [Page 217] fault by Fighting, as afterwards they did most Valiantly. But this cou'd not save them from the severe raillery of their own party. For as it is com­monly seen, that there is a kind of jea­lousie, and we may almost call it en­mity betwixt neighbouring Provinces, those of Saintonge and of Poitou, who had no great kindness for the Gascons, and who besides were somewhat picqu'd, that the King of Navarre was us'd to praise them a little too extra­vagantly, seeing them first disorder'd and then routed, cry'd out as loud as possibly they cou'd, after the example of Monsieur de Montausier, ‘At the least it cannot now be said, that these are either Poitevins or of Saintonge.’ This made the Gascons ready to burst with extremity of choler; but all the re­venge they took, was to strain their Forces to the utmost as they did, by a noble emulation, to behave them­selves yet better than those Valiant men.

To proceed, this first disorder was so far from drawing on a greater, as it ordinarily happens, that it onely serv'd to augment the Courage and Valour [Page 218] of the rest. For on the one part, the foot of the left Wing, which had bravely advanc'd to push o [...] Pike, a­gainst the Regiment des Cluseaux, ha­ving beheld the rout of the light Horse­men and the Gascons, and hearing the shouts of Victory which were already Echo'd from the Duke's Army, were not discourag'd from passing on, and discharging furiously at a very small distance; after which changing hands with their Musquets, and taking to their Swords, they cry'd out to each other with a generous despair, let us run to our death in that Battalion; they open'd their passage through the Enemies Pikes, which they either cut asunder, or struck aside, they broke in upon them, they scatter'd them, and made a terrible Execution.

On the other part, the Gentlemen and Cavaliers of the Prince's Squadron, seeing those of their Companions who fled, and their Enemies pursuing at their Heels, with shouts of Joy cast on them a fierce disdainfull look, and told one another laughing, these People have their Business yet to doe, we are they that must abate their pride. And [Page 219] it fell out as they desir'd; the Enemy came up to them: For the Duke of Ioyeuse, swell'd with the happy suc­cess of the first Encount [...]r, and belie­ving he went to a Victory as good as gotten, spurs on before his Troups, making a pompous shew, his rich Armour glittering with Gold and Sil­ver and ennammell, almost hidden under his Plumes and Ribands, and making a sign, both with his Voice and Hand, for all his Braves to follow him, the whole Squadron together take their carrier of four hundred pa­ces, and giving the Reins to their Horses, with their Lances in the rest, run at full speed against the three Princes.

In the mean time the King of Na­varre, who that day was onely habi­ted like a private Souldier, in a plain gray Suit of Arms, with a Head-piece of the same, barefac'd to be known in the thickest of the throng, rode through every rank, in few words exhorted the nearest to him, and with his Gesture and his Eyes the more remote, to Fight like men of Honour, for the rights of th [...] Royal House, and onely [Page 220] to behave themselves like him: After which placing before him eight Gen­tlemen, of such as were the surest arm'd, with strong Lances to overturn the first who made head against him, and to open his passage into the Squadron, he commanded his men to advance onely ten paces, and to expect the shock of the Enemy, ordering his Horsemen, who for the most part were Arm'd but with Sword and Pistol, not to Fire but at a very near distance, that every shot might certainly take place.

These Orders being well executed, were the gaining of the Battail; for that gross of Horse which came up to the Charge at full Gallop, was well clear'd by the furious discharge that was made by the first Ranks of the Dragoons, which the Princes had di­vided amongst their Squadrons. Ma­ny of those Counts and Marquesses and young Courtiers, who had taken that Post of Honour, were beaten from their Horses; and for the rest, who had taken their carrier too far, they were out of breath, when they shou'd have given the blow with their [Page 221] Lances, their strokes were so feeble, that they had little or no effect, and the Princes broke in upon them with so much Vigour and promptitude, that they gave them not leisure to let their Lances descend, which therefore they were forc'd to throw away, and betake themselves to their Swords and Pistols. By this means they were reduc'd to an equality of Arms, but with very different success.

For the three Squadrons of the Prin­ces being at a just distance from each other, and in excellent order, at­tacqu'd that of Ioyeuse on three sides; The King of Navarre charging him in Front, the two Princes in the Flanks; the Count of Soissons on the right side, and the Prince of Condè on the left. All three of them in that bloudy medley performing what cou'd possibly be expected from Valiant men; But the King of Navarre con­spicuous above the rest, that he might animate his Souldiers, who beheld him exposing himself to danger like the meanest man amongst them, gave admirable proofs of his courage in every place. He came even to shoul­dring [Page 222] in the Press such of the Enemies whom the ardour of combating, or the crowd of the combatants drove by chance against him; and finding him­self ingag'd betwixt two Valiant men, the Baron de Fumel, and Monsieur de Chasteau Renard, who was Guidon to Sansaac, who made up to him with their Swords on high, while at the same instant, a Gendarme struck on his Head-piece with the Truncheon of his Lance, he fir'd his Pistol on one of them, collard the other whom he took Prisoner, crying out to him, yield Philistin; and disengag'd himself from the third, who was immediately taken by one of his Esquires. In con­clusion, all that great body of Gendar­mery, in which consisted almost the whole strength of the Duke's Army, having been so vigourously charg'd and broke on every side, was over­thrown, cut in pieces, and intirely defeated in less than half an hour, without being able once to Rally, and that not out of Cowardise, but on the contrary, (what never or very rarely happens,) by the too great courage of the vanquish'd Party. For the [Page 223] greater part of them being Lords of the highest Quality, and Gentlemen almost all young, full of bravery and fire; they thought so little of disper­sing, or of betaking themselves to Flight, that there were not ten of them kill'd or made Prisoners out of the Field of Battail, where they rather chose to perish, than to yield one foot of ground.

After this defeat, the Conquerours having joyn'd their own Battalions, who encourag'd by the example, fought with almost equal advantage against the adverse Infantry, it was no longer a Combat, but a most horrible Slaughter of that miserable Foot; to whom they gave no manner of Quar­ter, because Ioyeuse had given none to the two Regiments, which he had defeated near St. Maixant. As for that Duke, when he beheld that all was lost, instead of taking on the right hand, to save himself at La Roche Chalais, he turn'd upon the left, with intention to go to his Cannon, and Fighting beside it to end his days: saying to St. Luc, (who ask'd him what he resolv'd to doe.) To live no [Page 224] longer, Monsieur de St. Luc, but to die generously after my Misfortune. But even that last Happiness was de­ni'd him; for he had not made twen­ty or thirty Paces towards his Artil­lery, when he fell into the hands of two Captains, St. Christopher, and la Viole: and as he was offering them for his Ransome an hundred thousand Crowns, a Sum which those two Captains had not been very sorry to receive, there came up two others, Bourdeaux and des Centiers, who whether out of hatred or revenge, or out of spight, that they had not taken him themselves, to have shar'd so great a Ransome, basely discharg'd their Pistols on him; Shot him into the Head, and overturn'd him dead upon the place.

The Valiant St. Luc, who took upon the spot a resolution as generous as his, and much more daring, was also much more fortunate in the exe­cution of it: For having perceiv'd the Prince of Condè at a distance, and distinguishing him from the rest, while that Prince was eagerly pursuing his Victory, he comes up to him at a [Page 225] round Gallop, and couching his Lance, overturns him to the Ground with a great stroke, which he gave him full in the middle of his Cuirasse, after which, immediately throwing himself from his Horse, he presented him his hand with extreme respect, to lift him from the Earth, and at the same time, beg'd him to receive him as his Priso­ner; which the brave Prince, admire­ing the courage and prudence of his Enemy, perform'd, embracing him with all the generosity of which he made profession.

This Victory was complete: the Colours, the Cannon, the Baggage, remain'd in possession of the Con­querour; and with these, the Field of Battel, cover'd with betwixt four and five thousand Souldiers, and four hundred Gentlemen of the Dukes Army, who lay extended on the Plain; amongst whom, besides the Duke of Ioyeuse, and his young Brother Mon­sieur de St. Sauveur, were the Counts de La Suze, d' Avaugour, d' Aubijoux, the Sieurs de Neuvy, du Bordet, de Mailly-Bressay, de Roussay, youngest Brother of Piennes, Guidon to Ioyeuse, [Page 226] de Vaux, Lieutenant to Bellegarde, d' Alluin de Fumel, de Roche fort de Croissotte, de Tiercelin, Saveuse, who was Mestre de Camp, and the Sieur de St. Lary-Bellegarde, Son to the Marshal of the same Name, and Governour of Saintonge and of Angoumois, who be­ing mortally wounded, died not long after of his hurts. Almost all the re­mainders of the Army were made Pri­soners, excepting onely the Albanois, who forsaking the pillage, about which they were busied at Coutras, preserv'd themselves by flight, and the Marquis of Lavardin, who not being able to Rally his men, who had pursu'd the Runnaways too far, re­tir'd almost alone to Roche-Chalais, with one Ensign which he sav'd out of the Regiment of Picardy. This re­treat way very Honourable to that Valiant Gentleman, who having re­nounc'd Calvinism, which his Father had embrac'd, combated that day a­gainst the King of Navarre, as against the Head of the Huguenots; but not long after, casting himself into his par­ty, for the defence of the State and the Rights of the Crown, he always [Page 227] fought for him against the League, with so much Valour, Conduct, and Fidelity, that at length he receiv'd in Recompence of his long Services, the Baston of Marshal de France.

To conclude, this memorable Victo­ry cost not the Conquerours above five or six Gentlemen, and what ad­ded to the lustre of it, was the won­derfull Clemency of the King of Na­varre. By his own presence he stop'd the fury of the Souldiers, who were putting all the Infantry to the Sword. He receiv'd all Prisoners of Quality with infinite Courtesie, he chear'd them for their loss by extolling their Cou­rage; he sent almost every man home without paying Ransome; he re [...]or'd to the Parents and Relations, the Bo­dies of such as had died Honourably in the Field of Battel, and beyond all this, the Corps of the Duke de Ioyeuse, for whom the King, in continuance of his favour even after Death, perform'd a most magnificent Funeral with Royal Pomp. In [...]ine, this Generous Con­querour, had so much moderation that he sent his immediate protestations to the King, that aft [...]r this advantage he [Page 228] demanded nothing more, than the Ho­nour of his favour, and the restoring of that Peace which his Majesty had graciously given him, and which their common Enemies had broken.

But after all, it must be ingenuously acknowleg'd, that as he had the con­duct and valour of Hannibal, in this Battel, so he had his misfortune too, in not understanding the art of mana­ging his Victory, or in his unwilling­ness to use it. For were it that the Conquerours enrich'd with the Spoils of their Enemies long'd for Quiet, that they might enjoy their Booty at their ease, or that the Noblesse who had serv'd under him as Volunteers, had not oblig'd themselves to longer Duty than till that time; or that ha­ving weaken'd by his Victory the par­ty of the League, he desir'd not that the Huguenots, who confided more in the Prince of Condè than himself, shou'd encrease their strength, or to speak more plainly, that certain a­morous ingagements, somewhat un­worthy of a Victorious Heroe recall'd him into Bearne; most certain it is that he dissolv'd his Army, and licens'd [Page 229] them to the time he had appointed, then, repass'd the Garonne speedily, with part of the Ensigns and Colours he had taken from the Enemy, which he was ambitious to present to the fair one whom he lov'd, instead of putting himself into a condition, of reaping that Fruit which he might reasonably expect from so great a Victory, and of going speedily to joyn the great Army of Germans, which was Marching to his Assistance; and concerning which, it will now be ne­cessary that I speak.

For while these things were acting in France, the Protestant Princes of Germany, who were furiously incens'd against the King, for that disdainfull and rough answer, which he had made to their Ambassadours, set on foot a more powerfull Army, than ever they had sent into this Kingdom, for the succour of the Huguenots. There were in this Body which was rais'd, eight thousand five hundred Reyters, be­twixt five and six thousand Lansque­nets, and sixteen thousand Swissers, whom the Sieur de Clervant had ob­tain'd from the Protestants, for the [Page 230] King of Navarre: besides four thou­sand others, whom he had left behind him in his pa [...]age through Dauphinè, to reinforce the Army of Lesdiguieres, but before they were able to joyn him, they were totally defeated by the fa­mous Colonel of Corsica, Alphonso d' Ornano. Duke Iohn Casimir, of whom I have frequently made mention in my History of Calvinism, ought to have commanded these Germans in his own Person; but immediately before they were to March, he excus'd his going with them, because he was ob­lig'd to stay in Germany, having taken upon him the Government of the Pa­latinate during the minority of the young Electour his Nephew; where­upon they were constrain'd to receive the Baron of Dona his Favourite, whom long before he had resolv'd to substi­tute in his room.

Justice ought in reason to he ren­der'd to every man's desert, in speak­ing the naked truth, without taking up a prejudice on trust from receiv'd Opinions, which often have very false Founda [...]ons: Though the greatest part of the French and Italian Histo­rians, [Page 231] have spoken little to the advan­tage of this Baron; 'tis nevertheless most certain, that he was of a Birth Noble enough to sustain the Quality of a General, and that he was not at all below the Dignity of that Employ­ment, being descended from one of the most illustrious Families of Prussia; and his Ancestours having possess'd for many Ages the Honour of Burgraves, which is one of the most considerable of the Empire. He was a man who wanted neither Sense nor good Car­riage, and was besides extremely brave: but on the other side, he had neither Authority, nor experience e­nough to command so great an Army, the greater part of whose Officers were commonly at variance a­mongst themselves, and never willing to obey his Orders.

Thus, to speak properly, he was onely the General of the Reyters, though the Lansquenets and Swissers acknowledg'd him for their Chief, in the room of Prince Casimir: But the young Duke of Bouillon was he, whom the King of Navarre had nam'd for his Lieutenant, and who had the [Page 232] Title of General of that Army. Not­withstanding which, he had no abso­lute Command over it, because there was a Council compos'd of six French Officers, and as many Germans joyn'd with him, who, together with the Ba­ron of Dona, decided all things by plu­rality of Voices; which was the occa­sion of much disorder. For the Ger­mans seldom or never joyn'd in opini­on with the French; and on the o­ther side, the French were jealous both of them, and of one another; so that there cou'd be no good intelli­gence amongst them. Besides all wh [...]ch, there were some of their num­ber whom the Duke of Guise, the most artfull of Mankind, had gain'd into his Interests, and who underhand gave him notice of all the resolutions, which were taken in the Council.

For the rest, after the Strangers had receiv'd some part of their Pay, which the Queen of England had suppli'd, after they had been assur'd of the re­mainder, and also promis'd that the King of Navarre wou'd joyn them in a little time, and that they shou'd have onely the League upon their hands, [Page 233] and not the King, who had Arm'd for no other purpose, but to assist them in the destruction of the Guises; they pass'd the Rhine about the twentieth of August, and in the Plain of Stras­burg found William Robert de la Mark Duke of Bouillon, and his Brother Iohn Robert Count de la Mark, who had waited there for their coming about fifteen days, with two thousand Foot, and between three and four hundred French Horse. Thus this Army in the general review which was made of it near Strasburg, was found to consist of thirty three thousand men effective; all experienc'd Souldiers, and well equipp'd; without reckoning into the number, the fifteen or sixteen hundred foot, and two hundred Horse, which the Count of Chastillon, Son of the late Admiral, brought thi­ther in a small time after; and about two thousand others who joyn'd them in their march. Insomuch that when they enter'd France, they were not less than forty thousand Men; with eighteen or twenty pieces of Ar­tillery; which undoubtedly was suffi­cient to strike a terrour into those [Page 234] against whom they march'd in favour of the King of Navarre.

And indeed this distant thunderclap, which was heard as far as Paris, alarm'd the Council of Sixteen so te [...]ribly, that to shelter themselves from the ensuing Storm, they sent fresh instructions to the principal Cities of the Kingdom, and a new form of Oath to unite them more straitly to themselves in their common defence: endeavouring maliciously to make them believe, that it was the King himself who had call'd in these Heretique Foreigners, with intention of destroying those who de­fended the Catholique Religion, and with design that hereafter Heresie it self and the Promoter of it shou'd Reign in France. But the Duke of Guise, whose undaunted heart was not capable of the least cowardise, took ways much different from theirs, in pursuance of the same design, viz. the destruction of that formidable Army, which menac'd him with inevitable ruine. And he compass'd his intenti­ons happily and gloriously, by his ad­mirable conduct, readiness of wit, and daring resolution, performing one of [Page 235] the noblest actions which were ever done, and which alone may justly rank him with the greatest Heroes of Antiquity.

He had almost nothing of all that had been promis'd him at Meaux, when there was made the partition of the Forces, which by appointment were to serve in the King's Army and in his. Of twenty Troups of Men at Arms which were order'd him, not one appear'd at the Rendesvouz that was assign'd at Chaumont: there was neither Money, nor Ammunition, nor Cannon sent him: so that having assem­bled at Vaucoleur, on the twenty second of August, all the forces he could get together, by the means of his friends, and partly by the money of the Pari­sians, there were found no more than a body of three thousand Men; that is to say, about six hundred Cuirassiers of his own company, and those of the Prince of Ioinville's, his Son, of the Count of Chaligny, the Chevalier d' Aumale, the Sieurs of La Chastre, and D' Amblize; three hundred Horse which were sent him from the Garri­son of Cambray by Balagny, who had [Page 236] made himself a Leaguer, to change his Government into a Principali­ty, under protection of the League; besides almost as many light Horse­men, some Italians some Albanois, which were sent him by the Duke of Parma, Governour of the Low-Coun­tries. As for Infantry he had no more than the two Regiments of Captain St. Paul, and of Iohannes, on whom he very much rely'd.

With these inconsiderable Forces he went to joyn himself with those of Charles Duke of Lorrain; who with the Succours which he had receiv'd out of Flanders, under the conduct of the Marquis d' Avre, and the Mar­quis de Varambon, and all he cou'd Levy in Germany, had no more than seven thousand Foot, and about fifteen hundred Horse; Insomuch, that both in conjunction cou'd not make above twelve or thirteen thousand Men at most, to oppose against thirty five thousand, who were coming to fall on them. The Duke of Lorrain, who foresaw this Tempest, had done what lay in him to provide against it; and to put himself in a state of defence by [Page 237] fortifying the greatest part of his Towns. And observing that Nancy, his Capital City, was of too little compass to receive those great num­bers of Persons of Quality, and Cler­gy-men, who ran thither for refuge from every quarter, some from their Countrey-houses, others from their small Castles, and unfortified Towns, he took this opportunity to enlarge that great and beautifull part of it, which is call'd the New Town; on the For­tifications of which, being without dispute the fairest and the strongest of that time, he employ'd his Work­men with so much diligence, that it was already in condition of making a stout defence against that Army, which as numerous and as powerfull as it was had never th [...] courage to at­tempt it.

These two Armies being one of them on this side the Mountains of Vauge, in Lorrain, and the other be­yond those Mountains in Alsace, a Council was held in both of them at the same time; and it so happen'd by an accident seldom known, that the same resolution was taken by them [Page 238] both. In the German Army the Duke of Bouillon, and one part of the Coun­cil, wou'd have it, that the War shou'd be made in Lorrain; to compass (as they urg'd) at one onely blow the ru­ine of that House, which first pro­duc'd, and since that time maintain'd the League. But the bottom of that design was this, that the Germans, had no great desire to be at so great a distance from their own Countrey: and the Duke of Bouillon wou'd have been glad under that pretence to pro­vide for the security of Sedan and Ia­metz to which he knew the Lorrainers cast a longing eye. On the contrary the French-men, the Envoys of the King of Navarre and the Baron de Dona, who follow'd the Orders he had receiv'd from Duke Casimir, made it be concluded, that they shou'd satis­fie themselves in their passage through Lorrain, to make what havock they cou'd in that Countrey, which had been wholly free from War, since that which the Burgundians made, who were de­feated with their last Duke at the Bat­tel of Nancy; and that without stopping their course by investing Towns, they [Page 239] shou'd hasten their conjunction with the King of Navarre who expected them.

On the other side, in the Council which was held at Nancy, the Duke of Guise propos'd to hinder the passage of the Enemy, because, that being well inform'd of the division which was amongst them, he doubted not with those few Troups, which he had then with him, which notwithstanding were compos'd of well disciplin'd and experienc'd men, that he shou'd find some opportunity of Defeating them in that narrow Dukedom, inclos'd on all sides with mountains and Rivers, or at least that he shou'd force them back into their own Countrey: and this was also adher'd to by all the French who were then present. But the Duke of Lorrain, who by no means wou'd consent to expose his State to the hazard of a Battel, and who after all that cou'd be said, had rather his Dukedom shou'd be ruinated than be lost; wou'd absolutely have it, that without opposing the passage of that Army, one part of his Forces shou'd be put into his Towns, whither the [Page 240] Countrey-people shou'd retire, with all the provision they cou'd carry; that the Ovens shou'd every where be bro­ken, the Mills pull'd down, and the Forage destroy'd; and that with the remaining part of his Forces, they shou'd coast the Enemies, and con­strain them, by the scarcity of all things and by harrassing them per­petually, to depart speedily from Lorrain, and pass into France, into which he was resolv'd he wou'd not en­ter. And fearing lest the Duke of Guise, whose design and boldness he well knew, shou'd engage his little Army, whether he wou'd or not in some dangerous Battel, he determin'd to have the Command of it himself; and order'd it to be encamp'd betwixt the New Town, and a little Wood, which serv'd for a Park to an House of his Highnesse's, call'd the Male-Grange; watching his opportunity to employ it to his most advantage, ac­cording to the way which the Enemy shou'd take.

The Germans then having assembled in the plain of Strasburg almost all their Troups, and finding the passa­ges [Page 241] free, by the retreat of those who shou'd have guarded them, but were now recall'd to Man their Towns, pass'd the Mountain near Saverne, without other obstacle besides the trouble they had for three days space, in opening the ways which were in­cumbred with bodies of great Trees, laid across the passages. They were no sooner got over it, than the Duke of Guise, who lost no occasion of sur­prising the Reyters, towards whom he was advanc'd with the Van-guard, order'd the first Camisade to be given them, by the famous Colonel De Rone, who was afterwards made Marshal of the League, and the Baron of Swart­zenbourg, who in the night attack'd the Quarters of Colonel Bouck, who was undoubtedly the most able Officer they had. And being such he was not surpris'd, for the Guard he kept about his Lodgings was so watchfull, that he had timely notice, and was got on Horseback when he was at­tacqu'd; but he was so vigorously charg'd, that with all his brave resi­stance, he was not able to maintain the place from the Assailants; nor [Page 242] hinder them from taking one of his Colours, which the Duke of Lorrain sent immediately to the King: as by way of Advertisement that the Enemy was already in his Countrey, and that therefore it was time to Reinforce Monsieur de Guise with all the Troups which he had promis'd them.

The next day which was the last of August, the Germans entring into Lorrain, immediately possess'd them­selves of Sarbourg, which a Lorrain Gentleman who was in it, with two Companies sufficient to defend it at least some little time, surrender'd base­ly on sight onely of their Fore-Runners without staying so much as to be in­vested. The like happen'd not to Bla­mont, which another young Gentle­man of the same Countrey maintain'd so bravely, though the Enemies Foot with their Cannon was lodg'd in the Fauxbourg, that having kill'd of them more than two hundred men in one Attacque, he forc'd them to dislodge with shame: And from thence they March'd to Luneville, before which they receiv'd a greater affront than was the former. In effect, the Baron [Page 243] d' Ossonville Colonel of the Lorrain Infantry, having taken upon him to defend so weak a Place, where he had hastily made some slight Fortifications, shew'd so much resolution grounded on the promise which the Duke of Guise had given to relieve him, that they durst not so much as once Attacque the Town. In this manner these Foreigners, who acted rather like Rob­bers or Bandits than Souldiers, made it their onely Business to waste the Countrey, Plundering, Sacking, and Massacring the very Women and Children, in revenge of the great wants they suffer'd, by being depriv'd of the means of their subsistance; all Provisions being lock'd up from them in the fortifi'd places, in besieging of which they were unwilling to in­gage, for fear of loosing too much time.

That which gave the Duke of Lor­rain the greatest trouble, was the fear he had, lest they shou'd ransack his Town of St. Nicholas, which at that time wanted nothing but Walls, to be the fairest and the richest Bourg in Lorrain, excepting onely Nancy, [Page 244] as it wou'd be at this day, if the Im­perialists, who boasted that they wou'd restore the late Duke Charles to his Estates, had not finish'd its Destructi­on, by their feeble Succours, laying waste the Villages, and open Towns without Defence, and particularly that famous and sacred Bourg, which they had never violated as they did, when they reduc'd it almost into Ashes, if any spark of Religion, or Humanity had been remaining in their Hearts. I hope my Reader will pardon me for this short Digression, and give it to the just resentments which I have against those Barbarians; being, as I am, particularly interess'd, in the fortune of that miserable Town, which had never been ruin'd by the Croats and Germans, if a Duke of Guise had been its Champion, as he was on that occasion, which I am go­ing to relate.

For that gallant Prince, seeing the concernment of the Duke of Lorrain for it, and its Destruction seeming to be unavoidable, as lying open on all sides, took up his quarters there, and not contented barely to put himself in [Page 245] posture of defending it, he Salli'd out of it more than once with great suc­cess, and fell into their Quarters, which he always carried. Insomuch that fearing to have to doe with a man of so great Courage and Conduct, and withall so fortunate, who was re­solv'd to perish, or preserve the place, which he had undertaken to Desend with the choice and flower of the whole Army; they durst not ap­proach it, but instead of Marching along the Banks of the Meurte, up­on which this Bourg is Situate, about two Leagues from their Quarters in the Nighbourhood of Luneville, they turn'd short upon the left hand to­wards the Moselle, which they pass'd near Bayon, to go from thence into the County of Vaudemont.

Then, seeing there was nothing more to fear for the places which are beyond those two Rivers, they joyn'd together all their Forces, and form'd the body of an Army, with intention to coast the Enemies, to hinder them from sending out stragling Parties, and from laying waste the flat Coun­trey, according to their ordinary cus­tome.

[Page 246] This resolution being taken, The Duke of Guise who led the Vanguard, sent Monsieur de la Chastre Marshal of the Camp, to take up Quarters for the Army at Pont St. Vincent. But, because the Duke at this place per­form'd one of the bravest Actions, which have ever been done in War, and which particularly made manifest his great Ability and strong Genius; I will take upon me to describe it in the most exact manner I am able, that the Beauty of it may be seen in all its cir­cumstances.

The River of Madon is somewhat Narrow, but exceeding Deep; it takes its source at the foot of the Mountains of Vauge, and runs from the South to­wards the North, and having receiv'd into its Bed, the little Rivers of Dom­paire, Illon, Vittelle, Coulon, and Bre­non, it waters the Town of Mirecour, and the Burroughs of Haroue, Ormes, Buligny, Acraigne, Blainville, about ten Leagues distant from Nancy, and four above Toul. A little below this River thus increas'd, and on this side the Moselle stands Pont St. Vincent, a little City, or rather a great Burrough, [Page 247] Situate on the descent of a Hill, some part of it inclos'd with weak Walls; the rest onely fenc'd with a quick-set Hedge, towards the foot of the Hill, spreading along by the sides of the Moselle; over which there was a Bridge; on the right hand it had the Madon, and the rib of a craggy Hill, planted with Vines, incompass'd with strong Quick-sets, and the top of it cover'd with over grown Woods, which extended even to the Neigh­bourhood of Toul, and was parted from the Madon by a Meadow, which is bounded by that River, and nar­row'd to a very little bredth.

Here it was that the Catholique Ar­my went to take up their Quarters, on the fifteenth of September; Monsieur de Guise arriv'd there at seven of the Clock in the Morning, and without staying for the gross of the Vanguard which follow'd him, accompani'd onely by the Sieurs de La Chastre, Bassom­pierre, de Dunes Brother to Monsieur d' Entragues, and three or four besides them, Rideing on Nags, and all of them Unarm'd as he was, went to observe some advantage­ous [Page 248] place, where he might Lodge his Vanguard, under Protection of the Madon, which he was certainly in­form'd was not foordable in any part of it, since the Rains which had fall'n for four or five days together with­out intermission. But not being able thereabout to find a Post which was suitable to his purpose, he advanc'd as far as the Quarters of his Light-Horse, who were March'd beyond the Vanguard, under the Conduct of Rone and the Baron of Swartzembourg, and were Quarter'd almost two Leagues beyond Pont St. Vincent, in the Bur­roughs of Acraigne and Buligny, where there were Stone-Bridges over the Madon. He found them there get­ting hastily on Horse-back, pursuant to the advice which they had just receiv'd that the whole body of the E­nemy, which March'd betwixt the two Rivers, was coming immediately to fall on them.

Yet this hinder'd him not from pas­sing the Madon, he the seventh man, and with the same Company, nor from advancing into the Plain to take a view of the Enemy. But he had [Page 249] not gone far, before he discover'd their Forerunners, and two Cornets of Rey­ters, detach'd from the gross of their Army, who came thundring upon him, to inclose him. Upon this he turn'd his Horse, repass'd the Bridge, and staid on the far side of a Brook, upon a little Hill, where he rang'd his light Horse, which were about four hun­dred to make head against the Enemy. The Reyters who had pass'd the Bridge of Buligny after them, and pursu'd them hotly, made an halt upon the Brook side, in expectation of their Army, which they believ'd to be much nearer, than in effect it was: and in the mean time the Duke of Guise, seeing they were not follow'd by greater Numbers, detach'd against them the Sieur de Rone, and de la Route, who drove them back and pursu'd them flying upon the Spur, a good space upon the Plain beyond the River. But the Reyters finding there three hundred French Horse, and about an hundred and twenty Dragoons, with three other Cornets of their Fellows, turn'd upon them in a full body vigorously, and drove [Page 250] back those two Troups of Light Horse, who endeavour'd at a round Gallop to regain the Hill, where their Friends were drawn up in Battalia.

Then it was, (upon the discovery which they made from their Hill, of the whole Army which was fileing o­ver the Bridge,) that their danger was almost inevitable: To expect the E­nemy, and stand their Ground, was to take a desperate resolution, of be­ing all cut in pieces; for how was it possible for four hundred Horse, with­out Infantry and Cannon to make de­fence against an Army of five thousand men, who were ready to Attacque them, with eighteen or twenty pieces of Artillery? To retire was altogether as impossible; for who knows not that a Retreat of two Leagues, before an Army of twelve thousand Horse, and in open day, can never be attempted without being expos'd to extreme Danger, and constrain'd to change it, to a general Rout; the consequence of which is, that all must be either kill'd or taken.

This being consider'd by La Chastre and Bassompierre, who were near the [Page 251] Duke, they earnestly desir'd him, to provide for his own safety, while they stopp'd the fury of the Enemy for some time, to procure him the means of retiring to the gross of their Army, leaving the rest to the dispo­sition of Fortune, which sometimes finds out unexpected ways of safety, when all things are in appearance des­perate. At which, the Duke looking upon them with a smiling and assur'd Countenance; No, no, Gentlemen (says he) I cannot on such terms a­bandon so many brave men, whom I my self have expos'd to this present Danger. I have consider'd the great­ness of it, in its full extent; but I think, that at the same time I have found an expedient to draw us out of it. The Counsell which you have given me, as believing it necessary for my safety, I command you to take for your selves, and for us all▪ Go then, to give out Orders to the Army; draw them up in the narrow Passage, and upon the Hill which is Planted with Vines, without Pont St. Vincent, to receive me after I have made the Retreat, which I take upon my self to [Page 252] doe; which I will perform, after the manner which I have already cast in my imagination, and which perhaps shall be as much without Danger, as it is without Example.

After this, Rone, and La Route, having already without loss, rejoyn'd the Body of Light Horse, he began to encourage his Souldiers, and that much less by his Words than by his Countenance, and that Majestique air, which animated all his actions, and inspir'd a part of his own Courage and assurance into the most fearfull; for appearing at the Head of his little Troup, with his Sword in his hand, otherwise unarm'd upon a Pad, and beholding his Souldiers and their Officers with a lively piercing eye, which when he pleas'd he cou'd even dart into their Souls, and command them as he thought good, he spoke onely a few words to his French, Italian and German Officers, to each in their own Language, and calling them by their Names, he assur'd them that he had in­vented an infallible way of preserving them, if they wou'd follow his directi­ons undauntedly, and take him for their Example.

[Page 253] Those few words chearfully pro­nounc'd by a Prince, who always per­form'd more than he wou'd promise, so much encourag'd those four hun­dred men, that without farther re­flexion on the apparent danger of perishing, and the seeming impossi­bility of their escape, they look'd dis­dainfully from their Hill, on that vast Army of the Germans, who having almost all of them already pass'd the Madon, at the Bridge of Buligny, March'd directly towards them in Bat­talia, not doubting but they shou'd inclose them, and cut them all in pieces, if they had the confidence to expect them; or put them to the Rout, and totally defeat them, if they at­tempted to make their Retreat before them. Yet they stood at first in some suspence, when having pass'd the Brook which was betwixt them and the Hill, they beheld them yet standing firm, and appearing with a resolution of re­ceiving them with their Swords in their hands.

So uncommon a Spectacle stopp'd them a while to observe their counte­nance, as fearing perhaps that their [Page 254] great assurance proceeded from their being back'd by the whole Army. But at length resuming Courage, and being asham'd that they had doubted one moment to Attacque so inconside­rable a Party, they sounded a Charge without more delay. Seven Cornets of Reyters, having before them three hundred French-men of Arms, March'd foremost and began to Mount the Hill at a round Trot against the Ene­my; but the ascent was so rough, that their Horses, who were spur'd to the Quick, grew out of breath, and constrain'd them to abate of their speed, and change their Trot into a Foot­pace. Then the Duke of Guise, take­ing his opportunity to make his Re­treat, according as he had modell'd it in his Head, in such a manner as none before him had ever practis'd, Re­treated a little farther off upon the Hill, so as to be out of sight of the Enemy; after which having made a half turn on the right hand, he turn'd short upon the left hand at the right of the Ene­my, through a little Valley, which was betwixt them and the River. His March was out of View, under cover [...] [Page 255] of the Hills, which hid that Valley, as far as to a Foord which he had observ'd, though he had been inform'd that there was none: besides which there was a Mill, wherein he Lodg'd a dozen Arquebusiers, who were resolv'd to de­fend it to the utmost, and there he pass'd the Madon, from whence the E­nemies were departed, in pursuit of him. On that side were onely the Swissers, who March'd after the others to pass at the Bridge of Buligny, and who being Foot, cou'd neither stop nor follow that Cavalry which had pass'd the River below the Bourg, and by that means had the advantage of them. So that turning Face, and de­scending on the left, along that little River, on the other side of which the Enemy was pass'd to Attacque him, he continu'd to make his retreat to­wards the gross of the Catholique Ar­my, which was drawing up in Batta­lia near Pont St. Vincent.

In the mean time the Enemy ha­ving with much difficulty overcome the top of the Hill, where they thought to find the Duke of Guise, were strange­ly surpris'd to see him beyond the Wa­ter, [Page 256] retiring at his ease. Immediately they descended with much more speed than they had Mounted, and pursu'd him eagerly. But they were stopp'd so long by those twelve reso­lute Souldiers, who defended the Mill upon the Foord, at the expence of their Lives, which they sold at a dear rate, that before they cou'd be forc'd, the Duke had the leisure, without mending his pace, to repass the River on this side, at another Foord which he had also observ'd adjoyning to that narrow space, and that rib of the Hill planted with Vineyards, where the gross of his Army lay.

In this manner that Prince, who had ingag'd himself too far in discove­ring the Enemy, found the means of saving his little Troup, and retiring in the Face of a great Army, not by turning his back as is the usual custome, but by going on their side, by a new invented Strategem, and placing the River twice successively betwixt him­self and the Enemy. And what Crown'd the glory of the whole action was, that putting himself at the Head of five or six hundred Horse, in that [Page 257] little Meadow which is at the foot of that rib of the Mountain, on which his Army was not wholly yet embat­tel'd, he defended the passage of the River and always repuls'd the Reyters, who return'd twice or thrice to the Charge, and did their uttermost to Force it; and that having left it free the next Morning, according to the resolution which had been taken in the Council of War, he made good the Retreat of his whole Army, without the loss of one single man.

After both Armies had refresh'd themselves for two or three days, the Germans who were always Coasted on the Right, and perpetually harrass'd by the Duke of Guise who led the Vanguard, having pass'd the Meuse near Neufchateau, enter'd France by the Principality of Ioinville, where they took their first Quarters at St. Vrbain. The Duke of Lorrain who had follow'd them as far as his own Fron­tiers, and had what he desir'd, when he had seen the Strangers out of his Estates, was resolv'd to go no farther, but retir'd into the Dutchy of Barre, as did also the Marquis d' Havre with [Page 258] his Walloons, both of them saying that they cou'd not enter into France with­out permission from the King. Thus the Duke of Guise was left to himself, with his own Troups, which amoun­ted not to four thousand men; and nevertheless he undertook with an in­vincible Courage, and so small a Power, to pursue, to infeeble and entirely to ruine that great Army, which was yet more increas'd in the Bassigny, by the conjunction of those Troups, which the brave Chastillon Son to the late Admiral brought out of Languedoc and Dauphine, after ha­ving travers'd Lionnois and Burgundy with incredible difficulty.

The Duke then undertook them all, being follow'd by Souldiers as indefati­gable as himself, who believ'd there was nothing impossible for them to per­form under his Conduct: and some­times appearing at the head of the E­nemy, sometimes at their Rere, then coa [...]ing them, now on the right hand, and afterwards on the left, cutting them of [...] from Provisions, giving them continual Alarmes, and har [...]assing them Night and Day in a hundred several [Page 259] manners, he reduc'd them often to great extremities, particularly after he was reinforc'd by the Troups, which were brought him by Monsieur de Mayenne, by Chaligny, Elbeuf, and Brissac who joyn'd him at Auxerre; his Forces then consisting of six thousand Foot and eighteen hundred Horse.

With these inconveniences, besides those which the continual rain, the broken ways, their gluttony, and con­sequently sickness, made the Germans suffer, their Forces having pass'd the Saine near Chastillon, and the Yonne, at Mailly-la-Ville, they advanc'd about the middle of October, as far as the Banks of the River Loire, which they thought to have pass'd at La Charitè; where much to their amazement they found that place not onely in a good condition of defence, but the King in person beyond it, with a powerfull Ar­my to dispute their passage, on what part soever they shou'd attempt to force it.

In effect, that Prince, according to the resolution which he had taken to hinder both the King of Navarre and [Page 260] the Duke of Guise from growing too strong, the first by joyning the Army of the Reyters, and the second by their defeat, had given the Duke almost nothing of that Succour which he had promis'd him, either to stop or fight the Germans; and in the mean time had assembled a very considerable Ar­my in the neighbourhood of Gien on the Loire, to oppose their passage. His Forces not being less than ten thousand French Foot, eight thousand Swissers, for the most part levyed out of the Catholique Cantons, and eight thousand Horse, the one half French the other Germans. The Duke of Montpensier had also recruited him with the little body which he com­manded apart; the Dukes of Nevers and of Espernon, the Marshals de Au­mont and de Retz, and La Guiche, Grand Master of the Artillery, had each of them a Command in it, and held no very good intelligence toge­ther, unless in this one particular, that according to the King's express orders, they spoil'd and made unpassable all the Foords from that of Pas de Fer near N [...]vers, as far as Gien, by laying a­cross [Page 261] them huge bodies of Trees, and whatsoever else they cou'd find, to incumber the feet of Men and Hor­ses.

This ill understanding amongst the Commanders, and the large Encomi­ums which rung in Paris of the Duke of Guise, on occasion of every small advantage which he gain'd upon the Enemy, and more than all, the mur­muring, or rather the downright rai­ling of the Leaguers, who maliciously accus'd the King of holding intelli­gence with the Navarrois, at the length produc'd this effect in him, that sha­king off his fatal drowziness, and those soft pleasures of the Court, with much adoe he came to his Army beyond the Gien about mid-October. Where he had no sooner set his foot, but he began on the sudden to revive, to appear the same brave Duke of Anjou, with the same Heroique soul, which inspir'd him with so much vigour when he commanded the Armies of the King his Brother in the fields of Iarnac and Moncontour.

Undoubtedly there can nothing be imagin'd more generous or more pru­dent [Page 262] than what he did on that occasion. He put himself at the Head of his Army; he gave out Orders in his own Person; and caus'd them to be execu­ted with all manner of exactness; he reunited the minds of his Captains and Officers, taking care that every man shou'd employ himself in his own duty, without interfering with the business of another. He shar'd with them the labours and fatigues of War; lying abroad in Tents, sleeping little, was first on Horseback, always in Arms, his Men in good order on the Bank of the River, appearing in a rea­diness to receive the Enemy whereso­ever he shou'd attempt his passage; and giving him to understand by sound of Trumpet and beat of Drum, that he desir'd nothing more than to give him Battel, if he shou'd dare to seek it on the other side.

This manner of proceeding put the Strangers into a terrible consternation: The French Huguenots who guided them, had made them to believe, be­fore they enter'd into Lorrain, that they shou'd have the Town of Charité, and the Bridge for friend. That if those [Page 263] shou'd fail them, the Loire was foorda­ble almost every where during the Month of October; that the King who kept a secret correspondence with the King of Navarre, to revenge himself of the League their common Enemy, either wou'd joyn himself with them, or at least favour their passage, and that they shou'd find the King of Na­varre in a readiness on the far side of the River to receive them. In the mean time they found the quite con­trary to all this: the Town of Charité against them, the King in Arms to combat them, and instead of the King of Navarre, onely some Envoys from him, who without being able to ascer­tain them of any thing, barely pro­mis'd them that he wou'd suddenly be with them; or at least in his room a Prince of the Bloud whom he wou'd send to command them. This fill'd with complaints, murmurs, disorders and Sedition the whole Army, which was come down as far as Neuvy, with­out hope of being able to force the passage which the Royal Army in Battalia beyond the River continually defended.

[Page 264] The Reyters, with loud clamours demanded the Money which had been promis'd them as soon as they shou'd be enter'd into France: threatning to return into their own Countrey, in case they were not immediately satis­fied. The Swissers were already har­kening to the proposition which some of their Officers, who were gain'd by the King, had made to them of passing into his Army, where they had assu­rance given them of great advantages. The Lansquenets were ready to do as much; all things manifestly tended to revolt. And it was not without in­credible pains, that the Baron of Dona, the Duke of Bouillon and the French Officers put an end to this Mutiny by promising to lead them into Beauce, a Country abounding in all sorts of Pro­visions, where they might refresh them­selves at their own leisure, expecting there the Money and the Prince whom the King of Navarre wou'd send to conduct them by Vandome to Monso­reau upon the Loire, where he waited to receive them with his Troups. Thus the Army dislodging from Neu­vy, and turning their back to the [Page 265] Loire, took the Road toward Beauce, marching by little journeys all along the River of Loing, where they found good Quarters on the Estate of Mon­sieur de Chastillon, who spar'd for no­thing to content the Germans.

In the mean time the Duke of Guise, who lay betwixt that River and the Yonne, and had re-assembled all his Forces near Charny, to observe from thence the motions of the Enemy, ha­ving receiv'd information that they were quarter'd on the twenty fourth of October in the neighbourhood of Cha­stillon, advanc'd as far as Courtenay, taking his march from thence towards the lower part of the River, thereby to put himself betwixt them and Paris, and to cover that great City, which lay open to them; so that five or six thousand Reyters detach'd from their Army, were capable of giving some terrible Alarm to the Citizens, by Plundering and Firing of their Suburbs. This occasion'd the Parisians, to re­double their ardent affection to that Prince, regarding him at that time as their onely Protectour; and the Lea­guers who omitted no opportunity of [Page 266] decrying the conduct of the King, made them believe, that he stopp'd short at Gien, on set purpose to aban­don them to the fury of the Reyters, who without this interposition of the Duke of Guise had ransack'd all things to their very Gates.

But this was the least part of their design; for they intended nothing more than to pass on the left hand, through a Countrey more open and more easie, betwixt the Forest of Orle­ans and Montargis, and to enter as fast as they were able into the Plains of Beauce. For which reason, as soon as he had discovered by his Spies that their Quarters were taken up for the twenty sixth of October, spreading two Leagues about Montargis, on the left side of the River, he order'd the Sieur de la Chastre, to depart about mid­night with the Light Horse; who ar­riving at Montargis at seven of the Clock in the Morning, on the same day, (being the twenty sixth) caus'd the Gates of the Town immediately to be shut, that no advice might be given to the Enemies; and the Duke of Guise came thither about noon with [Page 267] one half of the Army, the other half not being able to come up till the even­ing.

As he sate at Table supping with the Princes who accompanied him, one of his best Officers who had been sent to take a view of the Enemy, re­turn'd to make his report, saying, that he had seen seven or eight Cornets of the Reyters, who took up their Quar­ters with their General at Vimory, a Burrough almost half a League in com­pass, a League and half above Mont­argis, and situate not far from the Ri­ver, which it had on the right hand. His intelligence was true; but he knew not that fourteen other Cornets of them which arriv'd afterwards were lodg'd in the same place; that the French were Quarter'd but half a League beyond the Ladon, and the Lansquenets and Swissers in two other Villages, which were but the distance of a League from them.

The Duke after he had consider'd for some time what was to be done on this report, believ'd that those Quar­ters at Vimory might easily be carried in the Night, that the others where­soever [Page 268] they might be, hearing the Alarm, and at the same time fearing to be attack'd themselves, wou'd think rather how to secure themselves in their own Post, and stay for day-light, than to march in the dark to the succour of their Fellows: that after he had de­feated the Reyters, in the next place he might attacque the rest, and put their whole Army to a rout; and in conclusion if he shou'd miss his blow, he had secur'd himself a retreat in the Bur­rough of Montargis.

Thus resolv'd, and rising briskly from the Table, before he had done Supper, he gave command that they shou'd sound to Horse, and that every one shou'd be in readiness to march an hour after at the farthest: The Duke of Mayenne not a little surpris'd at the sudden orders, ask'd him whither he was going? he cooly answer'd him, to fight the Enemy. And after having in few words satisfi'd them of the rea­sonableness of his undertaking, he ad­ded, that if any man thought the at­tempt too hazardous, he had free leave to stay behind at Montargis: It may very probably succeed said the [Page 269] Duke of Mayenne, and we will all fol­low you, yet we are a little too hot upon the execution of it, and it wou'd not doe amiss to weigh the business somewhat better. Understand, Brother, repli'd the Guise, raising his Voice be­yond the ordinary tone, that I shou'd not come to a resolution of any thing in all my life, which I cou'd not resolve on at a quarter of an hours thinking. On this he Arm'd and mounted on Horseback, finding all his Men in readiness to follow him, full of gaiety in their faces, and not doubting in the least of Victory under his Command a­gainst all imaginable odds of number. So important a thing it is in War for Souldiers to have confidence in their Captain, that they believe his fortune, his valour, and his capacity in Milita­ry affairs, will always answer for the good success of whatsoever he under­takes.

All the Orders being given, the In­fantry which was in the Suburbs, was caus'd to pass through the body of the Town, an hour before the shut­ting in of the Evening; and drawn up in Battalia, half a League beyond [Page 270] it. It was divided into three Bat­talions, each of them consisting of a thousand men. Captain St. Paul com­manded that on the right hand; Io­annes had the left, with his Regiment which form'd the second; Chevriers and Pontsenac were in the middle, at the head of the third; the remainder was left at the entry of the Bridge, and in the Town, in order to the favouring of their retreat.

The Duke of Guise who had waited till eight of the clock, for seven or eight hundred Horse of his Army, which were not yet arriv'd from Cour­tenay, distant seven long Leagues from Montargis, was resolv'd notwithstan­ding to go on, and advancing the gross of his Cavalry before his Foot, he Marshall'd it in four Squadrons. Monsieur de Mayenne led the first, of three hundred Horse at the head of the Army: he was sustain'd by Monsieur de Elbeuf with his, of two hundred Men at Arms. The Duke of Guise plac'd himself on the left hand, and Monsieur d' Aumale on the right of the Infantry having each of them three hundred Horse.

[Page 271] In this Order this little Army march'd directly on to Vimory through a long Plain, and in a night so dark that one man cou'd not discern ano­ther. Notwithstanding which they kept on their way, till the Guides having advertis'd Monsieur de Mayenne that they were just upon Vimory, he sent before him four Cavaliers, who found neither Sentinel set, nor Guard advanc'd, nor Barrs at the entry of the Town, but the passage wholly free. For which reason, drawing off a little on the left hand, as did also Monsieur de Elbeuf on the right to make way for the Foot, Monsieur de Guise having given the signal to the Infantry, the three Battalions enter'd one after ano­ther into the great Street of Vimory, where the Baggage of the Reyters lay. And immediately having dispatch'd the first they met, before they cou'd so much as ask the Word, they enter'd the Houses on both sides the Street, killing all the Germans whom they found: some of them at their Supper, some in bed, and setting on fire the Granaries and Cellars to consume those who absconded in them.

[Page 272] This Execution lasted for half an hour, during which they still went for­ward, firing the Houses as they pass'd along, which being at some distance from each other, cou'd not spread the flames either so fast, or so far as they desir'd. And in the mean time the Souldiers tempted with the sight of the Reyters Wagons, instead of stay­ing to plunder till they had comple­ted the victory, as their duty is on the like occasions, fell upon the Bag­gage in a hurry, and loaded them­selves with the richest part of the boo­ty. This gave leisure to the Baron of Dona, who was lodg'd at the farther end of the Town, to get on Horse­back and rally six or seven Cornets, with which he made shew of advan­cing against the Foot, who seeing him coming on, made ready to receive him, and forsook their plunder; at the same time calling out to their Horse to enter and sustain them.

This their Outcry caus'd two con­trary effects, which occasion'd two great skirmishes, for on the one side the Baron fearing if he pass'd forward in the great Street, through the Flames [Page 273] and Wagons with which it was in­cumber'd, that he shou'd expose him­self without defence to the Shot of the Infantry, turn'd on the right hand to another Street adjoyning on the Plain; on the other side the Duke of Mayenne, who had taken on the left hand out of the Burrough, coasting the Foot, having heard their cry, ad­vanc'd precipitately before his Squa­dron, who presently lost sight of him in the dark, and follow'd onely by threescore Men of Arms, put on at a gallop to the succour of the Foot, through the same Street, at the entry of which he rancounter'd the Baron with his gross of Reyters, which charg'd him with extreme fury.

Never was there seen a Combat more unequal or more sharp. The Baron, who was exceeding brave, dis­cerning this Cavalry, whose number he cou'd not distinguish in the dark, rode up to him who was mounted on the white Horse at the head of those Cavaliers, and fir'd his Pistol as he thought at the sight of his Helmet; but it carried no higher than the Chin­piece. 'Twas the Duke of Mayenne, [Page 274] who at the same time struck with his full force upon his head, and swept off a good cantle of the skin; after which both the one and the other pur­suing his point, the Baron with his second Pistol kill'd Rouvroy who bore the Duke's colours, and pull'd them from him; and the Duke well secon­ded by those few brave men who ac­companied him, at last broke through this gross of seven Cornets, having lost seventeen Gentlemen in the fight which cost the lives of fourscore Rey­ters.

After this there happening a great Storm which separated the Comba­tants, the rest of the Reyters being now gotten on Horseback, and there being some danger, lest the other Quar­ters which had already taken the Alarm shou'd fall upon them before day, the Duke of Guise order'd them to sound the retreat. He made it very fortunately to Montargis, in the same order, in which he came; and brought back his Souldiers inrich'd with the booty which they had taken from the Reyters, who lost in this occasion near a thousand Men betwixt Souldiers and [Page 275] Servants, a considerable part of their Baggage, and above twelve hun­dred Horses, on which twelve hun­dred Foot were mounted in their re­turn to Montargis: and what most mortifi'd the Baron, two Camels which he had design'd to present the King of Navarre; and the Kettle Drums that are carried before the General as a mark of Honour, the loss of which is accounted to be more shamefull, than that of his own Stan­dard.

Though this Victory was not very great, yet it drew after it important consequences: and made way by the dangerous effects which it had, to the total ruine of their Army. The Rey­ters who had lost the better half of their Baggage, mutined afresh, de­manding their Pay, and threatning to retire in case they were not satisfied, which was not possibly to be done. The Swissers sent their Deputies to the King, to negotiate their return; and the matter went so far that the Duke of Espernon, who led the Vanguard of the Royal Army, concluded the Trea­ty with them: by which the King [Page 276] was oblig'd to pay them four hundred thousand Crowns, and to grant them a free passage into their own Coun­trey.

The Lansquenets, whom the fatigues of so tedious a march had reduc'd to a very ill condition, were also thinking of some means to obtain the liberty of going home. The Baron of Dona de­cri'd on all sides for his extreme neg­lect in not providing for the security of his Quarters, had wholly lost his au­thority amongst them; and the French who conducted them being con­tinually reproach'd with the unfaithful­ness of their promises, were asham'd to shew their heads.

But at last, the certain news of the great Victory obtain'd by the King of Navarre, and the hope which conse­quently they had, that he wou'd spee­dily appear, with his victorious Ar­my, together with the arrival of the Prince of Conty, whom he sent before to command them in his place, till he shou'd himself come up, restor'd their courage, and caus'd a general rejoy­cing in the whole Army. And be­cause the King's Forces were gone to [Page 277] encamp at Bonneval, to cut off their way, and hinder them from descen­ding lower by the Countrey of Van­dome, towards the Loire, they took a resolution to change their Road, and to march upwards towards the source of that River, according to the King of Navarre's request. But seeing they were at that time in good Quarters, in the heart of Beauce, and neighbour­hood of Chartres, they deferr'd for some days the departure of the Army. And that gave opportunity to the Duke of Guise, to accomplish at last with so much glory the execution of his design, by the famous defeat of the Reyters at Auneau, which was imme­diately succeeded by the total rout of that formidable Army.

That Prince, who some few days af­ter the Combat of Vimory had retir'd to Montereau-faut- [...]onne, as if he had turn'd his back upon the Germans, who at the same time enter'd into Beauce, and without caring what constructi­ons might be made of his retreat, which rais'd a very odd report con­cerning him, there refresh'd his Men, for ten or twelve days together; and [Page 278] dismiss'd from thence the Dukes of Mayenne and Aumale with all their Troups, into their several Govern­ments of Burgundy and Picardy, a­gainst which he imagin'd the Ene­mies of his House had some design: After which, though he had remaining in his little Army no more than twelve hundred Horse, and betwixt three and four thousand Foot, he put him­self according to his custome in pur­suit of the Enemy, who march'd ex­ceeding slowly, and ceas'd not from harassing them, till, (before he came up with the Army of the King, who press'd him extremely to a conjuncti­on,) he found an occasion of perfor­ming what he had so long time pur­pos'd, to carry their head Quarters, by making himself master of the place which furnish'd them with victuals. For he nothing doubted but the loss of that wou'd be the total ruine of their Army; which action he perform'd in the manner which I am going to re­late briefly.

Being arriv'd at Estampes on the eighteenth of November, after having for some days coasted the Enemy on [Page 279] the right, the next Morning he sent the Sieur de la Chastre with seven or eight hundred Horse to Dourdan; from whence, the Sieur de Vins, who commanded the Light Horse, was de­tach'd to make discovery of their Quar­ters. This he perform'd with great exactness, and after some petty skir­mishes wherein he had the advantage, he understood from some Prisoners which he had taken, that they were Quarter'd at large in five or six great Villages, two or three Leagues beyond Chartres, round Auneau, which was the quarter of the Reyters.

Auneau is a great Burrough Town, or little City, inclos'd onely with Walls of six or seven foot high, without Ditches any way considerable, or Draw-bridges at the Gates, like the other Burroughs of La Beauce: On the side of this Town is a Marsh, and a broad Lake, from which there issues a River whose banks are planted with Osiers and other Trees that slourish in a moist soil: 'tis indifferently deep, and not easie to be pass'd unless by the Mills and Villages which were pos­sess'd by the Enemy for more than [Page 280] two Leagues below the River, which mixing with the Lorray empties it self into the Eure, near Maintenon; at one end of the Lake there is a Causey, which after having cross'd the Marsh, is terminated at a little Wood and a Warren, right overagainst the Gate of the Castle which commands the Town. The Castle it self is fair, large, and of strength sufficient to defend it self from Storming, having in it a great Base Court, large eno [...]gh to draw up the Garrison in Battalia there; and which is separated from the Houses of the Town by an open place; so that no approaches can be made without being discover'd. As soon as the Ba­ron of Dona was lodg'd in the Bur­rough into which he enter'd without resistance, the Reyters greedy after pillage, fail'd not to come on as far as the Gate of the Base Court belonging to the Castle; into which the Inhabi­tants had hastily remov'd the best of their Goods, and a great number of their Cattle, which these Germans were desirous to get into their possessi­on. But they were repuls'd with vol­leys of Musquet Shot, which laid three [Page 281] or four of them upon the ground. On this the Baron dispatch'd a Trum­pet to the Captain of the Castle with a threatning message, that he wou'd set fire on all things in his way, and beat the Castle about his ears with Ar­tillery, for which he wou'd immedi­ately send, in case he desisted not from Shooting. But the Captain who was a Gascon, and held the Castle for the King, answer'd with a Bravade, after the manner of his Countrey-men; and let the Baron know by his Trum­pet, that he fear'd neither him nor his Artillery; and that if his people made any more so near approaches to the Castle, he wou'd spare neither for Powder nor Ball to set them going as he had done before. This was all the Parlee that was betwixt them, with­out any manner of ingagement on the Gascon's part, (though some have o­therwise reported) that he wou'd at­tempt nothing against those trouble­some Guests, who were lodg'd in his Town against his will. Accordingly to secure their lives against a man of the Captain's humour, the Reyters barricado'd themselves, and set strong [Page 282] Guards at the Avenues, from whence there is a passage into the two great Streets which make the length of the Burrough. After which believing them­selves to be now in safety, they took their ease with profound security, for seven or eight days together, during which the season of new Wines being just come in, and the Vintage of that year exceeding plentifull, they fell to ply the Bottle, and to celebrate the King of Navarre's Victory, and the Prince of Conty's arrival, with all sorts of merriments, and particularly with drunkenness, toping after their Coun­trey fashion, night and day to the good health of the two Princes.

In the mean time the Duke of Guise, whose head was perpetually working how he might surprise them, having receiv'd the Plan of their Quarters from the Sieur de Vins, who had been there in person to take the View, re­solv'd to attaque them in Auneau. To this effect he negotiated so dextrously with the Captain of the Castle, that after many difficulties, which were surmounted by the large promises, and great liberality of that Prince, who [Page 283] after the example of Alexander gave all away, and reserv'd nothing to him­self but onely the hope of accomplish­ing his enterprises, the Gascon, who had no quarrel to a Bag of Money, came at last to a conclusion with him upon that point in the World, in which a wary Governour ought to be most nice; for he agreed to re­ceive his Troups into the Castle, through which they might enter into the Town.

He had advanc'd from Estampes as far as Dourdan on Friday the twenti­eth of November, when he receiv'd this comfortable assurance; and as his little Army was on its march, on the morrow in order to the execution of his enterprise, he was inform'd that the Enemies had discover'd it by ta­king a Peasant who was bringing him a Letter from the Governour. This undoubtedly was capable of Making him desist from farther prosecution of it; and all his Captains so advis'd him. But he onely deferr'd it for two days, till he was assur'd that the Reyters were no longer on their Guard, and that they still continued their Debauches, [Page 284] notwithstanding, that by an Ambus­cade he had cut off an hundred, or six score of the bravest men in their whole Army; amongst whom, be­sides thirty five Gentlemen of the best Houses in Germany, were found slain a Count of Mansfield, and one allyed to him, who was Nephew to the Arch-Bishop of Cologne Gebbard Truchses, the same person who, misled by a blind affection, preferr'd the enjoyment of the fair Chanoiness Agnes de Mansfield to his Electorat and his Religion, which he renounc'd, to gain the liber­ty of Marrying her.

The Duke being then resolv'd to carry on his Enterprise, though it was objected to him, that in all probabi­lity the Enemy wou'd not have lin­ger'd out the time so long at Auneau, and the adjacent places, but out of design to draw him into the Plain, over which he must pass of necessity before he cou'd reach the Town; gave Order on Monday Night, that all shou'd be in readiness to March on Tuesday the four and twentieth of November, which was precisely the day that the Germans had pitch'd up­on, [Page 285] for their return towards the Source of the River Loire. Yet on this occa­sion he reli'd not so much on his good Fortune, as not to take all manner of precautions, and particularly neg­lected not that of Piety, for before he departed out of Dourdan on his March, he did his Devotions publiquely at the Church; where he implor'd the as­sistance of the Lord of Hosts, for the happy success of his undertaking.

And yet farther, he left his Almo­ner with the Clergy, to continue all Night their Prayers before the Holy Sacrament, which was expos'd; and by an extravagant Sally of Piety, did an action, no ways to be imitated, yet excuseable in a Prince, who acted sincerely, and Cavalier-like on this occasion, in which he was so far from perceiving the least shadow of ill, that on the contrary, without searching deep into the matter, he believ'd it acceptable to God. For he ordain'd of his own Authority, that every Priest that Night shou'd Celebrate three Masses, as the custome is to doe before Christmas-Day. And those well mea­ning men who understood not so much [Page 286] in those times as we do in ours, obey'd him Simply, Devoutly, and without scruple: And it may charitably be be­liev'd that God who heard their Prayers and accepted their Sacrifice, as the event sufficiently shews, was not offended at what they did out of their simplicity and without reflexi­on.

The Duke forearm'd in this manner, came up at seven of the Clock in the Evening, to the Rendesvouz, which he had given to his Troups, on the far side of the Wood of Dourdan, in an open plain, where according to his Orders, Monsieur de la Chastre, Mar­shal of the Field, had drawn them up in Battalia. The Sieur de Vins, with three hundred Light Horse, was at the Head of this little Army. The Sieur de la Chastre follow'd him, with his Squadron of more than two hun­dred Men at Arms: and the Dukes of Guise and of Elbeuf sustain'd them on the right and the left with their two Squadrons, consisting each of them, of about three hundred Horse. The Infantry divided into four Battalions under the Colonels, Ioannes, Pontse­nac, [Page 287] Bourg, and Gié, was rang'd on the right hand of the Cavalry, which cover'd it from the Enemy, who cou'd not possibly approach them, but on the left hand in a large Plain, where there was neither Tree nor Bush, nor Hedge for their defence. They March'd in this order during almost all the Night, which was so extremely dark, that wandring about from time to time, they arriv'd not till four in the Morning within a Mile of Auneau, in a Valley at one end of the Causey, which led them to the Postern Gate of the Castle, just bordering upon the Warren, till La Chastre who advanc'd before the rest, came back and re­ported that he had heard the Trum­pets of the Enemy.

The reason of it was, that the Ar­my was that day preparing to remove their Quarters, but there was some reason to apprehend, that they had had intelligence of the Duke's March. For this cause, that Prince who was advanc'd too far to retire, and who was absolutely bent to Attacque the Germans, whether they were ad­vertis'd or not, and to prevent them, [Page 288] made his Infantry pass the Causey in File, and himself led them, without the least notice taken by the Enemy, to the Postern Gate which was open'd to him, and which his Men enter'd, as before in File: chearfully exhorting the Souldiers and Officers to doe well, and to make themselves Masters of the rich Booty which was waiting for them, meaning the Baggage of the Reyters. After this retiring to his Cavalry, which attending his return had made a halt at the end of the Marsh; he went to dispose his four Squadrons in the Plain round about the Burrough, to receive, and cut in pieces those who shou'd bolt for their safety into the Fields.

In the mean time, Captain St. Paul, having left in the Castle as many men as he thought sufficient to secure his retreat, if he were driven to it, was descended into the Base Court, where he gave out his Orders for the At­tacque in this following manner. Himself took on the left hand, at the Head of five or six hundred Arquebu­siers, to charge into the great Street, where the Baron of Dona lay: He [Page 289] plac'd on the right hand five hundred more of the Regiment of Pontsenac, Commanded by their Colonel, to enter the Burrough by the other Street. He order'd four hundred to stand in Battalia in the Base Court, to sustain and to relieve the first, and Comman­ded before him three or four hundred with the Forelorn Hope to make the Van: leaving Orders with those who stay'd behind, that as soon as the At­tacque was begun, they shou'd slip betwixt the Walls and the Houses, to seize the Gates, where there were neither Guard nor Centry; so little had the Baron profited by that Lesson which he had taken out at Vimory, where he had been surpris'd by the like negligence.

Things being dispos'd in this man­ner, and the great Gate of the Base Court open'd, by removing of the Earth about it, the Forelorn Hope put themselves into the Van, just at the break of day, in that space which is betwixt the Castle and the Town, where they found about fifty Horse­men of the Enemy, appointed for the Guard of the Barricades, who running [Page 290] together at the Noise which was made, receiv'd them so warmly, and repuls'd them with so much vigour, that being affrighted to see themselves without Cavalry to support them, they re­treated as far as the Gate. But Cap­tain St. Paul coming up at that point of time, and the rest following him, push'd them forward upon the Enemy, crying out as loud as he cou'd, to those who were remaining in the Base Court, that they shou'd Fire without mercy, on all those who gave back one foot of Ground. But that which had more effect on those frighted Soul­diers than this terrible Command, or than the inevitable danger of present Death, in case they recoyl'd, was the example of that Brave Captain and all his Officers, who detaching themselves from their several Companies, came up to the Front against the Enemy.

For after having repuls'd those Horse­ment, who were soon dismounted and kill'd, by the Vollies of shot, which were pour'd in upon them furiously by the Souldiers who follow'd their Officers, those Gallant men gave on with so much courage against the Bar­ricades, [Page 291] that having forc'd, broken and overturn'd them in a moment, and slain the Guards who were to maintain them, the whole body of Infantry spread themselves like an impetuous torrent on both sides of the Streets, and without stopping at the Pillage, as they had done before at Vimory, they kill'd all within distance of their shot, pelting down the poor Germans, as they came dropping out of their Quar­ters half asleep, staggering with Drunkenness, and half Naked; some with their Pistols in their hands, and some onely with their Swords, not able to get within reach of their Enemies, who having all manner of advantage over them, destroy'd them at their ease, and without sharing any part of the danger with them.

Those of them who were already got on Horseback to depart, being without possibility of drawing up in­to a Squadron, or marching orderly against the Enemy, in those Streets incumber'd with so many Carriages all harness'd, were slain the more easily, because they stood like so many Marks to the Mus [...]etiers, from whose shot [Page 292] they had no means of shelter. And this encumberment, so fatal to them, serv'd the Catholiques instead of a Ram­part, from whence they fir'd upon them without danger, and almost without losing one single shot.

In the desperate condition to which these Reyters were reduc'd, they cou'd find but one remedy to find covert from this raging Tempest, which they saw come pouring on their Heads, which was as speedily as they cou'd, to gain the Gates, that afterwards they might either rally in the Fields, or save themselves in their other Quarters. But running thither tumultuously in a crowd, they found them to be already seiz'd by the Souldiers of Ioannes, who drove them back, by firing conti­nually upon them with their Mus­quets: So that some of them, unable to doe any thing more, for their own safety, suffer'd them­selves to be miserably cut in pieces, others returning from whence they came, threw themselves into the thickest of their pursuers, that they might at least have the sad comfort, of dying Honourably like Souldiers with [Page 293] their Weapons in their hands. Some of them were hidden in their Lodg­ings, from whence the fire made them bolt half roasted, and fell into the hands of those, who thought it a deed of charity to dispatch them out of their pain, considering the condition in which they saw them. Some there were also, who sliding down from the Walls, thought to preserve them­selves by running cross the Fields and Marshes, but the Cavalry soon o­vertook them, and cut them all in pieces.

In conclusion, of all who were Quarter'd in that Burrough, I find there was onely the Baron of Dona, with ten or twelve in his Company who escap'd; whether by means of some House adjoining to the Wall, and thence by some little pathes which he found in the Marsh, or at the be­ginning of the Alarm, through one of the Gates, which the Souldiers of Io­annes had not yet shut up. The rest were either kill'd or taken, when, af­ter the heat of that bloudy Execution was over, which lasted but for half an hour, there was no more resistance [Page 294] made. In this manner was the defeat of the Reyters at Auneau, where, without the loss of one single man to the Conquerours, there were about three thousand Germans kill'd up­on the place, and five hundred Pri­soners made, without reckoning into the number one of their Com­panies, which running from the Neighbouring Quarters to the succour of their Fellows, surrender'd them­selves cowardly without defence, as soon as they were charg'd in the open Field. Bosides the Cornet of the Ge­neral, there were taken nine or ten o­ther Colours, which the Duke of Guise sent away immediately to the King. All the Baggage and Carriages loaded, and ready harness'd for their March, their Arms, their Plate, the Gold Chains of their Officers, and the rest of the Booty remain'd to the Victours; and the Infantry now ex­alted into Cavalry, mounted on the Horses which they found Bridl'd and Saddl'd to their hands, with Pistols in their Holsters return'd as it were in triumph to Estampes, whither also the Duke of Guise came immedia [...]ely upon [Page 295] his Victory, which was attended with all those happy consequences he had foreseen.

For there fell so great a consterna­tion into that shatter'd Army, which after the defeat had rallied within a League of Auneau, that the poor Baron of Dona, whatsoever reasons he alledg'd to fortify his opinion, cou'd never in­duce the Heads of it to go immediate­ly and invest the Catholiques, who dreaming on nothing but the Pillage, might easily be surpris'd, incompass'd, and consequently defeated, and all ta­ken or kill'd, in that hurry of disor­der. But far from harkning to any such advice, the Swissers throughly frighten'd by this second misfortune, much greater than the first, extremely weaken'd, and their numbers wasted by the Fatigues of a three Months March, separated themselves from the body of the Army, and after having accepted of the conditions which the King had granted them, put them­selves on the way of returning into their own Countrey.

Those few Reyters which were yet remaining in that Army, and the Lan­squenets [Page 296] reduc'd to a pitifull condi­tion, follow'd their example within four or five days afterwards. They found themselves on the one side, pursu'd by the Vanguard of the King's Army, under the conduct of the Duke of Espernon, and on the other by the Duke of Guise; whom the Marquis du Pont had reinforc'd with three or four thousand Italian Horse, which the Duke of Lorrain had given order to levy at the beginning of the War. They had been inform'd that the Sieur de Mandelot, Governour of Lyons, was come out with five or six thousand men to cut off their passage; and they were reduc'd after the defeat of Aune­au, by frequent desertions, by sickness, and by the toils of their long Mar­ches, to a very inconsiderable number, without Victuals, Ammunition and Baggage, and almost without Arms, and hopeless of escaping from the midst of so many enemies by whom they were on every side incompass'd. Thus the last necessity forc'd them in conclusi­on to accept of the Treaty which by permission from the King was still offer'd them by the Duke of Espernon, [Page 297] to hinder the Duke of Guise whom he lov'd not, from the Glory of having intirely defeated so great a multitude of Foreigners.

The Conditions were, that the Lan­squenets shou'd deliver up their Co­lours; that the Reyters shou'd carry away theirs, but furl'd up and put in their Portmantues. That the French Protestants shou'd be repossess'd of their Estates, but that they shou'd de­part the Realm, in case they return'd not into the Church; That both the one and the other shou'd promise ne­ver to bear Arms against the Service of the King, and that his Majesty wou'd give them both an ample safe Conduct and a Convoy, to pass in safety through his Dominions, and to his Frontiers, from thence every man to dispose of himself according to his own liking.

The French in that Army us'd their utmost endeavours to hinder the Ger­mans from accepting such shamefull conditions, promising to lead them without hazard to the King of Na­varre's Army. But perceiving that the Strangers, far from listning to their [Page 298] had design'd to detain them as Hosta­ges, to secure their pay, which had been so often promis'd without effect, they shifted every man for himself as secretly as he cou'd, and took diffe­rent ways to avoid pursuit. The Prince of Conty with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen, struck out of the com­mon Roads into by passages, and re­tir'd without being discover'd to an Estate of his in the Countrey of Mayne. The Duke of Bouillon took upon the right hand, and after having cross'd through Lionois and la Bresse with in­credible pains, avoiding continually the High-ways, came at last to Gene­va, where not long after he Died, be­ing worn out with the Toils he had undergone: in the same manner his Brother the Count de la Mark was al­ready Dead, during their March at Ancy-le-Franc in Senonois. The rest of the Captains retir'd also, slenderly attended and with great hazard and trouble, into other parts.

There was onely the brave Chastil­lon, who with about an hundred and twenty Horsemen, resolv'd to run his Fortune, and abandoning themselves [Page 299] to his Conduct, pierc'd with great re­solution favour'd by Fortune quite through the Troups of Mandelot, and all the Countrey of Lionois, Forest, and Velay, from whence they came pou­ring upon him on all sides, at the sound of the Larun Bell, which they rung in all the Towns, Burroughts and Vil­lages, and arriv'd at last without much loss into Vivarez, where he had strong Places, and from thence into Langue­doc. As for the Lansquenets and Rey­ters, after their Treaty concluded and sign'd, they were splendidly treated at Marsigny by the Duke of Espernon, who gave them a Convoy of some Troups of men at Arms, and Com­panies of Foot, to secure them as far as beyond the Saone, which they were order'd to pass at Mascon. Yet all this prevented not the loss of a great part of these miserable Germans, who fal­ling Sick, or staying behind the rest out of weakness, or being at too great a distance from their Convoy, and scatteringly Quarter'd, had their throats Cut, and were knock'd on the Head without resistance and without mercy, by the Peasants in revenge of so many [Page 300] horrible insolences which those Stran­gers had committed in France.

In this pitifull condition it was that the Baron of Dona, and Colonel Boucq, who were the onely survivours amongst the head Officers of this ru­in'd Army, being arriv'd on the fron­tiers of Savoy, implor'd the mercy of that Duke; who that he might lay an obligation on the German Princes, gave them passage through his Estates, from whence retiring through Swisserland they got into Germany. The surprise was incredible to behold so great a desolati­on, and so miserable a remnant of the greatest and most flourishing Army, which at any time had been sent out of that Countrey to the succour of the Huguenots into France. For, in fine, of twenty thousand Swissers, nine or ten thousand Lansquenets, and eight thou­sand Reyters, which were levi'd for their assistance, there return'd onely four thousand, betwixt Masters and Servants, of whom the greatest part contemn'd and whooted at by their own Countreymen, surviv'd not their misfortunes any long time after; but died as much of shame and sorrow, as [Page 301] of the diseases which they had con­tracted by so many hardships which they had undergone, in so long and so unfortunate an expedition.

The Duke of Guise, and the Mar­quis du Pont, who after the departure of these wretches out of France, had follow'd them almost as far as Geneva, understanding by Letters from the Duke of Savoy, that he had taken them into his Protection, abandon'd them to their ill fortune, which persecuted them worse than even their Enemies cou'd have wish'd. After which, in order to refresh their Troups, which excepting onely the Italians last arriv'd, had extremely suffer'd during four Months, in which they follow'd and con­tinually harras'd the Protestant Army, they put them into Quarters, in the small territory of the Count of Mont­belliard, one of the principal Au­thours of this Expedition, who had in­stigated the Reyters to take Arms. There it was that the Souldiers, to whom too much licence was permit­ted, reveng'd themselves without mer­cy (by all manner of Excess, Rapine and Cruelty, Plundring, Burning, [Page 302] Massacring and Spoiling,) of all those mischiefs which the Germans, whose example they ought not to have follow'd had caus'd the Lorrainers to suffer.

This great Victory obtain'd against so powerfull an Army, without cost­ing almost any thing, was certainly most Glorious, but withall most fatal and unfortunate to France; through the extreme malice, and insupportable insolence of the Leaguers, who took advantage from thence, to raise their Idol to the Skyes; at the same time, infinitely debasing him who was God's Lieutenant, and his living Image in France, by the indelible character of Royalty. The whole City of Paris echo'd from side to side, with loud acclamations of the Duke of Guise: In private Families, in publique places, in the Palace, and in the Schools of the University, in the Churches, and Pulpits of the Preachers, they dis­cours'd of nothing but the defeat of the Reyters, and that too as of a Miracle, which they wholly and solely attribu­ted to him; comparing him to Moses, and Gideon, and David the destroyer [Page 303] of the Philistins, and in short, to eve­ry Heroe of the Scriptures. And in the mean time, far from commending as they ought in duty, what the King had perform'd with so much Conduct and Valour, in hindring the Germans from passing the Loire, they went on with dreadfull malice, to charge him with horrible calumnies, and that with so much the more insolence, as he had testified remisness and pusillanimity, when it was his duty to have inflicted severe punishments on those abomi­nable Villains, who three or four months before, had the impudence to publish and to justifie them with a high hand in Paris.

For Prevost the Curate of St. Seve­rin, one of the most Seditious and most impudent fellows of the Age, having dar'd to say in one of his Ser­mons, that the King (whom he accus'd after the example of the Sixteen, to have call'd in the Reyters on purpose to de [...]troy the Catholiques,) was a Ty­rant, and an enemy of God, and of his Church; Bussy, le Clerc, and Cruce plac'd themselves in Arms, about the passages of the Parish, to secure the [Page 304] Curate from being apprehended, and put in Custody. At the same time, the Curate of St. Bennet, Iohn Bou­cher, the most violent of all the Lea­guers, having caus'd the Alarm-Bell to be rung in his Church, all the rab­ble who came running in, from about the University, with Arms in their hands to their assistance, fell upon the Commissaries, the Serjeants and the Archers, whom the Lieutenant Civill, and the Lieutenant of the Grand Pro­vost had brought to seize them, and drove them back, well loaded with ill Language and with knocks, beyond the Bridges. And then as if they had atchiev'd some glorious Victory, in pitch'd Battel against the King himself, (who instead of Marching his Regi­ment of Guards, to have laid hold on the Mutineers at the beginning of the Tumult, was weak enough to restrain and conceal his just indignation, so far as even to flatter and cajoll them,) the Sixteen in sign of Triumph after so famous an exploit, ordain'd that this day which was the third of Sep­tember, shou'd henceforth be call'd the happy day of St. Severin.

[Page 305] Now as they were become more inso­lent through the impunity of so great a crime, and by the defeat of the Reyters, their Preachers animated with the Spirit of Rebellion, made it their business to inspire it more furiously than ever into the people, shamelesly affirming in their publique Sermons, that the King, who had invited the Reyters into France, being now grown desperate to see his design ruin'd, by the Victo­ries which the Duke of Guise had ob­tain'd over them, had hinder'd the great Defender of their Religion from cutting in pieces the remainder of those Heretiques, that the Duke of Espernon, their known Patron and Protectour, had snatch'd them out of his hands by order from his Master, and by a Treaty which he had made with them, to af­ford them the means of putting them­selves in a condition of returning once more into France. And the business went so far, that the Spirit of Revolt, (which those Guides of Consciences, those Confessours and Preachers ought to combat with all their force, as be­ing directly opposite to the Gospel, which teaches nothing but Obedience [Page 306] and Submission to lawfull Powers,) was not onely inspir'd into the people in private discourses, in confessions and in Sermons, but also in some man­ner authoris'd by the Sorbonne.

I believe not that I can be taxed with any want of respect to that vene­rable Body, because when occasion has been given me, which has happen'd more than once, in divers of my Works, I have not been wanting in those due commendations, which the truth it self, to which I am entirely devoted, has drawn from my Pen: But by the same obligation which indispensibly binds me to the truth, I must say that in so numerous a Company, of young and old Doctours mix'd together, 'tis impossible but that there shou'd be form'd in troublesome conjunctures, by the unhappiness of times, some Factions deriv'd from certain mutinous and extravagant persons who deviate from the principles and practices of the more prudent. And as we have beheld in our own days a party, which, in relation to a Book that was con­demn'd, was overcome by the greater number of Orthodox Doctours, who [Page 307] now prevalent; so, during the League, which had poison'd the minds of most in Paris, there was one which carri'd it by their Caball over the more sound and better Divines; who sigh'd at the deplorable blindness of their Brother­hood, as shall be seen in the sequel of this History.

On the Subject of those Calumnies, which the Preachers of the League and the Sixteen daily publish'd, as so many indisputable truths, that faction of corrupt Doctours being then assem­bled on the sixteenth of December, made a decree, in which it was de­clar'd lawfull for Subjects to take away the Government from a Prince, who acted not for the good of Religion and of the State; in the same manner as the administration of goods shou'd be taken from the Guardian of a Ward, who might reasonably be suspected to abuse his trust. This was doubtless no other than to decide, on a most im­portant Subject, a case of Conscience from the false and pernicious princi­ples of Morals, the most corrupt that ever were. Accordingly the King, who after having expell'd the Stran­gers [Page 308] out of France, made his en­try into Paris in Arms, was exrteme­ly surpris'd, at the furious insolence, and unbounded licence which was ta­ken to decry his conduct in their Ser­mons, and to stir up the people to Se­dition. But ins [...]ead of resenting it like a Severaign Prince, by punishing that attempt, and making a terrible example of its Authours, (who well deserv'd it for that detestable Doctrine, which tends to the subversion of all Monarchy,) he satisfi'd himself with acting like a Censor, or to speak more properly like a Ghostly Father, and a Guide of Consciences.

For all the punishment which he inflicted, for such an ungodly and de­testable an action, was to make to those factious people, and principally to Doctour Boucher, the most seditious man amongst them, in presence of the Deputies of Parliament, whom he sent for to the Louvre, a very pious and charitable remonstrance, in which he taught them to comprehend the great enormity of their crime, which merited eternal Damnation, for ha­ving vilified their King, with a thou­sand [Page 309] horrible impostures in the chair of truth, which they had chang'd into a pestilential Pulpit full of lies and calumnies; after which, when they were come down, they made no man­ner of scruple to goe immediately to the Altar, and to offer there to God the Sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist, before they had reconcil'd themselves to him, whom they had so unworthi­ly affronted. He added, that though he might justly treat them, as Pope Sixtus had lately some Religious of his Order, whom he had sent to the Gallies, for presuming to speak irre­verently of him in their Sermons, yet notwithstanding, he wou'd not at this time proceed in that manner against them; but in case they shou'd once more commit a crime of the like na­ture, he was resolv'd that his Parlia­ment shou'd doe justice so exemplary and severe upon them, that it might strike a terrour into all wicked and seditious persons who resembled them.

This was all the Vengeance, which this too good and gracious King took upon those people, who abusing his [Page 310] Clemency which they now despis'd, grew day by day more insolent against him. Which makes it demonstrable how extremely much it concerns a Prince, so to temper the vertues which he ought to have, that one of them may not destroy the other by its excess, and consequently be dan­gerous to himself. That his Justice and his Mercy may agree without the interfering of one in the others Pro­vince; that by endeavouring to be too rigorously just he become not odious, and by being too yielding he grow not contemptible to his Subjects. In the mean while it was impossible that these excessive praises which were given to the Servant, when at the same time they revil'd the Master with so much malice and indignity, shou'd not create great jealousies and dis­quiets in him; and that a just resent­ment shou'd not cause him to take up a resolution of revenging so many af­fronts as were given to the Royal Ma­jesty, and of putting the Leaguers and principally the Sixteen and their Head, out of a condition of disputing any longer with their Severeign for the [Page 311] Mastery. On the other side, the Duke of Guise was puff'd up more than ever with such a series of Success, and with those illustrious testimonies which Pope Sixtus, and Alexander Prince of Parma, had so solemnly render'd to his merit; the one by sending him the consecrated Sword, and the other his Arms, as to him, who amongst all Princes best deserv'd the glorious Title of a great Captain. And as he was too clear sighted not to discern the visible signs, which the King in spight of his dissimulation cou'd not hinder often from breaking out, and discove­ring the disdain and hatred which he had conceiv'd against him; He resolv'd to fortify his party in such manner, that he shou'd not onely have nothing to apprehend, but also that he might hope for all things from his good for­tune. And he did it with so much the more ardour and resolution, as he was then more than ever exasperated, and almost driven to despair, by a re­fusal which he had from the King, which was given him in a most diso­bliging manner, by preferring his Ri­val in Ambition before him; which [Page 312] he esteem'd the most sensible affront that he cou'd receive: and which af­terwards put things out of a possibility of accommodation. Thus it happen'd.

The Duke of Guise, after the signal Service which he had perform'd to the Kingdom, was of opinion, that if he demanded some part of the Em­ployments which had been possess'd by the late Duke of Ioyeuse, Admiral of France and Governour of Normandy, they cou'd not possibly be refus'd him. And in order to obtain his request more easily, he was content onely to ask the Admiralty, and that not for himself, nor any of the Princes of his Family, but for the Count of Brissac; whom the Nobility of his Birth, and his great desert, together with the services which France had receiv'd from the brave Timoleon de Cossé his Brother, Colonel of the French Infantry, and from his Father the great Marshal of Brissac, Viceroy of Piedmont, might raise without envy, and with uni­versal applause to that high command. After the Duke had been held in hand, and fed with fair promises and false hopes, he not onely fail'd of obtaining [Page 313] the place which he requested, but as if it had purposely been done to spight him, it was conferr'd, together with the Government of Normandy, on the Duke of Espernon his declar'd Ene­my, whose Character I shall next give you.

Iohn Louis de Nogaret, the youngest Brother of his House, who was call'd when he came first to Court, the young La Valette, understood so well to gain the favour of the King, par­ticularly after Quelus one of those un­happy Minions who kill'd each other in Duel, had recommended him to his Majesty at his death, that imme­diately he grew up into the first rank of Favourites, with the Duke of Ioy­euse, over whom at length he carried it, having had the cunning to insinu­ate into him the desire of Comman­ding an Army, and by that artifice to remove him from his Master's sight. There was no sort of Ho­nour, Wealth or Dignities which the King did not heap on this new Mi­nion: in favour of whom he erected Espernon into a Dutchy, to make him Duke and Peer as well as Anne de [Page 314] Ioyeuse, because he had taken upon him to make them equal in all cir­cumstances; having so great a tender­ness for both of them, (I might say weakness unworthy of a King,) that he answer'd those who represented to him his great profusions, and that he impoverish'd himself to inrich them, that when he had married and settled his two Children, for so he call'd them in his ordinary discourse, he was then resolv'd to turn good husband. Yet there was this difference betwixt them, that Ioyeuse by his courtesie, his ci­vility, his magnificence, and by the winning way of his behaviour, had attracted mens affections; but on the contrary, Espernon by reason of his rough, imperious and haughty na­ture, was hated not onely by the Peo­ple, and the Leaguers, who made a thousand invective Satyrs on him, but also by the great men of the Court, whom he treated with con­tempt and insolence, as if the favour of his Master which he abus'd, had given him the privilege to affront even those whose vertue and desert was ac­knowledg'd and respected by the King. [Page 315] For in this manner it was, that a­mongst others he us'd Francis d' Espi­nac Archbishop of Lyons, and Monsieur de Villeroy one of the most prudent and faithfull Ministers which our Kings have ever had; a way of pro­cedure not disadvantageous to the Duke of Guise, who laid hold on that occasi­on to gain the Archbishop entirely to his interests.

Above all the rest there was an in­vincible Antipathy betwixt the Duke of Guise and this proud Favourite; who whether it were to please his Master, or to put an obligation upon the King of Navarre, with whom he then held a private correspondence, or were it out of the contrariety of their humours, profess'd himself on all occasions his o­pen enemy, omitting no opportunity of rendring him suspected and odious to the King, and of working him up still more and more to a greater height of hatred and indignation against him. And in requital of those ill offices, the Duke of Guise was not wanting on his side to animate the People of Paris against Espernon; who one day, ran the ha­zard, (in passing over the Pont Nostre [Page 316] Dame, of being murther'd by the Ci­tizens, who running out of their Shops in multitudes, went about to incom­pass him, if he had not escap'd by speedy flight. 'Tis true, that the Nuncio Morosini foreseeing the fatal consequences of this their enmity, did all he was able by his prudent admo­nitions to extinguish it; but though he smother'd it for a little time, he cou'd not hinder it from blazing out immediately afterwards. Insomuch that it grew to a greater height than ever, when the King who either wou'd not, or durst not refuse any thing to this Favourite, united in his onely person, what before had been shar'd betwixt him and Ioyeuse; and con­ferr'd on him both the Government of Normandy, and the Admiralty, which the Duke of Guise had requested for Brissac.

The Ceremony was perform'd with great magnificence; and the Attorney General in a long Harangue which he made at the Admission of the Duke of Espernon, said pub [...]quely, that the King who had made so worthy a choice was a great Saint, and deserv'd to be [Page 317] Canoniz'd at least as well as Saint Lewis; that the New made Admiral, wou'd expiate for all the crimes of the late Admiral de Coligny, and make the Ca­tholique Religion once more to flourish in the Kingdom. An insipid Panegyrique, which is indeed no better than a base and fulsome flattery, if the Author does not intend to fpeak by contraries shou'd no more be suffer'd by great men, who are lovers of true glory, than an affront or a Libel; neither ought they to allow any commendations to be given them, but such as are solid and establish'd on such known truths, that their very enemies shall not be able to deny them.

That Speech which the King's At­torney made on this occasion, did his Master and the Admiral more mischief than all the furious Libels of the League. It drew upon them the contempt and railery of the people; which some­times make a man more uneasie than a Satyr, which is but the impotent anger of a Scribler. And it occasion'd that famous Epigramm, which con­cludes that Henry cannot be deni'd to be a great Saint, and a worker of Mi­racles, [Page 318] since of a little Valley he has in a moment made a mighty Moun­tain. The Verses run thus,

An Allusion was made to his Sir­name of La Valette, by a kind of clenching Witticism, much in fashion in those times, but which is now ex­ploded. And an offer was likewise made at vilifying his birth, not unlike what Busbequius, the Emperour Ro­dolphus his Ambassadour to that King, has written in one of his Letters, per­haps with some little malignity, and following the foolish reports of the rabble, who commonly love to speak disgracefully of Favourites; what we may receive for undoubted truth, is this, that this prodigious raising of the Duke of Espernon, a declar'd Ene­my to the Duke of Guise, was the rea­son that he, being furiously incens'd [Page 319] at the refusal which he had, and at the greatning of a man who sought his ruine, believ'd himself now authoriz'd to give the reins to his resentment, and push his fortune as far as it wou'd go. And from thence ensued all those dismal and tragical events, the very remembrance of which strikes an hor­rour into my Soul; and which never­theless in performance of my duty, I shall faithfully represent in the follow­ing Book.

IF I intended to follow the Example of Livy, Ann. 1588. the Prince of Latine Hi­storians, who never suffers a Pro­digy to escape him, and describes it perhaps with as much superstition as exactness; I shou'd here make long narrations how the Sun was obscur'd on the sudden, without the interpo­sition of any Cloud appearing in the Sky, with a flaming Sword shooting out from the Centre of the Body; pal­pable [Page 322] darkness like that of the Egypti­ans at noon-day; extraordinary Tem­pests, Earthquakes, fiery Phantasms in the Air, and an hundred other Prodi­gies, which are said to have been pro­duc'd and seen in this unhappy year of one thousand five hundred eighty eight, and which were fansi'd to be so many ominous presages of those hor­rible disorders that ensued in it.

But because I am not of the opinion that much credit ought to be given to those sorts of Signs, which are com­monly the effects of natural causes, though very often unknown to us; nor to the predictions of Astrologers, some of which verily believ'd they had found in the Stars, that this year shou'd be the conclusion of the World: I will onely say that the most sure presage of so many misfortunes then impen­ding, was the minds of men too much exasperated on both sides, to live in peace with each other; and not rather to be searching out for means of ma­king sure of those whom they suspected, and disposing of them according to their jealousies.

In order to this the Duke of Guise, [Page 323] after he had made an end of ruining the County of Montbelliard, took his way to Nancy, whither he had invited all the Princes of his house, to assem­ble in the Month of Ianuary, there to take their resolutions, in reference to the present condition of affairs; and of that happy success which they had in the War against the Reyters. Some of them there were, as it is reported, so swoln with that Victory, and so blinded with their prosperity, that they propos'd in this Conference, the most dangerous and most violent ex­pedients; to which the Duke of Lor­rain a moderate and wary Prince wou'd by no means listen. Howsoever it were, (for I find nothing to confirm these relations, not even in the Me­moires of their greatest Enemies, who have written most exactly of that As­sembly,) 'tis most undoubted, that if they proceeded not so far as to those terrible extremities, yet what was then concluded, pass'd in the World for a most unjust and unlawfull un­dertaking, and was condemn'd by all those who were not blindly devoted to the League.

[Page 324] It was, that a Request shou'd be pre­sented to the King, containing Arti­cles, which under the ordinary pre­tence of their desire to preserve in France the Catholique Religion, ten­ded manifestly to despoil him of his Authority and Power, and to invest the Heads of the League in both. For those scandalous Articles bore this sub­stance in them, that for the service of God, and the maintenance and secu­rity of Religion, the King shou'd not onely be most humbly Petition'd, but also summon'd to establish the Ho­ly Inquisition in his Realm; to cause the Council of Trent to be there Pub­lish'd, suspending nevertheless that Ar­ticle which revokes the exemption pretended by some Chapters and Ab­beys against the Bishops: to continue the War against the Huguenots, and to cause the goods both of them and of their Associates to be sold, with which to defray the charges of that War; and to pay the Debts in which the Heads of the League had been con­strain'd to involve themselves for the prosecution of it: To refuse quarter to all Prisoners who shou'd be taken in [Page 325] that War, unless upon condition of paying the full value of their goods, and giving caution, of living afterwards like good Catholiques.

Behold here a most specious appea­rance of Zeal for Religion; but in the next place observe the Venom which lies hidden under all these fair preten­ces. That the King shall unite him­self more cordially and more openly than before to this Holy League: thereby to keep exactly all its Laws, to which men are oblig'd by this the most solemn and most inviolable of all Oaths. That besides the Forces which he shall be oblig'd to set on foot to wage that War against the Hu­guenots he shall maintain an Army on the Frontiers of Lorrain to oppose the German Protestants, if they shou'd de­termine once again to enter France. That besides those places which the Leaguers already held for their se­curity, there shou'd be deliver'd to them other Towns of more impor­tance which shou'd be specifi'd to him, where they might establish for Gover­nours those of their Heads which they shall name, with power of introdu­cing [Page 326] such Garisons and making such Fortifications, as they shall think fit, at the charges of the Provinces in which they are situate. And in con­clusion, to secure them that they shall be no more hindred, as till this pre­sent they have always been, in the executing of those things which have been promis'd them for the safety of Religion, his Majesty shall displace from his Council, and from the Court, and shall deprive of their Govern­ments and Offices, those who shall be nam'd to him, as Patrons of Here­tiques, and Enemies to Religion and the State.

These were those extravagant de­mands which began to open the eyes of many good Catholiques, who had suffer'd themselves to be innocently seduc'd by the appearances of true zeal, which being little illuminated, was not according to knowledge, as the Apostle speaks. For they now more clearly saw into some of those Articles; that the League to engage the Pope and the King of Spain in their Interests, wou'd be content to aban­don those Privileges and Liberties, [Page 327] which our Ancestours have always maintain'd with so much vigour and resolution: and to subject to the yoke of a Spanish Inquisition, the French, who have never been able to undergo it. And in others of them, that they design'd to bereave the King of all the solid and essential parts of Royalty, to leave him onely the shadow and ap­pearance of it, and afterwards to dispose even of his Person, as the Heads of their party shou'd think fit.

And accordingly when the Request was presented to the King on the part of the Associated Princes, and the Car­dinal of Bourbon, whose simplicity and whose name they abus'd, and made it a cloke to their Ambition, he con­ceiv'd an extreme indignation against it, which immediately appear'd in his eyes and countenance. Yet he thought it necessary at that time to dissemble, not finding himself then in a condi­tion of returning such an answer to it, as was becoming a King justly pro­vok'd against his Subjects, who stood on terms with him like Lords and Ma­sters. For which reason, and with­all [Page 328] to gain farther time, he contented himself, to say, that he wou'd exa­mine those Articles in his Council, in order to his Answer: which shou'd be in such sort, that all good Catho­liques shou'd have reason to be satis­fi'd.

But in the mean time, the Duke of Guise, who took not fair words for payment, well understanding the King's design, and resolving not to give the Duke of Espernon the leisure to con­jure down that Tempest which was rais'd against him, and to infuse into his Master those vigorous resolutions which were necessary for him to take, press'd the King continually to give a precise Answer to every particular in those Articles: For he doubted not that in case it prov'd favourable, he shou'd ingross all power in himself, and if it were otherwise, that it wou'd be thought the King resolv'd to maintain the Huguenots, and that by consequence the Catholiques wou'd enter into a War against him.

On which considerations, being then retir'd into his Government of Champaigne, to which place he went [Page 329] after the Conference at Nancy, he pli'd the King incessantly with Messages sent by Gentlemen one after another, to urge him to a speedy and punctual Answer: And this he did with the more eagerness and importunity, be­cause on the one side he found him­self more powerfull than ever, ha­ving a great part of the Gentry, and almost all the People, and especially the Parisians for him. And on the other side he observ'd the party of the Huguenots to be very low and infinite­ly weaken'd, by the defeat of their great German Succours, and by their late loss of the Prince of Condé, a per­son of all others the most strictly tied to their Religion, and on whom they more relied than any man, not excep­ting the King of Navarre himself.

He deceas'd on the fifth of March at St. Iean de Angely, of an exceeding violent distemper, with which he was suddenly seiz'd one evening after Sup­per, and which carri'd him off in two days time. The Sixteen with infa­mous baseness, made a great rejoycing for it, and their Preachers fail'd not to roar out in their Sermons, that it was [Page 330] the effect of the Excommunication, with which he had been Thunder­struck by Pope Sixtus. But besides that the King of Navarre who had been struck in the same manner by the Bull, had his health never the worse for it, the King, to whom that poor creature the Cardinal of Bourbon had been telling the same story, and ma­king wonderfull exclamations in rela­ting it, answer'd him with a smile, That it might very well be the occasion of his death, but withall there was something else which help'd him on his journey. And truly the matter was put beyond all doubt, af­ter the attestation of four Physicians, and of two Master Chirurgeons, who depos'd upon their Oaths, that they had manifestly seen in almost all the parts of his Body, all the most evident signs and effects of a Caustique Poi­son, burning and ulcerating. A most execrable action, which cou'd not be too rigorously punish'd; and yet the Laws inflicted what was possible on the person of one of his domestick servants, who was drawn in pieces by four Horses in the place of St. Iean de Angely.

[Page 331] As to the rest, he was a Prince, who excepting onely his obstinate ad­hering to a Religion, in which he was born, and who [...]e falshood he might have known in time, if he had not been too much prepossess'd, had at the Age of five and thirty years, at which he died, all the perfections which can meet together in one man, to render him one of the greatest and most accomplish'd persons in the World: if at least there might not possibly be discern'd in his carriage and customes some of those little failings, from which the most wise are not exemp­ted, and which may easily be pardon'd, without lessening the esteem which we have for them. And if Fortune which is not always propitious to merit, was not favourable to him on some occa­sions, wherein he had need of her assistance, yet in this she was his friend, that she gave him the greater oppor­tunity of shewing his invincible cou­rage in his adversities, in which he rais'd himself infinitely above her, by the vigour and greatness of his Soul.

[Page 332] Accordingly the death of this great Prince was lamented, not onely by those of his own party who lov'd him passionately, but also by the Catho­liques, and even by the Duke of Guise himself; who, Head as he was of an infamous and wicked Faction, which he made sub [...]ervient to his ends, had of his own stock, and the excellency of his nature, which was infinitely no­ble, all the generosity which is requi­site to love and respect vertue, even in the person of his greatest and most formidable Enemy.

All which notwithstanding, he was content to make what advantage he cou'd of so lamentable an accident, towards the compassing of his designs: And as he observ'd, not onely by this but by a multitude of concomitant ac­cidents and misfortunes, that the Hu­guenot party decreas'd in strength and reputation, and his own grew more bold and undertaking, he set himself more vigorously to push his fortune, and to demand an entire satisfaction to all the Articles of his request; which had so puff'd up the spirits of the Six­teen, that they [...]orgot all manner of [Page 333] moderation, and grew daily more and more insupportable. It happen'd also at the same time, that the King re­ceiv'd several advertisements of the resolution which had been taken in their Council to seize his Person, and to inclose him in a Monastery. And the same Lieutenant of the Provost­ship of the Isle of Paris, Nicholas Pou­lain, who had formerly discover'd the like Conspiracy, to which belief was not given, told him so many parti­cular circumstances in relation to this, that though he was very diffident of that double dealing man, whose inte­grity he much suspected, yet his evi­dence concurring with the extreme insolence of the Sixteen, which ren­der'd his report more credible, cou'd not but leave a strong impression on his Soul. Insomuch that at last follow­ing the counsel of those who had so long advis'd him, to employ his po­wer and justice against those Muti­neers, he took up a resolution once for all to take that thorn out of his side, to reduce Paris into that state of sub­mission and obedience which belongs to Subjects; and to extinguish the Fac­tion [Page 334] of Sixteen, by the exemplary chastisement of the most seditious a­mongst them.

The preparations which of necessi­ty he was to make to secure the suc­cess of this undertaking, the three thousand Swissers whom he caus'd to be quarter'd at Lagny, the Compa­nies of Guards which were reinforc'd, the Troups which were sent him from the Duke of Espernon, who was gone into his Government of Normandy, and all the passages of the River both above Paris and below it being possess'd by him, were so many Alarms to those Mutineers who believing themselves already lost, implor'd the assistance of the Duke of Guise. That Prince who had advanc'd from Rheims as far as Soissons, in favour of the Duke of Au­male his Cousin, who met with trou­ble and resistance in his Government of Picardy, satisfi'd himself at first with sending them some of his most expe­rienc'd Captains, to regulate and ma­nage their Militia in case of need. But some few days after, finding him­self still press'd more eagerly by the solicitations of those people, who were [Page 335] now driven to despair, and believing that this foundation of the League on which he had built his hopes being once shaken he himself must perish un­der its ruines, for that being destroy'd the next design was certainly to fall on him, who was the Head and Pro­tectour of it; he gave immediate no­tice to his Friends and Creatures, to get into Paris, one after another, at several Gates, and order'd some to as­sure the Sixteen in his name, that he wou'd suddenly be there in person to live and die with them.

The King, who was advertis'd of this resolution, and who was under great apprehensions of his coming, lest his presence might hinder the exe­cution of his Enterprise, and arm with a word speaking that great City which was entirely at his devotion, sent the President de Bellievre, a man of great Authority and known Prudence, to tell the Duke from him, that in the present juncture of affairs, and just ap­prehension which he had, that his coming wou'd produce great troubles in Paris, he thought good he shou'd not come till he receiv'd new orders [Page 336] from him, for otherwise he wou'd ren­der himself guilty of all those disorders which might thence ensue.

To this the Duke, who was never to be beaten off from any resolution which he had once taken, answer'd calmly, but in doubtfull terms, that he was ready to obey the King, that he had never intended to go to Paris, but in the condition of a Private man, and without a Train: that he desir'd to justifie himself from those aspersions with which he knew his Enemies had basely charg'd him in his absence, that he had reason to believe there was a design on foot to oppress the good Catholiques, whose Protectour he had declar'd himself; and that he humbly besought his Majesty to give him some security against so just an apprehensi­on: Bellievre, who well knew that the King wou'd stick at no manner of verbal satisfaction, in case that wou'd prove sufficient to break his Journey, promis'd he shou'd have all the secu­rity he cou'd possibly desire. In effect the King was fully resolv'd to have given him all manner of assurances: But as ill luck wou'd have it, this was [Page 337] not done at the same time it was deter­min'd. Insomuch that without more delay, he got on Horseback, and crossing the Countrey out of the com­mon Roads, that he might avoid the Messengers which he knew wou'd be sent with new orders to him, en­ter'd Paris on Monday the Ninth of May, with eight more in his company, just about Noon by the Gate of St. Denis.

It may be said in one sort of mean­ing, that this day was the most un­fortunate, and yet the most glorious of all his life. For whether it were that the people, who were made to believe by the Sixteen, that the City was to be Sack'd, were advertis'd by them of his arrival, or that the re­port was spread at an instant, when he was first seen to approach the Faux­bourg, 'tis most certain that he had no sooner pass'd it, but the whole Town running together from all parts of it, crowded up the Street, and all the rest through which he pass'd; the Windows were fill'd, and even the Tiles of Houses; the Air echo'd with a thousand sorts of acclamations, [Page 338] and the loud cries of Vive Guise were repeated with far higher peals than had been formerly of Vive le Roy; for those loyal shouts were grown out of date, and, the League in a manner had abolish'd them.

There was a kind of madness in this Transport, or rather in this furious torrent of their joy; which was so ex­travagant, that it pass'd even to Ido­latry. They hal'd and tore each other to get nearest to this Prince: Those who were born off by the throng to a farther distance, stretch'd out their Arms to him, with their hands clasp'd over their heads; they thought them­selves happy, who cou'd croud so near as to touch any part of his Cloak or Boots. Some there were amongst them who kneel'd to him, when he was passing by, and others who when they cou'd not reach him with their hands, endeavour'd to touch him with their Chapelets, which they kiss'd when they had receiv'd that honour, as the custome is in adoration at the Shrines of Saints. A thousand praises were given him, and a thou­sand blessings. He was call'd aloud [Page 339] the Pillar of the Church, the Prop of Faith, the Protectour of the Catho­liques, the Saviour of Paris; and from all the Windows there fell upon him a shower of Flowers and of Greens, with redoubl'd acclamations of Vive Guise.

To conclude, no imaginable de­monstrations and testimonies of love, honour and veneration, but were shown to the height at this tumultu­ous entry, by that sudden overflow of joy; and that wonderfull dilatation of hearts and affections, which was to him a sort of triumph, more plea­sing than any of the Caesar's. Accor­dingly he enjoy'd the full gust of it, with all the satisfaction of extreme pleasure; passing on Horseback very leisurely through that infinite press of people, bare headed, beholding them with a smiling countenance, and with that courteous and ingaging air, which was so natural to him, saluting on the right and on the left, bowing to those below in the Streets, and to those above in the Windows, not neglecting the very meanest, holding out his hand to the nearest, and casting his [Page 340] obliging glances on the more remote, he pass'd in this manner to the Queen-Mother's Palace, near St. Eustache, where he alighted, and from thence to the Louvre, following her on foot, who had taken her Chair to conduct him to the King, and was witness to those incredible transports of publique joy, and acclamations of that innu­merable herd of people, which beat her ears incessantly with the name of Guise, bellow'd from more than an hundred thousand mouths.

In the mean time, the King, who had heard with infinite rage of this sudden arrival of the Duke, was shut up in his Closet, where he was in consultation on that Prince's life or death; who had been so blindly rash, as to precipitate himself, in his single [...]erson, into inevitable danger, from whence onely his good fortune, (of which he was not Master,) cou'd de­liver him. Some there were, and amongst others the Abbot d' Elbene, and Colonel Alphonso d' Ornano, with the most resolute of those Gascons, whom the Duke of Espernon had plac'd a­mongst the five and forty, to be al­ways [Page 341] near the King's person, who coun­sell'd that irresolute and wavering Prince to dispatch him on the spot, having so fair a pretence, and the means so ready in his hand, to punish a rebellious Subject; who in opposi­tion to his express orders, had audaci­ously presum'd to come to Paris, as it were on purpose to let him know, that he was absolute Master of it. The rest more moderate, and amongst them the Chancellour de Chiverny, and the Sieurs de Bellievre, de la Guiche, and de Villequier Governour of Paris, di­swaded him from that attempt, lay­ing before him, besides the dange­rous consequences which this terrible action might produce in such a junc­ture, that it always concern'd him, both for his reputation, and for the maintenance of the most inviolable Laws of natural equity, before he pass'd to extremities, to hear a man who came to put himself so freely into the hands of his King, and to be an­swerable for all that was all [...]dg'd against him.

While these things were in debating, and the king in suspence betwixt his [Page 342] anger and his fear uncertain which way to resolve, the Duke, (who had pass'd through the French Guards com­manded by Grillon who lov'd him not, and through the Swissers, which stood ranck'd on both sides of the great Stair-case; and afterwards had tra­vers'd the Hall and the Antichamber fill'd with people who made no very ceremonious returns to his salutations and civilities) enter'd into the Pre­sence Chamber, disguising a sudden fright which seiz'd him, intrepid as he was, with the best face he cou'd set upon the matter, which yet he cou'd not act so well, but that it was easie to discern through that af­fectation of bravery, that he cou'd have been well contented to have been in some other place, and not to have ingag'd himself so far, especially when a certain Princess whisper'd him in the ear to have a care of himself, and that his life and death were under consideration in the Closet. Yet im­mediately after, as his courage was usually rais'd at the sight of the greatest dangers, he resum'd his wonted bold­ness, and was not able to hinder him­self, [Page 343] perhaps by a sudden motion pure­ly natural, and arising from the mag­nanimity of his heart, from laying his hand on the pommel of his Sword, without his own perceiving it, and from stepping hastily two or three paces forward, with a haughty walk, as if he were putting himself into a posture of selling his life as dear as he was able to his Enemies. But the King at that instant coming out of the Closet with Bellievre, he chang'd po­sture suddenly, made a low reverence, and threw himself almost at his feet, protesting to him, that not believing his presence ought to be displeasing to him, he was come to bring him his head, and fully to justifie his carriage against the calumnies of his Enemies; and withall to assure his Majesty, that he had not a more faithfull Servant than himself. But the King deman­ding in a grave and serious tone of voice, Who had bid him come, and if he had not receiv'd an express pro­hibition from him? the business was then brought to a scanning, and some little contest there was betwixt him and Bellievre, the last maintaining [Page 344] that he had deliver'd him the King's commands, and the former instead of answer, asking him if he had not en­gag'd himself to return with all possi­ble speed to Soissons, which he had not done, and protesting that he had never receiv'd those Letters, which Bellievre justifi'd he had written to him.

Then the Queen, who though she seem'd to be in much affliction for the Duke's arrival, yet held a private cor­respondence with him, broke off the discourse, and taking aside the King her Son, she manag'd his mind so dex­trously, that whether she made him apprehend a general revolt of Paris, which she had seen so openly to own the Duke of Guise, or whether he himself were mollifi'd by the submis­sive, humble way of speaking which that Prince had us'd, he contented himself for that time to tell him, that his innocence which he was so desirous to prove, wou'd be more manifest if his presence shou'd cau [...]e no stirs in Paris; and thereupon he sate down to Table, remitting till the Afternoon what he had farther to say to him, and appointing the Queen's Garden for [Page 345] the place. Then the Duke bowing ve­ry low retir'd, without being accompa­nied by any of the King's Servants, but as well attended by all the Town, to the Hostel de Guise, as he had been from the Gate of St. Denis to the Lou­vre.

When he had made reflexion on the danger, into which he had so rashly thrown himself, and which now ap­pear'd more formidable, by consider­ing it with cooler thoughts, than he cou'd possibly in that agitation of spi­rits, and that anxiety wherein he was in spight of all his courage, when he found himself so far engag'd; he re­solv'd he wou'd never hazard his life in that sort again, and took such order concerning it, that from the next day, and so onward, he had in his Palace four hundred Gentlemen who assem­bling there from all parts of Paris, ac­cording to his orders, never after­wards abandon'd him. Neither wou'd he adventure to go that afternoon to the Queen's Garden, but well accom­panied by the bravest of his Officers, amongst whom Captain St. Paul, se [...] ­ing that after his Master was enter'd, [Page 346] he who kept the door was going to shut it on him, thrust him back roughly, and enter'd by force, fol­low'd by his Companions, protesting and swearing that if the game was there to be play'd he was resolv'd to have his stake in it.

So that if the King had design'd to have him murther'd in that Garden, which I believe not, though some have written it, 'tis easie to see that the presence of those brave men, who were fully resolv'd to defend their Master, that of the Queen who made the third in this enterview, the daring countenance of the Duke, who from time to time was casting his eyes towards his Sword, and to sum up all, that infi­nite multitude of Parisians which in­compass'd the Queen's Palace, and many of which were got upon the walls, had hinder'd the execution of such a pur­pose.

For that which pass'd betwixt them at this Conference, since I find no­thing of it in the most exact Memoirs of those times, I shall not offer to re­late it, as Davila has done by a certain Poetical licence which he and some [Page 347] other Historians have us'd, to make men think and speak without their leave, whatever they please to put in­to their thoughts and mouths. What I can deliver for undoubted truth is this, that there was nothing conclu­ded at this Enterview; and that the King who had resolv'd before hand, to chastise the most Seditious of the Sixteen, and to make himself Master of Paris, after a long consultation ta­ken by Night, with those in whom he most confided, continu'd firm to the same resolution, and set up his rest to stand by it, in spight of the ar­rival of the Duke.

With this determination, he sent the next morning for the Prevost of the Merchants, and the Sheriffs, and Commanded them in company of the Lords, de Villequier and Francis d' O. to make an exact search for all those Strangers who were come to Paris some few days since, without any ur­gent occasion to call them thither, and to cause them forthwith to depart the Town, without respect of persons. This was a manifest endeavour to weaken the Duke of Guise; to reduce [Page 348] him to those seven or eight Gentle­men, who attended him into Paris, and consequently to give him occasion of believing that after they had rid themselves of the others, they wou'd attacque him.

Perhaps the design was so laid, as some have conjectur'd with probabili­ty enough: but if this were really their intention, there are others, who believe that according to the advice which was given by the Abbot of El­bene, they had done more wisely to have begun with the Duke of Guise, when they had him single and at their mercy coopt up in the Louvre: and they ground this opinion on the meaning of that Abbot's words, who quoted the Scripture to this purpose, ‘It is written I will strike the Shep­herd, and the Flock shall be scatter'd.’ However it was intended, the Paris [...] ­ans immediately took the Alarm, per­ceiving clearly that those Strangers who were to be sent out of the City, were no others but those very men whom the Duke of Guise had convey'd into the Town for their defence and for his own. Insomuch that when they [Page 349] went about to execute that Order, and to search their Houses, every one oppos'd them; and the Citizens set themselves with so much obstinacy to conceal their Lodgers, that the Depu­ties and Commissaries fearing a general Insurrection through all the Quarters, durst proceed no farther. And in the mean time, the Duke of Guise, who was the Soul that actuated this great Body, forbore not going to the Louvre, but well accompani'd; and the very Evening before the Barricades he pre­sented the Napkin to the King.

But, as after the flashes of the Light­ning, and the ratling of the Thunder, comes a furious Tempest and lays waste the Field; so after those mutual fears and jealousies, those Nightly meetings, those Murmurs and Menaces, and those preparations which were made on both sides with so much tumult, either for assaulting or for defence, they came to the fatal day of the Barricado's, which was follow'd by that horrible deluge of misfortunes, with which all France was overflow'd.

For at last, the King more incens'd than ever, by the resistance which [Page 350] was made to his Orders, and fully re­solv'd to make himself be obey'd one way or other, caus'd the French Guards to enter Paris, with some other Com­panies and the Swissers, which in all, made up six thousand men: this was done on Thursday the twelfth of May, just at day break; he being present himself to receive them on Horseback, at the Gate of Saint Honorè. And af­ter having given out his Orders to their Officers, to Post them according to his direction, he enjoyn'd them a­bove all things, to be no ways injuri­ous to the Citizens, but onely to re­press the insolence of such, who shou'd go about to hinder the search for Stran­gers: After which himself retiring to the Louvre, the Marshals d' Aumont and Biron, who were at the Head of the Troups, went to Post them with beat of Drum, in the Church yard of St. Innocent, and the adjoyning places, on the Pont Nostre Dame, on that of St. Michael, on the Pont au Change, at the Town-House, at the Greve, and at the Avenues of the Place Mau­hert.

[Page 351] It appear'd immediately by what follow'd, that this was in effect to give the signal of a mutiny, and general revolt to all Paris. For a Rumour being spread, that the King had de­termin'd to put to Death a great num­ber of the principal of the League, and a List being also forg'd of their Names who were to be Executed, and shown openly to the people, the Citi­zens, according to the order of their Captains and Overseers of their Wards, were in a readiness to put themselves into a posture of defence, at the least motion that was made. For which reason, so soon as they heard the Drums and Fifes, and that they be­held the Swissers and the Guards ad­vancing through the Street of Saint Honoré, they doubted not but the re­port which was nois'd about by the Sixteen was true, and farther believ'd (as they had been also assur'd) that the Town wou'd be sack'd, and expos'd to Pillage. The Alarm therefore was given round the City: They began by shutting up their Shops, and the Church doors on that side of the Town: They rang the Tocsin (or [Page 352] alarm Bell) first in one Parish and then in another: and immediately af­terwards through all Paris, as if the whole City had been on fire.

Then the Citizens came out in Arms, under the Overseers of their Wards, and their Captains, and other Officers of the Duke of Guise, who had mingl'd themselves amongst them, to encourage and to marshal them. The Count of Brissac, who had plac'd himself at the Quarter of the Univer­sity towards the place Maubert, (where Crucè, one of the most hot-headed of the Sixteen, caus'd the alarm to be Sounded,) being himself incompass'd with a multitude of Students, a rab­ble of Porters, Watermen, and Han­dicrafts men all Arm'd, who waited onely for the signal to assault the Swis­sers, was the first who gave Orders to Chain the Streets, to unpave them, and erect the Barricades, with great logs of Timber, and Barrels fill'd with Earth and Dung, at the Avenues of the Palace: And this word of Barri­cades passing in a moment from mouth to mouth, from the University into the [...]ty, and from the City into the [Page 353] Town, the same was done everywhere, and that with such exceeding haste, that before Noon, these Barri­cades which were continu'd from Street to Street, at the distance of thirty paces from each other, well Flanck'd and Man'd with Musquetiers, were advanc'd within fifty paces of the Louvre: Insomuch that the King's Souldiers found themselves so encom­pass'd on every side, that they cou'd neither March forward nor retreat, nor make the least motion, without exposing themselves unprofitably to the inevitable danger of the Musquet shot, (which the Citizens cou'd fire upon them without missing, from be­hind their Barricades,) or of being bea­ten down with a tempest of Stones, which came powring upon their Heads from every Window.

The Marshals d' Aumont and Bi­ron, and Villequier the Governour of Paris, gain'd little by crying out to the Citizens, that they intended them no harm, for they were too much en­rag'd to give them the hearing; and were possess'd with a belief of what Brissac, Bois Dauphin, and the other [Page 354] Creatures of the Duke of Guise had told them; who roar'd out, on pur­pose to envenom them against the Royalists, that those Troups which were entred into Paris, were sent for to no other end, than to make a gene­ral Massacre of all good Catholiques, who were members of the Holy Uni­on, and to give up to the Souldiers, their Houses, their Money, and their Wives. Upon this the Musquet shot, and the Stones from above, were re­doubl'd on those miserable men, and more especially upon the Swissers, to whom the Citizens were most inexo­rable.

More than threescore were either slain, or dangerously hurt, as well in St. Innocents Church yard, as below on the Place Maubert, without giving Quarter, till Brissac (who with his Sword in his hand was continually pushing forward the Barricades) arri­ving there, and beholding those poor Strangers who cry'd out for mercy, with clasp'd Hands, and both Knees on the ground, and sometimes making the sign of the Cross, in testimony of their being Catholiques,) stop'd the [Page 355] fury of the Citizens, and commanding them to cry out vive Guise, which they did as loud as they cou'd for safe­guard of their Lives, he satisfi'd him­self with leading them disarm'd and Prisoners into the Boucherie of the New Market, by the Bridge of St. Michael, which he had already master'd.

It cannot be deni'd but that this Count was he, amongst all the Lea­guers who acted with the most ardour against the Royalists on that fatal day. As being infinitely exasperated, be­cause the King had refus'd him the Admiralty, and refus'd it in a manner so disobliging, as to say openly he was a man that was good for nothing either by Sea or Land, accusing him at the same time, that he had not done his Duty in the Battel of the Azores, where the Navy of Philippo Strozzi was defeated by the Marquis of Santa-Cruz, he burn'd inwardly with desire of Revenge. And when he saw the Souldiers inclos'd on all sides, by the Barricades, which were of his raising, and the Swissers at his mercy, 'tis re­ported that he cry'd out, as insulting [Page 356] on the King, with a bitter Scoff, and magnifying himself at the same time; ‘At least the King shall understand to day, that I have found my Element, and though I am good for nothing either at Sea or Land, yet I am some Body in the Streets.’

In this manner it was, that the peo­ple making use of their advantage, still push'd their fortune more and more, and seem'd to be just upon the point of investing the Louvre; while the Duke of Guise by whose secret or­ders, all things were regularly ma­nag'd amidst that horrible con [...]usion, was walking almost unaccompanied, in his own House, and coldly answe­ring the Queen, and those who came one on the neck of another with Mes­sages to him from the King, intreating him to appease the tumult, that he was not Master of those wild Beasts, which had escap'd the toyles; and that they were in the wrong to pro­voke them as they had done.

But at last, when he perceiv'd that all things were absolutely at his com­mand, he went himself from Barricade to Barricade, with onely a riding [Page 357] switch in his hand, forbidding the people who paid a blind obedience to him, from proceeding any farther; and desiring them to keep themselves onely on the defensive. He spoke also very civilly to the French Guards, who at that time were wholly in his power, to be dispos'd of as he thought good, for Life or Death. Onely he complain'd to their Officers, of the violent counsells which his Enemies had given the King to oppress his In­nocence, and that of so many good Catholiques, who had united them­selves on no other consideration than the defence and support of the ancient Religion. After which, he gave Or­ders to Captain St. Paul, to reconduct those Souldiers to the Louvre; but their Arms were first laid down, and their Heads bare, in the posture of vanquish'd men; that he might give that satisfaction to the Parisians, who beheld the spectacle with Joy, as the most pleasing effect of their present Victory. He also caus'd the Swissers to be return'd in the same manner by Brissac, and gave the King to under­stand, that provided the Catholique [Page 358] Religion were secur'd and maintain'd in France, in the condition it ought to be, and that himself and his Friends were put in safety from the attempts of their Enemies, they wou'd pay him all manner of Duty and Service, which is owing from good Subjects, to their Lord and Sovereign.

This in my opinion makes it evi­dent, that the Duke had never any intention to seize the person of the King, and to inclose him in a Mo­nastery, as that Nicholas Poulain who gave in so many false informations, and many Writers as well of the one Religion as of the other, have endea­vour'd to make the World believe. For if that had been his purpose, what cou'd have hinder'd him from causing the Louvre to be invested? as he might easily have done the same day, by car­rying on the Barricades close to it, while the tumult was at the height; and for what reason did he return the French Guards and Swissers to the King, if his intention had been to have attacqu'd him in the Louvre? This was not his business, nor his pre­sent aim, but to defend and protect [Page 359] his Leaguers with a high hand, and to avail himself of so favourable an op­portunity, to obtain the thing which he demanded; and which doub [...]less had put him into condition of moun­ting the throne after the King's decease, and becoming absolute Master of all affairs even during his Life.

In effect, the Queen having under­taken to make the reconcilement, as believing that thereby she might reen­ter into the management of business, from which the Favourites had re­mov'd her, and having ask'd him what were his pretensions, he propos'd such extravagant terms, and with so much haughtiness and resolv'dness, speaking like a Conquerour, who took upon him to dispose at his pleasure of the Vanquish'd, that as dextrous as she was, in the art of managing Mens minds, from the very beginning of the conference she despair'd of her suc­cess. ‘For inhancing upon the Ar­ticles of Nancy, he demanded that for the Security of the Catholique Religion in this Realm, the King of Na­varre, and all the Princes of the House of Bourbon, who had follow'd him [Page 360] in these last Wars, shou'd be declar'd to have forfeited for ever their right of succeeding to the Crown: That the Duke of Esperno [...], La Va­leite his Brother, Francis d' O. the Marshals of Retz and of Biron, Colonel Alphonso d' Ornano, and all others who like them were favourers of the Huguenots, or were found to have held any correspondence with them, shou'd be depriv'd of their Governments and Offices, and ba­nish'd from the Court, without hope of ever being restor'd again. That the spoils of all these shou'd be given to the Princes of his House, and to those Lords who had ingag'd with him, of whom he made a long List: That the King shou'd casheer his Guard of five and forty, as a thing unknown in the times of his Prede­cessours, protesting that otherwise he cou'd place no manner of confidence in him, nor ever dare to approach his person. That it wou'd please his Majesty to declare him his Lieu­tenant General through all his E­states, with the same Authority which the late Duke of Guise his Fa­ther [Page 361] had, under the Reign of Fran­cis the Second: by virtue of which he hop'd to give him so good an ac­count of the Huguenots, that in a lit­tle time there shou'd remain no o­ther but the Catholique Religion in all his Kingdom. To conclude, that there shou'd be call'd immediately an Assembly of the three Estates, to sit at Paris where all this shou'd be confirm'd, and to hinder for the fu­ture, that the Minions who wou'd dispose of all things at their pleasure, shou'd not abuse their favour, that there shou'd be establish'd an un­changeable form of Government, which it shou'd not be in the power of the King to alter.’

'Tis most evident that Demands so unreasonable, so arrogant, and so offen­sive, tended to put the Government, and the power of it into the Duke's hands, who being Master of the Armies, the Offices, and the Governments of the most principal Provinces, in his own person by his Relations, his Creatures, and the Estates, where he doubted not of carrying all before him, especially at Paris, wou'd be the absolute dispo­ser [Page 362] of Affairs. Insomuch that there wou'd be nothing wanting to him but the Crown it self, to which 'tis very probable, that at this time he preten­ded, in case he shou'd survive the King, to the exclusion of the Bourbons, whom he wou'd have declar'd inca­pable of succeeding to it.

For which reason, the Queen see­ing that he wou'd recede from no part of these Articles, and beginning to fear, that he wou'd go farther than she desir'd, counsell'd the King to get out of Paris with all speed, while it was yet in his power so to do. And though some of his chief Officers, as amongst others the Chancellour de Chiverny, and the Sieurs of Villeroy and Villequier, who were of opinion that more wou'd be gain'd by the Negotiation, and who foresaw that the Huguenots and the Duke of Esper­non, whom they had no great cause to love, wou'd make their advantage of this retreat so unworthy of a King, endeavour'd to dissuade him from it, yet a thousand false advertisements, which came every moment, that they were going to invest the Louvre, and [Page 363] his accustom'd fear, together with the diffidence he had of the Duke of Guise, whom he consider'd at that time as his greatest Enemy, caus'd him at the last to resolve on his departure.

Accordingly, about noon the next day, while the Queen Mother went to the Duke with propositions onely to amuse him, the King making shew to take a turn or two in the Tuilleries, put on Boots in the Stables, and get­ting on Horse-back, attended by fif­teen or sixteen Gentlemen, and by ten or twelve Lacqueys, having caused notice to be given to his Guards to follow him, went out by the Port Neuve, riding always on full gallop, for fear of being pursu'd by the Parisians, till having gain'd the as­cent above Challiot, he stopt his Horse to look back on Paris. 'Tis said, that then reproaching that great City, which he had always honour'd, and enrich'd by his Royal presence, and upbrayding its ingratitude, he Swore he wou'd not return into it but through a Breach, and that he wou'd lay it so low, that it shou'd never more be in a condition of lifting up its self against [Page 364] the King. After this he went to Lodge that night at Trappes, and the next morning arriv'd at Chartres; where his Officers, those of his Coun­cil, and the Courtiers came up to him, one after another in great disorder; some on Foot, others on Horse-back without Boots, several on their Mules, and in their Robes, every man mak­ing his escape as he was best able, and in a great hurry for fear of being stop'd; in short, all of them in a con­dition not unlike the Servants of Da­vid, at his departure from Ierusalem, travelling in a miserable Equipage, af­ter their distress'd Master, when he fled before the Rebel Absalom.

The Duke of Guise, who on the one side, had been unwilling to push things to an extremity, to the end he might make his Treaty with the King, and that it might not be said he was not at liberty; and on the other side, not believing that he wou'd have gone away in that manner, as if he fled from his Subjects, who stopping short of the Louvre by fifty paces, seem'd unwilling to pursue their advantage any farther, was much surpris'd at [Page 365] this retreat which broke the measures he had taken: but as he was endu'd with an admirable presence of mind, and that he cou'd at a moments war­ning accommodate his resolutions to any accident, how unexpected or troublesome soever, he immediately appli'd himself to put Paris in a con­dition of fearing nothing, to quiet all things there, and restore them to their former tranquillity, and withall to give notice to the whole Kingdom how matters had pass'd at the Barricades, as much to his own advantage, as pos­sibly he cou'd.

To this effect he possess'd himself of the strongest places in the City; of the Temple, of the Palace, of the Town-House, of the two Chastelets, of the Gates, where he set Guards, of the Arsenal and of the Bastille, which was surrender'd to him too easily by the Governour Testu; the Govern­ment of which he gave to Bussy Le Clerc, the most audacious of the Six­teen: He oblig'd the Magistrates to proceed in the Courts of Judicature as formerly: He made a new Provost of Merchants, and Sheriffs, a Lieutenant [Page 366] Civil, Colonels, and Captains of the several Wards, all devoted to the League, in the room of those whom he suspected. He retook without much trouble all the places both above and below, on the River, that the passa­ges for Provisions might be free. He writ at last to the King, to the Towns, and to his particular Friends, and drew up Manifests (or Declarations) in a style, which had nothing in it but what was great and generous, while he endeavour'd to justify his proceedings, and at the same time to preserve the respect which was owing to the King, protesting always that he was most ready to pay him an entire Obedience, and that he propos'd nothing to him­self, but that provision shou'd be made for the safety of Religion, and of good Catholiques, which were design'd to be oppress'd, through the pernicious Counsells of such as held intelligence with Heretiques, and projected no­thing but the ruine of Religion and the State.

These Letters, together with those which the Parisians wrote to the other Towns, exhorting all men to combine [Page 367] with them for their common preser­vation in the Catholique Faith, and those of the King, which on the con­trary were written, in too soft a style, and where there appear'd more of fear and of excuse, than of resentment and just complaint for so sacrilegious an attempt, had this effect, that the grea­test part of the people, far from being scandalis'd at the Barricades, approv'd them, loudly praising the conduct of the Duke of Guise, whom they believ'd to be full of Zeal for the Catholique Faith, for the good of the Kingdom, and for the Service of the King. And as he desir'd nothing so much as to confirm them in that opinion, he was willing that the body of the City, shou'd send their Deputies to the King, humbly to beseech his Majesty, that he wou'd forget what was pass'd, and return to his good Town of Paris, where his most Loyal Subjects were ready to give him all the highest de­monstrations of their Obedience and devotion to his Service.

He permitted that even processions shou'd be made, in the Habit of Peni­tents, to desire of God, that he wou'd [Page 368] please to mollify the King's Heart and this was perform'd with so much ardour, that there was one which went from Paris as far as Chartres, in a most extraodinary Equipage, un­der the conduct of the famous Fryar Ange. This honest Father was Henry de Ioyeuse, Count of Bouchage, and Bro­ther to the late Duke. He had given up himself to be a Capuchin, about a year before this time: having such strong impressions made upon him, by the death and good example of his Wife, Catharine de Nogaret, Sister to the Duke of Espernon, that he was in­flam'd with a desire of repentance; insomuch that neither the tears of his Brother, nor the intreaties and favours of the King, who lov'd him exceeding­ly, nor the ardent solicitations of all the Court, were able to remove him from the resolution he had taken of leading so austere a Life. This noble Fryar, having put a Crown of Thorns upon his head, and carrying an over­grown Cross upon his Shoulders, fol­low'd by his Fraternity, and by a great number of Penitents, and others who represented in their Habits the [Page 369] several persons of the Passion, led on that procession, singing Psalms and Litanies. The march of these Peni­tents was so well manag'd, that they enter'd the great Church of Chartres, just as the King was there at Vespers: As they enter'd, they began to sing the Miserere, in a very dolefull tone; And at the same time, two swindging Fryars arm'd with Disciplines, laid on lustily poor Fryar Ange, whose back was naked. The application was not hard to make, nor very advantageous to the Parisians, for the charitable creature seem'd evidently to desire the King, that he wou'd please to pardon them, as Iesus Christ was willing to forgive the Iews, for those horrible outrages which they had committed against him.

A Spectacle so surprising produc'd different effects in the minds of the standers by; according to the variety of their tempers, some of them were melted into compassion, others were mov'd to Laughter, and some even to indignation: And more than all the rest, the Marshal de Biron, who ha­ving no manner of relish for this sort of [Page 370] devotion, and fearing besides, that some dangerous Leaguers, might have crowded in amongst them, with in­tention to Preach the people into a Mutiny, counsell'd the King to clap them up in Prison every Mothers Son. But that good Prince, who notwith­standing all his faults, had a stock of Piety at the bottom, and much respect for all things that related to Religion, rejected wholly this advice. He listen'd to them much more favourably, than he had heard all the Harangues of the former Deputies: and promis'd to grant them the pardon they de­sir'd for the Town, which he had so much favour'd, on condition they wou'd return to their Obedience. And truly 'tis exceeding probable, that he had so done from that very time, if they had not afterwards given him fresh provocations, by proposing the terms on which they insisted for the Peace, which they desir'd.

For the Duke of Guise, to whom all these fair appearances were very service­able, and cou'd be no ways prejudicial, and who always pursu'd his designs in a direct line, knew so well to manage the [Page 371] disposition of the Queen Mother, who had seem'd at first to be much startled at his demands, that he recall'd her with much dexterity into his interests; by working on those two passions which were rooted in her Soul. She desir'd to raise to the Throne, after the death of the King her Son, her Grandson Henry de Lorrain, Marquis du Pont; and believ'd that the Duke of Guise wou'd contribute to it all that was in his power. But as cunning as she was, she saw not into the bottom of that Prince, who fed her onely with vain hopes of that Succession for another, to which he personally aspir'd. She infinitely hated the Duke of Espernon, and believing he was the man, who having possess'd himself of the King's Soul, had render'd her suspected to him, long'd to turn him out of Court; promising her self by that means to be re-establish'd in the management of affairs from which the Favourites had remov'd her. And the Duke of Guise who had as little kindness as her self for the Duke of Espernon, con­curr'd in the same design, with at least as much earnestness, but for a much [Page 372] different end; for he desir'd to be ab­solute himself. In this manner this subtle Prince, always dissembling, and artifically hiding the true motives by which he acted, drew the Queen at last to consent to all that he desir'd: and above all, to give her allowance that a request shou'd be presented to the King in the name of the Cardi­nals, the Princes, the Peers of France, the Lords, the Deputies of Paris and the other Towns, and of all the Ca­tholiques united for the defence of the Catholique, Apostolique and Roman Re­ligion.

This reqest which in the manner of its expressions, was couch'd in most respectfull terms, contain'd notwith­standing in the bottom of it, certain Propositions, at least as hard as the Art [...]cles of Nancy; and even as those, which not long before were propos'd to the Queen by the Duke of Guise. For after a protestation in the begin­ning of it, that in whatsoever had pass'd till that present time, there had been nothing done, but by a pure zeal for God's honour, and for the preservation of his Church, they de­mand [Page 373] of the King, That he wou'd make War with the Huguenots, and that he wou'd conclude no Peace till all Heresies were rooted out. That it wou'd please him to use the Service of the Duke of Guise, in so just and holy an undertaking; that he wou'd drive out of the Court, and despoil of all their Offices, all those who held a secret correspondence with the Huguenots, and principally the Duke of Espernon, and his Brother La Va­lette. Against whom there are re­cited in that request, all imaginable crimes that cou'd be thought most ca­pable of rendring them odious and in­supportable to the whole Kingdom. That he wou'd deliver the Nation from the just apprehensions it had, of falling one day under the power and dominion of Heretiques. And (that there might be given to the City of Paris a full assurance hence­forth to enjoy a perfect tranquillity, without fear of oppression,) he wou'd not onely please to confirm the new Provosts, and Sheriffs, but that also the [...]aid City may have full and en­tire liberty for the future, to make [Page 374] choice of such as shall succeed in those places, and in those of City Colonels and Captains.

This request was extremely displea­sing to the King, who saw but too clearly, that their intention was to give the Law to him hereafter, whom they had first so haughtily affronted. He therefore caus'd it to be examin'd in his Council, where there was but small agreement, because the Mem­bers of it were divided in their In­terests. There were but two methods to be taken on that subject; either for the King to joyn with the League a­gainst the Huguenots, as the request demanded, or to make War against the League with all his Power, in con­junction with the Huguenots; for un­less he espous'd one of these inte­rests it was impossible for him to suc­ceed. Those of the Council who lov'd not the Duke of Espernon, who were many, and who fear'd that the acting of the King's Forces in combination with the Huguenots, wou'd prove of great prejudice to his Reputation, and of greater to Religion, were for the former Proposition and Counsel, that [Page 375] all differences shou'd be accommoda­ted in the best manner they cou'd with the Duke of Guise, which was also the de [...]ire of the Queen Mother: But the rest, who for the most part consisted of those persons, whose dis­grace and banishment was demanded in the Request, insisted strongly on the second: and gave their voice for a War to be made against the Duke to the uttermost; fortifying their opini­on by the number of Forces, which the King might raise promiscuously, both from Catholiques and Protestants, because this was not a War of Religion, but that the Sovereign onely [...] himself; to quell and chastise his re­bellious Subjects.

It wou'd be a matter of much diffi­culty to tell precisely what was the true resolution which the King took, betwixt the extremes of these different Counsels. But it may be told for a certain truth, that having a long time deliberated, and that much more in his own breast than with his Council, he seem'd at length all on the sudden to pitch upon the first; whether it were, that being as he was, a good Catho­lique, [Page 376] and hating the Huguenots, he cou'd not yet come to a resolution of uniting himself to them; or were it, that he thought not himself at that time strong enough, even with the King of Navarre's assistance, to destroy the League, which was grown more powerfull than ever since the Barri­cades, and Headed by a man so able, so bold, and so successfull as the Duke of Guise; or lastly, as many have be­liev'd, that being strongly perswaded, he shou'd never be in safety, nor be Master in his Kingdom, while that [...] whom he hated mortally was [...], he took up from that very mo­ment a resolution within himself to dispatch him out of the World, and that he might draw him into the Net which he was spreading for him, was willing to grant in a manner whatso­ever he desir'd, as if it were done in co [...]mplation of a Peace.

Whatsoever were his true motive, (for I desire not that random guesses shou'd be taken for truths,) 'tis certain that though the King was highly ex­asperated against the League, yet he answer'd their request with much [Page 377] gentleness and moderation, assuring them that he wou'd assemble the three Estates at Blois, in the Month of Sep­tember, there to advise of the means to give them satisfaction, and to de­liver them from the jealousie they had of falling one day under the domi­nion of a Huguenot Prince; that for what related to the Duke of Espernon, he wou'd doe them Justice, like an Equitable King, and wou'd make it manifest that he preferr'd the publique welfare, before the consideration of any private person.

Accordingly in the first place, that Duke was despoil'd of his Govern­ment of Normandy, commanded to de­part from Court, and retire himself to Angouleme. Not long time afterwards the King concluded a Treaty with the Lords of the League, to whom, be­sides the Places which they had al­ready in possession, the Towns of Montreuil, Orleans and Bourges were given for six Years. A publication of the Council of Trent was promis'd, with provision against that part of it which was contrary to the liberties of the Gallicane Church. [...]There was gi­ven [Page 378] to the Duke of Guise, instead of the title of Constable, that of Head of the French Gendarmerie, which sig­nifies the same thing. Two Armies were promis'd to be rais'd against the Huguenots, one in Dauphinè under the command of Duke of Mayenne, and the other in Saintonge and Poitou, which [...]hou'd be Commanded by a Ge­neral of the King's own choice: For the New Constable under another name wou'd not be so far from Court, lest his absence from thence might be of ill consequence to his Party. In conclu­sion the King caus'd to be publish'd the famous Edict of Iuly, which he com­manded to be call'd the Edict of the Reunion, where he did more in favour of the League, than the League it self desir'd from him.

For, after having declar'd in that Edict, that he wou'd have all his Sub­jects united to himself, that in like manner as their Souls are redeem'd with the same price, by the Bloud of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, so al­so they and their posterity shou'd be one Body with him; he swears, that he will employ all his Forces, without [Page 379] sparing his proper life, to exterminate from his Realm all Heresies condemn'd by Councils, and principally by that of Trent, without ever making any Peace or Truce with Heretiques, or any Edict in their favour. He wills that all Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Inhabitants of Towns, and generally all his Subjects, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, shou'd take the same Oath. That farther, they shou'd swear and promise, for the time present, and for ever, after it shall have pleas'd God to dispose of his life, without having gi­ven him Issue Male, not to receive for King, any Prince whatsoever, who shall be a Heretique or a promoter of Heresie. He declares Rebels and guilty of High Treason, and to have forfei­ted all Privileges which have formerly been granted to them, all persons and all Towns, which shall refuse to take this Oath, and sign this Union. He promises never to bestow any Milita­ry employment, but on such as shall make a signal profession of the Roman Catholique Religion. And prohibits in express terms, that any man who­soever shall be admitted to the exer­cise [Page 380] of any office Judicature, or any employment belonging to the Treasury, whose profession of the Ro­man Catholique Religion, appears not under the Attestation of the Bishop or his substitutes, or at least of the Cu­rates or their Vicars, together with the deposition of ten Witnesses, all qualified, and unsuspected persons. He also swears to hold for his good and Loyal Subjects, and to protect and defend as well those who have always follow'd the League, as those others who have formerly united and associa­ted themselves against the Heretiques; and that at this present he unites them to himself; to the end they may all act together in order to one common end. And that he holds for null, and as never done, that which seems to have been done against him; as well in the Town of Paris, as elsewhere particularly since the twelfth of May to the day of the publication of this Edict: without future molestation or bringing into trouble any person whomsoever, for any thing relating to the premisses. But he also wills that all his Subjects of what Quality [Page 381] soever, swear that they will and do renounce all Leagues and Confederati­ons, as well without as within the Realm, which are contrary to this Union, on pain of being punish'd, as infringers of their Oath, and guilty of High Treason.

This Edict was verifi'd in Parliament the one and twentieth of Iuly; and publish'd immediately after; being re­ceiv'd with extraordinary transports of joy by the Leaguers, who believ'd that by it, they had obtain'd a clear Victory against the King, whom they beheld entirely subjected to the will and good pleasure of their Heads. He himself also as it is reported, with profound dissimulation endeavour'd all he was able to confirm them in that opinion, by making publique demon­strations of his joy, and satisfaction for the peace. He was very solicitous to cause his Edict to be sign'd by all the Princes and Lords who were then at Court: He proclaim'd the conven­tion of the three Estates at Blois, which was to be at the beginning of October following. He procur'd the Letters Patents for the Duke of Guise's Com­mission [Page 382] of Intendant General, over all his Armies, with the same power which is annex'd to that of Constable, to be verifi'd in Parliament. He re­ceiv'd him at Chartres with such par­ticular tokens of esteem, affection, and trust, that it was believ'd the ten­der friendship which was betwixt them when the King was then but Duke of Anjou, was once more renew'd. He favour'd all his creatures, on whom he bestow'd considerable Employments, and at last, to satisfie him in that point, which of all others was most nice, he caus'd the Cardinal of Bourbon to be solemnly declar'd the next of Bloud to him, by allowing him all the Privi­leges and Prerogatives which belong to the Heir presumptive of the Crown. After all, as it is almost impossible that a violent passion in the Soul, what care soever be taken to conceal it, shou'd not discover it self by its conse­quences, and by some indications, which break out even from the closest men: So this Prince as great a Master as he was in the art of dissimulation, cou'd not act his part so well, but that he gave occasion to those who were [Page 383] more clear sighted, to believe, or at leastwise to suspect, that all which at that time was done by him to testifie his joy, was onely to cover his indig­nation and his hatred, which urg'd him incessantly to revenge himself on those from whom he had receiv'd such unworthy usage.

For being departed from Chartres, and going thence to Roüen, where he made the Edict of Reunion, he wou'd never be perswaded to go to Paris at his return, what instance soever the Deputies of the Parliament, and those of the Town cou'd make to him: al­ways alledging faint excuses, which he grounded onely on the prepara­tions which he was to make in order to his meeting the Estates at Blois. He still retain'd near his person his Guard of the five and forty which the Duke of Guise had requested him to dismiss. He gave the command of the Army design'd for Poitou to the Duke of Nevers, whom the Duke of Guise his Brother-in-law cou'd never endure, since his renunciation of the League. He admitted none to his pri­vate friendship, but the Marshal d' [Page 384] Aumont, the Lord Nicholas d' Angen­nes, de Rambouillet, Colonel Alphon­so. d' Ornano, and some few others, who were no friends to the Duke of Guise.

In fine, that which made the grea­test noise, was, that the Chancellour de Chiverny, the Presidents Bellievre and Brulart, and the Sieurs de Ville­roy, and Pinart, (the two Secretaries of State, who had given him advice, to accommodate matters with the Duke of Guise) were absolutely disgrac'd. The Queen Mother who had manag'd that accommodation, had little or no part in business; and was wholly ex­cluded from the Cabinet Council. The Seals were given to Francis de Monthe­lon a famous Advocate, a man of rare integrity, and of inviolable fidelity to the King's service, who rais'd him to that high Employment, without his own seeking, at the recommendation of the Duke of Nevers, who was known to be on very ill terms with the Duke of Guise.

All this was sufficient without doubt to alarm that Prince, and give him caution to look about him, or at least [Page 385] to suspect the King's intentions towards him, but the flourishing condition, wherein he was plac'd, the applauses which were given him both by the people and by the Court it self, which admir'd both his conduct and his per­petual felicity, and regarded him as Arbitrator and Master of Affairs; and the certain opinion which he had, that all things wou'd go for him in the Estates, had so far blinded him, that he believ'd it was not in the power of fortune to do him any prejudice, not so much as to shake him, or to give the smallest stop to the full carrier of his success. Thus he enter'd as it were in triumph into Blois at the end of September; and the King came thither about the same time, to order the preparations for the Estates. He com­manded that all future proceedings shou'd be as it were sanctifi'd by two solemn and conspicuous acts of piety; which were a most devout and mag­nificent Procession made on the first Sunday of October, the second day of that Month, and by a general Com­munion, taken by all the Deputies on the Sunday following, the ninth of [Page 386] the same Month; on which the King, in token of a perfect reconcilement, receiv'd with the Duke of Guise, the precious Body of Iesus Christ, from the hands of the Cardinal de Bourbon, in the Church of Saint Saviour. Af­ter which, all those who were expec­ted being at length arriv'd, the Assem­bly of the Estates was open'd on Sun­day the sixteenth of that Month, in the great Hall of the Castle of Blois.

As it is not my business to say any thing of this Assembly, which relates not precisely to the History of the League, I shall not trouble my self with every particular which pass'd in it. I shall onely say, that the King who was naturally eloquent, open'd the Assembly with an excellent Ora­tion; wherein after he had in a most Majestique manner, and with most pathetique words, exhorted the De­puties to their duty, he either cou'd not or wou'd not conceal from them, that he had not so far forgotten the past actions, but that he had taken up a firm resolution, to inflict an exem­plary punishment on such who shou'd [Page 387] persist in acting against his Authority, and continue to be still possest with that spirit of Leaguing and Caballing, which was upon the point of ruining the State; neither wou'd he hence­forth spare those who shou'd have any other union, than that which the Members ought to have with their Head, and Subjects with their Sove­raign.

This touch'd so sensibly the Lea­guers of that Assembly, and principally their Head, who look'd on this Speech as particularly address'd to himself, that they proceeded even to threatning that they wou'd break off the Estates by their departure, if the King, who had commanded his Speech to be Printed, wou'd not give order to sup­press it, or at least correct that pas­sage. There are some who affirm, that after a rough dispute concerning it, the King permitted at last that some­thing shou'd be alter'd, and the harsh­ness of his expressions a little mollifi'd. But there are others, and even of their number who heard it spoken, who assure us, that it came out in publique in the same terms it was pronounc'd. [Page 388] However it were, 'tis certain, that this complaint of theirs much exaspe­rated the King's mind, who saw clearly by this proceeding, that the League, notwithstanding its Reunion with him, had still a separate interest of its own, and extremely opposite to his.

I will adventure to say farther, that he was then fully perswaded of it, when he perceiv'd that the Duke of Guise, who was the true Head of it, was evidently more powerfull than himself in those Estates. For besides that the greatest part of the Deputies had been elected by the factious in­trigues of his dependants in the Pro­vinces, those who were chosen to pre­side over the several Orders, that is to say the Cardinals of B [...]urbon and of Guise, for the Clergy, the Count of Brissac, and the Baron of Magnac for the Nobility, and the Provost of Mer­chants, La Chapelle Martau for the third order, were all of them entirely at the Duke's devotion.

Insomuch that at the second Session, after the Edict of Reunion had been solemnly confirm'd, sworn to again, and pass'd into a fundamental Law [Page 389] of the State, when the Petitions of the three Orders were read, he saw that under pretence of desiring to reform some abuses which were crept into the State, they were fill'd with an in­finite number of Propositions, which tended to the manifest diminution, or rather the annihilation of the Royal Authority, and to reduce the Govern­ment to that pass, that there shou'd remain to the King no more than the empty name and vain appearance of a Soveraign Monarch; and that all the real and essential part of Sove­raignty shou'd be in the League, which absolutely depended on the Duke of Guise.

Yet farther they were not satisfied barely to propose these things, lea­ving to the King, according to the Ancient Laws and Constitution of the Monarchy, the power of either pas­sing or refusing them, according to his pleasure, [...]after they had been well examin'd in his Council; but they pretended that after they had been receiv'd by the consent of the three Orders, they shou'd become Laws of course, and be inviolable, so that the [Page 390] King shou'd not have the power either to change or abrogate them in his Council. Then they wou'd have an abatement of Taxes and Imposts, but so much out of measure, that they took away from the King the means of making that War, in which them­selves had ingag'd him. They wou'd also that the Council of Trent shou'd be receiv'd absolutely, and without modification. And the famous Attor­ney General Iaques de Faye, d' Espesses, who in a great Assembly held on that occasion, maintain'd with strength of reason, against some decrees of that Council, the Prerogatives of the King (or Regalia) and the Immunities of the Gallicane Church, was so ill treated there, though he had baffled the Arch-Bishop of Lyons, who under­took to destroy those Privileges, that the King who was affronted in the per­son of his Attorney, was not a little displeas'd at their proceedings.

But above all things they were ur­gent with him, and press'd it with in­credible obstinacy, that the King of Navarre, who at the same time had assembled the Estates of his Party at [Page 391] Rochelle, and from thence had sent to those at Blois, intimating his desire of a General Council to be summon'd, where all things might be accommoda­ted, shou'd from that time forward be declar'd uncapable of ever succeeding to the Crown. They had made a De­cree concerning this, by consent of the three Orders, at the particular instance of the Order of the Clergy. And the King who clearly foresaw the terrible consequences of this unparal­lel'd injustice, and who was ply'd in­cessantly to subscribe it, was not able to defend himself otherwise, than by amusing them with delays, and rubbs which he dextrously caus'd to be thrown in their way, on sundry pre­tences. It was not doubted but that the Duke of Guise, (who having two thirds of the Estates for him, was con­sequently the Master there,) was Au­thour of all these Propositions so con­trary to the true Interests and Autho­rity of the King, especially when it was evident, that he employ'd all his Managers, to cause himself to be de­clar'd in the Estates, Lieutenant General through the whole Kingdom, [Page 392] as if he wou'd possess himself of that Supreme Command, without depen­dance on the King, and that he pre­tended his Prince to be no more his Master, as not having power to de­prive him of a dignity which he was to hold, from a Commission given him by others.

All these things so unworthy of the Majesty of a great King, at the length quite weari'd out his patience; which after so long dissembling his injuries, on the sudden broke out into the extremity of rage: Insomuch that those among his Confidents, who ardently desir'd the destruction of the Duke for their own advantage, found not the least trouble, in passing on the King for truths, many reports and oftentimes very groundless rumours, which ran of the Duke, adding to them that it was he, who underhand had drawn the Duke of Savoy to possess himself of the Marquisate of Saluces, as he had lately done. And this they confident­ly affirm'd, though the Duke by his own interest in the Estates, had pro­cur'd them to vote a War against the Savoyard. Thus, whether it were [Page 393] that the King had long since resolv'd to rid his hands of the Duke of Guise, in revenge of some ancient grudge and sense of the affronts he had receiv'd from him, particularly on that fatal day of the Barricades; or were it, that being sincerely reconcil'd to him he had taken, or perhaps resum'd that resolution when he saw him act against him in the Estates, of which he had made himself the Master, and believe­ing his own condition desperate, if he made not haste to prevent him, most certain it is, that he deliberated no more, but onely concerning the manner of executing what he had de­termin'd.

He had onely two ways to chuse, the one by justice, first committing him, and afterwards making his pro­cess; the other by Fact, which was to have him slain. He manag'd this consultation with exceeding secrecy, admitting onely four or five of his Confidents, on whom he most rely'd. One of these was Beauvais Nangis, who having serv'd the King well, in his Army against the Reyters, was re­stor'd so fully to his favour, that in [Page 394] recompence of the Command, of Co­lonel of the French Infantry, which the Duke of Espernon had got over his head, he made him afterwards Ad­miral of France, though he never en­joy'd that great dignity, which he had onely under the Signet.

This Lord, who was as prudent, and temperate in Council, as prompt and daring in execution, concluded for the methods of Justice, maintain­ing that they were not onely the more honest, but also the more safe, because the fear alone which wou'd possess the Duke's party, lest they shou'd kill him, in case they attempted to deliver him by force, and by that means hinder the course of Justice, wou'd stop all manner of such procee­ding, and restrain them within the terms of Duty. That after all, if he were once made Prisoner, which might be done without noise or tumult, it wou'd be easie to give him such Judges, as shou'd soon dispatch his Tryal, and that afterwards he might be executed in Prison, according to the Laws. But if on the contrary, they shou'd enter crudely on so bloudy an execu­tion, [Page 395] there was danger lest that action which was never to be well justified, and which the Leaguers wou'd certainly cause to pass in the World, for tyrannical and per [...]idious, might raise a rebellion in the greatest part of France, which had already declar'd so loudly for that Prince, whom they regarded as the pillar of Religion, and wou'd afterwards look on as the Martyr of it. But the rest, who believ'd it impossible on that oc­casion, to observe the ordinary forms of Law and Justice, and thought that the Head being once cut off, the Body of the League wou'd immediately fall like a dead Body, were of opinion that he shou'd be dispatch'd with all possible speed, which was easie to per­form, especially in the Castle, where the Duke was almost hourly in the King's power, whom he had in no manner of distrust, as sufficiently ap­pear'd by his Lodging there.

In the mean time 'tis most certain, that this secret was not kept so close, but that he receiv'd advertisement from more than one, of his imminent danger, and that his death already was resolv'd. [Page 396] And he slighted not so much these in­formations, as intrepid as he was, or as he affected to appear, by replying continually, they dare not, but that two or three days before his death, he consulted on this affair, which so near­ly concern'd him, with the Cardinal of Guise, his Brother, the Arch-Bishop of Lyons, the President de Neuilly, the Provost of the Merchants, and the Sieur de Mandrevile Governour of St. Menehoud, on whom he principally rely'd. In weighing those proofs which in a manner were indubitable, that a design was laid against him, they were unanimously of opinion that the safest course was to be taken, and that under some pretence or other, he shou'd instantly retire. Excepting onely the Arch-Bishop, who continu'd obstinate to the contrary, fortifying his opinion with this argument, that since he was upon the point, of car­rying all things in the Estates accor­ding to his wi [...]h, he ran the hazard of loosing all by leaving them. And, that for the rest, it was not credible that the King shou'd be so ill advis'd, as to incur the manifest danger of ruin­ing [Page 397] himself, by striking that unhap­py blow. To which Mandrevile re­ply'd, Swearing, that for a man of Sense as he was, he was the worst Arguer he ever knew. For, said he, you talk of the King, as if he were a wary and cool-headed Prince, looking before him at every step, and will not understand that he is onely a hot-brain'd Fool, who thinks no farther than how to execute, what his two base passions, Fear and Hatred which possess him, have once made sink into his imagina­tion, and never considers what a wise man ought to do on this occasion. It were a folly therefore, for the Duke to hazard himself in such a manner, and to be mov'd by so weak a reason, to loose all in a moment.

'Tis wonderfull to observe, that the most clear sighted men, who have it in their power if they will use the means before them, to avoid that which is call'd their Destiny, after the misfortune is happen'd, shou'd suffer themselves to be drag'd and hurried to it as it were by force, in spight of their understan­ding and their foresight, which their own rashness, and not a pretended fa­tality [Page 398] renders unprofitable to them. 'Tis reported that the Duke of Guise, confess'd that this dsicourse of Mandre­vile carried the greater force of reason, yet nevertheless he added, that having gone so far forward as he then was, if he shou'd see death coming in at the Windows upon him, he wou'd not give one step backward to the door, though by so doing, he were certain to avoid it. Nevertheless 'tis very probable, that the incouragement he had to speak with so much loftiness and resolution, was the assurance, which he thought he had, that the King, whose Genius he knew, particu­larly since the day when he enter'd in­to the Louvre, where the Duke gave himself for lost, wou'd never af­terwards dare to take up so bold a resolution as to kill him.

'Tis certain, that when the Sieur de Vins, one of his greatest Confidents, had written to him from Provence, that he shou'd beware of keeping so near the King, and not rely on those large testimonies of his affection, which he said he had receiv'd, the Duke an­swer'd him, that he repos'd not the [Page 399] hopes of his own safety on the King's Vertue, whom he knew to be ill na­tur'd, and a Hypocrite, but on his Judgment and on his Fear, because it was not credible, but he must needs understand, that he himself was ruin'd in case he made any attempt against his person. But he learnt at his own cost, by the unhappy experiment which he made, that it had been bet­ter for him to have follow'd the wise advice which was given him, and which he himself had approv'd, than a bare conjecture, and the impulse of his inborn generosity, which his blou­dy and lamentable death, as things are commonly judg'd by their event, has caus'd to pass in the World for an effect of the greatest rashness.

It ought not here to be expected, that I shou'd dwell on an exact and long description of all the circumstan­ces of that tragical action, which has been so unfortunate to France, and so ill receiv'd in the World. Besides that they are recounted, in very different manners, by the Historians of one and the other Religion, according to their different passions, and that the greatest [Page 400] part of them are either false, or have little in them worth observation; the thing was done with so great facility, and precipitation, and withall, in so brutal a manner, that it cannot be too hastily pass'd over: this then is the plain and succinct relation of it.

After that the Brave Grillon, Mestre de Camp of the Regiment of Guards had generously refus'd to kill the Duke of Guise, unless in single Duel, and in an honourable way, the King had re­course to Lognac, the first Gentleman of his Chamber, and Captain of the forty five, who promis'd him eighteen or twenty of the most resolute a­mongst them, and for whom he durst be answerable. They were of the number of those whom the Duke of Guise, who had always a distrust of those Gascons, as creatures of the Duke of Espernon, had formerly demanded that they might be dismiss'd, from which request he had afterwards de­sisted. Insomuch that it may be said he foresaw the misfortune that atten­ded him, without being able to avoid it. For, on Friday the twenty third of December, being enter'd about [Page 401] eight of the Clock in the Morning, into the great Hall, where the King had intimated on Thursday night, that he intended to hold the Council very early, that he might afterwards go to Nostre dame de Clery; some came to tell him that His Majesty ex­pected him in the old Closset, yet he was not there, but in the other which looks into the Garden. Upon this, he arose from the fire side, where fin­ding himself somewhat indispos'd, he had been seated; and pass'd through a narrow Entry, which was on one side the Hall, into the Chamber, where he found Lognac with seven or eight of the forty five: the King himself having caus'd them to enter into that room very secretly before day-break: the rest of them were posted in the old Closset, and all of them had great Ponyards hid under their Cloaks, ex­pecting onely the coming of the Duke of Guise, to make sure work with him whether it were in the Chamber or in the Closset, in case he shou'd re­tire thither for his defence.

There needed not so great a prepa­ration for the killing of a single man, [Page 402] who came thither without distrust of any thing that was design'd against him: and who holding his Hat in one hand, and with the other the lappet of his Cloak, which he had wrapt under his left Arm, was in no condition of de­fence. In this posture he advanc'd to­wards the old Closset, saluting very civilly as his custome was, those Gen­tlemen who made shew of attending him out of respect, as far as the door. And as in lifting up the Hangings, with the help of one of them, he stoop'd to enter, he was suddenly seiz'd by the Arms, and by the Legs; and at the same instant struck into the Body be­fore, with five or six Ponyards, and from behind, into the Nape of the Neck, and the Throat, which hin­der'd him from speaking one single word, of all that he is made to say, or so much as drawing out his Sword. All that he cou'd do, was to drag a­long his Murtherers, with the last and strongest effort that he cou'd make, strugling and striving till he fell down at the Beds-Feet, where some while after, with a deep Groan, he yielded up his breath.

[Page 403] The Cardinal of Guise, and Arch-Bishop of Lyons, who were in the Council Hall, rising up at the Noise, with intention of running to his aid, were made Prisoners by the Marshals D' Aumont and de Retz: At the same time the Cardinal of Bourbon was also seiz'd in the Castle, together with Anne d' Este Duchess of Nemours, and Mother of the Guises, and the Prince of Ioinville, the Dukes of Elbeuf, and Nemours, Brissac and Boisdauphin with many other Lords, who were Confi­dents of the Duke, and Pericard his Secretary. And in the mean time the Grand Prevost of the King's House went with his Archers to the Chamber of the third Estate, in the Town-House, and there arrested the Presi­dent Neuilly, the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriffs Compan and Cotte-Blanch, who were Deputies for Paris, and some other notorious Leaguers.

This being done, the King himself brought the News of it to the Queen Mother, telling her that now he was a real King since he had cut off the Duke of Guise. At which that Princess being much surpris'd and [Page 404] mov'd, asking him if he had made provision against future accidents, he answer'd her in an angry kind of tone, much differing from his accustom'd manner of speaking to her, that she might set her heart at rest, for he had taken order for what might happen, and so went out surlily to go to Mass; yet before he went, he sent particu­larly to Cardinal Gondi, and to the Cardinal Legat Morosini, and inform'd them both of what had pass'd, with his reasons to justify his procee­dings.

Davila the Historian reports, that before he went to Mass, the King met the Legat, and walking with him a long time, gave him all his reasons for that action, which he takes the pains to set down at large, as if he had been present at that long Conference, and that he had heard, (without loosing one single word;) all the King said to the Cardinal, together with the Car­dinal's politique reflexions upon it, and his reply to the King's discourse. For he tells us, that the Legat fearing to lesten Henry's affection to the Holy See, assur'd him that the Pope as be­ing [Page 405] a common Father, wou'd listen favourably to his excuses, and withall exhorted him to make War against the Huguenots, that he might make de­monstrations of his sincerity, and that it might be evident, he kill'd not the Duke of Guise, the great Enemy of the Heretiques, out of intention to favour the King of Navarre and that party.

He adds, that the King promis'd him, and confirm'd it with an Oath, that provided the Pope wou'd joyn with him he wou'd proceed to make War against them, with more eagerness than ever, and wou'd not suf [...]er any other Religion but the Roman Catho­lique in his Kingdom. That after this solemn Protestation, the Legat judg'd it not expedient, to proceed any farther in the Conference, and that without saying any thing for the present in favour of the Prelates who were Prisoners, he continued to treat with him in the same manner he had us'd formerly: There are those also who are bold enough to affirm, that by the freedom of his action and car­riage, while he was discoursing with [Page 406] the King, sometimes whispering to him, and sometimes laughing with him, it was believ'd that the King had done nothing without the consent and privity of the Pope: And they add with Davila, that this carr [...]age of the Cardinal, gave the King encourage­ment to proceed yet farther, and to cause the Cardinal of Guise to be also slain; as observing that he made so light a matter of the imprisonment of Prelates.

You see these Authours have related with great seriousness and gravity, as an undoubted truth, the passages of this con­ference which they say was publiquely beheld, in the Court of the Castle of Blois. Notwithstanding which, 'tis all a most manifest falsehood; and all that Davila has said in relation to it, is no better than one of those fictions which onely Poets have Authority to make. The proof of this amounts to no less than a demonstration, and leaves not a scruple remaining to be satisfi'd. We have the Printed Memoires of Cardi­nal Morosini's Life, written in Italian, in an Elegant and Manly style, by Monsignor Stephano Cosmi, Archbishop [Page 407] of Spalato; who did me the honour to send them to me from Venice more than three years since. And 'tis evi­dent from the Letters of this Cardinal Legat, to Cardinal Montalto, Nephew of Pope Sixtus the fifth, to whom he gives a most exact account, of all the passages on the twenty third of De­cember, and the following days, that whatsoever importunity he had us'd at the request of Madam de Nemours, to obtain an Audience of the King, on the morning of that day, the en­trance even of the Castle was refus'd to him, notwithstanding that he us'd his utmost endeavours at the Gate to get admission, and that he cou'd never procure an Audience till the twenty sixth, which was three days after the Murther of the Cardinal. After this what will become of all those fine dis­courses, and all the particular circum­stances of that pretended Conference in the Castle Court, on the twenty third? and of that easie and uncon­cern'd, or rather light behaviour of the Cardinal to the King, when he whisper'd in his Ear and laugh'd so heartily; which gave men occasion [Page 408] to believe, that according to his Or­ders from Rome, he was of intelligence with the King, who seeing him so me­rily dispos'd, was resolv'd to prosecute his design yet farther, and to rid his hands of the Cardinal of Guise? What else is this, than to turn History in­to Romance; as on this very occasion two Protestant Writers have also done, I mean d' Aubignè, and the Authour of the Discourse of that which pass'd at Blois, untill the death of the Duke of Guise? And our Catholique Histo­rians who have follow'd their Autho­rity, having suffer'd themselves to be impos'd on by those Huguenots, have consequently impos'd upon their Readers. There is so little appearance that the complaisant Discourses of the Legat Morosini, had given the King occasion to resolve on the death of the Cardinal de Guise, that you see on the contrary he refus'd to grant him an Audience, because he wou'd not hear what he cou'd urge in favour of that Cardinal, whose death already was determin'd.

In effect, that Cardinal grown des­perate by reason of his Brother's death, [Page 409] having utter'd in the first transports of his grief and fury, all that those passi­ons cou'd possibly inspire into a man of his hot temper, in the most opprobrious and affronting terms he cou'd invent against the person of the King; that Prince thereby more incens'd than e­ver, and fearing all things from the revenge of his violent and haughty Soul, who was almost as formidable to him as his Brother, Swore he shou'd die for it. That which provok'd him more to hold this resolution, was the report which had been made to him, that the Cardinal had the impudence to say, that he shou'd not die, before he held the King's Head to be shav'd and made a Monk of him; for these are the very words of the King in his Letter of the 24th. of December, to the Marquis Pisani, his Ambassadour at Rome.

Nevertheless, they had trouble e­nough to find out men, who wou'd undertake the Execution of this Order. Those of the 45 who had Ponyar­ded the Duke, refus'd in plain terms to embrue their hands in the bloud of a Cardinal, a Priest, and Archbishop [Page 410] of Rheyms. Yet at last they lighted on four Souldiers, who not having so much Honour as those Gentlemen, offer'd themselves to kill him for four hundred Crowns, which were pro­mis'd them. So that after the wretch­ed Cardinal was return'd by little and little from the extravagance of his Passion, and had pass'd the remainder of the day, and the greatest part of the night following in Prayers, with the Archbishop of Lyons, in a little Chamber where they confess'd themselves to each other, one came to tell him in the morning about ten of the Clock, that the King ask'd for him: then having recommended his Soul to God, and receiv'd yet once more the benedicti­on of the Archbishop, who believing that he himself shou'd likewise die, exhorted him to receive his death with constancy of mind, and like a Christian, he went out, and percei­ving the Souldiers who expected him in an obscure passage, he cover'd his Face with his Cloak, and leaning his Body against the Wall, suffer'd him­self to be wounded, with strong thrusts of their Hallbards, without [Page 411] giving the least Groan or sigh, or even shaking in the least, till he fell down dead at the Feet of his inhumane Mur­therers.

His Body together with his Bro­ther's, were put into the hands of a Chirurgeon, who consum'd the Flesh with unslak'd Lime, and then burn'd the Bones in a Chamber of the Castle, that they might not come into the possession of the Leaguers, who wou'd be sure to have us'd them, to inflame the people who were his Idolaters, and to have made reliques of them, to which they wou'd have paid the same Honours, as are given to the Bones of Martyrs. Thus perish'd in the mid­dle of his course, one of the most il­lustrious men who ever liv'd; at the age of 42 years, Henry of Lorrain, Duke of Guise, who by the incompa­rable perfections of his Body, of his Mind, and of his Soul, which made him admir'd even by his Enemies, had merited all that Fortune seem'd to be preparing for him, had he not pre­sum'd to have push'd it beyond the bounds, which the providence of God to whom it is subservient, had pre­scrib'd him.

[Page 412] For in conclusion, the following e­vents have made it evident, that the divine providence which disposes So­vereignly of Empires, had ordain'd to take away that of France, from the Family of Valois, and to transfer it to the House of Bourbon; and by conse­quence whatever was set up in oppo­sition to this eternal Decree, must fall under it at last; neither Conspiracies, nor Leagues, nor Fortune, nor any power on Earth, being able to resist it.

In the mean time the violent death of those Princes, far from bringing those advantages to the King, which he had promis'd himself from it, and which his passion had represented to him through false optiques, as excee­ding great and most as [...]ur'd, threw him headlong on the sudden into a more deplorable condition, than that which he thought he had escap'd. He well knew after he had consider'd, what he had done in cold Bloud, that the Murther of the Cardinal of Guise, wou'd be extremely offensive to the Pope, and that it was necessary he shou'd endeavour to appease him, lest [Page 413] he who carried all things with a high hand, and was not of a temper to en­dure the least affront to his Authori­ty, shou'd declare himself for the League in opposition to him, which as yet he had not done: In consideration of which, he writ a Note to the Le­gat on Christmas day, in these very words which follow.

‘Now at last I am a King, and am resolv'd from henceforth, not to suf­fer my self to be affronted: I will give them to understand, and make them feel whosoever they are, who dare to attacque me, that I will al­ways remain in this generous resolu­tion, following therein the example of our Holy Father the Pope, whose common saying it is, that we must make our selves be obey'd, and pu­nish those who injure us. And since I have accomplish'd my purpose ac­cording to this Maxim, to morrow I will see you. Farewell.’

Accordingly on the twenty sixth of December, the Legat had a long Au­dience: wherein the King having in­form'd him of the reasons which he had to kill the Duke and Cardinal, [Page 414] took God to witness that he had deba­ted within himself, and oppos'd his own Arguments with all manner of severity, for six days together; and during all that time, was firmly re­solv'd not to have come to those extre­mities for fear of offending Almighty God. But at length considering that He who had made him a King, made it part of his duty to maintain himself in that Dignity, and that the Pope had sent him word by Monsieur de Lux­embourg, and had often spoken to the same purpose to the Cardinal of Ioyeuse, that he ought to make himself be o­bey'd, and punish those who affronted him; he had accordingly resolv'd to prevent them, by taking their lives, rather than stay, till his own were taken by them: the design of which they had already laid. And if he had not proceeded by the ordinary forms of Justice, the reason was, that in the low condition to which they had re­duc'd him, 'twas impossible to make use of Law.

To this the Legat, who had leisure in the mean time, to consider of what he ought to say, answer'd, without [Page 415] mentioning the Duke of Guise's death, that he thought it his duty to adver­tise him, that supposing the Cardinal had been guilty, yet his Majesty in causing him to be put to death as he had done, had incurr'd the Censures, contain'd in the Bull, call'd In Coena Domini; as much as those who had executed his Orders, and either coun­sell'd or approv'd that action. That therefore it was his duty to ask pardon, and absolution of his Sin from the Pope, who alone was able to give it him, and in the mean time he ought to abstain from entring into the Church.

The King, surpriz'd exceedingly at so brisk a declaration, answer'd him, that there was no Sovereign Prince, who was not endued with power, to punish his Ecclesiastical Subjects for crimes of High Treason, and more es­pecially when his own Life was con­cern'd in them: for which reason, he believ'd not that he had incurr'd any manner of censure, principally con­sidering that the Kings of France have the privilege to be exempted from excommunication. 'Tis certain that [Page 416] he fail'd not on Newyears day to per­form his Devotions, in ceremony with the Knights of the Order, and to com­municate publiquely in the Church of Saint Sauveur. And when the Legat had made complaint concerning it, he sent to him the Sieur de Revol, Secre­tary of State, who shew'd him a Bre­viat of the 21st. of Iuly, in the year foregoing, by which the Pope permit­ted him to chuse what Confessour he pleas'd, and who in virtue of that Breviat, had power to absolve him from all manner of crimes, even the most enormous, from all those parti­cular cases reserv'd to the Pope's own person, from all censures and Ecclesi­astical punishments, even those which are contain'd in the Bull which is call'd In Coenâ Domini. And the Se­cretary added, that though the King by virtue of his Privileges had no need of that Breviat, in order to his frequenting the Sacraments, yet it was past all manner of dispute, that having it, he might communicate without either scruple or scandal, after having receiv'd Absolution from his Confes­sour. The Legat having nothing to [Page 417] reply to this, said no more, and satis­fi'd himself with the remonstrance which he had made.

But Pope Sixtus stopt not there, for he was strangely transported against his Legat whom he accus'd of Cowardise, because that having seen a Cardinal Murther'd, he had not publish'd the censures against the King with the In­terdictions, even though it shou'd have cost him (as he said) an hundred Lives. He testifi'd his resentment of it to the Marquis de Pisany the King's Ambassadour at Rome, with much sharpness, as also to Cardinal de Ioyeuse Protectour of France, and yet more vehemently to the Sacred College in full Consistory, though the Cardinal de Saint Croix speaking to him imme­diately before, had told him, that ha­ving consulted the Books of the Doctours on this Subject, he had there read, that a King who had found a Cardinal plotting against his Estate, might cause him to be put to death, without either form or figure of Pro­cess, and that he had no need of abso­lution in such a case. The Pope was incens'd at this freedom which he took, [Page 418] and loudly protested, that he wou'd never grant any favour, nor wou'd suffer any consistorial Remission to be made, before the King had sent to beg Absolution, which yet shou'd not be granted him, till the whole bu­siness had been throughly examin'd in a Congregation of Cardinals, which he establish'd for that purpose.

The King was very willing, that the Pope if he so pleas'd, shou'd give him yet another absolution, which cou'd have done him no prejudice, though he believ'd it not to be necessary. But he wou'd by no means allow that it shou'd be juridically scann'd, whether he had the right of punishing his Sub­jects as he had done. Upon which, the Cardinal de Ioyeuse made no scru­ple of remonstrating to the Pope, with all the respect which was due to his Holiness, that the best and most devout Catholiques of France, (they are his very words) held not for authentique the opinions which were receiv'd at Rome, in that which concerns not the Doctrine and Tradition of the Church, (in both which, there was no diffe­rence betwixt Rome and France) but [Page 419] that in France, they held the Prero­gatives or Rights of the King, to be much greater than they were thought at Rome, and they believ'd themselves, to stand on so sure Foundations for what they held, that they wou'd not depart from it on any considerations whatever. That in this particular Fact, the King wou'd not want most Zealous Catholiques to maintain, that not onely his Majesty, who has an es­pecial privilege to stand exempted from Excommunication, but that also the meanest man can incur no censures for having done a thing which is of absolute necessity, for the preservation of his li­berty, and of his Life. And that which way soever it be deter­min'd, yet his Majesty was absolv'd by the Authority of his Holiness him­self, in virtue of the Breviat which he had granted him.

To which the Pope made no other reply than this, that it belong'd to him to interpret his own Breviat, and that it ought onely to be understood of crimes committed, before the Breviat was given, and not of those which were committed afterwards. But one [Page 420] of the most understanding Prelates of the Roman Court, had the confidence to make it appear, by a writing which was sent to the King, that this Bre­viat being conceiv'd as it was in gene­ral terms, without any restriction, ex­tended as well to the future as to the past. In the mean time, the Pope as it were by immediate inspiration, changing his Humour on the sudden, began to tell the Cardinal, that he ac­knowledg'd the King had great provo­cations to doe what he had done; that God had suffer'd the Cardinal of Guise and the Duke his Brother, to die in that manner for their Sins; That the League had ruin'd the affairs of France, and even the Catholique Religion it self: That it was at no time lawfull to take up Arms against the will of the Sovereign, for it never succeeded hap­pily: That he call'd that very Cardinal to witness what he had formerly told him concerning this, and that he had then prophesy'd what since had hap­pen'd.

The Cardinal ravish'd with joy to hear the Pope speak after this manner, gave him his most humble acknow­ledgments, [Page 421] and earnestly besought him always to persist in so just an opi­nion, without suffering himself to be impos'd on, by the artifices of the Spa­niards and the Leaguers. But when he perceiv'd that after all this fair dis­course the Pope, according to the ob­stinacy of his temper which was never to be mov'd, when once he had fix'd his resolution, still continu'd to sus­pend all the expeditions, till the King had sent to desire absolution, he had the courage to tell him plainly, that this suspension which was prejudicial to the service of God, the salvation of Souls, and even to the authority of the Holy See, cou'd be laid to no other man's charge, but the whole burthen of it wou'd fall on the Conscience of his Holiness. And that all the evils which arise from the long vacancies of Churches, wou'd be imputed to him onely not to the King, who had done on his part what he ought, by naming (or presenting) men to Bishopricks and Abbies according to the Concordat, and that in mean time they who were thus presented to the Prelacy, had wherewithall to comfort [Page 422] themselves easily in their disgrace, by enjoying their Oeconomats a longer time, without putting themselves to the trouble of providing and sending to Rome so much money, for obtaining the Apostolical Provisions. And after all, it might well happen that the King, mov'd by the remonstrances of the French Clergy and even of the Estates themselves, which were still assem­bled at Blois, and also because his no­minations were refus'd at Rome, might set all things again upon the Founda­tion of the ancient right, in which case there wou'd be no more trudging from France to Rome, but onely for the confirmation of three or four pri­macies, and those too to be expedited gratis.

In fine, this prudent and honest Cardinal, concluded his long dis­patches by the advice he gave the King, that according to the opinion of the wisest men, and those who meant him best, the longer he delaid to send, or write to his Holiness, in case either of them were his intention, the more satisfaction he shou'd receive, provided that his affairs prosper'd at [Page 423] home. For added he, your Majesty has nothing more to hope or fear, but onely from your own management, and you are to expect that as matters go well or ill in France, you shall be treated here accordingly. So that to know how you stand in grace at Rome, you will have no need to be inform'd, by your Ambassadours dispatches or by mine, you will find the truest In­tilligence from day to day by your own success.

The event verifi'd his prediction, for some time after Sixtus perceiving that the League grew exceeding pow­erfull, and the King much weaker by the Revolt of the greatest part of France, caus'd a thundering Monitory to be posted up at Rome against him, in which he declares at the first dash, that the King had incurr'd the Excom­munication provided by the Canons, for the Murther committed on the person of a Cardinal.

The death of the Duke of Guise, was yet more ruinous to his affairs, and produc'd an effect quite contrary to what he had expected from it. He believ'd, that having cut off the Head [Page 424] of the League, it wou'd thenceforth be no more than a body without life or motion, and that he shou'd then be absolute Master and truly a King, as he had us'd to say. But it was not long before he found how much he had deceiv'd himself. His supposition may come to pass, when a faction is weak in its beginning, and that they who are enter'd into it are irresolute, wavering betwixt their first fury, which has hurri'd them into a Rebelli­on, and their fear of a Master justly incens'd against them, whom they al­so see well arm'd, and in condition to take Vengeance on them, as well as on their Head, in case they prove obsti­nate in their revolt. But here all things were in a contrary posture; the League had taken root so deeply in the peoples Hearts, that there was no probability it shou'd be torn out, at one single pull: and the faction was too strongly supported both within the Kingdom and without it, to beget a reasonable hope that it wou'd easily be destroy'd. On the other side, that love and respect, which the French have naturally for their Kings, was al­most [Page 425] wholly extinguish'd in the grea­ter part of them, in reference to Hen­ry the third, who was equally hated both by Huguenots and Leaguers, and so very much despis'd, especially by the last, that he was not fear'd by any one.

Thus instead of arming himself as he ought in reason to have done, after so terrible a blow as he had given, and ad­vancing towards Paris, with all the Forces he either had in readiness, or cou'd raise immediately, without giving leisure to the Leaguers to reco­ver from their first amazement, and to provide themselves of a new Head against him, He trifl'd away his time according to his custome, in making specious Declarations, and writing fine Letters which he sent far and near, wherein amongst other things which he alledg'd for his justification, he said (what no body then believ'd, and what the Duke of Mayenne positively denied to the Cardinal Legat,) that he had receiv'd from that Duke, and from the Dutchess of Aumale, a most certain information of the Conspiracy which the two Brothers had contriv'd [Page 426] against his person. Doubtless he was ignorant that having done an action of this nature, a King can never justi­fie it better, than with his Arms in his hand, and by putting himself into a condition of forcing the vanquish'd to approve his reasons.

And truly by making such an insig­nificant and verbal Apology, so incon­sistent with the greatness of a King, he brought his matters to that pass, that he was neither believed by his own Subjects, nor by Foreigners. And was so unfortunate, that not one­ly the Leaguers but even the Hugue­nots themselves, and principally the Gentlemen amongst them con­demn'd his action in most reproach­full Language, and thought it contra­ry to the Genius of the French Nation. In the mean time he was much sur­priz'd, that while he was losing his time in writing and continuing the Estates, which he held on till three weeks after the execution, he heard the news that Orleans was revolted against him; that the Duke of Mayenne, (who was advertis'd at Lyons of the death of his Brothers before Alphonso [Page 427] d' Ornano, who had been sent either to make him Prisoner, or to kill him, cou'd arrive there,) had refug'd him­self in his Government of Burgundy, where he was Master of almost all the Towns; and especially that Paris had reinflam'd the League with more ardour than before to revenge the death of the two Brothers.

There is nothing more prodigious­ly strange in all this History, than the transactions in that great City, when they heard the news of this amazing accident. The Sixteen, who had it first, even before the Parliament had notice of it, (so great was the negli­gence of the Court) commanded im­mediately on Christmas-Evening, that they shou'd stand to their Arms in all the Wards, secur'd all the strong pla­ces, plac'd Corps de Garde upon the Bridges, and in the Squares, and put Souldiers into the Houses of the Poli­tiqúes, for by that name they call'd suspected persons, that is to say, all those who were not carried away by the Torrent of so hot-brain'd and furi­ous a Faction. Afterwards finding themselves absolute Masters of Paris, [Page 428] where the People being inrag'd almost to madness for the murther of the Duke of Guise, were one and all for a Revolt, they held a General Assem­bly at the Town-house, where not­withstanding the opposition which was made by Achilles de Harlay, the first President, who was in danger of his life on that occasion, they elected the Duke of Aumale their Governour, and made amongst themselves a more strict Union than ever, for defence, as they gave out, of their Lives and Li­berties, and of the Catholique Religion. In this manner they disguis'd Rebelli­on under a specious name; which their Preachers, and the Doctours of the League baul'd out, and thunder'd through all Paris.

For the Preachers, of whom the most furious were Pelletier Boucher, Guin­cestre, Pigenat, and Aubry the Curats, Father Bernard de Montgalliard, sur­nam'd the Petit Feuillant, and the fa­mous Cordelier Feu Ardent, Preaching in the Parishes of Paris, during the Christmas Holidays, chang'd their Ser­mons into Satyrs against the Sacred person of the King, and describ'd so [Page 429] movingly the Tragical death of the two Brothers, whom they lifted up to the Skies as Martyrs, that they melted their Audience into tears, and nothing but sighs and groans were heard in their well-fill'd Congregati­ons. And instead of proposing to them the example of St. Stephen, they in­spir'd into them the desire of venge­ance. Insomuch that even they who were not dispos'd to sob and cry, and who were even scandaliz'd at this man­ner of behaviour, which was so un­worthy of the holy Ministery of the Gospel, were constrain'd to act their parts, and squeeze out tears for fear of being murther'd, if they had not wept for company.

'Tis certain that when Guincestre who had Preach'd the Advent at St. Bar­tholomews, had said in one of his Ser­mons, (after a terrible Declamation against the King, and lamentation for the Duke of Guise,) that it behov'd his Auditors to lift up their hands, eve­ry man of them, in token that they wou'd revenge his death, and live and die in the Holy Covenant, which was now renewed, the whole Congregati­on [Page 430] immediately obey'd him, excep­ting onely the first President,Ann. 1589. who that day which was the first of the Year 1589, was present at the Sermon in his Parish Church, seated overagainst the Preacher. Then that Enthusia­stique Zealot had the impudence to say to him, Lift up your hand too like the rest, you Monsieur the first President. The Leaguers had caus'd a report to be spread, that this excellent Magi­strate, who was known to be a Loyal Servant to the King, was one of those who advis'd the death of the Duke of Guise; for which reason he was of ne­cessity to obey, lest otherwise he shou'd indiscreetly expose himself to the fury of the multitude, who in case he had refus'd, had absolutely believ'd the lye which was forg'd against him, and consequently had torn him piece-meal: He therefore lifted up his hand, but to no great height, as an action that was forc'd from him; upon which that impudent covenanting Preacher, had the insolence to bid him lift it higher, that the whole Congrega­tion might be satisfi'd, he was under the same obligation with the rest.

[Page 431] The Curat of St. Nicholas in the fields, Francis Pigenat, was yet more audacious and more impious, than his brother in iniquity. For, making the Funeral Oration for the Duke of Guise, in the Parish of St. Iean en Greve, (as it was made in all the Parishes of Pa­ris and even at the Cathedral of Nostre Dame, with more than Royal pomp and Ceremonies,) he rose to that ex­cess of fury, as to ask of his Auditors, if they cou'd not find one brave Spirit amongst them all, who wou'd under­take to revenge the Duke's murther, by killing the Tyrant? And more to enrage the People, he spoke in the person of the Dutchess Dowager to the late Duke, who was then big with Child and ready to lie down, and made her pronounce those terrible im­precations of Virgil's Dido; thus imi­tated by him.

These Seditious Preachments occa­sion'd infinite disorders: but the mor­tal stroke was given by the scanda­lous Decree which the Doctors made, who being blinded with that furious passion, which possess'd the League, and they leading the blind multitude, brought them to tumble headlong with themselves, into that frightfull gulf of crimes and of misfortunes. The body of the Town which was com­pos'd of Leaguers, to authorize that horrible revolt which they design'd, was of opinion to propose to the Col­lege of Sorbonne, not onely by a verbal request, but by an Authentique Act, which was sign'd by the Magistrate, and Seal'd with the Town Seal, these two important cases of Conscience; the one was, Whether the French were effectively discharg'd from the Oath of Allegiance and Faith, which they had made to the King? the other, Whether in Conscience they might [Page 433] Arm, and unite themselves, and whe­ther in order to it, they might raise Money and Contributions for the de­fence and preservation of the Catho­lique, Apostolique and Roman Religion in France, in opposition to the detesta­ble designs and endeavours of the King and all his Adherents, since he had violated the publique Faith at Blois, in prejudice of the Catholique Religi­on, the Edict of the Holy Vnion, and the natural liberty of the Estates? On which occasion, the Faculty assem­bling on the Seventh of Ianuary, to the number of Seventy Doctors, after a solemn Procession, and a Mass of the Holy Ghost, concluded for the affir­mative, on both the points by a com­mon consent, without so much as the opposition of one man; (as the De­cree it self informs us,) and that this resolution shou'd be sent to the Pope, to the end he might approve and con­firm it by his Authority, desiring that he wou'd have the goodness to succour the Gallicane Church, which suffer'd under great oppressions.

To confess the truth, this Decree gave great scandal; and the Huguenots [Page 434] who were not wanting to report it word for word, and to make an Exa­men of it in their Writings, drew a great advantage from it, to insult o­ver our Divines, of whom they had rea­son to say that both their Doctrine and their Morals in this respect, are direct­ly opposite to the word of God, which teaches us the quite contrary. But 'tis easie to answer them, by letting them know, what is most true, namely that this Decree was pass'd by a faction of seditious Doctours; Boucher, Prevost, Aubry, Bourgoin, Pelletier, and seven or eight old Doctors, who were vio­lent Leaguers, and also of the Council of Sixteen, drew after them by their Cabals, and by their inveterate ma­lice, fifty or threescore Doctors, the greatest part of whom were those young, hot-headed, and turbulent [...]el­lows whom we have already menti­on'd; and the rest, in fear of their lives, if they shou'd dare to oppose them, assented onely upon compulsion to this Decree, which the Sorbonne it self, at all times when it was free, has held abominable, and which Doctor Iohn Le Fevre, at that time Dean of the [Page 435] Faculty, resisted what he cou'd, with­out gaining any thing upon that wret­ched faction, which constrain'd him at last in spight of his opposition, to Sub­scribe it with them.

In like manner the King, who com­plain'd extremely of this proceeding, having Assembled at Blois twenty Bi­shops and twelve Doctors of the Sor­bonne, who were of the number of the Deputies, when that Decree was read to them, they all concluded without the least hesitation, that it was exe­crable, and cou'd never have pass'd without compulsion, and for safeguard of their lives from the rage and fury of the Parisian Leaguers.

In the mean time it must be acknow­ledg'd, in what manner soever it were gain'd, yet being of the Sorbonne, whose name and authority were had in singular veneration through all Europe, and particularly in France, that Decree was the Trumpet to the general Revolt, which was made in Paris, and from thence in a short time after extended it self through the grea­test part of all the Cities in the King­dom. For as soon as it was publish'd [Page 436] in that great Town, by the most fu­rious and giddy-brain'd Preachers of the League, who exalted it to the People in their declamatory style, they ran on the sudden into such horrible extremes, and such transports of rage, so contrary to the duty of Subjects to their lawfull Sovereign, that though our Writers have made them pub­lique, yet I believe it more decent to suppress them, than to profane my History by a Relation, which wou'd render it unpleasant, and even odious.

I shall onely say, that at the same time when by virtue of this damnable Decree, they bereft him of the title of King, leaving him onely the bare name of Henry de Valois, they heap'd upon him all sorts of outrages and villanies, which the impotent fury of the Rab­ble cou'd produce. They vented their rage against him in Satyrs, Lampoons, and Libels, infamous Reports and Ca­lumnies, and those too in the fowlest terms, of which the most moderate were Tyrant and Aposltate. And that they might not be wanting to dis­charge their fury in the most brutal [Page 437] manner they cou'd invent; they ex­tended it even to his Arms, his Statues and his Pictures, which they tore in pieces, or trampled under their feet, or dragg'd about the Streets, through the mire and dirt, or burn'd them, or cast them into the River, with a volee of curses and imprecations against him; in the mean adoring the Duke of Guise, and his Brother the Cardinal, as Mar­tyrs, and placing their Images upon Altars. At last this blind fury went so far, that after the Decree, the Cu­rats and Confessours of the Faction of Sixteen abusing the power which was given them by their Sacred Ministry, of binding and loosing, refus'd Abso­lution to those who acknowledg'd to them in Confession, that their Con­science wou'd not suffer them to re­nounce Henry the third their lawfull King.

This impious practice, was the first effect that was produc'd by the De­cree of the Faculty, the news of which was receiv'd by the King with much sadness, at the same time when he was busied in paying his last duties to the Queen his Mother, who deceas'd at the [Page 438] Castle of Blois, on the fifth of Ianuary, in the seventy second year of her age, whether it were out of melancholy for the death of the Guises, which was upbraided to her by the old Cardinal of Bourbon, or of a Hectique Fever, or a false Pleurisie. Certain it is, that there was no mean or moderation us'd either in praise or dispraise of that Prin­cess; who indeed has afforded suffici­ent matter to Historians, to speak both good and ill of her, and either of them in excess. Both the one and the other are easie to be discern'd, by what I have related of her in this History, and in that of Calvinism. I shall onely add this last touching, to finish her picture, that it cannot be deni'd but that she was endued with great perfections of mind and body; a carriage extremely Ma­jestical, a certain air of Greatness and Authority, worthy of her high Estate, her Behaviour noble and engaging, her Wit polite, her Apprehension prompt, her Judgment piercing, a great ta­lent for Business and Treaties, and a singular address of managing and turn­ing others to her own bent; a Royal Magnificence, Constancy and Forti­tude [Page 439] of mind, extraordinary in her Sex, a masculine courage and great­ness of Soul, which naturally carri'd her to the highest undertakings: In one word, she might have pass'd for a Heroine, if so many illustrious quali­ties had not been blasted by great vi­ces, which appear'd so openly in all her conduct, that History neither ought, nor is able to dissemble them.

For it was but too apparent, for her honour, what prodigality, what luxu­ry, what shamefull dissoluteness she permitted in her Court; and which she her self made use of for gaining such whom she desir'd to engage in her interests. Add to this her want of sincerity and faith in her promises, the too much credit she gave to Astrolo­gers and Fortune-tellers, whom she consulted in reference to the future, and above all her immoderate and vast ambition, on the account of which, and out of her insatiable desire of be­ing always absolute, she made no scru­ple to sacrifice the interests of the State and of Religion, both which she had almost ruin'd, by wavering betwixt the Huguenots and Catholiques, some­times [Page 440] seeming to be on one side, some­times on the other, according as this or that Religion appear'd most condu­cing to her designs. In fine, to con­clude her character, by what relates to the essential part of this History, the hatred which she bore to the King of Navarre her Son-in-law, and the love which she had to her Grand-son of Lorrain, caus'd her underhand to favour the League, of which never­theless she was the gull, and was cousen'd by those whom she intended to deceive. For she had this misfor­tune which commonly happens to those who wou'd manage two contra­ry Factions, and poize themselves Trimmer-like betwixt them, that she was in a manner equally hated both by the Catholiques and Prote­stants.

Such was this Princess, whose good and ill qualities were in extremes. Yet happy both in relation to God and man. For she di'd at a time, when the World believ'd her life wou'd be profitable and indeed necessary for the King, to draw him out of that Laby­rinth of confusions wherein he was [Page 441] entangl'd; and also because she di'd with all the serenity of a good Chri­stian, having first receiv'd the Sacra­ments with much devotion, though the Huguenot Historians, who naturally hated her, have written to the con­trary. And because she was not less abhorr'd by the Leaguers of Paris, (who believ'd she had a share in the death of the Guises, as others also have thought therein following the relation, which was written by Miron the Physician,) they said publiquely that if her Body shou'd be brought to Paris to be laid in the magnificent Tomb which she had built at St. Denis, for her self and King Henry the Second her Husband, they wou'd certainly throw it into the Seine.

In the mean time the King who was still of opinion that they might be re­duc'd to their obedience by the ways of clemency and mildness, sent thither the Dutchess of Nemours, mother of the Guises and of the young Duke of Nemours, their Brother by the Mo­thers side, who had made his escape, not long after he had been imprison'd by the King. That Princes [...] who was [Page 442] very prudent, preferring the benefits of Peace before the unprofitable re­venge of her Childrens death, had be­gun to treat by Letter with the Dukes of Nemours and Mayenne, her two remaining Sons, endeavouring to re­duce them by gentle means, and offer­ing them all the advantages and all the security which they possibly cou'd wish: which gave the King occasion to believe, that in the end she might conquer their resentments, and ap­pease the commotions in Paris. He was willing also that she shou'd be ac­compani'd by the Sheriffs Compan and Cotteblanche; who promis'd him to use their best endeavours to that effect; or to return to Prison in Blois, if they succeeded not in their negotiation; and at the same time sent his express order to the Parliament to inroll the Declaration which he had publish'd im­mediately after the execution at Blois.

The Dutchess was receiv'd at Pa­ris with great honour, and incredi­ble joy of the people; who paid their veneration to her, as to the Mother of two Holy Martyrs. And the Petit Feuillant Preaching one day before her, [Page 443] flew out into so high a transport, that turning himself towards her, he made an Apostrophé to the late Duke of Guise in these words; O Holy and Glorious Martyr of God, blessed is the Womb that bore thee, and the Breasts that gave thee suck. But after all she succeeded not in her negotiation. The two Sheriffs forswore themselves, and joyn'd with the Factious, accor­ding to their former practice: And upon the request (the original of which is kept in the Library of Monsieur Col­bert, and which I have seen sign'd by forty eight of the principal Citizens,) a prohibition was made them to re­turn to Blois; and the Oath which they had taken, was declar'd Null, by an order of the New Parliament, which the Leaguers set up, after they had broken the old one, by one of the most Horrible Encroachments, which was ever made upon the Royal Autho­rity.

For the Duke of Aumale, and the Council of Sixteen, having that August Body in suspicion, the Prin­cipal Members of which, were Loy­ally devoted to the King's service, [Page 444] resolv'd to take them into custody, and all the other Officers whom they distrusted. Iean Le Clerc, otherwise call'd Bussy, heretofore a Procureur in Parliament, one of the most heady and impudent fellows that ever breath'd, and whom the Duke of Guise, well knowing him to be a desperate Leaguer, had made Governour of the Bastille, demanded and obtain'd that Com­mission; which he executed on the sixteenth of Ianuary. For in the Morn­ing possessing himself of the Palace-Gates, he enter'd, arm'd Cap a pie, into the great Chamber at eight of the Clock, where the Parliament was assembled, and told them, that the good Catholiques of Paris had given him in charge to present them a Re­quest. Afterwards having put it into the hands of one of the Members, he retir'd to the Parquet des Huissiers where his men waited for him. The Request was this in substance, That it wou'd please that Court to unite it self with the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, and the good Citizens of Paris, for the defence of Religion, and of the Town. That in conformity to [Page 445] the Decree of the Sorbonne, it wou'd declare that the French were discharg'd from their Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to the King, and that they wou'd use his name no more in their Orders.

This was the way which that Vil­lain took, to lay hold of an occasion, which he knew wou'd be specious and popular, under the shadow of which he might use the Parliament as after­wards he did; for he knew full well, that they wou'd never confirm a De­cree so impious as was that of the Sor­bonne. This is a passage which all of our Historians have omitted, and which I learn'd from the Manuscript Journal which the famous M. Antho­ny Loysel, an Advocate in Parliament, who was then at Paris, left to his Chil­dren for their instruction. It was no­bly communicated to me by Mon­sieur Ioly his Grandson, Chanter of the Church of Nostre Dame, a man commendable for his Integrity and Learning, and to whom the Chapter of the Metropolitane of Paris is much acknowledging, for his rare Library which he has bestow'd on it. This, [Page 446] then, was the snare which Bussy Le Clerc laid for the Parliament, thereby to pick an occasion of treating them with the most unworthy usage which they cou'd possibly receive.

For without expecting an answer to his insolent request, finding that they debated it much longer than he thought fitting, he return'd into the great Chamber, with his Sword in his hand, follow'd by five and twenty or thirty men arm'd Breast and Back, and with Pistols; and after having told them at the first, that the business was delay'd too long, and that it was well known, that there were those amongst them who betray'd the Town, and held correspondence with Henry de Valois, he added, that he had order to secure them; and commanded with an im­perious voice, that they whom he shou'd name, shou'd immediately fol­low him, if they had a mind to avoid worse usage. At which, when look­ing over his list, he had nam'd the first President Achilles de Harlay, the Presidents de Blanc Mesnil Potier, de Thou, and the most ancient Coun­sellours, all the rest rose up, as by [Page 447] common consent, protesting that they wou'd not abandon their Head; whom they follow'd to the number of about threescore, of all the Chambers, walking two and two after Bussy Le Clerc, who led them as it were in triumph through an infinite multitude of people to the Bastille; where those of them onely were imprison'd who were known to be inviolably faithfull to the King's service.

The most considerable of them in de­sert as well as dignity, was the great A­chilles de Harlay, whom to name is to commend; a Magistrate every way accomplish'd, and of that illustrious house, which having for four hundred years together signaliz'd it self in Arms, has since added to that glory all that can be acquir'd by the highest prefer­ments of the long Robe, and of the Church.

I shou'd be ungratefull to their me­mory, if I did not justice to the merit of those Senatours, who follow'd their Head; and if I made not their names known to posterity which are not found in our Historians, but which I have collected from the forementioned [Page 448] Manuscripts of Monsieur Loysel the Ad­vocate, who knew them all. Besides the Presidents already nam'd, the Counsellours who were imprison'd in the Bastille with them, were Chartier, Spifame, Malvault, Perrot, Fleury, Le Viry, Molé, Scarron, Gayant, Ame­lot, Iourdain, Forget, Herivaux, Tour­nebu, Du Puy, Gillot, de Moussy, Pin­ney, Godard, Fortin, Le Meneur, and the Sieur Denis de Here.

This last was a man of Wit, and of Quality, one of the most resolute of the whole Company; who from a warm Leaguer, (as formerly he had been, out of an ill guided Zeal,) was now become a great servant of the King; having discovered at last the pernicious designs of the League; of whose extraordinary merit Henry the Fourth, after his conversion, made great account. Insomuch that he had the credit to get his name struck out of the Catholicon, in which the Au­thour of that witty Satyr, had plac'd it but little to his advantage. For whereas in the first Edition, of the year 1594. Machaut and Here were nam'd as great sticklers for the League; [Page 449] in all the rest of the Editions we find Machaut and Baston. That hot-hea­ded Baston, who was so furious a Lea­guer, that he sign'd the Covenant with his own bloud drawn from his hand, which remain'd lame after it; and who, after Paris was reduc'd to the King's service, chose rather to go out of it with the Spaniards and retire to Flanders, where he di'd sterv'd, than to stay in France, and live at his ease under the Government of his lawfull King. Thus you have the names of those Loyal MEN WORTHY of the Parliament, who were clapt up in the Bastille with their first Presi­dent.

There were others of them whose names I cou'd not recover, but who well deserve to be known, and had in veneration by the world. The rest of them whether they turn'd Leaguers for company, or seem'd to turn for fear of Death, or that by such their dissimulation, they thought they might put themselves in a way of do­ing the King some considerable service, having engag'd to be faithfull to that party, were left at their liberty, and [Page 450] continued in their stations, with the President Brisson, who from the next morning began to sit and take the Chair as Head of the new Parliament of the League, with which it was be­liev'd he held correspondence, on pur­pose to procure himself this new dig­nity. An action much unworthy of a man who had so high a reputation for his rare learning, who ought rather to have lost his life, than to have so basely abandon'd his King, and to have made himself a Slave to the passions of his mortal Enemies, under pretence that all he did was onely to shelter himself from the violence of the Facti­on, as he privately protested. But so it is, that the greatest Clerks are not always the wisest Men; and that good sense accompanied with constancy of mind, and an unshaken fidelity in our duty, is imcomparably more usefull to the Service of God and of the State, than all the knowledge of Books and Learning of Colleges, huddled together in a Soul without integrity and reso­lution.

And truly, it manifestly appear'd, that all these good qualities were wan­ting [Page 451] to this pretended Parliament, at that time; for about nine or ten days after that action, all the Members of it, to the number of an hundred and twenty, (comprehending in that ac­count the Princes and the Prelates,) swore upon the Crucifix, that they wou'd never depart from their League, and that they wou'd prosecute by all manner of ways their revenge for the death of the two Guises; against all those who were either Authours of it, or accomplices in it. This protesta­tion which was dispatch'd away to all the Towns that held for the party of the League, increas'd the fury of the people, who every day grew worse and worse, even to that degree, that some of them by an abominable mix­ture of Sacrilege, Paricide, and Magi­cal Enchantments, made Images of Wax resembling the King, which they plac'd upon the Altars, and prick'd them in divers parts, pronouncing certain Diabolical words at every one of the forty Masses which they caus'd to be said in many Churches, to make their charms more powerfull; and at the fortieth, they pierc'd the image to the [Page 452] heart, as intending thereby to give their King the stroke of death.

And in the mean time their Bedlam Guincestre shewing in the midst of his Sermon, certain little Silver Candle­sticks made an hundred years before, and curiously cast into the shape of Sa­tyrs, carrying Flambeaus, which had been found amongst the rich ornaments of the Capuchins Oratory, and the Mi­nimes of the Bois de Vincennes lately plunder'd by the Rabble, accus'd the King himself of Sorcery, saying, that those were the Idols, and the figures of those Devils to which Henry de Valois was accustom'd to Sacrifice, in his re­tirement to Bois de Vincennes; and that they had commanded him to murther the Duke of Guise, the Pro­tector of their Faith. But that which gave the mortal blow to the Royal Authority, and settled the Revolt in Absolute power, by giving it a kind of regular form of a popular Government, or rather of an Aristocracy, against the fundamental law of the French Monar­chy, was the arrival of the Duke of Mayenne.

[Page 453] 'Tis true that Prince was not en­dued with all those great and Heroique qualities, which rais'd the admiration of the World in the person of his elder brother the late Duke of Guise: but if we consider him in himself, and with­out comparing him to the former, whose merit being incomparably grea­ter, and his actions more glorious, wou'd certainly obscure him, it must be said, if we will do him right, that he had as much spirit, as much cou­rage, wisedom, moderation, since­rity and probity, as was necessary for him, to maintain an honourable place amongst the great men of his time: but not so much resolution, constancy, greatness of Soul, vigour, activity and good fortune, as he ought to have had for the sustaining of so powerfull a party as that, which he took upon him­self to Head, in opposition to two Kings.

On the one side he was strongly solicited by the Council of Sixteen, and by the Dutchess of Montpensier his Sister, to come and take the place of his dead Brother, and to put him­self at the head of those, who were all [Page 454] in a readiness to obey his orders, and to give up themselves to his com­mand: and on the other side he had receiv'd the King's Letters, which as­sur'd him in most obliging terms, that being as fully perswaded of his inno­cence, as he was convinc'd of his Bro­ther's crimes, he was ready to give him all the part he cou'd desire both in his favour, and his bounty, provided that he still continu'd in that obedience and fidelity, which he ow'd him.

But the extreme grief he had con­ceiv'd, for the cruel treatment of his Brothers, after so many promises, and such solemn protestations, that all past actions shou'd be forgotten, the obliga­tion, which he thought his honour impos'd on him to revenge their death; and more than all, the distrust he had of the King, which was insuperable in him, whose fair words he took for no security, after so horrible an action, made him at last resolve to take up Arms, though he was not naturally in­clin'd to rashness, and to precipitate him­self blindfold, into such an Abyss of ha­zards and confusions, as are insepara­ble from Civil Wars. He thought he [Page 455] shou'd [...]ind much less security in the King's word and honour, than in for­tune, unconstant and variable as she is; and that he ran not so much hazard in declaring himself openly his Enemy, as in trusting to his Promises and Oaths. So that at the first, it was neither ha­tred, nor ambition, but onely distrust, which hurri'd him as it were by force into the Civil Wars; and he had never expos'd himself to so manifest a dan­ger of being ruin'd, but that he imagin'd that by not hazarding himself, he had been ruin'd.

In the mean time, the beginning of his unhappy Enterprize, was exceed­ing prosperous: He march'd from Dijon, with many Troups, which he had drawn out of his Government of Bourgog [...]e, and of Champaign, which declar'd generally for the League, ex­cepting onely Chaälons, the Magi­strates of which place having receiv'd information of the Duke of Guise's death before the Sieur de Rone, whom that Duke had there establish'd Gover­nour, constrain'd him immediately to depart out of it: And as a River swells and enlarges its chanels, the farther [Page 456] it flows from its Spring, and the near­er it approaches to the Sea; so the Forces of this new Head of the League increas'd on his march, by the con­course of those whom his own reputa­tion, the memory of the late Duke his Brother, the common hatred to the King, the example of Paris, the false Zeal of Religion, and above all, the Interest and desire which many had to make their advantage of these troubles, drew to him in all the Coun­tries through which he pass'd; and all the Towns, as it were in Emulation of each other, open'd their Gates for his reception.

He was receiv'd at Troyes, with the same Honours which are peculiar to Kings; and he acted there as a Sove­raign Prince; from thence sending out his Commissions to the Creatures of the Duke of Guise, and especially [...] Rosne and St. Paul, to whom he ex­pedited his Orders for them to com­mand in Champaign and Brye. He [...]ossess'd himself of Sens, to which [...]ace those of his party invited him. [...] things bent under his Authority [...]heresoever he pass'd. He enter'd [Page 457] like a Conquerour into Orleans; where the fame alone of his coming, con­strain'd the Royalists to surrender the Cittadel to the Townsmen who be­sieg'd it. He made himself Master of Chartres by the intelligence which he held there: where the people changing on the sudden, as it were by Enchantment, were become quite ano­ther sort of creatures than they were formerly, when the King retir'd thither after the Barricades, and where they receiv'd him with wonderfull acclama­tions.

Thus cover'd with glory, and now becoming much more haughty than his nature seem'd to allow, by reason of so many prosperous events, which appear'd like good Omens of the fu­ture, he enter'd on the twelfth of February into Paris, where as if the Duke of Guise had been rais'd from the dead in his person, there was a loose given to all publique demonstra­tions of joy, with so much transport and excess, that they proceeded so far as even to expose his Picture Crown'd, and to erect a Royal Throne for him; and if he had had ambition and bold­ness [Page 458] enough to have accepted it, he had found perhaps enow to have acknowledg'd him, that they might have held under him those Govern­ments which he cou'd have given them, with the titles of Dutchies, and Coun­ties in homage, as Hugh Capet had given him the example. But whe­ther it were, that he durst not attempt it out of fear, or wou'd not out of pru­dence, as foreseeing in it insuperable difficulties, which by his endeavour­ing to have risen higher, had thrown him down from the steep of the Pre­cipice; certain it is, that by refusing to accept that honour, which yet in the sequel he desir'd not any other shou'd possess, he sav'd the State, and besides his present intention, or rather against it, preserv'd the Crown to the King of Navarre who was the rightfull presumptive Heir of it.

He satisfi'd himself then, with esta­blishing his own authority in the first place; and with rendring himself more powerfull than the Council of the League, compos'd of those famous forty, amongst which, were the most seditious Mutineers of the whole party, [Page 459] who, whatsoever protestation they made to obey him, had carri'd all matters in Council against him, and had not fail'd, whensoever it had pleas'd them, to have given the Law to him. To this ef­fect he weaken'd that Council by aug­menting it to a greater number of the most qualifi'd of the party, on whom he knew he might safely rely, as being of his own Election. For under pre­tence that it was necessary, that this Assembly, which ought to be the Ge­neral Council of the Union, shou'd be inlarg'd, and be authoriz'd by the whole Party, he caus'd an Order to be pass'd, that all the Princes might assist in it, whensoever they pleas'd, and that all the Bishops, the Presidents, the Procureurs, and the Advocates General of Parliaments, fifteen Coun­sellors whom he nam'd, the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, the Town Solicitor, and the Deputies of the three Orders of all the Provinces of the League, shou'd have places in it, and deliberative Votes.

Thus being always the strongest in that Assembly, by the great number of voices, which were for him, he caus'd [Page 460] whatsoever he pleas'd to pass, in spig [...]t of the Sixteen; and procur'd an autho­rity to himself, near approaching to the Soveraign Power of a King. For the first thing which was order'd in this new Council, was that in sign of this absolute Dominion, which either they suffer'd him to take, or they gave him, he shou'd have from thenceforth, till the holding of the Estates, the most extraordinary and unexampled quality of Lieutenant General, not of the King, for the League acknowledg'd none at that time, but of the Estate, and Crown of France. As if he who commands and governs cou'd represent a Kingdom, and hold, in quality of Lieutenant, the place of an Estate, which is not that which governs, but what is, or ought to be govern'd.

Notwithstanding which, he took his Oath for that new fantastique dig­nity, on the thirteenth of March in the Parliament, which verifi'd the Letters Patents of it, under the new Seals, made instead of those of the King, which were broken by them. And, to begin the Exercise of his Office by an act of Soveraignty, he caus'd im­mediately [Page 461] to be publish'd his new Laws, contain'd in one and twenty Articles, for the uniting under one form of Government, all the Towns which were enter'd into the League; and those which in process of time shou'd enter, the number of which in a short space grew very great. For, there is nothing more surprising, than to see with what rapidity that torrent of Rebellion spreading from the Capi­tal City into the Provinces, drew a­long with it the greatest Towns, which under pretence of revenging the death of the pretended Patrons of the Faith, and of preserving Religion, associated themselves against God's A­nointed, either to make themselves a new Master, or to have none at all.

Almost all the Towns of Burgundy, of Champaign, of Picardy, and of the Isle of France, the greater part of those of Normandy, Mayne, Bretagne, Anjou, Auvergne, Dauphine, Pro­vence, Berry, and the greatest Cities of the Kingdom next to Paris, as Roüen, Lyons, Tholouse, and Poitiers, had put themselves under the protection of the Vnion, and were members of [Page 462] it, before the end of March, and in eve­ry place were committed the like dis­orders as were at Paris. But princi­pally at Tholouse, where the furious Rabble having set upon the first Presi­dent Duranti, and Daphis the Advo­cate General, two men of great un­derstanding, singular Vertue, and un­common fidelity to the King's Service, Massacred them in the open Street. After which their faculty of Divines, confirm'd the decree of the Sorbonne, which was propos'd in a general As­sembly at the Town-House, by which they authoris'd the Revolt.

The greatest part of Provence, had also thrown it self with the same im­petuosity into the League, under the leading of the famous Hubert de Garde Sieur de Vins, who by his courage and extraordinary Valour, accompa­nied with his great prudence, and the wonderfull talent he had, of gaining the affections of the people, had ac­quir'd more reputation and power than any Gentleman not supported by the Royal Authority had ever obtain'd in his own Countrey. He had for­merly sav'd the Life of Henry the [Page 463] Third at Rochelle, when that Prince who was then but Duke of Anjou, ap­proaching too near to a Retrenchment, a Souldier who had singled him out from all the rest, had just taken aim at him, which the Sieur de Vins per­ceiving, threw himself before him, in the Bullets way, and receiv'd the Musquet shot, which wanted little of costing him his Life. He expected as he had reason, some great prefer­ment from the Duke when he was King, in recompence of so generous an action, but perceiving that all was play'd into the Minions hands, without so much as taking the least notice of his worth, the indignation of being slighted, caus'd him to enter into the Duke of Guise's Interests, and to in­gage in the League, (of which he was Head in Provence,) the Count of Car­cas his Uncle, his Brother-in-Law the Count de Sault, a great part of the Nobility, and the Parliament of Aix, as also to expose the whole Province to the manifest danger of being lost, by calling in the Duke of Savoy, who nevertheless was constrain'd at last, to retire with shame into his own Do­minions.

[Page 464] In the mean time, the King who from time to time receiv'd the unplea­sant News of the Rebellion of his Sub­jects, had been forc'd to send back the Deputies of the Estates to their several Provinces, where the greatest part of them being hot Leaguers, blew up the Fire to that height, that he was constrain'd at the length to lay aside the ways of Clemency and Mildness, and to take up, (though somewhat of the latest,) those of Rigour and Com­pulsion. He began by sending a He­rald to Paris, who bore an Injunction to the Duke of Aumale, the pretended Governour, immediately to depart the Town; an Interdiction to the Parlia­ment, to the Exchequer, and the Court of Aydes, with prohibition to all other Officers, of any farther exer­cise of their employments; But he was remanded, without an hearing, loaded with affronts, and threatn'd with an Halter, if he presum'd to re­turn on such an Errant.

He declar'd the Dukes of Mayenne and Aumale, the Citizens of Paris, Or­leans, Amiens, Abbeville, and the o­ther Associated Towns, to be guilty [Page 465] of High Treason, if within a time pre­fix'd, they return not to their Duty. He transferr'd the Parliament of Paris to Tours, and all the Courts of Judica­ture, which were in the Cities of the League to other Towns, which con­tinu'd faithfull to him. But they with­out being concern'd at his angry De­clarations, reveng'd themselves in all places, on such as were of the Royal Party, by all manner of ill usage. He did in the month of March, what he ought to have done in December: He call'd together his Gendarmery, and Rendevouz'd what Forces he cou'd raise in the Neighbourhood of Tours; to which place he had retir'd, as not thinking himself secure in so open and weak a Town as Blois; but first he secur'd his Prisoners, whom he caus'd to be carried from the Castle of Am­boise, and distributed them into seve­ral Prisons. But the Duke of Mayenne who over-powr'd him in men, was al­ready upon the point of coming out from Paris with a strong Army, with a resolution of preventing his designs, and assaulting him in Tours. And up­on that consideration it was, that he [Page 466] was forc'd to resolve upon the onely way, which remain'd for his Shelter, from the last extremities of Violence, and for the preservation of his Crown and Person. France at that time was in a most deplorable condition, divi­ded, and as it were broken into three Parties, which laid it waste. That of the League the most powerfull of any, by the Rebellion of so many Towns: that of the King of Navarre, which had greatly strengthen'd it self, dure­ing the first troubles; and that of the King, which in a manner was reduc'd to his own Houshold, and some very few depending Towns. It was im­possible for him in this condition to carry on the War, which he had un­dertaken against the Huguenots, and at the same time, to maintain himself against the Army of the Leaguers. It remain'd then, that of necessity he must close with one of those Parties, that by its assistance he might reduce the other to Obedience, or at least that he might save himself from ruine, which was inevitable, if he stood single and expos'd to the violence of the other two. Now the Leaguers [Page 467] wou'd neither admit of Peace nor Truce with him, having Sworn in the Oath, which was administer'd to them by the Duke of Mayenne, that they wou'd prosecute their Vengeance to the ex­tremity, for the death of the two Guises. 'Tis manifest by consequence, that he was indispensably oblig'd, to unite himself with the King of Navar­re, and to accept the aid he offer'd him, with so much frankness and ge­nerosity.

After the death of the Guises, that Prince making his advantage of so favourable an opportunity, while all things were in confusion amongst the Catholiques, had much advanc'd the affairs of his Party, by taking of Niort, Saint Maxent, Maillezais, and some other Towns in Poitou, since when, upon his quick recovery from a dangerous Sickness whereof he was like to die, he had push'd his conquests as far as the Frontiers of Touraine, having made himself Master of Lou­dun, Thouars, Montreiuil Bellay, Mi­rebeau, Lisle Bouchard, Chastelleraud, Argenton, and of Blanc in Berry. At which time, observing the wretched [Page 468] Estate to which the Kingdom was re­duc'd, by the three Parties which dis­membred it, he publish'd a Declara­tion on the fourth of March, address'd to the three Estates of France, therein exhorting them to Peace, which was the onely remedy for so many distem­pers, as afflicted the miserable Na­tion.

Then, having clearly prov'd, that it was impossible for the King to suc­ceed in a Civil War, to be prosecuted as some advis'd him, at the same time against the Huguenots and Leaguers, he offer'd him his Service, and all the Forces of his Party, not for bringing the Leaguers and the Revolted Towns to punishment, but for reducing them to the terms of desiring Peace, which he most humbly petition'd him to grant them, and to pardon and pass by the injuries he had receiv'd, after they had been subdu'd by the joint Forces of all good French-men, both of the one Religion and the other; march­ing under the conduct of his Majesty against Rebels. After which, he pro­tested in the sight of God, and ingag'd his Faith and Honour, that forasmuch [Page 469] as that union of his most faithfull Ser­vants, as well Catholiques as Protestants was onely intended, to restore the Royal Authority, and Peace in France, he wou'd never permit that the Roman Catholique Faith, shou'd receive the least prejudice in consideration of it, but that it shou'd always be preserv'd in such Towns as shou'd be taken, with­out making any alteration of Religion in them.

This Declaration made way for the Treaty, which was begun with great secrecy, immediately after it, in or­der to the Union of the two Kings. There were some in the Council who endeavour'd to oppose that Negotia­tion, as fearing that it wou'd much fortify the Party of the League, by contributing to the belief of that re­port, which was already spread by the Leaguers amongst the people, that the King had always maintain'd a pri­vate Correspondence with the Hugue­nots; besides, that the Pope whose Friend­ship was necessary, wou'd be scanda­lis'd at such an Union. The King himself had a great repugnance to it, and doubtless wou'd much rather have [Page 470] compounded his differences with the Princes of the League, if it had been possible, and thereby to have renew'd his Edict of Reunion, a thing not un­known to the King of Navarre, who easily perceiv'd that the Court wou'd never apply to him, but for want of others.

In effect, the King in the begin­ning of March, had written to the Duke of Lorrain, and had sent him very advantageous conditions for the Princes of his House, with all manner of Security for them, in case he cou'd prevail with them, to receive the Peace and Treaty which he offer'd. But being refus'd on that side, those of his Council, who were of opinion that the King of Navarre's propositi­ons shou'd be accepted, inforc'd so far their strongest Argument, which was pure Necessity, farther alledging the examples of so many Catholique Kings and Princes, who like the great Em­perour Theodosius made use of In [...]idels and Heretiques against their Enemies, that the King at last consented to set on foot the Treaty.

[Page 471] It was concluded at Tours on the third of April, by the Sieur du Plessis-Mornay, who capitulated on the King of Navarre's behalf, on these conditi­ons: That the said King, during the Truce which was made for one year, shou'd serve the King with all his Forces: That he shou'd have a passage on the Loyre, which at length was declar'd to be the Town of Saumur; after some difficulties which were re­mov'd concerning the trusting it in his hands. That he shou'd therein have the free exercise of his Religion, and in some other little Towns, which were left to him by way of caution, for his reimbursment of his charges in the War.

This Negotiation of Du Plessis, cou'd not be transacted with so much Se­crecy, but that it was vented by the Legat Morosini, who thereupon us'd his utmost endeavours in three vigo­rous Remonstrances to hinder that blow, which he believ'd wou'd be fa­tal to Religion, according to the false notions which he had of the King of Navarre. And the King having told him, that after having tri'd all ways [Page 472] of accommodation with the Duke of Mayenne, which that Prince had al­ways haughtily rejected, necessity compell'd him to make use of the one­ly remaining means to defend his Life; the Legat earnestly besought him to allow him ten days more, that he might have opportunity of treating in person with that Duke, whom he hop'd he shou'd be able to prevail with, to accept those advantageous terms of Peace, which were presented him. Though the Treaty was not onely concluded, but also sign'd, as appears by the Memoires of Du Plessis Mornay, yet the King to make it evident, that it was onely through necessity, that he enter'd into this Union with the Huguenots against the League, was consenting that before the publica­tion of it, there shou'd be made a last attempt on the inclinations of the Duke of Mayenne, to induce him to a reconcilement. To this effect, he gave in writing to the Legat the same Articles, which he had already pro­pos'd to the Duke of Lorrain, and which were as advantageous to his Family, as he cou'd reasonably de­sire.

[Page 473] For there was offer'd to the Duke of Mayenne, his Government of Burgun­dy, with full power of placing such Governours in the Towns, as he him­self shou'd chuse; of disposing all va­cant Offices, and levying on the Pro­vince forty thousand Crowns yearly. To the young Duke of Guise his Ne­phew, the Government of Champaigne, with two Cities at his choice, therein to keep what Garrisons he pleas'd, twenty thousand Crowns of Pension, and thirty thousand Livres of Income in Benifices for his Brother. To the Duke of Nemours the Government of Lyons, with a Pension of ten thousand Crowns; to the Duke of Aumale the Government of Picardy, and two Ci­ties in that Province; to the Duke of Elbeuf a Government, and five and twenty thousand Livres of Pension; and what was of greatest importance for that Family, to the Marquis du Pont, eldest Son of the Duke of Lor­rain, the Government of Toul, Metz and Verdun, with assurance, that if his Majesty had no Issue Male, those three Bishopricks shou'd remain to the Duke of Lorrain. To all which, the [Page 474] King caus'd this addition to be made, that to remove all difficulties, which might arise in the execution of this Treaty, he wou'd remit himself to the Arbitration of his Holiness, who might please to joyn in the Umpirage with him the Senate of Venice, the great Duke of Thuscany, the Duke of Fer­rara, and the Duke of Lorrain himself, who had so great an interest in those Articles.

With these conditions the Legat went from Tours on the tenth of April, towards the Duke of Mayenne, who was already advanc'd with his Army, as far as Chasteaudun. He was receiv'd with all manner of respect, and dure­ing the two days conference he had with the Duke, employ'd the most powerfull considerations he cou'd pro­pose to win his consent to a Peace so advantageous for all his House, and so necessary to Religion and the publique welfare: or at least to gain thus far upon him, that if any thing were yet wanting to his entire satisfaction, he wou'd remit his interests and those of his Party into the hands of the Pope, as the King on his side was already [Page 475] dispos'd to refer his own. But after all his endeavours, he cou'd not work him to any condescension. And what­ever arguments he us'd, he always an­swer'd with great respect as to the Pope and the person of the Legat, but with extreme contempt for the King, whom he perpetually call'd that Wretch, that he and his wou'd ever be obedient to the Pope; but that he was very well assur'd, that his Holi­ness wou'd never lay his Commands upon him, to make any agreement to the prejudice of Religion, with a man who had none at all, and who was united with the Huguenots, against the Catholiques. That he cou'd not bear the mention of a reconcilement with a perjur'd man, who had neither Faith nor Honour, and that he cou'd never trust his word, who had Murther'd his Brothers so inhumanely, and viola­ted so per [...]idiously, not onely the pub­lique Faith, but also the Oath which he had taken on the Evangelists at the most holy Sacrament of the Al­tar.

After this, the Cardinal farther ob­serving, (what he cou'd not otherways [Page 476] have believ'd,) that even more oppro­brious terms than these were us'd of the King, through all the Army, and in every City, which own'd the League, where no man durst presume to give him the name of King, wrote him word that he cou'd do him no Service with the Duke; and himself not daring to be near his person, while the King of Navarre continued with him, went to Bourbonnois, where he waited the Orders which he re­ceiv'd from the Pope not long after, to return to Rome, and there to give an account of his Legation. Thus, af­ter all hope was utterly lost of con­cluding any peace with the Leaguers, the Treaty with the King of Navarre took place. He was put into possessi­on of Saumur, the Government of which he gave to the Sieur du Plessis-Mornay, who had so well succeeded in his Negotiation: And it was from that very place that he publish'd his Declaration, concerning his intended passage over the Loyre, for the Service of his Majesty, where he protests a­mongst other things, that being first Prince of the Bloud, whom his Birth [Page 477] oblig'd before all others to defend his King, he holds none for Enemies, but such as are Rebels, forbidding most strictly all his Souldiers, to commit any manner of offence against those Catholiques who were faithfull Sub­jects to his Majesty, and particularly against the Clergy, whom he takes into his protection.

The King also made his own at large, wherein he declares the rea­sons, that oblig'd him to joyn with the King of Navarre, for the preserva­tion of his person and the Estate, without any prejudice which cou'd thence ensue, to the Catholique Reli­gion, which he wou'd always main­tain in his Kingdom, even with the hazard of his Life. But that which at length completed the Happiness of this Union betwixt the two Kings, was their Enterview which was made in the Park of Plessis, on the thirtieth day of April, amidst the acclamations of a multitude of people there assem­bled, and with all the signs of an en­tire confidence on both sides: Though the old Huguenot Captains who had not yet forgot St. Bartholomew, us'd [Page 478] their best endeavours that their Master shou'd not have put himself in the King's Power, as he did with all frank­ness and generosity.

He did yet more, for being gone back with his Guards, and the Gen­tlemen who attended him to the Faux­bourgs of St. Simphorian beyond the Bridges; on the next Morning, which was the first of May, he repa [...]s'd the River, follow'd onely by one Page, and return'd to Tours, to be present at the King's Levè, who was infinite­ly pleas'd with this generous proce­dure, and clearly saw by it, that he had no occasion to suspect him, and that he had reason to hope all things from a Prince, who reli'd so fully on his word, though he had broken it more than once to him, by revoking the Edicts which he had made in favour of him, onely to content the League. In this manner they pass'd two days together, and held a Council, where the King of Navarre caus'd a resoluti­on to be taken, that for the speedy ending of the War, they shou'd assem­ble their whole Forces, with all possible diligence, and March directly on to Pa­ris, [Page 479] which was the Head of the League, and on which the body of it depended. After which, leaving with the King, about four or five thousand men, which he had in the Neighbourhood of Tours, he went from thence to Chinon, and into Loudunois, to bring up the remainder of his Forces, who were as yet in doubt of his Union with the Royalists, and by so doing, gave the Duke of Mayenne that opportunity which he took of attacquing Tours.

That Prince had March'd out of Paris, in the beginning of April, with one half of his Army, and after ha­ving taken in Melun, and some other little places, which might cause an im­mediate hindrance to the supplies of that great City; he went to joyn the rest of his Forces, which were Quar­ter'd in La Beauce; after which, lea­ving on his left hand Beaugency and Blois, which it was believ'd he wou'd or ought to have attacqu'd, he ad­vanc'd as far as Chasteaudun to exe­cute the design which he had on Van­dome, and even upon Tours it self, by help of the intelligence which those of the League had prepar'd for him in [Page 480] both those places. Maille Benehard, who had sold Vandome, of which he was Governour, set open the Gates of it to Rosne, the Marshal de Camp, who made Prisoners almost all the Mem­bers of the great Council, which the King had remov'd thither. The Duke of Mayenne arriv'd there immediately after, and having rejoyn'd the Troups of Rosne, went to fall upon the Quar­ters of Charles de Luxembourg, Count of Brienne, who was lodg'd at Saint Ouin, and the Countrey thereabouts, within a League of Amboise; he cut off six hundred of his Men, dispers'd the rest and took him Prisoner; after­wards he went to post himself right over against Saumur, thereby to hin­der the passage of the remainder of the King of Navarre's Forces.

But, when he had heard not long after, that the said King was remov'd from Tours, he believ'd it wou'd be a convenient time for him to execute his design which he judg'd impossible to fail, by reason of the Correspondence which he held in the Town: Where­upon taking his way back, he March'd with all possible expedition, contrary [Page 481] to the slowness of his temper, and ap­pear'd in Battalia all on the sudden, the seventh of May in the morning, on the Hills which overlook the Fauxbourg of St. Simphorian. It wan­ted but little, that the King, who was gone betimes that day to Marmoutier, had not been surpris'd by the Scouts who were within an hundred paces of him. And it was not without great pains and danger, that he got to his first Corps de Guard, from whence he return'd into the Town, and there gave so good directions in all places, that they who held Intelligence with the Enemy, durst attempt no distur­bance: for which reason the Duke, (who had spun out the time with faint Skirmishes till four of the Clock in the Afternoon, still expecting that the Leaguers of the Town wou'd rise for him;) now seeing that there was not the least motion made, gave on with his whole Army so vigorously at three several passages, that he forc'd the Bar­ricades which were made at those three Avenues, and Guarded with twelve hundred men: this he perform'd in the space of half an hour, with the [Page 482] loss of about an hundred of his own, and the slaughter of three or four hun­dred of the King's Souldiers.

This was all that was effected by that attempt of the great Army, which was set on foot by the League, which after this first success did no­thing more, but fell to committing all manner of Disorders, and horrible Outrages in the Suburbs where they had no farther opposition. For when the Duke of Mayenne found, that part of the King of Navarre's Forces were arriv'd in the Evening, under the Con­duct of the brave Chastillon, who was already retrench'd in the Island, over against the Fauxbourg, and that the rest wou'd immediately be there, with the King of Navarre who wou'd not fail to give him more employment, than his raw, and for the most part new rais'd Souldiers wou'd well suffer, he took occasion to Dislodge silently before day, the next Morning, after his Troups had left their fame behind them in the Suburbs, by all manner of Villanies which they there commit­ted. From thence he went to gather up some Regiments which were levy­ing [Page 483] for him in Anjou and Maine; af­ter which possessing himself of Alanson, which surrender'd without resistance for want of a Garrison, he was forc'd to return hastily to Paris, where they were in a wonderfull consternation, for the loss of the Battail of Senlis, which I shall next relate.

William de Montmorancy, Sieur de Thorè, had so well negotiated while he was at Chantilly, with the principal persons of that Town, which at the first had been drawn along by the torrent of the League, that he had made himself Master of it at the latter end of April, and was enter'd into it, with an hundred Gentlemen of his Friends, and five hundred Foot which he had levied in the Valley of Mont­morancy. The Parisians astonish'd at this surprise, which took from them their communication with Picardy, were absolutely bent on the retaking of that place, as soon as was possible; and were so urgent with the Duke of Aumale, and the Sieur de Maineville, Lieutenant to the Duke of Mayenne, that in three days time they were be­fore the Town, and besieg'd it with [Page 484] four of five thousand Citizens of Pa­ris, and three pieces of Cannon; to whom Balagny not long after joyn'd himself with three or four thousand men, some of them drawn out of the Towns of the Low Countries, and the rest from those of Picardy, and brought along with him a train of seven pieces of Artillery, which he had taken out of Peronne and Amiens.

But while the Siege was thus for­ming, that Prudent and Valiant Cap­tain Monsieur de la Noüe, who com­manded the Troups of Sedan, the Truce being now made with the Duke of Lorrain, had joyn'd his Forces with those of the Duke of Longueville at St. Quentin, with intention according to the King's Orders, to meet and embo­dy with the Swissers, whom Monsieur de Sancy had levy'd for his Majesty's Service in the Cantons. There seem'd to be offer'd them a fair occasion of doing a piece of good Service to the King, by raising of that Siege, before they put themselves upon their March. To this effect, they advanc'd as far as Compeigne, where they had appointed a Rendevouz for the Gentlemen Royal­lists [Page 485] of Picardy, who fail'd not of com­ing in at the time prefix'd. Insomuch that on the very day, which was the seventh of May, when the Town was so batter'd by the Cannon, that it was laid quite open, and must of necessity have Surrender'd, if it had not been succour'd before Night, they appear'd at Noon in view of the place, to the number of a thousand or twelve hun­dred Horse, and three thousand Foot all experienc'd Souldiers, and resolv'd upon the point, either to force their passage into the Town, or to perish in the attempt.

The Duke of Aumale deceiv'd by his Spies, who assur'd him that the Enemy had no Cannon, and knowing himself to be twice as strong, doubted not but he shou'd be able to defeat them with his Cavalry alone. Accor­dingly having drawn up with much trouble his Parisian Infantry, brisk men to appearance and well arm'd, but a little out of countenance, when they saw the Business in hand, was somewhat more than bare Trayning, and that Life was at stake, he ad­vanc'd so hastily with his Horse, ha­ving [Page 486] Maineville on his right hand, and Balagny on his left, that those two great Bodies of Horse and Foot, were made uncapable of relieving and serving each other in the Fight.

La Noiie, to whom for the sake of his experience, the young Duke of Longueville had intrusted the care and conduct of the Army, having observ'd the countenance of the Enemy, and finding the Parisians disorder'd and wa­vering, was confident he cou'd beat them with those few Troups, which he had then in the Field, and who were imbattel'd in this order. The Duke of Longueville was in the main Body, with his Squadron compos'd of a great number of brave Gentlemen, having at the Head of them, the Lord Charles de Humieres, Marquis d' Encre, and Governour of Compeigne, who had furnish'd the Army with Cannon and Ammunition, which occasion'd the gaining of the Battel. This was he who having soon discover'd the pernicious designs of the League, serv'd the King so well against it, that Hen­ry the Fourth at his coming to the Crown, made him his Lieutenant in [Page 487] Picardy, with an extraordinary privi­lege, that he shou'd have the full Au­thority of disposing all things in that Province.

His great Services, his extraordi­nary Deserts, his high Reputation, his Performances on this great day, and many signal actions during the War, gain'd him without any other recom­mendation his Commission for Gene­ral of the Artillery, which was sign'd not long before his Death; and he was yet in a way of mounting higher, if his too great Courage had not ex­pos'd him to that fatal Musquet shot, which kill'd him at the taking of Han; though the Garrison of Spaniards had small cause to boast of it, who were all sacrific'd to the just sorrow of the Army for the loss of so brave a Gentle­man. They who came in to the Duke of Longueville with him, were Louis Dongniez, Count de Chaulne his Brother-in-Law, the Sieurs de Mau­levrier, Lanoy, Longueval, Cany, Bon­nivet, Givry, Fretoy, Mesvillier, and La Tour.

This Squadron was slank'd on the right and left with two gross Battali­ons, [Page 488] having each of them two Field pieces, which were not drawn out of Compeigne till some time after the Army was March'd, on purpose to de­ceive the Spies, who thereupon gave intelligence that they had none. He plac'd on his right Wing the Cavalry of Sedan, at the Head of which he was resolv'd to Fight in Person: and on his left, the Horsemen which were drawn out from those places, that held for the King in Picardy. The Duke of Aumale who made such over haste to the Victory, of which he made sure in his conceipt, that he left his Cannon behind him, was the first who founded the Charge, and Balag­ny with his Squadron of Cambresians and Walloons, advanc'd eagerly to at­tacque the right Wing of the Royal­lists, which was much inferiour to his own in strength; but when he was almost just upon them, the gross Batta­lion which cover'd the left side of that Squadron, opening in a moment, he was surprisingly saluted with a Volley of Cannon, which carri'd off at once whole rancks of his Squadron, and con­strain'd him to retire in great disorder.

[Page 489] Then the Duke of Aumale, who plainly saw that there was no other remedy for this unexpected mischief, but speedily to win the Enemies Can­non, put himself upon the gallop, follow'd by Maineville and Balagny, who had recover'd his disorder, and all three went at the Head of their men, to force that Infantry of the Enemy. But they were scarce come up within an hundred paces of them, when their other Battalion opening, a second Volley came thundring upon them, and raking them in the Flank, did more execution than the former. A third which immediately succeeded it, shook their whole Body, which having advanc'd a little farther, the Musquetiers which flank'd their Horse, made their discharge, so justly both against Man and Horse, that the Field was strew'd with dead Bodies; and in the mean time the whole Caval­ry of the Royallists charg'd upon them who were already wavering and half routed: and the Besieg'd at the same time sallying out, fell upon the rere of the Parisian Infantry, who had been abandon'd by their Cavalry, so that [Page 490] now it was no longer to be call'd a Battel, but a downright Slaughter, and a general defeat.

Never was any Victory more com­plete, with so little loss to the Con­querours: the Field of Battel remain'd in their Possession, cover'd with above two thousand Slain, without recko­ning into the number, those who were kill'd by the Peasants, or such as cou'd not recover themselves out of the Ma­rishes, which are about the Abbey de la Victoire. The Camp of the Van­quish'd, the Merchandises, and Com­modities which had been brought thi­ther from Paris, the Cannon, the Am­munition, the Colours, the Baggage, and twelve hundred Prisoners were the Conquerours reward: Who some few days after as they March'd to­wards Burgundy, there to joyn the Swissers, saluted the Parisians from the Heights of Montfaucon, with some Vollies of Cannon, and thereby gave them notice of their defeat, with a truer account of it than had been given them by the Duke of Aumale and Ba­lagny, whereof the one sav'd himself in St. Denis, and the other in Paris.

[Page 491] And as it often happens, that one misfortune comes on the Neck of ano­ther, to those who are in the way of being beaten, this defeat was follow'd the very next day after it, being the eighteenth of May, with the loss of three hundred brave Gentlemen of Picardy, whom the Governour of Dourlens, Charles Tiercelin de Saveuse, was bringing to the Duke of Mayenne; who being met in La Beauce towards Bonneval, by the Count of Chastillon, with a greater strength, were almost all of them Slain, after having fought like Lions without asking Quarter, or so much as promising for safety of their Lives, that they wou'd never bear Arms against the King. Such violent Leaguers were these men, and above all, Saveuse their Captain, who being carried off to Baugency, woun­ded in all parts of his Body, where the King of Navarre a great lover of brave Men was very desirous to have sav'd him, refus'd all kind of remedies, for the sullen pleasure of Dying, ha­ving nothing in his mouth but the praises of the Duke of Guise, and a thousand imprecations against his Mur­therers.

[Page 492] These fortunate events, accompa­ni'd by the great success which the Duke of Montpensier had in Normandy against the Leaguers, occasion'd the King of Navarre who was advanc'd as far as Baugency, with part of his Forces, to return to Tours, that he might ad­vise the King no longer to delay the time in fruitless Treaties, which were still counsell'd him by some, and were so agreeable to his lazy and unactive genius; and to let him know, that it was now high time to put in executi­on a more generous design, which was to attaque the Enemy in their chiefest strength, by besieging Paris. He re­solv'd on this at last; but first he was desirous of getting Orleans into his power; which if he cou'd compass, he shou'd thereby deprive Paris of the great supplies which might be drawn from thence.

To effect this, having in the be­ginning of Iune pass'd his Army over the Bridge of Baugency in La Sologne, he caus'd Gergeau to be assaulted: the Governour of which place, who had the confidence to stay till the Cannon had made a breach, which he was not [Page 493] able to defend, was taken, and hang'd for an example. Those of Gien, terri­fi'd by this just severity, made haste to surrender before the Artillery had play'd; and the Inhabitants of La Charité put themselves immediately into the King's hands of their own ac­cord; so that his Majesty, excepting onely Nantz, was Master of all the pas­sages on the Loire, both above and be­low Orleans, which he invested on all parts of it.

The Sieur de la Chastre, who after the death of the Guises had promis'd fidelity to the King, and not long af­terwards had declar'd a second time for the League, in his Government of Berry, put himself into that Town, with all the Forces he cou'd make; and the Inhabitants, encourag'd by his presence, refus'd with great scorn those advantageous propositions which were made them by the King, laugh'd at his threatnings, and took up a resolution of defending themselves to the last ex­tremity. Insomuch that it being con­cluded, it was but loss of time to under­take that Siege, the first design of go­ing directly on to Paris was resum'd. [Page 494] For which reason they repass'd the Loire, and upon the March without much trouble took in the Towns of Pluviers, Dourdan and Estampes; at which last place the King receiv'd the unwelcome news of the Monitory which Pope Sixtus had publish'd a­gainst him; and this was the occasion of it.

Not long after the death of the Guises, the King, who clearly saw by the Re­monstrations which the Legat Morosini had made him, that the absolution which he had receiv'd by virtue of his Bre­viat, wou'd not be receiv'd at Rome; had sent thither Claude d' Angennes Bishop of Mans to intercede for ano­ther, notwithstanding all the discou­raging Letters which had been writ­ten him by his friends from thence, to disswade him from it; or at least to delay a submission of this nature, which might prove prejudicial to him. In farther prosecution of this the Mar­quis de Pisany his Ambassadour, and the Cardinal de Ioyeuse, acting in joint commission with the Bishop by his order, had represented to Pope Sixtus the most powerfull reasons they [Page 495] cou'd urge, to procure this favour from him: to which the Pope who was grown inflexible on that point, had answer'd them ruggedly according to his nature; that he was willing to take no cognisance of the Duke of Guise's death, because he was the King's Sub­ject; but the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Arch-bishop of Lyons whom he held Prisoners, not being his Subjects, (since none but the Pope had a Sove­raign Power over Cardinals and Bi­shops,) he wou'd never grant him ab­solution before he had restor'd them to their liberty, or at least put them into the hands of his Legat, that they might be sent to Rome, where himself wou'd execute justice on them, in case he found them guilty.

On the other side, the Commander of Diu, the Sieur Coquelaire Counsellor in Parliament, Nicholas de Piles Abbot of Orbais, and the Sieur Frison Dean of the Church of Rheims, who were De­puties for the League at Rome, to hin­der the Pope from giving this Absolu­tion, not onely oppos'd it with all their force, but also us'd their best endeavours to perswade him, that he [Page 496] wou'd publish the Excommunication, which he himself had said was incurr'd by the King for the murther of the Cardinal of Guise; and amongst other arguments which they alledg'd, to carry him to this extreme severity a­gainst a most Christian King, they fail'd not to urge the Authority of the Decrees of the Sorbonne, and princi­pally that of the fifth of April. In that Decree, the Faculty declare that Hen­ry de Valois, ought not to be pray'd for in any Ecclesiastique Prayer; much less at the Canon of the Mass, in re­gard of the Excommunication, which he had incurr'd; and that these words Pro Rege nostro, ought to be taken out of the Canon, lest it shou'd be believ'd that they pray'd for him; even though the Priest by directing his intention otherwise shou'd call down the effect of those Prayers on the present Gover­nours, or on him to whom God Al­mighty had reserv'd the kingdom. The same Decree wills, that instead of them, there shou'd be said at Mass three Prayers which are not in the Canon, Pro Christianis Principibus nostris, which were Printed and re­main [Page 497] at this day to be seen. Lastly, it adds, that all such, who will not conform to this Decree, shall be de­priv'd of the Prayers and other rights of the Faculty, from which they shall be driven out, like Excommu­nicated Persons: and this was ap­prov'd by the general consent of all the Doctors.

'Tis most certain that these Decrees, together with what was continually buzz'd in the Pope's ears, that the King's party was absolutely ruin'd, contributed not a little to the resoluti­on which he took of prosecuting the King by the ways of rigour, and with­out fear. But that which put the last hand to his determination, was the Manifesto of the two Kings, who were now in conjunction against the League. For being a man of an haughty temper, he was not able to endure that the King shou'd be united, with a person whom he had excommunicated as a relaps'd Heretique, by a thundring Bull, which he had caus'd to be in­serted in the Bullary, reprinted by [Page 498] him, for that onely purpose: he easily believ'd whatever reports were rais'd by the Leaguers to the disadvantage of the King's party or his cause, and ac­cordingly set up in Rome his Monitory against him.

In which he commands him to set at full liberty the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Arch-bishop of Lyons, within ten days after the publication of his Monitory, at the Gates of two or three of six Cathedral Churches which are nam'd, and which are those of Poi­tiers, Orleans, Chartres, Meaux, A­gen, and Mans, and to give him assu­rance of it within thirty days by an Authentique Act. In default of which he pronounces from that present time, and for the future, that he and all his Accomplices in the murther of the Cardinal of Guise, and the imprison­ment of the other Prelates, have dam­nably incurr'd the greater Excommu­nication, and the other Ecclesiastical censures, denounc'd by the Bull, In Coena Domini, from which they can never be absolv'd, except onely in the [Page 499] article of death, by giving security that they will obey the Mandats of the Church. Farthermore, he cites them to make their appearance within two months, before his Tribunal, the King himself in person, or by his Proctor, and the rest personally, to give in their reasons why they believe they have not incurr'd the censures, and why the King's Subjects are not absolv'd from their Oath of Allegi­ance; and in fine invalidates all Privileges to the contrary which the King himself, or his Predecessours have formerly obtain'd from the Holy See.

This Monitory was posted up at Rome, on the twenty fourth of May; and the Leaguers Printed it at Paris, and publish'd it with all the formali­ties accustom'd, at Paris, Chartres, and Meaux on the twenty third of Iune; and I have seen the Acts of it, which were Printed immediately after at Paris, with the Monitory, by Nicho­las Nivelle, and Rolin Thierry Statio­ners and Printers for the Holy Union, [Page 500] with the Privilege of the Body of the Council General of the same Holy Union, Signed by Senault, their Se­cretary.

It was then at Estampes, that the King receiv'd this information, that he was prosecuted in this manner, both at Rome and in France by the Arms of the Church, at the same time when the Rebels assaulted him with theirs, to pull him from the Throne. It was told him indeed, that there were con­tain'd in that Monitory, many heads which were nullities in their own na­ture, and which consequently made the whole invalid, even though it were against a private person. But when notwithstanding all these rea­sons, he still answer'd that it gave him exceeding trouble; the King of Na­varre, who desir'd nothing more than speedily to prosecute the design of be­sieging Paris, told him pleasantly as well as truly, that he had found out a sure expedient for him; ‘And, Sir, said he, with his accustom'd quick­ness, 'tis onely this, that we over­come; [Page 501] and the sooner the better; for if we succeed, you may assure your self of your Absolution; but in case we are beaten, we shall be still Excommunicated, over and over, and damn'd with three pil'd curses on our heads.’

This saying was much of a piece with what the Bishop of Mans, had written to the King from Rome; that if he were desirous of the Absolution, which was refus'd him in that Court, he had no more to doe but to make himself the strongest in his own Kingdom.

Thus the King thinking it his best course to dissemble his knowledge of the Monitory, never own'd that he had seen or heard of it; but march'd still forward, to pass the Seine at the Bridge of Poissy, which he forc'd; after which having taken Pontoise, which was sur­render'd on the 25th of Iuly, after a fortnights siege, having been vigo­rously defended by the Sieur d' Alin­cour, who was there grievously woun­ded, [Page 502] and the Sieur de Hautefort, who lost his life; he went to Constans, and there receiv'd the Army of the Swis­ses, which was conducted to him by Nicholas de Harlay, Sieur de Sancy; who by performing so great and seasonable a service to the King his Master, has deserv'd the praise of all posterity.

At the beginning of this War, there being a Council held, wherein were propos'd the most speedy and effica­cious means that cou'd be found to carry it on, the King being then re­duc'd to a very low condition; Sancy, who had been formerly his Ambassa­dour in Swisserland, maintain'd that there was no better expedient, than to treat with the Cantons, who to defend themselves from the Arms of Savoy, which threatned Geneva, and design'd to shut it up on the side of France, wou'd willingly permit a great Levy of their Subjects to be made in favour of the King, who might hereafter be in a condition to succour them, in case they shou'd be driven to extremity. [Page 503] But, because the Exchequer was whol­ly drain'd, and No Money no Swisse was the common Proverb, his pro­position was turn'd into ridicule, and he was ask'd if he knew the man who wou'd undertake to raise an Army, without any other ingredient than Pen and Paper? Then Sancy, who though he was of the long Robe, had a Souldiers heart, (for at that time, he was onely a Master of Requests) Since, said he, not one of all those who have been enrich'd by the King's bounty, will make offer of himself to serve him, I declare that I will be the man. And thereupon accepted a very ample Com­mission which was given him by the King, but without a penny to bear his charges, to treat with the Swisses and Germans for the raising of an Ar­my.

To go through with his business, he Mortgag'd all he had, and took up what he coud procure upon his Cre­dit; and in sequel, acted with so much fortune and such good management with the Magistrates of Bern, of Basile, [Page 504] of Soleure, and of Geneva, that after having taken from the Duke of Savoy the Baily-wicks of Gex and Thonon, the Fort of Ripaille, and some other pla­ces, thereby to employ him for some time, and to hinder him from molesting of his neighbours, he put himself at the head of the Royal Army, compos'd of ten or twelve thousand Foot, Swisses, Grisons, and Genevians, with near two thousand Reyters, and twelve pieces of Cannon. With these Forces he travers'd all the Countrey from Geneva by Swisserland, as far as the County of Montbelliard, from whence crossing the French County, and passing the Saone towards Ioinville, he came to Langres which held for the King, and thence to Chastillon on the Seine, to joyn the Duke of Longueville and La Noüe. From whence march­ing through Champaigne, all three in company, with twenty thousand men, they passed the Seine at Poissy, and in conclusion arriv'd happily at the King's Army. His Majesty receiv'd Sancy with tears in his eyes, and protested in presence of all the Officers of his [Page 505] Army, that he wept for joy, and grief together, that he had not wherewith­all at present to reward the greatest service, which a Subject cou'd perform to his King; and that what he had done for him in making him Colonel of the Swisses, was nothing in com­parison of what he intended him, be­ing resolv'd that one day he wou'd make him so great, that there shou'd not be a man in his Kingdom, who might not have occasion to envy him.

But fortune, which is pleas'd with persecuting of vertue, dispos'd quite otherwise of the matter, by that de­plorable accident, which happen'd three days after, and by the misery which his own noble heartedness had drawn upon him. For instead of those large recompences which he might reasonably expect, after having done so worthy an action, he was re­duc'd so low, that he was constrain'd at last to sell all he had, therewith to pay the debts which he had contracted by Levying at his own charges that gallant Army, which put the King in [Page 506] a condition of conquering his Rebels, and by consequence of triumphing over the League. In effect, after the conjunction of the two Armies, in the general review of all his Troups, he saw himself at the head of more than forty five thousand Men, experienc'd Souldiers, with which, after having possess'd himself on the thirtieth of Iuly, of the Bridge of St. Clou, (from whence he drove the Leaguers with his Cannon,) he was resolv'd, with­in two days, to attaque the Faux­bourgs of Paris, on both sides of the River.

There is all the appearance of pro­bability, that he had carri'd them, at the first onset, and by consequence the Town it self, where they were alrea­dy in extreme consternation, all the passages for provisions, being block'd up; and the Duke of Mayenne, not having about him above five or six thousand Souldiers at the most; who were not the third part of the number which was necessary for the defence of the Retrenchments of so great a [Page 507] compass, as those which he had made for all the Fauxbourgs; considering be­sides that the King had within the Town so great a number of good Sub­jects, who having taken courage at his approach, had drawn over a great party of the honest Citizens, receiving an assurance that the punishment wou'd onely fall on the Principal of the Lea­guers, in case the King entring the Town as a Conquerour, shou'd think fit to remember the old business of the Bar­ricades. Insomuch that the Duke of Mayenne had occasion to fear, that at the same time when the Fauxbourgs were attaqu'd there wou'd be a sud­den rising for the King, within the Town, and that those who had thus risen, wou'd make themselves Masters of one of the Gates, which they wou'd open to him, and afterwards act in con­junction with his Army.

To this purpose 'tis reported, that the Duke who, notwithstanding all his temper and his slowness, was very brave, being sensible of his desperate condition, though in outward shew [Page 508] he seem'd confident of good success, still plying the people from the Pul­pits with a thousand Lyes for their en­couragement; had resolv'd with a cho­sen Troup of his bravest men, who were willing to follow his fortune, to throw himself into the midst of the Royal Army, with his Sword in his hand, either to overcome, against all appearance of probability, by a gene­rous despair, (which is sometimes pro­sper'd by the chance of Arms,) or to die honourably in using the onely means which were now left him, to revenge the death of his two Bro­thers.

In this flourishing condition the King's affairs then stood, and to this low ebb was the League reduc'd, when fortune which plays with the lives of men, of which she sometimes makes a ridiculous Comedy, and at other times a bloudy Tragedy, all on the sudden chang'd the Scene, as if the action had been upon a Theatre, by the most Sacrilegious blow which was ever given, I say not by a Man but [Page 509] by a Devil incarnate. 'Tis not neces­sary that I shou'd here relate every particular circumstance of so execra­ble a deed, which is already known to all the world: 'Tis sufficient that in performance of my duty, as an Histo­rian, I onely say, That a young Ia­cobin, call'd Iaques Clement, a man of mean capacity, Superstitious, and Fanatically devout, being perswaded by the furious Sermons of the Prea­chers, and by a certain Vision which he thought he had, that he shou'd be a Martyr if he lost his life, for having kill'd Henry de Valois, was so far in­toxicated with this damnable opinion, that he scrupled not to say openly, that the people needed not to give themselves so much trouble; and that he knew well enough how to deliver Paris, in due time. And when it was known that the King was at St. Clou, where he had taken up his quarters, and was lodg'd at the House of Mon­sieur Ierome de Gondy, he went out of Paris, the next morning, which was the last of Iuly, with a Letter of Cre­dence address'd to the King, from the [Page 510] first President de Harlay, who was at that time a Prisoner in the Bastill [...]; 'tis uncertain whether that Letter in reality was written by that illustrious person, deluded by the Iacobin, whom he thought a fitting Messenger to convey such intelligence, as he had to send, or whether it were counterfeited, as an assur'd means of gaining him access, and opportunity to put in practice his dam­nable resolution.

For being introduc'd the day fol­lowing, about seven or eight a clock in the morning into the King's Cham­ber, while that good Prince, who al­ways receiv'd men in Orders with great kindness, was reading the Let­ter attentively, and bowing his body to listen so some secret message which he believ'd was brought him by the Fryar, (as was imported by his Creden­tials,) the Parricide who was kneeling before him, pulling out a knife from his sleeve, stabb'd him with it into the belly, and left it in the wound; from whence the King drawing it, and at the same time rising from his Chair, and crying out, Thrust it very deep [Page 511] into the Fryar's forehead. There were at that time in the room onely Belle­garde, first Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, and La Guesle the Attorney General, who having the day before interrogated the Villain without find­ing any thing in his discourse, that might administer the least cause of suspicion, had brought him to the King, by his own command. But many of the forty five entring sud­denly upon the King's outcry, fell in­considerately upon him in the first transport of their fury, and in a mo­ment stuck him in with many thrusts without giving any attention to La Guesle, who after he had struck him with the handle of his Sword, cri'd out as loud as he cou'd possibly, that they shou'd not kill him: The wretch immediately expiring, they threw his Corps all bloudy out of the Window, which the grand Prevost of the King's house, caus'd immediately to be tyed to four Horses, and dragg'd about till it was torn in pieces.

There are some who, not being able [Page 512] to believe that one in Orders cou'd be capable of so impious an action, have doubted that this Monster of a man was either some Leaguer, or some True Protestant disguis'd into a Fryar; and a Modern Authour to save the honour of the Iacobins, has endeavour'd of late to renew and fortify this doubt, in the best manner he was able: But besides that the Parricide was known by some who were of his acquaintance; 'tis most certain that the same Iaques Clement, who was examin'd the even­ing before by La Guesle, which is a­greed on all sides, was introduc'd by himself, the next morning into the King's Chamber; for it can never be thought, that the Attorney General, a man of good understanding, shou'd be so far mistaken, as to take another man for him whom he had interroga­ted with so much circumspection. And yet farther, since the King, in the Letters which he sent to the Gover­nours of Provinces and to his Allies, im­mediately after he was wounded, says positively, that when he was stabb'd by the Iacobin, there were onely in [Page 513] his Chamber Bellegarde and La Guesle, whom he had commanded to stand at a distance, that he might hear what the Traytour had to say to him in private, it follows necessarily, that either the one or the other of these two committed this detestable action, if it were not Iaques Clement: and the former of these two suppositions, is what can never en­ter into the imagination of any reasona­ble man.

For which reason, without losing my time either to destroy or leave doubtfull a truth so known, and so ge­nerally agreed on by all the Writers of those times, and confirm'd besides by so many authentique Witnesses; I believe it safer to rest satisfi'd with the universal opinion of Mankind, without the least daubing of the mat­ter in regard of his profession, which can reflect no manner of dishonour on the Iacobins. For there is no dispute but all crimes are personal; and there is no man of good sense, who can think it reasonable to upbraid a whole Order, with the guilt of one par­ticular [Page 514] person in it; and principally that of Saint Dominic, which is always stor'd with excellent men, renown'd for their Vertue, their Learning, and their Pious conversation.

Now, though the wound was great, and had pierc'd very deep, yet the Chirurgeons at the first dressing were of opinion that the Knife had slipp'd betwixt the Bowels without entring into them, and that therefore the King was not hurt to death: of this they all assur'd him, and there­upon he sent advice to the Princes his Allies, that in ten days he shou'd be able to get on horseback. But whe­ther it were that the wound was not search'd to the bottom, or that the knife was empoyson'd, it was known, not long after, that the hurt was mortal.

Never Prince was less surpris'd than he, at the certainty of death: nor re­ceiv'd it more calmly, more Christi­anly, or more devoutly. He confess'd himself three several times to the Sieur [Page 515] de Boulogne, the Chaplain of his Closet, and being advertis'd by him that there was a Monitory out against him, and exhorted to satisfie the Church in what was demanded of him, before he cou'd have absolution given him, I am, answer'd he, without the least hesitation, the Eldest Son of the Ro­man Catholick Church, and will die such. I promise in the presence of God, and before you all, that I have no other desire, than to content his Holiness in all he can require from me. Upon which the Confessour being ful­ly satisfi'd gave him Absolution. All the remainder of the day, he pass'd in his Devotions, and in Contempla­tion of Holy things; till the King of Navarre being arriv'd from his Quar­ters at Meudon, it being now well onward in the night, and throwing himself on his knees before him, with his eyes full of tears, and without being able to pronounce one word, he rais'd himself up a little, and lean­ing gently on his head, declar'd him his lawfull Successour, commanding all the Nobility, who fill'd the Cham­ber, [Page 516] to acknowledge and obey him as their King, at the same time telling him, that if he wou'd Reign peace­ably, it was necessary for him to return into the Church, and to profess the Religion of all the most Christian Kings his Predecessours.

When he felt the approaches of death, about two of the Clock in the Morning, he confess'd himself once more, after which he call'd for the holy Sacrament; which Viaticum he receiv'd with incredible devotion. After which he continu'd in all the most fervent actions of Faith, Hope, and Charity, relying wholly on the infinite merits of the Passion of our Saviour Iesus Christ, pardoning all his Enemies from the bottom of his heart, and particularly those who had procur'd his death; and there­upon he desir'd for the third time to receive Absolution, beseeching God to forgive him all his Sins, even as he forgave all the injuries which had been done him. After this he began to say the Miserere, which he was [Page 517] not able to finish, having lost his Speech, at these words, And restore to me the joy of thy Salvation; and ha­ving twice sign'd himself with the sign of the Cross, he quietly gave up his breath, about four of the clock in the morning, on the second day of August, and in the thirty ninth year of his Age.

Thus died Henry the third King of France and Poland, making it appear at his death, that during his Life he had in his Soul a true foundation of Piety, and that those extraordinary and odd actions, which he did from time to time, though they were not altogether regular, nor becoming his Quality, yet proceeded not from that unworthy principle of Hypocrisie, with which the Leaguers have so ig­nominiously branded him: As to the rest, he was a Prince who being en­du'd with all the Noble Qualities, which I have describ'd in his Cha­racter in the beginning of this Histo­ry, had been one of the most excellent Kings who ever Reign'd, if he cou'd [Page 518] have shewn them to the World, after his assumption to the Crown, with the same lustre in which they appear'd before it.

The Huguenots and Leaguers, who agree'd in nothing but their common hatred to this Prince, rejoyc'd equal­ly at his Death, and spoke of it as a kind of Miracle, and as a stroke pro­ceeding from the hand of God. ‘The Protestants have written that he was wounded, and died afterwards in the same Chamber, where he had procur'd the Massacre of St. Bartho­lomew, to be resolv'd. Notwithstan­ding which it is most certain, that the House wherein the King was hurt to Death, was not Built by the Sieur Ierome de Gondy, till the year 1577, which was five years after the forefaid Massacre. For which reason that imposture being manifest, the Parliament upon the complaint, which the Attorney Ge­neral made concerning it, ordain'd that this passage shou'd be rac'd out from the addition which was made [Page 519] by Monliard; to the Inventaire of the History of France. But the Zealots of Geneva have not been wanting, to restore it entirely as it was before, in the Impression which they made of that Book.’

As for the Leaguers they proclaim'd their Joy so loudly, and in so scanda­lous a manner, that their Books can­not be read without an extreme ab­horrence to the Writers. They pub­lish'd in their Narratives Printed at Paris and at Lyons, that an Angel had declar'd to Iaques Clement, that a Crown of Martyrdom was prepar'd for him, when he had deliver'd France from Henry de Valois; and that ha­ving communicated his Vision to a knowing man in Orders, he had ap­prov'd it; assuring him that by giv­ing this Stroke, he shou'd make him­self as well pleasing to God, as Iudith was by killing Holophernes. And be­cause his Prior who was called Father Edm. Bourgoing, was accus'd to be the man, amongst all the Preachers of the League, who was the most transpor­ted [Page 520] in the praises of this abominable Parricide, his Subject, Apostrophising to him in the Pulpit, and calling him the blessed Child of his Patriarch, and the Holy Martyr of Iesus Christ, and also comparing him to Iudith; It was not doubted but that he was the per­son, by whom this young man who was under his charge, had been ad­vis'd and was afterwards confirm'd, in this his execrable resolution.

For which reason, being taken with Arms in his hand three Months after, at the assault of the Fauxbourgs of Pa­ris, his process was made, and though he obstinately deny'd it to his Death, (which he suffer'd with a wonderfull resolution;) yet since he cou'd not con­vince the Witnesses of falsehood who Swore against him, he was judg'd ac­cording to the forms of Justice, as he himself acknowledg'd, and drawn in pieces by four Horses, according to the decree of the Parliament sitting at Tours.

Howsoever it were, 'tis certain, that the greatest part of those outrageous [Page 521] Preachers of the League, said altoge­ther as much as what was alledg'd a­gainst the Prior: for Monsieur Anthoine Loysel has left it Written in his Journal, that on the very same day whereon the King was Wounded, and before the news of it was come to Pa­ris, he heard at St. Merry the Sermon of Doctour Boucher, who said by way of consolation to his Auditours, that as on that day, (namely the first of August when the Feast of St. Peter in Prison is celebrated,) God had deli­ver'd that Apostle from the hands of Herod, so they ought to hope, he had the like mercy in store for them. ‘And immediately made no scruple to maintain this damnable proposi­tion to them, that it was an action of great merit to kill an Heretique King, or a favourer of Heretiques.’

The rest of the same fraternity of Preachers, joyning in the Consort, on the same day, held forth in the Pulpits with more violence than ever, against Henry de Valois, and gave the people (says the same undeniable [Page 522] Witness,) a hope almost in the na­ture of a certainty, that God wou'd speedily deliver them, which gave just occasion for many to believe, that the devilish design of that Assa­sinate had been communicated to them. And when it was known that the Blow was given, it was order'd that publique Prayers shou'd be made in all the Churches of the City, toge­ther with a solemn action of thanksgiv­ing to Almighty God. For a whole Week together they made Processions from all the Parishes, to the Church of the Iacobins, and exhorted the peo­ple to distribute their Alms liberally to the Religious of that Cloyster, for the sake of Fryer Iaques Clement; as al­so to extend their Charity to his poor Relations.

To conclude, Doctour Roze, Bishop of Senlis an old man, and most outra­gious Leaguer Preach'd there, accor­ding to the direction of the Council of Sixteen, which was sent in Tickets to all the Preachers in the City, on Sunday the sixth of August, wherein [Page 523] they were appointed to insist particu­larly on three Heads, which I will here set down as they are express'd in the Tickets themselves; that it may be notorious with what an Egyptian blindness, that infamous Cabal of the League was then struck. ‘Take them in their own Words. 1. You are to justifie the action of the Ia­cobin, because it is a parallel to that of Iudith, so much magnifi'd in the Holy Scriptures. For he who hears not the Church, ought to be ac­counted as an Heathen or an Holo­fernes. 2. Cry out against those, who say that the King of Navarre is to be receiv'd, in case he goes to Mass: Because he can be but an U­surper of the Kingdom, being Ex­communicated, and also standing excluded from that of Navarre. 3. Exhort the Magistracy, to pub­lish against all those who shall main­tain the King of Navarre, that they are attainted of the crime of He­resie, and as such to proceed against them.’

[Page 524] But after all these doings, this bru­tal joy of the Leaguers for the Death of Henry the Third, was immedi­ately after turn'd into sadness, and at the last into despair, by the wise ma­nagement, and incomparable valour of his Successour Henry de Bourbon, to whom God had preordain'd the Glory of restoring the happiness of France, by the utter destruction of the Leag [...]e, which had laid it desolate. The relation of which, is the Business of the fourth and last part of my pre­sent History.

THough Henry King of Na­varre, Ann. 1589. whom the deceas'd King had at his Death de­clar'd his Lawful Successor, imme­diately took upon himself, the Sove­raign Title of King of France, yet was he not acknowledg'd for such, at the same time by the whole Ar­my. The Hugonots, whom he had brought to the Assistance of his Predecessor, were the first to render him Homage, as no ways [Page 732] doubting, but that the World was now their own, and that Calvinism shou'd be the predominant Religion in France, under a Protestant King. But this very Consideration, gave great trouble and anxiety of Mind to that prudent Prince; who plainly saw, that the Catholicks foreseeing this Misfortune, of which they were extreamly apprehensive, might pos­sibly reunite themselves against him; and that the Huguenots, who were without Comparison the weaker Party, cou'd never be able to support him on the Throne.

In effect, there was, during all that day, and the whole night following, a great Contestation of Opinions, a­mongst the Catholique Lords of the Army, in relation to this Affair. Ma­ny of them, who consider'd more their private Interest, than the pub­lique Good, were de [...]irous to make advantage of a Juncture, so favoura­ble for the establishment of their For­tunes, and to sell their Obedience at the highest Rate they cou'd, by rai­sing their Governments into Princi­palities, which had been to canto­nize [Page 733] the Monarchy. There were great numbers of them, led by diffe­rent Motives, some by a true Zeal for Religion, others by the Aversion which they had for this new King, which they disguis'd with a specious pretence of Zeal, who wou'd abso­lutely have it, that he shou'd instant­ly declare himself a Catholique; which cou'd not possibly be done, ei­ther with the Kings Honour, or with Provision of security to the Catho­liques; because too much of Con­straint was evident in such an Action. Some there were also, who main­tain'd, that since his Birth, and the Fundamental Law of the Land, had brought him to the Throne▪ of which his Heroick Virtues had render'd him most worthy, it was their Duty to acknowledge him, and to obey him chearfully, without imposing on him the least Conditions. But this was it, which the greatest part of them thought too dangerous to Religion, which they were unwilling to ha­zard by such a Complement.

In conclusion, after this important Affair had been throughly examin'd [Page 734] in the Kings Council, and in the ge­neral Assembly of the Catholique Princes and Lords, which was held in the Lodgings of Francis de Lux­embourg, Duke de Piney, they came to an Agreement the next Morning, by holding a just Temperament be­twixt the two Extreams. For, without insisting on their private In­terests, that they might act frankly, and like Gentlemen, it was deter­min'd that the King shou'd be ac­knowledg'd; but upon condition, that he shou'd cause himself to be in­structed within six months time, by the most able Prelates of the King­dom; that he shou'd restore the Ex­ercise of the Catholique Religion, in all places from whence it had been banish'd, and remit the Ecclesi­astiques into the full and entire Pos­session of all their Goods; that he shou'd bestow no Governments on Hugonots; and that this Assem­bly might have leave to depute some persons to the Pope, to render him an account of their Proceedings.

This Accommodation was sign'd by all the Lords, excepting only the [Page 735] Duke of Espernon, and the Sieur de Vitry; who absolutely refus'd their Consent to it. Vitry went immedi­ately into Paris, and there put him­self into the Service of the League; which he believ'd at that time, to be the cause of Religion. As for the Duke of Espernon, he had no incli­nation to go over to the League, which had so often solicited his Ba­nishment from Court. But whether it were, that being no longer supported since his Masters Death, he fear'd the Hatred and Resentment of the greatest Persons about the King, and even of the King himself, whom he had very much offended during the time of his Favour, in which it was his only business to enrich himself; or were it that he was afraid he shou'd be requir'd to lend some part of that great Wealth, which he had scrap'd together; he, very unseaso­nably, and more unhandsomly, began to raise Scruples, and seem'd to be troubled with Pangs of Conscience, which never had been thought any great grievance to him formerly; so that he took his leave of the King, [Page 736] and retir'd to his Government, with 2 or 3000 Foot, and 500 Horse, which he had brought to the Service of his late Master.

This pernicious Example was fol­low'd by many others, who under pretence of ordering their Domestick Affairs, ask'd leave to be gone (which the King dar'd not to refuse them) or suffer'd themselves to be seduc'd by the Proffers and Solicitations of the League; so that the King, not being in a condition any longer to besiege Paris, was forc'd to divide his re­maining Troops, comprehending in that number, those which Sancy still preserv'd for his Use and Service. Of the whole, he form'd three little Bodies; one for Picardy, under the Command of the Duke of Longuevill [...], another for Champaigne, under the Marshal d' Aumont; and himself led the third into Normandy, where he was to receive Supplies from England; and where, with that small Remainder of his Forces, he gave the first Shock to the Army of the League, which at that time, was become more powerful, than ever it had been for­merly, [Page 737] or than ever it was after­wards.

In effect, those, who after the Bar­ricades had their eyes so far open'd, as to discover, that the League in which they were ingag'd, was no o­ther than a manifest Rebellion against their King, seeing him now dead, believ'd there was no other Interest remaining on their side, but that of Religion, and therefore reunited themselves with the rest, to keep out a Heretick Prince from the Possession of the Crown. And truly this pre­tence became at that time so very plausible, that an infinite number of Catholiques, of all Ranks and Quali­ties, dazled with so specious an ap­pearance, made no doubt, but that it was better for them to perish, than to endure that he whom they believ'd obstinate in his Heresie, shou'd ascend the Throne of St. Lewis; and were de­sirous that some other King might be elected. Nay farther, there were some of them, who took this occasi­on, once more, to press the Duke of Mayenne, that he wou'd assume that Regal Office, which it wou'd be [Page 738] easie for him to maintain, with all the Forces of the united Catholiques, of which he already was the Head; but that Prince, who was a prudent man, fearing the dangerous consequences of so bold an Undertaking, lik'd better at the first, to retain for himself all the Essentials of Kingship, and to leave the Title of it to the old Cardinal of Bourbon, who was a Prisoner, and whom he declar'd King, under the Name of Charles the Tenth, by the Council of the Union.

At this time it was, that there were scatter'd through all the King­dom, a vast number of scandalous Pamphlets, and other Writings, in which the Authors of them pre­tended to prove, that Henry of Bourbon, stood lawfully excluded from the Crown; those who were the most eminent of them, were the two Advocates general for the League, in the Parliament of Paris; Lewis d'Or­l [...]ans, and Anthony Hotman. The first, was Author of that very sediti­ous Libel, call'd The English Catho­lique. And the second, wrote a Trea­tise, call'd The Right of the Vncle a­gainst [Page 739] the Nephew, in the Succession of the Crown. But there happen'd a plea­sant Accident, concerning this: Fran­cis Hotman a Civilian, and Brother to the Advocate, seeing this Book, which pass'd from hand to hand in Germany, where he then was, maintain'd with solid Arguments and great Learn­ing; The Right of the Nephew against the Vncle; and made manifest in an excellent Book, which he publish'd on this Subject, the Weakness and false Reasoning of his Adversaries Treatise, without knowing that it was written by his Brother, who had not put his Name to it.

The League having a King, to whom the Crown of right belong'd, after Henry the Fourth his Nephew, in case he had surviv'd him, by this Pretence increas'd in Power▪ because the King of Spain and the Duke of Lorrain and Savoy, who, during the Life of the late King their Ally, durst not declare openly against him, for his Rebellious Subjects; now, after his Death, acknowledging this Charles the Tenth for King, made no difficulty to send Supplies to the [Page 740] Duke of Mayenne, insomuch that he, after having publish'd through all France, a Declaration made in August, by which he exhorts all French Ca­tholicks to reunite themselves with those, who would not suffer an Here­tique to be King, had rais'd at the beginning of September, an Army of 25000 Foot and 8000 Horse.

With these Forces he pass'd the Seine at Vernon, marching directly towards the King, who after he had been receiv'd into Pont del' Arch, and Diepe, which Captain Rol [...]t, and the Commander de Chates, had surren­dred to him; made a show of besieg­ing Rouen, not having about him a­bove 7 or 8000 Men. This so potent an Army of the Leaguers, compos'd of French and G [...]rmans, Lorrainers and Walloons, which he had not ima­gin'd cou'd have been so soon assem­bled, and which was now coming on to overwhelm him; constrain'd him to retire speedily towards Diepe, where he was in danger to have been incom­pass'd round without any possibility of Escape, but only by Sea into Eng­land, if the Duke of Mayenne had ta­ken [Page 741] up the resolution, as he ought to have done, from the first moment when he took the Field, to pursue him eagerly and without the least de­lay. But while he proceeding with his natural slowness, which was his way of being wise, trifled out his time in long deliberations, when he shou'd have come to Action, he gave leisure to the King to fortifie his Camp at Arques, a League and half from Diepe; inclosing with strong retrench­ments the Castle, and the Bourg sci­tuated on the Brow of an Hill, which overlooks the little River of Bethune, the Mouth of which forms the Haven that belongs to Diepe.

He had scarcely finish'd this great work, wherein all his Army was im­ployed, after the Example of their King, during three days with incre­dible diligence; when the Duke of Mayenne, who had squandred away his time, yet once again, in retaking those little Places round about, of which the King had lately possess'd himself, drew near to Arques, with purpose to dislodge him. But when he had observ'd that he was too strong [Page 742] on that side to be forc'd, he turn'd on the Right Hand, passing the Bethune somewhat higher, and went to post himself on the other Hill, which is o­ver against Arques, with the River betwixt both Parties; from whence he might more easily attacque the Bourg below, and possess himself of Polet, the Fauxbourg of Diepe, on the same side.

But the foresight of the King had provided for all Events in every place; for he had carried on his Retrench­ments as far as an Hospital for sick People, called the Maladery, near the River, and plac'd Chatillon, Colonel of the Foot, with 900 Men in Polet, which also was retrench'd. In the mean time, the Duke having fix'd his resolution to win the Fauxbourg, and to force the Quarters at Arques, ap­pear'd in Battalia the sixteenth of Sep­tember, on the Hills, march'd the one half of his Army at day-break towards Polet, and lodg'd the other half at the Village of Martingli [...]e, in the Val­ly, to attacque the fortifi'd Maladery.

The two attempts which he made that day, prov'd very unsuccessful to [Page 743] him: For the King, who in Person hastned to Polet, putting himself at the Head of his Forces, on the out­side of the Retrenchments, maintain'd the Skirmish with great bravery du­ring the whole day, the Enemy not daring all the while to close with him, nor being able to gain the least inch of ground from him, and at last, forc'd them to retire shamefully in the Night, into the ruins of a Village which was burn'd, after having kill'd and made Prisoners a great number of their most forward men. And the next morning, his Soldiers encourag'd by his presence, and by the contempt which they had of their cowardly E­nemies, went to attacque them in their barricaded Village, where they kill'd above an hundred of them, with­out the loss of a single man.

Those of the Enemy, who were posted at Martinglise, behav'd them­selves much better than their Fellows, and accordingly they came off with greater loss: For having maintain'd the skirmish for some time, and en­deavouring to dislodge those, who had lin'd the Hedges that were near [Page 744] the River, they drew out a great de­tachment of their Men, who gave an Assault to the Corps de garde of the Maladery, in hope to carry the Re­trenchments. But the Mareschal de Byron, who commanded in Arques, and who was advanc'd to the Mala­dery, to sustain those who defended it, gave orders to the Grand Prior of France and Damville, to charge those bold Leaguers, with a chosen Squa­dron of his bravest Men; who gave in upon them with so much fury, that he forc'd them back to Martinglise in much disorder, after having kill'd them 150 of their best Soldiers, and wounded a much greater number. The Cornet of the Duke de Nemours was taken in this Fight, and 20 Gen­tlemen of Note made Prisoners.

This double Misfortune having discourag'd the Army of the League, the Duke of Mayenne lay still four or five days together in his Quarters, that he might give his Soldiers a little time to recover of their Fright; after which, having reassembled all his Forces, he com­manded them to pass the River some­what [Page 745] after Midnight, in order to at­tacque the Retrenchments, from which some of them had been re­puls'd so vigorously, and which he now hop'd he might carry by sur­prise: For this Attempt was to be made at break of Day, and with his whole Army, which was thrice the number of the Royalists. But the King having had timely notice of his Design, was gone in Person into the Trenches two or three hours before day, and had dispos'd all things in good order for their Reception; ha­ving strongly man'd the Trenches with his Infantry, and drawn up his Cavalry without the Lines, to break the first Onset of the Enemy.

This hindred no [...] the Duke of Mayenne from pursuing his Enterprise, till he brought it to an Ingagement; which was very long, and exceeding sharp betwixt the two Armies. The Kings Cavalry, gain'd immediately some Advantage against that of the League. The Grand Prieur, who was afterwards Count of Anvergne, and Duke of Angoulesme, having kill'd with his Pistol, the Sieur de Sa­gonne, [Page 746] who was Colonel of the Leagu's Light Horse, drove back that Squadron, consisting of four or five hundred men, as far as the Standard of the Vnion; and the Duke of Aumale, who with a Gross of six hundred Horse, had put him to the Retreat, together with three Troops of Men at Arms, who sustain'd him as far as to the edge of the Retrenchments, was then constrain'd to give back himself in some disorder, to get out of danger from the Cannon, which furiously plai'd upon his Squadron. But the second Onset, which the Duke of Mayenne commanded to be given by the Lansquenets of Colalte, and Tremble-court, having the Count of Belin at their Head, su­stain'd on the Right, by the Duke of Nemours (who had brought from his Government of Lyons three thou­sand Foot, with a brisk Body of Ca­valry) and on the Left, by the Duke of Aumale, with twelve hundred Horse, was much more successful.

For while they were furiously combating, both on the Right and Left, with the French and Swisses of [Page 747] Galati, and Meru Montmorancy-Dam­ville their Colonel, the Lansquenets of the League, whether it were by Stratagem, or through Cowardise, cried out to the Royallists, who de­fended that Quarter, that they wou'd come over to their Side, and were thereupon receiv'd within the Lines. Their Captains in like manner, made solemn Protestation to serve the King, provided they might have Security, that their Musters should be pay'd, which was promis'd them by the King. But while that gallant Prince went hastily from place to place, giv­ing out his Orders to repulse the Ene­my, these perfidious People, ob­serving that the Duke of Nemours had broken the Battalion of the Swis­ses, immediately turn'd their Arms against those who had receiv'd them; and possess'd themselves of that part of the Lines, which they deliver'd to the Leaguers, who pursuing their Fortune, made themselves Masters of the Maladery. Insomuch, that the Kings Forces having at the same time to deal with their Enemies who were without, and those who were [Page 748] within; if the Duke of Mayenne, whose business it was to have sustain'd those who made the Attaque with the Gross of his Army, had taken hold of that happy Opportunity, to break into the Lines after them, with all his Forces, 'tis exceeding probable, that the greater number must have oppress'd the less, by multitudes pour'd in upon them, and that he had that day obtain'd an absolute and decisive Victory.

But as he never did any thing in hast, but when he fled for safety of his Life, his March was to slow, to make fitting use of so fair an Occasi­on, where also his good Fortune de­pended on his Speed; which occasi­on'd the loss of that Advantage. For the Count of Chastillon on the one side, running to the Succour of the King with the two Regiments, which were in Arques; and on the other side the Duke of Montpensier, and the brave La Noüe, ranging them­selves with their Gendarmery by his side; that valiant Prince, who had already rallied the greatest part of his Souldiers, whom the Surprise [Page 749] had affrighted and put into disorder, so furiously charg'd the Regiments of Colalte, and Tremblecour, that they were forc'd to quit the Retrench­ments and the Maladery, with more speed than they had enter'd them, and to retreat towards the Duke of Mayenne, who seem'd by his heavy March and slow Advance, as if his Business was only to receive them, and not to sustain and second them. And, at the same time, the Cannon of the Castle, which had him fair be­fore them, playing terribly into his Army, constrained him to take his way back to his Quarters, and leave the Victory to the King, who still maintain'd the Possession of Arques, from which his Enemies had endea­vour'd to dislodge him.

And what was yet a greater dis­grace to the Duke of Mayenne, four or five days after this, fetching a long compass, and posting himself before Diepe, with purpose of besieging it, he was himself besieg'd by the little Army of the King, who being lodg'd out of the Town over against his Camp, ply'd him night and day with [Page 750] perpetual Alarms, without his daring once to come forth and make his Approaches. Insomuch, that after ten days stay, without having per­form'd any thing, he rais'd this pre­tended Siege, re-pass'd this River, and retir'd into Picardy, under pre­tence that his Presence was necessary in those Parts, to hinder the associa­ted Towns of that Province, from putting themselves into the Protecti­on of the Spaniards, who were la­bouring under-hand, to beguile the Simplicity of those poor People.

This was the success of that Enter­prise of the League, which, with their thirty thousand men, boasted that they would take the King of Navarre, or the Bearnois, as those Rebels insolently call'd him, and bring him Prisoner to Paris, where the Dutchess of Montpensier and other La­dies had already hir [...]d Windows and Balconies in St. Dennis-Street, from whence they might have the Plea­sure, to see him grace the Triumph of the Duke de Mayenne with his Captivity. But God had otherwise ordain'd, and that memorable Fight [Page 751] at Arques, wherein, according to all humane probability, the King with that handful of men, shou'd have have fallen under the weight of so formidable a Power, was the fatal point of declination to the League. For though their General had not lost above seven or eight hundred men in that Engagement, yet he lost in it, the Honour and Reputation of the party, which since that day, never did any thing considerable, but what made for the glory of their Conque­ror; by furnishing him with new oc­casions, to make appear his Clemency in pardoning, or his Valour in sub­duing them, which succeeded not long afterwards, to his immortal Fame.

For as soon as he had receiv'd the Succours, which he expected from England, of four thousand men; and that the Duke of Long [...]eville, and Marshal Biron had joyn'd him with their Forces, which they brought from Picardy and Champaigne, he march'd upward against the Course of the Seine, as far as Meulan, where perceiving that the Duke of Mayenne [Page 752] (who might have marched directly towards him, if his Heart had serv'd him for the Combat) appear'd not in those Parts, he pass'd the River, and on the thirty first of October, took up his Quarters in the sight of Paris, at the Villages of Isly, Vaugirard, Montrouge and Gentilly, with resolu­tion, the next morning to attaque the Fauxbourgs of that great City, which the Parisians had fortified.

In order to which, he divided all his Infantry into three Bodies, that the Assault might be made at the same time, in three several places. The first under Marshal de Biron, on the side of the Fauxbourgs St. Marceau, and St. Victor; the next, command­ed by Marshal d' Aumont, assisted by Damville the Colonel of the Swisses, and Bellegard the Grand Escuyer, at the Head of the Fauxbourg St. Iac­ques, and at that of St. Michael; and the third led on by the Sieurs de Cha­stillon and La No [...]e, right over a­gainst the Gates of St. Germain, Bussy, and Nesle. They were sustain'd by as many gross Squadrons of Caval­ry; at the Head of which, was the [Page 753] Count de Soissons, on the right hand, the Duke of Longueville on the left, and the King himself in the midst; on the side of the Fauxbourg St. Iacques: and four pieces of Cannon follow'd each of these great Bodies, to dis­charge against the Gates of the City, so soon as the Fauxburgs should be won.

Never was any Enterprise better laid; so that the success of it already seem'd infallible. For besides the strength of the Assailants without the Town, they held a secret Intel­gence within it, which was dex­trously manag'd by the President Ni­cholas Potier, de Blanc Mesnil, who who having freed himself out of the Hands of Bussy, by a great sum of Money, had gain'd a good number of those whom the Leaguers suspected to be Royallists, and whom they call'd Pollitiques, by whose Assistance, he was to make himself Master of one of the Gates, and then deliver it to the King.

The invincible courage of that Pre­sident, and his inviolable fidelity, in the service of the Kings his Masters, [Page 754] in those troublesom and rebellious times, will perpetuate his Memory in all Ages, and raise a Veneration to his Name in France, particularly in Paris, his Native Town, which he honour'd as much by his singular Vertue, as he was honour'd by it in his Birth, being descended from one of the most An­cient Families of that Great City. He had the generosity, for the service of his Prince and the safety of the State, to expose himself to the imminent danger of death, by the fury of the Sixteen. For those brutal Wretches fearing his great parts, his Courage and his Vertue, which they knew was never to be diverted from the plain ways of Honesty and Honour, put him twice in Prison, once in the Bastile, and again in the Tower of the Louvre, where he ran the hazard of his Life, if he had not been deliver'd by the good Offices which were done him by some Persons, who had the resolution to oppose the fury of those Tyrants. And when in process of time, he found he cou'd do no more service to the King in Paris, he retir'd to him who made him President of [Page 755] that part of his Parliament which was established at Chaalons. He had the happiness to be Son to a Counsellor, who acquir'd so much reputation in the exercise of his Office, that the Chancellor de l' Hospital has said of him in one of his Poems, that he de­serv'd the Court shou'd erect his Sta­tue in the Temple of Justice; and at this day, after his death, has the ho­nour to be Grandfather to another Nicholas de Potier, whom the Wisest and Greatest of all Kings, who un­derstands the merit of Men, and understands also to reward it, has plac'd at the Head of his Parliament of Peers.

All things then being well dispos'd (by means of the Intelligence which was held with the President, De Blanc Mesnil) to make the Kings Enterprise succeed; on All Saints day, very early in the morning, and under covert of a thick mist, the Fortifications, and the Head of the Fauxbourgs were at­tacqu'd at once in three several parts, with so much vigor and resolution, that they were all carryed by plain force, in less than an hour. Seven or [Page 756] Eight Hundred of the Defendants were slain in the Assault, Thirteen Pieces of Cannon were taken, and if the Kings Artillery had come up at the time which he design'd, 'tis cer­tain that this great Prince, who at Seven of the Clock entred the Faux­bourg of St. Iacques, and was there re­ceiv'd with the loud acclamations of Vive Le Roy, had made himself Ma­ster of the Quarter of the University, without much difficulty or hazard.

But the Sieur de Rosne, who com­manded at that time in Paris, having had the leisure to fortifie the Gates, by reason of that delay, and the Duke of Mayenne, to whom he had given notice of the Kings approach, being entred into the Town the next morn­ing, with all his Forces; the King satisfied himself with letting the Pa­risians know by what he had done, that the News which was industri­ously spread amongst them of his de­feat at Diepe, was notoriously false. And after having staid three long hours in Battalia before the Town, as it were, to reproach the weakness or cowardise of their Commanders, who [Page 757] durst not venture without their Walls, he went to retake, during the Win­ter, in Vandomois, Tourain, Anjou, Mayne, Perche, and the Lower Nor­mandy, the greatest part of the Towns and Strong Places which held for the League; which now began to destroy it self by the same means which were intended for its preservation. In this following manner.

Those of the Vnion endeavour'd all they cou'd, to oblige his Holiness and the King of Spain, that they wou'd openly espouse their Party, in which at length they succeeded, through the protestations which were made by their Agents at Rome and at Ma­drid, that in case they were not spee­dily and powerfully assisted by both of them, they must of necessity make an Accommodation with the King of Navarre; which neither the Pope nor King Philip cou'd bear with pati­ence. The First, for fear that France shou'd fall under the Dominion of a Prince who was an Heretick: And the Second, because he was desirous to foment the divisions which were a­mongst us, hoping to make his ad­vantage [Page 758] of them, either by reducing the whole Kingdom into his power, or at least by dismembring a great part of it. In this manner, Pope Six­tus, as intelligent as he was, being deluded by the Commander of Diu, and by his Partners, who made him believe, that the Navarrois cou'd not possibly escape from the hands of the Duke of Ma [...]enne, who had coop'd him up and surrounded him in a cor­ner of Normandy, sent Cardinal Caje­tan his Legat into France, who was born Subject to the King of Spain, and was also a Spaniard in his Principles, and by his Obligations; who came to Paris in the beginning of Ianuary, bringing with him Bills of Exchange for 300000 Crowns, together with an Express Order, to cause a Catho­lick King to be Elected.

On the other side, Don Bernardin de M [...]ndoza, Ann. 1590. King Philip's Embassador, being supported by the Faction of the Sixteen, the Preachers of the League, and the Monks, of which the greatest part were intirely devoted to the Spa­niard, made, in the General Council of the Vnion, on the part of his Ma­ster, [Page 759] very plausible and advantageous Propositions for the ease of the Peo­ple, with promise of assisting them with all the Forces of that Monarchy: Protesting also, that his King, who was Master of so many Countries, the Titles of which he haughtily set forth, pretended not to that of France, either for himself or for his Son; and that in recompence of those great Succours which he intended to give the Catholicks, he demanded nothing more, than the honour to be solemn­ly declar'd, The Protector of France. Now this was in effect the very thing which most contributed to the ruin of the League, and the safeguard of the State; because this artificial Pro­position, joyn'd with the Instructions of the Legat, fully opened the Duke of Mayenne's Eyes, and gave him the means of discovering the intentions of the Spaniards, whose design was to establish their Kings Authority on the ruins of his; and consequently, he took up a firm resolution of opposing their endeavours, as he always did from that time forward, by the ad­vice of some honest men about him, [Page 760] and particularly Monsieur de Villeroy.

That wise and able Minister of State, who serv'd five of our Kings, with so much Fidelity and Reputati­on, having observ'd, that by reason of some ill Offices which were done him to the Late King his Master, he cou'd no longer remain with safety in the Towns which obeyed him, nor at his own House during the War, and that he had not been able to pro­cure so much as a Passport for his de­parture out of the Kingdom, was con­strained to make his retreat to Paris with his Father, and to enter into the Party of the Vnion. But it may be truly said of him that he entred into it, as did the Loyal and Wise Hushai into that of Absalom at Ierusalem; there to destroy all the devices and pernicious Counsels of the wicked A­chitophel, which only tended to the total ruin of David the lawful King, against whom the Capital City of his Kingdom was revolted. In the same manner, the Sieur de Villeroy embrac'd, not out of pure necessity, the Party of the League, and plac'd not himself with the Duke of Mayenne in Paris, [Page 761] who was in Actual War with his King, but only to obtain the means, by his good Counsels, to undermine the purposes of the Spaniards; who under pretence of endeavouring the preservation of Religion in France, design'd the Subversion of the State. And as David thought it fitting, that Hushai shou'd continue at Ierusalem, without leaving Absalom, because he well knew that he would be more serviceable to him there, than if he kept him near his Person; in like manner Henry the Fourth, who knew the dexterity and faithfulness of Mon­sieur de Villeroy, wou'd not that he shou'd go out from Paris, after the death of his Predecessor, or be with him, because he was satisfied that this Great Man, would be able to do him greater Service by staying with the Duke of Mayenne, where by his wise Remonstrations, and the credit which he had acquir'd with that Prince, he might break the measures of the Spaniards and their Adherents.

He continued this politique ma­nagement to the end, and principally on that occasion, whereon depended [Page 162] either the felicity or the unhappiness of this Kingdom, according to the re­solution which shou'd be taken: For the Duke of Mayenne having ask'd him his opinion, in relation to what the Legat and Mendoza had propos'd, he gave him easily to understand, that all those plausible Propositions which were made by the Legat, by Mendoza, and the Sixteen, were in­tended only to deprive him of his Au­thority, and to subject him, and the whole Party of the Vnion, under the domination of the Spaniards, who wou'd not fail to usurp upon the French, and to perpetuate the War, thereby to maintain their own great­ness. That in his present condition, without suffering an Head to be con­stituted above him, he had War and Peace at his disposing, together with the glory of having sustain'd, himself alone, both Religion and the State; but by acknowledging the King of Spain for Protector of the Kingdom, he shou'd only debase him­self, under the proud Title of a pow­erful Master, who wou'd serve his own interests too well, to leave him [Page 763] the means, of either continuing the War, or of concluding a Peace, to the advantage of his Country.

There needed no more to perswade a man so knowing, and so prudent, as was the Duke of Mayenne: 'Tis to be confess'd, that he was a Self lover, which is natural to all men; but he was also a Lover of the Common Good, which is the distinguishing character of an Honest Man. Since he cou'd not himself pretend to the Crown, which he clearly saw it was impossible for him to obtain, for ma­ny reasons, he was resolv'd no Fo­reigner should have it, nor even any other but that only Person to whom it belong'd rightfully, Religion being first secur'd. He thereupon firmly purpos'd from that time, both in re­gard of his particular interest, and that of the State, to oppose whatso­ever attempts should be made by the Spaniards, or by his own nearest Rela­tions, under any pretence or colour; which was undoubtedly one great cause of the preservation of the State.

For which reason, that he might [Page 764] for ever cut off the Spaniards from all hope of procuring their Master to be made Protector of the Realm of France, and consequently of having in his hands the Government of the Kingdom, and the concernments of the League, under this new Title, as the Sixteen, who were already at his Devotion, had design'd; he politick­ly told them in a full Assembly, that since the cause of Religion was the only thing, for which the Vnion was ingage'd in this War which they had undertaken, it wou'd be injurious to the Pope, to put themselves under a­ny other protection than that of his Holiness: Which Proposition was so gladly receiv'd by all, excepting only the Faction of Sixteen, that the Spa­niards were constrain'd to desist, and to let their pretensions wholly fall.

And to obviate the design of cau­sing any other King to be Elected, be­sides the Old Cardinal of Bourbon, under whose Name he govern'd all things; he procur'd the Parliament to verifie the Ordinance of the Coun­cil General of the Vnion, by which that Cardinal, was declar'd King, and [Page 765] caus'd him so to be Proclaim'd, in all the Towns and Places of their party; retaining for himself by the same Or­dinance, the Quality and Power of Lieutenant General of the Crown, till the King shou'd be deliver'd from Im­prisonment. And at the same time, to ruin the Faction of Sixteen, which was wholly Spaniardiz'd, he broke the Council of the Vnion: Saying, That since there was a King Proclaim'd, whose Lieutenant he also was, there ought to be no other Council but his, which in duty was to follow him whereso­ever he shou'd be.

Thus the Duke of Mayenne having possess'd himself of all Royal Authori­ty, under the imaginary Title of ano­ther, and having overcome all the designs of the Spaniards, took the Field; and after having taken in the Castle of Bois de Vincennes by compo­sition, which had been invested for a year together, he retook Pontoise, and some other places, which hindred the freedom of commerce; and being afterwards willing to regain all the passages of the Seine, thereby to esta­blish the communication of Paris with [Page 766] Rouen, and to have the Sea open, he went to besiege the Fort of Meulan, where he lost much time to little pur­pose; while the Legat, against whom the Kings Parliament at Tours had made a terrible Decree, was labour­ing at Paris with all his might, that no accommodation shou'd be made with the King, not even though he shou'd be converted.

To this effect, seeing that the Fa­ction of Sixteen, and the Spaniards, were extremely weaken'd, after what the Duke of Mayenne had done against them, and that the Royalists, who were generally call'd Politiques. had resum'd courage, and began to say o­penly, that it was the common duty of all good Subjects, to unite them­selves with the Catholicks who fol­low'd the King; he oppos'd them, with a Declaration lately made a­gainst them by the factious Doctors of the Sorbo [...]ne, on the tenth of Fe­bruary, in the same year 1590. For by that Decree it was ordain'd, That all Doctors and Batchelors shou'd have in abhorrence, and strongly combat, the pestilential and damnable Opinions which [Page 767] the Workers of Iniquity endeavour'd, with all their force, to insinuate daily in­to the Minds of Ignorant and Simple Men, principally these Propositions. That Henry de Bourbon might, and ought to be honour'd with the Title of King: That it Conscience men might hold his Party, and Pay him Taxes, and acknow­ledge him for King, on condition he turn'd Catholick, &c. And then they added, That in case any one shall refuse to obey this Decree, the Faculty declares him an Enemy to the Church of God, Perjur'd and Disobedient to his Mother, and, in conclusion, cuts him off from her Body, as a gangreen'd Member which corrupts the rest.

A Decree of this force was of great service to the Bigots of the League, because it depriv'd the wiser sort of the License they had taken, to per­swade the people to make peace: And the Legat, that he might hinder any from taking it for the time to come, bethought himself, that a new Oath should be impos'd on the Holy Evan­gelists, betwixt his hands, in the Church of the Augustines, to be ta­ken by all the Officers of the Town, [Page 768] and the Captains of the several Wards, which was: That they shou'd always persevere in the Holy Union; that they shou'd never make Peace or Truce with the King of Navarre, and that they shou'd employ their Lives and Fortunes in deliverance of their King Charles the Tenth: Which was also enjoyn'd to be taken by all the Officers of Par­liament, and the other Companies, no one man daring to oppose it: So much had Fear prevail'd over Courage and Virtue at that time, even in those who knowing and detesting in their hearts the injustice of that Oath, ought rather to have dyed, than base­ly to have acted against their Consci­ences.

But the good success of the Kings Arms, was in the mean time prepa­ring the means for them, of receiving one day an happy dispensation from himself, of that abominable Oath by which 'tis most manifest they never cou'd be ty'd. For after having made himself Master of all the Lower Nor­mandy, he made haste to relieve the Fort of Meulan, and thereby con­strain'd the Duke of Mayenne to raise [Page 769] his Siege. After which, having ta­ken the Bridg of Poissy by plain force, and in view of the Enemy; he led his Victorious Army before Dreux, which occasion'd the memorable Battel of Ivry.

Since the taking of that Town had extremely streightned Paris, by ex­cluding it on that side from the pas­sage and the commerce of Normandy, La Beauce, and the Country about Chartres; the Duke of Mayenne re­solv'd to relieve it with all his Forces. For this purpose, having receiv'd a recruit of 1500 Lansquenets and 500 Carabines, which King Philip (who at the same time publish'd his Mani­festo in justification of his Arms) had given to the League by the Duke of Parma, under the conduct of the Count of Egmont, he pass'd the Seine at the Bridg of Mant, and advanc'd towards Dreux; yet resolving only to put succours into the Town, and to keep always on this side the River of Eure, that he might avoid the ha­zard of a Battel. But upon the false intelligence which he receiv'd from his Scouts, that the King (who had [Page 770] really quitted the Siege because he design'd to Fight him) was gone from Nonancour, and had taken on the left hand the way to Verneüil, as if his intentions had been to return to the Lower Normandy, he was constrain'd, against his own opinion, by the cla­mours of the Superior Officers, and e­specially by the young Count Philip of Egmont, to pass over the Bridg of Ivry, and to pursue the King in his feign'd retreat, till he brought him to a Battel.

But as the King, who wish'd for nothing more than to come to a pitch'd Field with him (which he fear'd he would have declin'd) was pleasingly surpriz'd to find that he had already pass'd the River; so the Duke was not a little amaz'd, when he perceiv'd that, far from shunning the Engagement, the King was marching directly towards him, and that he must be forc'd to make good his challenge. But as the day was already far spent, that every moment there came in to the King some Gen­tlemen or Soldiers from the neigbour­ing Garrisons, who were desirous to have their share of honour in the Bat­tel, [Page 771] and that the Duke of Mayenne on his side mov'd not forward, but only kept his ground, observing the nature of the Place, and what advan­tages might be taken from its scitua­tion; the two Armies which were but a League distant from each other, after some light skirmishes, retir'd to their Camps, resolv'd on both sides to decide the quarrel the next day, which was Wednesday the fourteenth of March.

Betwixt the River of Eure and that of Itton, which passes by Evreux, there lyes right over against Ivry a fair Plain, of about a League in breadth, free from Hedges, Ditches, Mounds, or even so much as Bushes, to hinder an open passage through it, on all sides, bounded on the East with a little Wood, and the River of Eure, on which the Burrough of Ivry is sci­tuate; and on the West by the Villa­ges of St. Andr [...] and Fourcanville, where the King was quarter'd the Night before the Battel: In this Plain, the Royal Army, and that of the League, were drawn up almost at the same time, betwixt the Hours of Eight [Page 772] and Nine, in the following order.

The King advancing five or six hun­dred paces before the Villages of St. André and Fourcanville, which he had at his back, form'd his gross Squadron of 600 Horse in five Divisions, each of 120: The first of which, wherein he intended to Fight in Person, was com­pos'd of Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquesses, Blew Ribbands, and great Lords, for the most part Catholiques, the strength of his Army consisting chiefly in those of that Religion: For when it was known that the League, for the maintenance of their cause, was turn'd Spaniard, the French No­bility and Gentry, whose hearts were too generous to suffer that such a re­proach shou'd be fastned on them, a­bandon'd that Party, and every day came over in great numbers to the King: So that he soon found himself in a condition of overpow'ring the League and Spaniard, with the assist­ance of their Arms, even though there had not been an Huguenot in his Army; who in reality were but an incosiderable number, in compa­rison of that great multitude of Sol­diers, [Page 773] and especially Gentlemen Ca­tholiques, which came in by whole Troops together from all parts, and made up almost all the strength of his Army. And that which drew down the Blessing and Protection of God Almighty on it, was, that the day before the Engagement, when it was evident that the Enemy, who had pass'd the River, cou'd not avoid coming to a Battel; these Princes, Lords, Gentlemen-Catholiques, and Soldiers, who follow'd their example, were all at the celebration of Mass at Nonancour, and there communicated together. The King, for his part, having already in his Soul great incli­nations to be converted, protested the same day to those Princes and Great Persons, that he humbly pray'd the Almighty God, who is the search­er of all hearts, to dispose of his Per­son in that bloody day, accordingly as he shou'd please to judge it neces­sary for the universal good of Chri­stendom, and in particular for the safety and repose of France.

With these pious thoughts, he plac'd himself the next morning at [Page 774] the Head of his gross Squadron, of six hundred Horse; he was flanck'd on the right hand with a gross Bat­talion of two Swisse Regiments, rais'd from the Cantons of Soleure; and on the left, with another Battalion of two Regiments, of the Canton of Glaris and of Grisons; these Battalions being sustain'd, that on the right hand, by the Regiment of Guards and of Brigneux, and that on the left, by the Regiments of Vignoles, and of St. Iean. The Duke of Mont­pensier follow'd them, drawing a lit­tle towards the left, with his Squa­dron of betwixt 5 and 600 Horse, betwixt two Regiments, one of Lans­quenets, and the other of Swisses, co­ver'd by two Battalions, which were the Flower of the French Infantry; the Marshal d' Aumont clos'd his left, having in his Squadron 300 good Horse, flanck'd with two French Re­giments, and before him, the light Horse, in two Troops, each consist­ing of 200 men, commanded by the Grand Prior their Colonel, and by Givry their Marshal de Camp; and these last had on their right [Page 775] hand, on the same Line, the Baron de Biron; who, with his Squadron of 250 Horse, cover'd that of the Duke of Montpensier; and the Artil­lery of four Cannons and two Cul­verines, was plac'd upon their Left.

On the other side, the Marshal de Biron, with 250 Horse, and two French Regiments which flanck'd him, stood on the right hand of the gross Squadron of the King, after the Regiment of Guards and that of Brigneux; but somewhat backward, that his Men might be for a Body of reserve: And the Count Theodorick de Schomberg, who commanded the Squadron of Reiters, flanck'd in the same manner by two small Bodies of French Infantry, made the right Wing a little hollow'd, in form of a Crescent, like the left. Thus was the Royal Army Marshall'd, which consisted of betwixt 9 and 10000 Foot, and 2800 Horse, divided into seven Squadrons, each of them with a Plotoon of Forlorn Hope before them.

The Army of the League appear'd at the same time but posted on some­what higher Ground, and more back­ward [Page 776] towards the River, than it was the day before; being Marshall'd much after the manner of the Kings Forces, unless it were, that being more numerous, as consisting of 4 or 5000 Horse, and of 12000 Foot, the Wings of it advanc'd farther, and bent more inward, in the form of a larger Crescent. The Duke of Mayenne with his Cornet of about 300 Horse, (to which the Duke of Nemours, his Brother by the Mothers side, joyn'd his own Squadron, of the like num­ber of Gendarms) plac'd himself just opposite to that of the King, in the very bottom of his Crescent, betwixt two gross Squadrons, each of them of 6 or 700 Lanciers, which were Flemmings and Walloons, command­ed by Count Egmont. They were flank'd on their Right and Left, with two gross Batta [...]ions of Swisses, rais'd from the Catholique Cantons, co­ver'd with French Infantry, and flanck'd with two Squadrons of Wal­loon Carabins.

Those were follow'd by two other Squadrons, one of 5 or 600 Horse on the Right hand, and the other by 3 [Page 777] or 400 on the Left; where their Ar­tillery was plac'd, consisting of two Culverines, and two Bastard Can­nons. The Light Horse-men, com­manded by the Baron de Rosne, ex­tended themselves on the right hand, before a gross Squadron of Gendarms, which sustain'd them, and two Squadrons of Reiters, led by the Duke of Brunswick, and Bassom­pierre stood on the right Wing, with the Regiment of Horse, commanded by the Chevalier de Aumale, who put them under the Conduct of his Liev­tenant, that he might have liberty to fight by the Duke of Mayenne's side, in that formidable gross of 1800 Lanciers, which were oppos'd to the Kings Squadron, not so strong as themselves by two thirds, and only arm'd with Sword and Pistol, there not being in the whole Army of the King, so much as one single Lance. The Lansquenets of the League, and the rest of the French Infantry, were divided into many Battalions, which, like those of the King, were plac'd on the Flanks of their Squadrons; betwixt whom, and their Battalions, [Page 778] there was not interval enough, to make room for the Reiters, when they were to wheel about after dis­charging, which occasion'd their great disorder.

The two Armies being thus Mar­shall'd about ten of the Clock, stood viewing, and considering each other for some time, but in very different Po­stures. There was scarcely any thing to be seen in that of the League, but Gold and Silver Embroideries, up­on costly and magnificent Coats of Velvet, of all sorts of Colours, and an infinite number of Banderolles flut­tering about that thick Forrest of Lances, which seem'd to threaten the Overthrow of their Enemies at the first Shock, before they cou'd come up so close, as to single out their Men, and discharge Brest to Brest; or even so much as to hold out their Pistols. On the other side, the Kings Army had no other Ornament than Iron; but their Joy sparkled in their Eyes, and all the Soldiers march'd to the Fight, as to a certain Victory; especially that invincible Troop of 2 or 3000 Gentle­men, which were the Flower of the [Page 779] Army; and whom the King himself, in plain Armour like the rest, inspir'd with Vigor by his only Presence, and the sprightfulness of his Beha­viour.

In the mean time, when he had observ'd, that if he approach'd not nearer to the Enemy, there wou'd be no Battel, because they were re­solv'd on the other side, to stand their Ground, without quitting their ad­vantagious Post; he advanc'd to­wards them above 150 Paces, leav­ing no more distance betwixt the two Armies, than what was necessary for the Charge; and by that motion, which he made with so much judg­ment, and Military Skill, drawing somewhat on the left hand, that he might have the Wind in his Back, which otherwise had blown the Smoak of the Powder in the Faces of his Soldiers, he came up so close to the Enemy, that it was no longer possible to avoid the Battel.

Then putting on his Head [...]piece, the Crest of which was shaded with three white Plumes, which might ea­sily be discern'd from far, and being [Page 780] mounted on a large N [...]apol [...]t [...]an Cour­ser, whose Colour was of a brown Bay, adorn'd with a Tu [...]t of Feathers, which proudly distingui [...]h'd him from the rest; he made a short Ejaculati­on to God, which was follow'd by the loud Cries of Viv [...] l [...] Roy. As to those Florid, long Orations, which our Historians, on this occa­sion, make for him and the Duke of Mayenn [...], as if they had spoken them at the Head of their Armies, 'tis most certain, they were invented in the Studies of their Authors. For one who was present in the Battel, has assur'd us, that the King spoke only with his Gesture and his Looks, to those who were more remote, and said no more but these few Words, to the great Lords, who charg [...]d with him in the first Rank of his Squadron. See, my Companions, the Enemy before us; Now we have [...]ound them, our business is to [...]ight them, and God is for us. If you loose the sight of your Colours, look about for my Plume of Feathers, and rally there: you will find it in the direct way to Honour and to Victory.

[Page 781] For the Duke of Ma [...]enne, who was both a great Captain, and in spight of his natural Heaviness, a brave Soldier, when he was once come to a Resolution of fighting, all he did, was to show to the first ranks of his Army, the Crucifix, which a jolly Fryar, who had said publick Prayers, carried before him: He wou'd have it understood by this only gesture, without loss of time in tedi­ous speeches, which cou'd never have been understood, that it was for Re­ligion that they fought against Here­tiques and Promoters of Heresy, who were the declar'd Enemies of Jesus Christ, and of his Church.

It was almost Noon, when the King was told that Charl [...]s d' H [...]mieres, Marquess d' Ancr [...], he who was in part the cause of gaining the Battel of Senlis, was coming up within a quarter of a League of the Field of Battel, with 2 or 300 Gentlemen, whom he brought with him out of Picardy; in which Country, almost all the Noblemen and Gentlemen, who had been the first to sign the League, had now totally relinquish'd [Page 782] it. But that the courage of the Sol­diers might not cool, who were ea­ger to be at blows with the Enemy, he satisfy'd himself with bidding the Sieur de Vic, who was Sergeant Major General, to show them the Post he had appointed for them, which im­mediately, on their Arrival, they too [...] up, with resolution to signalize them­selves that day. This being order'd, without more delay he gave the sign of Battel, and the work began with the discharge of their Cannon, which was so well perform'd by the Master of the Ordnance, Philibert de la Guiche, that before those of the League began to play, nine Cannonades were given by [...]he Royalists, which did great exe­cution on the Enemy, and particular­ly shatter'd the Squadrons of the Rei­ters.

Thus, after three or four vollyes on either side, two gross Squadrons, made up of Italians and French, and flank'd with Lansquenets, advanc'd, and came up to the charge, against the Left Wing of the Royal Army, that they might put themselves un­der covert from the storm of the Great [Page 783] Guns. But the Marshal d' Aumont, who was in that Wing, having advanc'd likewise the better half of the way to meet them, drove upon them so furiously, that they turn'd their backs, and pursuing them with slaughter to the entry of the little Wood, which bounds the Plain, he immediately re­turn'd to his Post, according to the Orders which he had receiv'd from the King.

While these men were so ill treat­ed, the Reiters on the Right Hand, being desirous to gain the Cannon, by which their Squadron had been so miserably torn, went to Charge the Kings light Horsemen with so much fury, that they forc'd them immedi­ately to give back; and at the same time two other Squadrons of Flem­mings and Walloons, seeing them al­ready shaken, advanc'd to break them. But the Baron of Biron on the one side, and the Duke of Montpensier on the other, charging them on the Flanks, first stopp'd them, then broke in up­on them, and afterwards pierc'd quite through them; and the Light Horse, who had this time given them to [Page 784] rally, returning to the charge, the Rei [...]ers gave ground, most basely a­bandoning the Walloons; and not be­ing able to make their retreat, or ra­ther to save themselves, through the intervals which were too narrow, they overturn'd their own men, and put all things in a terrible con [...]usion, notwithstanding the care which was us'd by the Duke of Bru [...]swick, their Colonel, who was never able to rally them, and therefore put himself into the Squadron of Walloons; desiring rather to perish with those valiant men, who were inclos'd on all sides, and cut in pieces, than to save himself by flying with his own Runaways.

In this manner the Battel was main­tain'd on either part, with extreme obstinacy for some time, and all the Squadrons of both Armies fell in so vi­gorously, that they were mix'd with each other; excepting only that of Mareschal d [...] Biron, who with his Bo­dy of Reserve, made it his business to hinder the Enemy from rallying, which he perform'd. But that which decided the fortune of this great day, and assur'd the Victory to the King, [Page 785] was his own Heroick Valour, which he made conspicuous, by combating that formidable Squadron of 1800 Lanciers, which the Duke of Mayenne had made so strong for no other rea­son, than to charge with great advan­tage of number upon that of the King, not at all doubting but if he cou'd break that Body, the Victory wou'd be his own.

Observing then that the Reiters were absolutely routed, and fearing lest they shou'd disorder his men, by falling back upon them; he drew af­ter him that great Body of Horse, and caus'd 400 chosen Carabins to advance first, who were all of them arm'd Head and Breast, whom the Count d [...] Tavann [...]s, who led them up, commanded to discharge within five and twenty Paces of the first Rank of the Royal Squadron, with intention to clear it. And at the same time, the Duke of Mayenne, who appear'd at the Head of his Men, mounted on a Turkish Horse, the most beautiful that cou'd be seen, made up furiously, with his Lance couch'd, and follow'd by the gross of [Page 786] his Cavalry, to the Kings own Troop, which he believ'd to be alrea­dy well shaken, by that sudden and terrible Discharge: who, neverthe­less, sustain'd the fury of that Shock, keeping firm in their Saddles; and some there were, who had three Lan­ces broken on them, without loosing of their Stirrups.

But the most admirable part of this Encounter, was, that the King ad­vancing twice the length of his Horse before the Front of his Squadron, with his Pistol in his hand, thrust into the midst of that thick Wood of Lances, and charg'd with so much ardour of Courage into their Body, that he gave them to understand by this wonder­ful Action, he was no less, a most vali­ant Soldier, than a most expert and great Commander. And indeed, he was so bravely follow'd, by the Princes and Lords of that Squadron, whom his Example had rais'd to emulation, that after an obstinate Dispute, which endured a long quarter of an hour, and was maintain'd with Swords and Pistols, in that confus'd Medly, where the Lances were of [Page 787] no farther use; this great Squadron of the Duke of Mayenne, was broken, dispers'd, and cut in pieces, or whol­ly routed; neither cou'd the Duke (who that day perform'd all the parts of a valiant Soldier, and a great Ge­neral, even in the opinion of the King himself) either stay their Flight, or rally them afterwards, with all the endeavours he cou'd use: Insomuch, that seeing himself almost inclos'd, he retir'd amongst the last of his men, to the Bridge of Ivry, which he caus'd to be broken down, after he had pass'd the greatest part of his routed Army over it, and then for his own safety fled to Mant. The rest, with the Duke of Nemours, the Che­valier d' Aumale, Rosne, Tavannes, and Bassompierre, having taken the way of the Plain, escap'd to Chartres.

In the mean time, the Victorious Party were in great trouble for the King, who had vanish'd out of their sight in that gross Squadron of 1800 Lances, into which he had charg'd before the rest; when at length they beheld him returning, and bearing a­loft his bloody Sword; having defeat­ed [Page 788] three Cornets of VValloons, which were left amongst the two Battalions of Swisses, and came desperately upon him, after he had Charg'd through the Duke of Mayenne's Squadron. At his appearance, the whole Field of Battel rang wi [...]h loud Acclamations and Shouts of Vive Le Roy. Then, the Victory being assur'd and absolute, no other Enemies remaining in the Field but those Swisses, (for the rest of the Foot, and particularly the Lans­quenets, being forsaken by their Ca­valry, had been cut in pieces, except­ing those who provided early for their safety) the King, that he might gra­tifie the Cantons, took them to mer­cy, on condition they shou'd hence­forth keep more faithfully the Treaty of Alliance which they had made with the Crown of France, and ne­ver more bear Arms against him. Af­ter which, being accompanied by the Prince of Conty, the Duke of Mont­pensier, the Count of St. Paul, the Marshal d' Aumont, and all the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, he pursued the Enemy as far as Rosny, leaving the Body of his Army, which march'd [Page 789] slowly after him, under the Command of the Mareschal de Biron.

This was the success of that fa­mous Battel of Ivry, wherein the League lost both its reputation and its strength. Almost all the Infantry of that Party was cut in pieces, or taken Prisoners: Of their Cavalry more than 1500 were kill'd upon the place, or drown'd at the Foord of Ivry, the passage of which is extremely dange­rous. Count Egmont, General of the Spanish Troops, and VVilliam of Bruns­wick, Colonel of the Reiters, Natural Son to Duke Henry, were found a­mongst the slain, and a short time af­ter honourably interr'd by the King's Order, in the Church of Eureux: Be­sides the French Soldiers, whom the King commanded to be spar'd, and who took quarter amongst his Troops, there were above 400 Prisoners of Quality, amongst whom was a Count of East Friez [...]land, who fought a­mongst the Reiters, the Baron of Hu­ren, the Sieurs of Medavid, Bois Dauphin, Castelier, Fontain Martel, Sigogne, who yielded himself, with the Duke of Mayenne's Standard to [Page 790] Rosny (the same who was afterwards Duke de Sully) and many other Lords and Gentlemen, as well Foreigners as French.

The Cannon, Ammunition, Bag­gage, and Standard of the Flemmings, twenty Cornets, the Standard of the Reiters, and above sixty Ensigns of Foot, without putting into the rec­koning the fourscore Swisse Colours, which the King sent back to their Su­periours, were the illustrious Testi­monies of so glorious a Victory; which cost the Conquerour but little Blood: For there were kill'd on the Kings side, of men of Quality, only Clermont de Entragues, Captain of the Guards, who was slain near the Per­son of his Majesty; the Count de Schomberg, the Sieurs de Feuquieres, de Crenay, Cornet to the Duke of Montpensier, and de Long auny, an old Norman Gentleman, aged threescore and twelve years, the only man who was slain by the Cannon of the League, and five and twenty or thir­ty Gentlemen more, who were kill'd in the Kings Squadron. Amongst the Wounded, was Francis de Daillon, [Page 791] Count de Lude (Son to that Prudent and Valiant Guy de Daillon, Governour of Poitou, who defended Poitiers with so much reputation against the Admi­ral Coligni, and preserv'd that Pro­vince to the King, with so much Fide­lity and Valour against the Hugonots and Leaguers, to whom he was always a profest Enemy) Henry de Laval, Marquess de Nesle, the Count of Choisy, the Sieurs d'O, de Rosny, Lau­vergne, Monloüet, and about twenty other Gentlemen, who were all cur'd of their Wounds.

That which was yet more won­derfully remarkable, and which de­monstrates the peculiar care which God Almighty took of his Majesties rightful Cause, was, that on the same day, Iean Louis, de Rouche­foucault, Count of Randan, General of the League in Auvergne, who be­sieg'd the Town of Issoire, lost both his Life and his little Army; which was entirely defeated by the Marquess of Curton, Head of the Royalists; and that the Sieur de Lansac, who endea­vour'd to have surpris'd Mans for the League, whose Party, after having [Page 792] once abandon'd it, he had again e­spous'd, was bravely repuls'd from before the Town. To conclude, since that happy day, the Royal Par­ty had a continu'd series of prosperi­ty, in every Province of France, and in a multitude of occasions, which it is not my business to relate paticularly; because my Design is only to relate the most essential affairs of the League, and not to involve my self too far in the History of France, which compre­hends much more than I have under­taken.

Following therefore this Model, which I have propos'd to my self, that which I ought to observe on this oc­casion, is, that this glorious Victory, had caus'd the immediate and total ruine of the League; if after the Sur­render of Vernon, and Mant, which yielded the next day, the King, who was now Master of all the Passages of the Seine, as far up as Paris, had pre­sented himself, with his victorious Ar­my, before that Capital City of his Kingdom, which at that time, was neither provided with Victuals, nor Ammunition, nor Governour, nor [Page 793] Garrison, and wherein the People, who found themselves destitute of all these things, were already waver­ing in a general Consternation. For 'tis exceeding probable, that the Politiques, doubly encourag'd by his Victory and by his Presence, had carry'd it over the Sixteen, and had open'd the Gates to him. And in­deed this very Counsel was given him by the wise La Noüe; but whe­ther it were that the Marshal de Biron, who had no great inclinations to re­tire to his Country-House, and mind his Gardening, desir'd to spin out the War, and therefore gave him a con­trary Advice; or that perhaps it was his own Opinion, as not believing himself yet strong enough for such an Attempt, he continued fifteen days at Mante, without enterprising any thing against the Leaguers; to whom he gave leisure by that means to re­cover Courage, and put themselves into a condition of Resistance.

In effect, the false Relations which were spread amongst the People, to sooth them into a Belief, that the Loss which they had receiv'd, was [Page 794] not so considerable as was at first re­ported; the Sermons of their Preach­ers, the Promises of the Spaniards, the Presence of the Legate, and of the Arch-bishop of Lyons, who not long before had been ransom'd by the League, and the good order which the Duke of Mayenne had caus'd to be establish'd in Paris, which he left well garrison'd with his Souldiers, before he went from St. Dennis, to draw near to the Law-Countries, from whence he expected new supplies: all these Considerations put to­gether, buoyd up their sinking spirits, and gave them new courage, so that there appear'd no manner of commo­tion in the Town: but all was hush'd and peaceable, and a resolution taken to defend themselves to the last Ex­tremity.

As indeed they did not long time after, during the Siege of Paris, so much to the wonder and amazement of Mankind, that it may be plac'd in the number of those extraordinary and admirable accidents which may be call'd the Miracles of History; and which wou'd never enter into the [Page 795] belief of men, if they were not sup­ported with an infinite number of most credible witnesses. For, in con­clusion, the King well knowing, that the end of the War, and of the League, depended absolutely on the taking of Paris, resolv'd to defer no longer the laying hold on that occasi­on, which he believ'd to be still with­in his reach, not perceiving that al­ready he had let it slip by his long de­lay. He departed therefore out of Mante on the last of March, with his Army, consisting at that time, of 12000 Foot, and betwixt 3 and 4000 Horse, and during the Moneth of A­pril, made himself Master of Corbeil, Melun, Bray, Montereau-faut-Yonne, Lagny, Beaumont upon Oyse, Provins, and the Bridges of St. Maur, and Cha­renton.

The Intelligence which he held in Sens, having not succeeded, he gave two brisk Assaults to it, in both which, his men were vigorously re­puls'd, by the Lord Chanvallon, Ia­ques de Harlay, who there command­ed for the League. Notwithstanding which, that great Prince, who was [Page 796] a true lover of all brave men, being afterwards acquainted with his ex­cellent Parts, and his inviolable fide­lity, repos'd great confidence in him; insomuch that he plac'd him with the Duke of Lorrain, to retain him, as he always did, in the Interests of France. But the King, unwilling to loose more time, on a place which was so well defended, and which, if he shou'd take, wou'd contribute nothing to the Execution of his main De­sign; as also knowing, that by means of the Towns and Bridges, of which he already stood possess'd, he held shut up the four Rivers that supply'd Paris; he went from thence, to be­siege that City, about the end of the Moneth, without expecting certain Conferences which the League pro­pos'd, as he believ'd, either to delay, or to divert him. And that he might have the freedom of sending out Par­ties through the whole adjoyning Country, on both sides of the Seine, thereby to hinder the Town from receiving Provisions by Land, he made a Bridge of Boats somewhat below Con [...]lans; so that Paris was immedi­ately [Page 797] invested on all Quarters.

There were some, and amongst o­thers La [...], with the greatest part of the Hugonots, who had not much kindness for the Parisians, desir'd that the Town might be assaulted as ima­gining it might be carry'd by plain force at the first attempt, and that the Citisens, who are never so very stout, as when they have got behind their Barricades, wou'd not be alto­gether so couragious upon the Works. This was their Opinion; but it ma­nifestly appear'd, by the Skirmishes and other Tryals which were made in the beginning of the Siege, and by which, the Kings Party were no great gainers; that those Gentle­men had taken no just measures. La [...] himself, who wou'd needs attacque the [...] St. Martin, was beaten off with loss; and learnt, to his cost, by a Musquet Shot, which wounded him in the Thigh, and dis­abled him from fighting, that he had to do with galiant men, who were neither to be vanquish'd at the Breach▪ nor by scaling, so easily as he believ'd. There were at that [Page 798] time in Paris, not above two hun­dred and thirty thousand Souls; be­cause almost half the Inhabitants ap­prehending the consequences of a Siege, were departed out of it and the wealthier sort of Citisens, who had the Courage to continue there, had sent off their Wives and Chil­dren to other Places. But a Garri­son which the Parisians had receiv'd, of 5 or 6000 old Spanish Souldiers, Lansquenets, Swisses, and French, and 50000 Citisens well arm'd, and re­solv'd to perish in the Defence of their Town and Religion, (for which they were perswaded that they fought) had not easily been forc'd by that little Army, which rather seem'd to block them up, than to besiege them.

And besides the young and valiant Duke of Nemours their Governour, had exellently well provided for all things, during more than a moneth, which he had to prepare himself for the sustaining of this memorable Siege, wherein by his Courage and good Conduct, he acquir'd the Re­putation of an old experienc'd Gene­ral. [Page 799] For he had fortify'd all the weakest parts, repair'd the Breaches of the Walls, new rais'd the Ramparts and the Terrasses, drawn large Retrench­ments, both within and without the heads of the Fauxbourgs, prepar'd Chains, and Barrels fill'd with Earth, to make Barricades for all the Streets, that the Enemies might be stopp'd at every Passage, while, in the mean time, they were to be slaughter'd with Musket Shot, and Stones from Windows, after they shou'd have en­terd the Town. He had earth'd up the greatest part of the Gates, bea­ten down the Houses, which might have been of Service to the Enemy; cast and mounted above threescore pieces of Cannon, which were plant­ed on the Ramparts, and shut up the River both above and below, by massy Chains, sustain'd by Palisades, and defended by strong Corps de Guard, to preserve the Town from being surpriz'd, and to hinder the Entrance into it at low water. In conlusion, he had forgot nothing, that cou'd possibly be necessary for a stout Defence, and for the repulsing Force by Force.

[Page 800]For which cause, the King, who un­derstood the difficulty better than those about him, who, at that time, listen'd rather to their Passion than their Reason, being not of Opinion, that his Enterprise cou'd succeed by Assault, in the present condition of his Affairs, always rejected that Advice; besides loving his Subjects with a pa­ternal Affection, and principally Pa­ris, as he has always made it mani­fest, he cou'd never resolve on the Destruction of the fairest Flower in his Crown, and the noblest City in the Universe, by taking it in the way which they advis'd; which had been to expose it to the Fury of his Men of War, and especially of the Hu­gonots, who, in revenge of their Massacre at St. Bartholomew, wou'd have lay'd it desolate with Fire and Sword.

He resolv'd therefore to take it by Famine, not doubting, but that all the Passages for Provisions being shut up, it wou'd soon be forc'd to a Sur­render for want of Bread. And cer­tainly his Design was very reasonably lay'd, and according to all appea­rances [Page 801] ought to have succeeded, if his Expectation had not been deceiv'd, by one of the most wonderful Prodi­gies of invincible Patience, or rather extream Obstinacy, in that almost unimaginable Distress, to which they were reduc'd.

I shall not here describe it in all the exactness of its Cir [...]umstances; 'tis enough if I barely say, what is gene­rally known to all the World, that the common Provisions, which were well husbanded, and distributed ve­ry sparingly, were consum'd in the month of Iune; that the Fauxbourgs being taken in Iuly, they were shut up in the Town, and restrain'd from going out to search for Herbs, Leaves, and Roots, in the neighbouring Fields, and in the Ditches: that after they had eaten their Horses, Asses, Dogs, and Cats, they were reduc'd in August, to Rats and Mice, and then to Skins and Leather, and an abominable kind of Bread, which instead of Meal, was made of the Powder of dead mens Bones, taken out of the Church-yard of St. Innocent; that there were some, whom that Famine (by which [Page 802] twenty thousand persons dyed) brought to those horrible Extremi­ties which are mention'd in the Sie­ges of Samaria and Ierusalem. Not­withstanding all which Miseries, 'tis wonderful to consider, that the Pa­risians, accustom'd to Plenty, and e­ven to live luxuriously, chose rather to endure this dreadful Famine to the end, and to expose themselves to certain Death, whose terrible Image they had dayly before their Eyes in every Street, than to hear the least word of a Surrender.

And questionless, they had many Inducements, which contributed o­their obstinate Resolution of suffer­ing so long and so contentedly. The Examples of the Princesses and great Ladies, who satisfy'd Nature with a very small Pittance of Oat Bread, taught them to bear those Miseries with constancy of Mind, which their Superiours of a more delicate and ten­der Sex, supported with so much chearfulness of Spirit. Add to this, the great Care and Vigilance of their Heads, to hinder Tumults and Sedi­tions, and the immediate Execution [Page 803] of Mutineers. Then the Awe and Terrour which was struck into them by the Sixteen, who had resum'd their first Authority in the Town; and who commonly threw into the Seine, without judicial Process, or form of Law, all such as were sus­pected to hold Intelligence with the King, or to make the least mention of a Treaty. But the most comforta­ble consideration, was the great Alms, which were daily distributed amongst the Poor, by the Order, and at the Charges of the Legat Cajetan, the Archbishop of Lions, the Spanish Embassador, the Wealthiest of the City Companies, and the Cardinal Gondy Bishop of Paris, who volunta­rily inclos'd himself within those Walls, for the Relief and Ease of his poor Flock. Besides, they had no small Encouragement from the false Reports which the Dutchess of Montpensier, who was very skilful in coining News, caus'd dayly to be spread about Paris, and the Assuran­ces by Letters, whether true or forg'd, which she said she had receiv'd from her Brother the Duke of Mayenne, [Page 804] from time to time, of speedy Suc­cours: All which Considerations, serv'd not a little to encourage the People, and to inure them to that wonderful sufferance of their Mise­ries.

But after all, it must be ingenu­ously acknowledg'd, that the Cause which principally produc'd this great Effect, was the Zeal of Religion, which was easily inspir [...]d into the People of Paris, and the great care which they took to perswade them, as really they did, that it was no less than to betray it, and expose it to the inevitable danger of being utter­ly destroy'd, as had happen'd in En­gland, if they shou'd submit them­selves to a King, who made an open Profession of Calvinism. For in fine, they omitted no manner of Arts, and of Perswasions, to make this Opinion be swallow'd by the Multitude, and consequently to harden them against the fear of Death it self, rather than endure the Dominion of a Prince who was an Heretique. In the first place, they made use of the Sorbon­nists, which (as their Liberty was [Page 805] then oppress'd) immediately made a new Decree, on the seventh of May, in which it is declar'd, That Henry de Bourbon, being a relaps'd Heretick, and excommunicated personally by our Holy Father; there was manifest dan­ger, that he wou'd deceive the Church, and ruine the Catholique Religion, though he shou'd obtain an exteriour Ab­solution, and that therefore the French are oblig'd in Conscience, to hinder him with all their Power, from coming to the Crown, in case King Charles the Tenth shou'd dye, or even if he shou'd release his Right to him; and that, as all such who favour his Party, are actually Deserters of Religion, and con­tinue in mortal Sin, which makes them liable to eternal Damnation; so also, by the same reason, all such as shall persevere to the Death in resistance of him, as Champions of the Faith, shall be rewarded with the Crown of Martyr­dom.

On the occasion of this new Decree, a General Assembly was held at the Town-House, where all the As­sistants were sworn to dye, rather than to receive an Heretick King. [Page 806] This Oath was renew'd yet more so­lemnly on the Holy Evangelists, be­twixt the Hands of the Legat, at the foot of the great Altar of the Church of Nostredame, after a general Proces­sion, at which, besides the Clergy, were present, all the Princes and Princesses, and all the Companies, the Bishops and Abbots, the Colonels and Officers, and the Persons of Quality, follow'd by vast Multitudes, of Peo­ple, where the Reliques of all the Churches in Paris were carryed. This Oath, reduc'd into Writing, was sent to every House, by the Over­seers of the several Wards, who o­blig'd all persons to take it. After which, the Parliament made an Or­dinance, prohibiting, on pain of Death, that any one shou'd speak of making a Composition with the King of Navarre. and above all the rest, the Preachers of the League, and the famous Cordelier Panigarole, Bishop of Ast, with Bellarmine the Learned Jesuit, who both acted in Conjuncti­on with them; the Divines of the Legat Cajetan, who preach'd like the rest, during the Siege, encourag'd [Page 807] their Auditors to suffer all Miseries, rather than subject themselves to an Heretick, assuring them, according to the Decree of the Sorbonne, that if they shou'd loose their Lives for such a Cause, they dy'd undoubtedly for the Faith, and were to be esteem'd no less than Martyrs.

There also happen'd an Accident, which as fantastical and ridiculous as it appear'd, was yet of use to ani­mate the People, and to fortifie them in their Belief, that it was their Du­ty to make opposition, even to Death, against the setting up an Heretick King. For above twelve hundred Ecclesiasticks, as well Seculars as Re­gulars, amongst whom, were the most reform'd, and most austere of every Order, such as were the Car­thusians, Minimes, Capuchins, and Feu­illants, made a kind of Muster, march­ing in Rank and File through the Streets, wearing over their ordinary Habits, the Arms of Foot Soldiers, having William Roze the Bishop of Senlis at their Head, and the Fi­gures of the Crucifix and the Blessed Virgin flanting in their Standard, to [Page 808] make it appear, that since Religion was the Matter in dispute; their Pro­fession, as peaceable as it was, gave them no Dispensation in that Case, from hazarding their Lives in War like other Men, and that they were all resolv'd to dye with their Bre­thren, in the Defence of Faith.

All Paris ran to this Spiritual Show, which was like to have prov'd fatal to the Legat; for making a Stop with his Coach at the end of Pont Nostre­dame, to behold this noble Spectacle of the Church Militant; while they were giving a Salve in honour of him, one of those good Fathers, who had borrow'd his Musket from a Citisen, and knew not that it was charg'd with Bullets, let fly, with no worse Intention than to show his Manhood, and fairly kill'd one of his men who sate in the Boot; which caus'd the Prelate, who lik'd not that unchristi­an Proceeding very well, to make haste away for his own Security. But this made no other Impression in the Parisians, than to confirm them in their Resolution: For when they beheld their Confessours and Guides [Page 809] of their Consciences, in that War­like Posture, they believ'd such men wou'd never have appear'd in Arms, unless they were satisfy'd that it was for the Cause of God, in which it was their common Duty both to live and dye.

But what most confirm'd them in this Belief, was, that the King, whose hour of Conversion was not yet come, wou'd never hear speak of it, in any Overtures which were made to no purpose for a Peace. And though the Duke of Nemours, whom he had invited by a kind Letter to Submission, since he had already satisfy'd his Ho­nour to the full, had protested, that he wou'd be the first to throw himself at his Feet, and that he wou'd make it his Busines too, that Paris shou'd acknowledge him, provided he re­turn'd into the Church, he always rejected that Proposition. On which account, whatsoever solemn Promises he made, that he wou'd maintain the Catholique Religion; the Parisians, (to whom their Preachers, who had an absolute Dominion over their Consciences, still represented the Ex­ample [Page 810] of England) cou'd never re­solve to confide in him. Thus, being perswaded that it was impossible for them to surrender, without giving up their Religion by the same Act; they had the Courage, in the midst of their Sufferings, to expect the great Suc­cours which the Duke of Parma brought to their Relief at the end of August. And that excellent Com­mander, without giving Battel, (to which the King, who was constrain'd to retire with all his Forces from be­fore Paris, cou'd never force him, so well he was retrench'd at Clay) had the Glory to execute his own de­sign, and after his own manner, by taking Lagny in the sight of the King, and freeing Paris, which was the end of his Undertaking. It be­longs to the general History of France, to describe all the particular Passages of that famous Expedition; I shall only say (that I may omit nothing which precisely concerns my Subject) that before the King had licens'd the Nobility and Gentry which attend­ed him, to depart, and divided his Forces into several small Bodies, as [Page 811] he afterwards did, he wou'd needs make a last Attempt upon the Town.

To which effect, on Saturday night, the eighth of September, he convey'd secretly three or four thousand cho­sen Soldiers into the Fauxbourgs, St. Iacques, and St. Marceau, under the Leading of the Count de Chastillon, to scale the Walls betwixt those two Gates after Midnight, while the Town was buried (as it were) in the depth of Sleep. For he believ'd not that the Parisians, who knew that his Ar­my was drawn up in Battalia on the Plain of Bondy, all Saturday, wou'd keep themselves upon their Guard, on that side which he purpos'd to at­taque. But as some notice had been given of his Design, and that besides, his Troops cou'd not possibly enter those Fauxbourgs, without noise, the Allarm was immediately taken, the Bells were rung, and the Citizens in Crouds mounted the Ram­parts, especially, where he meant to have planted his Ladders. But at last, when after a long Expectation, no Enemy appear'd, and that no [Page 812] more noise was heard, because the Kings Soldiers, who were cover'd by the Fauxbourgs, made not the least motion, and also kept a profound Si­lence, it was taken only for a false Alarm. The Bells ceas'd ringing, and every man retir'd to his own Lodging, excepting only ten Jesuites, who being more vigilant than the rest, continu'd all the remainder of that Night on the same Post, which was not far distant from their Col­ledge.

In the mean time, the Soldiers of Chastillon, who were softly crept down into the Ditch, began about four of the Clock in the Morning, to set up their Ladders, being favour'd by a thick Mist, which hindred them from being discern'd. The Design was well enough lay'd, for there needed not above ten or twelve men to have got over into the Town, who might have open'd the Gate of St. Marceau to their Fellows, by means of a Correspondence which was held with a Captain belonging to that Quarter; after which it had been easie to have possest themselves of the [Page 813] University, and consequently both the Town and the City, wou'd have submitted themselves to the King, rather than have expos'd Paris as a Prey to two great Armies, by admit­ting that of the Duke of Parma, at the Gate of St. Martin.

But the Vigilance of the ten Jesu­ites, broke all these Measures which were so justly taken; for having heard a Noise in the Ditch, which was made by thos [...] who were setting up their Ladders against the Walls; they cry'd out as loud as they cou'd stretch their Voices, to Arms, to Arms. Notwithstanding which, the Soldiers were still getting up, and the first of them, who was ready to leap upon the Rampart, happen'd to show his Head, just where one of those honest Fathers was plac'd; who gave him such a lusty knock, with an old Halbard, which he had in his hand, as he stood Centry, that he broke it in two upon his Head, and tumbled him down with the Blow into the Ditch. The Compa­nions of this valiant Jesuite, did as mu [...]h to two other Soldiers, and a [Page 814] fourth, who was already got up, and held his Ladder with one Hand, to descend into the Town, and with the other a broad Curtle-axe, to cleave the Head of the first who shou'd op­pose him, was stopp'd short by two of these Fathers, who, each of them, with a Partizan, so vigorously push'd him, that notwithstanding all the Blows which he made in vain, at too great a distance, for fear of their long Weapons, they forc'd him at the last to quit his Ladder, and having hurt him in the Throat, o­verturn'd him backward into the Ditch after his Fellows.

The two first Citizens who ran to their Relief,Ann. 1591. were the Advocate William Balden, and the famous Book­seller Nicholas Nivelle; these two, finding one of those Jesuites grap­pling with a Soldier, who was get­ting up in spight of the poor Fathers weak resistance, came into the rescue, and lent him their helping Hands to kill him: And the Advocate imme­diately turning himself to another, who had already got upon the Ram­parts, discharg'd so terrible a Reverse [Page 815] upon his right hand, with his Fau­chion, that he cut it sheer off, and sent him headlong to the Bottom; in the mean time, the Alarm being once more warmly taken in the Town; the Citizens and Soldiers made haste to Man the Walls, espe­cially on that side, and heaps of kind­led Straw were thrown down to light the Ditch, and make discovery what was doing below; whereupon the Kings Soldiers being easily discern'd, left both their Ladders and their Attempt, which now cou'd not possi­bly succeed, and retir'd to the Body of their Army.

So little was there wanting to bring about so great an Enterprise: For 'tis most certain, that if these ten Jesuits had done like the Townsmen▪ and had gone back to take their rest in their College, after the first Alarm which was held for false, the King had that day entred Paris. But the Divine Providence had reserv'd that happiness for a time more favourable to Religion, and to that City; into which the King, being Victorious o­ver the League, was ordain'd to make [Page 816] a peaceable entrance, after he had solemnly profess'd the Catholique Faith.

In the mean time, the affairs of the League, far from being advanc'd after this expedition, which was so glori­ous to the Duke of Parma, were soon after reduc'd into a worse estate than formerly, by reason of that horrible division which arose among their Par­ty, and by the prudent conduct of the King. For perceiving that his hopes were frustrate of drawing them to a Battel, who were now at their ease, after the taking of Lagny, and had their Quarters securely extended in La Brie; he remanded one part of his Forces to refresh themselves in the Neighbouring Provinces, and put another into Garrisons, in such places as might serve to hinder the com­merce with the Parisians, and parti­cularly in St. Denis, which he had taken during the Siege of Paris, and where the Chevalier d' Aumale, who endeavour'd to retake it some small time afterwards, was kill'd when he was almost in possession of the place.

Himself, in the mean time, with a [Page 817] flying Army beat the Field, to cut off Provisions from Paris, and from the Army of the Duke of Parma; who having lost much time in taking Cor­beil, which was immediately retaken from the League, was constrain'd to return into Flanders, having always the King at his heels, who perpetu­ally harass'd him, and put him to ve­ry great inconveniences and hardships, during his march to the Frontiers of Artois▪ for so far he took the pains to bring him on his Journy. After which he made another attempt on Paris, which he hop'd to have surpris'd by the Gate of St. Honorè, with many Waggons loaden with Meal, and dri­ven by stout Soldiers disguis'd in the habits of Countrymen. The strata­gem not succeeding, because there was some suspicion of the design, he reassembled all his Forces, and went to lay Siege to Chartres, which after a vigorous defence of more than two months, not being reliev'd by the Duke of Mayenne, was constrain'd at last to come to a surrender.

It was particularly by the Valour, Policy, and Industry of the Brave [Page 818] Count of Chastillon, Colonel of the French Infantry, that this considera­ble place was taken: For that young Lord, who had as much understand­ing as courage, and was very know­ing, especially in the Mathematicks, invented a kind of wooden Bridge, which he cast by a new sort of ma­chine, over the Ditch; by means of which they cou'd pass under covert, and without danger, as far as the foot of a great breach, which he had made on the side of Galardon. After which, Monsieur de la Bourdaisiere, who had bravely defended himself till then, seeing there was no longer a possibility of resistance, made his capitulation; which the King, always generous, and a great Lover of valour even in his Enemies, granted him on very honourable terms.

This was the last action of Chastil­lon, who having serv'd his Prince all along with so much gallantry, ended his Life in the flower of his Age; dy­ing not long after at his House of Cha­stillon on the Loire, of a disease which he had brought upon himself, by his over-labour at a Siege, wherein he [Page 819] had acquir'd so just a reputation and so much glory. He was extremely lamented even by the Catholiques, who had observ'd in him a great in­clination to renounce his Calvinism in short time, as he who already had begun to find out the falsities of that opinion; tho' the Admiral de Coligny his Father, who was a strong Hugue­not, had caus'd him to be carefully instructed in that way. But that hap­piness which he liv'd not to enjoy, was reserv'd for his younger Brother, Monsieur d' Andelot, who, like ano­ther Iacob, succeeded to the blessing which was denyed to the Elder Son.

He was happy also in his Posterity, who by serving their King and the True Religion with great zeal, have repair'd the mischiefs which have been done to both, by the Admiral their Predecessor. And certainly 'tis one great sign of this good fortune, that we have seen in our own days, the Forces of the King, commanded by the Count of Coligny, for the assist­ance of the Emperor against the Turk, obtain a glorious Victory over them, [Page 820] at that memorable Battel of Raab, the gaining of which preserv'd the Em­pire, and deliver'd it from the immi­nent danger of being overrun by Infi­dels.

But to proceed. This last piece of service which was perform'd by Cha­stillon for the King, was of great im­portance to the happy success of his Affairs: For having already in his hands the passages of all the Rivers, which discharge themselves into the Seine, for the supply of Paris; and also being absolute Master of La Beauce, by the reduction of Chartres, and of the other small places of the same Province; that great City was on the sudden, as it were, invested on all sides: And about the same time he receiv'd intelligence, of the great successes which his Commanders had in other places against the Leaguers: Les diguieres in Dauphine, where he was receiv'd in Grenoble: La Valette in Provence, the Mareschal of Matig­non in Guyenne, where Bourdeaux, which had hitherto maintain'd it self in a kind of neutrality, return'd to the Obedience of the King, and the [Page 821] Dukes of Montpensier and of Nevers, in Normandy and in Champaigne.

But that which, in conclusion, ru­in'd the League, which was already weakned by Arms, was the furious division kindled amongst the Heads of it; the occasion of which I shall next relate. The Duke of Parma had sufficiently taken notice, that the Duke of Mayenne, of whose carriage he was not otherwise well satisfied, had design'd to make use of the Spa­niards, in order to his support against the King, but not to be of use to them, in making them Masters at least of some part of France, which was their intention, or to assist them in the Election of a new King, who shou'd absolutely depend on them, now that the old Cardinal of Bourbon was deceas'd in Prison at Fontenay le Comte. For which reason he fail'd not to give notice to King Philip, that he ought not to build any assurance hereafter on that Prince, who had besides, lost much of his reputation, by the ill suc­cess of his affairs; and that it was much more expedient for him, to get an interest in the Corporations of [Page 822] great Towns, and above all in the Six­teen of Paris, who to compass the re­storation of their Authority, which the Duke of Mayenne had once more taken from them, wou'd easily con­sent to what he pleas'd.

The King of Spain follow'd this ad­vice, and the Sixteen, who mortally hated the Duke of Mayenne, seeing themselves supported by the Spani­ards, with whom they had entred into a strict League of Interest and Friend­ship, openly enterpris'd, what con­tempt soever he had of them, in de­spight of him, to re-establish them­selves in their first Authority. And that which rais'd their courage to a greater height, and made them more boldly put their resolutions in practice was, that Gregory the Fourteenth, who was newly exalted to the Papacy, had declar'd in [...]avour of them; imi­tating the Spaniards in that particular, and going quite contrary to Sixtus the Fifth.

That Pope Sixtus, who had so ill treated the King of Navarre, by the thundring Bull which he had pub­lish'd against him, and who afterwards [Page 823] oppos'd his being King of France, had very much alter'd his opinion, after he had been better inform'd of the French affairs: For having made solid reflections on the past, without suf­fering himself to be prepossess'd, he clearly understood the great merits of the King, whom he then endeavour'd to reconcile to the Church by gentle usage: The Ambition of the Heads of the League, the indirect dealing and cousenages of their Agents, (who had so often deceiv'd him by false Relati­ons; and more than all the rest, the pernicious designs of the Spaniards, who that they might irrevocably in­gage him in their Interests, were ve­hemently urgent with him to Excom­municate all the Catholiques who follow'd the King, and that he shou'd bind himself by Oath, never to re­ceive him into the Bosom of the Church, what submission soever he should make;) had opened his eyes, and caus'd him to take much other measures. For they proceeded at length to plain threatnings, that if he deny'd them this satisfaction, they wou'd protest in a full Assembly a­gainst [Page 824] him, and make provision of other means for the preservation of the Church which he had abandon'd. This so far inrag'd him, as he was the Man amongst all the Popes, who was the least capable of bearing such af­fronts, that opposing threatnings to threatnings, he told the Embassador Olivares in plain terms, he wou'd out off his Head if he shou'd presume to stir any farther in that matter. Which fair warning he was wise enough to take, as well knowing the fiery tem­per of the Pope, who was like enough to have kept his word.

Nay, there are some who are apt to think, that far from joyning with the League against the King, to which the Spaniards perpetually solicited him for their own interest, he had resolv'd to employ the five Millions of Gold, which he had heap'd up in the Castle of St. Angelo, during his Popedom, to make War against them, and to beat them out of the Kingdom of Naples. But his measures were all broken by a sudden death, which carry'd him off on the twenty seventh day of Au­gust, in the Year precedent.

[Page 825]The Leaguers, who observ'd not even common decency, so little dis­sembled their joy for his death, that the news of it being brought to Paris, on the fifth of September, Aubry, the Curate of St. Andrè des Arcs, an hare­brain'd Fool, declaring it to the peo­ple in his Sermon, was impudent e­nough to say, that his death came by miracle, betwixt the two Feasts of our Lady. And added these his very words: God has deliver'd us from a wicked Pope, and an ill Politician: If he had liv'd longer, you wou'd have been all amaz'd to hear Sermons Preach'd in Paris against a Pope; and yet it must of necessity have been done. Behold, how much these Preachers of the League were intoxicated with their passions, which they easily infus'd into the peo­ple; who followed quietly, like blind men, their Guides, who were blind­er than themselves, and who led them to the Precipice, where they all pe­rish'd.

Gregory the Fourteenth, a Milanois, who was exalted to the Papacy after Vrban the seventh, who enjoyed that honour but thirteen days, proceeded [Page 826] in direct opposition to the conduct of Sixtus the Fifth. He joyn'd with the Spaniards, and declar'd openly in fa­vour of the League, according to the manner they desir'd: For laying aside the Duke of Mayenne, and the other Princes of his House, for whom the Spaniards little car'd, he writ imme­diately to the Sixteen, to encourage them to persevere in the resolution which they had always testified, and never to submit themselves to Henry de Bourbon. He promised them fif­teen thousand Crowns by the Month, for so long a time as he shou'd judge it necessary for their supply, and an Ar­my of 12000 men to be rais'd and en­tertain'd at his own charges, which he wou'd suddenly send them, under the Conduct of Hercules Sfondrato his Nephew, whom he made Duke of Montemarciano. And that he might joyn his Spiritual Arms with his Tem­poral, he sent into France (by the Re­ferendary Marcelin Landriano) a Mo­nitory, by which he Excommunicated all Prelates, and all other Ecclesi­asticks of the Kings Party, depriving them of their Benefices, if within a [Page 827] certain short space of time they did not forsake him, and retire out of all places under his obedience: He ob­lig'd the Nobility and Gentry, the Magistracy and the People, to do the same; and, in conclusion, declar'd Henry of Bourbon to be a relaps'd He­retique, Excommunicated, and to have forfeited the Crown and all his Possessions and Lordships.

There are sometimes Thunders, which make a ratling noise and do no harm, because the fiery exhalation which breaks out of the Clouds, is evaporated, whether by the thinness of its body, or by the violent agitati­on of the Air, which disperses it be­fore it reaches us. Of all the Thun­derbolts which have been darted from the Vatican, against Sovereign Prin­ces, there will be found but few which have been so noisy as this, which was accompanied with an Ar­my that was to Act in conjunction with the League and Spaniards: All which notwithstanding it had little or no effect, by the care which was taken to make evident, by many Wri­tings which were spread abroad, the [Page 828] nullities of this Bull; and by the vi­gorous resolutions of the King [...]s Coun­cil of Parliament, sitting at Tours and at Chaalons, and of the Clergy of France, assembled at Mante, who condemn'd it as erroneous, every one of them after their own manner. In­somuch, that not a Man of all the Catholicks, on that account forsook the Party of the King, whose conver­sion was continually hop'd, as soon as he had the means and opportuni­ty of causing himself to be instructed. So strongly were our Ancestors per­swaded, that the power of Popes, as Heads of the Church, extends not at all upon the temporal, and much less on the Rights of the Crown; and that it can ordain nothing to the pre­judice of that Fidelity and Allegiance which is due to Princes, in those things which are not manifestly a­gainst God.

'Tis true, that the Parliament at Pa­ris being for the Le [...]gu [...], receiv'd that Bull, and repeal'd the Decrees of Chaa­lons and Tours: But 'tis manifest, it was then no free Court, as being at that time oppress'd under the Tyranny of [Page 829] the Sixteen, who had fetter'd it (as I may say) by the fear which every Member of it had, to be led Captives in Triumph to the Bastile. In this manner, those turbulent Spirits, who may justly be call'd the sixteen Ty­rants of Paris, finding themselves sup­ported by the Protection of a Pope, became daily more insolent and haughty, in opposition to the Duke of Mayenne's Authority: and their Boldness was increas'd yet more, by a most surprising Answer, which the King of Spain made to the Deputies of the Lorrain Princes. Those Prin­ces being assembled at Rheims, where was present the Cardinal of Pelvè, whom the Duke of Mayenne had made Archbishop of that Place, found themselves (in that low Condition to which they were reduc'd) unable by their own Power to resist the King, or to procure their safety by any other means, than obtaining from King Philip, the Assistance of all his Forces, to the end that they might be able to maintain that King, who was to be elected in the States General, which were to be assembled for that [Page 830] purpose; each of them in his own Person pretending to that Honour, yet none of them daring to own his Ambition openly, for fear of drawing on himself the Hatred of his Ri­vals, who wou'd certainly unite and band themselves together to exclude him.

The Person who was chosen to ne­gotiate in Spain, was the famous Pe­ter Iannin, President of the Parlia­ment of Bourgogne, a man of great Integrity, exquisite Understanding, rare Prudence, and inviolable Fideli­ty, which had caus'd the Duke of Mayenne to repose an absolute Confi­dence in him; who, for his own part, in the Honesty of his well meaning Soul, had follow'd him, and the Par­ty of the League with an implicit Faith, that it was for the safety of Religion and of the State: for on the one side, he believ'd not that Reli­gion cou [...]d be preserv'd in France, if the King were not a Catholique, and therefore he argu'd that he ought to be such; and on the other side▪ being an honest French-man, he wou'd like his Master, make use of the Spani­ards [Page 831] to compass his ends, but not serve them, by favouring their unjust Designs in the least circumstance, to the prejudice of the State.

Being such as I have here describ'd him, it was not hard for him to dis­cover the Intentions of King Philip: who holding himself assur'd of the Sixteen, which he believ'd to be the prevailing Faction, and much more powerful than in effect it was, lay'd himself so open, as to make his In­tentions be clearly understood, which the great Prudence and Policy, whereon he so much valued himself, shou'd have kept undiscover'd for a longer time, in expectation of a fit­ting opportunity to make them known, when all things were dis­pos'd, and in a due readiness for the Execution of his Designs. After the President had represented to him in his Audiences, the weakness and ne­cessities of the League, the Forces and Progress of the King, the ex­tream danger in which Religion then was, and the immortal glory which he might acquire by preserving it in the most Christian Kingdom, by the [Page 832] Assistance which was expected from his Zeal and Power, that Prince who was willing to sell his Aid at a higher Price than bare Glory, without more advantage, open'd his mind, without any reserve, after a most surprizing manner. For he caus'd him to be told by his Secretary Don Iohn D' Idiaques, that he had resolv'd to marry his only Daughter the Infanta Isabella, to the Archduke Ernestus, and to give him in Dowry the Low-Countries, and since that for the Preservation of Religion in France, it was necessary they shou'd have a Catholick King, they cou'd not make a better Choice than of that Princess, who, being Neece to the three last Kings, and Grand-daughter to Henry the Second, was without contradiction more near­ly related to them than the Bourbons: that with her Person, all the Low-Countries wou'd be re united to the Crown, and that having, besides these Advantages, the whole Forces of the House of A [...]stria in favour of her, the Hereticks wou'd soon be ex­terminated, and the Prince of Bearn expell'd from the Kingdom.

[Page 833] The President overjoy'd, that he had wherewithal to disabuse the Duke of Mayenne, by means of this strange Proposition, and confirm him in those good Opinions which the Sieur de Villeroy had infus'd into him; an­swer'd King Philip with great Pru­dence, and no less Policy; and faint­ly putting him in mind of the Salique Law, on which he did not much in­sist, seem'd rather to encourage, than dash his Hopes, in the prosecution of of his Purpose. Insomuch, that he drew him to a Promise of great Sup­plies, both in Men and Money, which he fail'd not to send, with more speed than usual. And the Duke be­ing satisfy'd, that according to that ambitious Design of the Spaniards, he cou'd never pretend to the Kingdom, us'd all his Endeavours for the future, that the Election might not fall on any other; not even on a Prince of his own Family, who might marry the Infanta. On the contrary, the Sixteen, who were altogether at the Devotion of the Spaniards, by whom they were powerfully protected a­gainst him, wrote to King Philip, [Page 834] by one Father Matthew (not the Je­suite of that Name) a large Letter, the Original of which, being inter­cepted near Lyons, was brought to the King; in which, after their hum­ble Acknowledgments to his Catho­lick Majesty, of the many Favours and Benefits which they had receiv'd from him, they earnestly petition him, that in case he shou'd refuse to accept the Crown of France, he wou'd give them a King of his own Family, or at least some other Prince, whom he shou'd please to elect for his Son in Law.

'Tis farther observable, that the Di­vision which was betwixt the Duke of Mayenne, and his nearest Relations, exceedingly increas'd the Power, and by consequence, the Audacity and Insolence of those factious men: For on one side, the Duke of Nemours (who was much incens'd, that after he had so bravely defended Paris, the Government of Normandy shou'd be refus'd him, which Province he thought to have erected into a Princi­pality, like that of Bretagne, of which, the Duke of Mercoeur had [Page 835] made himself a Soveraign Prince) was retir'd with a good part of the For­ces into Lionnois, and by the Corre­spondence which he held with the Sixteen, did his best endeavours to supplant him; and cause himself to be chosen Head of the Party; on the other side, the young Duke of Guise, who had made his escape from the Castle of Tours where he was de­tain'd Prisoner, having been receiv'd with great Acclamations by the Lea­guers, who believ'd, that in his Per­son, they had recover'd his dead Fa­ther, their great Patron and Protector; gave him much anxiety, and fill'd his mind with jealous apprehensions, especially when he observ'd that the great Name of Guise, so much re­verenc'd by the Parisians, drew after it not only the Crowd of common People, but also the Nobility and Gentlemen of the League. But above all things it grated him, that his Ne­phew had made a strict Alliance with the Faction of Sixteen, who were o­verjoy'd to have him at their Head, in opposition to his Uncle, whom they hated: All these Considerations [Page 836] put together, swell'd them to so great an arrogance, that they resolv'd to rid their hands of all such as were in a Condition of hindring them from being Absolute in Paris.

To this effect, they bethought themselves of inventing a new kind of Oath, which excluded from the Crown all the Princes of the Blood; and presenting it to such, whom they knew to be too well principled to sign it, on their Refusal, they made Seizure of their Estates, and banish'd them. In fine, having by this abo­minable Practice, driven away all those who stood suspected by them, and even the Cardinal of Gondy their Bishop, who, together with the Cu­rats of St. Merry, and of St. Eustache, endeavour'd to incline the People, by gentle Perswasions, to return to their Obedience; they committed a most barbarous and inhumane Action, which by the just Judgment of God and Men, was in conclusion, the ru­ine of that execrable Faction.

For, to intimidate the Parliament, which oppos'd their unjust and vio­lent Undertakings, and had newly [Page 837] acquitted one of those, whom they accus'd of holding Correspondence with the Royalists, and to revenge themselves of the President Brisson, who had advertis'd the Duke of May­enne, that those Villains had written to the King of Spain, and offer'd him the Crown; on the fifteenth of No­vember, very early in the Morning, they seiz'd that worthy Gentleman, together with the Sieur Larcher a Counsellor of Parliament, and the Sieur Tardif, his great Friends and Confidents; carry'd them one after the other, to the Petit Chastelet, and there having first declar'd them by their own private Authority, without other form of Process, to be attaint­ed and convict of Treason, for hav­ing favour'd the Party of the King of Navarre, they order'd them to be hang'd on a Beam of the Council Chamber, and the next day ty'd them to three Gibbets, in the Place of the Greve, having each of them an Inscription fastned to him, signify­ing that they were Traytors to their Country, and favourers of Here­ticks.

[Page 838] They believ'd that by this means, the People imagining that those un­fortunate men intended to have sold them to the Enemy, wou'd approve that action; but on the contrary, eve­ry one shook with horror at so piteous a Spectacle. Even those who were of their Faction, detested in their hearts this horrible Cruelty, and there were none who had not reason to fear that their own Lives might eve­ry moment be expos'd to the fury of those Tyrants, if some speedy stop were not put to the course of their outragious Proceedings. For which reason, when the Duke of Mayenne had receiv'd Notice of it at Laon, where he then was, and was withal ad­vertis'd, that those furious People had incurr'd the general Hatred, and that they said openly, that they wou'd do as much to him, as they had done to others; he came at length to be of Opinion, that he might sa [...]ely punish them, without fear of a Rising in their Favour. Upon which, he en­tred Paris with the Forces which he had about him, forc'd Bussy le Clerc to surrender the Bastile into his [Page 839] hands; and after having laid the Faction asleep, by a seeming negli­gence for some few days, while they believ'd that he had satisfyed him­self, with the Reproof which he had given them in the Town-house, where he only advis'd them to be more moderate, he condemn'd nine of them to death, without observing more formalities than they had us'd on the like occasion.

Four of them, namely, Ameline, Emonot, Anroux, and Commissary Louchard, who were apprehended on the fourth of September betimes in the morning at their houses, were brought to the Louvre, where the Duke of Mayenne, as they were told, desir'd to speak with them. But upon their entrance, they found the Sieur de Vi­try, who caus'd their Sentence to be read to them: And at the same time, the Executioner, who stood ready with his Servants, his Halters, and his Ladder, hung them up all four on a Beam, in the Swisses Hall. The re­maining five, amongst whom was Bussy Le Clerc, having receiv'd inti­mation that they were to be taken, [Page 840] sav'd themselves by flying into Flan­ders, where they dy'd of want, being unreliev'd and forsaken by all man­kind.

The Duke was contented to punish the rest in their purses, by forcing them to refund the wealth which they had scrap [...]d together during their Tyranny, with so much rapine and oppression. And to cut up by the roots, those evils which proceeded from the licentious meetings of the Sixteen, particularly at the houses of the two Curats, Bouch [...]r and Pelletier, as also to free the Citizens from their arbitrary power of commanding them to Arm when they thought good, which they durst never disobey; he caus'd to be verified in Parliament, and publish'd an Ordinance by which all persons were prohibited on pain of Life, and especially those who were called The Council of Sixteen, to hold any more Assemblies. And all the Officers, Colonels, Captains, Lieu­tenants, Ensigns of the Town, and most considerab [...]e Citizens joyning with him, to take from that accursed Race of factious men, all farther pow­er [Page 841] of harming either the publick or private persons, they all swore, and made a promise to Almighty God, on the Holy Evangelists, neither to take Arms themselves, nor permit others to take Arms, or to assemble them­selves together, unless by authority from the Duke of Mayenne, or the Provost of Merchants and the Sheriffs, who were his Creatures: To fall on all such who shou'd presume to Arm, or to Assemble, and to use them like Traytors, Mutineers, and Persons guil­ty of Impiety and High-Treason: And if they shou'd discover any attempt or secret conspiracy, to give notice of it to the Magistrates, to the end the Au­thors and Accomplices of it might be brought to condign punishment, and themselves might live in peace and quietness, in the fear of God, and un­der the protection of the Laws.

I have seen in the Library of Mon­sieur Colbert, (which is stor'd with great numbers of excellent Manu­scripts, and most authentick pieces) the Original of this Oath in Parch­ment [...], sign'd by five hundred fifty eight Persons, whereof two hundred [Page 842] sixty four sign'd on the fifth of Sep­tember, (the day after the Execution of the four, who were hang'd at the Louvre) and the rest on the twenty third of December, and the tenth of Ianuary, in the year following. This was the fatal blow, which beat down the Faction of the Sixteen, which from that time forward, was so far disarm'd and weakn'd, that it never durst offer at any thing more: which was one of the principal Causes of the Freedom; and in consequence of the peaceable Reduction of Paris, to the Obedience of the King.

For which reason, I believe my Reader will be glad to be acquainted with the Names of some amongst them, who, by the great Zeal which they testify'd on that occasion, to as­sure the Peace and Liberty of Paris, had the Happiness and Glory to have much contributed to the accomplish­ment of so good a Work. I cou'd not here insert five hundred Names, without tiring the Patience of my Reader, who will therefore satisfy himself with those few, which I have selected from so great a number, be­because [Page 843] they appear to me to be the best known, and the most remarka­ble amongst them. Nicholay, Thier­saut, Le Fevre, L' Huillier, Parfait, Rouilliard, Pasquier, Boulanger, Blon­del, Rolland, Hebers, Des Cominges, Amelot, D' Aubray, and P. Le Tellier.

The Duke of Mayenne, having in this manner re-establish'd his own Authority, and the security of Paris, by the pulling down, or rather the total ruine of the Sixteen, wou'd also repair the Loss which the Parli­ament had suffer'd of its only Presi­dent, remaining now without an Head: and acting with absolute Pow­er, in the nature of a Soveraign Mo­narch, he created four new Presi­dents, out of their number, whom he believ'd to be entirely in his In­terests, not doubting but they wou'd imploy themselves on all occasions, to maintain his Power in that Body. after which he was oblig'd to take the Field, and to beg, as he had done formerly the Assistance of the Spani­ards against the King; who having made great progress during those [Page 844] Troubles and Divisions, which were likely at that time to ruine the Party of the League, had laid Siege to Roüen.

He had already taken Noyon in view of the Enemies Army, which which was then stronger than his own: And having lately receiv'd the Supplies of Money, and of three thousand men, which the Earl of Essex, the Queen of Englands Fa­vourite had brought him, he went with twelve hundred Horse to joyn upon the Frontier, on the Plains of Vandy, five or six thousand Reiters, and above ten thousand Lansquenets, which the Vicount de Turenne had brought him from Germany; where he negotiated so well with the three Protestant Electors, and William Landtgrave of Hesse, that he ob­tain'd this considerable Succour, not­withstanding all the Endeavours which the Emperor Rodolphus had us'd to hinder him. Which impor­tant Service, with many others which he had constantly perform'd from time to time, during the space of eighteen years that he had serv'd [Page 845] the King, was immediately recom­penc'd by his Royal Master, who ha­ving given him the Baston of Mare­shall, made him Duke of Bouillon, and Soveraign Prince of Sedan, by giving him in marriage the Princess Charlotte de la Mark, Sister and Heir to the Duke deceas'd. He also on his side, being desirous to let the King understand, that he wou'd endea­vour to deserve that Honour which was done him by his Majesty, and what he might expect hereafter from him, did like David, who mar­ry'd not Sauls Daughter, till he had kill'd an hundred Philistims; for, as a Preparatory to his Marriage, in imi­tation of that Scripture-Hero, he took the Town of Stenay by Scalado, the day before his Marriage. The King now finding himself strengthen'd with so considerable a Supply, went to re-joyn the Gross of his Army be­fore Roüen, which the Marshal de Biron had invested. As that Town was well attaqu'd, so was it better defended, during the space of six months, by Andrew Brancas de Villars, who was afterwards Admiral of [Page 846] France, and at that time Lieutenant General in Normandy, and Gover­nour of Roüen and Havre de Grace, for the League. He perform'd on that occasion, all that cou'd be ex­pected from a great Captain, for the defence of a Town committed to his Charge; and by his long and vigo­rous Resistance, twice gave leisure to the Duke of Mayenne, to bring him the Relief which he had obtain'd from the Spaniards. It was not with­out much difficulty that he gain'd these Succours; but at length, ha­ving artfully insinuated into the King of Spains Ministers, that he wou'd procure the Election to fall upon the Infanta, which thing they passionate­ly desird, though he fed them only with false hopes of it; the Duke of Parma receiv'd such express Orders to march once more into France, for the Relief of Roüen, that it was im­possible for him to resist them, though he wou'd gladly have been dispenc'd with, from that expedition.

He therefore advanc'd but very slowly,Ann. 1592. with a strong Army of thir­teen or fourteen thousand old Soldi­ers, [Page 847] Spaniards and Walloons, and se­ven or eight thousand French, Lor­rainers and Italians, which last, were the remainders of the Duke of May­ennes, and Montemarciano's Forces. The King in person, went to meet them on their way, with part of his Cavalry, to harrass them in their March, and advanc'd as far as Aumale, that he might defend that Passage a­gainst them. But considering that he had not strength enough to main­tain it, and that their whole Army, which he went on purpose to view and to observe, was coming to fall upon him, and might easily inclose him, by passing the River, either a­bove or below that Burrough, he thought it necessary to make a speedy Retreat. 'Tis true, that this Retreat which he made in view of so great an Army, was very brave, and that he never show'd the greatness of his Courage and undaunted Resolution, more than on this occasion, which was the most dangerous in which he had ever been ingag'd; but the great Captains of that time, all concurr'd in one Opinion, that he [Page 848] perform'd it rather like a valiant Sol­dier, who was well seconded by For­tune, than like a prudent General, whose duty it is, to take his Measures so justly, that he may not absolutely depend on the inconstancy of chance, which often, by one sudden blow, has ruin'd the most fix'd and solid Undertakings. For, that he might give his men the leisure of retiring with the Baggage, he plac'd an hun­dred Arquebusiers, at the en [...]rance of the Burrough, and putting himself at the Head of two hundred Horse, he advanc'd almost half a League towards the Enemy, coming up within Pistol­shot of them, and made many dis­charges upon the Carabins, which march'd at the Head of the Army, whom he immediately stopp'd. But the Duke of Parma, having receiv'd information, that he was there in Person, so weakly attended, and out of his Generals Post, first sent out his light-Horse against him, and after them, the Body of his men at Arms, who drove him back into Aumale. His hundred Arquebusiers were there almost all of them cut in pieces, and [Page 849] he was in danger to have been in­clos'd, and either kill'd or taken, had not the night come on apace, during which, the Enemies unwilling to in­gage themselves any farther, with­out having first discover'd the Coun­try, he fortunately brought off his men, in that dangerous Retreat; in which he was shot in the Reins with a Pistol [...]Bullet; but the Discharge being made at too great a distance, it only raz'd his Skin, without farther harm: His Enemies themselves, and principally the Duke of Parma, in this Combat, admir'd his Valour, and his good Fortune, but gave no great com­mendations to his Conduct, and the Marshal de Biron, who us'd to speak his mind freely, cou'd not hold from telling him at his return, that it was unbecoming a great King to do the duty of a Carabin.

In the mean time Villars, willing to make advantage of his Absence, perform'd one of the most gallant Actions which were done in the course of the whole War. For being inform'd by his Spies, in what order the Camp of the Besiegers lay; he [Page 850] on the twenty sixth of February, made a furious Sally out of all the Gates which were opposite to the Key; which, in effect, was worth to him the gaining of a Battel. For having sur­pris'd the Enemy, and carry'd all the Quarters which look'd towards those Gates, at a brisk Charge, which he made on them severally, at the same time, he possest himself of the Trenches and all the Camp which was on that side; where, during almost two hours that he was Master of them, his Infantry beat down, overthrew, wasted and burnt the Tents, Gabions, Batteries, Utensils, Ammunition, Powder and Baggage; fill'd up the Trenches, spoil'd the Mines, nail'd the Cannon, destroy'd or made use­less almost all their Labour, while himself advancing with four Squa­drons of chosen men, against the Marshal de Biron (who was hasting thither, though somewhat of the la­test, from his Quarters at Dernetal, to the Succour of his Men) made good his Retreat with great bra­very, returning often to the Charge, that his Infantry might have leisure [Page 851] to make havock of all things, and afterwards to retire with him, which they did, and he re-enter'd the Town in triumph, with more than an hun­dred Prisoners, and five great pieces of Cannon, having kill'd above five hundred men, twelve Captains, two Colonels, and disorder'd and routed the greatest part of the Camp, with­out the loss of more than thirty men.

After this great Success, Villars held himself to be in so good a Condition of defence, that he sent, to desire of the two Dukes, to sup­ply him only with Money for Pay­ment of the Garrison, as believing that he shou'd need no other Suc­cours. But the King, who at his re­turn, soon redress'd the Disorders, and forwarded the Siege, having shut up the River both above and below the Town, with a great number of Barques, which were well equipp'd, and ten great Holland Vessels, which were brought him by Count Philip of Nassau, the Town was reduc'd to a want of Provisions, in two moneths time. Insomuch, that Villars was [Page 852] constrain'd to give notice to the Dukes, who were refreshing their Army beyond the Somme, that the Citizens were not of the same mind with the Parisians, to dye of Fa­mine, and that therefore he shou'd be forc'd to capitulate, in case he was not reliev'd within eight days.

At this News, the Dukes, who on the other hand understood, that the Kings Army was much weaken'd with hard Duty and Suffering at so long a Siege, in one day reassembled all their Forces, march'd without their Baggage, re-pass'd the Somme, made thirty Leagues in four days time, and on the twentieth of April, appear'd in Battalia within a League of Rouen. The Head-officers enter'd the City that Evening, because the King, (who was not able to make Ressistance at one time, against a great Army which lay without, and a Garrison within the Town, encourag'd by the presence of so powerful a Relief) was constrain'd to raise the Siege, and to retire to Pont de l' Arch, where the Nobility, and the Troops which he had before sent off, to refresh them­selves [Page 853] in the adjacent Country, re­assembled within five or six days, to the number of three thousand Horse, and six thousand Foot. Then finding himself superiour in strength to the Army of the Dukes, who having ta­ken the small Town of Caudebec, were gone to take up their Quarters at Yvetot, and to cover it; he march'd directly towards them, with a Reso­lution, either to force them to a Bat­tel, or to enclose them within a little corner of the Countrey of Caux, cut­ting them off from all manner of Pro­visions, and taking from them all means of their Retreat.

And truly his Design in all probabi­lity must have succeeded; for having forc'd them, after many small Skirmish­es, wherein he had still the advantage, to forsake their Quarters at Yvetot, and to retire by night to a more secure Post, within a quarter of a League of Caudebec, he surrounded them, and shut them up so straightly, that they cou'd neither subsist any longer, all the Passages for Victuals being seiz'd, nor yet retire, having at their Back an Arm of the Sea, and before [Page 854] them an Enemy, who was stronger than themselves▪ nor cou'd they fight, without being evidently ex­pos'd to a total Overthrow. But the good Fortune, the Skill and great Genius of the Duke of Parma, over­came all these Difficulties, and in one night drew them out of that immi­nent Danger of perishing, when no appearance of safety was remaining to them. For under protection of two great Forts, which he had rais'd on the two Banks of the River, with Redoubts, which commanded the Water, and great Out-works, which on his side were advanc'd towards the Kings Army, as if he had intended to have expected them within his Re­trenchments; on the twelfth of May at night, he pass'd over his whole Army, his Baggage, and his Cannon, in a great number of large Boats, cover'd with Beams and Boards, which he had order'd to be convey'd down from Ro [...]en. Inso­much, that at break of Day, every thing was in safety on the other side the Seine; and the King, who disco­ver'd this wonderful Stratagem too [Page 855] late, was not able to hinder the Prince Ranuccio Farnese, who with fourteen or fifteen hundred men had cover'd this Retreat in the great Fort, and in the Out-works, from filing off with his Men, and passing them them all over together with his four pieces of Cannon, on the Boats and Ferry-boats, which he afterwards set on fire.

Thus the Duke of Parma found the means in one night, to put a great River, which in that place was a mile and a half broad, betwixt his Army and that of the King, who admir'd that Action, as the Masterpiece of one of the greatest Captains in the World. And without giving the King leisure to pursue him by Pont de l' Arche, he prevented him in such manner by his diligence, that in four days he was got into La Brie, by re­passing the Seine on a Bridge of Boats, right over against Charenton. After which, having re-inforc'd Paris with fifteen hundred Walloons, and taken the Town of Epernay, where he pass'd the Marne, he re-conducted his Forces into the Low-Countries, ha­ving [Page 856] acquir'd immortal Glory, by performing his Designs at two several times, against a great King, without hazarding his Army, and forcing him to raise his Sieges from before two the greatest Cities in the King­dom, Paris and Roüen.

Now, as it often happens, that e­vil is the unexpected occasion of good, so the Siege of Roüen, which suc­ceeded not happily to the King, pro­duc'd a Negotiation, which dispos'd all things so well, in order to his Conversion, that it may be said to have sow'd the Seeds, which not long afterwards produc'd so excellent a Fruit. The Duke of Mayenne mor­tally hated the Spaniards, who had openly declar'd, they wou'd not suc­cour him, in case he did not oblige himself, to act in such manner, that the States shou'd elect the Infanta, with that Person, who shou'd be gi­ven her for Husband; of which he had been constrain'd to give them Hopes, though he had resolv'd before­hand to do nothing in it. He had likewise joyn'd with the Politicks, who were now the strongest in Pa­ris, [Page 857] against the shatter'd remnants of the Faction of Sixteen: Those Poli­ticks had also admitted him to be their Head, but on condition that a Treaty shou'd be set on foot with the King, provided he made himself a Ca­tholick; to which terms, the Duke, who plainly saw that he cou'd no lon­ger pretend to the Crown, had at length submitted.

On the other side, the King found himself very uneasie, and much per­plext, betwixt the Hugonots and Ca­tholicks of his Party; for the first perpetually apprehending that he wou'd escape out of their Possession, kept close about him, and growing more and more jealous of his Carri­age, were thinking to choose them­selves another Protector. And the greatest part of the Catholicks, some of them really despighted, and o­thers seemingly, that he delay'd too long to be instructed in the Catholick Religion, and consequently conver­ted to it, form'd amongst themselves a new Union, which they call'd by the Name of the third Party, of which the young Cardinal of Bourbon was [Page 858] declar'd Head; who expected, that if the King shou'd continue obstinate in his Heresie, those who had hither­to follow'd him only in hopes of his Conversion, wou'd in conclusion a­bandon his Party, and place him on the Throne. And truly it might reasonably be fear'd, that the Duke of Mayenne, who was strongly soli­cited to have joyn'd that Party with his own, in order to elect a King of the Royal House, wou'd at length have consented to that Proposition, rather than endure the Spaniards shou'd elect that Person who was to espouse their Infanta, even though he were a Prince of his own Fa­mily.

Things being thus favourably dis­pos'd on both sides, towards the con­clusion of a Peace, the Sieurs du Plessis Mornay, and de Villeroy, were chosen to labour in this Treaty, which was to be kept exceeding private. In the beginning of it, there was started a great preliminary Difficul­ty, which was of necessity to be sur­mounted before any thing cou'd be propos'd, touching the Conditions [Page 859] and Articles of the Treaty it self. For Villeroy was resolv'd not to enter upon it, till in the first place, the King gave assurance, that he wou'd em­brace the Catholick Faith, immedi­ately after he had been instructed in it; and du Pl [...]ssis remonstrated on the other side, that this Proposal shock'd both his Honour and his Conscience, because in case he held not both Re­ligions to be indifferent to him, and by that means wou [...]d pass for an A­theist, he ought not to be oblig'd, to make choise of one in particular, before his Doubts were remov'd, and his Conscience satisfy'd that it was the true Religion. But in conclusi­on, a temperament was found, which was, that the King, without offend­ing either his Honour or his Consci­ence, shou'd cause himself to be in­structed within six Months, with a true desire to be converted; that, in the mean time, he shou'd grant leave to the Catholick Princes and Lords of his Party, to send a Deputation to the Pope, to petition him, that he wou'd confirm by his Authority, this holy Resolution; and that in [Page 860] expectation of its Accomplishment, the treaty of Peace shou'd still pro­ceed; which being once concluded, the King shou'd be acknowledg'd by the Princes of the League. He con­sented without making any difficul­ties, to these two preliminary Arti­cles, without which, there was no entring into the Negotiation. And with the same ease they came to an Agreement on the Articles, which concern'd in general the Party of the League; but when they proceeded to the particular Interests of the se­veral Confederate Lords, the Duke of Mayenne made such high and ex­orbitant Demands for himself and them, as were manifestly tending to the dismembring of the State; so that in conclusion, seeing he wou'd abate nothing of them, they were forc'd to break off the Conference, af­ter two Moneths that were spent in the Negotiation.

It procur'd notwithstanding, this good effect, that the King continued fixt in the Resolution which he had taken, to cause himself to be instruct­ed in good earnest, and to permit [Page 861] his Catholique Lords to send their Deputies to the Pope, who were the Cardinal de Gondy, and the Marquess de Pisany. Innocent the Ninth, who had succeeded Gregor [...] the Fourteenth the year before, had, like him, de­clar'd openly in favour of the League. He had also created Cardinal Philippo Sega, Bishop of Placentia, and made him his Legat in France; whom Car­dinal Cajetan, returning to Rome after the death of Sixtus Quintus, had left at Paris in his place, there to be ser­viceable to the League, as in effect he was to the utmost of his power. Cle­ment the Eighth, having succeeded this Pope, who enjoy'd not the Papa­cy above two months, at the begin­ning follow'd the steps of his two Pre­decessors, and suffering himself to be prepossess'd by the Spaniards, wou'd not so much as give Audience to those Deputies; yet their Deputation, as shall be manifest in due time, fail'd not to produce those happy effects which were expected from it, and which were fatal to the League.

In the mean time, the King always pursuing his point, went to retake [Page 862] the Town of Epernay, after the Mar­shal de Biron, who was set down be­fore it, and had begun to form the Siege, was slain by the shot of a Fal­conet, which took off his Head as he was going to observe the place. In pursuance therefore of his design, that he might make himself Master of all Brye, he besieged and took in the space of three days the Town of Pro­vins, which is the Capital of that Country: After which he built a For­tress in the Isle of Go [...]rnay, betwixt Meaux and Paris, within four Leagues of that great City; thereby to hinder it from being any ways supplied by the Marne, which brings into it a great part of the Commodities of La Brie and Champaign.

On the other side, the Duke of Mayenne, who having not strength sufficient to oppose this progress of the Kings success, was unable to do any thing for the relief of Paris, but only to take Crespy in Valois, resolv'd at last to imploy that formidable ma­chine against the King, with which he had so long been threatned; I mean, the Assembly General of the [Page 863] States, therein to proceed to the E­lection of a new King, who shou'd be of the Catholick Religion; of which all the Kings of France, as Eldest Sons of the Church, have made a constant profession since the time of Clovis the Great, who after his Baptism deserv'd the glorious Surname of Most Christi­an, which he has transmitted with­out the least interruption, to all his Successors, during the space of almost twelve hundred years, from him to King Henry the Third deceas'd.

The Duke had solemnly oblig'd himself, more than once to call this Assembly, but he had always delay'd it with great Art, both for the Inte­rest of the State, and for his own par­ticular concernment. For on the one side, he always fear'd that the Spani­ards (who spar'd for nothing to gain the Deputies from him, partly by Bribes, and partly by the presence of a great Army, which they intended yet once again to send into France, under the Duke of Parma, to protect the States as they gave out) at length shou'd compass their design, which was, to procure their Infanta to be [Page 864] Elected: And on the other, plainly foreseeing that he shou [...]d not be Elect­ed himself, because he cou'd not mar­ry the Infanta; he resolv'd no other shou'd be chosen, that he might not lose that Sovereign Authority, which he cou'd maintain no longer than till the States had made an Election of a new King.

But after all, he cou'd no longer resist the pressing solicitations, which the great Cities of his Party, the Spaniards, the Pope himself and his Legat made him continually, putting him in mind of the promise he had so often given of calling that Assembly. And that which fix'd him at last in this determination, was, that the Duke of Parma, who was assembling his Forces to enter France for the third time, dyed in the midst of these con­sul [...]ations, on the fifth of December: For he believ'd that the Spaniards, ha­ving now no General, who was any way comparable to the Genius of that great Man, wou'd leave him the com­mand of their Armies, or at least, not being able to make any great progress, wou'd be no longer so formidable to [Page 865] him, which fell out accordingly. On which consideration, he made no lon­ger scruple to assemble the Deputies, which already had been chosen in the Provinces and in the Towns, not doubting but since he had for him, besides a great part of those Deputies, the Parliament, the Town house, the greatest part of the Colonels, and the Faction of the Politiques; that he shou'd be able with ease, to break all the measures of the Spaniards, and those few Malecontents which were yet remaining of the Sixteen, whom he no longer regarded but as a sort of Rabble, whose impotent fury he con­temn'd. And it was for this very rea­son, that he at last resolv'd the Assem­bly shou'd be held at Paris, notwith­standing all the Artifices of the Spani­ards, who endeavour'd that it shou'd be at Rheims, or at Soissons, where the Duke cou'd not secure to himself those great advantages which he had at Paris.

The Assembly then was appointed to be held in the Month of Ianuary: Ann. 1593. And while the Deputies were coming to Paris, the Duke of Mayenne pub­lish'd [Page 866] an ample Declaration, bearing date the fifth of Ianuary, in which, after he had justify'd the Arms of the League, by all the most plausible rea­sons he cou [...]d urge, and principally by the great motive of Reli [...]ion, which at last must give place to Heresie, if an Heretick King shou'd be receiv'd; he invited all the Princes, Prelates, Lords, and Catholique Officers, who were of the opposite party, to meet the rest of that Assembly, that they might all co-operate without other consideration, than only the Glory of God and the publick good, in choice of those means, which shou'd be found most proper for the preservati­on of Religion and the State; making his pr [...]tation against such who shou'd refuse so reasonable a way, that they were to be esteem'd the cause of all those mischiefs and mis­fortunes, which from that time for­ward shou [...]d ensue.

The Legat made his Declaration a­part, but in a much more odious man­ner; because instead of containing himself within the general terms of the good of Religion and the State, [Page 867] as the Duke of Mayenne had done, he invited the Catholiques to meet in the States, for the Election of a King, who shou'd be a Catholick in practice as well as in profession, and who, by his power, was able to support Reli­gion and the State: By which words he seem'd evidently to point out the King of Spain.

It was not hard for the King to an­swer these two Declarations, with solid Arguments, and to make a like protestation against the Authors of them, by an Edict of the same Month. And in the mean while, the Deputies being almost all arriv'd they went in procession to the Church of Nostre-Dame, where having receiv'd the ho­ly Communion, they heard a Sermon, which was Preach'd to them by the famous Genebrard, to the great scan­dal of all true Frenchmen, and well­meaning people in that Congregati­on.

This Doctor was certainly one of the most able Men of the Age, but especially in the knowledge of the ho­ly Scriptures, and the Hebrew Tongue, whereof he was the Kings Professor [Page 868] at Paris: But by that unhappy fatali­ty, or rather excess of immoderate Zeal, which drew almost all the Do­ctors of Paris into the League, he embrac'd it so passionately, that he was always one of the most fiery, and headstrong defenders of it; which quality, joyn'd to his profound Learn­ing, was the cause that Gregory the Fourteenth, that great Protector of the League, gave him the Archbi­shoprick of Aix, after the death of Alexander Canigrany; who dyed at Rome.

Now, he being one of the princi­pal Deputies for the Order of the Clergy, and having acquir'd much Reputation and Authority by his rare knowledge, was desir'd to Preach this Sermon: In which, instead of ex­horting the Deputies according to Gods Word, that they shou'd have nothing before their eyes, in all their Debates and Consultations, but only the preservation of the State and of Religion, which is the strongest sup­port of it; he inforc'd himself to prove by weak, sophistical reasons, that their Assembly had power to [Page 869] change and abolish the Salique Law, that is, the fundamental Law of the Realm, which has been always invio­lably observ'd, since the establishment of the French Monarchy even to this day: As if the States, who have no other power than that of representing by way of Petition, what they be­lieve to be necessary for the good and maintenance of the State, had the au­thority of destroying it, by ruining and undermining the foundations which support it, and which preserve it from falling into the hands of stran­gers. But the reason of this was, that the Doctor, being a true Leaguer, and a false Frenchman, as one who was devoted to the service of King Philip, like the Sixteen, in whose Faction he was ingag'd, endeavour'd to incline the Minds of the Deputies, to dispose of the Crown of France to the Infanta of Spain, according to the intentions of the Spaniards, who had given him instructions to Preach up this wicked and notoriously false max­im, for sound Doctrin and for Gospel-Truth.

[Page 870] The Duke of Mayenne, who not­withstanding that he was Head of the League, had the Soul of a good French­man, and was one who lov'd his Coun­try, as the King himself acknow­ledg [...]d, had a much different prospect of things, and without concerning himself at this idle discourse, because he knew it was in his power to hin­der it from taking effect, open'd the States-General on the Twenty sixth of Ianuary, in the Great Hall of the Louvre; where all Ceremonies were punctually observ'd in the same man­ner, as they are always practis [...]d in States which are lawfully Assembled. And all that pleasant turn of Bur­lesque, which is given to the descri­ption of it, by the ingenious Author of the Catholicon of Spain, is no other than pure invention of a great Wit, who under those delightful Fictions, hides many sharp Truths, which just­ly decry the Party of the League.

For indeed there was no other Pro­cession, than that which was made by all the Deputies, when they went in a Body to perform their Devotions at Nostre-Dame. As for that other [Page 871] of Monks, who were arm'd, over the different habits of their Orders, which is describ'd so pleasantly in the begin­ning of the Catholicon, and which is still to be seen in several Prints, it means no more than the Muster of those Ecclesiastiques and Religious, whom the Author of that Satyr has tra [...]sported from the Siege of Paris, to those States, disguising his Fable into a Procession, to make his Work more divertising to the Reader.

The Formalities there were accord­ing to the usual custom, excepting only that the Duke of Mayenne, as Lieutenant-General of the State, and Crown of France, was seated under a Canopy of Clo [...]h of Gold, which was never seen practis'd in former times. The three Orders took their places, after the usual manner: That of the Clergy was very numerous: There was but a thin appearance of Lords and Gentlemen in that of the Nobless: But to add more lustre to it, Monsieur de Mayenne, as if he were invested with Soveraign Power and Authority, took that Prerogative which belongs only to the King; which was, to cre­ate [Page 872] an Admiral, namely, the Marquess de Villars; and four Marshals of France, the Sieurs de Ch [...]stre and de Boisda [...] ­phin, whose Families are well known to be ancient; [...] a Gentl [...]man of Lorrain, Younger Brother of the House of Savigny, Lord of [...] in the Dutchy of Barr, and St. Paul, a Soldier of Fortune, who by his Valor and Military Skill, had acquir'd the Title of Nobless.

Monsieur de Mayenne, after the death of the Duke of Guis [...], whose Creature this Captain was, had in­trusted him with the Government of Champaigne, where after having made himself Master of Rheims, Mezieres, and Vitry, he had the boldness to pos­sess himself by force of the Dutchy of Rhetelois, and to hold it in quality of Duke, by virtue of the Donation which he said he had from the Pope, as the King writ word to the Duke of Nevers from the Camp before Char­tres: But at last his intolerable pride, accompanied with the Tyranny which he exercis'd in that Province, cost him his Life by the hand of the young Duke of Guise, who laid him dead at [Page 873] his feet by a thrust of his Sword which pierc'd his heart; because that Prince having civil [...]y requested him to with­draw the Soldiers out of Rheims, which he had plac'd there to assure himse [...]f of that City; this pretended Ma [...]shal, who wou'd in contempt of him be absolute, had told him in a haughty manner, and laying his hand on his Sword, that he would not do it.

To proceed, the Duke of Mayenne, as Lieutenant-General of the State, ha­ving thus created an Admiral, and four Marshals of France, thought what he had done wou'd be of great consequence to the Authorising these mock-States of Paris, and to confirm his own power together with the e­stablishment of his Party. But the Lord of Chanvallon, who had as much Wit as he had Courage, and who foresaw the consequences of that acti­on, said freely to him: Look well to your self, Sir, for by this new Creation, you have begotten so many Bastards, as wi [...] one day [...]egitimate themselves at your cost and charges. And this indeed was verified not long after, in the Persons [Page 874] of Villars, La Chastre, and Boisdauphin, who forsook the Duke, and made their Treaty with the King, that they might be maintain'd by a lawful Au­thority, in those high dignities which the King alone, to the exclusion of all others, can bestow. And if the Ba­ron of Rosne, who was of Birth and Merit sufficient to have been Marshal, had been possess'd of Towns like the others, which he might have surren­dred to the King after their example, he might have been legitimated as well as they; and then those Cities had not been lost, which the Spani­ards (to whom he went over, after having been refus'd by the King) took under his conduct and by his valour, in the Province of Picardy.

Thus I have given an account of the Order of the Nobless in these States: As for the third Order, it was com­pos'd of a few considerable persons, and of a great number of such as were pack'd together, and who serv'd only to make a show of a full Assembly. The Speeches which are to be seen in the Catholicon, as if made by Rapin, Monsieur Gillot, Counsellor of the [Page 875] Court, Florent Chrestien, and Mr. Pierre Pithou, are only invented for the pleasure of the Reader. For there were spoken only four, according to the usual custom of other States: Monsieur de Mayenne open'd these by a Speech of his own; wherein to an­swer the expectation of the Deputies, he declar'd, that this Assembly was only call'd, that therein they might proceed to the election of a Catholick King; which notwithstanding was far from his intention, for his whole endeavours were to frustrate that choice, as in effect he did. The Car­dinal of Pellev [...], who began very much to decline in his Parts, said no­thing that was material in speaking for the Order of the Clergy, which he represented: The Baron of Senecey for the Nobless, and the Sieur de Lau­rence, Advocate General of the Par­liament of Provence, for the third State, spoke incomparably better, each of them after his own manner; the last like a great Orator, and the for­mer like a prudent Gentleman.

In the mean time, the King, who was unacquainted with the secret drift [Page 876] of the Duke of Mayenne's intentions, was very much in fear that in this Assembly they wou'd elect a King, who being own'd for such by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the greatest part of the Potentates of Christendom, by all the Catholiques of the League, and perhaps also by those of the third Party, whom he ever suspected, wou'd at least prolong the War, and might possibly remain Conqueror. In order to the preven­tion of so great an evil, he thought good that the Catholiques of his Par­ty shou'd send a Trumpet to the As­sembly with an Authentique Act, by which they gave them to understand, that since the Duke of Mayenne had signified by his Declaration, that he had call'd that Assembly with intenti­on to find the means of preserving Re­ligion and the State; they were most ready to send their Deputies, to con­fer with theirs at some place near Pa­ris, which shou'd be agreed on by both Parties, to the end they might compass so great a blessing, which was the aim of their desires; protest­ing that in case they refus'd this rea­sonable [Page 877] Proposition, they shou'd be held guilty of all those evils, which shou'd be produc'd by the continuation of so bloody a War.

'Tis a wonderful kind of blindness, which a strong passion produces in a Mind that suffers it self to be prepos­sess'd with it; that how clear-sighted soever it be naturally, yet it sees not those things which are obvious to the most common capacities at the first glance. The Proposition was made in the plainest and most intelligible terms, without the least ambiguity in their meaning, that there shou'd be a conference betwixt the Catho­liques of the two Parties, to consider of the safest ways which cou'd be found for the preservation of Religion and the State; yet the Cardinal Le­gat consulting only the violent passion which he had to support the Faction of the Sixteen against the King, and to exclude him from the Crown, cry'd out, that this Proposition of the Catholique Royalists was contrary to the Law of God, who forbids any communication with Heretiques; and the Doctors, who were devoted to [Page 878] the League, to whom that message was sent to be examin'd, declar'd it to be schismatical and Heretical. But the Duke of Mayenne, who had ano­ther prospect of things than the Leaguers and Spaniards, and who was resolv'd to hinder the election of a King, manag'd that affair so dexte­rously, that it was concluded in the States, that the conference shou'd be accepted, betwixt those only who were Catholiques of the two Parties, in the same manner as it was propos'd. Notwithstanding which, it was not held till two months after, at the end of April, in the Burrough of Surenne, because the Duke of Mayenne, who desir'd only to gain time for the com­passing his ends, was gone, before he return'd his answer, to meet the Spa­nish Army, which was commanded by Count Charles of M [...]nsfield. That Duke was of opinion, that with their assistance he might take all the places on the Seine, both above and below, which inconvenienc'd Paris. But the Ar­my being so very weak, that with his own Forces which were added to it, there were not in all above 10000 [Page 879] Men; all that he cou'd do was only to take Noyon, which employed his time; after which, it was so much diminish'd by the protraction of that Siege which had cost so much blood, that the Count was forc'd to return to Flanders.

As for the Conference, though it was made with much more prepara­tion and magnificence than all the former, it had yet the same destiny attending it, because the two Heads of the Deputation on either side, Re­naud de Beaun [...], Archbishop of Bourges, for the Royalists, and Peter d' Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, for the League, two of the most dextrous and eloquent men of that Age, were both of them somewhat too well conceited of their own parts, and maintain'd their opi­nions with too much wit and too great vehemence, to come to an a­greement in their disputations against each other. The Archbishop of Bour­ges, in the three Speeches which he made for the establishment of his Pro­position, and for the confirmation of it, by refuting those answers which were made him, omitted no force of [Page 880] Arguments, which cou'd be drawn from Reason, to induce those of the League to a belief of these three points, which he maintain'd constantly, and with great vigour, to the end, as Truths indubitable.

The First was, ‘That there is an indispensable obligation of Acknow­ledging and Honouring as King, Him to whom the Crown belongs, by the inviolable right of Lawful Successi­on, without regard to the Religion he professes, or to his way of Life. And this he prov'd first by the Testi­monies of Jesus Christ and his Apo­stles, who command us to honour Kings and Higher Powers, and to pay them that obedience which is due to them, even though they shou'd be Unbelievers and wicked men; declaring that every man ought to submit himself to the pow­ers which are ordain'd by God, and that to do otherwise is to resist his Will, and trouble the order and tran­quillity of the Publick. Secondly, By examples drawn from the Old Te­stament, where we see that Zedekiah was sharply reprehended and punish'd [Page 881] by God, for having revolted against the King of the Chaldeans; that the People of Israel obey'd Nebuchadnez­zar in the Babylonish Captivity by the Command of God; and that the Prophets Ahijah and Elijah, were content to reprove those Kings, who believ'd not in God, as Ieroboam and Ahab, without ever revolting against them. Thirdly, By the Example of the Christians in all Ages, who had suffer'd peaceably the dominion of Idolatrous Emperors, Tyrants, and Persecutors of the Church; and had not refus'd to acknowledge for their Soveraigns, those Emperors who had fallen into Heresie, such as Constan­tius, Valens, Zeno, Anastasius, H [...] ­raclius, Constantine the Fourth, and the Fifth, Leo the Third and Fourth, Theophilus, and the Gothique Kings in Italy, the Vandals in Affrica, and the Visigoths in Spain, and in Gaul, though they were all of them Ari­ans.’

‘From thence passing to the second point, he added, That by a more convincing reason, they were bound to obey the present King, who by [Page 882] Gods Grace was neither Pagan nor Arian, nor a Persecutor of the Church and of Catholiques, whom he protected and maintain'd in all their Rights; who believ'd with them in the same God, the same Je­sus Christ, and the same Creed: And though he was divided from them by some errors, which he had suck'd in, as we may say, with his milk, and which he had never renounc'd but by a forc'd conversion with the Dagger at his Throat; yet this not­withstanding it cou'd not be said, that he was confirm'd in them with that obstinacy which constitutes He­resie, since he was wholly resolv'd to forsake them as soon as he shou'd be instructed in the truth; which occasion'd him with all modesty to maintain, that he ought not to pass with them for an Heretique. That for the rest, by Gods blessing there was great probability of hope, that he wou'd suddenly be converted; that he was already altogether in­clin'd to it, as appear'd by the per­mission which he had given to the Catholique Princes and Lords, to [Page 883] send at his proper costs and charges, the Marquess of Pisany to our Holy Father, and to make this present Conference with them: That he had even uncover'd his Head with great respect, in beholding a Procession at Mante, which pass'd by his Win­dows; that not long before this time, he had solemnly renew'd the promise which he had made, to cause him­self to be instructed, and that he wou'd infallibly accomplish it with the soonest.’

And upon this, to acquit himself of what he had propos'd in the third place, he set himself to adjure them, with the strongest reasons, and the most tender expressions he cou'd use, that they wou'd joyn themselves with the Kings Party, for the accom­plishment of so good a work, and bear their part in that Instruction, and con­sequently Conversion of so great a King; who receiving at their hands that duty to which they were oblig'd, wou'd assuredly give them the satis­faction which they wish'd, and which he was not in a capacity of giving [...]hem, at a time when they demand­ing [Page 884] it with Arms in their hands, it wou'd have appear'd that he had done it only on compulsion.

On the other side, the Archbishop of Lyons, who was not endu'd with less Eloquence and Knowledge than the Archbishop of Bourges, answering in order to those three points which were propos'd by that Prelate; said, in the name of all his Colleagues, ‘That they acknowledg'd they ought to own for King, Soveraign Lord, and Head of the French Monarchy, Him to whom the Kingdom belong [...]d by a lawful Succession: But since Re­ligion ought to be preferr'd before Flesh and Blood, this Monarch of necessity must be a Most Christian King, both in name and reality; and that according to all Laws both Di­vine and Humane, it was not permit­ted them to give obedience to an He­retique King, in a Kingdom subject­ed to Jesus Christ, by receiving and professing the Catholique Religion. That God in the Old Testament had forbidden a King to be set up, who was not of the number of the Bre­thren, that is to say, of the same Re­ligion, [Page 885] which constitutes a true Bro­therhood: That in prosecution of this order, the Priests and Sacrificers of Israel had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of King Ierobo­am, as soon as he had renounc'd the worship of the true God. That the Towns of—and Libnah, which were the portion of the Levites, who were the best instructed in the Law of God, had forsaken Ioram, King of Iudah, for the same reason: That Amaziah and Queen Athaliah, ha­ving abandon'd the Religion of their Forefathers, had been depos'd by the general consent of all the Orders of the Kingdom; and that the Maccha­bees were renown'd and prais'd through all the World, as the last Heroes of the ancient Law, because they had taken Arms against Antio­chus their Soveraign Prince, for the defence of their Religion.’

‘That the people of the Iews did indeed obey the King of the Chalde­ans, but they had bound themselves by Oath so to do, according to the express command which God had gi­ven them by his Prophets, for pu­punishment [Page 886] of their abominations; for which reason he subjected them to the dominion of an Infidel: But as for themselves, they were so far from having entred into such an en­gagement, that they had made one, by the Authority of his Holiness, quite to the contrary, that they wou'd never acknowledge an Here­tique for their King. And as for the Christians, who threw not off their obedience to their Emperors and Kings who were Heretiques, 'tis most certain that they obey'd only out of pure necessity, and because they wanted power; but that their Hearts and Affections had no part in it: Witness the harshness with which the Holy Fathers have treated them in their Writings; where they call them Wolves, Dogs, Serpents, Ty­gers, Dragons, Lyons, and Anti­christs, in conformity to the Gospel, which wills, that he who is revolted from the Church, should be held and treated like a Pagan; so far it is from authorising us to hold him for a King, much less a Most Christian King. For what remains, besides [Page 887] the Councils receiv'd in France, and the Imperial Laws, which declare Heretiques to be unworthy of any kind of honour, dignity, or publick office, much more of Royalty: The Fundamental Law of the French Mo­narchy is most express in this parti­cular, by the Oath which the Most Christian Kings take at their Coro­nation, to maintain the Catholique Religion, and to exterminate all He­resies; in consideration of which, they receive the Oath of Allegiance from their Subjects; and that the last States had decreed, with the ge­neral applause of all good Frenchmen, that they wou'd never depart from that Law, which was accepted and sworn to solemnly, as a fundamen­tal of the State.’

‘In fine, to close up all which he had to say, in relation to this first point, he added, That without this, it was impossible to preserve Religi­on in France, because an Heretique Prince wou'd not be wanting to esta­blish Heresie in his States; as well by his example which would be leading to his Subjects, as by his authority [Page 888] which cou'd not long be resisted: As it was too manifest in the Kingdom of Israel, which Ieroboam turn'd to Idolatry; and as it has since been seen in Denmark, Sweden, the Prote­stant States of Germany, and in Eng­land; where the people following the example of their Princes, and bending under their authority, have suffer'd themselves to be unhappily drawn into that Abyss of Heresies, in which they are plung'd at this ve­ry day.’

And thereupon, passing to the o­ther points of the Archbishop of Bour­ges his Speech, he said in few words, ‘That it cou'd not be doubted but the King of Navarre was an obstinate Heretique, and no way inclin'd to be converted, since for so long a time he had continued to maintain Errors condemn'd for Heresies by General Councils, and that he still favour'd the Huguenots more than ever, and especially his Preachers; that he had been often invited, but still in vain, to reconcile himself to the Church; after which it wou'd be lost labour for them to exhort him, particularly [Page 889] after being first acknowledg'd, as he thought to be; that therefore they wou'd never endeavour it, and that they had all sworn, not only not to acknowledge him, but also to have no manner of commerce with him, so long as he shou'd remain an Here­tique.’

Now when the Archbishop of Bourges, who was pre-acquainted with the Kings secret purpose, saw, that after a strong reply which he had made to that noisy Harangue, they still held fast to that one point, from which it was impossible to remove them; he was of opinion, that by yielding it to them, the business wou'd soon come to an happy conclu­sion. For which reason, having de­manded time to consult thereupon, the Princes and Lords by whom they were deputed, as soon as he had re­ceiv'd the answer, which he knew before hand they wou'd make, he told the Deputies of the League, at the seventh Session, which was the seventeenth of May, That God had at the last heard their prayers and vows, and that they shou'd have what­soever [Page 890] they had requir'd for the safety of Religion and the State, by the con­version of the King, which they had been encourag'd to hope, and which at present was assur'd to them; since the King, who was resolv'd to abjure his Heresie, had already assembled the Prelates and the Doctors, from whom he wou'd receive the instruction, which ought to precede that great a­ction, which all good Catholiques of both Parties had so ardently desir'd, for the reunition of themselves in a lasting peace. And to the end that it might be to the satisfaction of eve­ry man in particular, they might treat with them concerning the secu­rities and other conditions, which they shou'd demand for their interests: Assuring them, that in order to re­move all occasion of distrust, nothing shou [...]d be done on their side, till the King had d [...]clar'd himself effectually to be a Catholique.

This Proposition which the Depu­ties of the Union little expected▪ and which ruin'd all the pretensions of their Heads, disorder'd them so much, that after they had consulted amongst [Page 891] themselves for an Answer, not being able to conclude on any, they thought themselves bound to report it to the Assembly of the Estates at Paris. And then it was clearly to be seen, that the Heads of the Party, who thought on nothing but how to satisfie each man his Ambition, under the specious pretence of great Zeal for the Catho­lick Faith, were much more afraid than desirous of the king's Conversion. Though it had been made evident to them, by invincible Reasons, sup­ported by the Authority of the most learned Doctors, that Absolution might be given to the King in France, without recourse to Rome, especially since it wou'd be given only ad Caute­lam, and that afterwards they wou'd send to the Pope for his Confirmation of it; they return'd this Answer by the Archbishop of Lyons, That they ardently d [...]sir'd the Conversion of the King of Navarre, but that they cou'd not believe it sincere, till his Holiness, to whose Iudgment they submitted them­selves, and who alone had the power of absolving him, had reconcil'd him to the Church: before which time it was not [Page 892] permitted them to enter into any Trea­ty of Peace, or to take any Securities, because that wou'd be to prevent the Judgment of the Pope, and to treat at least indirectly with him, who was yet out of the Pale of the Church, which wou'd be directly against the Oath which they had taken. And thereupon, the Duke of Mayenne, who only [...]ought the means of retain­ing as long as possibly he cou'd, that almost soveraign Authority which he had usurp'd, together with the great­est part of the Princes and Lords of his Party, took a new Oath, betwixt the Hands of the Legat, that they wou'd never acknowledge the King of Navarre, even though he shou'd turn Catholick, unless by the Command­ment of the Pope. Thus remaining al­ways fix'd in that Resolution, which absolutely hindred any farther pro­gress in the Conference, after seven or eight Sessions held at Surenne, and two more at Roquette, an House be­longing to the Chancellor de Chiverny, without St. Anthonies Gate, and at La Villette, betwixt Paris and St. Denis, they concluded on nothing that was [Page 893] tending to the Peace, while the Spa­niards still imploy'd all their Cunning and their Friends, in the Estates, to perpetuate the War by the election of a King.

For even before the Conference of Surenne was begun, the Duke of Fe­ria, Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Spain to the General E­states at Paris, accompanied by Don Bernardin Mendoza, Ambassador in Ordinary, Don Diego d' Ibarra, and Iohn Baptista Tassis, presented in a full Assembly, (where he was receiv'd with great Honour) his Masters Let­ters, in which he exhorted them to proceed without delay to the election of a Catholick King. 'Twas that in­deed, which King Philip infinitely de­sir'd, as well thereby to continue the Enmity betwixt the two Parties, which doubtless wou'd have been ef­fected by the choice of a new King, as to procure the Crown for his Daughter the In [...]anta, as he had ex­plain'd himself more than once alrea­dy. In effect, those Spaniards were not wanting some time after, to pro­pose her pretended Right of Proximi­ty, [Page 894] as being issued from the Daughter of King Henry the Second. But see­ing afterwards, that they were bent upon a King, they renew'd the Propo­sal of marrying her to the Archduke Ernestus; till at last perceiving, that both these Propositions were ill re­lish'd, even by their most zealous Partisans, who adher'd to all the rest, in the election of a King who shou'd be▪ a Frenchman, and to whom the King of Spain might give his Daugh­ter in Marriage; they made a new Overture, after they had taken time to deliberate on an Affair of that im­portance, and said, That the King their Master, that he might give them full satisfaction, was ready to agree on the Marriage of the Infanta, with some French Prince, whom he wou'd nominate, therein comprehending the Family of Lorrain, since it was but rea­sonable that himself shou'd have the choice of the Person whom he inten­ded for his Son in-law: but that it was also necessary that the Estates shou'd elect them, and shou'd declare both of them King and Queen of France, for the whole and every part [Page 895] of it; and that he wou'd imploy the whole Forces of his Kingdoms to maintain them in it.

As almost all the Deputies were de­sirous of nothing more than to elect a new King who shou'd be a Frenchman, this Proposition which seem'd very advantagious, was receiv'd by them with so great Applause, that the Duke of Mayenne, who was newly return'd to the Estates, there to frustrate the Designs of the Spaniards, durst not undertake to oppose it directly, though he was strongly resolv'd to hinder it from taking effect, by all the ways in his power, because the Election cou'd not possibly fall on him.

And while he was plo [...]ting the means in order to it, that part of the Parliament of Peers, which was at Paris for the League, having still re­tain'd, notwithstanding the division of their Members, those generous Thoughts and inviolable Maximes, which they have always made appear, on all occasions, and in whatsoever condition they were, to maintain the fundamental Laws and Prerogatives of the French Monarchy, furnish'd [Page 896] him with an excellent Expedient. For that Court, being inform'd that the Proposition of the Spaniards seem'd to be approv'd by the Estates, on the 18th. day of Iune, made this memora­ble Decree, which contains in sub­stance, That not having, as indeed they never had, any other intention, than the maintenance of the Catholick, Aposto­lick, and Roman Religion in France, under the Protection of a Most Christian King, who shou'd be both Catholick and French, they have ordain'd, and do hereby ordain, that it shall be this day remonstrated to Monsieur de Mayenne, Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France, in the pres [...]nce of the Princes and Officers of the Crown, being now at Paris, that no Treaty shall be made for the transferring of the Crown into the Hands of foreign Princes or Princesses, and that he shou'd imploy the A [...]thority committed to him, to hinder the Crown from being transferr'd into a foreign Hand, against the Laws of the Realm, under the pretence of Religion; and that the said Court, has from this present time declar'd, and does hereby declare, all those Treaties which are made, and [Page 897] which shall be hereafter made, for the establishment of any foreign Prince or Princess, to be null, and of no effect and value, as made in prejudice to the Sa­lique Law, and other fundamental Laws of the Realm of France.

The Duke of Mayenne seem'd to be very much incens'd, that they had made this Ordinance without his Par­ticipation; and vehemently upbraided Monsieur, the first President Iean le Maistre, whom he had constituted in that Office: who not being acquaint­ed with his secret intentions, answer'd him with that Gravity and Resoluti­on, which is becoming the Head of so venerable a Company, when he per­forms his Duty. But in reality that dextrous Prince was glad of such an occasion, because he well hop'd, this Ordinance wou'd at least put a block in the Spaniard's way. But he found the contrary; for when they saw by this Decree, and by the taking of Dreux, (which the King had besieg'd, and after carried by force, during these Agitations) that if they made not haste in their election of a King, 'twas very probable that it wou'd be out of [Page 898] their power to elect one afterwards, they us'd their utmost Endeavours to have one chosen, in the same manner as they had first propos'd it. To put by this Blow, the Duke of Mayenn [...], who believ'd the Spaniards had been impowr'd only with general Instru­ctions, and not to name him whom they judg'd most proper for their Inte­rests, told them, that of necessity they were to expect a more particular Order from their Master, wherein he shou'd declare the individual Person, whom he chose for his Son in law.

But he was much surpriz'd, when they, who in all appearance had ma­ny Blanks, which were ready sign'd, and which they cou'd fill up with any Name to serve their occasions, show'd him before the Cardinal Legat, and the principal Members of the Assembly, at a meeting in his House, that they were impowr'd, in due form, to name the Duke of Guise: yet he strove in the best manner he cou'd to conceal his inward Trouble and Anxiety for this Nomination, which his Wi [...]e the Dutchess was not able to endure, but counse [...]l'd him rather to make a Peace [Page 899] with the King, than to be so mean-spirited as to acknowledge that raw young Creature (for so, by way of contempt, she call'd her Nephew) for his King and Master. But the Duke of Mayenn [...], who at that time cou'd not bear any Master whomso­ever, took another course, and re­quir'd eight days time to give in wri­ting his Demands, for his own indem­nifying, which the Spaniards allow'd him as fully as he cou'd desire. And in the mean time, he knew so well to manage the Minds of the greatest part of the Deputies, the Lords and Prin­ces, and even of the Duke of Guise himself, by making them comprehend how unseasonable it was to create a King, before they had Forces suffici­ent to support him against a powerful and victorious Prince; that in spight of all those who were of the Spanish Interest, the Ministers of Spain were answer'd, that the Estates were re­solv'd to proceed no farther in their Election, till they had receiv'd those great Supplies which had been pro­mis'd them by the King their Master. In this manner the Election was de­ferr'd [Page 900] by the Address of the Duke of Mayenne; which Dr. Mauclere, a great Leaguer, most bitterly bewail'd, in a Letter which he wrote from Pa­ris, to Dr. de Creil, another stiff Lea­guer then residing at Rome, to ma­nage the Interests of that Party; and therein discov'rd the whole Secret, which in effect overthrew all the Ca­bals of the Spaniards, and the League, and utterly destroy'd their whole Fa­brick. For many things afterwards happen'd, which broke off all speech of an Election; of which the first and most principal, was the Conversion of the King, which is next in order to be related.

Above 9 years were already past, since he, though Head of the Hugo­nots, had been endeavouring the means of reuniting himself, together with his whole Party, to the Catho­lick Church. For, in the year 1584. a little before the Associated Princes of the League had taken Arms, the late King, having sent Monsieur de Bellievre to Pamiers, to declare to him, that he wou'd have the Mass re esta­blish'd [Page 901] in the County of Foix, and in all the other Countreys which he held under the Soveraignty of the Crown of France, he caus'd one of the Mini­sters of his Family, who was already well inclin'd, to sound the Dispositi­ons of the other Ministers of that Countrey, and to try if there were any hope, that they would use their Endeavours uprightly and sincerely, to find the means of making a general Reunion with the Catholick Church. They gave up, without any great difficulty, all the Points in Controver­sie, excepting one which they laid to heart; namely, their Interest, de­manding such vast proportions of Maintenance, as he was not then in a condition to give them, saying with great simplicity these very words: That they wou'd not go a begging for their Living, (or live upon charity) like so many poor Scholars.

Many of his Counsel, and amongst others the Sieur de Segur, one of those in whom he most confided, were of opinion, nevertheless, that he shou'd not give over that Undertaking; and that he shou'd endeavour to bring it [Page 902] about quietly, and without any bustle, by gaining the leading men of his Party. And he was so well inclin'd to do it, that he cou'd not curb himself from protesting frequently, after his coming to the Crown, and particular­ly after the Battel of Ivry, that he wish'd with all his heart, they were reunited with that Church from which they had separated, and that he shou'd believe, that he had done more than any of his Predecessors, if God wou'd one day enable him to make that Reunion which was so ne­cessary, that he might live to see all Frenchmen, united under the same Faith, as well as under the same King. But there is great probability for us to hope, that God had reserv'd that Glory for King Louis the Great his Grandson, whose unbloody Victories, which he daily obtains, in full Peace, over Heresie, by his prudent manage­ment and his Zeal, which have found the means of reducing the Protestants in crowds, and without violence, in­to the Church, may under his Reign, show us the final accomplishment of that great Work, which his Grandfa­ther so ardently desir'd.

[Page 903] It is also known, that this Prince being then only King of Navarre, at the time when he projected that Re­union, of which I have spoken, said one day in private to one of the Mini­sters, That he cou'd see no manner of de­votion in his Religion, which all consist­ed in hearing a Sermon deliver'd in good French, and that he had always an opini­on, that the Body of our Lord is in the holy Sacrament; for otherwise the Com­munion was but an exterior Ceremony, which had nothing real and essential in it. 'Tis in this place, that I cannot hinder my self from rendring Justice to the merit of one of the greatest Men, whom any of our Kings have imploy'd in their most important Negotiations, and who most contributed to the in­fusing these good Inclinations into the King of Navarre; namely, Francis de Noailles, Bishop of Acq's, who has gain'd an immortal Reputation, by those great Services which he per­form'd for France, during 35 years, under four of our Kings, in fifteen Voyages out of the Kingdom, and four solemn Embassies into England, Venice, Rome, and Constantinople. In [Page 904] which last Employment he did so much for the interest of our Religion, with Selim the Grand Signior, the 2d. of that Name, and by travelling into Syria, Palestine, and Aegypt, where he procur'd great Advantages and Com­fort to the poor Christians, that the greatest Princes of Christendom thought themselves oblig'd, to make their thankful Acknowledgements of his labour to our King. Pope Gregory the 13th. commanded his Nuncio himself to thank the Ambassador from him, at his passage from Venice, on his return to France: and to desire him, that he wou'd use his Interest with his Brother the Abbot of L' Isle, who had succeeded him in many of his Negotiations, and in that Embas­sy, as he also did in the Bishoprick of Acq's, that he wou'd follow the wor­thy Examples which he had given him.

'Tis true that Pope Pius the 5th. Predecessor to Gregory, thought it ve­ry strange at first, that a Bishop shou'd be Ambassador for the most Christian King at the Ottoman Port. But, be­sides that the Bishop of Agria, a most [Page 905] prudent and vertuous Prelat, had ex­ercis'd that Charge during five years, for the Emperor Maximilian the 2d. without the least fault found with it, he very much chang'd his opinion, after the Bishop of Acq's, by his credit with the Grand Signior, had obtain'd from him, that an express Prohibition shou'd be made to Piali Bassa, Gene­ral of his Navy, of making any de­scent on the Territories of the Church: in consideration of which Benefit, his Holiness made him a promise to pro­mote him to the highest Dignities, with which a Pope can recompence the greatest Services that are render'd to the Church.

These were the Employments of that Bishop, whose Deserts were not less eminent than those of his elder Brother, Anthony de Noailles, Head of that illustrious Family, which is one of the most ancient and remarkable in Limousin; who was Ambassador in England, Governour of Bourdeaux, and Lieutenant for the King in Guyenne, where he serv'd the State and Religion with the same Zeal, which appears at this day, with so much Success and Glory in his Posterity.

[Page 906] It was then by the Motives of the same Zeal for Religion, that Francis de Noailles, after he had reduc'd 100 Hugonot Families, which he found in Acq's, at his coming to that Bishoprick, to the number of 12, was not want­ing to make use of so fair an opportu­nity, as he had, to work upon the King of Navarre's Inclinations, which good advice, in God's due time, had the desir'd effect. For having con­ferr'd with him at Nerac, by the King's Orders, twice or thrice, with endea­vours to procure from him the re-esta­blishment of the Catholick Religion in Bearn, when he found that new Difficulties were still started, he laid aside that particular Point, and com­ing to the Spring-head, whereon all the rest depended, he told him in the presence of Segur, with all the sinceri­ty of a faithful Minister, That his Ma­jesty cou'd not reasonably hope to support himself by that Party, which how power­ful soever it appear'd, wou'd always be too weak to bear him up (in spight of the Catholicks, who were infinitely more strong) to that pitch of heighth, to which his Birth and Fortune might one [Page 907] day carry him: that whatsoever Won­ders his Valour might perform, yet they wou'd never be of any advantage to him, till he reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Catholick Church: and that it was im­possible (they were his very words) that he cou'd ever raise any thing that was durable for the establishment of his Fortune, either within the Realm, or without it, unless he built on this Foun­dation. This was what he said, when he took his leave of the King of Na­varre: And some few days after this, writing from Agen to the Sieur de Se­gur, he protested to him, That his Master cou'd never arrive to the possession of that Crown, to which he might law­fully pretend, if he made not his entrance by the Gate of the Catholick Religion▪ and pray'd him therefore that he wou'd think seriously of that Matter, for if he follow'd not his Counsel, he shou'd one day speak to him in Petrarch's Verse, ‘When Error goes before, Repentance comes behind.’

This Discourse startled Segur, who had much power over his Masters In­clinations; [Page 908] and it was principally on this account, that he gave him the Counsel above-mention'd, which con­sequently caus'd the King of Navarre, to consider of the means of reuniting himself to the Catholicks.

But it happening that in the midst of these Agitations, the Leaguers be­gan openly to rebel, and afterwards, capitulating with Arms in their hands, obtain'd an Edict, by which the King oblig'd himself to make War with all his Power against the Hugonots, Segur, whom the King of Navarre had lately sent into Germany to desire assistance, writ to him, after he had obtain'd it, that this was not a time to think of turning Catholick, though he him­self had formerly advis'd it: and that since his Enemies wou'd make him change his Religion by force, almost in the same manner as they had us'd him at the Massacre of St. Barthol'mew, he ought to stand bent against them, and defend his Liberty by Arms, that it might not be said, he was basely plyant to their will; and that he might change freely, with safeguard to his Honour at some other time, [Page 909] which now he cou'd not without shame, as being by constraint.

He follow'd this Advice, which was also seconded by his Counsel. He made the War, and always appear'd at the Head of the Hugonots, with the success which has already been rela­ted. But being a man of a sprightly and piercing Wit, he was not want­ing in the mean time to instruct him­self, and that by a very artificial way. Sometimes by proposing difficult Points to his Ministers, or to speak more properly, his own Doubts and Scruples in matters of Religion, to un­derstand on what Foundations their Opinions were built: sometimes by conferring with knowing Catholicks, and maintaining against them with the strongest Reasons he cou'd urge, the Principles which had been infus'd into him by his Ministers, on purpose to discover by their Answers, (which he compar'd with what had been told him on the other side) what was real and solid truth betwixt them. And he always continued in this manner of Instruction, clearing and fathom­ing the principal Points of the Con­troversie [Page 910] and causing them to give in writing, what they had to argue pro or con; which produc'd this effect, that the Hugonots never believ'd him to be sound at bottom, and settled in their Religion, but repos'd much greater confidence in the late Prince of Conde, who was in reality a better Protestant than he.