A moderate reply to His Majesties answer to the cities last petition presented at Oxford which answer was read in Guildhall, before the commons of the said city, January 13, 1643 / by a well-minded petitioner for peace and truth.

The Convinc'd PETITIONER.

IT is a great controverſie with many in theſe times, whether is to bee preferr'd, an unjuſt Peace, or a moſt juſt Warre, much may be ſaid on each ſide, Policy and Divinity may ſpin out a long controverſie here about, ſure I am, that it is divine policy and politicke Divinity, though not to preferre an unjuſt Peace, yet to compound a moſt juſt Warre; for doubtleſſe, when a juſt Peace is to be had, no Warre, can be juſt, let the cauſe be what it will; it is Solomons note, of an evill man to di • up evill, and of a froward man to ſow contention, Proverb. 5. v. 22. and warres proceed from luſts. James 4.1. and truly he that pretends piety, and delights in cruelty, doth little underſtand the law of charity, nor his own hypocriſie, for ſurely, to take pleaſure in fighting, is the property of Curres, and not of Chriſtians, and they little know the power of godlineſſe (what ever their profeſſion may be) who delight in blood, for the fruit of the ſpirit is peace, love, joy, &c. but warre and ſtrife, &c. are fruits of the fleſh. Gal. 5.21, 22. doubtleſſe theſe (together with the ſad conſiderations of the diſmall effects of civill warres in our own Countrey were the true and reall cauſes, (however many would not beleeve it) of the ſtrong cries, and Petitions for Peace (if it could be attained) and accommodations between the King and Parliament; what malignity did lie hid in the hearts of ſome of the chiefe movers, in that former Petition (whoſe pretence was for Peace, and their intentions to make deviſion in the City) I know not, but let me ſpeak for my ſelf, and for many more (whom I have cauſe to iudge as upright as my ſelfe therein) that our hearts did, and doe abhorre ſuch deſperate diſſimulation, and it ſhall appeare ſo to all the world, by our diſſenting from any ſuch councel (from what hand ſoever given) to the ſtopping of the mouthes of any cenſorious perſon whatſoever, it did much ſatisfie us to ſee the Lord Major, Aldermen, & Common Counſell of this City, in that humble, loyall, loving, & dutifull manner, to Petition His Majeſty for Peace, in the name of the whole City; & we could not but (taking notice of His Majeſties Proteſtations of a deſire for Peace) promiſe to our ſelves a bleſſed and happy anſwer, to the refreſhing the hearts of the whole Kingdome, but now the cloudes are returned after the raine; and we are as full of preſent deſpaire by this anſwer, (if His Majeſties) as we were of former hopes, and for mine owne part I cannot but judge, that thoſe that are now to ſeeke in their reſolutions to ioyne with the Parliament againſt the common adverſaries of the Kingdome, are either to ſeeke for their wits, or their reſpects to the Kingdome, and I ſhall for ever judge them to be more then ſufficiently acquainted with the art of hypocriſie and diſſmulation in their pretences for Peace, that will not give out their aſſiſtance in joyning with the Parliament, againſt the common adverſary (the only way now left) to attaine a Peace. An account of this mine opinion, I offer to all thoſe that were as ingenuous • s my ſelfe, in ſubſcribing the late Petition for Peace (ſo much withſtood by many who did iudge more evilly of us, then we did deſerve) and that is, the ſerious taking notice, Firſt, of the nature of the Petition, Secondly, of the nature of this Anſwer.

1 In the Petition we are to conſider, 1 Title. 2 Preamble. 3 Prayer. thereof.

Firſt, In the Title they Petitioned to the Kings moſt Excellent Maieſtie, in whoſe hands there was power, and we did hope, in whoſe heart, there had been a will, to make us happy by a gracious reply, and ſurely as it had been the high way to our felicity; ſo had it been greatly for his glory, and as it had fild our mouthes with ioy, ſo had muzled the mouthes of thoſe, who did premiſe no better iſſue of it, then now we ſee.

Secondly, we are to conſider the Petitioners.

The humble Petition of the Maior, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London. An Act of the ioynt body of the whole City; and therefore we did hope moſt likely to prevaile with His Majeſty;

Thus for the Title.

Secondly, for the Preamble, and therein is contained the Petitioners grievances, as the ground of their prayers, and they are three,

Firſt, the diviſions betweene His Maieſty and Parliament.

Secondly, the ſad effects thereof, both here and in Ireland.

Thirdly, the miſ-apprehenſion conceived in His Maieſtie of the Petitioners love and loyalty.

And from hence they promiſe His Maieſty, and profeſſe, that as they are for the preſent, ſo they will alwayes continue his loyall, obedient, and loving ſubiects, promiſing according to their Proteſtation and vow made before Almighty God that they will defend the true Proteſtant Religion, and their Allegiance, His Royall Maieſty, honour and eſtate, as well as the power and priviledge of Parliament, and the lawfull rights and liberties of the ſubiects, and whereas His Maieſty hath taken offence at tumults from the City, they engage themſelves, their eſtates, and all they have, to their utmoſt power, to defend, and preſerve His Maieſty, and both Houſes of Parliament, from all tumults, affronts, and violence, with as much loyalty, love, and duty, as ever Citizens, expreſt towards His Maieſty, or any of His Royall Progenitors in their greateſt glory:

This is the preamble of the Petition.

Thirdly, in the prayers we may note,

1. The meanes of it, and that is the moſt humble ſubmiſſive manner as it is poſſible for them to doe.

The Petitioners therefore upon their bended knees doe moſt humbly beſeech your Maieſty, &c.

2. The matter of the Petition, and that is two-fold:

Firſt, That his Maieſty would be pleaſed to returne to his Parliament, with his Royall, and not his Martiall attendants.

Secondly, That ſuch a peace may be concluded upon, as may be for the glory of God, the honour and happineſſe of his Maieſty, and his poſterity, the ſafety, and Welfare of all his loyall Subiects.

Thus we ſee the nature of the Petition, wherein for perſons, manner, and matter, envy it ſelfe cannot ſuggeſt the very leaſt miſcarriage, who could have otherwayes thought, but that we ſhould have had ſuch an Anſwer, to ſuch a Petition, ſo mannaged, as might at leaſt have cauſed our peace and happineſſe, after our diſmall diſtractions, (as the Spring after Winter) to have budded in our hearts; but alas, this unexpected anſwer (if it be the true anſwer to the petition) hath like a nipping froſt, killed our hopes in the very bud, and it cannot be otherwayes, if we conſider the nature of this Anſwer, wherein we are to obſerve,

Firſt, the Title. Secondly, the Anſwer it ſelfe.

Firſt, The Title: His Maieſty hath graciouſly conſidered this Petition, and returnes this Anſwer.

Surely it was no more graciouſly conſidered, then graciouſly anſwered; and truly we have no more reaſon to believe this Anſwer his Maieſties, then gracious, for ſurely his Maieſties perſonall Proteſtations of a deſire for peace, did promiſe an anſwer, as gracious in the Anſwer it ſelfe, as in the Title.

Secondly, We are to conſider the Anſwer it ſelf, and therein 3. things.

1. His Maieſties acknowledgement of his reſpects unto the City in generall, by way of introduction.

2. His Maieſties preſent implicit recenting the Petition, with the grounds, and reaſons thereof.

3. His Maieſties conditionall condecention unto the Petition, with his tearmes and conditions tendred.

Firſt, in the introduction, there is a foure-fold acknowledgement, viz.

1. Of his Majeſties right apprehenſion of the love and loyalty of the City: And ſurely would his Maieſty pleaſe to look back upon all former experiences, and could his Maieſty looke into our preſent affections, his Maieſty ſhould have little reaſon to judge otherwayes of us.

2. We have an acknowledgement of his love unto the City, and of his deſire to make it his chiefe place of reſidence, and to continue and renue many markes of his favour to it: Surely we hope his Maieſty is in as good earneſt in the profeſſion of his love unto us, as we are in the profeſſion of our love and loyalty unto him, though that wicked Counſell about his Maieſty have prevailed with him to keep him ſo long from us: and to accompany them in their bloody attempt, almoſt to our doores, even ſo far as Brainford, to murther, and plunder us: For though his Maieſty would not have us believe any ſuch intent in him towards us (as God forbid we ſhould) yet his Maieſty can plead but for himſelfe, and not for his Army; for truly, if he ſhould, wee ſhould ſcarce believe the word of a King for it.

3. We have an acknowledgement of the innocency of the City in thoſe tumults Which forced his Majeſty (as he ſaith) to leave the City for his ſafety: We hope his Majeſty will hereafter remember that he hath now acquitted the City of this charge, his Majeſty ſaith indeed, that they were contrived and encouraged by ſome principall members of this City, but we know them not, he ſaith, they are out of the reach of Juſtice, a paradox unto us. Well, however he acquits the Inhabitants of the City, he lookes upon his good ſubiects there, as perſons groaning under the ſame burthen which doth oppreſſe his Maieſty, by which we conceive he meanes the diſtractions of the Kingdome, but he lookes upon us as awed by the ſame perſons who begat thoſe tumults; and the ſame Army which gave battle to his Maieſty; but ſurely his Maieſty is much miſtaken, if hee lookes upon London as awed by any thing but the Laws of the Land, and the lawfull power and exerciſe thereof which his Majeſty hath over them, much leſſe by any promoters and chiefe cauſers of unlawfull tumults, eſpecially raiſed againſt his Maieſty, and if by the Army Which (he ſaith) gave Him Battle, be meant the Parliaments Army, which gave the Cavaliers battle, who goe about to deſtroy the Lawes, Liberty, and Religion of the Kingdome: His Maieſty cannot but know that the City is ſo farre from being awed by them, and in feare of them, as that under God we looke upon them as meanes to defend us from that cruell, popiſh, and Atheiſticall Army, which detaines his Maieſty from his Parliament, and therefore we both have and will to the laſt peny in our purſes, and blood in our bodies, maintain and aſſiſt them in ſo good and iuſt a cauſe.

4. We have an acknowledgement of his Maieſties deſire to eſtabliſh the particular peace and proſperity of the City; truly could we ſee his Maieſty return to his Parliament, and deſert his popiſh and treacherous Counſell, and Army, we ſhould believe the reality of affections a thouſand times more then we can his preſent proteſtations.

Thus we ſee the firſt part of his Maieſties Reply, viz. His Maieſties acknowledgements of his reſpects in generall by way of introduction.

Secondly, The ſecond part is his Maieſties preſent recenting, or implicite deniall of the Petition, with his grounds and reaſons: His generall ground is his feare of ſecurity in the City, upon 5. ſpeciall Reaſons.

Firſt, The deſpiſing and trampling under foot the Laws of the Land in this City.

Surely this charge is very criminall, and were London guilty of it, they ſhould deſerve rather ſtrict ſeverity, then his Maieſties lenity; but ſure we are, if London bee guilty of this, then is the adverſe Army 7. fold more guilty, and we ſuppoſe that all the Cities, Townes, Villages, and Counties where ever they have been, will atteſt the ſame; we ſhall need to ſay no more to that, ſeeing their owne daily actions, and the whole Kingdomes complaints do ring this in the ears of heaven and earth; but for our ſelves we know not what Laws are thus deſpiſed and trampled under foote.

2. A ſecond reaſon of his Maieſties feares of his ſafety in this City, Is the ſubmitting the Government of this City to the arbitrary power of a few deſperate perſons of no reputation.

It is hard to ſay whether we are accuſed more in the former charge, of wickedneſſe, or in this, of weakneſſe: Surely to trample under-foot our Laws, and Liberties, and to ſubmit our ſelves so the arbitrary government of a few deſperate perſons of no reputation, is an argument as of ſordid impiety, ſo of ſottiſh ſtupidity; but ſurely, though London hath been guilty of this ſlaviſh folly, and fooliſh ſlavery in former times (as it is too well knowne, to its ſhame) yet repentance and reſolution hath (I hope) wiped that guilt of, and made London now, at leaſt innocent in that charge, and it is to be doubted (if the truth was knowne) that it is not Londons aptneſſe to be made ſlaves, but rather the incorrigeableneſſe, and ſtiffeneſſe of her neck to the yoke of ſlavery which hath made London ſo obnoxious unto theſe preſent diſtractions and diſpleaſures from the higher powers: we know not theſe parties (our hard task-maſters) as yet, but we ſhall by and by.

A third ground of his Majeſties feares (as ſaith this anſwer) of his ſecurity in the City is, that there Armes are taken up, not only without, but againſt his conſent and expreſſe commands, and collections publikely made, and contributions avowed for the maintenance of the Army that gave him Battle, & therin uſed all poſſible means treaſon & malice could ſuggeſt to them to have taken his life from him, and to have deſtroyed his Royall iſſue.

Surely we utterly deny that here are any Armes taken againſt his Maieſty, though we confeſſe here are Armes taken up againſt his conſent and expreſſe command: and as we will never iuſtifie the one, ſo will live and die in the i ••••• cation of the other (as the caſe of the Kingdome ſtands) for if ſo be a company •• known Malignants, and Traytors to the Religion, and peace of the Kin • 〈…〉 gather head, and get his Maieſty to ioyne with them, and countenance them 〈…〉 proceedings and endeavours of deſtroying the Kingdome, to make 〈…〉 and vaſſals for ever; His Maieſty muſt give us leave, and that with in any impea • hment of our loyalty to him, and love to his royall poſterity (eſpe ••• 〈…〉 and power of a Parliament) to raiſe up an Army for our defence, 〈…〉 collections, and contributions to the maintainance thereof, 〈…〉 not only without his conſent, but againſt his expreſſe command; and ſurely if his Maieſty will not evidence his love to his people by giving his conſent and aſſiſtance for the ſafety of his Kingdom in ſuch a caſe, his Maieſty muſt give us leave to evidence our love to our ſelves, and whole Kingdome, to endeavour our owne ſafety; or elſe we are forced to do it without his conſent, and if the Army raiſed up in London, gave the Army that is raiſed up againſt the Kingdome, a battle, and his Maieſties life was in danger therein; I know none that are to be blamed therein, but either himſelf, in hazarding his royall perſon, or thoſe that did adviſe him to ſuch a deſperate deſigne; as for the imputation of Malice and Treaſon in the Parliaments Army, and utmoſt indeavours to take away his owne life, and deſtroy his royall iſſue, his Maieſty may as ſoone prove this Treaſon and malice in the bullets that were ſhot, as in the parties that ſhot them, and if his Maieſty will ſo much forget both himſelfe, and his Kingdome, as to protect an Army, and goe with them in the field that fight againſt his Kingdome, with ſuppoſition that we will not ſtrike for feare of hurting him, and ſo the Army encouraged to deſtroy us; though his Maieſty will not value his own life, and iſſue, but expoſe all to hazzard, yet we ought to value the life of our Religion, Laws, Liberties, and whole Kingdome at a higher rate, then to ſacrifice all to ſuch a dangerous and unadviſed action, and ſurely his perſon would be in more ſecurity, and leſſe danger in his royall Throne, with his Parliament, then in the midſt of ſuch an Army at Keinton Battle.

A fourth ground of his Maieſties feare of • ecurity (as ſaith the Contriver) in the City is the revilings, iniuries, and murthers that are committed, and that even by the Magiſtrates of this City upon his Maieſties ſubiects, who out of duty and affection to his Majeſtie, and compaſſion of their bleeding countrey have laboured for Peace.

Surely if theſe revilings, iniuries, and murthers were committed, and that by the Magiſtrates of this City, upon the Kings foreſaid ſubjects, or any other, they were committed in their cloſets, and we wonder his Maieſtie ſhould here therof at Oxford, before we could here of any ſuch thing in London; but if ſo be theſe be his dutifull and affectionate ſubiects, who laboured for Peace (as the Author calls it) by endeavouring to make inſurrections and mutenies in the City, giving out many expreſſures of their reſolutions of malignity againſt both the City, and Parliament it ſelfe, the like affronts ſcarce ever knowne given againſt publike authority, if thoſe be the perſons his Maieſty meanes, and if (upon the legall and iuſt proofe of theſe mens malignity, and breach of the knowne Lawes of the Land) the committing of theſe perſons to ſafe cuſtody to prevent their intended malicious deſignes againſt the City and Kingdome, be to revile, iujure, and murther his good ſubiects, then are the Magiſtrates of London guilty of this charge; and if ſo, what then is the guilt, and where ſhall the blood of that poore fellow that was hanged and quartered for a pretended treaſon in Southwarke be required? And where ſhall the blood of that innocent, plaine hearted man, Mr. Boiſe that was hanged at Redding, (a moſt bloody act) for no man knowes what, be required? As for any revilings of them (though we have heard of calling men of good ranke Parliament Dogges, and Parliament Rogues, at Oxford) yet we know no ſuch revilings of any of the other party here in London.

Fiftly, and laſtly, The Contriver demands what hope of ſafety he can have, whilſt Alderman Pennington their pretended Lord Maior, the principall Author of thoſe calamities Which ſo neerely threaten the ruine of that famous City, Ven, Foulke, and Manwairing (all perſons notoriouſly guilty of Schiſme and high Treaſon) commit ſuch outrages in oppreſſing, and impriſoning according to their diſcretion all ſuch his Maieſties good ſubiects, whom they are pleaſed to ſuſpect, but for wiſhing Well to his Maieſtie.

Truely if ſo be a free and faire election of Alderman Pennington by the chiefe Citizens of London is ſufficient to make him our lawfull Lord Maior, then is hee no pretended Lord Maior; and if ſo be no man muſt be Lord Maior, but whom his Maieſties evill Counſell will pleaſe to ſuggeſt (for we know no other exception) then do not we know our Charter, & we have not the liberty, which the meaneſt Incorporation in the Kingdome have; well, howſoever this Contriver will pleaſe to call him our Pretended Lord Maior, we know him to be our true, proper, and lawfull Lord Maior, and will honour and obey him accordingly; well, what is affirmed of him? why, that he is the principall Author of thoſe calamities which ſo neerely threaten the ruine of this famous City; ſurely my Lord Maior is better knowne to the City of London, then unto this Contriver, otherwiſe the City would never have choſen him twice to be one of their Burgeſſes in Parliament, and twice Lord Maior: wee can heare of no treaſon committed by him, and we have ſo good an opinion of his loyalty and love to King and Kingdome, that we could wiſh that all his Maieſties ſubiects were ſuch traytors; ſurely, for this twelve moneths ſpace thoſe that have beene called the worſt Traitors, have been His beſt ſubiects; and indeed the whole Kingdome (excepting ſuch as have taken part with Traitors againſt the Kingdome) are proclaimed Traitors and the reſt His loving ſubiects; and for my part let me rather live and die ſuch a Traitor, then ſuch a loving ſubiect; I deſird that men may take heed how they make uſe of ſuch an expreſſion of His Maieſty, in calling my Lord Maior our pretended Lord Maior, becauſe His Maieſty hath not confirmed him, for ſurely if men ceaſe to be Officers in a Common-wealth, when all things doe not concurre according to the originall and conſtitution of that Office (although we know no ſuch thing here) it is to be queſtioned, whether men will not make uſe of ſuch a concluſion to the extirpation of the higheſt and chiefeſt Officer in the Kingdome; well, my Lord Maior is a reall Traitor, but a pretended Lord Maior, (I ſhould ſay a reall Lord Maior, but a pretended Traitor) but he is not alone, he hath Foulk, Ven, and Mainwairing to beare him company, all notoriouſly guilty of Schiſme and high Treaſon, ſaith the Contriver, but all notoriouſly known to be honeſt, loyall, orthodox, conformable men, ſay all that ever truely knew them, and by theſe wee may gueſſe at the Separatiſts, Sectaries, Browniſts, and Aanabaptiſts, ſo often mentioned in His Majeſties expreſſures, for theſe are well knowne, not onely to be honeſt men, but alſo conformable unto the Church of England, and as yet at this time we know nothing wherein they are of another mind, except it be in reformation of Diſcipline, confeſt on all hands to be corrupted. Well, what doe theſe doe to offend His Maieſty? why theſe are the men intimated before by Whom the Whole City is awed and miſled. Surely the City is awed by theſe men as the Parliament is by foure or five factious ſpirits, a thred bare and worne ſtratagem to raiſe contention in the City.

Well, what elſe is obiected againſt theſe perſons? Why they commit great outrages in oppreſſing, robbing and impriſoning (according to their diſcretion) all His Maieſties loving ſubjects, whom they are pleaſed to ſuſpect, but for wiſhing well to His Maieſty, what His Maieſty meanes here can hardly be underſtood, but we look not upon it as His Maieſties expreſſions, and therefore we are bold to ſay, that ſurely the Compoſers Pen did run faſter then his iudgement, for we know nothing at all that three of theſe men have done, viz. Alderman Foulk, Colonell Ven, and Col. Mainwairing, except it hath been by ſpeciall order from the Parliament, and I hope they give no order to rob men, and as for my Lord Major we know not the leaſt act of this nature wherein he is guilty, except there be that of London ſeene in Oxford, which was never ſeene in London.

Theſe are His Maieſties reaſons wherefore he ſuſpects His ſecurity in the City, and His Maieſty having diſpatched them, commeth to appeale to the common iudgement and knowledge of all men to give their anſwers to ſeverall Queries.

1. Query. Whether the Petitioners beleeve that the reviling and ſuppreſſing the Book of Common Prayer (eſtabliſht in this Church, ever ſince the reformation) the diſcountenancing and impriſoning godly, learned, and painefull Preachers, and the cheriſhing and countena •• ing Browniſts, Anabaptiſti, and all 〈◊〉 of Sectaries, be the way to maintaine and 〈…〉

Anſw. Firſt, though we will honour the very forme of godlineſſe, and therefore will not plead for reviling: yet we conceive that the true Proteſtant reformed Religion may very well conſiſt with the ſuppreſſing of the Book of Common prayer, for,

Firſt, our Proteſtant religion had not its firſt riſe from proteſting to maintain the Booke of Common Prayer, but to maintaine the Proteſtant Doctrine of the Goſpel of Chriſt in oppoſition to Popery.

Secondly, I hope it will not be denyed, but that the reformed Churches beyond Seas, are Proteſtant, and yet they have not our Booke of Common Prayer there.

Thirdly, we queſtion not but that His Maieſty hath confirmed the Proteſtant Religon in Scotland, and yee we know not that either Biſhops, or our Booke of Common Prayer, if ſetled there, nor that they are tyed to any Booke.

Whereas it is ſaid that,

Fourthly, the Booke of Common Prayer hath been ſetled in this Church ſince the reformation, yet.

Firſt, it will be hard to prove that that book which was ſetled, be that book which we have and if it prove otherwaies, then to revile this Booke, is no more to revile the Booke of Common Prayer ſetled and eſtabliſhed in this Church ever ſince the reformation; then to revile the Popiſh Maſſe booke, is to revile the Booke of Common Prayer ſetled ſince the Reformation.

Secondly, Suppoſe this ſhould be the Booke ſetled ſince the Reformation; yet they which firſt ſetled it did not eſtabliſh it in ſeculo ſeculorum, it was for themſelves; we cannot thinke they had ſo high thoughts of themſelves, as to thinke that they were then ſo pure a Church, as that they never could be capable of more light, and knowledge, and reformation, then what they had; No, queſtionleſſe that pious Prince whoſe memory is and ſhall be for ever bleſſed, for his willingneſſe and endevours to honour God in a reformation according to the light of thoſe times, had not the leaſt ſuch thought.

Thirdly, the Booke of Common Prayer was not at firſt ſetled for the true Proteſtant Religion, but for a forme of Common Prayer; the holy Scriptures are the ground of the Proteſtant Religion, and not the Booke of Common Prayer, and therefore the true Proteſtant Religion may be maintained, though the Booke of Common Prayer be ſuppreſſed.

Fourthly, the Booke of Common Prayer was eſtabliſht in oppoſition, and not in favour to Popery; but now its very obſervable, that Popery is ſecretly nouriſhed; and keeps footing in this Kingdome by the Booke of Common Prayer; and therefore, the moſt Popiſh Prieſts in the Kingdome are ſo hot and zealous for the Booke of Common Prayer.

But the truth is, that this hath beene the deſigne of the Prelaticall faction, to ſtifle the light of the Goſpell, the Preaching of the Word, and to put up in the roome of it the Booke of Common Prayer, that ſo the poore common people may know no Proteſtant Religion but the Booke of Common Prayer, otherwiſe the people would have beene aſhamed of this queſtion, Can the Proteſtion Religion conſiſt with the ſubpreſſing the Booke of Common Prayer?

Well, that is the firſt part of his Maieſties firſt Query; the ſecond part is; Whether the diſcountenancing and impriſoning godly, learned, and painfull Preachers be to maintain and defend the true reformed Proteſtant Religion?

Surely to diſcourtenance godly, learned, and painefull Preachers, 〈◊〉 to maintaine the true reformed Proteſtant Religion, and therefore the Prelates ( • ee their pretences be what they will) (whoſe conſtant practiſes have beene to diſcountenaned and impriſon, godly, learned, and painfull Preachers) have nor defended the true reformed Proteſtant Religion; but malice is ſelfe cannot produce one inſtance one godly, learned, and painefull Preacher, diſcountenanced and impriſoned for his godlineſſe, learning, or painefull Orthodoxe Preaching, by the Magiſtrates of London; though this charge and ſinne ſhall lie heavy one day upon all ſuch as are guilty thereof, but bleſſed be God, London hath beene more paſſive than active in that ſin, it hath beene our ſorrow, but not our ſin.

A third part of his Maieſties firſt Querie is whether The cheriſhing and countenancing Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and all manner of Sectaries be the way to maintaine and defend the true reformed Proteſtant Religion?

Anſw. Surely to cheriſh and to countenance Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and all manner of Sectaries, is not the way to maintaine and defend the true reformed Proteſtant Religion; but if by Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and all manner of Sectaries meant ſuch as are not truely ſo called; if by thoſe be meant ſuch as my Lord Maior, Alderman Foulke, Collonell Ven, and Collonell Mainwaring, who are taxed for ſuch in this Reply: if by theſe be meant all ſuch as are not Epiſcopall in their Judgements, formall in their Devotions, ceremoniall and ſuperſtitious in this worſhipping God; if by theſe be meant ſuch as will not ſwear and lye and prophane the Lords day if (in a word) by theſe be meant all ſuch as deſire to be Proteſtants in life and converſation, as well as in meere profeſſion, then to countenance and cheriſh ſuch Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and all manner of ſuch Sectaries is the way to maintain the true reformed reformed Proteſtant Religion, and we know no others countenanced and cheriſhed, but ſuch as theſe.

2. Query. A ſecond querie is, whether to comply with, and aſſiſt perſons who have actually attempted to kill his Maieſty, and to allow and favour Libeirs Paſquils, and ſeditious Sermons againſt his Maieſty, be to defending Royall perſon and honour according to their duty and allegiance.

Anſ. Surely no, but to comply with, and aſſiſt perſons that fight againſt thoſe who have actually attempted to deſtroy the Laws of the Land, the Liberty of the Subiect, the life of the Parliament, Religion, and Kingdome, is to defend his royall perſon and honour according to our duty and allegiance, but ſurely to allow and favour Libels, Paſquils, and ſeditious Sermons againſt his Maieſty, or his Parliament, is not to defend his royall perſon and honour according to their duty and allegiance; and therefore ſuch Preachers as theſe, that ſow ſedition between his Maieſty and Parliament, are no godly, learned, and painfull preachers, and I know none but ſuch as thoſe that are diſcountenanced by any Magiſtrates in this City.

3. A third Query is, whether to impriſon mens perſons, and to plunder their houſes, becauſe they will not rebell againſt his Maieſty, nor aſſiſt thoſe that doe, whether to deſtroy their property, by taking away the twentieth part of their Eſtates from them, and by the ſame arbitrary power to refer to foure ſtanders by of their own faction to iudge what that twentieth part is, be to defend the lawfull rights and libert •• t of the ſubjects?

Anſ. Surely no, This is not to defend the lawfull rights and liberties of the ſubiects; And therefore we hope His Maieſtie will be very willing to let Juſtice have its free courſe upon my Lord of Newcaſtle, and others, which do aſſeſſe men to pay not the twentieth part of their eſtates, but what he pleaſeth, and to compell them to pay it by an Army on foot in the North, and elſewhere, That he will at laſt ioyn with his Parliament, to bring all thoſe Robbers, Plunderers, and Spoylers of His Kingdom, and good People, (whereof, there are ſo many Complaints of poor Carriers and People in all the Villages, Towns, and Cities, where the Army raiſed up againſt the Parliament hath been) to iuſt and condign puniſhment; and this will be to defend the lawfull Right and Liberties of the Subiects: But for the Parliament (into whoſe hands we have committed our Eſtates, and truſt of the whole Kingdom) to demand the twentieth part of our Eſtates for the defence of the Kingdom, againſt a Malignant Army of Papiſts, Delinquents, and Traytors, raiſed up to deſtroy the Religion, and Laws of the Kingdom, and to compell them to pay it by an Ordinance of Parliament, 〈◊〉 ſave our Laws, Religion, Liberties, and Lives; and to appoint four honeſt, ſufficient, indifferent well affected men to iudge what that twentieth part is, (the beſt courſe that can be taken in ſuch a caſe, and farre better then the courſe taken by my Lord of Newcaſtle, and others, in their wicked and trayterous tyranny) is to defend the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subiects.

4. Query, A fourth Query is, If we think theſe Actions to be inſtances of either, Whether we do not know theſe Perſons before named to be guiltie of them all?

Anſw. We ſuppoſe theſe Actions are not inſtances of either; and we do not know thoſe Perſons before named, guilty of any one of them.

5. Query. A fifth Query is, Whether we can think it poſſible, that Almighty God can bleſſe this Citie, and preſerve it from diſtruction, whileſt Perſons of ſuch known guilt, are defended and juſtified among them, againſt the power of that Law by which they can only ſubſiſt?

Anſw. Were this Citie guilty of the aforeſaid Crimes, Doubtleſſe we could not think that Almighty God could bleſſe this City, and preſerve it from deſtruction; But for as much as we know the Cities innocency in them all, eſpecially the innocency of the Governours of this Citie, where chiefly the charge is laid, we think it not only poſſible; But certain that Almighty God will bleſſe this City, and preſerve it from deſtruction; notwithſtanding, the malice, power, policy, plots, and proiects of all the enemies thereof, as (bleſſed be his holy Name) he hath hitherto done; And ſurely, We cannot think that God can bleſſe (leaving to himſelf the liberty of his free, and rich grace) that party of Papiſts, Athaiſts, and prophane Wretches, That under prerences of fighting for the true Proteſtant Reformed Religion, Law of the Land, and Liberty of Subiect, Shall go about to undermine, kill, and deſtroy the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Kingdom. And although ſuch may proſper ſometimes in iudgement, and not in mercy; yet God will finde a time for an accompt hereof, to their terrour. For, if men will moſt Hypocritically make God iuſtifie their wickedneſſe, by pretending his cauſe, and approbation; God will moſt ſeaſonably iuſtifie himſelf, and his righteouſneſſe by their ruine and deſtruction. But the good God give repentance unto converſion, and not iudgement unto confuſion, And this is the greateſt miſchief that we wiſh them.

We ſhall ſay no more to the ſecond part of His Maieſties reply: Viz. His recenting the Petition for the preſent, with His Maieſties Reaſons thereof, and the ſeverall Queries hereabout.

The laſt part of His Maieſties reply, Is His conditionall condeſcention unto the Petition, with the tearms thereof, tendred and propounded.

Wherein we may obſerve,

Firſt, His conditionall condiſcention with tearms propounded.

Secondly, A threatning of thoſe that will not yeeld to the ſame.

Firſt, His conditionall condiſcention, Here we muſt remember the Prayer of the Petition; that is, twofold, For His Maieſties return unto His Parliament, with His Royall, and not His Martiall Guard, &c.

Secondly, That a Peace may be concluded upon, as may be for the glory of God, the honour and happineſſe of His Maieſty, and poſterity, and the ſafety and welfare of all His loving Subiects.

This His Maieſty doth promiſe upon theſe conditions, as ſaith this Author, His Maieſty (having profeſt His good opinion of the greater, and better part of this City; and that He doth not lay the former charge (in that meaſure at leaſt) upon them, Though they are not altogether without ſome blame, to ſuffer thoſe foreſaid ill men, ſo farre, to prevail with them, as that He hath had little uſe of their Affections;) Yet notwithſtanding, He profeſſeth, His deſire is to be with them, and to protect them, that the Trade, Wealth, and glory thereof, may again be the envy of all forraign Nations, &c. And Hee doth offer a generall pardon to all the Inhabit ants of that His City of London, the Suburbs, and City of Weſtminſter, (excepting the Perſons formerly excepted by His Majeſty) but upon theſe conditions.

1. Condition. Firſt, If we ſhall return to our Duty, Loyalty, and Obedience. We never yet departed from our Duty, Loyalty, and Obedience, and we hope never ſhall, therefore we yeeld.

Secondly, If His good Subiects ſhall ſolemnly declare, That they will defend the known Laws of the Land, and will ſubmit to, and be governed by no other Rule. We have already in our ſolemne Proteſtation declared that, and will maintain it to the utmoſt of our Lives, Liberties and Eſtates, againſt all the Cavaliers in the World. That we will maintain the known Laws, and ſubmit to be governed by no other Rule, but by the known Laws, untill they be lawfully reverſed, or others made by thoſe that are lawfully called hereunto, according to the conſtitution of the Kingdom; and in this Reſolution (by Gods grace, we will live and dye, therefore hitherto we yeeld.)

Thirdly, The third condition is; If they ſhall firſt manifeſt, by defending themſelves, and maintaining their own Rights, Liberties, and Intereſts, and ſuppreſſing any force and violence, raiſed, againſt thoſe and His Maieſty, to their power, to defend and preſerve Him from all tumults, affronts, and violence. Surely, If God pleaſe to bleſſe us, we will maintain our own Rights, Liberties, and Intereſts, otherwiſe we would never be at ſuch coſt and charges to maintain Warre, againſt thoſe that are riſen to take them away; and curſed be he that will not promiſe to the utmoſt of his power, to ſuppreſſe any tumults, fronts, violence, raiſed up againſt His Maieſty, we are hitherto agreed.

Fourthly, If they ſhall apprehend and commit to ſafe cuſtody the Perſons of thoſe foure men, who inrich themſelves with the ſpoyle and oppreſſion of His loving Subjects, and the ruin of the City, That His Maieſty may proceed againſt them by the courſe of Law, as guilty of high Treaſon, His Maieſty will ſpeedily return with His Royall, and not His Martiall Guard, &c. How? If we ſhall apprehend and commit to ſafe cuſtodie the Perſons of theſe four men; By what meanes, here is no legall way propounded, How muſt this be done? What? By an Inſurrection? What? Riſe up tumultuouſly againſt the Kings chief Officers? Surely, Now it appears, His Mareſty hath little hand in this Anſwer; Doth not His Maieſty complain of thoſe tumults that came to the Parliament, and cryed out, No Biſhops, no Biſhops? And ſhall we think, that He would have us riſe up in tumults, and cry, No Lord Mayor, no Lord Mayor? Do we ſeek to His Maieſty for peace, and ſhall we think, that He doth anſwer us, by putting us, upon a deſigne, to cut one anothers Throate? Shall we think that His Maieſty will teach His Subiects to rebell againſt Himſelf, in His Miniſters of Juſtice? Do we ſeek for peace abroad, and ſhall we ſuppoſe His Maieſty doth anſwer us by adviſing a courſe, for the ſpilling of one anothers blo • d at home? Surely no, Such a remedy is by farre worſe then the diſeaſe; If His Majeſty ſhall legally accuſe them to the Parliament, and they ſend in a legall manner for them, We will venture our lives to take them, if need ſhould be; but in the mean while they are not flying away: And we ſuppoſe they have little cauſe; and that we are ſpoyled, and oppreſt by them, and they inricht by us, was never our complaint unto His Majeſty, We could heartily wiſh there were no greater ſpoylers, and oppreſſors of the Kings Subiects in the Kingdom, then they are, we would be very unwilling to have the Cavaliers to come to relieve us from theſe ſpoylers. Therefore I hope London will be as wary in delivering up ſuch active and well affected Members to be ſacrificed to the malice of wicked men that have incenſed His Majeſty againſt them? as the Parliament (a leading example) have been in the very ſelf ſame caſe: And yet if His Majeſty hath any crime againſt any, or all of them, there is no queſtion, but the City of London, will as willingly ſurrender them up to the Juſtice of the Law in a lawfull proceeding againſt them, as the Parliament was. Well, in ſhort, wee ſee the tearms, upon which His Majeſty will grant our Petitions for peace; and truely, If this be the way for peace, viz. To intimate unto us in generall, without any legall, and orderly directions, to ſeize upon the Perſons of our chief Members of the Citie, which cannot be done but tumultuouſly, and (it is like) without ſhedding of bloud; we had rather be without it, then have it; we had rather waite for a better peace ſome other way: As for His Maieſties promiſes upon this courſe taken, Viz. That He will come with His Royall, and not His Martiall guard, and uſe His utmoſt endeavour, that we may hereafter enioy all the bleſſings of peace and plenty, &c. We believe then there will be no great need of His Martiall guard, and His endeavours for our peace and plenty, and the ſucceſſe thereof, we may read in thoſe Countries, where His Maieſty hath been with His Forces, and made promiſes of this nature, which will amount to a great deal of leſſe peace and plenty then now we have.

And therefore for the laſt part of the Authors reply, Viz. His Maieſties threatning, If we take not this courſe, If we continue to contribute our maintenance of the Army, under the Earl of Eſſex, &c. We reply only thus, (being in a great ſtraite) That we muſt, and by Gods help, will do the utmoſt that we can, while we have life and breath to maintain the Army raiſed up for the defence of our Religion, and Kingdom, under the command of the Earl of Eſſex; But we had rather (if God would pleaſe, that no more Engliſh bloud may be ſpilt in this Cauſe; but we ſee how the caſe ſtands with us, we muſt either ioyn with the Cavaliers in fighting againſt the Kingdom, the Goſpel, Parliament, Laws, and Liberties, or expect the utmoſt iſſue to our perill; and ſurely, we will rather ſtand to the iſſue of the leſſer evill, of ſorrow, rather then ſinne, and fight for, and not againſt the Kingdom.

The Author ſaith, His Maieſtie hopes, His good Subiects of London, will call to minde the Acts of their Predeceſſors, their Duty, Affection, Loyalty, and merit towards their Princes, the renown they have had with all poſteritie for, and the bleſſings of Heaven which alwayes accompanies thoſe vertues, and well conſider the ſcorne and infamy which unavoidably will follow them, and their children; if infinitely the meaner part in qualitie, and much the leſſer part in number, ſhall be able to alter the Government ſo admirably eſtabliſhed; Deſtroy the trade ſo excellently ſetled, and to waſte the wealth ſo induſtriouſly gotten, of that flouriſhing Citie; and then they will eaſily gather up the courage and reſolution, to ioyn with His Maieſty, in defence of that Religion, Law, and Liberty, which hitherto hath, and only can make themſelves, His Maieſty, and the whole Kingdom happy.

Surely this City doth call to minde (and for ever will) the acts of our Predeceſſors, their duty, affection, loyalty, and merit towards their Princes, the renowne they have had with all poſterity for, and the bleſſings of heaven which hath alwayes accompanyed theſe vertues; and will, and do conſider the ſcorne, and infamy, which unavoidably will follow us, and our children, if infinitely the meaner part in quality, and the leſſer part in number ſhall (notwithſtanding the aſsiſtance of all the Cavaliers in the Army, raiſed up againſt the Parliament, and all the Papiſts, and Atheiſts in the City, or Kingdom to help them) be able to alter the Government ſo admirably eſtabliſhed; Deſtroy the trade ſo excellently ſetled, and to waſte the wealth ſo induſtriouſly gotten of this flouriſhing Citie; as the Cavaliers have in many flouriſhing Cities, and Towues, where they have been; And therefore we will gather courage and reſolution to joyne with His Majeſty and Parliament, in the defence of that Religion, Law, and Liberty, which ſtands in oppoſition to popery and ſlavery, and can only make our ſelves, His Majeſty, and His Kingdom happy.

And notwithſtanding, with reference to the Common-wealth, his Maieſty may have concurrence with his Parliament at this diſtance is well as at White Hall, yet we ſhould thinke our ſelves infinitely ingaged unto his Maieſtie, if he will be pleaſed to come to his Parliament, and we think the whole Kingdom will reioyce at it, and (though his Maieſty hath concurred with their adviſe beyond the example of his Predcceſſors in paſſing of ſuch Bills, by which he willingly parted with many of his known Rights for the benefit of his ſubiects, which the fundamentall conſtitutions of this Kingdome did not oblige him unto, for which we are heartily thankefnll, yet would his Maieſty be pleaſed to leave that wicked Counſell about him, who adviſeth him to ioyne with them againſt his Parliament beyond the example of his Predeceſſors, and to take ſuch courſes whereby

Theſe Acts of Grace in pasſing Bills for the good of the Subjects, ſhall be voyde and of no uſe, but even the Parliament it ſelf and all our Lawes, Religion, and Liberty are in danger to bee utterly loſt and deſtroyed we ſhould ſurely then be eaſily perſwaded of his Majeſties cordiall love and reſpects unto us, and we know not what to doe, but ſtill to apply our ſelves unto his Majeſty, as we have done unto his Parliament, that ſuch juſt peaceable, and Honourable Propoſitions, may bee mutually tendred, that may beget a ſweet and happy concurrence betweene his Majeſty and Parliament.

We have ſeene the Petition; who would not ſubſcribe it; wee have ſeene the ſuppoſed anſwer, if true, who could have expected it? ſhall we be any longer deceived? then let us be for ever undon: it is no Religion but Popery; no Liberty, but ſlavery; which ſhall be our portion: doe not thinke that were it not for a few Browniſts and Anabaptiſts &c. all would be well, that theſe are the diſturbers of our Peace; I am no friend to ſuch as theſe; but let me live and die ſuch an one as thoſe that are falſely ſo called, no, no, ſuch Browniſts and Anabaptiſts, as were the cauſes of the Iriſh Rebellion (as all men may ſee) are the incendiaries of our troubles: Popery and ſlavery, hath a long time threatned this Nation: When abſolute prerogative gets upon the Throne, and the Pope upon the Church, what Subjects then but ſlaves? what Chriſtians, but Papiſts? ſhall we be cozened of our Religion and Liberty by lies, and hypocriſie? no peace is to be had, but either we muſt fight for it in hope of victory; or purchaſe it by perpetuall ſlavery; Warre is bitter God give us peace, Hell is hot; God give us truth, if we love our ſoules, let us fight for our Religion, if we love our poſterity let us fight for their Liberty; amongſt others theſe motives doth captivate my reſolutions: firſt the conſideration of the cauſe, it is for God it is for the Kingdome, if I fight for God, I ſhall have God though I looſe all, and that will make up all; if I decline God, though I enjoy all, I ſhall looſe God and then all will make up nothing, it is for Ieſus Chriſt; who would not help him to his glory? He hath fought with divine juſtice, with the curſe of the Law: with the Divell, with ſinne, with death for us, ſhall we not fight with man for him? we were his enemies when he did thus for us; hee is our Redeemer; what is now to deare for him? hee left Heaven to fetch us from Hell; what can we doe in requitall therefore? he is our Generall, mighty in battaile; who would not fight under his Standard, if ever, now is Chriſts cauſe on foot to affirme the contrary, is ſhameleſſe impudency, which to beleeve, is ſottiſh credulity, if Popery be piety then are we deceived in this controverſie; can Engliſh ingenuity be deceived with ſuch Romiſh falacy? It is for the Goſpell; who is ſo blind as once to doubt it? Life by it hath bin brought to light; ſhall we now loſe it; its a dore to glory; ſhall we let it be ſhut? Its a viſion of Heaven; ſhall we let it paſſe, pitty pitty, your poore poſterity, no Goſpell; no Chriſt, no Chriſt, no Glory: if ſo; woe, woe, that ever they were borne, beleive it; It is not Queene Elizabeths reformation, but Queene Maries Religion that will give content, put it to queſtion, doth the Rebells in Ireland, the Papiſts in England; the Catholique Army in the North; the popiſh in the South aime at and fight for Queene Elizabeths Reformation? It cannot but vexe an ingenious man to thinke that men ſhould bee ſuch fooles, as to be thus cheated. Secondly, It is the Kingdomes cauſe, the peace, the plenty; the ſecurity of the Kingdome lies a bleeding, England hitherto the envie, is like to be made the pitie of Nations: we may reade our diſmall quality in Irelands miſery; inſtead of beauty we ſhall have baldneſſe, and of garments a rent; farwell the bleating of ſheepe, the lowing of Oxen, the Calves of our ſtall; and the heards of our flockes; inſtead of our muſick ſhall ring in our eares the pittifull cries of deareſt wives, with wringing hands and 〈◊〉 eyes; deareſt husbands, bread, bread, can pitifull mothers endure the cries of tender babes, with blubber'd cheekes, and bleared eyes, mother, mother, bread, bread, what a harſh and unuſuall diſcourſe will this bee amongſt our delicate women; Let us eat your childe to day; and you ſhall have mine to morrow: how will all faces gather blackneſſe and all hearts ſadneſſe, when death climes up at our windowes, and there is nothing but lamentations in the houſes, and cries in the ſtreet; when our young men ſhall fall, and our old men faint, and no man knowes how long? doe we not ſee many from Ireland whoſe clothing was lately rich and food delicious, now clothd in raggs, glad of your cruſts, and thankfull for your old ſhooes? doth not the ſame blood of the Iriſh Rebellion run in the veines of diſtracted England, and hath it not wrought the ſame bloudy effects up and downe throughout the Kingdome? what diſmall groanings of murthered men, ſcreiching women and crying children will fill our eares in every houſe? in a word; did we know the effects of Warre we would ſtudy Peace, pray for peace, petition for peace; and if wee could not prevaile, we would give out our ſelves to all that we have to fight for, our peace againſt the enemies thereof, that ſome ſuddaine end might be put to the Warre.

Thirdly conſider the example of our Adverſaries, how do they joyne together as one man againſt us: who would have thought ſuch a war ſo expenſive ſhould be carried on in Ireland, and now in England by voluntary contributions amongſt the Papiſts as we ſee it is? ſhall the Pope have greater intereſt in Papiſts, than Chriſt in Chriſtians? ſhall hee call for the asſiſtance of Papiſts and they run, and ride, travell beyond Seas, flie into Holland, France, Germany Denmarke, every where for help? and ſhall we doe nothing? doe Papiſts forget all their intereſts in wives, children, Countries dwellings. Eſtates, gather into Armies, venture their lives for the Pope? and ſhall Chriſt call for help, and ſhall we ſit ſtill? hath the Pope done more for Papiſts, than Chriſt for Chriſtians? hath the Pope ſhed his bloud for them? ſuffered wrath for them? adopted them unto God pluckt them out of the ſnares of death? hath not Chriſt don all this for us? hath the power of the Maſſe-Booke prevailed more with Papiſts in the cauſe of their Lord God the Pope; then the Bible with Chriſtians to doe for their Lord Ieſus Chriſt? can the Pope protect in Battells, ſucceed Battells, proſper battells like unto Chriſt? can the Pope, reward our labours, make up breaches, repay, loſſes looke to widdowes and fathertheleſſe, crowne with Glory like Ieſus Chriſt? let us be aſhamd of our pretended Chriſtianity, if Chriſts cauſe hath in us no greater efficacy: In ſhort, let us take what ſpeedy courſe we can to redeeme all or wee looſe all; pray for the peace of Ieruſalem, and the ruine of Babylon; ſtudy the peace of Ieruſalem and the ruine of Babylon, fight for the peace of Ieruſalem and the ruine of Babylon, Chriſt and his Goſpell, Religion, Lawes, Liberties, Eſtates, Trades, Wives, Children, all accommodations of ſoule and body, calls and cries, begs and intreats, if wee have any bowels of love and compasſion, we would not give back but now give out our helpe, and thinke upon ſome ſuddaine, certaine, continued courſe by ſome generall aſiſtant, that the burthen being put upon many ſhoulders, every man might beare with eaſe and delight; whereby we may both proſecute and purchaſe our peace peace is our quarrell, peace is our prayer, let peace bee our ſtudy and endeavours, and Peace ſhall bee our reward.

FJNJS.