Pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, The sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true Protestant English-man, and well-wisher to posterity.

Pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, The sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true Protestant English-man, and well-wisher to posterity.

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IF Men within themſelves would be govern'd by Reaſon, and not generally give up their Underſtandings to a double Tyranny, of Cuſtom from without, and blind Affections within, they would diſcern better what it is to favour and uphold the Tyrant of a Nation. But being Slaves within Doors, no wonder that they ſtrive ſo much, to have the publick State conformably govern'd to the inward vicious Rule by which they govern themſelves; for indeed none can love Freedom heartily but good Men, the reſt love not Freedom but Licenſe, which never hath more Scope or greater Indulgence than under Tyrants: Hence it is that Tyrants are not often offended with, nor ſtand much in doubt of bad Men, as being all naturally Servile, but in whom Virtue and true Worth is moſt eminent, them they fear in earneſt, as by right their Maſters, againſt them lies all their Hatred and Suſpicion. Conſequently neither do bad Men hate Tyrants, but have been always readieſt, with the falſified Names of Loyalty and Obedience, to colour over their baſe Servile Compliances. And although ſometimes for ſhame, and when it comes to their own Grievances of Purſe or Profit, eſpecially, they would ſeem good Patriots, and ſide with the better Cauſe, yet when others, for the deliverance of their Country, indu'd with Fortitude and Heroick Virtue, to fear nothing but the Curſe againſt thoſe that do the work of the Lord negligently, Jer. 48.10. would go on to remove not only the Calamities and Thraldoms of a People, but the Roots and Cauſes whence they ſpring; ſtraight theſe Men, as if they hated the Miſeries, but not the Miſchiefs, after they have Juggled and paltred with the World, reflected on their King, and provok'd Perſons to bear Arms againſt him; nay, forc'd him to fly the Land, and curs'd him all over it, to the engaging of ſincere and real Men beyond what is poſſible or honeſt to retreat from; not only turn Revolters from thoſe Principles which only could at firſt move them, but lay the ſtain of Diſloyalty and worſe, on thoſe Proceedings, which juſt before, themſelves ſeem'd to deſire and promote, and which are the neceſſary Conſequences of their own late Actions; nor would they now perhaps ſhew any diſlike to, did they not fear they will not be managed intirely to the Advantages of their own Faction, not conſidering the while, that he, toward whom they would boaſt their reviv'd and almoſt loſt Loyalty, [Page] counts them acceſſary, and will, if ever he gets Power, by thoſe Laws and Statutes which they have frequently and inhumanly brandiſh'd againſt others, doom them to the death of Traytors, for what they have done already.

Others there are too, who not long ago ſeem'd fierce againſt their King, under the juſt Notions of a Tyrant, an Jncroacher on the Rights of the People, a Diſpencer with the Laws, and a Promoter of all Arbitrary and Illegal Actions; Yet when God, out of his merciful Providence, and ſingular Love, hath deliver'd him over to follow ſuch Councils and Methods, as have induc'd him to rid us of ſuch an Enemy to the Publick Good as himſelf was, on a ſudden, and in a new Garb of Allegiance (which their late doings ſeem'd to have cancel'd) plead for him, pitty him, extol him, and proteſt againſt thoſe that talk of Excluding him from the Government of theſe Nations, which by his Arbitrary Actings he has juſtly Forfeited. But certainly if we conſider who, and what theſe are, on a ſudden grown ſo pittiful; we may conclude their pitty can be no True and Chriſtian Commiſeration, but either Lenity or Shallowneſs of Mind, or elſe a carnal admiring of that Worldly Pomp and Greatneſs from whence they ſee him fallen; or rather, laſtly, a diſſembled and Seditious Pitty, feigned of Induſtry to beget new Commotions.

As for Mercy, if it be to a Tyrant, undoubtedly it is the Mercy of Wicked Men, and their Mercies (we read) are Cruelties, who would hazard the Wellfare of a whole Nation to ſave him, who rather than have fail'd in the Accompliſhment of his Arbitrary and Popiſh Deſigns (had it lain in his Power) would have ſet the whole World on Fire. There is yet another ſort, who coming in the courſe of their Affairs, or by choice of the People, to have a ſhare in great great Actions now in Agitation, at leaſt to give their Voice and Approbation therein, begin to ſwerve and almoſt ſhiver at the Majeſty and Grandeur of this Noble Deed, as if they were newly entered into a great Sin, diſputing Preſidents, Forms and Circumſtances, when the Commonwealth nigh Periſhes for want of Deeds in Subſtance, done with juſt and faithful Expedition. To theſe I wiſh better Inſtruction, and Virtue equal to their Calling; the former of which (that is to ſay Inſtruction) I ſhall endeavour, as my duty is, to beſtow on them; but conſidering what Attempts are daily made to withdraw the Nation from their Duty, and cauſe them to miſtake their Intereſt, I will crave leave briefly to exhort them all not to ſtart from the neceſſary, juſt, and pious Reſolution, of adhering [Page] with all their aſſiſtance, to thoſe to whom (next under the Divine Providence) we owe our Deliverance from Popery, Tyranny, and Arbitrary Government, and the Safety both of our Lives and Eſtates. And fi [...]ſt, [...]et not any be diſcouraged by any New, Seditious, Fooliſh, or Apoſtate Scare-crows, who under ſhew of giving Counſel, ſend out their barking Monitories, Mementoes, Speeches, and Advices, empty of ought elſe, but the Spleen of a Fooliſh and fruſtrated Faction; for how can that pretended Counſel be either Sound or Faithful, when they that give it, ſee not, for Madneſs and Vexation of their Ends loſt, that thoſe Statutes and Scriptures, which both Falſly and Scandalouſly they wreſt againſt us, would, by Sentence of the common Adverſary, fall firſt and heavieſt upon their own Heads? Neither let mild and tender Diſpoſitions be Fooliſhly ſoftened from their Duty and Perſeverance, with the unmaſculine Rhetorick of any puling Prieſt, Chaplain, or Prelate, either in their Pulpits (which have conſtantly been made the place whence Revilings and Curſes, inſtead of Chriſtian Doctrine and Exhortations, have been paſſionately emitted) or in their Papers, pretended to be ſent as Friendly Letters of Advice; or the like, for faſhion-ſake in private, and forthwith publiſh'd by the Sender himſelf, that we may know how much of Friend there was in it, to caſt an odious Envy on him, to whom it was pretended to be ſent in Charity.

Nor laſtly, Let any man be deluded by either the Ignorance, or notorious Hypocriſie, and Self-repugnance of ſome of our Dancing Clergy, who have the Conſcience and the Boldneſs to come with Scripture in their Mouths, gloſ'd and fitted for their turns, with a double contradictory Senſe; transforming the Sacred Verity of God to an Idol with two Faces, looking at once two ſeveral ways, and with Quotations to charge others, which in the ſame Cauſe, they have at other times made ſerve to juſtifie themſelves; for, while the hopes to have that unlawful and unlimited Power, which their late Kings gave them (as finding them the moſt fit and chief Inſtruments to ſerve their Arbitrary ends) continued to them by the preſent Powers led them on, then to Write and Fight againſt the Kings Party was Lawful, it was no reſiſting of Superior Powers, they only were Powers not to be, reſiſted, who countenanc'd the Good, and puniſh'd the Evil: But now that they are (we hope) juſtly afraid their unſufferable and unchriſtian Domineering, Perſecuting, Lordly Power will be abridg'd and taken away, and themſelves depriv'd of thoſe vaſt Revenues which the moſt of them conſume Riotouſly, [Page] and Pluralities to be now no more, now to talk of bringing all Delinquents without Exception or Exemption to a fair Tryal, is to be no leſs than Corah, Dathan and Abiram. He, who but ere while was induſtriouſly by them reported to be a Tyrant, an enemy to Cod, the Proteſtant Religion, and Liberty of People, is now (though not one jot more Penitent, or altered from his Principles) a Lawful Magiſtrate, a Sovereign Lord, the Lords Anointed, not to be touch'd, though by themſelves forc'd to fly. Good God! what Inconſtancy, what Folly and Madneſs poſſeſſes the Breaſts of this People, to what a miſerable Slavery would they lead us, and how fond and eager do they ſeem, to have him rule over us, who (like the Stork in the Fable) has, and would make it his greateſt delight, to devour the beſt of Free-born Subjects? But hoping all their Attempts, to bring us to our old Slavery, will be blaſted, and that their eagerneſs in proſecuting them, will make us the more reſolv'd to confound both them and their Devices, I ſhall leave this Subject, and (according to my promiſe) endeavour to give ſuitable Inſtruction on to thoſe laſt and fearful ſort of People I mentioned but now. To begin then, who in particular is a Tyrant, cannot be determin'd in a general Diſcourſe, otherwiſe than by Suppoſition, his particular charge, and the ſufficient proof of it muſt determine that, which I leave to Magiſtrates, at leaſt to the uprighter ſort of them, and of the People (though in number leſs by many) thoſe in whom Faction and Intereſt leaſt have prevailed above the Law of Nature and right Reaſon, to judge as they find: But this I dare own as part of my Faith, that if ſuch a one there be, by whoſe Commiſſion Cities have been burnt, Royal Relations Murther'd, Multitudes of Innocent Subjects Butcher'd, Nobles taken off by Sham-Plots, Poyſon, Perjuries or Maſſacres; part of his Kingdom promiſed as their ſhare, whom he had ſollicited to help him to deſtroy his Proteſtant Subjects, and an Impoſtor put on the Nation to deprive the next Heir of the Crown; I ſay if ſuch a one there is, be he King, or Tyrant, or Emperor, the Sword of Juſtice is above him, in whoſe hand ſoever is found ſufficient Power to avenge the Effuſion of ſo much Innocent Blood, and thoſe other unſpeakable wicked Tyrannies.

For if all Humane Power to execute, not accidentally but intendedly, the Wrath of God upon Evil Doers without Exception, be of God; then that Power, whether Ordinary, or if that fail, Extraordinary, ſo executing that intent of God is lawful, and not to be reſiſted. But to unfold more at large this whole Queſtion, though [Page] with all expedient Brevity, I ſhall here ſet down, from the firſt beginning, the Original of Kings; how and wherefore exalted to that Dignity above their Brethren; and from thence ſhall prove, that turning to Tyranny they may be as lawfully Depos'd and Puniſh'd, as they were at firſt Elected: This I ſhall do by Authorities and Reaſons, not learn'd among Schiſms and Hereſies, as our doubting Divines are ready to calumniate, but fetch'd out of the midſt of choiceſt and authentick Learning, and no prohibited, nor many Heathen, but Moſaical, Chriſtian, and Orthodoxal Authors.

No man that knows any thing, can be ſo ſtupid to deny, that all men naturally were born Free, being the Image and reſemblance of God himſelf, and were by Priviledge above all the Creatures, born to command, and not to obey; and that they lived ſo, till from the root of Adam's Tranſgreſſion, falling among themſelves to do Wrong and Violence, and foreſeeing that ſuch courſes muſt needs tend to the deſtruction of them all, they agreed by common League, to bind each other from mutual Injury, and joyntly to defend themſelves againſt any that gave diſturbance or oppoſition to ſuch agreement: Hence come Cities, Towns and Commonwealths. And becauſe no Faith in all was found ſufficiently binding, they ſaw it needful to ordain ſome Authority, that might reſtrain by Force and Puniſhment, what was violated againſt Peace and common Right: The Authority and Power of Self-defence and Preſervation, being originally and naturally in every one of them, and united in them all, for eaſe and for order. And, left each man ſhould be his own partial Judge, they communicated and derived either to one, whom for the eminency of his Wiſdom and Integrity they choſe above the reſt, or to more than one, whom they thought of equal deſerving: The firſt was called a King, the other Magiſtrates. Not to be their Lords and Maſters (though afterwards thoſe Names in ſome places, were given voluntarily to ſuch as had been Authors of ineſtimable good to the People) but, to be their Deputies and Commiſſioners, to execute by virtue of their intruſted Power, that Juſtice which elſe every Man, by the Bond of Nature and of Covenant, muſt have executed for himſelf, and for one another. And to him that ſhall conſider well, why among Free Perſons, one Man by civil Right ſhould bear Authority and Juriſdiction over another, no other end or reaſon can be imaginable. Theſe, for a while, governed well, and with much Equity decided all things at their own Arbitrement; till the Temptation of ſuch a Power left absolute [Page] in their hands, perverted them at length to injuſtice and Partiality. Then did they who now by tryal had found the danger and inconveniencies of committing Arbitrary Power to any, invent Laws either framed or conſented to by all, that ſhould confine and limit the Authority of whom they choſe to govern them: that ſo man, of whoſe failing they had proof, might no more rule over them, but Law and Reaſon abſtracted as much as might be from perſonal Errors and Frailties. When this would not ſerve, but that the Law was either not executed, or miſapplied, they were conſtrained from that time, the only Remedy left them, to put Conditions and take Oaths from all Kings and Magiſtrates at their firſt Inſtallment, to do impartial Juſtice by Law; who upon thoſe terms and no other, received Allegiance from the People, that is to ſay, Bond or Covenant, to obey them in Execution of thoſe Laws which they the People had themſelves made or aſſented to. And this often times with expreſs warning, that if the King or Magiſtrate proved unfaithful to his Truſt, the People would be diſingaged. They added alſo Counſellors and Parliaments, not to be only at his beck, but with him or without him, at ſet times, or at all times, when any Danger threatned, to have care of the Publick Safety. Therefore, ſaith Claudius Seſell a French Stateſman, The Parliament was ſet as a bridle to the King; which I inſtance rather, becauſe that Monarchy is granted by all to be a far more Abſolute than ours. That this and the reſt of what hath hitherto been ſpoken, is moſt true, might be copiouſly made appear throughout all Stories Heathen and Chriſtian, even of thoſe Nations where Kings and Emperors have ſought means to aboliſh all Ancient Memory of the Peoples Right, by their Encroachments and Uſurpations. But I ſpare long Inſertions, appealing to the German, French, Italian, Arragonian, Engliſh, and not leaſt the Scottiſh Hiſtories: Not forgetting this only by the way, that William the Norman, though a pretended Conqueror, and not unſworn at his Coronation, was compelled a ſecond time to take Oath at St. Albans, ere the People would be brought to yield Obedience.

Firſt, It being thus manifeſt that the Power of Kings and Magiſtrates is nothing elſe, but what is only derivative, transferr'd and committed to them in truſt from the People to the common good of them all, in whom the Power yet remains Fundamentally, and canot be taken from them, without a violation of their natural Birth-right: And ſeeing that from hence Ariſtotle and [Page] the beſt of Political Writers have defin'd a King, him who Governs to the good and profit of his People, and not for his own ends, it follows from neceſſary cauſes, that the Titles of Soveraign Lord, Natural Lord, and the like, are either Arrogancies or Flatteries, not admitted by Emperors and Kings of beſt Note, and diſliked by the Church both of Jews, Iſa. 26.13. and ancient Chriſtians, as appears by Tertullian and others. Although generally the People of Aſia, and with them the Jews alſo, eſpecially ſince the time they choſe a King, againſt the advice and counſel of God, are noted by wiſe Authors much inclinable to Slavery.

Secondly, That to ſay, as is uſual, the King hath as good right to his Crown and Dignity as any Man to his Inheritance, is to make the Subject no better than the King's Slave, his Chattel or his Poſſeſſion that may be bought and ſold: And doubtleſs, if hereditary Title were ſufficiently enquired, the beſt Foundation of it would be found but either in Courteſie or Convenience. But ſuppoſe it to be of right hereditary, what can be more juſt and legal, if a Subject for certain Crimes, be to forfeit by Law from himſelf and Poſterity, all his Inheritance to the King, than that a King for Crimes proportional, ſhould forfeit all his Title and Inheritance to the People, unleſs the People muſt be thought Created all for him, he not for them, and they all in one Body Inferior to him ſingle; which were a kind of Treaſon againſt the dignity of Mankind to affirm.

Thirdly, It follows, that to ſay Kings are accountable to none but God, is the overturning of all Law and Government. For if they may refuſe to give account, then all Covenants made with them at Coronation; all Oaths are in vain, and meer Mockeries; all Laws which they ſwear to keep, made to no purpoſe; for if the King fear not God, (as how many of them do not?) We hold then our Lives and Eſtates, by the tenure of his meer Grace and Mercy, as from a God, not a mortal Magiſtrate; a poſition that none but Court Paraſites or Men Beſotted would maintain. And no Chriſtian Prince not drunk with high mind, and prouder than thoſe Pagan Caeſars, that Deifi'd themſelves, would arrogate ſo unreaſonably above human condition, or derogate ſo baſely from a whole Nation of Men his Brethren, as if for him only ſubſiſting, and to ſerve his Glory, valuing them in compariſon of his own brute will and pleaſure, no more than ſo many Beaſts or Vermin under his feet, not to be reaſoned with, but to be injur'd among whom there might be found ſo many thouſand men, for Wiſdom, Vertue, nobleneſs [Page] of mind, and other reſpects, but the fortune of his Dignity, of above him. Yet ſome would perſwade us, that this abſurd opinion was King David's; becauſe in the 51 Pſalm, he crys out to God, Againſt thee only have I Sinned; as if David had imagined, that to Murther Uriah and Adulterate his Wife, had been no ſin againſt his Neighbour, when as that Law of Moſes was to the King expreſly; Deut. 17. not to think ſo highly of himſelf above his Brethren. David therefore by thoſe words, could mean no other, than either that the depth of his guiltineſs was known to God only, or to ſo few as had not the will or power to queſtion him, or that the ſin againſt God was greater beyond compare, than againſt Uriah. What ever his meaning were, any wiſe Man will ſee, that the pathetical words of a Pſalm can be no certain deciſion to a point that hath abundantly more certain rules to go by. How much more rationally ſpake the Heathen King Demophoon, in a Tragedy of Enripides, than theſe Interpreters would put upon King David; I rule not my People by Tyranny, as if they were Barbarians, but am my ſelf liable, if I do unjuſtly, to ſuffer juſtly. Not unlike was the Speech of Trajan the worthy Emperor, to one whom he made General of his Praetorian Forces. Take this drawn Sword, ſaith he, to uſe for me, if I Reign well, if not, to uſe againſt me. Thus Dion relates, and not Trajan only. But Theodoſius the younger, a Chriſtian Emperor, and one of the beſt, cauſed it to be Enacted as a rule undeniable, and fit to be acknowledged by all Kings and Emperors, That a Prince is bound to the Laws; that on the Authority of Law the Authority of a Prince depends, and to the Laws ought to ſubmit. Which Edict of his remains yet unrepealed in the Code of Juſtinian, lib. 1. tit. 24. as a ſacred Conſtitution to all the Succeeding Emperors. How then can any King in Europe maintain and write himſelf accountable to none but God, when Emperors in their own Imperial Statutes, have written and decreed themſelves accountable to Law. And indeed where ſuch account is not fear'd, he that bids a Man Reign over him above Law, may bid as well a Savage Beaſt.

It follows laſtly, That the King or Magiſtrate holds his Authority of the People, both Originally and Naturally, for their good in the firſt Place, and not his own; then may the People as oft as they ſhall judge it for the beſt, either chuſe him, or reject him, retain him, or depoſe him, though no Tyrant, meerly by the Liberty and Right of free-born Men, to be Govern'd as ſeems to them beſt. This, though it cannot but ſtand with plain reaſon, ſhall be made good [Page] alſo by Scripture, Deut. 17.14. When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and ſhalt ſay, I will ſet a King over me, like as all the Nations about me. Theſe words confirm us, that the right of chooſing, yea of changing their own Government, is by the Grant of God himſelf in the People. And therefore when they deſired a King, though then under another form of Government, and though their changing diſpleaſed him, yet he that was himſelf their King, and rejected by them, would not be a hindrance to what they intended, further than by perſwaſion, but that they might do therein as they ſaw good, 1 Sam. 8. only he reſerv'd to himſelf the nomination of who ſhould Reign over them. Neither did that exempt the King as if he were to God only accountable, though by his eſpecial command Anointed. Therefore David firſt made a Covenant with the Elders of Iſrael, and ſo was by them anointed King, 1 Chron. 11. And Jehoiadah the Prieſt, making Jehoaſh King, made a Covenant between him and the People, 2 Kings, 11.17. Therefore, when Rehoboam at his coming to the Crown, rejected thoſe conditions which the Iſraelites brought him; hear what they anſwer him, What portion have we in David, or Inheritance in the Son of Jeſſe? See to thine own houſe David. And for the like conditions not perform'd, all Iſrael before that time, Depoſed Samuel; not for his own default, but for the miſgovernment of his Sons. But ſome will ſay to both theſe Examples, it was evilly done. I anſwer, that not the latter, becauſe it was expreſly allow'd them in the Law to ſet up a King if they pleas'd; and God himſelf joyn'd with them in the Work; though in ſome ſort it was at that time diſpleaſing to him, in reſpect of old Samuel, who had govern'd them uprightly. As Livy praiſes the Romans who took occaſion from Tarquinius, a wicked Prince, to gain their Liberty, which to have extorted ſaith he, from Numa or any of the good Kings before, had not been ſeaſonable. Nor was it in the former Example done unlawfully; for when Rehoboam had prepar'd a huge Army to reduce the Iſraelites, he was forbidden by the Prophet, 1 Kings 12.24. Thus ſaith the Lord, Ye ſhall not go up, nor fight againſt your Brethren, for this thing is from me. He calls them their Brethren, not Rebels, and forbids to be proceeded againſt them, owning the thing himſelf; not by ſingle Providence, but by approbation, and that not only of the Act, as in the former Example, but of the fit Seaſon alſo; he had not otherwiſe forbid to moleſt them. And thoſe grave and wiſe Counſellors whom Rehoboam firſt advis'd with, ſpake no ſuch thing, as [Page] our old gray headed Flatterers now are wont; ſtand upon your Birth-right, ſcorn to capitulate, you hold of God, and not of them; for they know no ſuch matter, unleſs conditionally, but gave him politick Counſel, as in a civil Tranſaction. Therefore Kingdom and Magiſtracy, whether Supream or Subordinate, is called a human Ordinance, 1 Pet. 2.13. &c. Which we are there taught, is the will of God, we ſhould ſubmit to, ſo far as for the puniſhment of Evil doers, and the encouragement of them that do well. Submit, ſaith he, as Free-men. And there is no power but of God, ſaith Paul, Rom. 13. as much as to ſay, God put it into mans heart to find out that way at firſt, for common Peace and Preſervation, approving the exerciſe thereof; elſe it contradicts Peter, who calls the ſame Authority an Ordinance of Man. It muſt be alſo underſtood of Lawful and Juſt Power, elſe we read of great power in the Affairs and Kingdoms of the World permitted to the Devil: For ſaith he to Chriſt, Luke 4.6. All this power will I give thee, and the glory of them, for it is delivered to me, and to whomſoever I will, I give it: Neither did he lie, or Chriſt gainſay what he affirm'd: For in the 13. of the Revelations, we read how the Dragon gave to the Beaſt his power, his ſeat, and great authority: Which Beaſt ſo authorized, moſt expound to be the tyrannical Powers and Kingdoms of the Earth. Therefore St. Paul in the fore-cited Chapter tells us, that ſuch Magiſtrates, he means, as are not a terror to the good, but to the evil, ſuch as bear not the Sword in vain, but to puniſh Offenders, and to encourage the Good. If ſuch only be mentioned here as powers to be obeyed, and our ſubmiſſion to them only required, then doubtleſs thoſe powers that do the contrary, are no powers ordained of God, and by conſequence no obligation laid upon us to obey, or not to reſiſt them. And it may be well obſerved that both theſe Apoſtles, when ever they give this Precept, expreſs it in terms not concret, but abſtract, as Logicians are wont to ſpeak, that is, they mention the Ordinance, the Power, the Authority before the Perſons that execute it, and what that power is, left we ſhould be deceived; they deſcribe exactly. So that if the power be not ſuch, or the Perſon execute not ſuch power, neither the one nor the other is of God, but of the Devil, and by conſequence to be Reſiſted. From this expoſition Chryſoſtom alſo on the ſame Place diſſents not, explaining, that theſe words were not written in behalf of a Tyrant. And this is verified by David, himſelf a King, and likelieſt to be Author of the, Pſalm 94.20. which [Page] ſaith, Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowſhip with thee? And it were worth the knowing, ſince Kings, and that by Scripture, boaſt the juſtneſs of their Title, by holding it immediately of God, yet cannot ſhew the time when God ever ſet on the Throne them or their Forefathers, but only when the People choſe them; why, by the ſame reaſon, ſince God aſcribes as often to himſelf the caſting down of Princes from the Throne, it ſhould not be thought as Lawful, and as much from God, when none are ſeen to do it but the People, and that for juſt Cauſes. For if it needs muſt be a ſin in them to Depoſe, it may as likely be a ſin to have Elected. And Contrary, if the Peoples Act in Election be pleaded by a King, as the Act of God, and the moſt juſt Title to Enthrone him, why may not the Peoples Act of Rejection be as well pleaded by the People, as the Act of God, and the moſt juſt Reaſon of Depoſe him? So that we ſee the Title and juſt Right of Reigning or Depoſing, in reference to God, is found in Scripture to be all one; viſible only in the People, and depending meerly upon Juſtice and Demerit. Thus far hath been conſidered briefly the Power of Kings and Magiſtrates, how it was, and is originally the Peoples, and by them conferred in Truſt only to be imployed to the common Peace and Benefit; with Liberty therefore and Right remaining in them to reaſſume it to themſelves, if by Kings and Magiſtrates it be abus'd; or to diſpoſe of it by any Alteration, as they ſhall judge moſt conducing to the Publick Good.

We may from hence, with more eaſe and force of Argument, determine what a Tyrant is, and what the People may do againſt him. A Tyrant, whether by wrong or by right coming to the Crown, is he who regarding neither Law nor the Common Good, Reigns only for himſelf and his Faction: Thus St. Baſil, among others, defines him. And becauſe his Power is great, his Will boundleſs and exorbitant, the fulfilling whereof is for the moſt part accompanied with innumerable Wrongs and Oppreſſions of the People, Murders, Maſſacres, Rapes, Adulteries, Deſolation, and Subverſion of Cities and whole Provinces; look how great a good and happineſs a Juſt King is, ſo great a Miſchief is a Tyrant; as he the publick Father of his Country, ſo this the Common Enemy; againſt whom, what the People lawfully may do, as againſt a common Peſt, and deſtroyer of Mankind, I ſuppoſe no Man of clear judgment need go farther to be guided, than by the very Principles of Nature in him. But becauſe it is the Vulgar Folly of [Page] Men to deſert their own Reaſon, and ſhutting their Eyes, to think they ſee beſt with other Mens, I ſhall ſhew by ſuch Examples as ought to have moſt weight with us, what hath been done in this caſe heretofore. The Greeks and Romans, as their prime Authors witneſs, held it not only lawful, but a Glorious and Heroick Deed, rewarded publickly with Statues and Garlands, to kill an infamous Tyrant at any time without tryal; and but reaſon, that he who trod down all Law, ſhould not be vouchſafed the benefit of Law. Inſomuch that Seneca the Tragedian brings in Hercules the grand Suppreſſor of Tyrants, thus ſpeaking,

—Victima haud ulla amplior

Poteſt, magiſque opima mactari Jovi

Quàm Rex iniquus—

—There can be ſlain

No Sacrifice to God more acceptable

Than an unjuſt and wicked King—

But of theſe I name no more, leſt it be objected they were Heathen, and come to produce another ſort of Men that had the knowledge of true Religion. Amongſt the Jews this Cuſtom of Tyrant-killing was not unuſual. Firſt, Ehud, a Man whom God had raiſed to deliver Iſrael from Eglon King of Moab, who had conquered and ruled over them eighteen years, being ſent to him as an Ambaſſador with a Preſent, ſlew him in his own Hoaſe. But he was a Forreign Prince, an Enemy, and Ehud beſides had ſpecial warrant from God. To the firſt I anſwer, it imports not whether Forreign or Native, for no Prince ſo Native, but profeſſes to hold by Law, which when he himſelf overturns, breaking all the Covenants and Oaths that gave him Title to his Dignity, and were the Bond and Alliance between him and his People, what differs he from an Outlandiſh King or from an Enemy? For look how much Right the King of Spain hath to govern us at all, ſo much Right hath the King of England to govern us Tyrannically. If he, though not bound to us by any League, coming from Spain in Perſon to ſubdue us, or to deſtroy us, might lawfully, by the People of England, either be ſlain in Fight, or put to Death in Captivity, what hath a Native King to plead, bound by ſo many Covenants, Benefits and Honours to the wellfare of his People, why he through the [Page] contempt of all Laws and Parliaments, the only tye of our Obedience to him, for his own wills ſake, and a boaſted Prerogative unaccountable, after unſpeakable Damages done by him to the People of Great Britain for theſe many years, and being now fled to our greateſt Enemy, ſhould think to ſcape unqueſtionable, as a thing Divine, in reſpect of whom ſo great a number of Chriſtians deſtroy'd ſhould lye unaccounted for, polluting with their ſlaughtered Carcaſſes all the Land over, and crying for Vengeance againſt the Living that ſhould have righted them. Who knows not that there is a mutual Bond of Amity and Brotherhood between Man and Man over all the World, neither is it the Engliſh Sea that can ſever us from that Duty and Relation: A ſtraiter Bond yet there is between Fellow-ſubjects, Neighbours, and Friends: But when any of theſe do one to another ſo as Hoſtility could do no worſe, what doth the Law Decree leſs againſt them, than open Enemies and Invaders? Or if the Law be not preſent, or too weak, what doth it warrant us to leſs than ſingle Defence or Civil War? and from that time forward the Law of civil defenſive War differs nothing from the Law of Forreign Hoſtility. Nor is it diſtance of place that makes Enmity, but Enmity that makes diſtance. He therefore that keeps Peace with me near or remote of whatſoever Nation, is to me as far as all Civil and Human Offices an Engliſh-man and a Neighbour; but if an Engliſh-man forgetting all Laws, Humane, Civil and Religious, offend againſt Life and Liberty, to him offend and to the Law in his behalf, though born in the ſame Womb, he is no better than a Turk, a Saracen, a Heathen. This is Goſpel, and this was ever Law among Equals, how much rather then in Force againſt any King whatſoever, who in reſpect of the People is confeſs'd Inferior and not Equal: to diſtinguiſh therefore of a Tyrant by Outlandiſh or Domeſtick, is a weak Evaſion. To the ſecond, That he was an Enemy, I anſwer, what Tyrant is not? Yet Eglon by the Jews had been acknowledged as their Sovereign, they had ſerved him eighteen years, as long almoſt as we our William the pretended Conqueror, in all which time he could not be ſo unwiſe a Stateſman, but to have taken of them Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance, by which they made themſelves his proper Subjects, as their Homage and Preſent ſent by Ehud teſtified. To the Third, That he had ſpecial Warrant to kill Eglon in that manner, it cannot be granted, becauſe not expreſſed; it is plain that he was raiſed by God to be a Deliverer, and went [Page] on juſt Principles, ſuch as were then and ever held allowable, to deal ſo by a Tyrant that could no otherwiſe be dealt with. Neither did Samuel, though a Prophet, with his own hand abſtain from Agag, a Forreign Enemy no doubt, but mark the reaſon, As thy Sword hath made women childleſs; a cauſe that by the Sentence of Law it ſelf, nullifies all Relations. And as the Law is between Brother and Brother, Father and Son, Maſter and Servant, wherefore not between King, or rather Tyrant and People? And whereas Jehu had ſpecial command to ſlay Jeboram a Succeſſive and Hereditary Tyrant, it ſeems not the leſs imitable for that; for where a thing grounded ſo much on natural reaſon, hath the addition of a command from God, what does it but eſtabliſh the lawfulneſs of ſuch an Act. Nor is it likely that God, who had ſo many ways of puniſhing the Houſe of Ahab, would have ſent a Subject againſt his Prince, if the Fact in it ſelf, as done to a Tyrant, had been of bad Example. And if David refuſed to lift his hand againſt the Lords Anointed, the matter between them was not Tyranny, but private Enmity, and David, as a private Perſon, had been his own Revenger, not ſo much the Peoples; but when any Tyrant at this day can ſhew to be the Lords Annointed, the only mentioned reaſon why David withheld his hand, he may then, but not till then, preſume on the ſame Priviledge.

We may paſs therefore hence to Chriſtian times. And firſt our Saviour himſelf, how much he favour'd Tyrants, and how much intended they ſhould be found or honour'd among Chriſtians, declares his mind not obſcurely; accounting their abſolute Authority no better than Gentiliſm; yea, though they flouriſh'd it over with the ſplendid name of Benefactors; charging thoſe that would be his Diſciples to uſurp no ſuch dominion; but that they who were to be of moſt Authority among them, ſhould eſteem themſelves Miniſters and Servants to the Publick. Matt. 20.25. The Princes of the Gentiles exerciſe Lordſhip over them; and Mark 10.42. They that ſeem to Rule, ſaith he, either ſlighting or accounting them no lawful Rulers; but ye ſhall not be ſo, but the greateſt among you ſhall be your Servant. And although he himſelf were the meekeſt, and came on Earth to be ſo, yet to a Tyrant we hear him not vouchſafe and humble word: But, Tell that Fox, Luke 13. And wherefore: did his Mother the Virgin Mary, give ſuch praiſe to God in her Prophetick Song, that he had now by the coming of Chriſt, Cut down [Page]Dynaſta's or proud Monarchs from the Throne; if the Church when God manifeſts his power in them to do ſo, ſhould rather chooſe all miſery and vaſſalage to ſerve them, and let them ſtill ſit on their potent Seats, to be Ador'd for doing Miſchief. Surely it is not for nothing that Tyrants by a kind of natural inſtinct, both hate and fear none more than the true Church and Saints of God, as the moſt dangerous Enemies and Subverters of Monarchy, though indeed of Tyranny: Hath not this been the perpetual cry of Courtiers, and Court Prelates? whereof no likelier cauſe can be alledg'd but that they well diſcern'd the mind and principles of moſt devout and zealous Men, and indeed the very diſcipline of Church, tending to the diſſolution of all Tyranny. No marvel then if ſince the faith of Chriſt receiv'd in purer or impurer times, to Depoſe a King and put him to Death for Tyranny, hath been accounted ſo juſt and requiſite, that neighbour Kings have both upheld and taken part with Subjects in the Action. An Ludovicus Pius, himſelf an Emperor, and Son of Charles the Great, being made Judge, (Du Haillan is my Author) between Milegaſt King of the Vultzes and his Subjects, who had depos'd him, gave his Verdict for the Subjects, and for him whom they had choſen in his room. Note here, that the right of Electing whom they pleaſe, is by the impartial teſtimony of an Emperor in the People. For, ſaid he, A juſt Prince ought to be preferr'd before an unjuſt, and the end of Government before the Prerogative. And Conſtantinus Leo, another Emperor in the Byzantine Laws ſaith, That the end of a King is for the general good which he not performing, is but the counterfeit of a King. And to prove that, ſome of our own Monarchs have acknowledg'd, that their high Office exempted them not from Puniſhment; they had the Sword of St. Edward born before them by an Officer, who was called Earl of the Palace, even at the times of their higheſt Pomp and Solemnity, to mind them, ſaith Matthew Paris, the beſt of our Hiſtorians, that if they err'd, the Sword had power to reſtrain them. And what reſtraint the Sword comes to at length, having both edge and point, if any Sceptick will needs doubt, let him feel. It is alſo affirm'd from diligent ſearch made in our ancient Books of Law, that the Peers and Barons of England, had a legal right to judge the King: Which was the cauſe moſt likely, for it could be no ſlight cauſe, that they were call'd his Peers, or Equals. This however may ſtand immovable, ſo long as Man hath to deal with no better than Man; that if our Law judge all Men to the loweſt by their [Page] Peers, it ſhould in all Equity aſcend alſo, and judge the Higheſt. And ſo much I find both in our own and Foreign Story, that Dukes, Earls, and Marqueſſes, were at firſt not heriditary, not empty and vain Titles, but names of truſt and office, and with the office ceaſing, as induces me to be of Opinion, that every worthy man in Parliament, for the word Baron imports no more, might for the publick good be thought a fit Peer and judge of the King; without regard had petty Cavears and Circumſtances, the chief impediment in high Affairs, and ever ſtood upon moſt by circumſtantial men. Whence doubltleſs our Anceſtors who were not ignorant with what rights either Nature or ancient Conſtitution had endowed them, when Oaths both at Coronation and renew'd in Parliament would not ſerve, thought it no way illegal to Depoſe and put to Death their Tyrannous Kings; inſomuch, that the Parliament drew up a Charge againſt Richard the Second, and the Commons requeſted to have Judgment decree'd againſt him, that the Realm might not be endangered. And Peter Martyr, a Divine of foremoſt rank, on the third of Judges approves their doings. Sir Thomas Smith alſo, a Proteſtant and States man in his Commonwealth of England, putting the queſtion, Whether it be Lawful to riſe againſt a Tyrant? anſwers, That the Vulgar judge of it according to the event, and the Learned according to the purpoſe of them that do it, But far before thoſe days, Gildas the moſt Ancient of all our Hiſtorians, ſpeaking of thoſe times wherein the Roman Empire decaying, quitted and relinquiſh'd what right they had by Conqueſt to this Iſland, and reſign'd it all into Peoples hands teſtifies that the People thus reinveſted with their own Original Right, about the Year 446, both Elected them Kings, whom they thought beſt; (the firſt Chriſtian Britiſh Kings that ever Reign'd here ſince the Romans) and by the ſame Right, when they apprehended Cauſe, uſually Depos'd and put them to Death. This is the moſt fundamental and ancient Tenure that any King of England can produce or pretend to; in compariſon of which, all other Titles and Pleas are but of yeſterday. If any object that Gildas condemns the Britains for ſo doing, the Anſwer is as ready; that he condemns them no more for ſo doing, than he did before for chuſing ſuch; for ſaith he, They anointed them Kings; not of God, but ſuch as were more Bloody than the reſt. Next, he condemns them not at all for Depoſing or putting them to Death, but for doing it over hastily, without Tryal or well examining the cauſe, and for Electing others worſe in their room. Thus [Page] we have here both Domeſtick and moſt Ancient Examples, that the People of Britain have Depoſed and put to Death their Kings in thoſe Primitive Chriſtian times. And to couple Reaſon with Example, if the Church in all Ages, Primitive, Romiſh, or Proteſtant, held it ever no leſs their Duty, than the power of their Keys, though without expreſs warrant of Scripture, to bring indifferently both King and Peaſant under the utmoſt rigor of their Canons and Cenſures Eccleſiaſtical, even to the ſmiting him with a final Excommunication; if he perſiſt Impenitent, what hinders but the Temporal Law both may and ought, though without a ſpecial Text or Preſident, extend with like indifference the Civil Sword, to the cutting off without exemption, him that capitally offends, ſeeing that Juſtice and Religion are from the ſame God, and works of Juſtice oft-times more acceptable. Yet becauſe ſome of our late Paſſive Obèdience Men have wrote, That proceedings againſt Kings are without Preſidents, from any Proteſtant State or Kingdom, I will briefly rehearſe a few (of many) Examples, which ſhall be all Proteſtant.

In the year 1546. the Duke of Saxony, Lantgrave of Heſſen, and the whole Proteſtant League raiſed open War againſt Charles the Fifth their Emperor, ſent him a Defiance, renounced all Faith and Allegiance toward him, and debated long in Council, whether they ſhould give him ſo much as the Title of Caeſar. Sleidan l. 17. Let all Men judge what this wanted of Depoſing or of Killing, but the Power to do it.

In the Year 1559. the Scotch Proteſtants claiming Promiſe of their Queen Regent for Liberty of Conſcience, ſhe anſwering, That Promiſes were not to be claimed of Princes, beyond what was commodious for them to grant; told her to her Face in the Parliament then at Sterling, that if it were ſo, they renounced their Obedience; and ſoon after betook them to Arms. Buchanan, Hiſt. l. 16. Certainly when Allegiance is renounced, that very hour the King or Queen is in effect Depoſed.

In the Year 1564. John Knox a moſt Famous Divine, and the Reformer of Scotland, at a general Aſſembly, maintained openly in a Diſpute againſt Lethington the Secretary of State, that Subjects might and ought execute Gods Judgments upon their King; that the Fact of Jehu and others againſt their King, having the Ground of Gods ordinary Command, to put ſuch and ſuch Offenders to Death, was not Extraordinary, but to be imitated of all that preferred [Page] the Honour of God to the affection of Fleſh and wicked Princes; that Kings, if they offend, have no Priviledge to be exempted from the Puniſhments of Law, more than any other Subject; ſo that if the King be a Murtherer, Adulterer or Idolater, he ſhould ſuffer not as a King, but as an Offender; This Poſition he repeats again and again before them. Anſwerable was the Opinion of John Craig another Learned Divine; and that Laws made by the Tyranny of Princes, or the Negligence of People, their Poſterity might Abrogate, and Reform all things according to the Original Inſtitution of Commonwealths; and Knox being commanded by the Nobility to write to Calvin, and other Learned Men, for their Judgements in that Queſtion, refuſed; alledging, that both himſelf was fully reſolved in Conſcience, and had heard their Judgments, and had the ſame opinion under Hand writing of many the moſt Godly, and moſt Learned that he knew in Europe; that if he ſhould move the Queſtion to them again, what ſhould he do but ſhew his own Forgetfulneſs and Inconſtancy? All this is far more largely in the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory of Scotland, lib. 4. with many other Paſſages to this effect all the Book over; ſet out with Diligence, by Scotch-men, of beſt Repute among them, to let the World know, that the whole Church, and Proteſtant State of Scotland, in thoſe pureſt times of Reformation, were of the ſame Belief, three years after, they met in the Field Mary their Lawful and Hereditary Queen, took her Priſoner, yielding before Fight, kept her in Priſon, and the ſame year Depoſed her. Buch. Hiſt. lib. 18. And four years after that, the Scots, in Juſtification of their Depoſing Queen Mary, ſent Ambaſſadors to Queen Elizabeth, and in a Written Declaration alledg'd, that they had uſed towards her more Lenity than ſhe deſerved; that their Anceſtors had heretofore puniſh'd their Kings by Death or Baniſhment; that the Scots were a Free Nation, made King whom they Freely Choſe, and with the ſame Freedom Unking'd him if they ſaw cauſe, by Right of ancient Laws and Ceremonies, yet remaining, and Old Cuſtoms yet among the High-landers, in chooſing the Head of their Clans or Families; all which, with many other Arguments, bore witneſs, that Regal Power was nothing elſe but a mutual Covenant, or Stipulation between King and People. Buchan. Hiſt. lib. 20. Nor did our Queen, at the earneſt Desires of both Houſes of Parliament, forbear to take off her Head, though a Crown'd one, and the Reaſons which were urged by our Learned Biſhops, and others, for the Queens Encouragement [Page] in, and ſpeedy Execution of that great act of Juſtice, being ſo very Remarkable, and Convincing, I think it not amiſs to tranſcribe a few of them (which may be read more at large in Sir. S. D'Ewes Journal) which are as follow, (viz.)

For that they had a long time, to their intolerable Grief, ſeen by how manifold moſt dangerous and execrable Practices, the ſaid Queen of Scots had compaſſed the Deſtruction of her Majeſties Perſon, thereby not only to bereave them of the Sincere and True Religion of Almighty God, bringing them and this Noble Crown back again into the Thraldom of the Romiſh Tyranny, but alſo utterly to ruinate and overthrow the happy State and Commonweale of this moſt Noble Realm; to baniſh and deſtroy the Profeſſors and Profeſſing of the True Religion of Jeſus Chriſt, and the Ancient Nobility of this Land, and to bring this whole State and Common-weale to Forreign Subjection, and to utter Ruine and Confuſion; which Malicious Purpoſes would never ceaſe to be proſecuted by all poſſible Means, ſo long as the ſaid Queens Confederates, but Miniſters, and Favourites had their Eyes and Imaginations fixed upon the ſaid Queen, the only Ground of their Treaſonable Hopes and Conceits, and the only Seed-plot of all Dangerous and Traiterous Devices and Practices againſt her Majeſties Sacred Person. And for that, upon adviſed and great Conſultation, they could not find any poſſible means to provide for her Majeſties Safety, but by the juſt and ſpeedy Execution of the ſaid Queen, the neglecting whereof might procure the heavy Diſpleaſure and Puniſhment of Almighty God, as by ſundry ſevere Examples of his great Juſtice in that behalf left us in Sacred Scripture, doth appear; and that if the ſame were not put in Execution, they ſhould thereby (ſo far as Man's Reaſon could reach) be brought into utter Deſpair of the Continuance amongſt them of the true Religion of Almighty God, and of her Majeſties. Life, and of the Safety of all her Subjects, and of the Good Eſtate of this flouriſhing Common weale.

For that ſhe (the ſaid Queen of Scots) had continually breathed the overthrow and Suppreſſion of the Proteſtant Religion, being poyſoned with Popery from her tender Youth, and at her Age joyning in that falſe termed Holy League, and had been ever ſince, and was then a powerful Enemy of the Truth.

For that ſhe reſted wholly upon Popiſh hopes, to be delivered and advanced, and was ſo devoted, and doted in that Profeſſion, that ſhe would (as well for the ſatisfaction of others, as for the feeding her own humour) ſupplant the Goſpel where and whenſoever ſhe might; which Evil was ſo much the greater, and the more to be avoided, for that it ſlayeth the Soul, and would ſpread it ſelf not only over England and Scotland, but alſo into all Parts [Page]beyond the Sea, where the Goſpel of God is maintained, the which cannot but be exceedingly weakened, if Defection ſhould be in theſe two moſt violent Kingdoms.

For that if ſhe prevailed, ſhe would rather take the Subjects of England for Slaves than for Children.

For that ſhe had already provided them a Foſter father and a Nurſe, the Pope and the King of Spain, into whoſe hands if it ſhould happen them to fall, what would they elſe look for, but Ruin, Deſtruction, and utter Exterpation of Goods, Lands, Lives, Honours and all?

For that as ſhe had already by her poyſon'd Baits, brought to Deſtruction more Noble-men and their Houſes, and a greater multitude of Subjects, during her being here, than ſhe would have done if ſhe had been in Poſſeſſion of her own Country, and arm'd in the Field againſt them, ſo would ſhe be ſtill continually the cauſe of the like ſpoil, to the greater loſs and peril of this Eſtate; and therefore this Realm neither could nor mought endure her.

For that her Sectaries both Wrote and Printed, that the Proteſtants would be at their Wits end, Worlds end, if ſhe ſhould out-live Queen Elizabeth; meaning thereby, that the end of the Proteſtant World was the beginning of their own; and therefore if ſhe the ſaid Queen of Scots, were taken away, their World would be at an end before its beginning.

For that ſince the ſparing of her in the Fourteenth year of Queen Elizabeths Reign, Popiſh Traytors and Recuſants had multiplied exceedingly: And if ſhe were now ſpared again, they would grow both innumerable and invincible alſo: And therefore Mercy in that caſe would prove Cruelty againſt them all: Nam eſt quaedam crudelis miſericordia; and therefore to ſpare her Blood, would be to ſpill all theirs.

And for Gods Vengeance againſt Saul, for ſparing the life of Agag, and againſt Ahab for ſparing the life of Benhadad was moſt apparent, for they were both by the juſt Judgement of God, deprived of their Kingdoms, for ſparing thoſe wicked Princes, whom God had delivered into their hands. And thoſe Magiſtrates were much commended; who put to death thoſe miſchievous and wicked Queens, Jezabel and Athaliah.

So much for theſe Reaſons, which I leave to the peruſal of our preſent Prelates who have extreamly degenerated from the good and laudable Principles of their Fore-fathers.

I will now return to the Hiſtory, and after having mentioned one Preſident more of Proteſtants Revolution from their Kings, will conclude this Subject.

In the Year 1581. the States of Holland, in a General Aſſembly at the Hague, abjured all Obedience and Subjection to Philip King [Page] of Spain; and in a Declaration juſtifie their ſo doing; for that by his Tyrannous Government againſt Faith ſo often given and broken, he had loſt his Right to all the Belgick Provinces; that therefore they depoſed him, and declared it lawfull to chooſe another in his ſtead. Thuan. lib. 14. From that time to this no State or Kingdom in the World hath equally proſpered.

But what need theſe Examples to any who have but ſenſe enough to conceive what monſtrous Inconveniences and Miſeries the Doctrine of Submiſſion to a Tyrannical Power brings along with it? Thereby the Property of all Subjects, and the Laws of all Countries are deſtroyed together; and we are (contrary to the Law of Nature, Reaſon, and Chriſtianity) obliged to fit ſtill while our Children are Murthered, Wives Raviſh'd, Eſtates conſumed, and our own Throats cut, beſides an unſpeakable deal more of Barbarity commited by the Irregular Partizans of Inhumane Tyrants. In a word, the Lawfulneſs of raiſing War againſt, and Depoſing of a Tyrant in Defence of Religion and Liberty, has not been denied, but conſtantly warranted and maintained by all the Proteſtant Churches round, from the firſt Waldenſes of Lyons and Languedoc, to this day.

Having now, I think, ſufficiently cleared what the People by their juſt Right may do in change of Government and Governor, beſides other ample Authority, even from the Mouths of Princes themſelves, give me leave to add further, That ſurely they who ſhall boaſt as we do, to be a Free Nation, and yet not have in themſelves the power to remove, or to aboliſh any Governor, Supream, or Subordinate, with the Government it ſelf, upon urgent Cauſes, may pleaſe their fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom, fit to cozen Babies, but are indeed under Tyranny and Servitude, as wanting that power which is the Root and Source of that Liberty, to diſpoſe and oeconomize in the Land, which God hath given them, as Maſters of Families in their Houſes, and free Inheritance.

Without which natural and eſſential Power of a Free Nation, (how high ſoever they bear their heads) they can in due eſteem, be thought no better than Slaves and Vaſſals, Born in the Tenure and Occupation of another Inheriting Lord, whoſe Government though not Illegal or Intolerable, hangs over them as a Lordly Scourge, not as a free Government, and therefore to be Abrogated. How much more juſtly may they fling off Tyranny, or Tyrants? who having once forſaken the Kingdom, and being juſtly Excluded, [Page] can be no more than Private Men, as ſubject to the reach of Juſtice and Arraignment as any other Tranſgreſſors, as Grotius affirms, de jur. & Bell. lib. 1. Chap. 4. Si Rex aut alius quis Imperium abdicavit, aut manifeſte habet pro derelicto, in eum poſt tempus omnia licent qua in privatum.

And certainly if Men (not to ſpeak of Heathen) both Wiſe and Religions, have done Juſtice upon Tyrants what way they could ſooneſt, how much more mild and human then is to Dethrone them, and diveſt them of their Prerogative, nay, to bring them to Legal and open Tryals? to teach Lawleſs Kings, and all that ſo much adore them, that not Mortal Man or his Imperious will, but Juſtice is the only true Soveraign and Supream Majeſty upon Earth.

Let Men therefore ceaſe out of Faction and Malice to make Outcries and report horrid things of things ſo juſt and honourable as our moſt Renowned Convention hath acted hitherto agaiſt our common Adverſary, and we hope they will go on, to act upon him ſuch Juſtice as may be a Preſident to future Ages to imitate, who if they prove not too degenerate, ſhall look up with Honour, and aſpire towards thoſe exemplary deeds of their Anceſtors, as the higheſt top of their Glory and Emulation, which heretofore in the purſuance of Fame and Foreign Dominion, ſpent it ſelf Vaingloriouſly abroad, but ſhall heceforth learn a better Fortitude, to dare Execute the higheſt Juſtice on them that ſhall by force of Arms endeavour the oppreſſing and bereaving Men of their Religion and Liberty at home; that no ubridled Potentate or Tyrant, but to his Sorrow, for the future may preſume ſuch high and irreſponſible Licence over Mandkind, to havock and turn upſide down whole Kingdoms of Men, as though they were no more in reſpect of his perverſe Will, than a Nation of Piſmires.

I conclude all with one word of Advice to that Party called Prelatical, many of whom I believe to be Honeſt Men, though they have been ſtrangely miſled by ſome of corrupt Principles and Proſecuting Turbulent Spirits: I wiſh them earneſtly and calmly not to affect Rigor and Superiority over Men, nor juſtly under them; not to compell unlawful and unmerciful things in Religion, eſpecially if not voluntary becomes a Sin, nor to aſſiſt the clamour and malicious drifts of Men, who they themſelves have judg'd to be the worſt of Men, the obdurate Enemies of God and his Church, nor to dart againſt the Actions of their Brethren, (for [Page] want of other Arguments) thoſe Laws and Scripture, which tho' they hurt not otherwiſe, yet taken up by them to the Condemnation of their own late doings, give Scandal unto all Men, and diſcover in themſelves either extream Paſſion or Apoſtaſy. Let them not oppoſe their beſt Friends and Aſſociates, who moleſt them not at all, nor Infringe the leaſt of their Liberties, unleſs they call it their Liberty to bind other Mens Conſciences, but are ſtill ſeeking to live at Peace with them and Brotherly accord.

Let them beware an old and implacable Enemy, though he hopes by ſowing Diſcord, to make them his Inſtrument, yet cannot forbear a minute the open threatened Revenge upon them, when they have ſerved his Purpoſes.

Let them fear therefore if they be wiſe, rather what they have done already, than what remains to do, and be warned in time to put no confidence in Princes whom they have provoked, leſt they be added to the Examples of thoſe that miſerably have taſted the Event.

Stories can inform them how Chriſtiern the Second, King of Denmark, not much above a hundred years paſt, driven out by his Subjects, and received again upon new Oaths and Conditions, broke through them all, to his moſt Bloody Revenge; Slaying his chief Oppoſers when he ſaw his time, both them and their Children invited to a Feaſt for that purpoſe. How Maximilian dealt with thoſe of Bruges, though by Mediation of the German Princes reconciled to them by ſolemn and publick Writing drawn and ſealed.

How the Maſſacre at Paris was the effect of that credulous Peace with the French Proteſtants, made with Charles the Ninth their King; and that the main viſible cauſe which to this day hath ſaved the Netherlands from utter ruine, was their final not believing the perfidious Cruelty, which as a conſtant Maxim of State, hath been uſed by the Spaniſh Kings on their Subjects that have taken Arms, and after truſted them; as no latter Age but can teſtifie, heretofore in Belgia it ſelf, and not many years ago in Naples. And further they may remember, how the preſent Tyrant of France, has, after all his many Edicts, Oaths and Grants, to maintain the Proteſtants in all their Priviledges, beſides the Obligations they have laid on him, moſt inhumanly and perfidiouſly Baniſh'd, Dragoon'd, Murther'd and made away moſt, if not all [Page] his Protestant Subjects; nay, what might be more convincing, would they but lay it to Heart, how our late Tyrant, notwithſtanding the manifold Obligations they heaped upon him, and Oaths he laid himſelf under, to maintain them and their Grandeur, has nevertheleſs violated all, and with all his Power (as if Ingratitude was his chiefeſt Delight) endeavoured their Extirpation and Ruine, as well as other his Proteſtant Subjects.

And to conclude with one paſt Exception, though far more Ancient, David, after once he had taken Arms, never after that truſted Saul, though with tears and much relenting, he twice promiſed not to hurt him. Theſe Inſtances, few of many, might admoniſh them, both Engliſh and Scotch, not to let their own ends, and the driving on of a Faction, betray them blindly into the ſnare of those Enemies whoſe Revenge looks on them as the Men who firſt begun, fomented and carried on beyond the cure of any ſound of ſafe Accommodation, all the evil which hath ſince unavoidably fallen upon them and their King.

I have ſomething alſo to the Clergy, though brief to what were needful; not to be Diſturbers of the Civil Affairs, being in hands better able, and more belonging to manage them, but to Study harder, and to attend the Office of Good Paſtors, knowing that he whoſe Flock is leaſt among them, hath a dreadful Charge, not performed by mounting frequently in the Desk to repeat their Prayers; or into the Pulpit with a Formal Preachment hudled up at the old hours of a whole lazy Week, but by inceſſant Pains and Watching in Seaſon and out of Seaſon, from Houſe to Houſe, over the Souls of whom they have to feed. Which if they ever well conſidered, how little leiſure would they find to be the moſt Pragmatical Sides-men of every popular Tumult and Sedition? And all this while are to learn what the true end and reaſon is of the Goſpel which they teach; and what a world it differs from the Cenſorious and Supercilious Lording over Conſcience. It would be good alſo, they lived ſo as might perſwade the People they hated Covetouſneſs, which, worſe than Hereſie, is Idolatry; hated Pluralities and all kind of Simony; left Rambling from Benefice to Befice, like ravenous Wolves ſeeking where they may devour the Biggeſt; of which, if ſome well and warmly ſeated from the beginning, be not guilty, it were good they held not Converſation with ſuch as are. Theſe things, if they obſerve and [Page] wait with Patience, no doubt but all things will go well, without their Importunities or Exclamations; and the printed Letters and Pamphlets which they ſend, ſubſcribed with the Oſtentation of great Characters and little Moment, would be more conſiderable than now they are. But if they be the Miniſters of Mammon inſtead of Chriſt, and Scandalize his Church with the filthy Love of Gain, aſpiring alſo to ſit the cloſeſt and heavieſt of all Tyrants upon the Conſcience, and fall notoriouſly again into the ſame Sins, which they lately ſeemed ſolemnly to have renounced and abjured, as God has rooted out thoſe great Enemies to Truth and Peace, the Papiſts, ſo may they (if they will be the others Imitators) except that the ſame God ſhall, for the Vindication of his own Glory and Religion, uncover their Hypocriſie to the open World, and viſit upon their Heads, in double and treble manner, thoſe Curſes and Miſeries wherewith they have endeavoured to ruine and deſtroy the beſt of Subjects and Chriſtians in Great Britain and Ireland.

1 Sam. XII. 24, 25.

Only fear the Lord and ſerve him, in truth, with all your heart, for conſider how great things he hath done for you. But if ye ſhall ſtill do wickedly, ye ſhall be conſumed both ye and your king.

FINIS.

§

[Page]

Pro Populo Adverſus Tyrannos: OR THE Sovereign Right AND POWER OF THE PEOPLE OVER TYRANTS, Clearly Stated, and plainly Proved. With ſome Reflections on the late poſture of Affairs.

By a true Proteſtant Engliſh-man, and Well-wiſher to Poſterity.

London, Printed in the Year, 1689.

Information about this book

Title statement

Pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, The sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true Protestant English-man, and well-wisher to posterity.

Milton, John, 1608-1674.

Edition statement

1689

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Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A50940

ID [STC]

Wing M2164

ID [STC]

ESTC R432

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12877588

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12877588

ID [VID]

94894

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50940)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94894)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 721:2)

Source

— Pro populo adversus tyrannos, or, The sovereign right and power of the people over tyrants, clearly stated, and plainly proved with some reflections on the late posture of affairs / by a true Protestant English-man, and well-wisher to posterity., Milton, John, 1608-1674..

Extent

27 p.

[s.n.],. London :: 1689.. (Attributed by Wing to John Milton.) (Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.)

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