OF the Parliament of England, and beginning of that sad War, which for so many yeers raged within the bowels of a distres­sed Kingdom, whosoever will write, though never so briefly, must of neces­sity premise somewhat touching the Causes (according to the state of the affairs and times) of assembling that Parliament.

And though the condition of Scotland and Ireland were during that time no whit hap­pier, (which being subject to the same King, were exposed to the same Calamity) our dis­course especially shall be of England, as the noblest Kingdom, and the Royal Seat; from whence the distemper might first arise, and be derived to the rest. And wonderful it may [Page 2] seem, how great the distemper of that Go­vernment was, which ingendered so great a disease! how great the malignity of that dis­ease, to which a Parliament was not sufficient Medicine!

Fourty yeers old was King Charles, and fif­teen yeers had he reigned, when this Parlia­ment was called: so long had the Laws been violated, (more then under any King) the Li­berties of the people invaded, and the au­thority of Parliament (by which Laws and Liberties are supported) trodden under foot: which had by degrees much discontented the English Nation.

For the King, within the first four yeers of his Reign, had called three Parliaments, and soon dissolved them all, before they could any way benefit the Commonwealth, or redress the least grievance of the People. In the se­cond, he granted and signed the Petition of Right; but suddenly breaking up that Parlia­ment, he acted the same things in violation of Laws, which he had done before. So that it was manifest, that the Peoples Liberties, by grant of that Petition, were not fortified, but utterly overthrown; and it appeared, neither Laws themselves could give protection, nor the Kings Faith security to the People. After the dissolution of the third Parliament, men [Page 3] were forbidden by Proclamation to speak any more of Parliaments. In this Interval, the people at home were fleeced by Monopolies, and many ways exacted upon by illegal Taxes: abroad, scarce any Negotiations were made, but such as were destructive to Reli­gion and the Commonwealth. In the begin­ning of his Reign, an unhappie and dishono­rable Expedition was made against the Spa­niard, to surprise Cales: another, more sad then that, against the French, in the following yeer, at the Isle of Rhee: but that, of all o­ther was most destructive to the Protestant Religion, that King Charles, not long before that time, had lent a strong Navie to the King of France; by whose force the Protestants Ships through all France were vanquished and scattered, and the miserable Town of Rochel subdued by Famine, the worst of all Ene­mies.

The King, in the mean time, by many ille­gal ways, raised money through England: large sums of money were exacted through­out the whole Kingdom; default of Knight­hood, under the shadow of an absolute Law. Tunnage and Poundage were received with­out the ordinary course of Law; and though they were taken under pretence of guarding the Seas, yet that great Tax of Ship-money [Page 4] was set on foot under the same colour, &c.

These things were accompanied with the enlargement of Forests, contrary to Magna Charta; the forcing of Coat and Conduct­money; taking away the Arms of the Train­ed Bands in many Counties, &c.

Nor was there any remedy left: for no Courts of Judicature could give redress to the people for these Illegal sufferings; whilst Judges were displaced by the King, for not complying with his will; and so awed, that they durst not do their duties: for, to hold a Rod over them, a clause was altered in their Patents.

By this time, all thoughts of ever having a Parliament were quite banished; so many Oppressions set on foot, so many illegal acti­ons done, that the onely way to justifie all, was to do that one greater, To take away the means which was ordained to redress them, the lawful Government of England by Par­liaments.

Whilst the Kingdom was in this condition, the serious and just men of England who were not interessed in these Oppressions, could not but entertain sad thoughts of what mischief must needs follow so great an in­justice: But another sort of men (especially Lords and Gentlemen) by whom the pres­sures [Page 5] of Government were not much felt, did nothing but applaud the happiness of England, calling those ingrateful and factious spirits, who complained of the breach of Laws and Liberties; that the Kingdom abounded with wealth, plenty, and all kinde of elegancies, more then ever; and, that it was the honour of a people, that their Monarch should live splendidly, and not be curbed at all in his Prerogative, &c.

The Courtiers would begin to dispute a­gainst Parliaments in their ordinary discourse, That they were too injurious to the Kings Prerogative: some of the greatest States-men and Privie Councellors would ordinarily laugh at the ancient language of England, when the word Liberty of the Subject was named.

Though the Kingdoms Liberties were thus oppressed, yet Peace continued; and England seemed happie in that tranquillity, until the fatal Coal, which afterwards was blown into so great a fire through the three Kingdoms, began to be kindled in the yeer 1637. by a designe which the King had upon Scotland; which was (as pretended) to make a Con­formity of Church-Worship, and Ecclesiastical Government, between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland. The dignity and pomp [Page 6] of Prelacie had been much of late promoted in England; in pursuance whereof, many temporal Offices and Honours were confer­red upon persons Ecclesiastical, many Cere­monies and Innovations brought into the Church, and too neer approaches made in some points of Doctrine to the Romish Church, and a great contempt thrown upon the other Reformed Churches in Europe: Po­pery seemed to be much countenanced in the Court; and by reason of the Queens great power with the King, several Nuncio's from the Pope, as Panzani, Conn, and Rosetti, had been received with great honour in the Court of England.

The King had made great preparations for that work in Scotland, and bestowed many temporal offices and dignities upon Bishops in that Kingdom. In particular, 11 of the Scotish Bishops (being in all but 14) were made Privie Councellors. But this displeased the Scots, to whom Episcopacie it self was not acceptable; and having been once thrown out of that Kingdom, was not restored but by great endeavour and policie of King James.

A book of Lyturgie was sent by the King into Scotland, in the year 1637. with an ex­press Command, that they should read it pub­likely [Page 7] in their Churches. The Scots com­plained, that a thing of so great concernment, having not been allowed by their Church in a National Synod, should be imposed upon them: they complained likewise, that it was not the same with the book of England, but alterations were made, some of them (they confessed) were for the better, but more for the worse. Lastly, they affirmed, that where­soever that book varies from the English Ly­turgie, it approaches directly to the Romane Missal, and all the parts of Popery are there. But the King seemed to excuse those altera­tions, in his great Declaration. These are his words, (which were not satisfactory to the Scots:)

We supposing that they might have taken some offence, if We should have tendered them the English Service-book totidem verbis; and that some factious spirits would have endeavoured to have misconstrued it as a badge of dependencie of that Church upon this of England, which We had put upon them, to the prejudice of their Laws and Liberties: We held it fitter that a new Book should be composed by their own Bishops, in sub­stance not differing from that of England, that so the Romane party might not upbraid us with any weighty or material differences in our Lyturgies; and yet in some few insensible alterations differing [Page 8] from that, it might truely and justly be reputed a Book of that Churches own composing, and esta­blished by Our Royal authority, as King of Scot­land.

This Book of Lyturgie was read, as the King commanded, in the great Church at E­dinburgh, but not without a great uproar, in which the Bishop that read it hardly escaped. The Plebeians first stirred; but presently af­ter, the Nobility and Ministers publikely a­vowed their detestation of that Book: some therefore were sent to the King, to intreat him that he would recal his command con­cerning it.

But the King was immoveable, and sent another peremptory command for reading of the Book; and that all people who came as Petitioners against it, should depart from Edinburgh: which did but increase the num­ber of Petitioners, who intreated the Coun­cel once more to send to the King concerning it: in the mean time, they much accused their Bishops, as the causers of this Innovation.

The King commanded his Councel to re­ceive no more Petitions from them; and sent the Earl of Traquare into Scotland with a Proclamation, which was published at Sterlin; wherein he declared, That the Bishops were wrongfully accused about the Prayer-book; that [Page 9] he himself was the Author of it, and all done by his Command: he condemned their proceedings as tumultuous, and denounced the punishment of high-Treason to those who persisted.

Against this Proclamation the Lords of the Commission protested, and so did the Mini­sters and others; justifying their assembly to be lawful, as tending to Gods glory, the Kings honour, and Liberty of the Nation. Imme­diately after, they entered into a Solemn Covenant for defence of their Religion and Liberties: This Covenant was subscribed not onely by the Nobles, but all sorts of men, that their number within few months was many thousands: the King enraged, did by many Messengers condemn that Covenant: the Scots defended it. What was alleadged on both sides, is more largely expressed in that book intituled Tumultus Scotici.

In June, the Marquess Hamilton, as Com­missioner from the King, came to Edinburgh; who in vain dealt with the Covenanters to renounce their Covenant; but published a Proclamation of the Kings, wherein he for­bears to press the reading of that Prayer-book upon them, and resolved to call both a Par­liament and Synod: but the Covenanters in their Protestation declare, that the Kings grants were not large enough to cure their [Page 10] present distempers; and offer some particular Exceptions. So great grew the differences and alterations upon several points, that the Marquess Hamilton was enforced that yeer to make two journeys into England to the King; and at last, by the Kings command, called a National Synod, which accordingly began at Glasco, Novemb. 1. but within seven days, the Marquess dissolved that Synod, alleadging for reasons, that they had broken the Laws of a free Synod, both in the maner of their Ele­ctions, and in other businesses during their sitting. But they protested against that disso­lution, and continued their Synod, after that the Marquess was gone away; and proceeded in such Laws and Decrees as they judged fit for the present State: after which, they dissol­ved the Synod, and published a Declaration from Edinburgh to all sincere and good Chri­stians in England concerning their innocencie and intentions.

The King, after a sharp Proclamation against the Scots, which he commanded to be read in all English Churches, raised an Army to subdue them by force; in which, the Nobles and all Gentlemen his servants were com­manded to attend him at York the first of A­pril, with Horse and Arms sutable to their de­gree: the Earl of Arundel was made Gene­ral; [Page 11] and a rich and well-appointed Army at that time and place attended the King.

But the people of England in general ab­horred that wicked War, as a designe to en­slave both Nations; and loved the Scots as brethren, persecuted by the same power which had long oppressed themselves: they likewise hoped that such an occasion might necessitate the King to call a Parliament in England, so long wanted there. But the King, while he could make any other shift, how lowe soever, and dishonourable, would not endure to think of a Parliament.

The Covenanting Lords of Scotland pub­lished a Remonstrance in answer to the Kings Proclamation, and wisely provided against all Invasions that might be made upon them on any side: they seized the considerable Forts, and disarmed all suspected persons, without any great trouble; electing Sir Alexander Lesly, an old Souldier, for their General; to whom all the Noble men were content to give obedience: at which time, the King commanded the Parliament of Scotland to dis­solve; and his command was obeyed.

But the threatned War did not proceed: it pleased God, that by the happie mediation of some honest Lords of both Nations, and up­on a Conference granted, that the Pacification [Page 10] [...] [Page 11] [...] [Page 12] was made and solemnly declared, on the 18 of June 1639. and both Armies were dis­banded within eight and fourty hours. The King granted to the Scots a National Synod, to begin upon the first of August following; and a Parliament to begin on the 24 day of the same month: so that both sides peaceably retreated home.

But when the King had been but a little time at London, his heart was again estranged from the Scots, and thoughts of peace: He commanded by Proclamation that Paper, which the Scots avowed to contain the true conditions of the Pacification, to be disavow­ed, and burnt by the hands of the Hangman: and the honest people of both Nations be­gan to fear another War. The King, about the beginning of December, told the Lords of his Council that he intended to call a Parlia­ment in England, to begin in April following; which being spread among the people, made them almost amazed; so strange a thing was the name of a Parliament grown. But ratio­nal men did not like it, that it should be de­ferred so long, and that preparations for a War with Scotland went on in the mean time. They were likewise troubled, that the Earl of Strafford, Deputy of Ireland, a man of deep policie, but suspected honesty, one whom the [Page 13] King then used as a bosom-Councellor, was first to go into Ireland, and call a Parliament in that Kingdom: besides, the King at that time had broken up the Parliament in Scot­land; which the Scots complained of, (the bu­siness of State depending) as a great breach of their Liberties, and against the Laws of that Kingdom.

Upon which, they sent some Lords into England, to intreat the King to grant them a redress of such Injuries as they had received since the Pacification: which were, That their Parliament was broken off, before any business done: That Edinburgh-Castle was Garisoned with far more Souldiers then were needful: That Dun-Britain-Castle was Gari­soned with English Souldiers: That the Scots that traded in England and Ireland, were en­forced to take new Oaths, contrary to their Covenant, and altogether contrary to the Ar­ticles of Pacification. The King imprisoned those Lords, sending one of them (the Earl of Lowden) to the Tower, and commanded a Charge of Treason to be drawn against him, concerning a Letter which the Scotish Cove­nanters had written to the King of France for his assistance, and Lowden had subscribed: but the accusation was frivolous, easily answer­ed, and came to nothing, because those Let­ters [Page 14] were not sent at all; and besides, it was before the Pacification, upon which an Ob­livion of all things was agreed; although the King at the beginning of the English Parlia­ment produced that Letter against them, as a ground of his second War: for now on the thirteenth of April, the Parliament of Eng­land was begun; before which time, the Earl of Strafford was returned out of Ireland, where he had held a Parliament, and gotten four Subsidies.

The King was very urgent with his Parlia­ment to give money to enable him for a War against Scotland, and pay that Army and Offi­cers which he had already raised; he deman­ded twelve Subsidies of them, for which he promised to release Shipmoney: he promised them that he would afterwards redress the Kingdoms grievances, but desired money in the first place to go on with his designed War.

It was answered by many Members of the House in several Speeches, that redress of Grievances was the chiefe end of Parlia­ments, and should go before Subsidies: That the King asked a great summe of money for re­leasing of that which he had no title to hold, but had taken illegally by power: That the people had no reason to pay for a War which they [Page 15] desired not, but abhorred; a War not for their good, but their own ruine: that nothing was so just as to punish the contrivers of that wicked War.

But so strange was the obedience and com­plyance of that Parliament towards the King, that although the money which he asked was against themselves, yet they took the Subsidies into consideration; but while they were debating, the King, whatsoever his rea­sons were, whether he thought it a delay or not, came into the House on the fifth of May, and dissolved the Parliament. The people were grieved in an extraordinary manner to see this Parliament so suddenly broken up, and as much to see the King break his word so immmediately upon the dissolution of it: for he protested in the House at that time, that he would rule for the future as legally as if a Parliament were constantly sitting: Yet nevertheless he imprisoned some Members the next day after, Mr. Belosis, Sir John Ho­tham, and M. Crew; he commanded the Lord Brookes his Study, his Cabinet, and pockets to be searched for Letters: He Commanded the Convocation of Divines to continue their sitting, an unexampled thing, who by autho­rity from him made Canons, and imposed Oaths upon the people, contrary to their Laws and Liberties.

[Page 16] The King to defray the charges of this War, besides the Contribution of the Clergy, and Papists, issued out again Writs of Shipmo­ney in a greater proportion then before: he seized the Bullion in the Tower, and took up Commodities to be sold again at an under­rate; and consulted about Coyning of brass­money; but that went not forward.

But the War went on; the Earl of Straf­ford commanding in chiefe, the Earl of Nor­thumberland not being in health, who had been appointed General: but the Scots had not been backward; for having been debarred of their trade, and lost their ships by seizure, they entered into England with an Army, ex­pressing their intentions in writing to the English, and bringing with them a Petition to the King.

But the King in this War found a greater want then that of Money, which was the hearts of the Souldiers, especially the com­mon Souldiers, who could not be easily brought to engage against the Scots, as hating the Cause; many of them mutinying against their Officers and Commanders; which might be one cause that the War proved not so bloody and fatal as it was designed: some Skirmishes, but not very considerable, happen­ed at Newburn, and at Dunsian, not far from Barwick.

[Page 17] Thus proceeded this unhappie business, un­til some English Peers, Earls, and Barons, a­bout twenty, grieved at the dishonour which England suffered by the unhappie actions of the King, made a Petition to him, declaring in some part their former sufferings by illegal Government, the dissolution of the last and other Parliaments, the miserable condicion of the Kingdom at present, the sad consequence of this wicked War; desiring him to sum­mon a Parliament within some convenient time, where the Kingdoms Grievances may be redressed, this War composed, and the Au­thors of these wicked counsels punished.

Upon this Petition, the King caused all the Lords to meet at York, on the 24. of Septem­ber, And there told them his intention of cal­ling a Parliament with all possible speed; which was to begin on the 3. of November.

It was there also consulted and debated how to end this War upon fair termes: and after some time spent between Lords chosen out of both Nations, the matter was compo­sed according to these Articles.

• 1. A Truce or cessation of Arms was made for two moneths till the 16. of December.
• 2. That 850. li. a day should be paid to the Scots, during that Truce.
• 3. That if it were not paid, the Scots might [Page 18] force it from the Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and Durham.
• 4. That those Counties should be allowed the Scots for their Winter-quarters.
• 5. No new preparations for War, to be made.
• 6. That private Injuries should not break the Truce, so satisfaction were made upon com­plaint.
• 7. That Merchants might freely traffique in either Kingdomes, without letters of safe conduct; but Souldiers without leave might not pass their limits.

Thus was the state of things altered, and that VVar, which was intended for an en­slavement of both Nations, became the bond of Concord between them, and the happie cause which necessitated the King to call a Parliament in England; whereby their just Li­berties might by the blessing of God be vin­dicated and more ascertained for the future. Great was the expectation of this English Parliament, on which the hopes of the peo­ple were wholly fixed, as a certain cure of all their long sufferings; to which they thought the King (having so much transgressed) could not deny any thing, or make the least oppo­sition.

That was the cause for which they extreme­ly loved the Scots, as the instruments of that [Page 19] happiness to them; who by resisting the Kings intrusions upon themselves, had enfor­ced him to this visible means of a cure for England; which made the King more hate the Scots, as the stoppers of his general design; which hatred he could not conceal in his first Speech that he made in this Parliament; in which, promising all favour and concurrence to any thing that might procure the happiness of England, and promising to put himself free­ly and wholly upon the love and affections of his English Subjects in this Parliament, he in­veighed against the Scots as Rebels, and de­sired that by force of Arms they might be chased out of England: but the English Parli­ament was of another affection towards the Scots, as will appear more hereafter.

The Parliament shewed a great and won­derful respect to the King, and in many ex­pressions gave him humble thanks for Calling them together, without any reflection upon his Person for what had passed in former mis­government; but since no cure could be made without searching wounds, and that grievan­ces must be recited, they resolved so to name them, as to cast the envy of them upon evil Counsel, and still mention the King with all honour & reverence possible; as will appear to any that read the printed Speeches, which at [Page 20] the beginning of that Session were made in the House by men of Eminency.

Great was the business, and of various na­tures were the crimes which this Parliament were to examine, and finde out Delinquents, whom so long a misgovernment had made so.

Many Committees were made by the House to ease them in this business: they began with matters of Religion. Divers Ministers who had been of good lives and conversations, conscientious in their wayes, and diligent in Preaching, and had by the Bishops, and those in authority been molested, deprived, or im­prisoned for not conforming to some ceremo­nies which were imposed on them, were now by the Parliament relieved, and recompensed for their sufferings. Others on the Contrary, that had been scandalous, either for loose and wicked living, or else offenders in way of superstition (both which, to discountenance the Puritains, had been frequently preferred) were censured and removed.

The Earl of Strafford, Leiutenant of Ireland, was impeached of high Treason, and sent pri­soner to the Tower of London: and on the eighteenth day of December, William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury impeached of the same crime, was committed to the same cu­stody.

[Page 21] The next day after the Archbishop was im­peached, Dr. Wren, Bishop of Norwich was ac­cused of many misdemeanors in matter of su­perstition in his Ecclesiastical Government: which tending to the detriment of the Civil State, he was also accused of Treason, and en­tred into a recognizance of thirty thousand pounds to appear, with three sureties bound, each of them in obligations of ten thousand pounds. Sir Francis Windebank, Principal Se­cretary of State, a man neerly in friendship with Laud the Archbishop, who was thought to be a means of his preferment, was about that time accused of extraordinary conniv­ence toward Popish Priests, or rather of favor to them; and that contrary to the Laws in force against them, he had bailed and releas­ed a great number: a Committee was appoin­ted to examine his offence, but he, conscious of the crime objected, and fearing the conse­quence, about the begining of December fled in a disguise, and went into France. Immedi­ately after his flight, the Lord Keeper Finch was constrained to take the same course, and fled out of the Kingdom into Holland: the crimes objected against him were of a various nature.

The first committed when he was Speaker of Parliament in the House of Commons in [Page 22] the fourth year of King Charles: which was, for that he disobeyed the House, in refusing to speak when he was commanded by them.

2. The second was for giving illegal and cruel judgements in the Forrest-business, when he was Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.

3. The third was for threatning of some of the Judges at that time, to give their extra­judicial opinions for Ship-mony.

The last was for drawing an injurious De­claration, after the dissolution of the last Par­liament: for which Offences he was Voted by the House of Commons guilty of high Treason; a Charge drawn up against him, and carried up to the Lords upon the 14 of Janu­ary, three weeks after his flight.

Upon the 15 of February 1640. a Bill for the Triennial Parliament was presented to the King, and by him signed: which Act be­ing of such great importance to the security of the peoples Liberties by Parliaments, Take the substance thereof as followeth.

BE it Enacted, That in case there be not a Par­liament summoned by Writ under the Great Seal of England, and assembled and held before the tenth day of September, which shall be in the third yeer next after the last day of the last meet­ting and sitting in this present Parliament, the [Page 23] beginning of the first year to be accompted from the said last day of the last meeting and sitting in Parliament, and so from time to time, and in all times hereafter, if there shall not be a Parliament assembled and held before the tenth day of Sep­tember, which shall be in the third year next af­ter the last day of the last meeting and sitting in Parliament before that time assembled and held; the beginning of the first year to be accounted from the said last day of the last meeting and sitting in Parliament: That then in every such case as a­foresaid, the Parliament shall assemble and be held in the usual place at VVestminster, in such man­ner, and by such means only as is hereafter in this present Act declared and enacted, and not other­wise, on the second Monday which shall be in the month of November then next ensuing. And the Lord Chancellor of England, the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, and every Com­missioner and Commissioners for the keeping of the Great Seal of England for the time being, shall within six dayes after the said tenth day of Sep­tember, in every such third year as aforesaid, in due form of Law, and without any further War­rant or Direction from his Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, Seal, issue forth, and send abroad several and respective Writs to the several and re­spective Sheriffs of the several and respective Counties, Cities, and Boroughs of England and [Page 24] Wales, and to the Constable of the Castle of Do­ver, Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports, or his Lieutenant for the time being, and to the Major and Bailiffs of Barwick upon Tweed, and to all and every other Officers and Persons to whom Writs have used to be directed, for the electing of the Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Burgesses, of, and for the said Counties, Cities, Cinque-ports, and Boroughs of England & Wales, respective­ly, in the accustomed form, to appear and serve in Parliament to be held at Westminster on the said Monday, which shall be in November aforesaid: which said Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Bur­gesses chosen by vertue of the said Writs, shall then and there appear and serve in Parliament accor­dingly. And the said Lord Chancellor, Lord Kee­per, Comm [...]ssioner and Commissioners aforesaid, shall respectively take a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelist for the due issuing of Writs, according to the tenor of this Act, viz. in haec verba.

YOu shall Swear, that you shall truly and faithfully issue forth and send abroad all Writs of Summons to Parliament for both Houses, at such time and in such manner as is expressed and enjoyned by an Act of Parlia­ment, intituled, An Act for the preventing of inconveniencies happening by the long intermission of Parliaments.

[Page 25] Which Oath is forthwith to be taken by the pre­sent Lord Keeper, and to be administred by the Clerk of the Crown to every Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, Commissioner and Commissioners a­foresaid; and that none of the said Officers shall henceforth execute any the said Offices b [...]fore they have taken the said Oath. And if the said Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or any the said Commis­sioners shall fail or forbear so to issue out the said Writs, according to the true meaning of this Act, then he or they respectively shall, beside the incur­ring of the grievous sin of perjury, be disabled, and become by vertue of this Act incapable, ipso facto, to bear his and their said Offices respectively, and be further liable to such punishments as shall be in­flicted on him or them by the next or any other en­suing Parliament.

And in case they neglect, then the Peers of this Realm shall by vertue of this Act be enabled, and are enjoyned to meet in the old Palace of West­minster, in the usual place there, on the third Monday in the said Month of November; and they or any twelve or more of them, then and there assembled, shall on or before the last Monday of November next following the tenth day of Sep­tember aforesaid, by vertue of this Act, without other Warrant, issue out Writs in the usual form, in the name of the Kings Majesty, His Heirs or Successors, attested under the hands and seals of [Page 26] twelve or more of the said Peers, to the several and respective Sheriffs of the several and respective counties, for the electing of the Knights Citizens, Barons, and Burgesses, to be and appear at the Parliament at Westminster aforesaid, to be held on the third Monday in January then next fol­lowing: And in case the said Lords, or twelve or more of them, shall fail to issue forth such Writs, or that the said Writs do not come to the said several counties, cities, cinque-ports, and borroughs, so that an election be not thereupon made; And in case there be not a Parliament assembled and held before the three and twentieth day of the said Month of January; then in every such case as a­foresaid, the Parliament shall assemble, and be held in the usual place at VVestminster on the second Tuesday which shall be in the month of March next after the said three and twentieth day of January: At which Parliament the Peers of this Realm shall make their appearance.

And for the better assembling of the Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Burgesses to the said Par­liament, as aforesaid: It is further Enacted, That the several and respective Sheriffs of their several and respective counties, cities, and boroughs of England and VVales, and the Chancellor, Ma­sters and Scholars of both and every of the Uni­versities, and the Major and Bailiffs of the Bo­rough of Barwick upon Tweed, shall at the se­veral [Page 27] courts, and places to be held and appointed for their respective counties, universities, cities, and boroughs, next after the said three and twen­tieth day of January, cause such Knight and Knights, citizen and citizens, Burgess and Bur­gesses of their said counties, universities, cities and boroughs respectively, to be chosen by such persons, and in such manner, as if several and respective Writs of summons to Parliament under the Great Seal of England had issued and been awarded. And in case they do not before ten of the clock in the forenoon of the same day, wherein the several and respective courts and places shall be held or appointed, for their several & respective counties, universities, cities, and boroughs as aforesaid, be­gin and proceed on according to the meaning of this Law, in causing Elections to be made of such Knight and Knights, citizen and citizens, Bur­gess and Burgesses of their said counties, Univer­sities, cities, and boroughs as aforesaid; then the Freeholders of each county, and the Masters and Scholars of every of the Universities, and the ci­tizens, and others having voices in such Election respectively, in each University, city and borough, that shall be assembled at the said courts or places to be held, or appointed, as aforesaid, shall forth­with, without further Warrant, or direction, pro­ceed to the Election of such Knight, &c.

And it is further enacted, That the several [Page 28] and respective Sheriffs shall after the said three and twentieth day of January, and before the eighth day of February then immediately next en­suing, award and send forth their Preceps to the several and respective cities and boroughs, within their several counties, and likewise unto the said Cinque-ports respectively, commanding them re­spectively to make choice of such citizen and citi­zens, Barons, Burgess and Burgesses, to serve in the said Parliament, at the time and place afore­said: Which said cities, cinque-ports, and boroughs respectively, shall before the last day of the said month of February, make election of such citi­zen and citizens, barons, burgess or burgesses, as if Writs for summoning of a Parliament under the Great Seal of England, had issued and been a­warded. And in case no such Precept shall come unto the said cities, cinque-ports, and boroughs respectively, by the time herein limited; Or in case any Precept shall come, and no election be made thereupon before the said last day of February, That then the several citizens, burgesses, and o­ther persons that ought to elect and send citizens, barons, and burgesses to the Parliament, shall on the first Tuesday in March, then next ensuing the said last day of February, make choice of such citizen and citizens, barons, burgess and burges­ses, as if a Writ of Summons under the Great Seal of England, had issued and been awarded; and [Page 29] shall each of them be liable unto such pains & cen­sures, for his & their not appearing & serving then and there in Parliament, as if he or they had been elected and chosen by vertue of a Writ under the great Seal of England; & shall be likewise subject unto such further pains and censures, as by the rest of the Knights, citizens, and burgesses assem­bled in the Commons house of Parl. &c. And the Sheriffs and other Officers and Persons to whom it appertaineth, shall make returns, and ac­cept and receive the returns of such elections in like manner as if Writs of Summons had issued, and been executed as hath been used and accusto­med. And in default of the Sheriffs and other Officers respectively in not accepting, or ma­king return of such elections, it shall and may be lawful, to and for the several Freeholders and other persons that have elected, to make returns of the Knights, &c. which shall be as good and effe­ctual to all intents and purposes, as if the Sheriff or other Officers, had received a Writ of summons for a Parliament, and had made such returns; any Writ, &c. to the contrary notwithstanding. And in case any person shall be so hardy as to ad­vise, or put in execution any such Writs, &c. then he or they so offending shall incur the penalties contained in the Statute of Premunire, made in the 16 year of Rich. the 2^d. and be deprived of the benefit of the Law in any case, &c.

[Page 30] And if any Sheriff, Constable of the Castle of Dover, or Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports, shall not perform his duty enjoyned by this Act, then he shall lose and forfeit the sum of one thousand pounds; and every county, city, cinque-port, and borough, that shall not make election of their knights, citizens, barons, and burgesses respective­ly, shall incur the penalties following (that is to say) every County the sum of one thousand pounds, and every City which is no County, two hundred pounds, and every Cinque-Port and Borough the sum of one hundred pounds. All and every of which several forfeitures, and all other forfeitures in this Act mentioned, shall and may be recovered in any of the Kings Courts of Record at West­minster, by and in the Name of the Lord Major of the City of London for the time being, by acti­on of Debt, Bill, Plaint, &c. wherein no Essoin, Protection, &c. shall be in any wise prayed, gran­ted, or allowed.

And if any person after notice given, that the Action depending is grounded or prosecuted upon or by vertue of this Statute shall cause or procure any such Action to be staid or delayed before judg­ment, that then the said persons so offending shall incur and sustain all and every the pains, penal­ties, and forfeitures as aforesaid.

The fifth part of all and every the forfeitures in this Act mentioned, shall go and be to and for [Page 31] the use and behoof of the City of London; and the other four parts and residue to be employed and disposed to and for such only uses, intents, and purposes, as by the Knights, Citizens, and Bur­gesses, in Parliament assembled shall be declared and appointed.

And be it further Enacted, That the said Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses to be assembled at any Parliament, by vertue of this Act, shall and may from time to time, at any time during such their assembly in Parliament, choose and de­clare one of themselves to be Speaker for the said Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons assembled in the said Parliament, as they shall think fit.

And it is further enacted, That all Parliaments hereafter to be assembled by authority of this Act, and every Member thereof, shall have and enjoy all Rights, Priviledges, Jurisdictions, and Im­munities, as any Parliament summoned by Writ under the great Seal of England, or any Mem­ber thereof might, or ought to have, and have voices in such Parliament, before, and without the taking of the several Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, or either of them; any Law or Sta­tute to the contrary thereof in any wise notwith­standing.

For Signing of this Bill, thanks were given [Page 32] to the King at White-hall the same afternoon by both Houses of Parliament.

By this time, being the end of December, that Cessation of Arms which was spoken of before, between the English and Scotish Ar­mies, was expired, and by the Parliament now renewed for a month longer; for the Pa­liament, although the King (as is said before) called them Rebels, and desired to have them driven out of England, had a better opinion of them, and at this time of renewing the Cessation, ordered that the Scots should be recompensed for all their charges and losses by that mischievous war which the King had raised against them; and within few dayes, af­ter examination of those losses and charges, the Parliament ordered that the Scotish Ships, taken since that war, should be restored to them, and 4000. l. in money given them to rig those ships: it was further resolved by both Houses, that the full sum of 300000 l. should be given to them, in these words, Towards a supply of the losses and necessities of our brethren of Scotland; And that the Parliament would in due time take into consideration the man­ner of raising, & daies of Paiment; for which, three daies after, the Scotish Commissioners, then Resident at London, gave thanks to the Parliament, not only for that great Sum of [Page 33] 300000. l. but for the stile of Brethren which so kindly they had used towards them.

The Parliament of England, as a further strengthning of the Nations amity, Ordained at that time, That all Books, Libels, and Procla­mations against the Scots should be called in; and a thanksgiving to God should be in all Churches of England for that happy Peace.

The payment of two Armies for so long a time was a great charge to the poor people of England; which they without any grudging or repining at the King, as cause of that great burden, in hope to gain him for the future, bore with exceeding patience; they willing­ly parted with six Subsidies, and were content with the taxation of Poll-money, a personal assessment of the whole Kingdom, wherein every Duke was assessed at 100. l. a Marquess at 80. l. Earls at 60. l. Viscounts and Barons at 40. l. Knights of the Bath at 30. l. Other Knights at 20. l. Esquires at 10. l. Men of 100. l. per annum at 5. l. every common head at six pence.

The King in February had declared to the Houses his intention concerning a marriage for his eldest Daughter, the Princess Mary, who was then betwixt 9 and 10 yeers of age; the husband appointed for her, was the yong Prince William of Nassau, Son to Henry Prince [Page 34] of Orange, a youth about 16 yeers of age: the matter was then in agitation, and fair Propo­sitions, made upon it to the King, by the Am­bassadors of the States General: The Parlia­ment were pleased with the marriage; and not long after the yong Prince arived in Eng­land, and was by the King and Queen, with all the Court, joyfully received, and entertai­ned at London. After convenient time spent in the English Court, he was upon the second day of May, with great solemnity, Married at White-hall to the Princess Mary.

On the tenth day of May, Thomas Earl of Strafford, who had been committed to the Tower six months before, was beheaded. Of this man, of the crimes laid to his charge, as likewise of his Pompous and remarkable trial, we cannot but make some mention. About the end of January a charge was read against him in the House of Commons, consisting of nine Articles: out of which by subdivision were branched many more, which (though too tedious to be verbally here set down) I shall deliver, by expressing the contents. He was accused for ruling Ireland, and the North of England in an arbitrary way, against the Laws. For retaining the Kings revenue with­out account. For encreasing and encouraging Popery. For maliciously striving to stir up, [Page 35] and continue enmity betwixt England and Scotland; of which some particulars are ex­prest. For laboring to subvert Parliaments, and incense the King against them. Upon which occasion, Mr. Pym, a Member of the House of Commons, in his Speech and De­claration to the Lords, shewing the quality of the offence, spake as followeth: ‘It is an offence comprehending all other offences, in that he governed contrary to Law: the Law is that which puts a difference between good and evil.’

A little after: ‘Such arbitrary power is inconsistent with the peace, the wealth, the prosperity of a Nation; to industry, to valor, &c. For who will take pains for that which when he hath gotten, is not his own? Or, who will fight for that wherein he hath no other Interest, but such as is subject to the will of another? The ancient encourage­ment for men to defend their Countries, was this, That they were to hazard their persons in defence of their Religion and their Houses; but by such arbitrary wayes as were practised in Ireland, and counselled here, no man had any certainty of either, or of any thing else, &c. Such arbitrary courses have an ill operation on the courage of a Nation, by embasing the hearts of the people; a servil condition doth beget in men a slaves temper and disposition: shall it be Treason to embase the Kings Coyn, though [Page 38] but a piece; and must it not needs be the ef­fect of a greater Treason, to embase the spi­rits of his Subjects? &c.’

A little further: ‘As it is a Crime odious in the nature of it, so it is odious in the judgment and estimation of the Law; to al­ter the settled frame and constitution of go­vernment, is Treason in any estate; The Laws whereby all other parts of a Kingdom are preserved, should be very vain and de­fective, if they had not a power to secure and preserve themselves.’

The Commissioners of Scotland, then resi­dent at London, had a charge also against this Earl, for matters done against their Nation; which were notwithstanding implied in the Parliaments Charge. To this Charge the Earl gave in his Answer in the House of Lords, where the King himself was present at the reading of it, upon the 23 day of February; but his trial in Westminster Hall began on the 22 day of March following, and was a most memorable fight. The Hall was Scaffolded on both sides, to contain the whole House of Commons, sitting there in a Committee; the Peers sate all there, besides the Com­missioners from Scotland, and besides other spectators and auditors, and a great number of the Lords of Ireland. The Earl of Arundel was Lord high Steward, and the Earl of Lind­sey Lord high Constable: the King himself sate privately in a close Gallery every day, taking Notes in writing of what passed in the tryal. Fifteen dayes the Earl answered personally, from the 22 of March, with few dayes inter­mission, till the 16 of April. Misdemeanors in an high degree were proved against him, [Page 40] but that which the Earl labored to maintain for himself, was, that Misdemeanors, though never so many and great, could not make Treason, put together, unless some one of them in his own nature had been Treason: for that was his Charge, which he strove to a­void.

Yet many of those particulars in his accu­sation were put into his Bill of Attainder af­terward; for a Bill of Attainder was drawn up, and read against him in the House of Com­mons April 21. where he was Voted guilty of high Treason.

Mr. Saint John the Kings Sollicitor, and a Member of the House of Commons, on the 29 of April, for satisfaction of the Lords, opened the Bill in Westminster-Hall (where the Earl of Strafford was at the Bar, and the King present in his accustomed place) and made the Bill good by many precedent Statutes. Upon which the Lords, being somewhat satis­fied, were afterwards more confirmed, when the Judges, in their House, delivered their o­pinions concerning it; And voted him guilty of high Treason also. But the King told the Lords, he was not satisfied in Conscience, to condemn him of high Treason; But acknow­ledged that his misdemeanors were very great; until at last, wearied with Petitions [Page 41] for Justice, the King calling a Privy Councel at White-hall, commanded the Judges to de­liver their opinion before him there; and sent for some Bishops to resolve him in scruple of Conscience. Which wrought so, that he gran­ted a Commission to four Lords, to sign that Bill for execution of the Earl of Strafford; which execution was done at the time and place before mentioned.

The death of this great Earl seemed to be the more violently sought, and more hastened, by reason of some Treasons against the Parlia­ment, which were at that time discovered; being partly in favor of him, contrived to pre­vent his death by an escape out of the Tower.

For one part of this Treason was to that purpose. Souldiers were raised by Sir John Suckling, and some others, under pretence of service in Portugal, to gratifie the Embassador of that Kingdom; those Souldiers the King himself (who was now found to be privy to all those Treasons against the Parliament) commanded Sir William Belfore the Lieutenant to admit into the Tower; but he perceiving it was a Plot for the Earls escape, disobeyed the Kings Command. Another part of this Treason, chief of all the rest, was a design to bring up the English Army, which was in the North, and not yet disbanded; this Army [Page 42] they had dealt with to engage against the Parliament sitting, and (as they alleaged) to maintain the Kings Prerogative, Episcopacy, and other things against the Parliament it self. In this Plot were Henry Piercy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland; Mr. Henry Jermin, Master of the Horse to the Queen; Col. Goring, Col. Wilmot, Col. Ashburnham, Pollard, Suckling, and others: the Kings dis­courses to Mr. Piercy concerning these things were discovered in a Letter of Piercie's to his Brother Northumberland out of France, which was read in the House upon the 14 of June (for Piercy, Jermine, and Suckling at the be­ginning of May, when this Treason was in some part detected, fled the day before they should have been examined, and passed over into France) upon which reading, Wilmot, Ashburnham and Pollard, three Members of the House, mentioned in the Letter, as privy to the Plot, were all committed: If the Earl of Strafford had escaped out of the Tower, he should have Commanded, in aid to this Plot, that Irish Army, consisting of eight thousand, most of them Papists, which the King would not grant to have disbanded, when the Par­liament, on the 28 of April before had de­sired it of him; but told them he could not disband them, for reasons best known to him­self.

[Page 43] Colonel Goring, for some discoveries which he made, was not at all committed; but Oneale, an Irish Papist, that was deep in the Plot, was apprehended and committed to the Tower, from whence he afterwards e­scaped.

The Parliament finding such disturbance in their business, and treasons against them, and not at all assured of the Kings reality; weigh­ing besides the great charges of paying two Armies, for which money must be raised by Loan upon the publick Faith: moved the King to sign a Bill for continuation of this present Parliament; which was, That it should never be dissolved without the Consent of both Houses.

That Bill so drawn up, the King signed on the 10 of May, the same day that he signed the Bill for Straffords execution.

This Bill was a thing, that former ages had not seen the like of, and therefore extremely was the Kings Grace magnified by those that flattered, but much condemned by others, who hated Parliaments and Reformation, complaining that the King had too far put the staffe out of his own hands. But many men who saw the necessity of such a thing, with­out which no money upon the publick Faith could be borrowed, did not at all wonder at [Page 44] it, saying, That as no King ever granted the like before; so no King had ever before made so great a necessity to require it: but some men were of opinion that it was not of secu­rity enough to make the Kingdom happy, un­less the King were good; for if he were ill-affected, he had power enough still to hinder, and retard them in any proceeding for the good, and settlement of the Common­wealth; and so by time and delayes lay a greater Odium upon the Parliament, for not satisfying the peoples desires, then if they had not had that seeming power to have done it: Which proved in the conclusion too true, when the King by such protraction of busi­ness, not at all concurring with them in the main, had raised a party to himself against them, to cut asunder that Knot by the sword, which by Law he could not unty.

The Parliament after this, began with easing the Kingdoms Grievances; and because the charge of the two Armies lay upon them, and every day was considerable, till they were disbanded, that was the first thing intended; Towards which a great quantity of Plate was appointed, with more than ordinary haste to be melted and coined.

And for making up the sum, that Bill of Poll-money was to be signed, which was ten­dred [Page 45] to the King, and two other Bills with it, one for putting down the High-Commission Court; and the other for putting down the Star-Chamber.

The King signed only that Bill of Poll­money, and took time to consider of the o­ther two: but hearing how ill it was taken at his hands, what murmurings there were in the City; and thinking it not now season­able to distaste them much, three days after he came and passed those other two Bills for putting down the High Commission Court, and Star-Chamber.

The Queen-Mother of France about that time took her leave of the King, & passed over the Seas into Holland, the people desiring to be eased of that charge; for the King had kept her for the space of three years in England at the allowance of 100. l. a day.

The Parliament proceeded then against the delinquent Judges about Ship-money; and Charges were drawn up and read against them in the House of Commons: for in December before, when the debate had been concerning Ship-money, and the offence of those Judges who had given their extrajudicial opinions for it, was examined; upon which the Lord Keeper Finch fled; the thing was condemned as most illegal. Three Judges had been ho­nest, [Page 46] Judge Crook, Hutton, and Baron Den­ham, whose Arguments were very famous: the other were examined by sixteen Members of the House of Commons, who were ap­pointed to present those particular Charges against every Judge; who were, Judge Bram­ston, Baron Trever, Baron Weston, Baron Da­venport, and Judge Crawley; for Judge Bar­clay was charged with high Treason.

Of this, a certain Gent. spake as followeth; ‘The Root of most of our present mis­chiefs, & the ruine of all posterity, do I hold to be that extrajudicial (Judgment I cannot say, but rather) doom, delivered by all the Judges under their hands out of Court, yet recorded in all Courts, to the subversion of all our Fundamental Lawes, Liberties; and Annihilation, if not Confiscation of our E­states: That in case of danger, the King may impose upon his subjects, & that he is the sole Judge of the danger, necessity, and propor­tion; which in brief, is to take what, when, and where he will; which though delivered in the time of a gracious & merciful Prince, who we hope will not wrest it beyond our abilities, yet left to the interpretation of a succeeding Tyrant, if ever this Nation be so fortunate to fall into the hands of such; It is a Record wherein every man might [Page 47] read himself a slave that reads it, having no­thing he can call his own, all prostitute to the will of another.’

‘What to do in such a case, we are not to seek for precedents, our honorable Ance­stors taught us in the just and exemplar pu­nishments of chief Justice Tresilian and his Complices (for giving their judgments out of Parliament against the established Laws of Parl.) how tender they were of us, how care­ful we ought to be to continue those Laws, to preserve the Liberty of our Posterity.’

Those Charges were now brought in about the beginning of August, but little was after­wards done against any of them, or almost any other offendor: the King had designed a journey into Scotland, and would go, though the Houses earnestly entreated his stay for a while longer, because the Kingdoms business required his presence; the King alledged that the affairs of Scotland did necessarily require his presence: and further told them that he would Pass any good Bill, which they had for him, before he went. Which he accordingly did, and signed a Commission for passing of Bills in his absence; the Commissioners were the Lord-Keeper Littleton, the Lord Privy-seal Earl of Manchester, the Lord great Cham­berlain Earl of Lindsey, the Marquess of Har­ford, [Page 48] Earl of Essex, Earl of Bath, Earl of Dor­set; The Earl of Essex also by a Bill, which the King then signed, was made General of all his forces on this side Trent, with power to levy Arms in case of necessity.

But before the King went, the Earl of Hol­land, chosen both by him and the Parliament as General for that purpose, was gone into the North to disband the English Army there.

The King departing from London the tenth of August, made haste towards Scotland, and passed by the Armies as they were disban­ding. Whether he did under-hand at­tempt any thing with the Scotish Army (as a Scotish writer hath published) to engage them against the Parliament of England, with large promises of Spoil, and offering Jewels of great value in pawn for performance of it, I leave as uncertain, for the reader to judge, by what afterwards fell out. But if he did, it was a matter of great falsehood, having as yet declared no enmity against the English Parliament. But what the Kings design was of going into Scotland, was not understood in England. The same Author saies, it was to make sure those Noble men of that Kingdom, whom he doubted of, as not willing to serve his turn against England. And true it is, that [Page 49] about September, Letters came from Scotland to the standing Committee at Westminster (for the two Houses had rejourned themselves from the eighth of September, till the twentieth of October, and appointed a standing Com­mittee of fifty Members during that time) that a Treasonable Plot was discovered there against the lives of some of the greatest Peers in the Kingdom; upon which the standing Committee fearing some mischief from the same spring, placed strong guards in divers parts of the City of London.

However the mischiefs might fall out by chance, or by design, the Kings journey into Scotland was sure to hinder the English busi­ness, and to retard the cure of all their Grie­vances; which was little less then a plain de­struction. For after the tenth of August, the day of his departure, little was done in the Parliament, until the recess.

On the 23 of October, whilst the King re­mained in Scotland, broke forth that cursed conspiracy of the Irish Rebels, and the inhu­mane butchery of Protestants through the whole Island, more tragical then any effect of a calamitous War; in which was put in exe­cution whatsoever could be imagined from the licentious cruelty of a barbarous people, so long kept under the English yoke, or what­ever [Page 50] the dire dictates of superstition, or wicked exhortations of Priests could infuse into them. It was wonderful that so devilish a design could so long be kept close; whereby 200000 Protestants in two months space were murdered, and many by exquisite tor­ments, and many more despoiled of all their wordly fortunes.

This divelish design was to be put in exe­cution on the 23 of October; upon which day not only the Castle of Dublin, the Kingdoms chief Magazine, a storehouse of ten thousand Arms at that time; but all other Forts and Magazines in that Kingdom were to be sur­prised; and all the English or Protestants, that joyned not with them, to be murdered.

The seizure of Dublin Castle (to which purpose many of the chief Rebels came to the City the day before) was prevented by timely discovery of the Plot to the two Lords Justices, by one Owen O Conally, a Servant to Sir John Clotworthy; which discovery was but the very night before that fatal day, and the occasion of it very accidental (or rather, a strange providence of God) by Mac-Mahons unadvised trusting this Owen with some rela­tions concerning it at a Tavern.

Upon which discovery, Mac-Mahon, and the Lord Maguire were presently apprehen­ded [Page 51] by the Lords Justices; and many Conspi­rators of great note escaped that night out of Dublin. So was Dublin saved, that all Ireland might not be lost in one day. But the horrid design was past prevention, as to the general; for the Conspirators were up at the day in all Counties round about; and poor English Protestants arrived at Dublin every day, rob­bed and spoiled of all they had, relating how their houses were seized, how Towns and Villages in all parts were fired, and cruel out­rages committed.

The Lords Justices, Sir William Parsons, and Sir John Burlace taking those Arms which they found in Dublin, and arming whom they could on a sudden to defend themselves, di­spatched Letters to the King in Scotland, and the Earl of Leicester, then chosen Deputy, but staying in England. Money was wanting, and no supplies neerer then England.

Owen O Conally, the first discoverer of the Plot, brought the first Letters to London; up­on receipt of which, they rewarded Owen with a gift of 500.l. and an annuity of two hun­dred pounds per annum; and presently both Houses of Parliament met at a Conference, and the House of Commons forthwith resol­ved into a Committee, to consider of Irelands relief, and also to provide for the safety of [Page 52] England, for distractions began then to appear in England; the Parliament every day con­sidered of Irelands relief, and presently orde­red supplies of money to be borrowed of the City of London, Victuals, and Ammunition for that purpose. But all relief could be but slow in such a sudden disease. For the Rebelli­on encreased, and spread through all the King­dom; and many Papists and ill-affected fled from Dublin into the Country to joyn with the Rebels, whilest the City in their rooms, was daily filled with poor spoiled Prote­stants, who came naked, and famished thi­ther; many of them being past relief, and there perished in the City. It were an end­less thing to relate the pitiful condition of those woful people, and what sad stories they there told concerning the bloody rage of those inhumane Irish Rebels, and several tortures by which the unhappy English were brought to their ends.

But the Lords of the Councel, and Lords Justices in a short time, with those Arms of Dublin, had armed many well-affected Gentlemen, and sent many active Comman­ders out of the City to defend places neer, against the approach of the Rebels. About the middle of November were in Arms Sir Charles Coot, Sir Henry Tichburn, the Lord [Page 53] Lambert, Sir Thomas Lucas, Capt. Armstrong, Capt. Yarner; and the Earl of Ormond came to Dublin with an hundred Horse well armed. At which time the Parliament of England, till greater sums could be raised, sent them o­ver, as a present comfort, twenty thousand pounds. But it was a long time before they could send over any forces to the relief of that bleeding Kingdom; the first was a Re­giment Commanded by Sir Simon Harcourt, who arrived on the last of December, 1641.

While Ireland was thus miserably distres­sed, the King returned out of Scotland into England, and was entertained by the City of London with most pompous solemnity; the whole multitude of Citizens distinguished by their several Companies, in such costly Equi­page as never before was known, with Horse and Arms met the King, and guarded him through the whole City to his Palace at White-hall. Some condemned that costly en­tertainment of the City at such a sad time; others hoped it might gain the Kings dubious affection to his people; but it wrought a con­trary effect in the King; who began now to think he could never lose the love of the City, whatsoever he did; and was flattered by some, with a hope that the City would assist him in curbing of the Parliament it self; [Page 54] he grew therefore more disdainful toward the Parliament; and to endear the City, invited divers of the chief to Hampton Court, where he feasted them, and Knighted some.

But the honest Citizens perceiving that no good use was made of their dutiful expressi­ons toward the King, but that some bad people did openly say that the City were weary of the Parliament, and would joyn with the King against it; they framed a Pe­tition to the Parliament, wherein the contra­ry is professed; and that they would live and die with the Parliament for the good of the Common-wealth.

While the King remained at Hampton Court, the House of Commons presented him with a Remonstrance, wherein the Grie­vances of the Kingdom are expressed; but no fault laid upon himself in plain words, but a Malignant party (as they call them) and e­vil Counsellors.

Irelands calamities seemed to be quite for­gotten, or rather, that those inhumane Rebels were countenanced; every body wondring that the King would not proclaim them Re­bels; and some honest Lords advising the King to proclaim them speedily, that a bet­ter course might be taken against them; they desired him to wash off that foul stain from [Page 55] himself, by proceeding severely against those wicked villains; who reported every where that they had authority from him to seize up­on the Holds of the English Protestants; that they were the Queens Souldiers, and rise to maintain the Kings Prerogative against the Puritan Parliament in England; they there­fore advised him by all means to purge him­self of that crime; then which, a greater on earth could not be.

But so strangely were things carried, that although the Rebellion brake out upon the twenty third of October, the King did not proclaim them Rebels till the first of Janu­ary; and then gave a strict command, that no more then forty Copies of that Proclama­tion should be Printed, and that none of them should be published, till his Majesties pleasure were further signified, so that a few only could take notice of it; which made all men extreamly wonder, when they observed the late contrary proceedings against the Scots; who were in a very quick and sharp manner proclaimed, and those Proclama­tions forthwith dispersed with as much dili­gence as might be thorow all the King­dom.

But before this Proclamation came out, the Parliament, being somewhat troubled [Page 56] with some speeches, of which they had been informed, as if a Plot were contrived against them, desired the King to allow them a Guard for security of their persons and that the Earl of Essex, then Lord Chamberlain of his Majesties Houshold, might be Commander of it. But the King denied them a Guard, giving them many fair promises of his care for their safety; and that he would com­mand such a Guard to wait upon them, as he would be responsible for to Almighty God.

Three days after the Proclamation against those Irish Rebels, being the fourth of Janu­ary, the King attended with about three hundred Armed Gentlemen, came to West­minster, and entring in Person into the House of Commons, and seating himself in the Speakers Chair, demanded five Members of that House to be delivered to him; Mr. Hollis, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hamden, and Mr. Strode.

Those five Members had by command of the House, upon information of the Kings intent, absented themselves. Which the King finding, went away after a short Speech delivered, concerning them, That he in­tended a fair Trial against them, and that he was, and would be as careful to maintain the [Page 57] Priviledges of Parliament, as ever any King of England was. He had the day before de­manded them by his Atturney, Sir Edward Herbert, a Member of the House of Com­mons, pretending a Charge of high Treason against them, and with them, against the Lord Mandevile, a Member of the House of Lords. But the Parliament did not think fit to let their Persons go. Whereupon the King sent and sealed up the Closets and Trunks of those five Members; He made also a Proclamation against them, for their apprehending and im­prisonment, as men guilty of high Trea­son.

This great breach of Parliament-Priviledge happened in a strange time, to divert the Kingdom from relieving of Ireland; and so the people every where complained, and called to minde what they had heard by some of those poor Protestants, who fled out of Ireland; who reported that those Irish Re­bels did confidently say, It was for no pur­pose to sly for safety into England, for that Kingdom would be as much distressed as theirs, and that the King intended to for­sake his Parliament in England, and War a­gainst it; which when he did, they would come over, having done their work in Ire­land, and help the King against the English [Page 58] Parliament. Those things were sadly re­membred.

On this occasion the Parliament voted, that These things were an high breach of the Priviledge of Parliament, a great scandal to the King and his Government, a seditious act, manifestly tending to the subversion of the peace, and an injury and dishonor to the said Members, there being no legal Charge or accusation against them. And that there could be no vindication of those Priviledges, unless his Majesty would dis­cover the Names of those who advised him to such unlawful courses. They therefore desired him to satisfie their legal desire in that, to let them know their informers (which by two Statutes then in force, upon such occasions the King is bound to do) but he refused to grant their request. Upon which they com­mitted his Atturney, Sir Edward Herbert, (having been examined about it, but confes­sing nothing) for breaking the Priviledges of Parliament in prefering the Articles, &c.

The King the next day after this, entering into the House of Commons, went through the City of London; where the Citizens in many places, flocking about his Coach, hum­bly entreated him to agree with his Parlia­ment, and not to break the Priviledges thereof. To which purpose, they after­wards [Page 59] presented him with a Petition, be­seeching him for poor Irelands sake, to accord with his Parliament, to allow them a Guard, and do right to the accused Members; with other things of that nature, expressed at large in that Petition. The people about that time, discontented with the Kings actions, and those obstructions which they found in all businesses of Parliament, used to flock to Westminster in great throngs, though un­armed, by way of Petitioning, and many times to utter rude speeches against some Lords, whom they conceived to be evil ad­visers of the King; which howsoever it were meant, proved of ill consequence to the Common-wealth, and did not so much move the King to be sensible of his grieving the people, as arm him with an excuse for leaving the Parliament and City, for fear of what might ensue upon such tumultuous concourse of men.

Upon this ground, twelve Bishops at that time absenting themselves, entred a Prote­station against all Laws, Votes, and Orders, as Null, which in their absence should pass; by reason that they durst not, for fear of their lives, come to perform their duties in the House, having been rudely menaced, and af­fronted. Whereupon it was agreed both by [Page 60] the Lords and Commons that this Protesta­tion of the Bishops was of dangerous Con­sequence, and deeply entrenched upon the Priviledge and Being of Parliaments. They were therefore accused of high Treason, ap­prehended, and committed prisoners to the Tower.

Thus was the Parliament daily troubled with ill work, whereby the relief of Ireland was hindered: but other particular hinde­rances of Irelands relief then fell out, which we shall express briefly.

When the Parliament were considering of Forces to be sent out of Scotland, being a short cut, many things happened to divert, or delay it. There was a Bill for Pressing of Souldiers to that purpose depending in the House of Peers, which the King took ex­ceptions at, as to the putting of it into that way; being, as he said, a diminution of his Prerogative: but because he desired Ireland might be relieved, he was content that a Bill should pass for that time with a Salvo Jure both to King and people. This speech offended the Parliament; who declared in a Petition, that the King by taking notice of the debate in the House of Lords concerning the Bill for pressing of Souldiers, had broken the fundamental priviledge of Parliament, [Page 61] which he ought not to do concerning any Bill, till it be presented to him in due course of Parliament; for every Member hath free liberty of speech in propounding, or deba­ting, and the King ought not to be displeased at him for such opinions or propositions. For this great breach of Priviledge they desired reparation, and that the King would make known who they were by whose evil Coun­sel he had done it, that they might receive condign punishment.

It was then also desired, that an Army of Scots should be sent into Ireland first; but the Scotish Commissioners answered, That they had no Commission from their State to send over a less number thither than 10000. The House of Commons consented, out of Zeal to the Cause; and Voted the sending over of ten thousand Scots. But the Lords would not yield unto it, unless the House of Com­mons would give assurance that ten thousand English should be sent over as speedily; which was impossible to be done. And no other reason given for this Opposition, but that it was dishonorable for England, that Ireland should be reduced by the Scots; and that the Scots would make too great an advantage by it. But this reason was not thought by ho­nest men, of weight enough to hinder so good [Page 62] a work; when the cause of Religion, and the deplorable estate of so many thousand poor Christians groaned for assistance.

A third Obstruction of Irelands Relief was thus: Two thousand five hundred Scots were in readiness to be transported into the North of Ireland. Concerning the condition of their going, the Commissioners of Scotland delivered to the English Parliament eight Propositions: Both Houses consented to all the Propositions, but the King excepted a­gainst one of those Propositions; which was the third in order: That the Scots would have the keeping of the Town and Castle of Carrick­fergus, with power to remain there, or enlarge their Quarters at discretion; and if any Regi­ments or Troops in that Province should joyn with them, that they receive Orders from the chief Commanders of the Scotish Forces.

This Article the King said that he doubted might be to the damage of England; and therefore would have the Parliament think upon it again. Nevertheless if they would have it so, he would confer with the Scotish Commissioners about it.

The Scots answered the King, That they were sorry that his Majesty, being their na­tive [Page 63] King, should shew less trust in them, then their neighbor Nation had freely done; and should think that Article too much for them, which both Houses of Parliament were pleased with. The King at last (though too much time were lost) was contented to ad­mit of that Article, as the Parliament had done.

But that way which the Parliament thought most powerful to Reduce Ireland, was by ad­venturing for proportions of Land there to be shared amongst the English Adventurers, according to those sums of money, which they would disburse or subscribe: That so whosoever in person or purse helped towards the conquest of those bloody Rebels, might be recompensed, if the Work were done. Propositions were framed in Parliament to that purpose. The King confirmed these Propositions, though at first he laughed at them, and was heard to say, That they were like to him, who sold the Bears skin before the Bear was killed.

At last an Act was made, enabling the Par­liament with power to carry on that War un­til Ireland should be declared wholly sub­dued; and that no Peace, or Cessation of Arms should be ever made with the Rebels, unless both Houses of Parliament consented [Page 64] to it. The King then offered to go in person over into Ireland. But the Parliament thought it was not fit to hazard the Kings person in such an expedition.

The King was then at Hampton Court, di­stasted at the City, and pretending the rea­sons of his absence to be fear of Tumults: for besides what was before spoken of the numbers which flocked to Petition at West­minster, the King was advertised, That the day after he retired to Hampton (which was about a week after his going to the House of Commons) divers Citizens, with Boats, and Guns in them, brought the five Members to Westminster, with many promises not to for­sake the Parliament.

From thence, upon the twentieth of Janu­ary, the King sent a Message to the Parlia­ment, desiring them, that seeing particular grievances were so many, as that it would be tedious to present them by themselves, they would digest them into one Body; that so a clear Judgement might be made upon them; And then they should see how ready he would be to equal or exceed the greatest examples of most indulgent Princes in their Acts of Grace and Favor to the People.

[Page 65] The Parliament gave him thanks, and re­solved speedily to consider of it; but de­sired the King, in the mean time, to give them a sure ground of security (while they discharged their Trust) by putting the Tower, with other principal Forts, and the whole Militia of the Kingdom, into such hands, as the Parliament might trust, and re­commend to him.

The King refused to grant that Petition; alleaging, that he would reserve to himself the disposal of all those places, as a princi­pal, and inseparable Flower of his Crown; nevertheless, he promised to entrust none but faithful Persons in any of those pla­ces.

Many reasons were shewed on both sides, and many Petitions and Answers passed; they still pressing for this Grant of the Militia, and the King still denying it.

The King then residing at Hampton Court, had found out a new way to weaken the Par­liament in their number, by sending for some, who were his Servants, to leave their sitting in the House to attend him. Especially he aimed at the Earl of Essex, his Lord Cham­berlain; and the Earl of Holland, Groom of the Stool; both whom he sent for: but they chose rather to obey his Parliament-Writ, [Page 66] than his private Command; and continued sitting. For which he sent a Messenger to demand the Staffe of the one, and the Key of the other, being the Ensigns of their Offices; which they willingly resign­ed.

The Lord George Digby about that time had written a Letter to the Queen from Midleborough in Zealand (whither he had fled from England, when the Lords in Par­liament had sent for him upon some Misde­meanors, and if he appeared not in twenty days, had proclaimed him Traytor) in which he intimates, That if the King will declare himself, and retire to a safe place, he should be able to wait upon him from thence, as well as from any part of England, over and above the service which he might do for him there in the mean time.

This Letter was intercepted, and brought to the Parliament; whereby they began to understand that the King had some design in hand against them; which they more plainly afterwards discerned.

The King and Queen, about the middle of February, with their eldest Daughter Mary, Princess of Orange, went to Canterbury: From which place (while some of the Mem­bers of both Houses went between London [Page 67] and that City upon divers businesses) the King signed the Bill for taking away Bishops Votes in Parliament.

From Canterbury they went to Dover: from whence the Queen passed into Holland, under pretext of keeping her Daughter com­pany to her Husband: But she carried with her the Crown-Jewels of England, and pawned them there; whereby she bought Arms for that War which ensued, and was it seems then designed by the King against the Parliament.

After her departure, the King taking the Prince and Duke of York with him, went to Theobalds; there he received a Petition from the Parliament on the first of March, one thousand six hundred forty one, where­in they desired him to Grant the Militia, to abide neer London, and not to carry the Prince away.

All which he denied; and went immedi­ately to New-Market.

There he was presented with a Declarati­on drawn by both Houses. The Earls of Pembrook and Holland, with some Commo­ners, carried it; In which they repeat the old Grievances; his wicked War against Scotland, the Irish Rebellion raised here by many presumptions, his attempt of engaging [Page 68] the English Army against the Parliament, his entring the House of Commons, with the like; and that his fear to reside neer London is without ground, and pretended for no­thing but to perplex the Common-wealth, to hinder the relief of Ireland, and encou­rage the ill-affected party in this Kingdom: to which the King Answered with great in­dignation, and afterwards answered it by a long Declaration of his own, endeavoring to clear himself of some things, and exte­nuate, or excuse others; accusing them for coining to themselves needless Fears and Jealousies; and so these Commissioners de­parted from Theobalds (while the Parliament suffered him, without any real hinderance) to the Peoples great griefs, he passed to the City of York.

The Parliament in the mean time sit, and Vote only against the Kings evil Counsel, and make three Votes.

1. That the Kings absence, so far remote from his Parliament, is not only an obstructi­on, but may be a destruction to the Affairs in Ireland.

2. That when the Lord and Commons in Parliament shall declare what the Law [Page 69] of the Land is, to have this not only que­stioned, and controverted, but contra­dicted, and a command that it should not be obeyed, is an high breach of the Priviledge of Parliament.

3. That they which advised the King to absent himself from the Parliament, are e­nemies to the peace of this Kingdom, and justly to be suspected as favorers of the Re­bellion in Ireland.

From York the King sent a Message to the Parliament, on the eighth of April 1642. that he would go in person over to Ireland a­gainst those bloody Rebels; and therefore intended to raise by his Commission neer Westchester a Guard for his Person (when he should come into Ireland) of 2000 Foot, and 200 Horse, whom he would arm from his Magazine at Hull.

But the Parliament suspecting, as well by my Lord Digby his intercepted Letter, as by other presumptions, That the Kings chief end of going Northward, was to seize the Ma­gazine of Hull, and arm himself from thence against them; sent a Petition to him, for leave to remove that Magazine to the Tower [Page 70] of London; and accordingly had sent Sir John Hotham thither, who prevented the King, and kept out the Earl of Newcastle, whom the King had sent thither also for the same purpose; at which action of theirs, the King was much moved.

On the three and twentieth day of April 1642. the King, attended by some Noble­men, Gentlemen, and Souldiers, came at the Wals of Hull, and demanded entrance; but the Gates were shut, and Sir John Ho­tham appeared upon the Wall, and kneeling there, entreated the King not to command that, which he, without breach of Trust, could not obey: in conclusion, the King not getting entrance, proclaimed Hotham Tray­tor; and sent a complaining Message to the Parliament concerning that affront.

The Parliament labored to appease him, but justified Hothams act; and Declared, That proclaiming Sir John Hotham Traytor, without due process of Law, was against the Liberty of the Subject, and Laws of the Land.

Upon this business of Hull, passed in [...] short time many Declarations on both sides, with Arguments drawn from the Statutes and Laws of England; and many commands contrary to each other; the Parliament au­thorizing [Page 71] Sir John Hotham to issue out War­rants to the Constables and other Officers, to come with Arms to the defence of Hull: and the King on the other side forbiding any such Warrants, or Training, without autho­rity under his hand.

The King, while the Parliament let him alone in the North, daily Summoned the Gentry of those Counties to attend him at York, and daily gained some to his party; whose proceedings there in every particular, are too tedious for this Relation; but his fre­quent Orations to them were in substance, That he was in danger of the Parliament, and desired a Guard for his person: and when the King made Proclamation for all Gentlemen and others, to attend him in Arms as a Guard; the Parliament at Lon­don only declared, That such Arming of men to the disturbance of the Kingdoms peace, was against the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdoms: Thus did Proclamations and Declarations for a long time encounter each other.

But nothing made the Kingdom fear a War, until that great defection of Parlia­ment Members, who left their Seats, and went to the King at York: Which happened about the end of April, and continued a [Page 72] great part of May following; in which space a great number of the Lords, some sent for by the King, others for their own discon­tents, fears, or ambition, quitted their Seats in Parliament, and went to him one after a­nother.

The Lords that left the Parliament were these;

Duke of Richmond, Marquess Hartford, the Earls of Lindsey, Cumberland, Hunting­ton, Bath, Southampton, Dorset, Northampton, Devonshire, Bristol, Westmerland, Barkshire, Monmoth, Rivers, Newcastle, Dover, Car­narvan, Newport; the Lords Matrevers, Willoughby of Eresby, Rich, Howard of Charleton, Newark, Paget, Chandois, Fal­conbridge, Paulet, Lovelace, Savil, Coventry, Mohun, Dunsmore, Seymour, Gray of Ru­then, Capel.

Within that time also many of the House of Commons did so far break their Trust, as to forsake their Seats in Parliament, and go to the King.

This Revolt of so many Members of both Houses, was generally looked upon, as a thing of most sad consequence, and likely to produce no effects, but lamentable and wicked: as to nourish and encrease the Kings dis-affection to Parliaments; to en­courage [Page 73] his distance from it, and attempts a­gainst it; to secure the Irish Rebels, to sub­vert the dignity of that high Court, and make the King, by this diminution of their num­ber (as he did in his following Declarations) call them a Faction, a pretended Parliament, and such like names.

The Parliament continued still Petitioning the King; and on the twentieth of May sent to entreat him, that he would Disband his Forces, and rely for his security (as his Predecessors had done) upon the Laws, and Affections of his people; contenting him­self with his ordinary Guards; declaring, that else they held themselves bound in duty to God, and the trust reposed in them by the people, and by the fundamental Laws, to employ their utmost care, and power, for securing the Parliament, and preserving the Kingdoms Peace.

Upon which, these Votes were made in Parliament.

That it appears that the King seduced by wicked Councel, intends to make a War a­gainst the Parliament, who in all their con­sultations and actions have proposed no other end to themselves, but the care of his King­doms, [Page 74] and the performance of all duty and loyaltie to his person.

It was likewise Resolved upon the Questi­on, That,

Whensoever the King maketh War upon the Parliament, it is a breach of the Trust reposed in him by his people, contrary to his Oath, and tending to the dissolution of this Government.

As also,

That whosoever shall serve or assist him in such Wars, are Traitors by the funda­mental Laws of this Kingdom, and have been so adjudged in two Acts of Parliament, II Richard 2, and 1 Henry 4, and that such Persons ought to suffer as Traitors.

But those Lords who had forsaken the Par­liament, continued still with the King in the North; wherefore the Parliament by an Or­der of the thirtieth of May, Summoned nine of them, who first had gone away, to appear at Westminster; viz. The Earls of Northampton, Devonshire, Dover, and Mon­moth; [Page 75] the Lords Howard of Charleton, Rich, Grey of Ruthen, Coven [...]ry, and Capel. But they refused to come away, returning an An­swer in writing; which the Parliament judg­ed to be a slighting, and scornful Letter; up­on which, a Vote was passed against them in the House of Commons, and presented on the 15 of June to the Lords by Master Hollis, with an Oration concerning the importance of the business.

Upon the impeachment of the nine Lords, the House of Peers about a month after, be­ing in their Robes, entred into debate of the said impeachment; and after divers Speeches made, setting forth the greatness of their of­fence, they were Censured,

• 1 Never to sit more as Members of that House.
• 2 To be incapable of the Benefit or Priviledge of Parliament.
• 3 To suffer imprisonment during their plea­sure.

After which Censure, it was concluded, That the said Lords should be demanded in the behalf of both Houses of Parliament, to submit to the said Censure.

[Page 76] After this, another wound was given to the Parliament, encouraging the King in his Designs; the Great Seal of England was car­ried away from the Parliament at London, to the King at York, by the Lord Keeper Little­ton, a man that had continued some time, af­ter the rest were gone, firm in appearance, Voted with them, and gave his Voice for setling of the Militia by Ordinance of Par­liament.

But about the end of June, one Master Eliot a Courtier, was sent closely from York to him; who having gotten privacy with the Lord Keeper, so far prevailed at last, that he got the Great Seal into his hands, and rid a­way with it to the King at York.

The Lord Keeper Littleton, after some se­rious thoughts with himself, not being able to answer it to the Parliament, rode away himself next day to the King also. The rea­son which he gave to some friends of his af­terwards for so parting with the Seal, was this, The King when he made him Lord Keeper, gave him an Oath in private, which he took, That whensoever the King should send to him for the Great Seal, he should forthwith deliver it. This Oath, he said, he could not dispence with in Conscience, but was sorry he had taken the Office with such [Page 77] an Oath. The Seal was given him since this Parliament sate; which made it appear what intentions the King even then had to the Par­liament.

The King having now gotten the Great Seal, issued forth many Proclamations; and among other, one, That no man should o­bey the Parliaments Warrants about setling the Militia: and they on the other side by Ordinances forbad any man to raise Arms by Warrant from the King, without the autho­rity of Parliament.

The Parliament being then intent upon setling the Militia by Land, they took care also to seize the Navy into their hands, for security of the Kingdom against forreign in­vasions.

To that purpose, the Earl of Warwick, a Nobleman of good experience in Sea-affairs, and undoubted fidelity to his Countrey, was by an Ordinance of both Houses chosen to be Lord Admiral. But the King had chosen Sir John Penington to that place, in the room of the Earl of Northumberland; and sent a Command to the Earl of Warwick to resign the place to him.

But the Earl-chose rather to obey the Or­dinance of Parliament, and with great cou­rage and policy got the Fleet into his hands, [Page 78] though many of the Captains stood out a­gainst him, alleaging they had the Kings Com­mand to obey Sir John Penington; but the Earl deprived them of their Commands, and possessed himself of the Ships; taking short­ly after another Ship called the Lion, of great import, coming out of Holland, and la­den with Gunpowder; which proved a great addition to his strength.

All men at this time began to despair of the Kings return to his Parliament, and there­fore on the 10 of June was an Order made in Parliament for bringing in money and plate, to raise Arms for the Cause; the pub­lick Faith for repayment to them that brought it in, was engaged by the Parlia­ment, and interest of eight in the hundred. Which was accordingly brought in in great a­bundance by well-affected people: as also Horses and Arms for that service.

The King at that time had received Mo­ney, and Arms, with Ammunition out of Holland, upon the pawning of the Crown-Jewels which the Queen had carried over in February before. He then sent out his Com­missions of Array to Arm the people, into all Counties: wherein he used the Parliaments own words, as in a Jeer of them. For the Parliament professed that their receiving of [Page 79] plate and money, and levying of Forces was, To maintain the Protestant Religion, the Kings Person, dignity, and authority, the Laws of the Land, the peace of the Kingdom, and priviledge of Parliament. The Kings words were the same; namely, To maintain the Protestant Religion, his own person and authority, the Laws, Kingdoms Peace, and priviledge of Parliament.

And whereas the Parliament in their De­clarations, both then, and afterward, used to say, That they did arm against a malignant party, by whom the Kings person was in danger; he in his, said the like, and that for the safety of his own person and people, there was an inevitable necessity of putting the Kingdom into a posture of defence; u­sing those very words in his Commission of Array, which they did in their Ordinance for the Militia. And invited people to bring plate and money to him, in that language which the Parliament did: nor did it prove less effectual; for many Lords, Gentlemen, and others very freely brought in Money and plate, to serve the King, within a short space.

In all this heat of preparations, the King, before those Lords that were with him in the [Page 80] North, made a solemn Protestation, as before God, that he would not engage them in any War against the Parliament, but only for his necessary defence; that his desire was to maintain the Protestant Religion, the liber­ties of the Subject, and priviledge of Parlia­ment.

Upon which, those Lords made a solemn Protestation, as before God, and subscribed their Names to it, That they did believe the Kings intention to be as he said; namely, That he had no purpose to Levy War against the Parliament; and that he endeavored on­ly to maintain the Protestant Religion, the Laws, Liberties of the Subject, and just pri­viledge of Parliament.

The King immediately after this took a progress about the Countries adjacent, and at divers places made speeches to the Gentle­men, and inhabitants, full of gracious pro­mises, and declaring his intentions to pre­serve the peoples Liberties, and priviledge of Parliament; after which he returned to York: and having raised an Army of three thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, went to Beverly, with an intention to besiege Hull; making Proclamation beforehand, That no man should presume to assist Hull, against him, or bring any force thither. The Parliament, [Page 81] on the other side published a Declaration, for the preservation and safety of the Kingdom, and of the town of Hull, with assurance of satisfaction to all those who sustained any loss by their service for the safety of that Town, or by overflowing of water upon the grounds there.

The King was within two hours march of Hull, when Sir John Hotham calling a Coun­cel of War, by whom it was thought so fit, drowned the Countrey about Hull, drawing up the Sluce; giving the Owners time to re­move their Cattel and Goods, the Parlia­ment being to satisfie their damages upon the publick Faith.

Sir John Meldrum, an old Souldier, was assistant to Hotham; who sallying bravely out of the Town with five hundred Towns­men, made the Kings party retreat to Be­verly, some being slain, and taken in the Chase.

Within a short time after, (when five hun­dred men sent from London arrived at Hull) Sir John Meldrum made a fiercer Sally, and forced most of the Leaguer to retire disorder­ly, one and twenty of them being slain, and fifteen taken prisoners; and following his good success, came to Aulby, where the Kings Magazine of Arms, Ammunition, and Fire­balls [Page 82] were kept in a Barn; all which he took, and fired the Barn: Upon which, the King calling a Councel of War, upon their advice broke up the siege before Hull.

On the twelfth of July the Parliament Voted that an Army should be raised for the safety of the Kings person, and defence of the Parliament. Of which the Earl of Essex, a man of eminent fidelity and worth, was by an unanimous consent of both Houses chosen General.

Some Lords and Members of the Com­mons were sent down into the Counties to settle the Militia, and raise Forces for de­fence of several Towns and places.

And divers Members of the Houses Listed themselves in the Lord General Essex his Ar­my; and took Commissions from him, as Co­lonels.

But immediately after this time, the Kings Commissions of Array were sent down into every County (though often declared by the Parliament to be illegal) and were obeyed in many places, more than the Parliaments Ordinances for the Militia; by reason that so many Lords and Gentlemen adhered to him now against the Parliament.

But there were scarce any Counties free from contention, betwixt the Commissioners [Page 83] of the one, and the Ordinances of the other; which strugled together, with great Nobili­ty, and Gentry on both sides: Neither had the Kings Proclamations, nor the Par­liaments Ordinances obedience from all, only as far as the now-drawing swords enfor­ced it.

During these Divisions in several Counties, London it self was not free: for the Lord Ma­jor of London, Sir Richard Gurney, was by the Parliament committed prisoner to the Tower of London, for moving sedition in the King­dom, by causing the Kings Commission of Ar­ray (a thing declared illegal by both Houses) to be proclaimed in the City: and after­wards an additional impeachment was brought in against him by the Common-Councel of London, for divers breaches of his Oath in that Office, and contemning the Orders of Parliament.

After many days attendance concerning these Accusations, on the twelfth day of Au­gust he received his Censure at the House of Lords; which was,

That he should be turned out of his Ma­joralty.

That he should never bear any Office in the Ci­ty, or Common-wealth.

That he should be incapable of any Honor or, [Page 84] Dignity to be conferred on him by the King; and Committed Prisoner to the Tower during the pleasure of both Houses.

Many Proclamations about that time pas­sed from the King, and Declarations from the Parliament; one from the King against the Earl of Essex, as a Rebel, and all that adhered unto him; and a Declaration from the Par­liament, recounting all that the Kings evil counsel (for so they call it) had done illegal­ly against them: the Parliament likewise pub­lished what in particular had been done by his party against Ireland; and how that un­happy Kingdome had been of late robbed of many Reliefes, of Cloathes, Victuals, and Arms which the Parliament had sent them, by the King and his party.

While these writings on both sides lasted, the King removed often to gather strength, and in several places made Speeches to the Countries, with many Protestations of his affection to the people. At last he came to Nottingham, where, about the middle of August, he set up his Standard-Royal. Very few People came to it, nor had the King at that time any considerable strength; nor if the Parliament would then have seized upon his person, could he have kept himself out of their hands.

[Page 85] From Notingham on the twenty fifth of that Month he sent a Message to the Parlia­ment, by the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, and Sir John Culpeper.

In that Message he signifieth a desire to compose the difference by a Treaty; that a certain number of Persons sent, and enabled by the Parliament, may treat in some indif­ferent place, with the like number authorized by him.

The Parliament answer, That until he put them in a condition to treat, that is, until he take down his Standard, and re­call those Proclamations, wherein he cal­leth (a thing unheard of before) both Houses of Parliament Traytors and Rebels, they cannot, by the Fundamental Privi­ledges of Parliament, or by the publick trust reposed in them, or with the gene­ral good of the Realm, admit of any such Treaty.

The KING denied that he advanced his Standard against the Parliament, or that he called them Rebels: but within few dayes, in his Instructions to his Commissi­oners of Array, Marquess Harford, the Earl of Cumberland, and the Lord Strange, he again called the Earl of Essex Rebel and Traytor.

[Page 86] Thus did they contend for some time, by Declarations and Proclamations; which proved all fruitless, as to satisfying of the people; nor could this lamentable War be averted.

Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, the the second and third Sons of the late King of Bohemia, were now come into England the beginning of September, to offer their service to the King, their Uncle; whom presently he put into Commands. Prince Rupert, the Elder and Fiercer by nature, Commanding a Body of Horse, flew with great fury through divers Counties, raising men for the King's service in a rigorous way, Committing outrages to those who favou­red the Parliament; upon which, the Houses fell into a debate, agreeing, that a Charge of Treason should be drawn up against him, for endeavouring the Destruction of this State, and abusing that Court which repre­sented it.

The King marched another way; and passing through Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and Nottinghamshire, he commanded the Trained Bands of those Counties to attend and Guard his Person; and when they were met, he disarmed the greatest part of [Page 87] them, taking as many Arms as served for two thousand men, besides good summs of Money, which he borrowed by constraint; protesting still (as usually he did) to main­tain the Protestant Religion, the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, and the priviledges of Parliament.

The Parliament-Army, raised under the Conduct of the General Essex, was now grown into a considerable Bulk; consisting of about fourteen thousand Horse and Foot; their general Rendezvouz was at Northamp­ton, where many of the chief Commanders stayed with them, expecting the presence of the General himself. The Lord General Essex, on the ninth of September, taking his leave of the Parliament and City of London, went towards Northampton, and was waited on by the trained Bands, and a great number of armed Gentlemen from Essex-house to the end of the City, with great solemnity. The Parliament sent a Petition to the General at Northampton, to be by him presented to the King in a safe and honourable way; the effect of which was, humbly to entreat his Majesty to withdraw his presence from those wicked persons about him, and not to mix his danger with theirs; but that he would return to his Parliament; and such-like things.

[Page 88] The King intending to seize upon Wor­cester, sent Prince Rupert thither with some Horse; which Essex fearing, to prevent the King, commanded part of his forces to march thither speedily, himself following with his Army.

Some Skirmishes happened between that party of Parliamentarians and Prince Ru­pert, before the coming of General Essex; but Prince Rupert, when the forerunners of Essex his Army were in sight, with great speed fled out of Worcester. General Essex, leaving a Garison at Northampton, marched to Coven­try; which Town he also garisoned, as like­wise Warwick, and marched from thence with his main Army to Worcester; where he made some stay.

The King at that time with a small Body of Horse went to Shrewsbury; to which place he caused a Mint to be brought; and Coined his Plate: for many Gentlemen about that time, had, besides Money and Arms, brought Plate in unto him. At Shrewsbury he grew wonderful in strength; so that with­in three weeks after his coming thither, from a small inconsiderable Body of Horse, he was grown into an Army consisting of about six thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse, and two thousand Dragoneirs.

[Page 89] From Shrewsbury the King marched along by Coventry, and came to Southam; being but a small distance from the Lord General Essex his Army: from whence he struck a terror (though so far off) into the City of London it self; for he was then neerer to London by a dayes march, then the General was; inso­much as that London made great provisions to Guard it self, and the Parliament sent twelve Companies to possess and Guard Windsor-Ca­stle.

The General thought it his chief work to follow the King's Army, for fear he should march toward London; and by reason of that haste, left behinde him a great part of his Forces, and great Artillery.

The King perceiving that, and loath to lose so good an advantage of fighting (be­fore the Parliament-Forces were conjoyned) turned back against General Essex; who was also resolved to give battel.

A fair Champion Ground there is neer Keynton, a Village in Warwickshire; and not above twenty furlongs from that Village, a great and steep hill, upon which the King's Army had spread themselves; and at the foot of that Hill, a large Plain, called The Vale of the Red-Horse: here first the battel joyned; [Page 90] the Royalists descending cheerfully down the hill, and the Parliamentarians from Keynton approaching toward them. The fight was begun with great courage, and much slaugh­ter on both parts: on one side the Earl of Lindsey; on the other, the Earl of Essex man­fully discharging the parts both of Generals and Souldiers.

But presently after the Battel was begun, Prince Rupert, who commanded the Horse in the King's right Wing, fell in with so furi­ous a Charge upon the Parliaments left Wing, (where most of their Horse were placed) that immediately he put to flight all those Parliament-Horse, whose Foot like­wise, being left by the Horse, betook them­selves to flight. Prince Rupert following the chase far, and greedy of pillage, whilest he was busie in seizing the Carriages and Bag­gage of his Enemies, spent so much time therein, that the King's Victory (which was almost gotten) was by that means quite lost: for in the King's left Wing the fortune was nor equal, whom Sir William Balfore charged so roundly, that he broke the best Foot-Regiments, and seized upon the King's Artillery.

There was a bloody fight: in that place the Kings Standard was taken, but soon lost again: [Page 91] there were slain and taken Prisoners many brave men, among whom Lindsey the King's General was taken Prisoner, who died with­in few hours, of his wounds.

Night parted the fight, and gave a safe retreat to both sides: both sides challenged the Victory to themselves; for which, thanks were publickly given to God both by the Parliament and the King; for on both sides appeared some marks of Victory, as En­signs, Canons, and Prisoners taken. Con­cerning the number of the slain was no agree­ment, both partyes reporting too falsly: but it was thought that of both Armies (though more of the King's side then the other) were slain in that battel above five thousand.

General Essex marched to Coventry, to re­fresh his Army: the King to Oxford, as to his Winter-Quarters. Prince Rupert with a Body of Horse flew up and down the Countrey Night and Day, plundering and robbing Towns and Villages; and made his Excursions so far out of Oxford, that he struck a terrour into the City of London it self, insomuch, as that they desired Ge­neral Essex (who had designed to follow the King) that he would bring his Army neerer to London.

Essex on the seventh Day of November, [Page 92] came to Westminster, (quartering his Forces in the adjacent Villages) and was received with great Honour by both Houses of Parliament, and was presented with five thousand pounds as a gratuity, with a large acknowledgement of his valour and pains undergone for the Commonwealth.

Before the General departed from Lon­don, another bloody Battel was fought about Brainford. And so happened the occasion; the Parliament grieved for this unnatural War, desirous to save the Kingdom, and recover Ireland, had agreed upon a Peti­tion for Accommodation to be presented to the King, being then at Colebrook, by the Earls of Northumberland and Pembrook, the Lord Wainman, Master Perpoint, and Sir John Ipsley.

The King gave a fair Answer, protesting before God, That he was grieved for his peo­ples sufferings; and in order to peace, was willing to reside neer London, and receive such Propositions as they would send, and treat with them.

As soon as the Commissioners were gone with this Answer, the King's Artil­lery (for so all Relations agree) advanced forward with the Horse, thorow Colebrook, [Page 93] after them toward London; and taking ad­vantage of a great Mist, which happened that Night, they marched to Brainford, and fell upon the Parliaments Forces that were quar­tered there, which was a broken Regiment of Colonel Hollis's.

The King's Army killed many of them, and had, in likelihood, utterly destroyed them all, if the Lord Brook's and Colonel Hamden's Regiments, that were billeted not far off, had not come in to their re­lief; who maintained a great and bloody fight against the King's Army, till both sides at Night retreated: many were slain and taken Prisoners on both sides, and both reported themselves Conque­rers, as before it happened at Keynton Battel.

News of this unexpected Fight was soon at London, where the General was sitting in Parliament, whither also the noise of their great Artillery was easily heard: he took Horse immediately, to get strength together, and relieve his engaged men; but Night had parted them, and the King was retired to his best advantages.

All that Night, Forces came out of London thither, so that on the Sunday Morning, being the fourteenth of November, a won­derful [Page 94] number of armed men were met, and had so far encompast the King's Army, (small in comparison of them) that many hoped for an end of the War: but God was nor so pleased; for the King escaped by reason of this error: Three thousand Parliament Soul­diers were then at Kingston; they were com­manded to leave that Town, and march speedily thorow Surrey, and over London-Bridge, so thorow the City, to Brainford, to stop the Enemies passage to London. A reason of that Command was afterwards given, because the Lord General was not assured of strength enough to stop the Ene­my from going to London; nor could he be beforehand sure of so great a Force, as he af­terwards perceived to be come to him before morning.

Thus did the enclosed King escape, and retreated thorow that Town of Kingston, be­ing so abandon'd by the Parliaments souldiers; and after he had plundered the country there­abouts, retired safely to his Winter-Quarters at Oxford.

The Parliament considering this action of the King, began to hope little upon any Treaty; resolving, That the General should speedily pursue the King's Forces, and fall [Page 95] upon them: and the City of London, to en­courage the Parliament, made a Petition to them; wherein they entreated, That they would proceed no further in the business of Accommoda­tion, because evil counsel was so prevalent with the King, that he would but delude them; that they had heard his Forces are weak; and entreat, that his Excellency would follow, and fall upon them; the City, as heretofore, being ready to spend with all willingness their lives and fortunes to as­sist the Parliament.

For which Petition and Protestation, the Parliament returned thanks to the City; and according as they desired, it was decreed in Parliament.

THe beginnings of the Civil war, together with the Series of cau­ses from whence it sprung, as like­wise the degrees by which it grew, have been already breifly and clearly shewed; The things which re­main to be unfolded are of so great a weight, of so various a nature, and of so many peices, that scarce any Historian (I might say Hi­story it self) is sufficient to weave fully toge­ther so many particulars: my intention there­fore is to make onely a short mention, not a full Narration, of that Variety.

For the War went on with horrid rage in many places at one time; and the fire once kindled, cast forth through every corner of [Page 98] the land not onely sparks but devouring flames; insomuch as the kingdom of England was divided into more Wars than Counties; nor had she more fields than skirmishes, nor Cities than Sieges; and almost all the Pala­ces of Lords, and great Houses were turned every where into Garrisons of War: they fought at once by Sea and Land; and through all England (who could but lament the mi­series of his Country) sad spectacles were of plundering and firing Villages; and the fields; otherwise wast and desolate, were rich onely and terribly glorious in Camps and Armies.

The following Summer, namely in the year one thousand six hundred forty three proved for a long time fatal to the Parliament, and Fortune seemed to have condemned the cause of liberty; so exceedingly did the Kings party flourish in successes and Victories, and the Parliaments condition every where low so that they were neer to ruine, who in the end prevailed.

In the West Sir William Waller, a Parlia­ment-chieftain, who had gotten divers Vi­ctories, and then almost quite vanquished Sir Ralph Hopton, was at last (namely in July) ut­terly defeated by the Lord Wilmot, who came from Oxford with an Army of the Kings [Page 99] and having lost all his Army, returned to London: and such as the fortune of the Field was, was the condition of Towns and Garri­sons; for immediately after Wallers defeat, the two greatest Cities of all the West were yeilded up, Bristol to Prince Rupert, and Ex­cester to Prince Maurice.

At the same time, in the North of England, was the like success; where the Lord Fair­fax, who, with his valiant Son, had long and prosperously maintained the cause of the Parliament, being now over-powred by a pu­issant Enemy, the Earl of Newcastle, and al­most all his Forces scattered, was driven into Hull, and there besieged.

Essex himself the great General at the same time, his Army decreasing suddainly, some dying of sickness, others for want forsa­king their colours, was constrained to leave the field, and return to London, quartering the sick and weak remnant of his Army at King­ston, and other adjacent places, until a Re­cruit could be made for him.

The Parliamentarians were now in a de­sperate condition, and their strengths every where broken; on the other side the Roya­lists strong and dreadful in Arms, Men, and Horses, conquerours of all the West, of Wales, and the North of England, as far as the very [Page 100] borders of Scotland. One onely Town of Note in the Midland Country, Glocester, stood out yet, faithful and constant to the Parliament, and much desired by the King; who in great disdain that this Town (after Bristol and Excester were yeilded) should stand out▪ came in person to besiedge it with a great Army.

The Queen was now arrived in England, and had brought with her great store of Armes, bought in Holland with the money which she had raised by pawning the Crown-Jewels there; whose coming at this time seemed rather to a Triumph than a War.

Glocester not onely staid the career of the Kings Victories; but made a great change in the Conditions of the sides. The City was gallantly defended against a great and flourishing Army; wherein Massey the Go­vernour justly gained a wonderful renown; so long did he defend the City, until General Essex could be recruited with an Army great enough to raise the Siege, and march thither, from London, eighty miles.

Famous and honourable, in the judement of all men, was that expedition of General Essex, who by solong a March, fighting often with great bodies of the Kings Horse by the [Page 101] way, brought notwithstanding his whole Ar­my safe to Glocester, raised the Siege, relieved that Town, and in his retreat from thence en­countered, and vanquished the Kings Army in that memorable Battel of Newberry.

After this time the parliament revived; of whose condition Wise men might justly have doubted, if the King, leaving Glocester, had marched directly with his Victorious Army to London; which was then not at all fortifi­ed, and miserably distracted with factions within it. Or besides, if the Earl of Newcastle, letting alone the besieg [...]ng of Hull (which likewise proved fruitless) had powred out his numerous forces upon the Eastern associated Counties: but it otherwise pleased God, who is the onely Lord of Hoasts, and by whose providence all things are guided.

Both sides now, by this Victory of Essex, seemed to be put into an equal ballance both of strength and reputation; and this sad War not onely likely to be continued, but extend­ed to a greater latitude: on one side the Par­liament inviting to their assistance their bre­thren of Scotland: on the other side the King calling in his Irish. The Scots by a Covenant to be taken by both Nations for conservati­on of Religion, Laws and Liberties: the Irish by a cessation of Armes granted by the King [Page 102] (a peace being also promised) were drawn in.

The Scots promised to the Parliament (from whom Commissioners were sent to Edinburgh about that business) that they would bring into England to their assistance an Army consisting of one and twenty thou­sand Horse and Foot: the Parliament enga­ged themselves to pay the Scots one hundred thousand pounds toward the charge of rai­sing that Army.

But the King dealt not so openly with those bloudy Irish, in bargaining for their assistance, but by a pretence of cessation of Arms for the behoof of the English Prote­stants in that Kingdom; which cessation not­withstanding was for the benefit of the Irish Rebels; in lieu of which favour, they gave the King thirty thousand pounds.

This was that cessation of Arms so much spoken against by honest men in London▪ for that reason especially, that it was directly a­gainst a Law, and the Kings faith: for it was enacted by authority of Parliament (the King also signing the Act) in the year one thousand six hundred forty one, That the War against those bloudy Irish Rebels should proceed, untill it were declared by Parliament, that Ireland were fully subdued, and that no [Page 103] peace, nor any cessation of Arms should be made with those Rebels, without the consent of both Houses of Parliament.

Thus was assistance brought to either side; to the King (which he especially aimed at in this business) that English Army, which for almost a whole years space had fought vali­antly and victoriously against those Rebels, was now brought into England (within five moneths after that cessation) to fight against the Parliament of England: but the cause be­ing changed, the fortune of those Souldiers was likewise changed, for they had no success in England, but within a short time after their arrival, that whole Army was utterly defeat­ed; and all their cheif commanders, with se­venteen hundred common Souldiers, were taken prisoners by Sir Thomas Fa [...]rfax.

The Scottish Army, that Winter follow­ing, about the middle of January, passing o­ver Tweed came into England. The Earl of Leven was General; his kinsman David Lesley commanded the Horse: the snow that fell at that time covered the ground in an unusual depth, and as great a frost had congealed all the rivers; but the heat of fighting was great­er than the rigor of the air; and the patience of Souldiers overcame the hard weather: The Earl of Leven marched with his forces [Page 104] against the Earl of Newcastle; who with a great Army possessed the Northern parts of England for the King; nor did the War goe on with less vigour in other parts. In the be­ginning of the Spring great Armies were raised on both sides, and filled all the coun­tries with terrour: all the following Summer, which fell in the year one thousand six hun­dred forty four, they fought with equal fury, and almost equal fortunes; insomuch as that England by the dubiousness of success on both sides, and sad vicissitude of calamitous slaughters, was made an unhappy Kingdom.

The Kings fortune was susteined by brave Armies in the West, under the Princes, Rupert and Maurice; in Wales under Gerard, and others; in the midland Counties under Sir Jacob Ashley an old Souldier; other Armies were commanded by Sir Ralph Hopton, and Colonel Goring, and in the North the Earl of Newcastles great Army.

Nor were the forces of Parliament inferi­our; the cheif Army under the General Es­sex; Waller commanded another; the Earl of Manchester, to whom Crumwell, a stout and successful Souldier was joyned, led a strong Army toward the North, where the Lord Fairfax and his Son had good forces, and Sir John Meldrum not far off; the Earl [Page 105] of Denbigh a stout Commander was with a fair Party about Strafford; and besides these, the great Scottish Army.

At the beginning of that Summer the Par­liament attempted a thing of great moment, to besiege Oxford, or at least to block up the King within that Town, which was endea­voured by two Armies, Essex on the one side, and Waller on the other; but the King de­ceived them both, and with a few light Horse, escaping out of the Town, went to joyn with his greater Armies.

General Essex marched farther into the West, but the expedition proved unhappy both to himself and the Parliament: Waller followed the King, but in vain, for he could not hinder his designed March, onely some skirmishes happened between parts of their Forces: but nothing was done of any great moment, until Waller returned with his force to encounter enemies in other places Vari­ous were the successes this Summer in most parts of the Kingdom; in the West, South, and midland Counties, the Kings forces pre­vailed above the Parliament, which perchance had been ruined, if the North had not made them amends with some atchievements, be­sides one great Victory.

For Leve, with his Scottish forces coming [Page 106] the last Winter into England, besides the ta­king of some Towns and Forts, had much weakened Newcastles Army, lessening their number, not by fighting, but enduring the sharpness of that weather, which the other could not so well doe. To Leven the Lord Fairfax (after Selby was so miraculously ta­ken by valiant Sir Thomas Fairfax) joyned himself with all his forces, to whom also the Earl of Manchester after his Lincoln expedi­tion) came with a gallant Army.

Three Parliament Armies, under three Ge­nerals, Leven, Manchester and Fairfax; with great concord, and unanimity had marched together, and with joyned forces had be­sieged the great City of York, whereof the Earl of Newcastle was Governour; to raise the siege Prince Rupert was come with a great Army out of the South; the three Ge­nerals left their siege to fight the Prince; un­der him also Newcastle having drawn his forces out of York, served; who on a great plain called Marston Moore gave battel to the three Generals.

This was the greatest battel of the whole civil war; never did greater Armies both in number and strength encounter, or drew more bloud in one fight. The Victory at first was almost gotten by the Royalists, whose [Page 107] left Wing (Fairfax his men being disadvan­taged by the inconvenience of the ground) had routed and put to flight the right wing of the Parliamentarians: but this loss was more than recompenced in the other Wing; where Crumwell (who fought under Man­chester) charged with such force and fury the right wing of the Royalists, that he broke the best Regiments which Prince Rupert had, and put them all to flight: Crumwel, together with David Lesley, pursued them; and wheel­ing about with his Horse, came opportunely to the releif of his oppressed friends in the other Wing, where they ceased not, until they had gained a compleat Victory, and all Prince Rupert his Ordnance, his carriages, and baggage were possessed by the Parlia­mentarians.

After this Victory, Rupert with the rem­nant of his forces fled into the South some of the Victorious Armies Horse in vain pursu­ing him for some miles; the Earl of Newca­stle, with some of his chosen friends, leaving York (of which City Sir Thomas Glenham took the government) went to Scarborough; where within a while after he took shipping, and passed into Germany.

The three Generals, Leven, Manchester, and Fairfax after this great Victory return­ed [Page 108] to besiege York; to whom that City soon after, upon conditions, was rendered; after which they divided their forces, and Leven with his Scottish Army returning into the North, about the end of that Summer took the rich Town of Newcastle; about the same time that the General Essex unfortunately managed his business in the West, and having lost all his Artillery, returned to London.

This Summer the Queen passed into France, and used great endeavour to raise aid for the King her husband, among the Roman Catholikes, but those endeavours proved fruitless, yet notwithstanding, the War in England, without strangers help, went on with rage and bloud enough.

In midst of these calamities of War, some hope of peace began to appear (though it soon vanished again) and conditions were proposed both by King and Parliament; up­on which, in the following February (as here­after shall be said) they both treated. The end of this year, and beginning of the next were notably tragical in the punishment and death of eminent men: the two Hothams, Father and Son, having been condemned for Treason, for breaking the trust of Parliament, and conspiring with the enemy to betray Hull, with other crimes, after they had been [Page 109] imprisoned above a whole year in the Tower of London, were this December both behead­ed; and Sir Alexander Carew not many dayes before, who was condemned for the same crime, suffered the same punishment: Famous also at that time was the death of William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury; the crimes objected against him were too many, and of too various a nature to be here related: four years almost had this unhappy old man been a prisoner, yet not enjoyed so much as the quiet of a prison; for often­times (about fourscore several dayes) he was carried from the Tower to Westminster, and there arraigned in the House of Lords; so the Fates were pleased in a sad compensati­on to equal his adversity, even in time with his prosperity.

This January he was beheaded, his life be­ing spun out so long, till he might see (which was the observation of many) some few daies before his death, the book of Liturgy abo­lished, and the Directory, composed by the Sinod at Westminster, established.

Though the King and Parliament were both thinking of a Treaty for Peace, yet the care of War was not neglected; the King being solicitous about getting of forreign aid, and the Parliament about new modelling [Page 110] their own Army: About this business (which seemed of the highest concern) there was some debate between the Lords and Com­mons; the Lords were against that Change, alleagïng that there was no need of new Commanders, where the old ones could be accused of no fault, that men of the noblest rank were fittest to command Armies, the contrary whereof might breed confusion in the Common-wealth. The House of Com­mons on the other side, though they made a noble mention of the Earl of Essex, and those other Peers, which commanded in the Armies, alleaged notwithstanding that the Parliament forces had been often distracted through the emulation of Commanders, from whence it proceeded, that some things very well designed, had not had a prosperous issue, that the Army would be better disciplined under one sole Commander.

At last, when they were agreed, a General was chosen to command the new Army, which was Sir Thomas Fairfax, a man of e­minent valour, and as much modesty, who was then absent in the North; but so great a bu­siness could not suddainly be finished: and now the time approached for the Treaty of Vxbridge, in which three heads were to be debated.

• [Page 111]1. Of Religion and Church government.
• 2. Of the Militia of England.
• 3. Concerning the business of Ireland.

But the King, before this Treaty began, used all meanes to assure himself of forreign aid; by Letters he urged the Queen, who was then in France, to solicite that King, and o­ther Catholikes to assist him, and that the Queen Regent would detain the Parliaments Ships in France. He was very earnest likewise for assistance from the Duke of Lorraign, that he might get into England that wicked Army of his, so notorious through Germany and Flanders for all Villany; of which Army, as of that of Marius, when the entred Rome, it may be said.

At last hope was given him from the Duke of Lorraign, of ten thousand men; and for [Page 112] bringing of these Souldiers into England, Goffe was sent into Holland to negotiate for shipping and other necessaries.

The King likewise desired assistance at that time from the bloudy Irish Rebels, and by his Letters commanded Ormond to make a peace with those Rebels, and to promise and grant to them a free exercise of their popish Religion, and to assure them, that if by their assistance he could but finish his War in Eng­land, he would abrogate all those Laws here­tofore made against the Papists there: he gave thanks likewise to Muskery, Plunket, and other of those Rebels, promising a par­don for all that was past. But they were much troubled at the Treaty for peace with the Parliament, not being ignorant, that one necessary condition of such a peace must be, that the War in Ireland against them should be continued and prosecuted: The King therefore, to remove this their scrupulous fear, wrote to Ormond to this effect: That he could not refuse to make a peace with his Parlia­ment, onely in favour of those Irish; yet notwith­standing from that very consideration (if Or­mund handled the matter wisely) he might raise an advantage to hasten a peace with those Irish, in letting them know their own danger, how they were excluded from all hope of pardon by the [Page 113] Parliament, For (saith he) if we agree upon all other conditions, it will not be convenient for me to disagree onely concerning those Irish; there­fore let them take what I offer, while time is, and hasten the Peace, and when once my faith is passed, no humane force shall make me break it.

The Queen also (remaining in France) writing to her husband, seemed to grieve much, that at Vxbridge they were to treat of Religion in the first place; affirming, That if any thing severe against the Catholikes should be concluded, and yet a peace not be made, the King could not hope hereafter for any assistance from the Catholike Princes, or from the Irish, who must needs think, that after they had done their best, they should at last be forsaken. She often entreats the King, that he would never forsake the Bishops, the Catholikes, nor those faithful friends of his that served him in his Wars: the King promiseth her, that he would never forsake his friends for a peace, onely perswades her to hasten, as much as she can, the aides from France, saying, That whilest London is distracted between the Presbiterians and Independents, both may be ruined.

In February the Commissioners on both sides met at Vxbridge to treat for peace. For the King came the Duke of Richmond, the [Page 114] Marquess of Hartford, the Earls of Southamp­ton, Dorset and Chichester, the Lords, Duns­more and Capel, with Seimour, Culpeper, Gar­diner, Hide, Lane, Bridgman, Palmer, and o­thers. For the Parliament, the Earls of Nor­thumberland, Pembrooke, Salisbury, and Den­bigh; of the House of Commons, Wainmar, Vane, Perpoint, Hollis, Prideaux, Saint John, Whitlock, and Crew; and besides these, six Commissioners of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland.

But nothing at all was concluded at that Treaty. The King would by no means con­sent to the abrogation of Episcopacy; not in the second place, would he suffer the Mi­litia to be taken out of his hands, which he conceived to be a cheif flower of his Crown. Yet he was contented that for three yeares it should be governed by twenty equally cho­sen out of both sides. Lastly, to the prosecu­tion of a War against the Irish he could not consent, having made a cessation of Arms with them, which in Honour he could not break.

Thus nothing at all being done toward peace, the War must decide it. The Parlia­ment hasten the modelling of their new Ar­my. The Earls of Essex, Warwick, Man­chester, and Denbigh, freely and volunta­rily [Page 15] lay down their Commissions.

The new modelled Army of the Parlia­ment consisted of twenty one thousand, namely, fourteen thousand foot, six thousand Horse, and one thousand Dragoneers. Sir Thomas Fairfax was made General; Philip Skippon, an excellent souldier, was made Ma­jor General: Colonels of the Foot Regiments were Holborn, Fortescue, Barclay, Craford, In­golesby, Mountain, Pickering, Rainsborough, Welden, Aldridge: of Horse Regiments, Sir Michael Leves [...]y, Sheffield, Middleton, Sid­ney, Graves, Vermuden, Whaley, Fleetwood, Rossiter, Py. The King on the other side had great Forces under divers Commanders, to whom he distributed several Provinces: the Princes Rupert, and Maurice, with numerous forces possessed some of the Northern parts of the Kingdom; others were held by the Earl of Derby, and Sir Marmaduke Lang­dale: Sir John Biron and Gerard held Wales and some adjacent Counties. The West was wholly possessed by three Armies of his, un­der the several Commands of Sir Ralph Hop­ton, Sir Richard Greenvile, and Colonel Goring. All these three, though Generals by them­selves, yet served under the name of Charles Prince of Wales, as their supreme General.

[Page 116] But the King, not content with so great a force of English Souldiers, was more earnest than before, to get over the Irish Papists, with whom he had before committed the business to Ormund to make an absolute peace: but when the King perceived that those Irish made too high demands, and that nothing was effected by Ormund toward the peace in so many Treaties, and so long a time, he thought of another way, which was, to the Lord Herbert of Ragland, Son to Worce­ster (whom he had created Earl of Glamor­gan) a zealous Papist, and therefore most ac­ceptable to those Irish Rebels; the King gave full power by his Letters, to make a peace with, and indulge to the Irish whatsoe­ver should seem needful: It seemed strange to all men (when these things were brought to light, which was before the end of that year) that such a business should be carried on, and yet concealed from the Lord Digby, Secretary for Ireland, and Ormund the Lord Lieutenant, to whom the whole matter of that peace had been before committed.

But the King, when he saw it too hard a thing otherwise to make such a peace, as would bring a certainty of assistance from them, that he might throw all that Envy upon Glamorgan, impowred him, unknown to the [Page 117] rest: for so the Rebels, sweetened with large promises (unknown to Ormund) might the better admit of conditions just in shew, and openly excusable, and the King might draw from Ireland such Souldiers as would more firmly adhere to his side, and he might trust (as being the greatest haters of English Pro­testants, and despairing of pardon) against the Parliament of England.

He therefore gave Letters of authority to Glamorgan, in these words:

Nor into England onely did he endeavour to bring those Irish, but into Scotland, which he effected, to the great damage of that un­happy Kingdom, by Montross, about the be­ginning of the year, 1644. when the Scottish Covenanters came into England to assist the Parliament, Montross went to Oxford to the King, to offer his service against the Cove­nanters in Scotland: The King, to fit him for that purpose, created him a Marquess, and gave him his Commission, to be Lord Go­vernour of Scotland, and General of all his forces; the King then also sent for the Earl of Antrim, to participate with Montross his Councels, who entering into a confederacy with him before the King, engaged himself there, that he would send to Montross the next April into Arguile (where the passage is short into Ireland) ten thousand Irish.

This promise at the appointed time A [...] ­trim performed in part, but was very defici­ent in the number of Souldiers, for instead of [Page 119] ten thousand, he sent scarce twelve hundred Irish into Scotland under the conduct of Macdonald. Montross notwithstanding with these men, with the addition of his Atholi­ans, made up a sufficient theeving Army, and making sudden excursions, he fell into the neighbouring Countries, wasting all, robbing houses, and burning up the Corn where he came, insomuch as that the State had need of great Armies to restrain his violence, whilst the craggy Mountains of Atholia, and rough woody places there gave safe retreat to his Highlanders and Irish.

In this manner did Montross, for the space almost of two years, lie within the bowels of his Country like a pestilent disease; such were his retreats, and so great his boldness in ex­cursions▪ that no less an Army than twelve thousand was thought sufficient to defend the Provinces against him.

But Montross was tossed with various turns of Fortune. The first Summer after his arrival in Scotland, he gave the Earl of Ar­guile a great blow, through the negligence of his men, where fifteen hundred were slain and taken by Montross; whereupon the Parlia­ment of Scotland raised an Army of ten thousand against him, and the same parlia­ment condemned Montross (with some other [Page 120] Lords) to be a Traitor and Enemy to his Country. Montross afterwards received a great overthrow from Hurry, and was enfor­ced to fly to his craggy retreats; and shortly after he was again beaten by Hurry near to Dundee, and absolutely forced to hide him­self in his old receptacles: from whence not­withstanding on a sudden (as shall be shewed anon) he shewed himself, and from a con­temptible estate grown justly formidable, he overwhelmed Scotland in a miserable cala­mity.

While the King persisted in these courses, the Kirk of Scotland, from the Synod at E­dinburgh sent Letters to him, containing a se­rious admonition; which (because the ad­monition of a National Church may seem a thing of some moment) shall be set down verbatim, the Preface onely omitted, because long, though very humble.

THE troubles of our hearts are enlarged, and our fears encreased in your Majesties behalf, perceiving that your Peoples patience is above measure tempted, & is like a Cart pressed down with Sheaves, and ready to break, while as besides many former designs and endeavours to bring desolation and destruction upon us, which were (and we trust all of that kind shall [Page 121] be) by the marvellous and merciful providence of God discovered and disappointed; our Coun­trey is now infested, the bloud of divers of our brethren spilt, and other acts of most barbarous and horrid cruelty exercised by the cursed crew of the Irish Rebels, and their complices in this Kingdom, under the conduct of such as have Commission and Warrant from your Majesty: and unless we prove unfaithful both to God and your Majesty, we cannot conceal another dan­ger, which is infinitely greater than your Peo­ples displeasure. Therefore, we, the servants of the most high God, and your Majesties most loyal Subjects, in the humility and grief of our hearts, fall down before your Throne, and in the name of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, who shall judge the World in Righteousness, both great and small; and in the name of this whole Nationall Kirk, which we represent, we make bold to warn your Majesty freely, that the guilt which cleaveth fast to your Majesty, and to your Throne, is such, as (whatsoever flattering Preachers, or unfaithful Counsellors may say to the contrary) if not timely repented, cannot but involve your self, and your posterity under the wrath of the ever living God: for your being guilty of the shedding of the bloud of ma­ny thousands of your Majesties best subjects: for your permitting the Mass, and other Idola­try, [Page 122] both in your own Family, & in your Domini­ons: for your authorizing by the book of sports, the prophanation of the Lords day: for your not punishing of publike scandals, and much prophaneness in and about your Court: for the shutting of your ears from the humble and just desires of your faithful subjects: for your com­plying too much with the popish party many wayes, and namely by concluding the cessation of Armes in Ireland; and your embracing the councels of those who have not set God nor your good before their eyes: for your resisting and opposing this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of God, your own honour, and happi­ness, and the peace, and safety of your King­domes: and for what other causes, your Ma­jesty is most conscious, and may best judge and search your own conscience (nor would we have mentioned any particulars, if they had not been publike and known) For all which it is high time for your Majesty to fall down at the foot-stool of the King of glory, to acknowledge your offen­ces▪ to repent timely, to make your peace with God through Jesus Christ (whose bloud is able to wash away your great sins) and to be no longer unwilling that the Son of God reign over you, and your Kingdoms, in his pure Ordinances of Church-government and Worship.

[Page 123] They conclude with a profession and pro­testation of their constancy in so just a cause, against any opposition whatsoever. This ad­monition of the generall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland was sent first to the Scottish Commissioners at London, and by them deli­vered to the Kings Secretary, but Ecclesiasti­cal admonition, in the heat of War, little a­vailed.

When the Spring began, the War with great heat and courage on both sides was re­newed. Generall Essex had laid down his Commission, and Sir Thomas Fairfax went to Windsor to his new-modelled Army; a new Army indeed, made up of some remain­ders of the old ones, and other raised forces in the Countries; an Army seeming no way glorious either in the dignity of Comman­ders, or antiquity of Souldiers; never hardly did any Army go forth to War with less, con­fidence of their own side, or more contempt of their enemies, and did more bravely de­ceive both, and shew how far it was possible for humane conjectures to erre. For in their following action; and successes they proved such, as would too much pose antiquity, a­mong all the Camps of their famed Heroes, to find a parallel to this Army.

He that will seriously weigh their atchieve­ments [Page 124] in the following year, against potent and gallant Enemies, and consider the great­ness of things, the number of Victories, how many battels were woon, how many Towns and Garrisons were taken, he can hardly think them the work of one year, or fit to be called one War.

But whosoever considers this, must take heed that he do not attribute too much to them, but give it wholly to Almighty God, whose providence over this Army, as it did afterwards miraculously appear, so it might in some measure be hoped for at the first, considering the behaviour and discipline of those Souldiers. For the usual vices of Camps were here restrained, the discipline was strict, no theft, no wantonness, no oaths, nor any prophane words could escape without the severest castigation; by which it was brought to pass, that in this Camp, as in a well ordered City, passage was safe, and commerce free.

The first expedition of General Fairfax, as it was ordered by the Committee of both Kingdomes, was into the West, to releive Taunton; a Town that had long, with incre­dible manhood and constancy, under Blake their Governour, endured a sharp siege by Sir Richard Greenvile, and seemed to emulate (though with more happiness) the fidelity of [Page 125] old Sagunthum: but this work was not done by the General himself, but Colonel Welden, who was sent thither with seven thousand of the new Army. Fairfax himself was recalled by the Committee of both Kingdoms to go upon other action.

But because the King had sent for Prince Rupert from Wales to come to Oxford, that he might joyn forces, and march into the field; General Fairfax, before he went from Windsor, sent Cromwell with a party of Horse to hinder the Kings designs; who marching speedily from Windsor, with great felicity vanquished a part of the Kings forces at Islip­bridge, taking divers of the Commanders prisoners, the remainder of that party flying into Bletchington House, were there besieged, and yeilded to Cromwell; with the same suc­cess at Bampton-bush he took Vaughan and Littleton, and defeated their forces.

The King, when Prince Rupert and Mau­rice were come to him with their forces, de­signed his march toward the East, to take possession of the Isle of Ely, which he hoped would be betrayed to him by some of his party there. Cromwell, and Major General Brown the Governor of Abington, were com­manded to follow the King, but soon recal­led, as too weak in forces to encounter the [Page 126] King, and to assist General Fairfax in be­sieging of Oxford, for then Fairfax was or­dered to besiege Oxford; but the design was not good, and the Commmittee of both Kingdoms, though too late, repented it.

For in the mean time the King securely marched Northward with his Army, and took the considerable Town of Leicester.

Fairfax recalled from the siege of Oxford, (while Cromwell was sent away to strengthen the Eastern Counties) with all his forces followed the King; nor was the famous battel long deserred, in which all men con­jectured what the liberties and Laws of England, and what the Kings power should he, must be tried by the sword. Naseby fields, not far from Northampton, were the place where the fate of England was to be deter­mined. The fourteenth of June was the me­morable day: nor was the number of the Armies very unequal (the Royalists onely were strongest in Horse) nor the ordering of their Battaliaes much unlike: The Kings Front was filled with brave Troops of Horse; the Foot stood in the second Body. The right wing was commanded by the Princes, Rupert and Maurice; the left by Sir Jacob Ashley, other Commanders of great quality sustein­ing their parts.

[Page 127] The Parliamentarian Foot made a firm Body in the midst. The wings were guarded by the Horse, the right wing was commanded by Cromwell, who to the exceeding joy of the whole Army, that very night before the battel was fought arrived there: the left wing by Ireton: Colonel Rossiter, a brave Commander, but a little before the battel began, came with his Horse, and took his place with Cromwell on the right wing: the Foot was commanded by Major Generall Skippon, and divided into two Bodies. The Parliamentarians word was, God with us. The Roialists, God and Queen Mary.

Fortune at the first (as in some other bat­tels) seemed a while to slatter the Kings side, for the left wing of the Parliament was wor­sted, and the Commander Ireton, receiving two wounds, was taken Prisoner, and kept so during the fight. Prince Rupert with great fury fell in, and pursued that routed wing, insomuch that the day had been lost, if Cromwell, who came on with as great force, had not in like manner routed and over­thrown the Kings left wing: the business now seemed in an equal ballance, and the wings on both sides being thus scattered, they fought some time upon dubious hopes: magnanimous Skippon was grievously [Page 128] wounded, yet would not forsake the battel, but with all possible endeavours discharged his part till the Victory was obtained: the Fairfaxians at last charged so fiercely upon the Roialists, that they no longer could en­dure the brunt; the Horse in all disordered hast fled toward Leicester, and forsook the whole body of their Foot, with their Artil­lery and carriages, who being surrounded by the Fairfaxians, threw down their Arms, crying for Quarter, and were all taken Priso­ners.

This battel was the happiest of all other to the Parliament, the Victory absolute, and un­doubted, and almost five thousand prisoners carried to London; the Kings Standard, and one hundred other colours were taken, with all their Ordnance, and a very rich booty; a great quantity of gold and silver, and all the secret Letters of the King came by this meanes into the Conquerous hands; but so few were slain in this battel, that a reader may justly wonder how so many prisoners should be taken, and so much wealth pur­chased with the loss of so little bloud, for on the Kings side scarce four hundred were slain, on the Parliaments scarce an hundred. Cromwell with his Horse pursued the van­quished Roialists (who fled apace, and betook [Page 129] themselves to divers of their own Garrisons) and bringing back a great number of Priso­ners, returned to the General, who now marched with his Victorious Army to Lei­cester, which was soon rendred to him. Fair­fax, leaving a Garrison in Leicester, that he might make use of his Victory to the good of the Common-wealth, and hinder the King from recruiting himself, to protract this sad War, resolved to follow him close; he therefore marched Westward, that he might both pursue the King, and raise the Siege of Taunton.

The Kings letters taken at Naseby were publikely read in London before a great Assembly of Citizens, where many of both Houses of Parliament were present, and leave was given to as many as pleased, or knew the Kings hand (to refute the calumny of those who said the Letters were counterfeit) to peruse them all, out of which a selected bun­dle were printed by command of the Parlia­ment.

From the reading of these Letters many discourses of the people arose, for there ap­peared his transactions with the Irish Rebels, and with the Queen for assistance from France, and the Duke of Lorraign, of which before is spoken. Many good men were sorry [Page 130] that the Kings actions agreed no better with his words; that he openly protested before God, with horrid imprecations, that he en­deavoured nothing so much as the preserva­tion of Protestant Religion, and rooting out of Popery: yet in the mean time under hand he promised to the Irish Rebels an abrogati­on of those Laws against them, which was contrary to his late expressed promises, in these words, I will never abrogate the Law against the Papists: and again, I abhor to think of bringing forraign Souldiers into the Kingdom: and yet he solicited the Duke of Lorraign, the French, the Danes, and the very Irish for assistance▪ they were vexed also, that the King was so much ruled by the will of his wife, as to do every thing by her prescript, that Peace, War, Religion, and Parliament should be at her disposal.

It appeared besides out of those Letters, with what mind the King treated with the Parliament at Vxbridge, and what could be hoped by that Treaty, when writing to the Queen, he affirms, that if he could have had but two more donsenting to his Vote, he would not have given the name of Parliament to them at Westminster: at last he agreed to it in this sense, That it was not all one to call them a Parliament, and to acknowledge them so [Page 131] to be; and upon that reason (which might have displeased his own side) he calls those with him at Oxford, a mungrel Parliament.

The King, after his overthrow at Naseby, fled to Lichfield, and from thence he went to Hereford, to raise forces (especially Foot, for he had still store of brave Horse, that came to him after that Battel) in Wales, in Cornwall, and in other places; but nothing at all that following year prospered with the King, Fortune enclining wholly to the Parliaments side, whose cause it appeared that God ap­proved, by the grant of so many strange and signal Victories to them; the valour of the Roialists availed not, and all their endeavours fell to nothing.

General Fairfax, after the Battel of Nase­by, by long Marches passed into the West. Taunton was releived onely by the fame of his approach, for Goring raised his Siege, and went away: That constant Town had been reduced to great extremities; it had suffered much, and done great things against strong Enemies, and could not at this time in possi­bility have held out long without some re­leif. The Parliament rejoyced much at the delivery of that Town; three Parliament Garrisons about that time, and the foregoing year, behaved themselves with such courage [Page 132] and constancy, as might deserve to be cele­brated in a larger History, viz. Lime, Pli­mouth, and Taunton, all which, having been often besieged by Prince Maurice, Greenvile, Goring, and other Commanders, had not onely held out against those strong Enemies, but much broken their Forces.

The things which that new Army under the conduct of Fairfax did that following year (taking no rest all that sharp and bitter Winter) were much to be wondred at, how many strong Towns and Forts they took, how many field Victories they obtained, the stories of evey several moneth will declare; of which, because they are more acurately described by other pens, I shall here onely make a short mention; for within the space of one year all the Western Counties of England, great Armies under the conduct of Prince Rupert, Greenvile, Hopton, and Goring, being utterly vanquished and brought to nothing, were reduced to the obedience of Parliament.

In the moneths of August and September were taken Bath, and Sherburn, and Bristol it self, the greatest and most wealthiest City of the whole West, was by Prince Rupert sur­rendred to General Fairfax.

The Army also, when it was divided, by [Page 133] reason of the multiplicity of their work, was not less successful in the parts of it; Win­chester, and Basing taken by Cromwel, the Devizes and Barclay by other Commanders, Fairfax himself marching (that cold Decem­ber) into Devonshire, took Tiverton, and with strange felicity stormed and took Dartmouth, and afterwards drove the Kings Armies into Cornwall, whom Fairfax pursuing, at Tor­rington gave Hopton a great overthrow. In the moneth of February with his Victorious Army he entred Cornwall, for fear of whom Prince Charles fled into the Islands of Silly; and in March following, all Hoptons forces, by the Command of the Conquerour Fair­fax, were disbanded and sent away, and the whole County of Cornwall reduced to the obedience of Parliament.

In the following April, Excester, and Barnstable were surrendred to Fairfax, and Bridgewater stormed, but when they yeilded, taken to mercy. S. Michaels Mount, the farthest angle of Cornwall, was also surren­dred to Collonel Hamond. Thus Fairfax, the Conquerour of the West, having fitted all things for his expedition, to make an end of the War, is marching to besiege Oxford: Woodstock was already taken by Colonel Rainsborough; but in all these moneths that [Page 134] the General had done such great things in the West, the other Commanders of Parlia­ment were not unfortunate (the Fates seem­ing to conspire at that side) in the North, and midland Counties of England; about the midst of Summer Carlise was surrendered by Glenham the Governour, to the Scottish Army, a Garrison of Scots was put into that Town, of which the English complained, as being against the Covenant: the Parliament also wrote to Leven to restore Carlisle to the English; not that they did suspect any evil from their Brethren, but that conditions might be observed, and the mouths of ill­affected people stopped, who were too apt to say, that The Scots came into England, not as friends, but Freebooters: From that time the Parliament ordained to have their Commis­sioners (as the Scots had theirs at London) resident in Edinburgh, to be present with the Parliament of Scotland: and to that purpose the Earl of Rutband, the Lord Wharton; and of the Commons, Sir Henry Vane the Elder, Sir William Armin, Mr. Hatcher, and Mr. Goodwin were chosen Glenham with his men, after the surrender of Carlisle, went to New­arke. The Scottish Army about that time marched under Leven to Newark, to besiege that Town, but the Scottish horse staid not [Page 135] long there, being forced to return into the North, to the assistance of their distressed Countrey. For the English Parliament at that time, in midst of their own prosperity, were notwithstanding mourners for the calamity of Scotland, a great, unexpected, and wonder­ful calamity; in which the frailty of humane affairs, and the mutable condition of King­doms was set forth by a memorable example; all Scotland within the space of one moneth was lost and recovered, quite sunk, and again emergent.

The man that thus plagued Scotland, was the Earl of Montross, one on whom the Kings hopes so much then depended, that out of an earnest desire to joyn his forces to Montross, the King with a body of good horse marched Northward, but by the forces of Pointz, Gell, Rossiter, and others, the Kings expedition was stopped, that he could not meet Montross: for it had been agreed be­twixt the King and Montross, that at the same time he from the South should march Northward and the other from the North, to meet him, should come Southward, that the Kings horse joyned to his foot, might make a considerable Army in those parts; but the Kings passage, though he tryed many wayes, was (as beforesaid) stopped. Montross [Page 136] mindful of his promise, broke out into the Southern parts of Scotland, with greater suc­cess than could be hoped, having scarce 4000. Highlanders and Irish.

A place there was neer to Kilsithe, which the craggy Mountains and straitened passa­ges had made fit for ambushes, where Mon­tross had seated himself, thither the Army of the State, confident of their number, whilest unadvisedly they pursued the theeving High­landers, fell into the cunningly-disposed ambushes, and were cut off with a miserable slaughter; above five thousand were slain, and none almost escaped, but whom the wea­ried Conquerours had not strength to kill, for cruel Montross spared none, crying out, They had no need of Prisoners▪

This overthrow of Kilsithe at one battle had utterly ruined the State of Scotland, if David Lesley (about a moneth after giving an absolute overthrow to Montross) had not restored it; for after this so unexpected a defeat, the State of Scotland had no Army for a Reserve, or Force to stop the passage of the Conquerour, to whom almost all their Towns presently yeilded. The papists and Malig­nants, and all neuters, with those that had before dissembled their affections, now joyned with him, the rest were cut off; all the [Page 137] chief Nobility of the Covenanters were for­ced to fly into England.

A publike Fast and Humiliation was kept by the English, for the calamity of their bre­thren of Scotland General Fairfax, and other of the chief Commanders wrote to Leven, That they accounted the Calamity of Scotland to be their own; and that if their affairs at home would permit, and the Parliament would com­mand it, they would earnestly undertake that War, and venture their blouds as freely for the Scots as for the English, till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquished.

But Montross his cruell raign lasted not long, scarce a whole moneth; to vindicate Scotland David Lesley was sufficient, who with his Horse coming thither, at Selkirk gave Montross so total a defeat, that it seemed fully to recompence Kilsithe; the Victory was gotten in an hours space, and (as it was observed by a German Writer) upon the same day that the Queen of England at Paris was singing Te Deum Laudamus for Montross his Victory at Kilsithe.

Thus was Scotland recovered before the King could come to Montross; which not­withstanding the King soon after attempted, and marching Northward with a strength not contemptible, having Gerard and Lang­dale [Page 138] with him, came to Routenheath, his design was, that if he could not joyn with Montross, yet at the least that he might raise the Siege of Chester, for the King was exceedingly so­licitous for that City, as being the most con­venient Haven to receive the transported Irish, whom he so long in vain expected. But that expedition proved most unfortunate to the King; for in a battel fought upon Rou­tenheath, where Pointz was Commander of the Parliaments Army, the King was vanquished, and eight hundred of his men slain.

Nor was the Lord Digbies expedition to Montross more fortunate, who in the fol­lowing moneth, together with Langdale, ha­ving got together one thousand Horse, mar­ched into the North to that purpose: for at Sherburn in Yorkshire he was beaten, and put to flight by Pointz▪ Copley, and other Parlia­mentarians; and afterwards at Carlisie he was defeated by Brown and Lesley; and ha­ving lost all his forces, fled into the Isle of Man to the Earl of Derby, from whence shortly after he passed into Ireland. When Digby was defeated at Sherburn, other secret Letters and papers of the Kings were taken, whereby some designs of his were laid open, and some things more cleerly discovered about his transactions with Danes, Irish, and [Page 139] others: the Roialists at Oxford did much blame Digby his carlessness, that would carry such papers with him into a Battel, which were scarce safe enough in the strongest Fort, espe­cially remembring what a stir was made about the Letters taken at Naseby.

Digby was now in Ireland, and (about the end of December) together with Ormund; treating about a peace with the Irish; when on a suddain the Kings affairs began to be endangered there, by divulging of Glamor­gans secret transaction with the Irish Rebels, of which we spake before; Ormund and Dig­by, fearing least if this discovery should grow too general among the people, that all the former rumours would find credit; as name­ly, that the King was Author of the Irish Re­bellion, and sought to confirm Popery, from whence a general revolt of all the Prote­stants might be feared; and although Digby thought Glamorgan to be an unadvised man, yet could not suppose him so foolish, as to undertake such a thing as that without any warrant at all. Therefore it was agreed be­twixt them, that (for fear least when this dis­covery were grown more general▪ it might be too late to vindicate the King) Digby should presently accuse Glamorgan of Trea­son. But Ormund and Digby were both trou­bled [Page 140] with this fear, (because at that time three thousand Irish were promised to go over to the releif of Chester) lest by this unseasonable vindication of the King, Chester might be lost, for want of transportation of those for­ces; but when they understood that, accord­ing to Glamorgans compact, those Irish were not to go for England, before the King had made good the conditions which Glamorgan promised, and confirmed the peace; and while they were consulting about this per­plexed business, it was told them, That the Protestants of Dublin, upon that news were in a great mutiny, and the worst was feared within few hours, unless the danger were speedily prevented; Digby was enforced to make hast, and accuse Glamorgan (who was not at all dismaid, knowing it was onely to deceive the people) of high Treason, Gla­morgan therefore with great confidence and alacrity went to prison, affirming, That he did not fear to give account at London, or before the Parliament, of what he had done by the Kings warrant: but it was wonder to see what a change in the Protestants at Dublin this feigned accusation of high Treason suddain­ly made, and they who before murmured were now appeased,

But yet there remained another difficulty [Page 141] to be extricated; Ormund was fearful, lest the Irish, incensed by this injury done to Glamorgan, should suddenly fly to Arms, be­fore the Kings forces were ready for them; to prevent that danger, he wrote to Muskerry concerning the reasons of this action, and the extream necessity; and withall he seemed to approve the conditions for peace, as the Rebels had proposed them, and sent them to Kilkenny to be further discussed, with some dubiousness of the event, this might spend time, until some new hopes of relieving Che­ster, or otherwise supplying the King, might arise.

But all these devices nothing availed the King, all his designs were frustrated, nor ever could he bring into England an Army either of Irish Rebels, Lorraigners, or Danes, (God providing better for that Kingdom) until at last all his forces every where were vanquish­ed, and wholly subdued by the Parliament; for in the following moneth, February, that very City of Chester, for which he hath been so solicitous, a City so often besieged, and now long defended by Biron, came into the power of the Parliament; for Biron the Governour upon honourable terms delivered it up to Breerton.

Nor was the Kings side more lucky in any [Page 142] County of England; for besides the whose West (that Winter, and the following Spring) by many field-Victories, and gaining of Towns, conquered by Fairfax; in the mid­land Counties also▪ in the North, and in Wales, in several battels all that time the Roialists were vanquished by eminent Commanders of the Parliament, such as were Massey, Pointz, Brown, Rossiter, Mitton, Gell, Breerton, Laughorn, and others; and in the moneth of March (which was the last noted field-Vi­ctory) Ashley himself the Kings General was vanquished by Morgan in a memorable battel, and taken prisoner, with one thousand six hundred of his men. Ashley, when he was taken, spake aloud these words: You have done your work, and wholly vanquished the Kings party, unless your own dissentions raise them again.

At this time Newark the strongest Gar­rison of the Kings, which had long, and much infested the adjacent Countries, was straitly besieged by Leven, Pointz, and Rossiter; and General Fairfax, after reducing of the West, having provided what was sit, hastened to besiege Oxford, the head of the War. The King having now no Garrisons left, but Ban­bury, Wallingford, Worcester, Ragland, and Pen­dennis, all which in a short time after, were [Page 143] also taken, and could glory onely in this, that they had held out after Oxford.

The besieged Newarkers, though the Plague raged in the Town, and they began to want victuals, yet susteined themselves upon hopes of some dissentions that might arise between the English and the Scots.

For now the Scots began to complain of want of pay, of the neglect of Church-go­vernment and the Covenant: the Parliament answered, that that Scottish Army in two years space had received above two hundred thousand pounds for pay, besides a vast sum of money, which they had by force extorted from the poor weeping Inhabitants of the Northern Counties; and besides that, their Army had not satisfied the expectation of the English, but had lyen idle in the best time of the year; if they were so precise in obser­vation of the Covenant, why then, contrary to the Covenant, did the Scots put Garrisons into Newcastle, Tinmouth and Carlisle; nei­ther was it just in the Scots to object any thing in the case of Religion, seeing the Par­liament are now labouring in it, being a business which requires time▪ and mature deliberation.

From these jarrs the King hoped for some advantage to himself; and now Oxford be­gan [Page 144] to be blocked up by Ireton and Fleetwood, and every day the coming of Fairfax himself, and a straiter Siege of that City was expect­ed; therefore before this should happen, the King resolved to go out of Oxford, and communicating his mind to some inward Councellors, above all other places, he pitch­ed upon the Scottish Camp; to the Scots therefore, as they lay before Newark, the King sent Montruel the French Ambassador, and himself soon after, as Ashburnhams man, with a Cloak-back behind him, escaped un­known out of Oxford, and came to Newark.

From this enterprise the King was disswa­ded by some, who loved the safety of their Country, and entreated rather to deliver himself to Fairfax, which might in prohabi­lity put an end to the War; but the King was obstinate in his design, not doubting but that dissentions daily growing between the two Nations, he should be the more welcome to the Scots, safe from harm, and be able by this means either to make a peace upon his own conditions, or kindle a new war.

The King came first to Montruels house, and from thence to Southwell, into the Scot­tish Camp; the besieged Newarkers under­standing of the Kings coming, and being brought into great straits, harkned to con­ditions, [Page 145] and surrendred the Town.

The Scots seemed to be amazed at the Kings unexpected coming to them, and so signified the matter to the English Commis­sioners, then present with them upon the place. Letters were immediately written of it to London, and to Edinburgh, the English Parliament required the Scots to detain the King at Southwell, but they, contrary to that Order, carried him away to Kelham, where a greater part of their Army lay, and soon after, without expecting any further Orders from the Parliament of England, removed their Camp, marched Northward, and carried away the King with them to Newcastle.

The Scots excused their departure, because Newark being yeilded, no work was left for them, but alleadged, That as the King came to them of his own accord, unexpected, so he followed their Army, neither being entreated, nor fobidden by them: but they seemed to hasten their departure, by reason of a rumor (whether true or falsly pretended) that Cromwell with all his Horse was marching toward them.

But the English upon this, complained much both against the Scots and the King; To the Scots they objected the breach of Covenant and Treaty; To the King they im­puted it As a great obstinacy and despight to­ward [Page 146] the English Nation, whom he had so long injured, that now in his low ebb, he should in England, leaving the Parliament of England, go to the Scots, their Mercenaries: if he desired peace, why did he not embrace it, being offered upon such conditions, as besides his necessities, the common safety of his People invited him to? ra­ther than go about to kindle new fire between the two confederate Nations.

In the beginning of May, General Fairfax with his whole Army came within sight of Oxford, and disposing his quarters round about the City, summoned the Governour Glenham to surrender it; Glenham answered, that he would first send to the King, and when he knew his mind, would do what was fitting; this answer was not allowed. Never­theless Fairfax considering with himself (which was also the opinion of all his Com­manders) that it was likely to prove a long Siege, being a City excellent well fortified, and a strong Garrison in it, consisting of at least five thousand, most of them old souldi­ers, stored with provisions, arms, and ammu­nition for a great while, yet was put into hope of sooner obtaining it, by intelligence which he had gotten out of Letters, and by some Spies, that within they were much di­vided in their opinions; and the greater part [Page 147] especially those of the Nobility) desired it should be surrendred, that they might have, while time was, honorable conditions. Therefore they began to Treat, and not one­ly between the Army and the City, but in Parliament at London it was debated, and at last decreed, That the besieged should rather have the best conditions, than that their precious Army should be consumed before so strong a place, whilst in the mean time ma­ny things might fall out ill to the Common-wealth.

But the chief reason of granting such large conditions was, that the conquering Army, it being now Mid-summer, might be transport­ed into Ireland, to vindicate that afflicted Country against the barbarous and bloudy Rebels, but that so pious an intention of the Parliament was quite frustrated by the Kings going to the Scots, of whom at that time there were some jealousies, and that the King went to the Scots for that very purpose, it was believed by Letters (which were inter­cepted afterward) written to Ormund, before he went out of Oxford, We hope that this design of ours, though it may seem dangerous to our per­son, will prove advantagious for Ireland, in hindering the Rebels (meaning the Parliament) from transporting any forces into that Kingdom.

[Page 148] Thus Oxford was surrendred; and at the appointed day all the souldiers of that Gar­rison marched away by Fairfax his Army, with great quiet and modesty on both sides. The Duke of York was honorably conduct­ed to London, where two of the Kings children remained; thither also went all the Noble men, nor was it denied to any of the Besieged to go to London: but the Princes, Rupert and Maurice, being commanded to go out of England, prepared for their departure.

The great Seal of England, with other Ensigns of Majesty, were layed up in the Library, which afterward carried to London, was by the command of Parliament (for the Parliament, when the great Seal three years before was carried away to the King, had made a new one) broken in pieces, together with the other smaller Seals.

Prince Charles about that time, distrusting the condition of his side, fled from Silly, with a few of his inward Counsellors, and went to Jersey, that from thence he might pass into France to the Queen his Mother. While the Prince remained in Jersey, the Commissioners both of England and Scotland intreated the King that the Prince his Son might continue within his Dominions, lest if he should go into France, it might be inconvenient at this time, [Page 149] and an obstruction to the desired peace; but the King promising them that he would think of it, wrote in the mean time this short letter to the Prince.

This Letter was intercepted going from Newcastte to Jersey in a small Vessel, and read in Parliament, to their great grief.

Soon after the surrender of Oxford, fol­lowed the end of this fierce War, for Worce­ster, Wallingford, Pendennis, and Ragland, yeil­ded also to the Conquerors. Peace now seemed to be restored to England, but they had no security; for the Parliament (having vanquished the common Enemy) were grie­vously troubled with Factions among them­selves, and divided under the unhappy names of Presbyterians and Independents; nor was [Page 150] it onely in those things which concerned Church-government, but in the transaction of almost all other businesses, they debate fiercely, and were divided in their Votes.

The same difference (namely of Presbyte­rian and Independent) troubled not onely the Parliament House, but the City, the Country, and some of the Camps, seeming a thing that threatned danger; and the Parliament feared that Massey's forces (which had deserved very well of the Common-wealth) being quartered about the Devizes, might under that name make a Mutiny: wherefore Gene­rall Fairfax was sent from Oxford into the West to disband (the War being ended) those forces of Massey, being two thousand five hundred horse, which thing was quietly done within eight dayes, and all those Soul­diers with ready obedience left their Co­lours, although they were not fully paid at that time; for which Massey (as for other things) was much commended in being careful, by advising his souldiers, that this business without any difficulty should be so ended.

The War being now quite finished, Fair­fax, the Victorious Preserver of the English Parliament, returned to London, about the midst of November. All good men longed to [Page 151] see that great Souldier, whom they could not but admire, by whose valour they were deli­vered from the worst of evils, and were now in expectation of an happy peace.

The next day after he came to London; That he might see the gratitude of the Parlia­ment, the House of Peers sent their Speaker, Manchester, whom the Earls of Northumber­land, Pembrook, and many other Nobles ac­companied; who congratulated his return, and gave him great thanks for his most faithful and happy services to the Common­wealth.

When the Lords were gone, Lenthal, the Speaker of the House of Commons with al­most 300. Members of that House, came to congratulate the General, to whom Lenthal made a speech, wherein he discoursed of the greatness of his actions, extolling them by examples of the most great and famous Heroes of ancient times. You (said he) noble General shall all posterity admire and honour, and the people of England, since they can give you no thanks equal to your merits, do freely confess themselves for ever indebted to you, as the hap­py instrument of God, and finisher of our Wars with incredible suceess: To which the modest Fairfax made a short reply, Acknowledging himself unworthy of so great an honour, and [Page 152] giving most humble thanks to the Parliament, accounting it his greatest happiness in this world to be made by God instrumental for the good of his Country.

But the General staid not long at London, being presently after sent to carry the money for the Scots into the North; of which we shall speak afterwards; in the mean time we will return to the King, and Scots.

On the sixth of May, 1646. long before the surrender of Oxford; when the Parliament of England understood that the King was with the Scots, when the Scots also had diso­beyed their Orders; which were, That they should detain the King at Southwel, and that Ashburnham, with the rest of his followers, should be sent to London, (of which the Scots obeyed neither, letting Ashburnham and the rest escape, and carrying the King into the North) the Parliament, after a long debate of both Houses, at last Voted, That the person of the King should be disposed of by the authority of both Houses of the Parliament of England.

But the Scots excusing themselves, and de­fying to deliver up the King, a great dissen­tion hapned between the two Nations, which did much animate the Royalists, and seemed dangerous to the two Kingdoms. Many com­plaints were made upon this occasion, and [Page 153] many sharp invective Writings on both sides for the space of divers moneths.

The Scots alleaged, that he was no less King of Scotland than of England; and that therefore their Kingdom had some right to the disposing of him; the English affirmed, that his person was to be disposed by the authority of that Kingdom in which he then was; but that they set forth, as a very strange thing that a Scottish Army, paid by the Par­liament of England, and which by the Compact of both Kingdoms, was to be governed by Com­missioners of both Kingdoms upon the place, should notwithstanding receive the King of England, without the consent or knowledge of the English Commissioners, and carry him away to Newcastle, a Town of England, and there keep him without the consent of the Parliament of England.

In the midst of these great dissentions: which notwithstanding the prudence of some men did so well moderate (whilest the com­mon enemy and factious spirits sought to aggravate them) that they proved not perni­tious to the Kingdoms, the main business, and things necessary for the Common good were unanimously and friendly transacted by the two Nations: and among other things, con­cerning the sending of propositions to the [Page 154] King for a firm and well grounded peace, it was debated, and at last agreed, that nineteen Propositions (so many therewere) should be sent to Newcastle, to the King; which be­cause they are long, and fully recited in a larger History, I will not relate in this Epi­tome.

These Propositions were sent away to the King upon the fifteenth day of July one thousand six hundred forty six, and presented to his hands at Newcastle by the Commissio­ners of both Houses of Parliament, namely, the Earl of Pembrooke, Earl of Denbigh, and the Lord Mountague of the Peers; and six of the House of Commons; the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland being present, and consenting to them.

And that the King might conceive himself dealt withal like a King, not a vanquished man, and a captive, this preface by the con­sent of Parliaments of both Kingdoms, was set before the Propositions.

The Lords and Commons, Commissioners of the Parliament of England, staid long with the King at Newcastle, humbly entreating him, that he would vouchsafe to sign and establish those propositions being not much higher than those, which had been offered to his Majesty at Vxbridge, when the chance of War was yet doubtful; the same thing did the Commissioners of the Parliament in Scotland humbly entreat; and the like did others daily, who came with renewed suppli­cations to that end from the Parliament sit­ting at Edenburgh.

But in vain were the supplications of both Kingdoms; the King persisted obstinately in denial of his Assent; but daily he seemed to take exceptions at some particulars, [Page 156] whereby time was delayed for some moneths, and the affairs of both Kingdoms much re­tarded, which happened at an unseasonable time, when not onely the dissentions between the two Nations about Garrisons, mony, and other things were justly feared, but also in the Parliament of England, and City of London, the factions then encreasing between the Presbyterians and Independents, from whence the common enemy began to swell with hopes not improbable, and this per­chance was the cause of the Kings delay.

But those hopes of the enemy soon vanish­ed, and this very aversness of the King did in some measure compose the dissentions of the Parliament; insomuch as they began unanimously to consult, how they might settle the affairs of both Kingdoms (since it could not otherwise be) without the King; There­fore it was debated in the Parliament of England, to pay the Scots for their assistance in this War, and at last agreed that the Scots should receive four hundred thousand pounds; half of that sum, namely, two hun­dred thousand pounds was to be paid in pre­sent, upon receipt of which, the Scots were to deliver up Berwick, Carlisle, and Newca­stle to the Parliament of England, according to the compact. It was also debated, though [Page 157] with much time and difficulty, where the Kings person should be disposed, in case he did absolutely and utterly deny his Assent to the Propositions; at which meeting it was freely granted by the Parliament to the Scots, that they might carry the King (if they plea­sed) to Edenburgh; but that the Scots refu­sed, affirming, that by his presence in an un­setled Kingdom, new commotions might arise; they rather desired (which was also the Kings desire) that he might be carried into the Southern parts of England, and live in some of his Palaces neer London, which they thought more convenient for treating of a peace, as if England were not in the same danger by his presence. So that in all that whole debate they seemed to contend, not who should have the King, but who should not have him.

Whilest these things were transacting, and the King daily was humbly entreated by both Kingdoms to grant his Assent to these Pro­positions, the Earl of London, Chancellour of Scotland, about the end of August, when the Commissioners of both Kingdoms were pre­sent, made an Oration to the King, which because it opens the business in some measure, shall be recited.

[Page 158] YOur Majesty was pleased on Monday last to call the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, and imparting the Propositions to them, to promise that you would likewise impart your Answer before you sent it; but so short is the Commissioners prefixed time, and of so great moment (either to the safety or ruine of your Crown and Kingdoms) is your Majesties An­swer, that we should be wanting both to God, and our own trust, if we should not represent to your Majesty how necessary it is (in this conjuncture of time) That you grant your assent to these Propositions; and what an incurable malady, and sudden ruine must needs follow upon your denial. I shall begin with the disease, and speak after of the remedy: The differences betwixt your Majesty and Parliament (known better to no man than your self) are at this time so high, that (after so many bloudy Battels) no composure can be made, nor a more certain ruine avoided, without a present pacification. The Parliament are in possession of your Navy, of all the Towns, Castles and Forts of England; they enjoy be­sides Sequestrations, your Revenue. Souldiers and monies are raised by their Authority, and after so many Victories and Successes, they have a standing strong Army, who, for their strength, are able to act any thing in Church or Common­wealth at their own pleasure. Besides there are [Page 159] some so fearful, others so unwilling to sumit to your Majesty, that they desire neither your self, nor any of your Issue to raign over them. The People weary of War, and groaning under taxes, though they desire Peace, yet are so much a­gainst the pulling down of Monarchy (under which they have long flourished) that they which are weary of your Government, dare not go about to throw it off, untill they have (once at least) offered Proposition of Peace to your Majesty, lest the Vulgar (without whose con­currence they cannot perfect the Work) should fall from them. Therefore when the whole People, weary of War, desire security from pres­sures, and arbitrary rule: the most Honoura­ble Houses of Parliament have consented to offer these Propositions to your Majesty with­out which the greater part of the people do sup­pose the Kingdom can neither enjoy Peace nor Safety; therefore your Majesties friends, and the Commissioners of Scotland, though not without some reluctation, were forced to consent to the sending of these Propositions (for else none had been sent) or else incur the publick hatred, as enemies to peace. Now Sir if your Majesty (which God forbid) should deny to sign these Propositions, you would loose all your friends, both City and Country; and all Eng­land as one man would rise up against you; it [Page 160] may then be feared (all hope of reconciliation being taken away) that they may cite you, de­pose you, and set up another Government. Moreover they will require of us to deliver your Majesty to them to restore their Garrison Towns, and carry our Army out of England. Lastly, if your Majesty persist in denying, both Kingdoms will be compelled to agree together for their mutual safety, to settle Religion and peace without you, which (to our unspeakable grief) would ruine your Majesty, and your Po­sterity. But if your Majesty shall despise the councel of us (who wish nothing more upon earth than the establishing of your Majesties Throne) and by obstinacy loose England, your Majesty will not be suffered to enter Scotland, and ruine that, Sir, We have laid our hands upon our hearts, we have prayed to God to direct us, and have seriously considered of the remedy for these mischiefs, but we can find nothing else (as the case now stands) which can preserve your Crown and Kingdoms, then that your Majesty should sign these Propositions; in some things (we confess) they are higher than we (if our wish might have gone) would have made them; but seeing that no other way is left to cure the Kingdoms wounds, and consolidate the ruptures between your Majesty and the Parliament: We do in all humility and loyalty advise your [Page 161] Majesty, that out of your gratious goodness, you would assent to them, as being the onely remedy left to procure a firm and happy peace, from whence also many happinesses will accrue to you, &c.

But neither this Oration of Londen, nor all the endeavours of both Parliaments could after the Kings mind; yet did not the Com­missioners give over their hopes, but persisted in intreating; so that many moneths were spent in this business, and the time consumed till the midst of Winter, in which space they could not perswade the King to hear any Ministers of the Synod preach before him, being constant onely to his own Chaplains.

Upon which they began to endeavour that amity might be preserved between the two Nations, and that the two Kingdoms (things standing as they did) might be peaceably setled without the King.

Therefore after some debate between the Parliament of England, and the Commissio­ners of Scotland, they at the last agreed upon the aforesaid sum, namely that two hundred thousand pounds should be forthwith paid to the Scots; which mony being told out, was by General Fairfax, with part of his For­ces conveyed out of London, who afterwards [Page 162] committed the business to Major General Skippon. He with six Regiments marched away in the midst of Winter, and in January came to Newcastle upon Tine with the mony.

The Scots, when they had received their mony, according to the compact, delivered up the English Garrisons, Berwick, Carlisle, and Newcastle into the Parliaments hands, and marched quietly home into Scotland; they delivered also the King to the English Com­missioners to be carried into the South, Who was received with great respect and honour by the Earls of Pembrook, and Denbigh, and the rest of the Parliament Commissioner [...] and by them waited on with great obser­vance, and an honourable guard to his Pala [...] of Holmby in Northampton-shire. Th [...] things were done in the Moneth of February at which time the Earl of Stanford, Mr. G [...]win, and Mr. Ashhurst of the House of Com­mons were sent Commissioners by the Parlia­ment into Scotland, that at Edenburgh th [...] might treat with the Scottish Parliament about the Common Affairs.

Though the Kings party, which had foug [...] against their Parliament and Liberties, w [...] absolutely subdued, yet a quiet liberty [...] security could not be suddenly obtained the victory. For the Civil War being ended [Page 163] dissention more than Civil arose among the Conquerors, which seemed therefore more sad to all good men, because it was between those, who before had with most united af­fections and desires, thrown their lives and Fortunes into the hazard against a common Enemy, whom the same cause, the same fer­vour of reforming Religion, and restoring liberty, and the same prayers had linked to­gether in the nearest bond of conscience.

By this division, under the names of Pres­byterian and Independent, still encreasing, the minds of men began beyond all measure to be embittered against each other; one side complained, that the Covenant was broken; the other, that it was not rightly enterpreted by them, nor so, as that it could any way be a vindication of the cause undertaken, or the publike Safety; on both sides were men of great reputation.

Yet did they not at first so far dissent, but that both sides seemed forward to vindicate the Common cause against the Kings party, called Malignants. It must be a longer time, that must by degrees so far work upon the consciences of that side, which seemed weak­est, as to make them cleave to the Malignants for a prop. The Malignants were ready to joyn with either side, that they might ruine [Page 164] both. They themselves (though disarmed) being now the greatest number▪ especially by reason of the unconstancy of many men, ei­ther upon particular grievances, or the burden of Taxations. A great number of the Citizens of London, not of the meāest, but highest rank, had revolted from their former principles; insomuch as that City (all the Kings Garri­sons being by Fairfax his bloudless Victories emptied thither) became to be of that condi­tion, as that the Parliament, without the Ar­mies help, could not safely sit there. These dissentions of Presbyterian and Independent (because the motives and intentions of men are not enough known) our purpose is to touch with more brevity than the actions of open War, and plain hostility, though they also are here shortly mentioned.

It were a work of too much length and difficulty, to recite how many Calumnies were raised by the other faction against the Army (before so much admired) as maintain­ers of the Independent faction. How divers Petitions were drawn up, and sub-scriptions eagerly sought in the County of Essex, against this Army, which was then quartered about Walden, in the moneth of April. And in the Parliament it self it was so far, and in that manner debated concerning disbanding of [Page 165] that Army; that they (being now taught to value their own merits) conceived themselves much injured; and in the moneth of May presented a Petition to their General. In which they desire to be satisfied, not onely for their due pay, as Souldiers, but in things concerning (belonging to them as free born sons of the Nation) the publike liberties, which they had fought for. Of which Petiti­on great complaint was made by those of the other Faction. These and some other Altera­tions wrought at last so far, as that the Soul­diers, about the beginning of June (upon what design, or what jealousies I leave to Judge) took away the King from Helmby, out of the Parliament-Commissioners hands, and car­ried him along with them in the Army. So that his person was to be in some Town, or Palace neer to their Quarter. When this was known, it was ordered by both Houses of Parliament (and their order sent to the Ge­neral.)

• 1. That the King should reside at Richmond.
• 2. That he should be attended by the same persons that he was at Holmby.
• 3. That Rossiters Regiment should guard him.

But the next day from the General, and his Councel of Officers, was brought to the [Page 66] Parliament an Impeachment against eleven Members of the House of Commons, viz. (honoured names many of them) Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Glyn, Massey, Maynard, Lewis, Clotworthy, Long, Harley, and Nichols. Wherein divers things were objected con­cerning hindering the Releif of Ireland, ob­structing Justice, and acting somewhat against the Army, and the Laws of England. The Impeached Members declared them­selves ready to answer to any crime that could be objected against them. But another request came from the Army, that those Im­peached Members, untill they had brought in their answer, might be secluded from their Seats in Parliament. This at the first was not granted, as a thing judged to be too high, and too much against the priviledge of Par­liament. But when the Army iterated their desire, those accused Members, by leave of the Parliament, made a voluntary Secession for six moneths. Concerning that Order of Parliament, that the King should go to Rich­mond, the General desired to be excused; in­treating them not to command that; untill things were more quiet, and that they would appoint no Residence for the King nearer to London, than they would allow the Quarter of the Army to be. After which the King was [Page 167] conveied to Roiston, thence to Hatfield, no long after to Causum, while the Army quar­tered at Reading. From whence, when the General with his Army marched to Bedford, the King went to the Earl of Bedfords House neer Ouborn.

About that time was rumoured a very dangerous conspiracy in London, of Citizens, Apprentices, and others against the Army, namely, that many Citizens, and Apprentices, and other people had privately listed them­selves to make a Force against the Army. The General hearing this, certified the Cities Commissioners, who were then with him at the Head-quarters of it. Who made hast to London, to examine and quiet those troubles; but at that time between the two embittered Factions, nothing but suspitions and tumults could be. These Jealousies daily encreasing, on July 22. the Parliament made an Order to change that Militia of the City, which had been established upon the fourth of May, and put others, which were better affected to the Army, in their rooms. Upon which Order, the Citizens of that faction were wonderfully incensed, and petitioned the House on the twenty six of July, which being read, seemed rather a command than a petition. This was carried, and followed by a dissolute multitude [Page 168] of Citizens, Apprentises, and other unruly persons, who pressed to the very doors of the Parliament, and cried out in a threatning way, that before the House rise, they must order according to their Petition; and so far did their violence prevail, that they extorted an Order for the re-establishing of the for­mer Militia. But not content with that, when the House was rising, they took the Speaker, and rudely thrust him again into his chair, detaining both him, and the rest of the Members there, (an unheard of violation of Parliament!) until they enforced from them another Order, which was, That the King should come to London.

After this rude violation, the Houses ad­journed until Fryday next, which was the thirtieth of July. Upon which day, both the Speakers being absent, (for they with the greatest part of the Members had left Lon­don, and withdrawn themselves to the Army) new Speakers were chosen, the Lord Hunsdon and Mr. Henry Pelham a Barrester, by whom Orders were made that day:

• 1. That the King should come to London.
• 2. That the Militia of London should be authorized to raise Forces for defence of the City.
• 3. Power was given to the same Militia to choose a General for those Forces.

[Page 169] It was likewise Ordered, that the aforesaid eleven Members, Impeached by the Army, should return to their seats in Parliament.

The Citizens armed with these Orders, pre­sently proceed to raising of Forces, of which they Elected Massey to be their General.

In the mean time the Lords and Commons, who had left London, consulting with the Ge­neral and chief Commanders of the Army, made an Order, That all Acts and Decrees, that had passed on the 26. of July, and since, should be accounted null and void, and that they did adhere to the Declaration of the General and Councel of the Army. It was likewise De­creed, that the General with his Army should march to London.

But when the Citizens heard of the Armies approach, their stomacks being somewhat abated, and their opinions so much divided in Common-Councel, that it appeared im­possible for them suddenly to raise any for­ces to oppose the Army; they sent to the General for a Pacification, which (by the consent of the Members of parliament then with him) was granted to them upon these conditions:

• 1. That they should desert the Parliament now sitting, and the Eleven Impeached Mem­bers.
• [Page 170] 2. That they should recall their Declaration lately divulged.
• 3. They should relinquish their present Mi­litia.
• 4. They should deliver up to the General all their Forts, and the Tower of London.
• 5. They should disband all the Forces they had raised.

And do all things else which were neces­sary for the publick tranquillity. All which things none of them daring to deny, were presently ratified.

On the sixt day of August the General with his Army came to Westminster, and with him the Speakers of both Houses, together with the rest of the Lords and Commons, whom he restored all to their former Seats. Both the Speakers, in the name of the whole Parli­ament, gave thanks to the General; they made him Commander of all the Forces in England, and in Wales, and Constable of the Tower of London; a moneths pay was likewise given as a gratuity to the Army. The next day General Fairfax, Lieutenant General Cromwel, Major General Skippon, and the rest of the Commanders, with the whole Army, marched through London, from the Western part thereof to the Tower, where some Com­mands were changed, and the Militia other­wise [Page 171] setled. Then least the City should swell with too much power, her Militia by Order of Parliament was divided, and Authority given to Westminster, Southwark, and the Hamblets about the Tower, to exercise and command their own Militiaes.

Thus was the Presbyterian faction depres­sed; and the Parliament thus restored, were very intent upon the business of annulling all those Acts, which in their absence, and by that tumultuous violence had been made, and in punishing the Authors of those Seditions.

THe Parliament restored, the Mili­tia of London setled, and the other Commands fitly disposed, the General Fairfax marched out of London, and quartered his Army in the Towns and Villages adjacent, onely leaving some Regiments about White-Hall and the Mews to guard the Parliament, his Head-Quarters being at Putney; the King about the middle of August was brought to the most stately of all his Palaces, Hampton Court.

While the King remained at Hampton Court, he seemed not at all a restrained man, But a Prince living in the splendor of a Court, so freely to his presence were all sorts of people admitted, to kiss his hands, and do all obeysances whatsoever. None were forbid­den to wait upon him. Nor did the people from London onely, and the adjacent Towns [Page 173] resort to the King, but his Servants also from beyond the Seas, even those, who by Order of Parliament had been forbidden, and Vo­ted Delinquents, such as Ashburnham, Bark­ley, and the rest, who now by the permission of the Army, had safe recourse to him. But upon what reasons, or design this permission was, many wondred.

Stirred up by these examples (if not sent for by the King) the Lords formerly of his Councel at Oxford, the Duke of Richmond, Marquess Hartford, the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, with the Lord Seymor, about the beginning of October came to the King, as if to consult and give their advice to him con­cerning the Propositions of Parliament, or other business. The Parliament were displea­sed at this thing; neither would the Army long suffer it, considering that the King had not yet in any thing at all given satisfaction to the Parliament. Whereupon those Lords being told of it, after two daies stay at Hamp­ton Court, returned to their own houses.

On the seventh day of September, Proposi­tions agreed upon by both Houses of Parlia­ment (the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland concurring also) were sent to the King at Hampton Court. To which they did humbly beseech his Majesty, that he would [Page 174] give his answer within six dayes. The Com­missioners appointed for this business, of the Parliament of England, were the Earl of Pem­brook, Lord Mountague, Sir James Harring­ton, Sir John Cook, Sir John Holland, and Major General Brown. For the Kindom of Scotland, the Earl of Louderdale, & Sir Charls Erskins.

The King, although he denied (as before) to grant the Propositions, wrote notwith­standing an Answer to the Parliament, in which he sayes, That to some things he can assent, namely, about establishing Presbytery for 3 years, about granting the Militia, as it was before offered to him. But in the other things he must altogether dissent. He affirms, that he could rather hearken to the Proposals of the Army, (for the Army had lately pub­lished some proposals, in the manner of the Parliament Propositions, about setling the peace of the Kingdom) and desired the Par­liament that they would consider of those Proposals,

The Parliament, not yet deterred by these often denials of the King, fell upon debate about making Propositions to him again. When the Commissioners of Scotland resi­ding at London (after that Louden and Lane­rick, who came newly out of Scotland, had talked privately with the King at Hampton [Page 175] Court) sent Letters to the Parliament, in which they require that the King may come to Lon­don, and then personally treat with the parli­ament about the things controverted; those very Scots, who not long before, both in their Orations and Letters, Denied it to be just, or convenient for the Common-wealth, that the King, before he had given satisfaction and secu­rity to the People, should be admitted to London; or to any Personal Treaty with the Parliament. Those very Scots, who denyed to receive the King into Scotland, for fear he might raise commotions in their Country, would now have him brought to London, a City filled with Malignants, and fit for any Tumults, in which the Parliament it self, without the guard of an Army, could not safely sit. That which moved them to this demand (as they alleag­ed) was because the King had been taken from Holmby against his will, and without the consent of Parliament, by the violence of Souldiers, and still remained under the power of an Army, not in that freedom, which was thought fit for a King, treating about a busi­ness of so great moment.

At the end of their Epistle they seem con­tent that he may stay (if London be denied) at Hampton Court, so he be not under the power of the Army, but in such a condition, as that [Page 176] the Commissioners of both Parliaments may have a free recourse to him. But the Parlia­ment were again framing Propositions (with some alterations) to be sent to the King, when lo, on a sudden they were strucken with an unexpected Message, That the King was pri­vily fled out of Hampton Court: To which purpose Letters came about midnight from Cromwel to the Speaker. For on the twelfth day of November, whilest the Commissioners of Parliament, and Colonel Whaley, who commanded the Guard, expected when the King should come out of his Chamber to Sup­per, and wondered at his long stay; at last about nine of the clock, some of them going in, and not finding the King, they found his cloak left there, and a letter written with his own hand to the Commissioners, to be by them communicated to both Houses of Par­liament; in which letter, after he had discour­sed somewhat about captivity, and the sweet­ness of liberty, he protested, as before God, that he had not taken this design of with­drawing himself, to disturb the publike peace, or any treaty tending to the establishment thereof: but onely to preserve his own safety, against which he understood there was a treasonable Conspiracy. But toward the end of his Letter, he useth these words;

But the Parliament being much at first troubled with this unexpected news of the King's departure, at last, lest the Kingdomes peace should thereby be disturbed, they or­dered, that men of fidelity should be speedily [Page 178] sent to all the Sea-ports, lest the King should pass into any Forreign Country. And when tidings (though false) were brought unto them, that the King was concealed within the City of London, they ordered, That if any man should closely detain the King's Person, and not reveal it to the Parliament, he should be punished with the loss of his estate and life.

This Cloud soon dissolved, and the Parlia­ment were informed by Col. Hammond (who was newly by consent of both Houses, made Governor of the Isle of Wight) that the King was come into that Island, and had delivered himself into his protection. Hammond signi­fied himself to be ready to obey the Parlia­ment-commands in all things. The Parlia­ment commending Hammond, did also com­mand him with all diligence to guard the King; but to wait upon him with all respect and honour; promising, that they would take care that provisions of every kinde should not be wanting, nor money to defray the King's expences.

While the Parliament were again delibe­rating about Propositions to be sent to the King in the Isle of Wight, a Letter of great length from the King, superscribed, To the Speaker of the Lords House, to be communi­cated also to the House of Commons, was [Page 179] read upon the eighteenth day of November. In which he delivered his Sense and Opinion concerning many things contained in the for­mer Propositions, especially concerning the a­bolition of Episcopacy; he disputed out of the dictates of his conscience much, and gave touches also of the other matters. Of all which he hoped that he should satisfie the Parliament with his reasons, if he might perso­nally treat with them. Therefore he earnestly desired to be admitted with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, to treat personally at London: the Commissioners of Scotland, with great vehe­mence, also pressed, that this desire of the King might be granted.

The Parliament weighing these things, lest they should betray themselves and friends by admitting of a personal Treaty with the King in London, so Malignant a City, before he had given any satisfaction or security, (which was before the Scots Opinion) after so many mis­chiefs done to the Commonwealth, resolved upon a middle way.

Therefore after a long debate on the twen­ty sixth of November, they concluded that four Propositions, being drawn up into the form of Acts, should be sent to the King in the Isle of Wight, to sign; which when he had signed he should be admitted to a personal Treaty a [Page 180] London; that his Majesty giving the Kingdom security by passing these four Propositions, there may be a personal Treaty with his Ma­jesty, for passing the rest of the Propositions. The four were these.

1. That a Bill be passed into an Act by his Majesty, for setling of the Militia of the King­dom.

2. That a Bill be passed for his Majesties cal­ling in of all Declarations, Oaths, and Proclama­tions against the Parliament, and those who have adhered to them.

3. For passing an Act, that those Lords who were made after the Great Seal was carried to Oxford, may be made uncapable of sitting in the House of Peers thereby.

4. That power may be given to the two Houses of Parliament, to adjourn, as the two Houses of Parliament shall think fit.

The Commissioners of Scotland would in no wise give their consent that these four Bills should be sent to the King, before he treated at London; therefore, in a very long Declara­tion they protested against it. Notwith­standing that, the Bills were sent by Com­missioners of both Houses of Parliament, and on the twenty fourth of December presented to the King at Carisbrook-Castle. But the King understanding the minde of the Scots, [Page 181] and the factions in London, absolutely re­fused to sign those Propositions; and the Commissioners with this denial returned to London.

On the third of January the House of Com­mons debated of this denial of the King: the dispute was sharp, vehement, and high about the State and Government of the Com­monwealth; and many plain Speeches made of the King's obstinate aversness, and the peo­ples too long patience; it was there affirmed, that the King by this denial had denied his protection to the people of England, for which onely subjection is due from them; that one being taken away, the other falls to the ground. That it is very unjust and absurd, that the Parliament (having so often tried the King's affections, should now betray to an implacable Enemy, both themselves and all those friends, who in a most just cause had valiantly adventured their lives and fortune: that nothing was now left for them to do, but to take care for the safety of themselves and their friends, and settle the Common­wealth (since otherwise it could not be) with­out the King.

Therefore on the 17 of January, a Decla­ration and Votes passed both Houses of Par­liament, in this manner.

[Page 182] The Lords and Commons assembled in Parlia­ment, after many Addresses to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raised by him against the Parliament and King­dom, having lately sent four Bills to his Majesty, which did contain onely matter of safety, and secu­rity to the Parliament and Kingdom, referring the composure of other differences to a personal Treaty with his Majesty; and having received an absolute Negative, do hold themselves ob­liged to use their utmost endeavours, speedily to settle the present Government in such a way, as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom, in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties there­of. And in Order thereunto, and that the Houses may receive no delay nor interruptions in so great and necessary a work, they have taken these Resolutions, and passed these Votes following, viz.

The Lords and Commons do declare, That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King.

Resolved, &c. By the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, That no Applica­tion or Address be made to the King by any Person whatsoever, without the leave of both Houses.

[Page 183] Resolved, &c. By the Lords and Commons as­sembled in Parliament, that the Person or Persons, that shall make breach of this Order, shall incur the penalty of High Treason.

Resolved, &c. That the Lords and Commons do declare, That they will receive no more any Message from the King: and do enjoyn, That no `Person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either of the Houses of Parliament, or any other Person.

Within few dayes after these Votes of Par­liament were published, a Declaration of the General, and general Councel of the Army, (their Head-Quarters being then at Windsor) was made and humbly presented to the Parli­ament; for which Declaration thanks were returned from the Parliament to the General, and Councel of the Army: which take in the full expression.

[Page 187] The Parliament also made a publick De­claration about the beginning of February, for satisfaction of all men in general, concerning the causes of their Votes; in which (besides the Kings former misdeeds, related before in other Remonstrances) they declare how often they had treated with him, That although they were never forced to any Treaty, yet no less then seven times they had applied themselves to the King with Propositions, containing no­thing but what was necessary to the peace and security of the Kingdom: How they had of­fered him Propositions at Oxford, afterwards at Uxbridge, and then (after he was quite van­quished in war) at Newcastle; and lastly, after the departure of the Scots, at Hampton Court. All which hath been perpetually denied by him.

By such a Declaration did the Parliament endeavour to appease the unquiet mindes of people: but no Arguments nor Decrees could serve to asswage their fury, nor prevent the storms which were then arising. Force onely was required, and wise Councel to search out conspiracies, and suppress the Tumults which were feared. Therefore part of the Army was quartered about Westminster, the Mews, and other places of the City: And the month [Page 188] before these high transactions, some Lords and Commons were chosen out of both Houses to be a Committee for the safety of the Com­monwealth, and sate together at Derby-house, in the same place where the Committee of both Kingdoms (England and Scotland) had sitten before. To this Committee power was given to suppress Tumults and Insurrections; and to that purpose, to raise Forces as they saw occasion.

The Members of this Committee were seven Lords, namely, the Earls of Northumberland, Kent, Warwick and Manchester, the-Lords Say, Wharton, and Roberts; and thirteen of the House of Commons, Mr. Perpoint, Mr. Fines, Sir Henry Vane Senior and Junior, Sir William Armin, Sir Arthur Hazlerig, Sir Gilbert Ger­rard, Sir John Evelin, Lieutenant General Cromwel, Mr. St. John, Mr. Wallop, Mr. Crew, Mr. Brown.

The Parliament, though victorious, though guarded with a gallant Army, no forces visibly appearing against it, yet was never in more danger. All men began in the Spring to pro­phecy, that the Summer would be a hot one, in respect of Wars, seeing how the Countries were divided in Factions, the Scots full of threats, the city of London as full of unqui­etness. And more sad things were feared [Page 189] where least was seen; rumours every day frightning the people, of secret Plots, and treasonable meetings. From whence every man began to foresee slaughter and war, as Mariners use to foresee a rising Tempest.

The King's Party began to swell with great hopes, and look upon themselves not as van­quish'd, but Conquerors; nor could they forbear vaunting everywhere, but talked of the Kings rising, and ruine of the Parliament. The same thing seemed to be the wish of those whom they called Presbyterians, who were ready to sacrifice themselves and their Cause to their hatred against the Independents; who wished that quite undone, which themselves could not do; and desired, that liberty might be quite taken away by the King, rather then vindicated by the Independents.

The King himself, though set aside, and con­fined within the Isle of Wight, was more for­midable [Page 190] this Summer, then in any other, when he was followed by his strongest Armies. The name of King had now a further operation, and pity of the Vulgar gave a greater Majesty to his Person. Prince Charls also by his ab­sence, and the name of banishment, was more desireable by those Vulgar people, and by his Commissions (which his Father private­ly sent him) as if armed with lawful power, did easily command those that were willing; and by commands under his name, was a­ble to raise (as will afterward appear) not onely Tumults, but Wars.

The beginning was by Tumults, and in the City, from whence also the following Insur­rections in the neer Counties had their origi­nal; and was by Apprentices, and loose young people playing in More-fields upon a Sunday, the ninth day of April, who dispising the au­thority of Magistrates, set upon a Captain of the trained Bands, and with stones beat him out of the fields; and taking away his colours, with them they marched, a disorderly rout (gathering up many of the scum of the peo­ple as they passed) to Westminster; crying out as they went, that they were for King Charls. But they by a Troop of Horse out of the Mews were quickly scattered. But running back, and getting into London (while other disorderly [Page 191] fellows came into them) they remained all night in a whole body, filling the City with fears; so that the Lord Major, a man cordial to the Parliament, was enforced to escape privily out of his House, and flye into the Tower. In the morning, General Fairfax, to crush this mischief in the beginning, before the wound were grown incurable, by the con­course of wicked men, sent a part of his Army into the City; who vanquishing the Seditious, and driving them into Leaden Hall (of whom some they carried away Prisoners) with great valour, and no less prudence, quieted the Tu­mult. For delivering the City from so horrid a danger, thanks were given to the General, both by the Parliament, and the honest sober Citizens, and a thousand pounds in money given as a gratuity to the Souldiers.

In the very Petitions also, at that Malignant time, nothing but sedition & War was contain­ed; as appeared in those of Surrey and Kent. From Surrey, about three hundred came to Westminster on the twenty sixth of May, bring­ing a Petition to the Parliament, in which they did not so much entreat, as command in high words, That the King should presently be restored to his former dignity, and come to Westminster with Honour, Freedom and safety, to treat per­sonally there about all Controversies; that the [Page 192] Army should presently be disbanded, and the free people of England be governed by their known Laws and Statutes; with other things of this nature. Nor would these Surrey-men, that brought the Petition, endure any delay, no, not so much, as till the Parliament could de­bate about it; but being extream insolent, cur­sing and railing openly at the Parliament, they set upon the Souldiers who were their guard; of whom, some they hurt, and one they killed. Upon which, a troop of Horse from the Mews, and some Foot, were sent to help their Fel­lows, who soon vanquished and scattered those Country Fellows, and slew some of them. This was the end of that seditious Pe­tition of Surrey.

At that time the Kentish-men were coming with a Petition of that nature; who being in number of a good Army, seemed afar off to threaten the Parliament. They had been the more stirred, by reason of a severe punish­ment of some of their Country-men, who had lately raised a sedition about Canterbury: against these Kentish-men the Parliament pro­vided no smaller defence, then the General Fairfax himself, who with seven Regiments marched away to Black Heath neer Green­wich; of whose success we shall speak after­wards.

[Page 193] The Parliament had before designed, that General Fairfax should march into the North to defend those parts; but nearer dangers detained him in the South. For at this time scarce any part of England was quiet; in e­very place tumults, insurrections, and Wars were threatned. To quell all these, (which was wonderful) one onely Army sufficed, by the great blessing of God upon it. Which Army, as when it was conjoyned, in one year, Anno Dom. 1646. it quite vanquish­ed and broke all the Kings flourishing strength, and reduced the Kingdom to the obedience of Parliament: so at this time with no less fortitude and felicity, being di­vided into parts, in all corners of the King­dom, it continued Victorious; so that for­titude and fortune might seeme in that Army (as the soul in an humane body) to be all in the whole, and all in every part. For be­sides those light, and soon-suppressed insur­rections of Suffolke in the East, and of Stam­ford in the mid-land part, by Col. Wait and o­thers, and of Cornwal in the West by Sir Har­dresse Waller, more great and formidable in­surrections happened in the Northern parts, and in Wales.

In the beginning of May the North was infested by some of the Kings Commanders; [Page 194] Sir Thomas Glenham, who had before gover­ned so many Garisons of the Kings, as Car­lisle, York, and Oxford; and lost them all; had now, with no better success, seized upon Carlisle. And at the same time Sir Marma­duke Langdale (of whom we spake before) had seized upon Berwick, and fortified it. The strong Castle also of Pomfret was then taken by the Royalists, who by treachery had slain the Governour thereof. To manage these Wars in the North, Lambert, a stout Com­mander, and Major-General of those Coun­ties, was left with some Regiments of the Fairfaxian Army.

But dangers of a more horrid degree seem­ed to threaten the Parliament in Wales; not onely from ancient, and formerly-vanquished Enemies; but those, who had before been Parliament-Commanders, and had now for­saken their side and cause; namely, the Co­lonels, Poyer and Powel, and him that had so often so well deserved of the Parliament, Laughorn himself. Poyer, who had hitherto kept the Town and strong Castle of Pem­brook for the Parliament, now (strengthned by the concourse of malignant people) with great animosity maintained it against them. Laug­horn a Commander of great esteem in those parts, had raised a gallant Army, under whom [Page 195] Colonel Powel served. In a small time (the Welch coming in apace to him) Laughorns Army was so increased, that he mustered 8000. Both Laughorn & Poyer (as it afterward appeared) entred into this War by a Com­mission received from Prince Charles; whose Auspicy proved no better then his Fathers. Colonel Horton with a small part of the Fairfaxian Army, and some other raised for­ces, went against them with three thousand men, But it pleased God, the giver of all Victories, that the success was not according to the number; for Horton on the eighth day of May, between the two Towns of Fa­gans and. Peterstone encountring with Laug­horn, totally routed, and put to flight his whole Army, consisting of eight thousand Horse and Foot. A great slaughter was made upon the place, and the number of Prisoners (being three thousand) equalled the number of the Victorious Army; among whom were taken about an hundred and fifty Officers; a great number of Colours, and quantity of Arms, with all their Ordnance.

There was scarce a more happy Victory (as the condition of things then stood) to the Parliament, then this of Hortons; for which, by order of Parliament, a publike thanksgiving to God was celebrated. Laughorn and Po­wel [Page 196] escaping by flight, got to Poyer into Pem­brook Castle. Cromwell himself about the beginning of May was sent into Wales with some Regiments, who on the eleventh day of that moneth came to Chepstow Castle, which he resolved to besiege; but hastening to Pembrook, he left Colonel Ewer at Chep­stow, who within fifteen days took that Castle, and killed Kemish, to whom before the place had been betrayed; and Cromwel on the twentieth of May came to Pembrook.

Poyer relying on the strength of the place, refused all conditions, knowing besides, that time was now pretious to the Parliament, be­ing then entangled in so many difficulties at once. But Cromwel not being accustomed to despair of any thing, prepared for the Siege, being much furthered in his work from the Sea, by the great industry of Sir George Ays­cough, who commanded there a squadron of the Navy. Sir George Ayscough with much care and diligence from time to time furnish­ed Leiutenant General Cromwel with great Guns, with provisions of all sorts from Bristol, and other places, and every thing necessary for a Siege.

While these things were acting in Wales, General Fairfax, sent (as before was said) with seven Regiments to suppress the Kenrish [Page 197] Risers, pursued them towards Rochester. A great number of Kentish men not far from Gravesend were gotten together into an Ar­my; with whom were above twenty Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen of the County; and among them divers commanders formerly of the King Armies; though they were more in number, they durst not give the General battel; but some marched away to Maidstone, a few kept together about Rochester, another part of them went to Dover, and besieged that Castle; to raise that Siege the General sent Colonel Rich, and Sir Michael Levesy; who very hap­pily performed that work.

The General himself marched with his Ar­my to Maidstone. Into that Town about two thousand of the Risers were gotten, and re­solved to make good the place. The General likewise prepared to besiege them. In no chance of War before, was the vertue of Fairfax and his Souldiers more tryed, nor a Victory bought with greater danger. For af­ter that the Souldiers had broke into the Town (which was done with great difficulty) they found a War in every street, and Or­dnance planted against them, and were put to fight for every corner of it. At last the Ge­neral, with the loss of forty of his men, took the Town, two hundred of the Enemies be­ing [Page 198] slain, and about fourteen hundred taken prisoners; four hundred Horse, and two thou­sand Arms were taken. One thing was won­derful, that an Army of many thousand Ken­tish men, more in number then the Generals Army, coming from Rochester to the aid of their friends, yet notwithstanding, when they came neer, durst not venture to assist them; but stood in sight, while the General took the Town. Publike thanks were given to God, by order of Parliament, for this great victory.

Now all Kent seemed to be quieted (except some Castles, which also within a short time were taken, or yielded to the Parliament) when suddenly a new head of this Hydra sprung up; the Lord Goring gathering toge­ther a remnant of the Kentish Army, with a­bout two thousand men, had marched as far as Greenwich, from whence he sent some to see how the Citizens of London stood affected to the business; but whilst he staid expect­ing an answer, some Troops of the Army came in sight, upon which Goring and all his com­pany fled: the Horsemen pursuing, took some Booty and divers prisoners: the Kentish men for the most part fled to their own Houses: The Lord Goring, with about five hundred horse, flying from Greenwich, and getting Boats, crossed the Thames into Essex, where [Page 199] (as if the Fates sought out new Victories for Fairfax every where) the Lord Capel, with Forces out of Hartfortshire, and Sir Charles Lucas with a body of Horse, at Chensford in Essex joyned themselves to Goring, to whom within a short time divers, that formerly had been the King Souldiers, and many Londoners, with others, flocked. Some also of higher rank, as Mr. Hastings, brother to Hunting­don; and Compton, brother to the Earl of Nor­thampton.

The General Fairfax, crossing the Thames at Gravesend, passed with a part of his Army into Essex; and sending for the rest of his Forces out of Kent and London, pursued the Enemies; whom at last he drove into Col­chester, and in that Town besieged them: where (because it proved a long siege) we leave him for a time, and pass to other actions.

The greatest of all dangers which threat­ned the Parliament, was from the North, not contained within the bounds of England one­ly, but from the Kingdom of Scotland; Ma­jor General Lambert, the chief Commander in the North, labouring to suppress Glenham and Langdale, wrought so much, that he kept them within the bounds of Cumberland and West­merland; but they expected the march of the Scotish Army, to which they intended to [Page 200] joyn themselves. Lambert, too weak to op­pose so great a Force, omitted no diligence in strengthening himself from the neighbour-Counties, who were very forward to his as­sistance, especially Lancashire, who raised two Regiments of Horse, and four of Foot, to be conducted by Major General Ashton, and joyn with Lambert in Yorkeshire. The English Malignants alone were not very formidable in the North, but that the Kingdome of Scot­land joyned with them against the Parlia­ment. Wars were made from another King­dome, that Cromwel might be victorious as well against Forraigners, as Englishmen.

The faction of Duke Hamliton was then prevalent in the Parliament of Scotland, by whom Designs were hatched, dangerous to both Kingdoms, contrary to peace, and con­trary (for so it was judged by the Church of Scotland) even to the Covenant it self. Eng­land was to be invaded, and a great Army rai­sed under the Command of Duke Hamliton, a man ambitious and subtle. The English Ma­lignants (for it was given out that they took Arms for the King) were invited to joyn with them, and pay promised to those that would serve; all this was done, though Ar­guile, Louden, and the honester Lords pro­tested against their proceedings; and the [Page 201] Kirk of Scotland cursed that War as impious.

But the greater part prevailed, who there­fore stiled themselves the Parliament of Scot­land by a kinde of right; and to curb men of the adverse faction, a Commitee was made, with power given to them to punish all those who should attempt any thing against the De­crees of the Parliament; and a penalty set down, to be inflicted upon all Ministers, who should from their Pulpits teach the people otherwise: by which means it was brought to pass, that many Ministers were silenced, others punished; and some Lords of the o­ther faction retired themselves to their own strengths; yet could they not stop the mouths of all the Ministers; some with a constant Zeal denounced the wrath of God against that Army of Hamilton; and by the wretched success of that unfortuneate Army, the curses of the Kirk seemed not in vain, no more then of old the Tribunes curse upon the Parthian Expedition of Marcus Crassin.

Conspiracies by Land (though over the whole Iland) against the Parliament of Eng­land, seemed not enough, unless the Sea al­so had rebelled against them: Divers of the chief Ships in the Royal Fleet revolted from the Parliament about the beginning of June, and set the Vice-Admiral Rainsborough a­shore; [Page 202] affirming they were for the King, and would serve Prince Charles, sailing towards Holland, where the Prince then was, and with him his brother the Duke of York; who not long before fled privately (being perswaded thereto▪ by Letters from the King his Fa­ther) out of London, where he had been kept with great observance and state by the Par­liament.

The Parliament were much troubled at the revolt of these Ships, as a thing of extream danger; and sent to the Earl of Warwick to take the Command of their remaining Navy, and reduce the rest if he could. Warwick cheerfully accepted the employment, and was by the Parliament created (which Title he had born at the beginning of these Wars) Lord High Admiral of England.

Whilest Warwick was serving the Parlia­ment, his Brother the Earl of Holland unhap­pily rise in Arms against it. Relying (as it seems) upon the opportunity of time, while the Navy was revolted, whilest Fairfax in Kent, Cromwel in Wales were busied: he built likewise upon the affections of the Citizens of London; of whom he made tryal; and joyning the young Duke of Buckingham, and his Brother with others to him, he appeared in Arms by Kingston with five hundred [Page 203] Horse; but by Sir Michael Levesey, and others, who took occasion by the fore-sock, he was thereput to flight, & the Lord Francis Villiers was slain; Holland flying with the remainder of his Horse, was within few dayes after, at the Town of St. Needs▪ by Col. Scroop (whom the General had sent from Colchester for that purpose) altogether subdued; Dalbeer, and some other Gentlemen slain, Holland himself was taken, and by the Parliament committed prisoner to Warwick-Castle.

At the same time Rossiter also obtained for the Parliament a gallant victory over the forces of Pomfret-Castle, whom as they were pillaging the Country, and plundering up and down, being a thousand Horse, Rossiter fell upon, vanquished, and took prisoners all their Commanders, took all their Arms and Bag­gage. Rossiter himself (which for a time abated the joy of this victory) was grievously woun­ded, but he recovered.

These victories obtained everywhere by the Parliament, though some of them may seem small, yet will appear great, and worthy of commemoration to all those who consider how much the Commonwealth, if but one of these fights had miscarried, had been endan­gered: and the Parliament it self, weighing the number and variety of their hazards, may [Page 204] the better acknowledge the continuance of Gods providence, and his very hand with them. By these little victories also a way was made for higher Trophies, and an absolute subjugation of all their Enemies, which about this time miraculously happened.

For now most opportunely was Pembrook-Castle surrendred to Cromwel, which Poyer and Laughorn, confiding in the strength of the place, had so long stifly maintained. But at last, brought to extremities, they delivered it without conditions, rendring themselves Pri­soners at mercy. Which fell out at the same time (Fates calling Cromwel to a greater at­cheivement) that Duke Hamilton with a nu­merous Army of Scots had entred England, & about the beginning of of July, was further strengthned by the addition of Langdales For­ces. Hamilton marched above five and twenty thousand stong, striking a great terror every­where; scarce in the whole time of these wars did any Army exercise greater cruelty toward the poor inhabitants of England. And yet when the Parliament debated concerning this Army, the House of Peers could hardly be brought to declare them Enemies. For the House of Commons had declared, That the Scots that under Duke Hamilton Invaded England, were Enemies; and that all the English [Page 205] which joyned with them were Traitors to their Country. To which Vote the Lords at last, after much debate, assented. The chief Citi­zens of London, and others, called Presby­terians (though the Presbyterian Scots abo­minated this Scotish Army) wished good suc­cess to these Scots, no less then the Malignants did. Whence let the Reader judge of the times.

Lambert, though too weak in all probability for so potent an enemy, was not discouraged; but resolved to oppose the present danger, and, if need required, to fight the Scots: but he daily expected the coming of Cromwel, to whose conduct, this victory was reserved. In the mean time, with prudent retreates, & some Skirmishes, not onely with Langdale, but Ha­milton himself, he spun out the time so long, until that Hamilton's great Army having on the twentieth of August entred into Lancashire, Cromwel was arrived with his forces, who, with the addition of Lambert's strength made an Army of almost ten thousand.

This famous battel was fought neer to Pre­ston in Lancashire, in which all the forces of Hamilton and Langdale were vanquished and put to flight, whom the Conqueror pursuing as far as Warrington, (about twenty miles) and killing many in the chase, took Lieutenant [Page 206] General Baily prisoner, with a great part of the Scottish Army, granting them onely quarter for their lives. In this battel were slain three thousand Scots, and taken prisoners about nine thousand: Duke Hamilton himself within few dayes after, having fled with a good party of Horse to Uttoxeter, was there taken prisoner by the Lord Grey, and Colonel Wait: with Hamilton were taken about three thousand Horse. Langdale also, not long after, was taken prisoner in a little Village, by Wid­merpool a Parliament-Captain. This was the success of Hamilton's invading England.

Presently after this famous victory of Crom­wel, Colchester was surrendred to General Fair­fax: three months almost had the General lien before that Town, with a small Army, in re­spect of the number of the besieged, in a la­mentable rainy season; where the Souldiers pa­tience, no less then their valour, was tried. Go­ring, Capel, Hastings, Lucas, and the other Com­manders, until they were reduced to extream necessity, would not hear of yielding, but des­pised all conditions: their courages were long upheld by vain hopes (besides the smalness of the General's Army) of aid by insurrections at London, and of the success of Hamilton, Lang­dale, or the E. of Holland; and more especially, of succor by Sea from Prince Charls, who was [Page 207] now possessed of those Ships which had re­volted from the Parliament; and having taken divers Merchants Ships besides, was himself in person, with no contemptible Fleet, come in­to the narrow Seas.

But about the end of August the besieged in Colchester, despairing of any relief, and reduc'd to extremities, (for they had long fed upon Horse-flesh) yielded themselves to the mercy of the Conqueror. Two onely suffered, Sir Ch. Lucas, and Sir George Lisle, who were shot to death. Goring, Capel, and Hastings were sent to prison, to abide the doom of Parliament.

Thus was the Parliament everywhere vi­ctorious by Land, nor were they unhappy by Sea. For considering that revolt of the Navy, it was to be accounted a great felicity, that no more revolted after them, or no farther mischief ensued. But the Earl of Warwick was very careful; and it pleased God by this fright, rather then loss, to let the Parliament know the frailty of their own condition.

About the end of August, Warwick with a good Fleet was in the River Thames; when Prince Charls with a greater force, about twenty sail, was come upon the River against him, and sent a command to Warwick to take down his Flag, and yield obedience to him as supream Admiral, having the King's [Page 208] Commission to that purpose. But Warwick true to the Parliament, obeyed not the Sum­mons; nor was there any convenient place in that narrow Channel (especially for the larger Vessels) to make a naval fight; and War­wick's Fleet not strong enough to encounter the Prince, stayed for the coming of their friends the Porchmouth-Fleet. The govern­ment, and bringing about of that Fleet was committed to the care of Sir George Ayscough; nor did the Lord Admiral Warwick know certainly what was become of that Porch­mouth-Fleet, whether that also were revolted, for so the rumonrs were every day in London. And certain it is, that the Mariners being so ill-affected in general, and daily corrupted by the Townsmen in Porchmouth, that Fleet had been lost from the Parliament (by which means the other could not have subsisted) if the discretion of Sir George Ayscough, his e­stimation among the Sea-men, and their love to him, had not (happily for the Parliament) then appeared. He wisely sounding the af­fections of them, cashiering the worst, to prevent the spreading of that contagion, did with many endeavours, and great difficulty, so well prevail at last, that he confirmed the whole Fleet in the Parliaments obedience; And very successfully sailing by Prince Charles [Page 209] in the night, brought all his Ships safe to the Earl of Warwick. Who now strengthened by Ayscoughs coming with the Porchmouth Fleet, resolved to make toward his Enemies. But finding that the Prince for want of Victual, was gone back into Holland, he followed him, not long after, with the whole Fleet, to Gore, upon the Coast.

Cromwel, after he had given that great de­feat to Hamilton, following his Victory, en­tered into Scotland, to help Arguile, and Le­ven against the Forces of Monroe and [...]ne­rike; Which he effected with great felicity, and reduced those Garisons, which the Scots and English Malignants had before seized, namely Berwick and Carlisle into the Parlia­ments power. Then going into Scotland, to consult about the safety of both Kingdoms, he was most honourably entertained in the Castle of Edinburgh. Many of the Scotish Nobility and Gentry were sent from the Commitee of Estate to meet Cromwel; who, after congratulatory Orations made, conduct­ed him to Edinburgh; where Arguile, Leven, and other Lords entertained him, and the rest of the English Commanders, with a most magnificent banquet in the Castle. Thanks were given by the Ministers to Cromwel, who was by them styled the preserver of Scotland, [Page 210] under God. Such also is the testimony of the Committee of Estate, written to the English Parliament concerning Cromwel; pre­sently after, the forces of Monroe and Lane­rike were disbanded, and all other forces, ex­cept fifteen hundred Horse and Foot; which were to stand under the Command of Leven, untill the Kingdome were setled. It was al­so decreed both by the Committee of Estate, and Assembly of the Kirk, For preservation of Religion, and brotherly amity with the English Nation, That no man, which had joyned with Hamilton in the late invasion of England, should be chosen into the new Parliament, (which was then called) or into the Assembly of the Kirk. For the Faction of Hamilton were judged Enemies to Religion, and both the Kingdoms.

It was worthy of noting, that that English Army, which were by the religious Party of Scotland called A bundle of Sectariés, and re­viled by all opprobrious names, should now be acknowledged by the same Scots to be the Instruments of God, and Vindicators both of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland. The greatest Peers of Scotland also did inge­nuously confess their Rashness and Errour the year before, for accusing this Army as Rebel­lious, for acting the very same things in Eng­land, [Page 211] which now themselves were enforced to act in Scotland, for preservation of that Kingdom.

This great change in the Council of Scot­land had been to be wondred at, if the change that then happened in the English Parliament had not been a greater Miracle. Who would not be amazed at this, That Cromwel, for van­quishing a Scotish Army, by which he delive­red England from the worst of Miseries, should be acknowledged there the Preserver of Scotland, and not here allowed the Preserver of England! and that the same Victory of his against Scots, should please the Presbyte­rian Scots for Religions sake, and for Religi­ons sake displease the Presbyterians of Eng­land! Oedipus himself cannot unriddle this; especially if he judge according to Reason, not according to what Envie, Hate, and embit­tering Faction can work.

The face of the English Parliament was now suddenly changed; and the Votes which passed the year before, namely, of making no more Addresses to the King, were annulled and made void: those Votes, upon which the Parliament (as before is said) had published a Declaration to inform the World concerning the reason and necessity of their proceedings. Their Counsels were now quite changed, and [Page 212] new Addresses to the King (the formerly im­peached members being again restored to their Seats) with more submissive earnestness then ever before were resolved on. The Houses then fell into a Debate about proposi­tions to be framed, and a Treaty to be had with the King (before he had given any satis­faction or security to the people) personally at London, with Honour, Freedom, and safety.

But that was not carried. Onely a Treaty was Voted to be in the Ile of VVight, and that the King should choose the place within that Iland. Therefore on the fourth of Au­gust the Earl of Middlesex, with two of the House of Cōmons were sent to the King. Who made answer, that he was very ready to treat of Peace; and named Newport in that Iland to be the place. For that business Commis­sioners were presently chosen out of both Houses; Five Peers, Northumberland, Pem­brook, Salisbury, Middlesex, and Say. Ten of the Commons, Lord VVainman, Hollis, Per­point, Vane junior, Grimstone, Pots, Brown, Crew, Glyn, and Buckley.

The King, during this treaty, found not onely great reverence and observance from the Commissioners of Parliament: but was attended with a Prince-like retinue; and was allowed what servans he should choose, to [Page 213] make up the Splendor of a Court. The Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Hartford, the Earls, Southampton and Lindsey, with other Gentlemen of note, and a competent number of them, waited in his train; his own Chap­lains, and divers of his Lawyers, to advise him in the Treaty, were allowed there.

But while this Treaty proceeded, and some months were spent in debates, concessions, and denyals; behold, another strange altera­tion happened, which threw the King from the heighth of honour into the lowest con­dition. So strangely did one contrary pro­voke another. Whilst some laboured to ad­vance the King into his Throne again upon slender conditions, or none at all; others weighing what the King had done, what the Commonwealth, and especially what the Par­liaments friends might suffer, if he should come to raign again with unchanged affe­ctions, desired to take him quite away. From hence divers and frequent Petitions were presented to the Parliament, and some to the General Fairfax, That whosoever had offend­ed against the Commonwealth, no persons except­ed might come to Judgement.

The first Petition of that kinde was pre­sented to the Parliament upon the eleventh day of September. The Title of the Petition was,

This Petition, which broke the Ice, was fol­lowed, in the space of one month, by many other Petitions of the same kinde, from divers Counties of England, and several Regiments of the Army; namely, from the County of Oxford, on the 30 of September: from the County of Leicester, on the second of October: from many Commanders in the Army, on the 4 of October. Three other Petitions brought upon one day; namely, the 10 of October: another from Ireton's Regiment, on the 18 of October: and another from Inglesbies Regi­ment, on the 21 day of the same month.

The scope of all these Petitions was the same, That Justice might be done, and that the Chief Authors of so much bloodshed in England, and so many calamities to the Nati­on; namely, those, who had been the raisers of this Second War, and were now in the Parliaments custody, Hamilton, Holland, Ca­pel, Goring, and the rest, might be punished. But especially they intreat, that the King him­self, the Chief offender, the raiser of the whole [Page 215] War, and author of Englands calamity, might be called to Judgement: That the Parliament would give them leave to remember what the Parliament it self had the yeer before decreed and declared against the King; and what the Kirk of Scotland in 1646, had declared against the same King; That he was guilty (besides other horrid Crimes) of shedding the blood of many thousands of his best Subjects. Which things, if they were true, and not at all punished, nor any sa­tisfaction made; it might be feared would pro­voke (by so much injustice) the wrath of God, who had delivered that King (after so bloody a War) into their hands. They therefore humbly intreat the Parliament, that they would not un­gratefully throw away so many miraculous deli­verances of Almighty God, nor betray themselves and their faithful friends, by deceitful Treaties, to an implacable Enemy.

This was the sense of all those Petitions, which, during the Treaty, were daily present­ed to the Parliament, and by them laid aside. But at last, these Desires prevailed; especially after that the Remonstrance of the Lord Ge­neral, and the General Council of Officers held at St. Albans the 16 of November 1648. was presented to the Parliament on the 20 of the same November.

But by what means, or what degrees, it [Page 216] came at last so far, as that the King was brought to trial, condemned, and beheaded: because the full search and enarration of so great a business would make an History by it self, it cannot well be brought into this BRE­VIARY; which having passed over so long a time, shall here conclude.