A breviary of the history of the Parliament of England expressed in three parts, 1. The causes and beginnings of the civil war of England, 2. A short mention of the progress of that civil war, 3. A compendious relation of the original and progress of the second civil war / first written in Latine, & after into English by Thomas May.

A breviary of the history of the Parliament of England expressed in three parts, 1. The causes and beginnings of the civil war of England, 2. A short mention of the progress of that civil war, 3. A compendious relation of the original and progress of the second civil war / first written in Latine, & after into English by Thomas May.

Table of contents

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Title page

The Cauſes and Beginnings OF The Civil War of England.

Book II. A Short mention of the Progreſs of this Civil War.

Book III. A ſhort mention of the Originall and Progreſs of the Second War.

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Thomas May Eſq Aetatis Sua. 55.

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A BREVIARY OF THE HISTORY Of the Parliament Of ENGLAND.

Expreſſed in three PARTS:

1. The Cauſes and Beginnings of the Civil War of England.

2. A ſhort mention of the Progreſs of that Civil War.

3. A compendious Relation of the Original and Progreſs of the Second Civil War.

Firſt written in Latine, & after done into Engliſh, By Thomas May, Eſq

The Second Edition.

LONDON, Printed by J. Cottrel, for Thomas Brewſter, at the three Bibles neer the Weſt-end of Pauls. 1655.

The Cauſes and Beginnings OF The Civil War of England.

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OF the Parliament of England, and beginning of that ſad War, which for ſo many yeers raged within the bowels of a diſtreſſed Kingdom, whoſoever will write, though never ſo briefly, muſt of neceſſity premiſe ſomewhat touching the Cauſes (according to the ſtate of the affairs and times) of aſſembling that Parliament.

And though the condition of Scotland and Ireland were during that time no whit happier, (which being ſubject to the ſame King, were expoſed to the ſame Calamity) our diſcourſe eſpecially ſhall be of England, as the nobleſt Kingdom, and the Royal Seat; from whence the diſtemper might firſt ariſe, and be derived to the reſt. And wonderful it may [Page] ſeem, how great the diſtemper of that Government was, which ingendered ſo great a diſeaſe! how great the malignity of that diſeaſe, to which a Parliament was not ſufficient Medicine!

Fourty yeers old was King Charles, and fifteen yeers had he reigned, when this Parliament was called: ſo long had the Laws been violated, (more then under any King) the Liberties of the people invaded, and the authority of Parliament (by which Laws and Liberties are ſupported) trodden under foot: which had by degrees much diſcontented the Engliſh Nation.

For the King, within the firſt four yeers of his Reign, had called three Parliaments, and ſoon diſſolved them all, before they could any way benefit the Commonwealth, or redreſs the leaſt grievance of the People. In the ſecond, he granted and ſigned the Petition of Right; but ſuddenly breaking up that Parliament, he acted the ſame things in violation of Laws, which he had done before. So that it was manifeſt, that the Peoples Liberties, by grant of that Petition, were not fortified, but utterly overthrown; and it appeared, neither Laws themſelves could give protection, nor the Kings Faith ſecurity to the People. After the diſſolution of the third Parliament, men [Page] were forbidden by Proclamation to ſpeak any more of Parliaments. In this Interval, the people at home were fleeced by Monopolies, and many ways exacted upon by illegal Taxes: abroad, ſcarce any Negotiations were made, but ſuch as were deſtructive to Religion and the Commonwealth. In the beginning of his Reign, an unhappie and diſhonorable Expedition was made againſt the Spaniard, to ſurpriſe Cales: another, more ſad then that, againſt the French, in the following yeer, at the Iſle of Rhee: but that, of all other was moſt deſtructive to the Proteſtant Religion, that King Charles, not long before that time, had lent a ſtrong Navie to the King of France; by whoſe force the Proteſtants Ships through all France were vanquiſhed and ſcattered, and the miſerable Town of Rochel ſubdued by Famine, the worſt of all Enemies.

The King, in the mean time, by many illegal ways, raiſed money through England: large ſums of money were exacted throughout the whole Kingdom; default of Knighthood, under the ſhadow of an abſolute Law. Tunnage and Poundage were received without the ordinary courſe of Law; and though they were taken under pretence of guarding the Seas, yet that great Tax of Ship-money [Page] was ſet on foot under the ſame colour, &c.

Theſe things were accompanied with the enlargement of Foreſts, contrary to Magna Charta; the forcing of Coat and Conductmoney; taking away the Arms of the Trained Bands in many Counties, &c.

Nor was there any remedy left: for no Courts of Judicature could give redreſs to the people for theſe Illegal ſufferings; whilſt Judges were diſplaced by the King, for not complying with his will; and ſo awed, that they durſt not do their duties: for, to hold a Rod over them, a clauſe was altered in their Patents.

By this time, all thoughts of ever having a Parliament were quite baniſhed; ſo many Oppreſſions ſet on foot, ſo many illegal actions done, that the onely way to juſtifie all, was to do that one greater, To take away the means which was ordained to redreſs them, the lawful Government of England by Parliaments.

Whilſt the Kingdom was in this condition, the ſerious and juſt men of England who were not intereſſed in theſe Oppreſſions, could not but entertain ſad thoughts of what miſchief muſt needs follow ſo great an injuſtice: But another ſort of men (eſpecially Lords and Gentlemen) by whom the preſſures [Page] of Government were not much felt, did nothing but applaud the happineſs of England, calling thoſe ingrateful and factious ſpirits, who complained of the breach of Laws and Liberties; that the Kingdom abounded with wealth, plenty, and all kinde of elegancies, more then ever; and, that it was the honour of a people, that their Monarch ſhould live ſplendidly, and not be curbed at all in his Prerogative, &c.

The Courtiers would begin to diſpute againſt Parliaments in their ordinary diſcourſe, That they were too injurious to the Kings Prerogative: ſome of the greateſt States-men and Privie Councellors would ordinarily laugh at the ancient language of England, when the word Liberty of the Subject was named.

Though the Kingdoms Liberties were thus oppreſſed, yet Peace continued; and England ſeemed happie in that tranquillity, until the fatal Coal, which afterwards was blown into ſo great a fire through the three Kingdoms, began to be kindled in the yeer 1637. by a deſigne which the King had upon Scotland; which was (as pretended) to make a Conformity of Church-Worſhip, and Eccleſiaſtical Government, between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland. The dignity and pomp [Page] of Prelacie had been much of late promoted in England; in purſuance whereof, many temporal Offices and Honours were conferred upon perſons Eccleſiaſtical, many Ceremonies and Innovations brought into the Church, and too neer approaches made in ſome points of Doctrine to the Romiſh Church, and a great contempt thrown upon the other Reformed Churches in Europe: Popery ſeemed to be much countenanced in the Court; and by reaſon of the Queens great power with the King, ſeveral Nuncio's from the Pope, as Panzani, Conn, and Roſetti, had been received with great honour in the Court of England.

The King had made great preparations for that work in Scotland, and beſtowed many temporal offices and dignities upon Biſhops in that Kingdom. In particular, 11 of the Scotiſh Biſhops (being in all but 14) were made Privie Councellors. But this diſpleaſed the Scots, to whom Epiſcopacie it ſelf was not acceptable; and having been once thrown out of that Kingdom, was not reſtored but by great endeavour and policie of King James.

A book of Lyturgie was ſent by the King into Scotland, in the year 1637. with an expreſs Command, that they ſhould read it publikely [Page] in their Churches. The Scots complained, that a thing of ſo great concernment, having not been allowed by their Church in a National Synod, ſhould be impoſed upon them: they complained likewiſe, that it was not the ſame with the book of England, but alterations were made, ſome of them (they confeſſed) were for the better, but more for the worſe. Laſtly, they affirmed, that whereſoever that book varies from the Engliſh Lyturgie, it approaches directly to the Romane Miſſal, and all the parts of Popery are there. But the King ſeemed to excuſe thoſe alterations, in his great Declaration. Theſe are his words, (which were not ſatisfactory to the Scots:)

We ſuppoſing that they might have taken ſome offence, if We ſhould have tendered them the Engliſh Service-book totidem verbis; and that ſome factious ſpirits would have endeavoured to have miſconſtrued it as a badge of dependencie of that Church upon this of England, which We had put upon them, to the prejudice of their Laws and Liberties: We held it fitter that a new Book ſhould be compoſed by their own Biſhops, in ſubſtance not differing from that of England, that ſo the Romane party might not upbraid us with any weighty or material differences in our Lyturgies; and yet in ſome few inſenſible alterations differing [Page] from that, it might truely and juſtly be reputed a Book of that Churches own compoſing, and eſtabliſhed by Our Royal authority, as King of Scotland.

This Book of Lyturgie was read, as the King commanded, in the great Church at Edinburgh, but not without a great uproar, in which the Biſhop that read it hardly eſcaped. The Plebeians firſt ſtirred; but preſently after, the Nobility and Miniſters publikely avowed their deteſtation of that Book: ſome therefore were ſent to the King, to intreat him that he would recal his command concerning it.

But the King was immoveable, and ſent another peremptory command for reading of the Book; and that all people who came as Petitioners againſt it, ſhould depart from Edinburgh: which did but increaſe the number of Petitioners, who intreated the Councel once more to ſend to the King concerning it: in the mean time, they much accuſed their Biſhops, as the cauſers of this Innovation.

The King commanded his Councel to receive no more Petitions from them; and ſent the Earl of Traquare into Scotland with a Proclamation, which was publiſhed at Sterlin; wherein he declared, That the Biſhops were wrongfully accuſed about the Prayer-book; that [Page] he himſelf was the Author of it, and all done by his Command: he condemned their proceedings as tumultuous, and denounced the puniſhment of high-Treaſon to thoſe who perſiſted.

Againſt this Proclamation the Lords of the Commiſſion proteſted, and ſo did the Miniſters and others; juſtifying their aſſembly to be lawful, as tending to Gods glory, the Kings honour, and Liberty of the Nation. Immediately after, they entered into a Solemn Covenant for defence of their Religion and Liberties: This Covenant was ſubſcribed not onely by the Nobles, but all ſorts of men, that their number within few months was many thouſands: the King enraged, did by many Meſſengers condemn that Covenant: the Scots defended it. What was alleadged on both ſides, is more largely expreſſed in that book intituled Tumultus Scotici.

In June, the Marqueſs Hamilton, as Commiſſioner from the King, came to Edinburgh; who in vain dealt with the Covenanters to renounce their Covenant; but publiſhed a Proclamation of the Kings, wherein he forbears to preſs the reading of that Prayer-book upon them, and reſolved to call both a Parliament and Synod: but the Covenanters in their Proteſtation declare, that the Kings grants were not large enough to cure their [Page] preſent diſtempers; and offer ſome particular Exceptions. So great grew the differences and alterations upon ſeveral points, that the Marqueſs Hamilton was enforced that yeer to make two journeys into England to the King; and at laſt, by the Kings command, called a National Synod, which accordingly began at Glaſco, Novemb. 1. but within ſeven days, the Marqueſs diſſolved that Synod, alleadging for reaſons, that they had broken the Laws of a free Synod, both in the maner of their Elections, and in other buſineſſes during their ſitting. But they proteſted againſt that diſſolution, and continued their Synod, after that the Marqueſs was gone away; and proceeded in ſuch Laws and Decrees as they judged fit for the preſent State: after which, they diſſolved the Synod, and publiſhed a Declaration from Edinburgh to all ſincere and good Chriſtians in England concerning their innocencie and intentions.

The King, after a ſharp Proclamation againſt the Scots, which he commanded to be read in all Engliſh Churches, raiſed an Army to ſubdue them by force; in which, the Nobles and all Gentlemen his ſervants were commanded to attend him at York the firſt of April, with Horſe and Arms ſutable to their degree: the Earl of Arundel was made General; [Page] and a rich and well-appointed Army at that time and place attended the King.

But the people of England in general abhorred that wicked War, as a deſigne to enſlave both Nations; and loved the Scots as brethren, perſecuted by the ſame power which had long oppreſſed themſelves: they likewiſe hoped that ſuch an occaſion might neceſſitate the King to call a Parliament in England, ſo long wanted there. But the King, while he could make any other ſhift, how lowe ſoever, and diſhonourable, would not endure to think of a Parliament.

The Covenanting Lords of Scotland publiſhed a Remonſtrance in anſwer to the Kings Proclamation, and wiſely provided againſt all Invaſions that might be made upon them on any ſide: they ſeized the conſiderable Forts, and diſarmed all ſuſpected perſons, without any great trouble; electing Sir Alexander Leſly, an old Souldier, for their General; to whom all the Noble men were content to give obedience: at which time, the King commanded the Parliament of Scotland to diſſolve; and his command was obeyed.

But the threatned War did not proceed: it pleaſed God, that by the happie mediation of ſome honeſt Lords of both Nations, and upon a Conference granted, that the Pacification [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] was made and ſolemnly declared, on the 18 of June 1639. and both Armies were diſbanded within eight and fourty hours. The King granted to the Scots a National Synod, to begin upon the firſt of Auguſt following; and a Parliament to begin on the 24 day of the ſame month: ſo that both ſides peaceably retreated home.

But when the King had been but a little time at London, his heart was again eſtranged from the Scots, and thoughts of peace: He commanded by Proclamation that Paper, which the Scots avowed to contain the true conditions of the Pacification, to be diſavowed, and burnt by the hands of the Hangman: and the honeſt people of both Nations began to fear another War. The King, about the beginning of December, told the Lords of his Council that he intended to call a Parliament in England, to begin in April following; which being ſpread among the people, made them almoſt amazed; ſo ſtrange a thing was the name of a Parliament grown. But rational men did not like it, that it ſhould be deferred ſo long, and that preparations for a War with Scotland went on in the mean time. They were likewiſe troubled, that the Earl of Strafford, Deputy of Ireland, a man of deep policie, but ſuſpected honeſty, one whom the [Page] King then uſed as a boſom-Councellor, was firſt to go into Ireland, and call a Parliament in that Kingdom: beſides, the King at that time had broken up the Parliament in Scotland; which the Scots complained of, (the buſineſs of State depending) as a great breach of their Liberties, and againſt the Laws of that Kingdom.

Upon which, they ſent ſome Lords into England, to intreat the King to grant them a redreſs of ſuch Injuries as they had received ſince the Pacification: which were, That their Parliament was broken off, before any buſineſs done: That Edinburgh-Caſtle was Gariſoned with far more Souldiers then were needful: That Dun-Britain-Caſtle was Gariſoned with Engliſh Souldiers: That the Scots that traded in England and Ireland, were enforced to take new Oaths, contrary to their Covenant, and altogether contrary to the Articles of Pacification. The King impriſoned thoſe Lords, ſending one of them (the Earl of Lowden) to the Tower, and commanded a Charge of Treaſon to be drawn againſt him, concerning a Letter which the Scotiſh Covenanters had written to the King of France for his aſſiſtance, and Lowden had ſubſcribed: but the accuſation was frivolous, eaſily anſwered, and came to nothing, becauſe thoſe Letters [Page] were not ſent at all; and beſides, it was before the Pacification, upon which an Oblivion of all things was agreed; although the King at the beginning of the Engliſh Parliament produced that Letter againſt them, as a ground of his ſecond War: for now on the thirteenth of April, the Parliament of England was begun; before which time, the Earl of Strafford was returned out of Ireland, where he had held a Parliament, and gotten four Subſidies.

The King was very urgent with his Parliament to give money to enable him for a War againſt Scotland, and pay that Army and Officers which he had already raiſed; he demanded twelve Subſidies of them, for which he promiſed to releaſe Shipmoney: he promiſed them that he would afterwards redreſs the Kingdoms grievances, but deſired money in the firſt place to go on with his deſigned War.

It was anſwered by many Members of the Houſe in ſeveral Speeches, that redreſs of Grievances was the chiefe end of Parliaments, and ſhould go before Subſidies: That the King asked a great ſumme of money for releaſing of that which he had no title to hold, but had taken illegally by power: That the people had no reaſon to pay for a War which they [Page] deſired not, but abhorred; a War not for their good, but their own ruine: that nothing was ſo juſt as to puniſh the contrivers of that wicked War.

But ſo ſtrange was the obedience and complyance of that Parliament towards the King, that although the money which he asked was againſt themſelves, yet they took the Subſidies into conſideration; but while they were debating, the King, whatſoever his reaſons were, whether he thought it a delay or not, came into the Houſe on the fifth of May, and diſſolved the Parliament. The people were grieved in an extraordinary manner to ſee this Parliament ſo ſuddenly broken up, and as much to ſee the King break his word ſo immmediately upon the diſſolution of it: for he proteſted in the Houſe at that time, that he would rule for the future as legally as if a Parliament were conſtantly ſitting: Yet nevertheleſs he impriſoned ſome Members the next day after, Mr. Beloſis, Sir John Hotham, and M. Crew; he commanded the Lord Brookes his Study, his Cabinet, and pockets to be ſearched for Letters: He Commanded the Convocation of Divines to continue their ſitting, an unexampled thing, who by authority from him made Canons, and impoſed Oaths upon the people, contrary to their Laws and Liberties.

[Page] The King to defray the charges of this War, beſides the Contribution of the Clergy, and Papiſts, iſſued out again Writs of Shipmoney in a greater proportion then before: he ſeized the Bullion in the Tower, and took up Commodities to be ſold again at an underrate; and conſulted about Coyning of braſsmoney; but that went not forward.

But the War went on; the Earl of Strafford commanding in chiefe, the Earl of Northumberland not being in health, who had been appointed General: but the Scots had not been backward; for having been debarred of their trade, and loſt their ſhips by ſeizure, they entered into England with an Army, expreſſing their intentions in writing to the Engliſh, and bringing with them a Petition to the King.

But the King in this War found a greater want then that of Money, which was the hearts of the Souldiers, eſpecially the common Souldiers, who could not be eaſily brought to engage againſt the Scots, as hating the Cauſe; many of them mutinying againſt their Officers and Commanders; which might be one cauſe that the War proved not ſo bloody and fatal as it was deſigned: ſome Skirmiſhes, but not very conſiderable, happened at Newburn, and at Dunſian, not far from Barwick.

[Page] Thus proceeded this unhappie buſineſs, until ſome Engliſh Peers, Earls, and Barons, about twenty, grieved at the diſhonour which England ſuffered by the unhappie actions of the King, made a Petition to him, declaring in ſome part their former ſufferings by illegal Government, the diſſolution of the laſt and other Parliaments, the miſerable condicion of the Kingdom at preſent, the ſad conſequence of this wicked War; deſiring him to ſummon a Parliament within ſome convenient time, where the Kingdoms Grievances may be redreſſed, this War compoſed, and the Authors of theſe wicked counſels puniſhed.

Upon this Petition, the King cauſed all the Lords to meet at York, on the 24. of September, And there told them his intention of calling a Parliament with all poſſible ſpeed; which was to begin on the 3. of November.

It was there alſo conſulted and debated how to end this War upon fair termes: and after ſome time ſpent between Lords choſen out of both Nations, the matter was compoſed according to theſe Articles.

1. A Truce or ceſſation of Arms was made for two moneths till the 16. of December.

2. That 850. li. a day ſhould be paid to the Scots, during that Truce.

3. That if it were not paid, the Scots might [Page] force it from the Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Weſtmerland, and Durham.

4. That thoſe Counties ſhould be allowed the Scots for their Winter-quarters.

5. No new preparations for War, to be made.

6. That private Injuries ſhould not break the Truce, ſo ſatisfaction were made upon complaint.

7. That Merchants might freely traffique in either Kingdomes, without letters of ſafe conduct; but Souldiers without leave might not paſs their limits.

Thus was the ſtate of things altered, and that VVar, which was intended for an enſlavement of both Nations, became the bond of Concord between them, and the happie cauſe which neceſſitated the King to call a Parliament in England; whereby their juſt Liberties might by the bleſſing of God be vindicated and more aſcertained for the future. Great was the expectation of this Engliſh Parliament, on which the hopes of the people were wholly fixed, as a certain cure of all their long ſufferings; to which they thought the King (having ſo much tranſgreſſed) could not deny any thing, or make the leaſt oppoſition.

That was the cauſe for which they extremely loved the Scots, as the inſtruments of that [Page] happineſs to them; who by reſiſting the Kings intruſions upon themſelves, had enforced him to this viſible means of a cure for England; which made the King more hate the Scots, as the ſtoppers of his general deſign; which hatred he could not conceal in his firſt Speech that he made in this Parliament; in which, promiſing all favour and concurrence to any thing that might procure the happineſs of England, and promiſing to put himſelf freely and wholly upon the love and affections of his Engliſh Subjects in this Parliament, he inveighed againſt the Scots as Rebels, and deſired that by force of Arms they might be chaſed out of England: but the Engliſh Parliament was of another affection towards the Scots, as will appear more hereafter.

The Parliament ſhewed a great and wonderful reſpect to the King, and in many expreſſions gave him humble thanks for Calling them together, without any reflection upon his Perſon for what had paſſed in former miſgovernment; but ſince no cure could be made without ſearching wounds, and that grievances muſt be recited, they reſolved ſo to name them, as to caſt the envy of them upon evil Counſel, and ſtill mention the King with all honour & reverence poſſible; as will appear to any that read the printed Speeches, which at [Page] the beginning of that Seſſion were made in the Houſe by men of Eminency.

Great was the buſineſs, and of various natures were the crimes which this Parliament were to examine, and finde out Delinquents, whom ſo long a miſgovernment had made ſo.

Many Committees were made by the Houſe to eaſe them in this buſineſs: they began with matters of Religion. Divers Miniſters who had been of good lives and converſations, conſcientious in their wayes, and diligent in Preaching, and had by the Biſhops, and thoſe in authority been moleſted, deprived, or impriſoned for not conforming to ſome ceremonies which were impoſed on them, were now by the Parliament relieved, and recompenſed for their ſufferings. Others on the Contrary, that had been ſcandalous, either for looſe and wicked living, or elſe offenders in way of ſuperſtition (both which, to diſcountenance the Puritains, had been frequently preferred) were cenſured and removed.

The Earl of Strafford, Leiutenant of Ireland, was impeached of high Treaſon, and ſent priſoner to the Tower of London: and on the eighteenth day of December, William Laud, Archbiſhop of Canterbury impeached of the ſame crime, was committed to the ſame cuſtody.

[Page] The next day after the Archbiſhop was impeached, Dr. Wren, Biſhop of Norwich was accuſed of many miſdemeanors in matter of ſuperſtition in his Eccleſiaſtical Government: which tending to the detriment of the Civil State, he was alſo accuſed of Treaſon, and entred into a recognizance of thirty thouſand pounds to appear, with three ſureties bound, each of them in obligations of ten thouſand pounds. Sir Francis Windebank, Principal Secretary of State, a man neerly in friendſhip with Laud the Archbiſhop, who was thought to be a means of his preferment, was about that time accuſed of extraordinary connivence toward Popiſh Prieſts, or rather of favor to them; and that contrary to the Laws in force againſt them, he had bailed and releaſed a great number: a Committee was appointed to examine his offence, but he, conſcious of the crime objected, and fearing the conſequence, about the begining of December fled in a diſguiſe, and went into France. Immediately after his flight, the Lord Keeper Finch was conſtrained to take the ſame courſe, and fled out of the Kingdom into Holland: the crimes objected againſt him were of a various nature.

The firſt committed when he was Speaker of Parliament in the Houſe of Commons in [Page] the fourth year of King Charles: which was, for that he diſobeyed the Houſe, in refuſing to ſpeak when he was commanded by them.

2. The ſecond was for giving illegal and cruel judgements in the Forreſt-buſineſs, when he was Lord Chief Juſtice of the Common Pleas.

3. The third was for threatning of ſome of the Judges at that time, to give their extrajudicial opinions for Ship-mony.

The laſt was for drawing an injurious Declaration, after the diſſolution of the laſt Parliament: for which Offences he was Voted by the Houſe of Commons guilty of high Treaſon; a Charge drawn up againſt him, and carried up to the Lords upon the 14 of January, three weeks after his flight.

Upon the 15 of February 1640. a Bill for the Triennial Parliament was preſented to the King, and by him ſigned: which Act being of ſuch great importance to the ſecurity of the peoples Liberties by Parliaments, Take the ſubſtance thereof as followeth.

BE it Enacted, That in caſe there be not a Parliament ſummoned by Writ under the Great Seal of England, and aſſembled and held before the tenth day of September, which ſhall be in the third yeer next after the laſt day of the laſt meetting and ſitting in this preſent Parliament, the [Page] beginning of the firſt year to be accompted from the ſaid laſt day of the laſt meeting and ſitting in Parliament, and ſo from time to time, and in all times hereafter, if there ſhall not be a Parliament aſſembled and held before the tenth day of September, which ſhall be in the third year next after the laſt day of the laſt meeting and ſitting in Parliament before that time aſſembled and held; the beginning of the firſt year to be accounted from the ſaid laſt day of the laſt meeting and ſitting in Parliament: That then in every ſuch caſe as aforeſaid, the Parliament ſhall aſſemble and be held in the uſual place at VVeſtminſter, in ſuch manner, and by ſuch means only as is hereafter in this preſent Act declared and enacted, and not otherwiſe, on the ſecond Monday which ſhall be in the month of November then next enſuing. And the Lord Chancellor of England, the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, and every Commiſſioner and Commiſſioners for the keeping of the Great Seal of England for the time being, ſhall within ſix dayes after the ſaid tenth day of September, in every ſuch third year as aforeſaid, in due form of Law, and without any further Warrant or Direction from his Majeſty, His Heirs, or Succeſſors, Seal, iſſue forth, and ſend abroad ſeveral and reſpective Writs to the ſeveral and reſpective Sheriffs of the ſeveral and reſpective Counties, Cities, and Boroughs of England and [Page] Wales, and to the Conſtable of the Caſtle of Dover, Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports, or his Lieutenant for the time being, and to the Major and Bailiffs of Barwick upon Tweed, and to all and every other Officers and Perſons to whom Writs have uſed to be directed, for the electing of the Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Burgeſſes, of, and for the ſaid Counties, Cities, Cinque-ports, and Boroughs of England & Wales, reſpectively, in the accuſtomed form, to appear and ſerve in Parliament to be held at Weſtminſter on the ſaid Monday, which ſhall be in November aforeſaid: which ſaid Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Burgeſſes choſen by vertue of the ſaid Writs, ſhall then and there appear and ſerve in Parliament accordingly. And the ſaid Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, Comm [...]ſſioner and Commiſſioners aforeſaid, ſhall reſpectively take a ſolemn Oath upon the holy Evangeliſt for the due iſſuing of Writs, according to the tenor of this Act, viz. in haec verba.

YOu ſhall Swear, that you ſhall truly and faithfully iſſue forth and ſend abroad all Writs of Summons to Parliament for both Houſes, at ſuch time and in ſuch manner as is expreſſed and enjoyned by an Act of Parliament, intituled, An Act for the preventing of inconveniencies happening by the long intermiſſion of Parliaments.

[Page] Which Oath is forthwith to be taken by the preſent Lord Keeper, and to be adminiſtred by the Clerk of the Crown to every Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, Commiſſioner and Commiſſioners aforeſaid; and that none of the ſaid Officers ſhall henceforth execute any the ſaid Offices b [...]fore they have taken the ſaid Oath. And if the ſaid Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or any the ſaid Commiſſioners ſhall fail or forbear ſo to iſſue out the ſaid Writs, according to the true meaning of this Act, then he or they reſpectively ſhall, beſide the incurring of the grievous ſin of perjury, be diſabled, and become by vertue of this Act incapable, ipſo facto, to bear his and their ſaid Offices reſpectively, and be further liable to ſuch puniſhments as ſhall be inflicted on him or them by the next or any other enſuing Parliament.

And in caſe they neglect, then the Peers of this Realm ſhall by vertue of this Act be enabled, and are enjoyned to meet in the old Palace of Weſtminſter, in the uſual place there, on the third Monday in the ſaid Month of November; and they or any twelve or more of them, then and there aſſembled, ſhall on or before the laſt Monday of November next following the tenth day of September aforeſaid, by vertue of this Act, without other Warrant, iſſue out Writs in the uſual form, in the name of the Kings Majeſty, His Heirs or Succeſſors, atteſted under the hands and ſeals of [Page] twelve or more of the ſaid Peers, to the ſeveral and reſpective Sheriffs of the ſeveral and reſpective counties, for the electing of the Knights Citizens, Barons, and Burgeſſes, to be and appear at the Parliament at Weſtminſter aforeſaid, to be held on the third Monday in January then next following: And in caſe the ſaid Lords, or twelve or more of them, ſhall fail to iſſue forth ſuch Writs, or that the ſaid Writs do not come to the ſaid ſeveral counties, cities, cinque-ports, and borroughs, ſo that an election be not thereupon made; And in caſe there be not a Parliament aſſembled and held before the three and twentieth day of the ſaid Month of January; then in every ſuch caſe as aforeſaid, the Parliament ſhall aſſemble, and be held in the uſual place at VVeſtminſter on the ſecond Tueſday which ſhall be in the month of March next after the ſaid three and twentieth day of January: At which Parliament the Peers of this Realm ſhall make their appearance.

And for the better aſſembling of the Knights, Citizens, Barons, and Burgeſſes to the ſaid Parliament, as aforeſaid: It is further Enacted, That the ſeveral and reſpective Sheriffs of their ſeveral and reſpective counties, cities, and boroughs of England and VVales, and the Chancellor, Maſters and Scholars of both and every of the Univerſities, and the Major and Bailiffs of the Borough of Barwick upon Tweed, ſhall at the ſeveral [Page] courts, and places to be held and appointed for their reſpective counties, univerſities, cities, and boroughs, next after the ſaid three and twentieth day of January, cauſe ſuch Knight and Knights, citizen and citizens, Burgeſs and Burgeſſes of their ſaid counties, univerſities, cities and boroughs reſpectively, to be choſen by ſuch perſons, and in ſuch manner, as if ſeveral and reſpective Writs of ſummons to Parliament under the Great Seal of England had iſſued and been awarded. And in caſe they do not before ten of the clock in the forenoon of the ſame day, wherein the ſeveral and reſpective courts and places ſhall be held or appointed, for their ſeveral & reſpective counties, univerſities, cities, and boroughs as aforeſaid, begin and proceed on according to the meaning of this Law, in cauſing Elections to be made of ſuch Knight and Knights, citizen and citizens, Burgeſs and Burgeſſes of their ſaid counties, Univerſities, cities, and boroughs as aforeſaid; then the Freeholders of each county, and the Maſters and Scholars of every of the Univerſities, and the citizens, and others having voices in ſuch Election reſpectively, in each Univerſity, city and borough, that ſhall be aſſembled at the ſaid courts or places to be held, or appointed, as aforeſaid, ſhall forthwith, without further Warrant, or direction, proceed to the Election of ſuch Knight, &c.

And it is further enacted, That the ſeveral [Page] and respective Sheriffs ſhall after the ſaid three and twentieth day of January, and before the eighth day of February then immediately next enſuing, award and ſend forth their Preceps to the ſeveral and reſpective cities and boroughs, within their ſeveral counties, and likewiſe unto the ſaid Cinque-ports reſpectively, commanding them reſpectively to make choice of ſuch citizen and citizens, Barons, Burgeſs and Burgeſſes, to ſerve in the ſaid Parliament, at the time and place aforeſaid: Which ſaid cities, cinque-ports, and boroughs reſpectively, ſhall before the laſt day of the ſaid month of February, make election of ſuch citizen and citizens, barons, burgeſs or burgeſſes, as if Writs for ſummoning of a Parliament under the Great Seal of England, had iſſued and been awarded. And in caſe no ſuch Precept ſhall come unto the ſaid cities, cinque-ports, and boroughs reſpectively, by the time herein limited; Or in caſe any Precept ſhall come, and no election be made thereupon before the ſaid laſt day of February, That then the ſeveral citizens, burgeſſes, and other perſons that ought to elect and ſend citizens, barons, and burgeſſes to the Parliament, ſhall on the firſt Tueſday in March, then next enſuing the ſaid laſt day of February, make choice of ſuch citizen and citizens, barons, burgeſs and burgeſſes, as if a Writ of Summons under the Great Seal of England, had iſſued and been awarded; and [Page] ſhall each of them be liable unto ſuch pains & cenſures, for his & their not appearing & ſerving then and there in Parliament, as if he or they had been elected and choſen by vertue of a Writ under the great Seal of England; & ſhall be likewiſe ſubject unto ſuch further pains and cenſures, as by the reſt of the Knights, citizens, and burgeſſes aſſembled in the Commons houſe of Parl. &c. And the Sheriffs and other Officers and Perſons to whom it appertaineth, ſhall make returns, and accept and receive the returns of ſuch elections in like manner as if Writs of Summons had iſſued, and been executed as hath been uſed and accuſtomed. And in default of the Sheriffs and other Officers reſpectively in not accepting, or making return of ſuch elections, it ſhall and may be lawful, to and for the ſeveral Freeholders and other perſons that have elected, to make returns of the Knights, &c. which ſhall be as good and effectual to all intents and purpoſes, as if the Sheriff or other Officers, had received a Writ of ſummons for a Parliament, and had made ſuch returns; any Writ, &c. to the contrary notwithſtanding. And in caſe any perſon ſhall be ſo hardy as to adviſe, or put in execution any ſuch Writs, &c. then he or they ſo offending ſhall incur the penalties contained in the Statute of Premunire, made in the 16 year of Rich. the 2d. and be deprived of the benefit of the Law in any caſe, &c.

[Page] And if any Sheriff, Conſtable of the Caſtle of Dover, or Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports, ſhall not perform his duty enjoyned by this Act, then he ſhall loſe and forfeit the ſum of one thouſand pounds; and every county, city, cinque-port, and borough, that ſhall not make election of their knights, citizens, barons, and burgeſſes reſpectively, ſhall incur the penalties following (that is to ſay) every County the ſum of one thouſand pounds, and every City which is no County, two hundred pounds, and every Cinque-Port and Borough the ſum of one hundred pounds. All and every of which ſeveral forfeitures, and all other forfeitures in this Act mentioned, ſhall and may be recovered in any of the Kings Courts of Record at Weſtminſter, by and in the Name of the Lord Major of the City of London for the time being, by action of Debt, Bill, Plaint, &c. wherein no Eſſoin, Protection, &c. ſhall be in any wiſe prayed, granted, or allowed.

And if any perſon after notice given, that the Action depending is grounded or proſecuted upon or by vertue of this Statute ſhall cauſe or procure any ſuch Action to be ſtaid or delayed before judgment, that then the ſaid perſons ſo offending ſhall incur and ſuſtain all and every the pains, penalties, and forfeitures as aforeſaid.

The fifth part of all and every the forfeitures in this Act mentioned, ſhall go and be to and for [Page] the uſe and behoof of the City of London; and the other four parts and reſidue to be employed and diſpoſed to and for ſuch only uſes, intents, and purpoſes, as by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes, in Parliament aſſembled ſhall be declared and appointed.

And be it further Enacted, That the ſaid Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes to be aſſembled at any Parliament, by vertue of this Act, ſhall and may from time to time, at any time during ſuch their aſſembly in Parliament, chooſe and declare one of themſelves to be Speaker for the ſaid Knights, Citizens, and Burgeſſes of the Houſe of Commons aſſembled in the ſaid Parliament, as they ſhall think fit.

And it is further enacted, That all Parliaments hereafter to be aſſembled by authority of this Act, and every Member thereof, ſhall have and enjoy all Rights, Priviledges, Juriſdictions, and Immunities, as any Parliament ſummoned by Writ under the great Seal of England, or any Member thereof might, or ought to have, and have voices in ſuch Parliament, before, and without the taking of the ſeveral Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, or either of them; any Law or Statute to the contrary thereof in any wiſe notwithſtanding.

For Signing of this Bill, thanks were given [Page] to the King at White-hall the ſame afternoon by both Houſes of Parliament.

By this time, being the end of December, that Ceſſation of Arms which was ſpoken of before, between the Engliſh and Scotiſh Armies, was expired, and by the Parliament now renewed for a month longer; for the Paliament, although the King (as is ſaid before) called them Rebels, and deſired to have them driven out of England, had a better opinion of them, and at this time of renewing the Ceſſation, ordered that the Scots ſhould be recompenſed for all their charges and loſſes by that miſchievous war which the King had raiſed againſt them; and within few dayes, after examination of thoſe loſſes and charges, the Parliament ordered that the Scotiſh Ships, taken ſince that war, ſhould be reſtored to them, and 4000. l. in money given them to rig thoſe ſhips: it was further reſolved by both Houſes, that the full ſum of 300000 l. ſhould be given to them, in theſe words, Towards a ſupply of the loſſes and neceſſities of our brethren of Scotland; And that the Parliament would in due time take into conſideration the manner of raiſing, & daies of Paiment; for which, three daies after, the Scotiſh Commiſſioners, then Reſident at London, gave thanks to the Parliament, not only for that great Sum of [Page] 300000. l. but for the ſtile of Brethren which ſo kindly they had uſed towards them.

The Parliament of England, as a further ſtrengthning of the Nations amity, Ordained at that time, That all Books, Libels, and Proclamations againſt the Scots ſhould be called in; and a thanksgiving to God ſhould be in all Churches of England for that happy Peace.

The payment of two Armies for ſo long a time was a great charge to the poor people of England; which they without any grudging or repining at the King, as cauſe of that great burden, in hope to gain him for the future, bore with exceeding patience; they willingly parted with ſix Subſidies, and were content with the taxation of Poll-money, a perſonal aſſeſſment of the whole Kingdom, wherein every Duke was aſſeſſed at 100. l. a Marqueſs at 80. l. Earls at 60. l. Viſcounts and Barons at 40. l. Knights of the Bath at 30. l. Other Knights at 20. l. Eſquires at 10. l. Men of 100. l. per annum at 5. l. every common head at ſix pence.

The King in February had declared to the Houſes his intention concerning a marriage for his eldeſt Daughter, the Princeſs Mary, who was then betwixt 9 and 10 yeers of age; the husband appointed for her, was the yong Prince William of Naſſau, Son to Henry Prince [Page] of Orange, a youth about 16 yeers of age: the matter was then in agitation, and fair Propoſitions, made upon it to the King, by the Ambaſſadors of the States General: The Parliament were pleaſed with the marriage; and not long after the yong Prince arived in England, and was by the King and Queen, with all the Court, joyfully received, and entertained at London. After convenient time ſpent in the Engliſh Court, he was upon the ſecond day of May, with great ſolemnity, Married at White-hall to the Princeſs Mary.

On the tenth day of May, Thomas Earl of Strafford, who had been committed to the Tower ſix months before, was beheaded. Of this man, of the crimes laid to his charge, as likewiſe of his Pompous and remarkable trial, we cannot but make ſome mention. About the end of January a charge was read againſt him in the Houſe of Commons, conſiſting of nine Articles: out of which by ſubdiviſion were branched many more, which (though too tedious to be verbally here ſet down) I ſhall deliver, by expreſſing the contents. He was accuſed for ruling Ireland, and the North of England in an arbitrary way, againſt the Laws. For retaining the Kings revenue without account. For encreaſing and encouraging Popery. For maliciouſly ſtriving to ſtir up, [Page] and continue enmity betwixt England and Scotland; of which ſome particulars are expreſt. For laboring to ſubvert Parliaments, and incenſe the King againſt them. Upon which occaſion, Mr. Pym, a Member of the Houſe of Commons, in his Speech and Declaration to the Lords, ſhewing the quality of the offence, ſpake as followeth: ‘It is an offence comprehending all other offences, in that he governed contrary to Law: the Law is that which puts a difference between good and evil.’

It is the Law that doth intitle the King to the Allegeance and ſervice of his people; it intitles the people to the protection and juſtice of the King. It is God alone who ſubſiſts by himſelf, all other things ſubſiſt in a mutual dependence and relation. He was a wiſe man that ſaid, That the King ſubſiſted by the field that is tilled: it is the labor of the people that ſupports the Crown: If you take away the protection of the King, the vigor and cheerfulneſs of Allegeance will be taken away, though the obligation remain.

The Law is the Boundary, the Meaſure betwixt the Kings Prerogative and the peoples Liberty: Whiles theſe move in their own Orb, they are a ſupport and ſecurity to one another; The Prerogative a cover and defence [Page] to the Liberty of the people, and the people by their Liberty are enabled to be a foundation to the Prerogative; but if theſe bounds be ſo removed, that they enter into conteſtation and conflict, one of theſe miſchiefs muſt needs enſue: If the Prerogative of the King overwhelm the Liberty of the People, it will be turned into Tyranny; If Liberty undermine the Prerogative, it will grow into Anarchy.

The Law is the ſafeguard, the cuſtody of all private intereſt: Your Honors, your Lives, your Liberties and Eſtates are all in the keeping of the Law; without this, every man hath a like right to any thing, and this is the condition into which the Iriſh were brought by the Earl of Strafford: And the reaſon which he gave for it, hath more miſchief in it than the thing it ſelf, THEY WERE A CONQUERED NATION. There cannot be a word more pregnant and fruitful in Treaſon, than that word is: There are few Nations in the world that have not been Conquered; and no doubt but the Conqueror may give what Laws he pleaſe to thoſe that are Conquered: But if the ſucceeding Pacts and Agreements do not limit and reſtrain that right, what people can be ſecure? England hath been [Page] Conquered, and Wales hath been Conquered; and by this reaſon will be in little better caſe than Ireland. If the King by the Right of a Conqueror gives Laws to his people; ſhall not the people by the ſame reaſon be reſtored to the right of the Conquered, to recover their Liberty if they can? What can be more hurtful, more pernitious to both, than ſuch Propoſitions as theſe?

A little after: ‘Such arbitrary power is inconſiſtent with the peace, the wealth, the proſperity of a Nation; to induſtry, to valor, &c. For who will take pains for that which when he hath gotten, is not his own? Or, who will fight for that wherein he hath no other Intereſt, but ſuch as is ſubject to the will of another? The ancient encouragement for men to defend their Countries, was this, That they were to hazard their perſons in defence of their Religion and their Houſes; but by ſuch arbitrary wayes as were practiſed in Ireland, and counſelled here, no man had any certainty of either, or of any thing elſe, &c. Such arbitrary courſes have an ill operation on the courage of a Nation, by embaſing the hearts of the people; a ſervil condition doth beget in men a ſlaves temper and diſpoſition: ſhall it be Treaſon to embaſe the Kings Coyn, though [Page] but a piece; and muſt it not needs be the effect of a greater Treaſon, to embaſe the ſpirits of his Subjects? &c.’

A little further: ‘As it is a Crime odious in the nature of it, ſo it is odious in the judgment and eſtimation of the Law; to alter the ſettled frame and conſtitution of government, is Treaſon in any eſtate; The Laws whereby all other parts of a Kingdom are preſerved, ſhould be very vain and defective, if they had not a power to ſecure and preſerve themſelves.’

The forfeitures inflicted for Treaſon by our Law, are of Life, Honor, and Eſtate, even all that can be forfeited; and this priſoner having committed ſo many Treaſons, although he ſhould pay all theſe forfeitures, will be ſtill a Debtor to the Commonwealth: Nothing can be more equal, then that he ſhould periſh by the Juſtice of that Law which he would have ſubverted. Neither will this be a new way of blood; There are marks enough to trace this Law to the very original of this Kingdom: And if it hath not been put in execution, as he allegeth, this 240 yeers, it was not for want of Law, but that all that time hath not bred a man bold enough to commit ſuch Crimes as theſe; which is a circumſtance much aggravating [Page] his offence, and making him no whit leſs liable to puriſhment, becauſe he is the only man that in ſo long a time hath ventured upon ſuch a Treaſon as this.

The Commiſſioners of Scotland, then reſident at London, had a charge alſo againſt this Earl, for matters done againſt their Nation; which were notwithſtanding implied in the Parliaments Charge. To this Charge the Earl gave in his Anſwer in the Houſe of Lords, where the King himſelf was preſent at the reading of it, upon the 23 day of February; but his trial in Weſtminſter Hall began on the 22 day of March following, and was a moſt memorable fight. The Hall was Scaffolded on both ſides, to contain the whole Houſe of Commons, ſitting there in a Committee; the Peers ſate all there, beſides the Commiſſioners from Scotland, and beſides other ſpectators and auditors, and a great number of the Lords of Ireland. The Earl of Arundel was Lord high Steward, and the Earl of Lindſey Lord high Conſtable: the King himſelf ſate privately in a cloſe Gallery every day, taking Notes in writing of what paſſed in the tryal. Fifteen dayes the Earl anſwered perſonally, from the 22 of March, with few dayes intermiſſion, till the 16 of April. Miſdemeanors in an high degree were proved againſt him, [Page] but that which the Earl labored to maintain for himſelf, was, that Miſdemeanors, though never ſo many and great, could not make Treaſon, put together, unleſs ſome one of them in his own nature had been Treaſon: for that was his Charge, which he ſtrove to avoid.

Yet many of thoſe particulars in his accuſation were put into his Bill of Attainder afterward; for a Bill of Attainder was drawn up, and read againſt him in the Houſe of Commons April 21. where he was Voted guilty of high Treaſon.

Mr. Saint John the Kings Sollicitor, and a Member of the Houſe of Commons, on the 29 of April, for ſatisfaction of the Lords, opened the Bill in Weſtminſter-Hall (where the Earl of Strafford was at the Bar, and the King preſent in his accuſtomed place) and made the Bill good by many precedent Statutes. Upon which the Lords, being ſomewhat ſatiſfied, were afterwards more confirmed, when the Judges, in their Houſe, delivered their opinions concerning it; And voted him guilty of high Treaſon alſo. But the King told the Lords, he was not ſatisfied in Conſcience, to condemn him of high Treaſon; But acknowledged that his miſdemeanors were very great; until at laſt, wearied with Petitions [Page] for Juſtice, the King calling a Privy Councel at White-hall, commanded the Judges to deliver their opinion before him there; and ſent for ſome Biſhops to reſolve him in ſcruple of Conſcience. Which wrought ſo, that he granted a Commiſſion to four Lords, to ſign that Bill for execution of the Earl of Strafford; which execution was done at the time and place before mentioned.

The death of this great Earl ſeemed to be the more violently ſought, and more haſtened, by reaſon of ſome Treaſons againſt the Parliament, which were at that time diſcovered; being partly in favor of him, contrived to prevent his death by an eſcape out of the Tower.

For one part of this Treaſon was to that purpoſe. Souldiers were raiſed by Sir John Suckling, and ſome others, under pretence of ſervice in Portugal, to gratifie the Embaſſador of that Kingdom; thoſe Souldiers the King himſelf (who was now found to be privy to all thoſe Treaſons againſt the Parliament) commanded Sir William Belfore the Lieutenant to admit into the Tower; but he perceiving it was a Plot for the Earls eſcape, diſobeyed the Kings Command. Another part of this Treaſon, chief of all the reſt, was a deſign to bring up the Engliſh Army, which was in the North, and not yet disbanded; this Army [Page] they had dealt with to engage againſt the Parliament ſitting, and (as they alleaged) to maintain the Kings Prerogative, Epiſcopacy, and other things againſt the Parliament it ſelf. In this Plot were Henry Piercy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland; Mr. Henry Jermin, Maſter of the Horſe to the Queen; Col. Goring, Col. Wilmot, Col. Aſhburnham, Pollard, Suckling, and others: the Kings diſcourſes to Mr. Piercy concerning theſe things were diſcovered in a Letter of Piercie's to his Brother Northumberland out of France, which was read in the Houſe upon the 14 of June (for Piercy, Jermine, and Suckling at the beginning of May, when this Treaſon was in ſome part detected, fled the day before they ſhould have been examined, and paſſed over into France) upon which reading, Wilmot, Aſhburnham and Pollard, three Members of the Houſe, mentioned in the Letter, as privy to the Plot, were all committed: If the Earl of Strafford had eſcaped out of the Tower, he ſhould have Commanded, in aid to this Plot, that Iriſh Army, conſiſting of eight thouſand, moſt of them Papiſts, which the King would not grant to have disbanded, when the Parliament, on the 28 of April before had deſired it of him; but told them he could not disband them, for reaſons beſt known to himſelf.

[Page] Colonel Goring, for ſome diſcoveries which he made, was not at all committed; but Oneale, an Iriſh Papiſt, that was deep in the Plot, was apprehended and committed to the Tower, from whence he afterwards eſcaped.

The Parliament finding ſuch diſturbance in their buſineſs, and treaſons againſt them, and not at all aſſured of the Kings reality; weighing beſides the great charges of paying two Armies, for which money muſt be raiſed by Loan upon the publick Faith: moved the King to ſign a Bill for continuation of this preſent Parliament; which was, That it ſhould never be diſſolved without the Conſent of both Houſes.

That Bill ſo drawn up, the King ſigned on the 10 of May, the ſame day that he ſigned the Bill for Straffords execution.

This Bill was a thing, that former ages had not ſeen the like of, and therefore extremely was the Kings Grace magnified by thoſe that flattered, but much condemned by others, who hated Parliaments and Reformation, complaining that the King had too far put the ſtaffe out of his own hands. But many men who ſaw the neceſſity of ſuch a thing, without which no money upon the publick Faith could be borrowed, did not at all wonder at [Page] it, ſaying, That as no King ever granted the like before; ſo no King had ever before made ſo great a neceſſity to require it: but ſome men were of opinion that it was not of ſecurity enough to make the Kingdom happy, unleſs the King were good; for if he were ill-affected, he had power enough ſtill to hinder, and retard them in any proceeding for the good, and ſettlement of the Commonwealth; and ſo by time and delayes lay a greater Odium upon the Parliament, for not ſatisfying the peoples deſires, then if they had not had that ſeeming power to have done it: Which proved in the concluſion too true, when the King by ſuch protraction of buſineſs, not at all concurring with them in the main, had raiſed a party to himſelf againſt them, to cut aſunder that Knot by the ſword, which by Law he could not unty.

The Parliament after this, began with eaſing the Kingdoms Grievances; and becauſe the charge of the two Armies lay upon them, and every day was conſiderable, till they were disbanded, that was the firſt thing intended; Towards which a great quantity of Plate was appointed, with more than ordinary haſte to be melted and coined.

And for making up the ſum, that Bill of Poll-money was to be ſigned, which was tendred [Page] to the King, and two other Bills with it, one for putting down the High-Commiſſion Court; and the other for putting down the Star-Chamber.

The King ſigned only that Bill of Pollmoney, and took time to conſider of the other two: but hearing how ill it was taken at his hands, what murmurings there were in the City; and thinking it not now ſeaſonable to diſtaſte them much, three days after he came and paſſed thoſe other two Bills for putting down the High Commiſſion Court, and Star-Chamber.

The Queen-Mother of France about that time took her leave of the King, & paſſed over the Seas into Holland, the people deſiring to be eaſed of that charge; for the King had kept her for the ſpace of three years in England at the allowance of 100. l. a day.

The Parliament proceeded then againſt the delinquent Judges about Ship-money; and Charges were drawn up and read againſt them in the Houſe of Commons: for in December before, when the debate had been concerning Ship-money, and the offence of thoſe Judges who had given their extrajudicial opinions for it, was examined; upon which the Lord Keeper Finch fled; the thing was condemned as moſt illegal. Three Judges had been honeſt, [Page] Judge Crook, Hutton, and Baron Denham, whoſe Arguments were very famous: the other were examined by ſixteen Members of the Houſe of Commons, who were appointed to preſent thoſe particular Charges againſt every Judge; who were, Judge Bramſton, Baron Trever, Baron Weſton, Baron Davenport, and Judge Crawley; for Judge Barclay was charged with high Treaſon.

Of this, a certain Gent. ſpake as followeth; ‘The Root of moſt of our preſent miſchiefs, & the ruine of all poſterity, do I hold to be that extrajudicial (Judgment I cannot ſay, but rather) doom, delivered by all the Judges under their hands out of Court, yet recorded in all Courts, to the ſubverſion of all our Fundamental Lawes, Liberties; and Annihilation, if not Confiſcation of our Eſtates: That in caſe of danger, the King may impoſe upon his ſubjects, & that he is the ſole Judge of the danger, neceſſity, and proportion; which in brief, is to take what, when, and where he will; which though delivered in the time of a gracious & merciful Prince, who we hope will not wreſt it beyond our abilities, yet left to the interpretation of a ſucceeding Tyrant, if ever this Nation be ſo fortunate to fall into the hands of ſuch; It is a Record wherein every man might [Page] read himſelf a ſlave that reads it, having nothing he can call his own, all proſtitute to the will of another.’

‘What to do in ſuch a caſe, we are not to ſeek for precedents, our honorable Anceſtors taught us in the juſt and exemplar puniſhments of chief Justice Treſilian and his Complices (for giving their judgments out of Parliament againſt the eſtabliſhed Laws of Parl.) how tender they were of us, how careful we ought to be to continue thoſe Laws, to preſerve the Liberty of our Poſterity.’

Thoſe Charges were now brought in about the beginning of Auguſt, but little was afterwards done againſt any of them, or almoſt any other offendor: the King had deſigned a journey into Scotland, and would go, though the Houſes earneſtly entreated his ſtay for a while longer, becauſe the Kingdoms buſineſs required his preſence; the King alledged that the affairs of Scotland did neceſſarily require his preſence: and further told them that he would Paſs any good Bill, which they had for him, before he went. Which he accordingly did, and ſigned a Commiſſion for paſſing of Bills in his abſence; the Commiſſioners were the Lord-Keeper Littleton, the Lord Privy-ſeal Earl of Mancheſter, the Lord great Chamberlain Earl of Lindſey, the Marqueſs of Harford, [Page] Earl of Eſſex, Earl of Bath, Earl of Dorſet; The Earl of Eſſex alſo by a Bill, which the King then ſigned, was made General of all his forces on this ſide Trent, with power to levy Arms in caſe of neceſſity.

But before the King went, the Earl of Holland, choſen both by him and the Parliament as General for that purpoſe, was gone into the North to disband the Engliſh Army there.

The King departing from London the tenth of Auguſt, made haſte towards Scotland, and paſſed by the Armies as they were disbanding. Whether he did under-hand attempt any thing with the Scotiſh Army (as a Scotiſh writer hath publiſhed) to engage them againſt the Parliament of England, with large promiſes of Spoil, and offering Jewels of great value in pawn for performance of it, I leave as uncertain, for the reader to judge, by what afterwards fell out. But if he did, it was a matter of great falſehood, having as yet declared no enmity againſt the Engliſh Parliament. But what the Kings deſign was of going into Scotland, was not underſtood in England. The ſame Author ſaies, it was to make ſure thoſe Noble men of that Kingdom, whom he doubted of, as not willing to ſerve his turn againſt England. And true it is, that [Page] about September, Letters came from Scotland to the ſtanding Committee at Weſtminſter (for the two Houſes had rejourned themſelves from the eighth of September, till the twentieth of October, and appointed a ſtanding Committee of fifty Members during that time) that a Treaſonable Plot was diſcovered there againſt the lives of ſome of the greateſt Peers in the Kingdom; upon which the ſtanding Committee fearing ſome miſchief from the ſame ſpring, placed ſtrong guards in divers parts of the City of London.

However the miſchiefs might fall out by chance, or by deſign, the Kings journey into Scotland was ſure to hinder the Engliſh buſineſs, and to retard the cure of all their Grievances; which was little leſs then a plain deſtruction. For after the tenth of Auguſt, the day of his departure, little was done in the Parliament, until the receſs.

On the 23 of October, whilſt the King remained in Scotland, broke forth that curſed conſpiracy of the Iriſh Rebels, and the inhumane butchery of Proteſtants through the whole Iſland, more tragical then any effect of a calamitous War; in which was put in execution whatſoever could be imagined from the licentious cruelty of a barbarous people, ſo long kept under the Engliſh yoke, or whatever [Page] the dire dictates of ſuperſtition, or wicked exhortations of Prieſts could infuſe into them. It was wonderful that ſo deviliſh a deſign could ſo long be kept cloſe; whereby 200000 Proteſtants in two months ſpace were murdered, and many by exquiſite torments, and many more deſpoiled of all their wordly fortunes.

This diveliſh deſign was to be put in execution on the 23 of October; upon which day not only the Caſtle of Dublin, the Kingdoms chief Magazine, a ſtorehouſe of ten thouſand Arms at that time; but all other Forts and Magazines in that Kingdom were to be ſurpriſed; and all the Engliſh or Proteſtants, that joyned not with them, to be murdered.

The ſeizure of Dublin Caſtle (to which purpoſe many of the chief Rebels came to the City the day before) was prevented by timely diſcovery of the Plot to the two Lords Juſtices, by one Owen O Conally, a Servant to Sir John Clotworthy; which diſcovery was but the very night before that fatal day, and the occaſion of it very accidental (or rather, a ſtrange providence of God) by Mac-Mahons unadviſed truſting this Owen with ſome relations concerning it at a Tavern.

Upon which diſcovery, Mac-Mahon, and the Lord Maguire were preſently apprehended [Page] by the Lords Juſtices; and many Conſpirators of great note eſcaped that night out of Dublin. So was Dublin ſaved, that all Ireland might not be loſt in one day. But the horrid deſign was paſt prevention, as to the general; for the Conſpirators were up at the day in all Counties round about; and poor Engliſh Proteſtants arrived at Dublin every day, robbed and ſpoiled of all they had, relating how their houſes were ſeized, how Towns and Villages in all parts were fired, and cruel outrages committed.

The Lords Juſtices, Sir William Parſons, and Sir John Burlace taking thoſe Arms which they found in Dublin, and arming whom they could on a ſudden to defend themſelves, diſpatched Letters to the King in Scotland, and the Earl of Leiceſter, then choſen Deputy, but ſtaying in England. Money was wanting, and no ſupplies neerer then England.

Owen O Conally, the firſt diſcoverer of the Plot, brought the firſt Letters to London; upon receipt of which, they rewarded Owen with a gift of 500.l. and an annuity of two hundred pounds per annum; and preſently both Houſes of Parliament met at a Conference, and the Houſe of Commons forthwith reſolved into a Committee, to conſider of Irelands relief, and alſo to provide for the ſafety of [Page] England, for diſtractions began then to appear in England; the Parliament every day conſidered of Irelands relief, and preſently ordered ſupplies of money to be borrowed of the City of London, Victuals, and Ammunition for that purpoſe. But all relief could be but slow in ſuch a ſudden diſeaſe. For the Rebellion encreaſed, and ſpread through all the Kingdom; and many Papiſts and ill-affected fled from Dublin into the Country to joyn with the Rebels, whileſt the City in their rooms, was daily filled with poor ſpoiled Proteſtants, who came naked, and famiſhed thither; many of them being paſt relief, and there periſhed in the City. It were an endleſs thing to relate the pitiful condition of thoſe woful people, and what ſad ſtories they there told concerning the bloody rage of thoſe inhumane Iriſh Rebels, and ſeveral tortures by which the unhappy Engliſh were brought to their ends.

But the Lords of the Councel, and Lords Juſtices in a ſhort time, with thoſe Arms of Dublin, had armed many well-affected Gentlemen, and ſent many active Commanders out of the City to defend places neer, againſt the approach of the Rebels. About the middle of November were in Arms Sir Charles Coot, Sir Henry Tichburn, the Lord [Page] Lambert, Sir Thomas Lucas, Capt. Armſtrong, Capt. Yarner; and the Earl of Ormond came to Dublin with an hundred Horſe well armed. At which time the Parliament of England, till greater ſums could be raiſed, ſent them over, as a preſent comfort, twenty thouſand pounds. But it was a long time before they could ſend over any forces to the relief of that bleeding Kingdom; the firſt was a Regiment Commanded by Sir Simon Harcourt, who arrived on the laſt of December, 1641.

While Ireland was thus miſerably diſtreſſed, the King returned out of Scotland into England, and was entertained by the City of London with moſt pompous ſolemnity; the whole multitude of Citizens diſtinguiſhed by their ſeveral Companies, in ſuch coſtly Equipage as never before was known, with Horſe and Arms met the King, and guarded him through the whole City to his Palace at White-hall. Some condemned that coſtly entertainment of the City at ſuch a ſad time; others hoped it might gain the Kings dubious affection to his people; but it wrought a contrary effect in the King; who began now to think he could never loſe the love of the City, whatſoever he did; and was flattered by ſome, with a hope that the City would aſſiſt him in curbing of the Parliament it ſelf; [Page] he grew therefore more diſdainful toward the Parliament; and to endear the City, invited divers of the chief to Hampton Court, where he feaſted them, and Knighted ſome.

But the honeſt Citizens perceiving that no good uſe was made of their dutiful expreſſions toward the King, but that ſome bad people did openly ſay that the City were weary of the Parliament, and would joyn with the King againſt it; they framed a Petition to the Parliament, wherein the contrary is profeſſed; and that they would live and die with the Parliament for the good of the Common-wealth.

While the King remained at Hampton Court, the Houſe of Commons preſented him with a Remonſtrance, wherein the Grievances of the Kingdom are expreſſed; but no fault laid upon himſelf in plain words, but a Malignant party (as they call them) and evil Counſellors.

Irelands calamities ſeemed to be quite forgotten, or rather, that thoſe inhumane Rebels were countenanced; every body wondring that the King would not proclaim them Rebels; and ſome honeſt Lords adviſing the King to proclaim them ſpeedily, that a better courſe might be taken againſt them; they deſired him to waſh off that foul ſtain from [Page] himſelf, by proceeding ſeverely againſt thoſe wicked villains; who reported every where that they had authority from him to ſeize upon the Holds of the Engliſh Proteſtants; that they were the Queens Souldiers, and riſe to maintain the Kings Prerogative againſt the Puritan Parliament in England; they therefore adviſed him by all means to purge himſelf of that crime; then which, a greater on earth could not be.

But ſo ſtrangely were things carried, that although the Rebellion brake out upon the twenty third of October, the King did not proclaim them Rebels till the firſt of January; and then gave a ſtrict command, that no more then forty Copies of that Proclamation ſhould be Printed, and that none of them ſhould be publiſhed, till his Majeſties pleaſure were further ſignified, ſo that a few only could take notice of it; which made all men extreamly wonder, when they obſerved the late contrary proceedings againſt the Scots; who were in a very quick and ſharp manner proclaimed, and thoſe Proclamations forthwith diſperſed with as much diligence as might be thorow all the Kingdom.

But before this Proclamation came out, the Parliament, being ſomewhat troubled [Page] with ſome ſpeeches, of which they had been informed, as if a Plot were contrived againſt them, deſired the King to allow them a Guard for ſecurity of their perſons and that the Earl of Eſſex, then Lord Chamberlain of his Majeſties Houſhold, might be Commander of it. But the King denied them a Guard, giving them many fair promiſes of his care for their ſafety; and that he would command ſuch a Guard to wait upon them, as he would be reſponſible for to Almighty God.

Three days after the Proclamation againſt thoſe Iriſh Rebels, being the fourth of January, the King attended with about three hundred Armed Gentlemen, came to Weſtminſter, and entring in Perſon into the Houſe of Commons, and ſeating himſelf in the Speakers Chair, demanded five Members of that Houſe to be delivered to him; Mr. Hollis, Sir Arthur Haſlerig, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hamden, and Mr. Strode.

Thoſe five Members had by command of the Houſe, upon information of the Kings intent, abſented themſelves. Which the King finding, went away after a ſhort Speech delivered, concerning them, That he intended a fair Trial againſt them, and that he was, and would be as careful to maintain the [Page] Priviledges of Parliament, as ever any King of England was. He had the day before demanded them by his Atturney, Sir Edward Herbert, a Member of the Houſe of Commons, pretending a Charge of high Treaſon againſt them, and with them, againſt the Lord Mandevile, a Member of the Houſe of Lords. But the Parliament did not think fit to let their Perſons go. Whereupon the King ſent and ſealed up the Cloſets and Trunks of thoſe five Members; He made alſo a Proclamation againſt them, for their apprehending and impriſonment, as men guilty of high Treaſon.

This great breach of Parliament-Priviledge happened in a ſtrange time, to divert the Kingdom from relieving of Ireland; and ſo the people every where complained, and called to minde what they had heard by ſome of thoſe poor Proteſtants, who fled out of Ireland; who reported that thoſe Iriſh Rebels did confidently ſay, It was for no purpoſe to ſly for ſafety into England, for that Kingdom would be as much diſtreſſed as theirs, and that the King intended to forſake his Parliament in England, and War againſt it; which when he did, they would come over, having done their work in Ireland, and help the King againſt the Engliſh [Page] Parliament. Thoſe things were ſadly remembred.

On this occaſion the Parliament voted, that Theſe things were an high breach of the Priviledge of Parliament, a great ſcandal to the King and his Government, a ſeditious act, manifeſtly tending to the ſubverſion of the peace, and an injury and diſhonor to the ſaid Members, there being no legal Charge or accuſation againſt them. And that there could be no vindication of thoſe Priviledges, unleſs his Majeſty would diſcover the Names of thoſe who adviſed him to ſuch unlawful courſes. They therefore deſired him to ſatisfie their legal deſire in that, to let them know their informers (which by two Statutes then in force, upon ſuch occaſions the King is bound to do) but he refuſed to grant their requeſt. Upon which they committed his Atturney, Sir Edward Herbert, (having been examined about it, but confeſſing nothing) for breaking the Priviledges of Parliament in prefering the Articles, &c.

The King the next day after this, entering into the Houſe of Commons, went through the City of London; where the Citizens in many places, flocking about his Coach, humbly entreated him to agree with his Parliament, and not to break the Priviledges thereof. To which purpoſe, they afterwards [Page] preſented him with a Petition, beſeeching him for poor Irelands ſake, to accord with his Parliament, to allow them a Guard, and do right to the accuſed Members; with other things of that nature, expreſſed at large in that Petition. The people about that time, diſcontented with the Kings actions, and thoſe obſtructions which they found in all buſineſſes of Parliament, uſed to flock to Weſtminſter in great throngs, though unarmed, by way of Petitioning, and many times to utter rude ſpeeches againſt ſome Lords, whom they conceived to be evil adviſers of the King; which howſoever it were meant, proved of ill conſequence to the Common-wealth, and did not ſo much move the King to be ſenſible of his grieving the people, as arm him with an excuſe for leaving the Parliament and City, for fear of what might enſue upon ſuch tumultuous concourſe of men.

Upon this ground, twelve Biſhops at that time abſenting themſelves, entred a Proteſtation againſt all Laws, Votes, and Orders, as Null, which in their abſence ſhould paſs; by reaſon that they durſt not, for fear of their lives, come to perform their duties in the Houſe, having been rudely menaced, and affronted. Whereupon it was agreed both by [Page] the Lords and Commons that this Proteſtation of the Biſhops was of dangerous Conſequence, and deeply entrenched upon the Priviledge and Being of Parliaments. They were therefore accuſed of high Treaſon, apprehended, and committed priſoners to the Tower.

Thus was the Parliament daily troubled with ill work, whereby the relief of Ireland was hindered: but other particular hinderances of Irelands relief then fell out, which we ſhall expreſs briefly.

When the Parliament were conſidering of Forces to be ſent out of Scotland, being a ſhort cut, many things happened to divert, or delay it. There was a Bill for Preſſing of Souldiers to that purpoſe depending in the Houſe of Peers, which the King took exceptions at, as to the putting of it into that way; being, as he ſaid, a diminution of his Prerogative: but becauſe he deſired Ireland might be relieved, he was content that a Bill ſhould paſs for that time with a Salvo Jure both to King and people. This ſpeech offended the Parliament; who declared in a Petition, that the King by taking notice of the debate in the Houſe of Lords concerning the Bill for preſſing of Souldiers, had broken the fundamental priviledge of Parliament, [Page] which he ought not to do concerning any Bill, till it be preſented to him in due courſe of Parliament; for every Member hath free liberty of ſpeech in propounding, or debating, and the King ought not to be diſpleaſed at him for ſuch opinions or propoſitions. For this great breach of Priviledge they deſired reparation, and that the King would make known who they were by whoſe evil Counſel he had done it, that they might receive condign puniſhment.

It was then alſo deſired, that an Army of Scots ſhould be ſent into Ireland firſt; but the Scotiſh Commiſſioners anſwered, That they had no Commiſſion from their State to ſend over a leſs number thither than 10000. The Houſe of Commons conſented, out of Zeal to the Cauſe; and Voted the ſending over of ten thouſand Scots. But the Lords would not yield unto it, unleſs the Houſe of Commons would give aſſurance that ten thouſand Engliſh ſhould be ſent over as ſpeedily; which was impoſſible to be done. And no other reaſon given for this Oppoſition, but that it was diſhonorable for England, that Ireland ſhould be reduced by the Scots; and that the Scots would make too great an advantage by it. But this reaſon was not thought by honeſt men, of weight enough to hinder ſo good [Page] a work; when the cauſe of Religion, and the deplorable eſtate of ſo many thouſand poor Chriſtians groaned for aſſiſtance.

A third Obſtruction of Irelands Relief was thus: Two thouſand five hundred Scots were in readineſs to be tranſported into the North of Ireland. Concerning the condition of their going, the Commiſſioners of Scotland delivered to the Engliſh Parliament eight Propoſitions: Both Houſes conſented to all the Propoſitions, but the King excepted againſt one of thoſe Propoſitions; which was the third in order: That the Scots would have the keeping of the Town and Caſtle of Carrickfergus, with power to remain there, or enlarge their Quarters at diſcretion; and if any Regiments or Troops in that Province ſhould joyn with them, that they receive Orders from the chief Commanders of the Scotiſh Forces.

This Article the King ſaid that he doubted might be to the damage of England; and therefore would have the Parliament think upon it again. Nevertheleſs if they would have it ſo, he would confer with the Scotiſh Commiſſioners about it.

The Scots anſwered the King, That they were ſorry that his Majeſty, being their native [Page] King, ſhould ſhew leſs truſt in them, then their neighbor Nation had freely done; and ſhould think that Article too much for them, which both Houſes of Parliament were pleaſed with. The King at laſt (though too much time were loſt) was contented to admit of that Article, as the Parliament had done.

But that way which the Parliament thought moſt powerful to Reduce Ireland, was by adventuring for proportions of Land there to be ſhared amongſt the Engliſh Adventurers, according to thoſe ſums of money, which they would disburſe or ſubſcribe: That ſo whoſoever in perſon or purſe helped towards the conqueſt of thoſe bloody Rebels, might be recompenſed, if the Work were done. Propoſitions were framed in Parliament to that purpoſe. The King confirmed theſe Propoſitions, though at firſt he laughed at them, and was heard to ſay, That they were like to him, who ſold the Bears skin before the Bear was killed.

At laſt an Act was made, enabling the Parliament with power to carry on that War until Ireland ſhould be declared wholly ſubdued; and that no Peace, or Ceſſation of Arms ſhould be ever made with the Rebels, unleſs both Houſes of Parliament conſented [Page] to it. The King then offered to go in perſon over into Ireland. But the Parliament thought it was not fit to hazard the Kings perſon in ſuch an expedition.

The King was then at Hampton Court, diſtaſted at the City, and pretending the reaſons of his abſence to be fear of Tumults: for beſides what was before ſpoken of the numbers which flocked to Petition at Weſtminſter, the King was advertiſed, That the day after he retired to Hampton (which was about a week after his going to the Houſe of Commons) divers Citizens, with Boats, and Guns in them, brought the five Members to Weſtminſter, with many promiſes not to forſake the Parliament.

From thence, upon the twentieth of January, the King ſent a Meſſage to the Parliament, deſiring them, that ſeeing particular grievances were ſo many, as that it would be tedious to preſent them by themſelves, they would digeſt them into one Body; that ſo a clear Judgement might be made upon them; And then they ſhould ſee how ready he would be to equal or exceed the greateſt examples of moſt indulgent Princes in their Acts of Grace and Favor to the People.

[Page] The Parliament gave him thanks, and reſolved ſpeedily to conſider of it; but deſired the King, in the mean time, to give them a ſure ground of ſecurity (while they diſcharged their Truſt) by putting the Tower, with other principal Forts, and the whole Militia of the Kingdom, into ſuch hands, as the Parliament might truſt, and recommend to him.

The King refuſed to grant that Petition; alleaging, that he would reſerve to himſelf the diſpoſal of all thoſe places, as a principal, and inſeparable Flower of his Crown; nevertheleſs, he promiſed to entruſt none but faithful Perſons in any of thoſe places.

Many reaſons were ſhewed on both ſides, and many Petitions and Anſwers paſſed; they ſtill preſſing for this Grant of the Militia, and the King ſtill denying it.

The King then reſiding at Hampton Court, had found out a new way to weaken the Parliament in their number, by ſending for ſome, who were his Servants, to leave their ſitting in the Houſe to attend him. Eſpecially he aimed at the Earl of Eſſex, his Lord Chamberlain; and the Earl of Holland, Groom of the Stool; both whom he ſent for: but they choſe rather to obey his Parliament-Writ, [Page] than his private Command; and continued ſitting. For which he ſent a Meſſenger to demand the Staffe of the one, and the Key of the other, being the Enſigns of their Offices; which they willingly reſigned.

The Lord George Digby about that time had written a Letter to the Queen from Midleborough in Zealand (whither he had fled from England, when the Lords in Parliament had ſent for him upon ſome Miſdemeanors, and if he appeared not in twenty days, had proclaimed him Traytor) in which he intimates, That if the King will declare himſelf, and retire to a ſafe place, he ſhould be able to wait upon him from thence, as well as from any part of England, over and above the ſervice which he might do for him there in the mean time.

This Letter was intercepted, and brought to the Parliament; whereby they began to underſtand that the King had ſome deſign in hand againſt them; which they more plainly afterwards diſcerned.

The King and Queen, about the middle of February, with their eldeſt Daughter Mary, Princeſs of Orange, went to Canterbury: From which place (while ſome of the Members of both Houſes went between London [Page] and that City upon divers buſineſſes) the King ſigned the Bill for taking away Biſhops Votes in Parliament.

From Canterbury they went to Dover: from whence the Queen paſſed into Holland, under pretext of keeping her Daughter company to her Husband: But ſhe carried with her the Crown-Jewels of England, and pawned them there; whereby ſhe bought Arms for that War which enſued, and was it ſeems then deſigned by the King againſt the Parliament.

After her departure, the King taking the Prince and Duke of York with him, went to Theobalds; there he received a Petition from the Parliament on the firſt of March, one thouſand ſix hundred forty one, wherein they deſired him to Grant the Militia, to abide neer London, and not to carry the Prince away.

All which he denied; and went immediately to New-Market.

There he was preſented with a Declaration drawn by both Houſes. The Earls of Pembrook and Holland, with ſome Commoners, carried it; In which they repeat the old Grievances; his wicked War againſt Scotland, the Iriſh Rebellion raiſed here by many preſumptions, his attempt of engaging [Page] the Engliſh Army againſt the Parliament, his entring the Houſe of Commons, with the like; and that his fear to reſide neer London is without ground, and pretended for nothing but to perplex the Common-wealth, to hinder the relief of Ireland, and encourage the ill-affected party in this Kingdom: to which the King Anſwered with great indignation, and afterwards anſwered it by a long Declaration of his own, endeavoring to clear himſelf of ſome things, and extenuate, or excuſe others; accuſing them for coining to themſelves needleſs Fears and Jealouſies; and ſo theſe Commiſſioners departed from Theobalds (while the Parliament ſuffered him, without any real hinderance) to the Peoples great griefs, he paſſed to the City of York.

The Parliament in the mean time ſit, and Vote only againſt the Kings evil Counſel, and make three Votes.

1. That the Kings abſence, ſo far remote from his Parliament, is not only an obſtruction, but may be a deſtruction to the Affairs in Ireland.

2. That when the Lord and Commons in Parliament ſhall declare what the Law [Page] of the Land is, to have this not only queſtioned, and controverted, but contradicted, and a command that it ſhould not be obeyed, is an high breach of the Priviledge of Parliament.

3. That they which adviſed the King to abſent himſelf from the Parliament, are enemies to the peace of this Kingdom, and juſtly to be ſuſpected as favorers of the Rebellion in Ireland.

From York the King ſent a Meſſage to the Parliament, on the eighth of April 1642. that he would go in perſon over to Ireland againſt thoſe bloody Rebels; and therefore intended to raiſe by his Commiſſion neer Weſtcheſter a Guard for his Perſon (when he ſhould come into Ireland) of 2000 Foot, and 200 Horſe, whom he would arm from his Magazine at Hull.

But the Parliament ſuſpecting, as well by my Lord Digby his intercepted Letter, as by other preſumptions, That the Kings chief end of going Northward, was to ſeize the Magazine of Hull, and arm himſelf from thence againſt them; ſent a Petition to him, for leave to remove that Magazine to the Tower [Page] of London; and accordingly had ſent Sir John Hotham thither, who prevented the King, and kept out the Earl of Newcaſtle, whom the King had ſent thither alſo for the ſame purpoſe; at which action of theirs, the King was much moved.

On the three and twentieth day of April 1642. the King, attended by ſome Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Souldiers, came at the Wals of Hull, and demanded entrance; but the Gates were ſhut, and Sir John Hotham appeared upon the Wall, and kneeling there, entreated the King not to command that, which he, without breach of Truſt, could not obey: in concluſion, the King not getting entrance, proclaimed Hotham Traytor; and ſent a complaining Meſſage to the Parliament concerning that affront.

The Parliament labored to appeaſe him, but juſtified Hothams act; and Declared, That proclaiming Sir John Hotham Traytor, without due proceſs of Law, was againſt the Liberty of the Subject, and Laws of the Land.

Upon this buſineſs of Hull, paſſed in [...] ſhort time many Declarations on both ſides, with Arguments drawn from the Statutes and Laws of England; and many commands contrary to each other; the Parliament authorizing [Page] Sir John Hotham to iſſue out Warrants to the Conſtables and other Officers, to come with Arms to the defence of Hull: and the King on the other ſide forbiding any ſuch Warrants, or Training, without authority under his hand.

The King, while the Parliament let him alone in the North, daily Summoned the Gentry of thoſe Counties to attend him at York, and daily gained ſome to his party; whoſe proceedings there in every particular, are too tedious for this Relation; but his frequent Orations to them were in ſubſtance, That he was in danger of the Parliament, and deſired a Guard for his perſon: and when the King made Proclamation for all Gentlemen and others, to attend him in Arms as a Guard; the Parliament at London only declared, That ſuch Arming of men to the diſturbance of the Kingdoms peace, was againſt the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdoms: Thus did Proclamations and Declarations for a long time encounter each other.

But nothing made the Kingdom fear a War, until that great defection of Parliament Members, who left their Seats, and went to the King at York: Which happened about the end of April, and continued a [Page] great part of May following; in which ſpace a great number of the Lords, ſome ſent for by the King, others for their own diſcontents, fears, or ambition, quitted their Seats in Parliament, and went to him one after another.

The Lords that left the Parliament were theſe;

Duke of Richmond, Marqueſs Hartford, the Earls of Lindſey, Cumberland, Huntington, Bath, Southampton, Dorſet, Northampton, Devonſhire, Briſtol, Weſtmerland, Barkshire, Monmoth, Rivers, Newcaſtle, Dover, Carnarvan, Newport; the Lords Matrevers, Willoughby of Eresby, Rich, Howard of Charleton, Newark, Paget, Chandois, Falconbridge, Paulet, Lovelace, Savil, Coventry, Mohun, Dunſmore, Seymour, Gray of Ruthen, Capel.

Within that time alſo many of the Houſe of Commons did ſo far break their Truſt, as to forſake their Seats in Parliament, and go to the King.

This Revolt of ſo many Members of both Houſes, was generally looked upon, as a thing of moſt ſad conſequence, and likely to produce no effects, but lamentable and wicked: as to nouriſh and encreaſe the Kings diſ-affection to Parliaments; to encourage [Page] his diſtance from it, and attempts againſt it; to ſecure the Iriſh Rebels, to ſubvert the dignity of that high Court, and make the King, by this diminution of their number (as he did in his following Declarations) call them a Faction, a pretended Parliament, and ſuch like names.

The Parliament continued ſtill Petitioning the King; and on the twentieth of May ſent to entreat him, that he would Disband his Forces, and rely for his ſecurity (as his Predeceſſors had done) upon the Laws, and Affections of his people; contenting himſelf with his ordinary Guards; declaring, that elſe they held themſelves bound in duty to God, and the truſt repoſed in them by the people, and by the fundamental Laws, to employ their utmoſt care, and power, for ſecuring the Parliament, and preſerving the Kingdoms Peace.

Upon which, theſe Votes were made in Parliament.

That it appears that the King ſeduced by wicked Councel, intends to make a War againſt the Parliament, who in all their conſultations and actions have propoſed no other end to themſelves, but the care of his Kingdoms, [Page] and the performance of all duty and loyaltie to his perſon.

It was likewiſe Reſolved upon the Queſtion, That,

Whenſoever the King maketh War upon the Parliament, it is a breach of the Truſt repoſed in him by his people, contrary to his Oath, and tending to the diſſolution of this Government.

As alſo,

That whoſoever ſhall ſerve or aſsiſt him in ſuch Wars, are Traitors by the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, and have been ſo adjudged in two Acts of Parliament, II Richard 2, and 1 Henry 4, and that ſuch Perſons ought to ſuffer as Traitors.

But thoſe Lords who had forſaken the Parliament, continued ſtill with the King in the North; wherefore the Parliament by an Order of the thirtieth of May, Summoned nine of them, who firſt had gone away, to appear at Weſtminſter; viz. The Earls of Northampton, Devonſhire, Dover, and Monmoth; [Page] the Lords Howard of Charleton, Rich, Grey of Ruthen, Coven [...]ry, and Capel. But they refuſed to come away, returning an Anſwer in writing; which the Parliament judged to be a ſlighting, and ſcornful Letter; upon which, a Vote was paſſed againſt them in the Houſe of Commons, and preſented on the 15 of June to the Lords by Maſter Hollis, with an Oration concerning the importance of the buſineſs.

Upon the impeachment of the nine Lords, the Houſe of Peers about a month after, being in their Robes, entred into debate of the ſaid impeachment; and after divers Speeches made, ſetting forth the greatneſs of their offence, they were Cenſured,

1 Never to ſit more as Members of that Houſe.

2 To be incapable of the Benefit or Priviledge of Parliament.

3 To ſuffer impriſonment during their pleaſure.

After which Cenſure, it was concluded, That the ſaid Lords ſhould be demanded in the behalf of both Houſes of Parliament, to ſubmit to the ſaid Cenſure.

[Page] After this, another wound was given to the Parliament, encouraging the King in his Deſigns; the Great Seal of England was carried away from the Parliament at London, to the King at York, by the Lord Keeper Littleton, a man that had continued ſome time, after the reſt were gone, firm in appearance, Voted with them, and gave his Voice for ſetling of the Militia by Ordinance of Parliament.

But about the end of June, one Maſter Eliot a Courtier, was ſent cloſely from York to him; who having gotten privacy with the Lord Keeper, ſo far prevailed at laſt, that he got the Great Seal into his hands, and rid away with it to the King at York.

The Lord Keeper Littleton, after ſome ſerious thoughts with himſelf, not being able to anſwer it to the Parliament, rode away himſelf next day to the King alſo. The reaſon which he gave to ſome friends of his afterwards for ſo parting with the Seal, was this, The King when he made him Lord Keeper, gave him an Oath in private, which he took, That whenſoever the King ſhould ſend to him for the Great Seal, he ſhould forthwith deliver it. This Oath, he ſaid, he could not diſpence with in Conſcience, but was ſorry he had taken the Office with ſuch [Page] an Oath. The Seal was given him ſince this Parliament ſate; which made it appear what intentions the King even then had to the Parliament.

The King having now gotten the Great Seal, iſſued forth many Proclamations; and among other, one, That no man ſhould obey the Parliaments Warrants about ſetling the Militia: and they on the other ſide by Ordinances forbad any man to raiſe Arms by Warrant from the King, without the authority of Parliament.

The Parliament being then intent upon ſetling the Militia by Land, they took care alſo to ſeize the Navy into their hands, for ſecurity of the Kingdom againſt forreign invaſions.

To that purpoſe, the Earl of Warwick, a Nobleman of good experience in Sea-affairs, and undoubted fidelity to his Countrey, was by an Ordinance of both Houſes choſen to be Lord Admiral. But the King had choſen Sir John Penington to that place, in the room of the Earl of Northumberland; and ſent a Command to the Earl of Warwick to reſign the place to him.

But the Earl-choſe rather to obey the Ordinance of Parliament, and with great courage and policy got the Fleet into his hands, [Page] though many of the Captains ſtood out againſt him, alleaging they had the Kings Command to obey Sir John Penington; but the Earl deprived them of their Commands, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the Ships; taking ſhortly after another Ship called the Lion, of great import, coming out of Holland, and laden with Gunpowder; which proved a great addition to his ſtrength.

All men at this time began to deſpair of the Kings return to his Parliament, and therefore on the 10 of June was an Order made in Parliament for bringing in money and plate, to raiſe Arms for the Cauſe; the publick Faith for repayment to them that brought it in, was engaged by the Parliament, and intereſt of eight in the hundred. Which was accordingly brought in in great abundance by well-affected people: as alſo Horſes and Arms for that ſervice.

The King at that time had received Money, and Arms, with Ammunition out of Holland, upon the pawning of the Crown-Jewels which the Queen had carried over in February before. He then ſent out his Commiſſions of Array to Arm the people, into all Counties: wherein he uſed the Parliaments own words, as in a Jeer of them. For the Parliament profeſſed that their receiving of [Page] plate and money, and levying of Forces was, To maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the Kings Perſon, dignity, and authority, the Laws of the Land, the peace of the Kingdom, and priviledge of Parliament. The Kings words were the ſame; namely, To maintain the Proteſtant Religion, his own perſon and authority, the Laws, Kingdoms Peace, and priviledge of Parliament.

And whereas the Parliament in their Declarations, both then, and afterward, uſed to ſay, That they did arm againſt a malignant party, by whom the Kings perſon was in danger; he in his, ſaid the like, and that for the ſafety of his own perſon and people, there was an inevitable neceſſity of putting the Kingdom into a poſture of defence; uſing thoſe very words in his Commiſſion of Array, which they did in their Ordinance for the Militia. And invited people to bring plate and money to him, in that language which the Parliament did: nor did it prove leſs effectual; for many Lords, Gentlemen, and others very freely brought in Money and plate, to ſerve the King, within a ſhort ſpace.

In all this heat of preparations, the King, before thoſe Lords that were with him in the [Page] North, made a ſolemn Proteſtation, as before God, that he would not engage them in any War againſt the Parliament, but only for his neceſſary defence; that his deſire was to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the liberties of the Subject, and priviledge of Parliament.

Upon which, thoſe Lords made a ſolemn Proteſtation, as before God, and ſubſcribed their Names to it, That they did believe the Kings intention to be as he ſaid; namely, That he had no purpoſe to Levy War againſt the Parliament; and that he endeavored only to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the Laws, Liberties of the Subject, and juſt priviledge of Parliament.

The King immediately after this took a progreſs about the Countries adjacent, and at divers places made ſpeeches to the Gentlemen, and inhabitants, full of gracious promiſes, and declaring his intentions to preſerve the peoples Liberties, and priviledge of Parliament; after which he returned to York: and having raiſed an Army of three thouſand Foot, and one thouſand Horſe, went to Beverly, with an intention to beſiege Hull; making Proclamation beforehand, That no man ſhould preſume to aſſiſt Hull, againſt him, or bring any force thither. The Parliament, [Page] on the other ſide publiſhed a Declaration, for the preſervation and ſafety of the Kingdom, and of the town of Hull, with aſſurance of ſatisfaction to all thoſe who ſuſtained any loſs by their ſervice for the ſafety of that Town, or by overflowing of water upon the grounds there.

The King was within two hours march of Hull, when Sir John Hotham calling a Councel of War, by whom it was thought ſo fit, drowned the Countrey about Hull, drawing up the Sluce; giving the Owners time to remove their Cattel and Goods, the Parliament being to ſatisfie their damages upon the publick Faith.

Sir John Meldrum, an old Souldier, was aſſiſtant to Hotham; who ſallying bravely out of the Town with five hundred Townſmen, made the Kings party retreat to Beverly, ſome being ſlain, and taken in the Chaſe.

Within a ſhort time after, (when five hundred men ſent from London arrived at Hull) Sir John Meldrum made a fiercer Sally, and forced moſt of the Leaguer to retire diſorderly, one and twenty of them being ſlain, and fifteen taken priſoners; and following his good ſucceſs, came to Aulby, where the Kings Magazine of Arms, Ammunition, and Fireballs [Page] were kept in a Barn; all which he took, and fired the Barn: Upon which, the King calling a Councel of War, upon their advice broke up the ſiege before Hull.

On the twelfth of July the Parliament Voted that an Army ſhould be raiſed for the ſafety of the Kings perſon, and defence of the Parliament. Of which the Earl of Eſſex, a man of eminent fidelity and worth, was by an unanimous conſent of both Houſes choſen General.

Some Lords and Members of the Commons were ſent down into the Counties to ſettle the Militia, and raiſe Forces for defence of ſeveral Towns and places.

And divers Members of the Houſes Liſted themſelves in the Lord General Eſſex his Army; and took Commiſſions from him, as Colonels.

But immediately after this time, the Kings Commiſſions of Array were ſent down into every County (though often declared by the Parliament to be illegal) and were obeyed in many places, more than the Parliaments Ordinances for the Militia; by reaſon that ſo many Lords and Gentlemen adhered to him now againſt the Parliament.

But there were ſcarce any Counties free from contention, betwixt the Commiſſioners [Page] of the one, and the Ordinances of the other; which ſtrugled together, with great Nobility, and Gentry on both ſides: Neither had the Kings Proclamations, nor the Parliaments Ordinances obedience from all, only as far as the now-drawing ſwords enforced it.

During theſe Diviſions in ſeveral Counties, London it ſelf was not free: for the Lord Major of London, Sir Richard Gurney, was by the Parliament committed priſoner to the Tower of London, for moving ſedition in the Kingdom, by cauſing the Kings Commiſſion of Array (a thing declared illegal by both Houſes) to be proclaimed in the City: and afterwards an additional impeachment was brought in againſt him by the Common-Councel of London, for divers breaches of his Oath in that Office, and contemning the Orders of Parliament.

After many days attendance concerning theſe Accuſations, on the twelfth day of Auguſt he received his Cenſure at the Houſe of Lords; which was,

That he ſhould be turned out of his Majoralty.

That he ſhould never bear any Office in the City, or Common-wealth.

That he ſhould be incapable of any Honor or, [Page] Dignity to be conferred on him by the King; and Committed Priſoner to the Tower during the pleaſure of both Houſes.

Many Proclamations about that time paſſed from the King, and Declarations from the Parliament; one from the King againſt the Earl of Eſſex, as a Rebel, and all that adhered unto him; and a Declaration from the Parliament, recounting all that the Kings evil counſel (for ſo they call it) had done illegally againſt them: the Parliament likewiſe publiſhed what in particular had been done by his party againſt Ireland; and how that unhappy Kingdome had been of late robbed of many Reliefes, of Cloathes, Victuals, and Arms which the Parliament had ſent them, by the King and his party.

While theſe writings on both ſides laſted, the King removed often to gather ſtrength, and in ſeveral places made Speeches to the Countries, with many Proteſtations of his affection to the people. At laſt he came to Nottingham, where, about the middle of Auguſt, he ſet up his Standard-Royal. Very few People came to it, nor had the King at that time any conſiderable ſtrength; nor if the Parliament would then have ſeized upon his perſon, could he have kept himſelf out of their hands.

[Page] From Notingham on the twenty fifth of that Month he ſent a Meſſage to the Parliament, by the Earls of Southampton and Dorſet, and Sir John Culpeper.

In that Meſſage he ſignifieth a deſire to compoſe the difference by a Treaty; that a certain number of Perſons ſent, and enabled by the Parliament, may treat in ſome indifferent place, with the like number authorized by him.

The Parliament anſwer, That until he put them in a condition to treat, that is, until he take down his Standard, and recall thoſe Proclamations, wherein he calleth (a thing unheard of before) both Houſes of Parliament Traytors and Rebels, they cannot, by the Fundamental Priviledges of Parliament, or by the publick truſt repoſed in them, or with the general good of the Realm, admit of any ſuch Treaty.

The KING denied that he advanced his Standard againſt the Parliament, or that he called them Rebels: but within few dayes, in his Inſtructions to his Commiſſioners of Array, Marqueſs Harford, the Earl of Cumberland, and the Lord Strange, he again called the Earl of Eſſex Rebel and Traytor.

[Page] Thus did they contend for ſome time, by Declarations and Proclamations; which proved all fruitleſs, as to ſatisfying of the people; nor could this lamentable War be averted.

Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, the the ſecond and third Sons of the late King of Bohemia, were now come into England the beginning of September, to offer their ſervice to the King, their Uncle; whom preſently he put into Commands. Prince Rupert, the Elder and Fiercer by nature, Commanding a Body of Horſe, flew with great fury through divers Counties, raiſing men for the King's ſervice in a rigorous way, Committing outrages to thoſe who favoured the Parliament; upon which, the Houſes fell into a debate, agreeing, that a Charge of Treaſon ſhould be drawn up againſt him, for endeavouring the Deſtruction of this State, and abuſing that Court which repreſented it.

The King marched another way; and paſſing through Derbyſhire, Leicesterſhire, and Nottinghamſhire, he commanded the Trained Bands of thoſe Counties to attend and Guard his Perſon; and when they were met, he diſarmed the greateſt part of [Page] them, taking as many Arms as ſerved for two thouſand men, beſides good ſumms of Money, which he borrowed by conſtraint; proteſting ſtill (as uſually he did) to maintain the Proteſtant Religion, the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, and the priviledges of Parliament.

The Parliament-Army, raiſed under the Conduct of the General Eſſex, was now grown into a conſiderable Bulk; conſiſting of about fourteen thouſand Horſe and Foot; their general Rendezvouz was at Northampton, where many of the chief Commanders ſtayed with them, expecting the preſence of the General himſelf. The Lord General Eſſex, on the ninth of September, taking his leave of the Parliament and City of London, went towards Northampton, and was waited on by the trained Bands, and a great number of armed Gentlemen from Eſſex-houſe to the end of the City, with great ſolemnity. The Parliament ſent a Petition to the General at Northampton, to be by him preſented to the King in a ſafe and honourable way; the effect of which was, humbly to entreat his Majeſty to withdraw his preſence from thoſe wicked perſons about him, and not to mix his danger with theirs; but that he would return to his Parliament; and ſuch-like things.

[Page] The King intending to ſeize upon Worcester, ſent Prince Rupert thither with ſome Horſe; which Eſſex fearing, to prevent the King, commanded part of his forces to march thither ſpeedily, himſelf following with his Army.

Some Skirmiſhes happened between that party of Parliamentarians and Prince Rupert, before the coming of General Eſſex; but Prince Rupert, when the forerunners of Eſſex his Army were in ſight, with great ſpeed fled out of Worcester. General Eſſex, leaving a Gariſon at Northampton, marched to Coventry; which Town he alſo gariſoned, as likewiſe Warwick, and marched from thence with his main Army to Worceſter; where he made ſome ſtay.

The King at that time with a ſmall Body of Horſe went to Shrewsbury; to which place he cauſed a Mint to be brought; and Coined his Plate: for many Gentlemen about that time, had, beſides Money and Arms, brought Plate in unto him. At Shrewsbury he grew wonderful in ſtrength; ſo that within three weeks after his coming thither, from a ſmall inconſiderable Body of Horſe, he was grown into an Army conſiſting of about ſix thouſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe, and two thouſand Dragoneirs.

[Page] From Shrewsbury the King marched along by Coventry, and came to Southam; being but a ſmall diſtance from the Lord General Eſſex his Army: from whence he ſtruck a terror (though ſo far off) into the City of London it ſelf; for he was then neerer to London by a dayes march, then the General was; inſomuch as that London made great proviſions to Guard it ſelf, and the Parliament ſent twelve Companies to poſſeſs and Guard Windſor-Caſtle.

The General thought it his chief work to follow the King's Army, for fear he ſhould march toward London; and by reaſon of that haſte, left behinde him a great part of his Forces, and great Artillery.

The King perceiving that, and loath to loſe ſo good an advantage of fighting (before the Parliament-Forces were conjoyned) turned back againſt General Eſſex; who was alſo reſolved to give battel.

A fair Champion Ground there is neer Keynton, a Village in Warwickshire; and not above twenty furlongs from that Village, a great and ſteep hill, upon which the King's Army had ſpread themſelves; and at the foot of that Hill, a large Plain, called The Vale of the Red-Horſe: here firſt the battel joyned; [Page] the Royaliſts deſcending cheerfully down the hill, and the Parliamentarians from Keynton approaching toward them. The fight was begun with great courage, and much ſlaughter on both parts: on one ſide the Earl of Lindſey; on the other, the Earl of Eſſex manfully diſcharging the parts both of Generals and Souldiers.

But preſently after the Battel was begun, Prince Rupert, who commanded the Horſe in the King's right Wing, fell in with ſo furious a Charge upon the Parliaments left Wing, (where moſt of their Horſe were placed) that immediately he put to flight all thoſe Parliament-Horſe, whoſe Foot likewiſe, being left by the Horſe, betook themſelves to flight. Prince Rupert following the chaſe far, and greedy of pillage, whileſt he was buſie in ſeizing the Carriages and Baggage of his Enemies, ſpent ſo much time therein, that the King's Victory (which was almoſt gotten) was by that means quite loſt: for in the King's left Wing the fortune was nor equal, whom Sir William Balfore charged ſo roundly, that he broke the beſt Foot-Regiments, and ſeized upon the King's Artillery.

There was a bloody fight: in that place the Kings Standard was taken, but ſoon loſt again: [Page] there were ſlain and taken Priſoners many brave men, among whom Lindſey the King's General was taken Priſoner, who died within few hours, of his wounds.

Night parted the fight, and gave a ſafe retreat to both ſides: both ſides challenged the Victory to themſelves; for which, thanks were publickly given to God both by the Parliament and the King; for on both ſides appeared ſome marks of Victory, as Enſigns, Canons, and Priſoners taken. Concerning the number of the ſlain was no agreement, both partyes reporting too falſly: but it was thought that of both Armies (though more of the King's ſide then the other) were ſlain in that battel above five thouſand.

General Eſſex marched to Coventry, to refreſh his Army: the King to Oxford, as to his Winter-Quarters. Prince Rupert with a Body of Horſe flew up and down the Countrey Night and Day, plundering and robbing Towns and Villages; and made his Excurſions ſo far out of Oxford, that he ſtruck a terrour into the City of London it ſelf, inſomuch, as that they deſired General Eſſex (who had deſigned to follow the King) that he would bring his Army neerer to London.

Eſſex on the ſeventh Day of November, [Page] came to Westminster, (quartering his Forces in the adjacent Villages) and was received with great Honour by both Houſes of Parliament, and was preſented with five thouſand pounds as a gratuity, with a large acknowledgement of his valour and pains undergone for the Commonwealth.

Before the General departed from London, another bloody Battel was fought about Brainford. And ſo happened the occaſion; the Parliament grieved for this unnatural War, deſirous to ſave the Kingdom, and recover Ireland, had agreed upon a Petition for Accommodation to be preſented to the King, being then at Colebrook, by the Earls of Northumberland and Pembrook, the Lord Wainman, Maſter Perpoint, and Sir John Ipſley.

The King gave a fair Anſwer, proteſting before God, That he was grieved for his peoples ſufferings; and in order to peace, was willing to reſide neer London, and receive ſuch Propoſitions as they would ſend, and treat with them.

As ſoon as the Commiſſioners were gone with this Anſwer, the King's Artillery (for ſo all Relations agree) advanced forward with the Horſe, thorow Colebrook, [Page] after them toward London; and taking advantage of a great Miſt, which happened that Night, they marched to Brainford, and fell upon the Parliaments Forces that were quartered there, which was a broken Regiment of Colonel Hollis's.

The King's Army killed many of them, and had, in likelihood, utterly deſtroyed them all, if the Lord Brook's and Colonel Hamden's Regiments, that were billeted not far off, had not come in to their relief; who maintained a great and bloody fight againſt the King's Army, till both ſides at Night retreated: many were ſlain and taken Priſoners on both ſides, and both reported themſelves Conquerers, as before it happened at Keynton Battel.

News of this unexpected Fight was ſoon at London, where the General was ſitting in Parliament, whither alſo the noiſe of their great Artillery was eaſily heard: he took Horſe immediately, to get ſtrength together, and relieve his engaged men; but Night had parted them, and the King was retired to his beſt advantages.

All that Night, Forces came out of London thither, ſo that on the Sunday Morning, being the fourteenth of November, a wonderful [Page] number of armed men were met, and had ſo far encompaſt the King's Army, (ſmall in compariſon of them) that many hoped for an end of the War: but God was nor ſo pleaſed; for the King eſcaped by reaſon of this error: Three thouſand Parliament Souldiers were then at Kingston; they were commanded to leave that Town, and march ſpeedily thorow Surrey, and over London-Bridge, ſo thorow the City, to Brainford, to ſtop the Enemies paſſage to London. A reaſon of that Command was afterwards given, becauſe the Lord General was not aſſured of ſtrength enough to ſtop the Enemy from going to London; nor could he be beforehand ſure of ſo great a Force, as he afterwards perceived to be come to him before morning.

Thus did the encloſed King eſcape, and retreated thorow that Town of Kingston, being ſo abandon'd by the Parliaments ſouldiers; and after he had plundered the country thereabouts, retired ſafely to his Winter-Quarters at Oxford.

The Parliament conſidering this action of the King, began to hope little upon any Treaty; reſolving, That the General ſhould ſpeedily purſue the King's Forces, and fall [Page]upon them: and the City of London, to encourage the Parliament, made a Petition to them; wherein they entreated, That they would proceed no further in the buſineſs of Accommodation, becauſe evil counſel was ſo prevalent with the King, that he would but delude them; that they had heard his Forces are weak; and entreat, that his Excellency would follow, and fall upon them; the City, as heretofore, being ready to ſpend with all willingneſs their lives and fortunes to aſſiſt the Parliament.

For which Petition and Proteſtation, the Parliament returned thanks to the City; and according as they deſired, it was decreed in Parliament.

FINIS.

Book II.
A Short mention of the Progreſs of this Civil War.

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THe beginnings of the Civil war, together with the Series of cauſes from whence it ſprung, as likewiſe the degrees by which it grew, have been already breifly and clearly ſhewed; The things which remain to be unfolded are of ſo great a weight, of ſo various a nature, and of ſo many peices, that ſcarce any Hiſtorian (I might ſay Hiſtory it ſelf) is ſufficient to weave fully together ſo many particulars: my intention therefore is to make onely a ſhort mention, not a full Narration, of that Variety.

For the War went on with horrid rage in many places at one time; and the fire once kindled, caſt forth through every corner of [Page] the land not onely ſparks but devouring flames; inſomuch as the kingdom of England was divided into more Wars than Counties; nor had ſhe more fields than skirmiſhes, nor Cities than Sieges; and almoſt all the Palaces of Lords, and great Houſes were turned every where into Garriſons of War: they fought at once by Sea and Land; and through all England (who could but lament the miſeries of his Country) ſad ſpectacles were of plundering and firing Villages; and the fields; otherwiſe waſt and deſolate, were rich onely and terribly glorious in Camps and Armies.

The following Summer, namely in the year one thouſand ſix hundred forty three proved for a long time fatal to the Parliament, and Fortune ſeemed to have condemned the cauſe of liberty; ſo exceedingly did the Kings party flouriſh in ſucceſſes and Victories, and the Parliaments condition every where low ſo that they were neer to ruine, who in the end prevailed.

In the Weſt Sir William Waller, a Parliament-chieftain, who had gotten divers Victories, and then almoſt quite vanquiſhed Sir Ralph Hopton, was at laſt (namely in July) utterly defeated by the Lord Wilmot, who came from Oxford with an Army of the Kings [Page] and having loſt all his Army, returned to London: and ſuch as the fortune of the Field was, was the condition of Towns and Garriſons; for immediately after Wallers defeat, the two greateſt Cities of all the Weſt were yeilded up, Briſtol to Prince Rupert, and Exceſter to Prince Maurice.

At the ſame time, in the North of England, was the like ſucceſs; where the Lord Fairfax, who, with his valiant Son, had long and proſperouſly maintained the cauſe of the Parliament, being now over-powred by a puiſſant Enemy, the Earl of Newcaſtle, and almoſt all his Forces ſcattered, was driven into Hull, and there beſieged.

Eſſex himſelf the great General at the ſame time, his Army decreaſing ſuddainly, ſome dying of ſickneſs, others for want forſaking their colours, was conſtrained to leave the field, and return to London, quartering the ſick and weak remnant of his Army at Kingſton, and other adjacent places, until a Recruit could be made for him.

The Parliamentarians were now in a deſperate condition, and their ſtrengths every where broken; on the other ſide the Royaliſts ſtrong and dreadful in Arms, Men, and Horſes, conquerours of all the Weſt, of Wales, and the North of England, as far as the very [Page] borders of Scotland. One onely Town of Note in the Midland Country, Gloceſter, ſtood out yet, faithful and conſtant to the Parliament, and much deſired by the King; who in great diſdain that this Town (after Briſtol and Exceſter were yeilded) ſhould ſtand out▪ came in perſon to beſiedge it with a great Army.

The Queen was now arrived in England, and had brought with her great ſtore of Armes, bought in Holland with the money which ſhe had raiſed by pawning the Crown-Jewels there; whoſe coming at this time ſeemed rather to a Triumph than a War.

Gloceſter not onely ſtaid the career of the Kings Victories; but made a great change in the Conditions of the ſides. The City was gallantly defended againſt a great and flouriſhing Army; wherein Maſſey the Governour juſtly gained a wonderful renown; ſo long did he defend the City, until General Eſſex could be recruited with an Army great enough to raiſe the Siege, and march thither, from London, eighty miles.

Famous and honourable, in the judement of all men, was that expedition of General Eſſex, who by ſolong a March, fighting often with great bodies of the Kings Horſe by the [Page] way, brought notwithſtanding his whole Army ſafe to Glocester, raiſed the Siege, relieved that Town, and in his retreat from thence encountered, and vanquiſhed the Kings Army in that memorable Battel of Newberry.

After this time the parliament revived; of whoſe condition Wiſe men might juſtly have doubted, if the King, leaving Gloceſter, had marched directly with his Victorious Army to London; which was then not at all fortified, and miſerably diſtracted with factions within it. Or beſides, if the Earl of Newcaſtle, letting alone the beſieg [...]ng of Hull (which likewiſe proved fruitleſs) had powred out his numerous forces upon the Eaſtern aſſociated Counties: but it otherwiſe pleaſed God, who is the onely Lord of Hoaſts, and by whoſe providence all things are guided.

Both ſides now, by this Victory of Eſſex, ſeemed to be put into an equal ballance both of ſtrength and reputation; and this ſad War not onely likely to be continued, but extended to a greater latitude: on one ſide the Parliament inviting to their aſſiſtance their brethren of Scotland: on the other ſide the King calling in his Iriſh. The Scots by a Covenant to be taken by both Nations for conſervation of Religion, Laws and Liberties: the Iriſh by a ceſſation of Armes granted by the King [Page] (a peace being alſo promiſed) were drawn in.

The Scots promiſed to the Parliament (from whom Commiſſioners were ſent to Edinburgh about that buſineſs) that they would bring into England to their aſſiſtance an Army conſiſting of one and twenty thouſand Horſe and Foot: the Parliament engaged themſelves to pay the Scots one hundred thouſand pounds toward the charge of raiſing that Army.

But the King dealt not ſo openly with thoſe bloudy Iriſh, in bargaining for their aſſiſtance, but by a pretence of ceſſation of Arms for the behoof of the Engliſh Proteſtants in that Kingdom; which ceſſation notwithſtanding was for the benefit of the Iriſh Rebels; in lieu of which favour, they gave the King thirty thouſand pounds.

This was that ceſſation of Arms ſo much ſpoken againſt by honeſt men in London▪ for that reaſon eſpecially, that it was directly againſt a Law, and the Kings faith: for it was enacted by authority of Parliament (the King alſo ſigning the Act) in the year one thouſand ſix hundred forty one, That the War againſt thoſe bloudy Iriſh Rebels ſhould proceed, untill it were declared by Parliament, that Ireland were fully ſubdued, and that no [Page]peace, nor any ceſſation of Arms ſhould be made with thoſe Rebels, without the conſent of both Houſes of Parliament.

Thus was aſſiſtance brought to either ſide; to the King (which he eſpecially aimed at in this buſineſs) that Engliſh Army, which for almoſt a whole years ſpace had fought valiantly and victoriouſly againſt thoſe Rebels, was now brought into England (within five moneths after that ceſſation) to fight againſt the Parliament of England: but the cauſe being changed, the fortune of thoſe Souldiers was likewiſe changed, for they had no ſucceſs in England, but within a ſhort time after their arrival, that whole Army was utterly defeated; and all their cheif commanders, with ſeventeen hundred common Souldiers, were taken priſoners by Sir Thomas Fa [...]rfax.

The Scottiſh Army, that Winter following, about the middle of January, paſſing over Tweed came into England. The Earl of Leven was General; his kinſman David Leſley commanded the Horſe: the ſnow that fell at that time covered the ground in an unuſual depth, and as great a froſt had congealed all the rivers; but the heat of fighting was greater than the rigor of the air; and the patience of Souldiers overcame the hard weather: The Earl of Leven marched with his forces [Page] againſt the Earl of Newcaſtle; who with a great Army poſſeſſed the Northern parts of England for the King; nor did the War goe on with leſs vigour in other parts. In the beginning of the Spring great Armies were raiſed on both ſides, and filled all the countries with terrour: all the following Summer, which fell in the year one thouſand ſix hundred forty four, they fought with equal fury, and almoſt equal fortunes; inſomuch as that England by the dubiouſneſs of ſucceſs on both ſides, and ſad viciſſitude of calamitous ſlaughters, was made an unhappy Kingdom.

The Kings fortune was ſuſteined by brave Armies in the Weſt, under the Princes, Rupert and Maurice; in Wales under Gerard, and others; in the midland Counties under Sir Jacob Aſhley an old Souldier; other Armies were commanded by Sir Ralph Hopton, and Colonel Goring, and in the North the Earl of Newcaſtles great Army.

Nor were the forces of Parliament inferiour; the cheif Army under the General Eſſex; Waller commanded another; the Earl of Mancheſter, to whom Crumwell, a ſtout and ſucceſsful Souldier was joyned, led a ſtrong Army toward the North, where the Lord Fairfax and his Son had good forces, and Sir John Meldrum not far off; the Earl [Page] of Denbigh a ſtout Commander was with a fair Party about Strafford; and beſides theſe, the great Scottiſh Army.

At the beginning of that Summer the Parliament attempted a thing of great moment, to beſiege Oxford, or at leaſt to block up the King within that Town, which was endeavoured by two Armies, Eſſex on the one ſide, and Waller on the other; but the King deceived them both, and with a few light Horſe, eſcaping out of the Town, went to joyn with his greater Armies.

General Eſſex marched farther into the Weſt, but the expedition proved unhappy both to himſelf and the Parliament: Waller followed the King, but in vain, for he could not hinder his deſigned March, onely ſome skirmiſhes happened between parts of their Forces: but nothing was done of any great moment, until Waller returned with his force to encounter enemies in other places Various were the ſucceſſes this Summer in moſt parts of the Kingdom; in the Weſt, South, and midland Counties, the Kings forces prevailed above the Parliament, which perchance had been ruined, if the North had not made them amends with ſome atchievements, beſides one great Victory.

For Leve, with his Scottiſh forces coming [Page] the laſt Winter into England, beſides the taking of ſome Towns and Forts, had much weakened Newcaſtles Army, leſſening their number, not by fighting, but enduring the ſharpneſs of that weather, which the other could not ſo well doe. To Leven the Lord Fairfax (after Selby was ſo miraculouſly taken by valiant Sir Thomas Fairfax) joyned himſelf with all his forces, to whom alſo the Earl of Mancheſter after his Lincoln expedition) came with a gallant Army.

Three Parliament Armies, under three Generals, Leven, Mancheſter and Fairfax; with great concord, and unanimity had marched together, and with joyned forces had beſieged the great City of York, whereof the Earl of Newcaſtle was Governour; to raiſe the siege Prince Rupert was come with a great Army out of the South; the three Generals left their ſiege to fight the Prince; under him alſo Newcaſtle having drawn his forces out of York, ſerved; who on a great plain called Marſton Moore gave battel to the three Generals.

This was the greateſt battel of the whole civil war; never did greater Armies both in number and ſtrength encounter, or drew more bloud in one fight. The Victory at firſt was almoſt gotten by the Royaliſts, whoſe [Page] left Wing (Fairfax his men being diſadvantaged by the inconvenience of the ground) had routed and put to flight the right wing of the Parliamentarians: but this loſs was more than recompenced in the other Wing; where Crumwell (who fought under Manchester) charged with ſuch force and fury the right wing of the Royaliſts, that he broke the beſt Regiments which Prince Rupert had, and put them all to flight: Crumwel, together with David Leſley, purſued them; and wheeling about with his Horſe, came opportunely to the releif of his oppreſſed friends in the other Wing, where they ceaſed not, until they had gained a compleat Victory, and all Prince Rupert his Ordnance, his carriages, and baggage were poſſeſſed by the Parliamentarians.

After this Victory, Rupert with the remnant of his forces fled into the South ſome of the Victorious Armies Horſe in vain purſuing him for ſome miles; the Earl of Newcaſtle, with ſome of his choſen friends, leaving York (of which City Sir Thomas Glenham took the government) went to Scarborough; where within a while after he took ſhipping, and paſſed into Germany.

The three Generals, Leven, Mancheſter, and Fairfax after this great Victory returned [Page] to beſiege York; to whom that City ſoon after, upon conditions, was rendered; after which they divided their forces, and Leven with his Scottiſh Army returning into the North, about the end of that Summer took the rich Town of Newcaſtle; about the ſame time that the General Eſſex unfortunately managed his buſineſs in the Weſt, and having loſt all his Artillery, returned to London.

This Summer the Queen paſſed into France, and uſed great endeavour to raiſe aid for the King her husband, among the Roman Catholikes, but thoſe endeavours proved fruitleſs, yet notwithſtanding, the War in England, without ſtrangers help, went on with rage and bloud enough.

In midſt of theſe calamities of War, ſome hope of peace began to appear (though it ſoon vaniſhed again) and conditions were propoſed both by King and Parliament; upon which, in the following February (as hereafter ſhall be ſaid) they both treated. The end of this year, and beginning of the next were notably tragical in the puniſhment and death of eminent men: the two Hothams, Father and Son, having been condemned for Treaſon, for breaking the truſt of Parliament, and conſpiring with the enemy to betray Hull, with other crimes, after they had been [Page] impriſoned above a whole year in the Tower of London, were this December both beheaded; and Sir Alexander Carew not many dayes before, who was condemned for the ſame crime, ſuffered the ſame puniſhment: Famous alſo at that time was the death of William Laud Archbiſhop of Canterbury; the crimes objected againſt him were too many, and of too various a nature to be here related: four years almoſt had this unhappy old man been a priſoner, yet not enjoyed ſo much as the quiet of a priſon; for oftentimes (about fourſcore ſeveral dayes) he was carried from the Tower to Weſtminſter, and there arraigned in the Houſe of Lords; ſo the Fates were pleaſed in a ſad compenſation to equal his adverſity, even in time with his proſperity.

This January he was beheaded, his life being ſpun out ſo long, till he might ſee (which was the obſervation of many) ſome few daies before his death, the book of Liturgy aboliſhed, and the Directory, compoſed by the Sinod at Weſtminster, eſtabliſhed.

Though the King and Parliament were both thinking of a Treaty for Peace, yet the care of War was not neglected; the King being ſolicitous about getting of forreign aid, and the Parliament about new modelling [Page] their own Army: About this buſineſs (which ſeemed of the higheſt concern) there was ſome debate between the Lords and Commons; the Lords were againſt that Change, alleagïng that there was no need of new Commanders, where the old ones could be accuſed of no fault, that men of the nobleſt rank were fitteſt to command Armies, the contrary whereof might breed confuſion in the Common-wealth. The Houſe of Commons on the other ſide, though they made a noble mention of the Earl of Eſſex, and thoſe other Peers, which commanded in the Armies, alleaged notwithſtanding that the Parliament forces had been often diſtracted through the emulation of Commanders, from whence it proceeded, that ſome things very well deſigned, had not had a proſperous iſſue, that the Army would be better diſciplined under one ſole Commander.

At laſt, when they were agreed, a General was choſen to command the new Army, which was Sir Thomas Fairfax, a man of eminent valour, and as much modeſty, who was then abſent in the North; but ſo great a buſineſs could not ſuddainly be finiſhed: and now the time approached for the Treaty of Vxbridge, in which three heads were to be debated.

1. Of Religion and Church government.

2. Of the Militia of England.

3. Concerning the buſineſs of Ireland.

But the King, before this Treaty began, uſed all meanes to aſſure himſelf of forreign aid; by Letters he urged the Queen, who was then in France, to ſolicite that King, and other Catholikes to aſſiſt him, and that the Queen Regent would detain the Parliaments Ships in France. He was very earneſt likewiſe for aſſiſtance from the Duke of Lorraign, that he might get into England that wicked Army of his, ſo notorious through Germany and Flanders for all Villany; of which Army, as of that of Marius, when the entred Rome, it may be ſaid.

—Nulli geſtanda dabantur,

Signa Ducis, niſi qui ſcelerum jam fecerat uſum,

Attulerat (que) in Caſtra nefas.

—No man his Enſigns bore,

But who the badge of ſome known miſcheif wore,

And brought guilt to the Camp.

At laſt hope was given him from the Duke of Lorraign, of ten thouſand men; and for [Page] bringing of theſe Souldiers into England, Goffe was ſent into Holland to negotiate for ſhipping and other neceſſaries.

The King likewiſe deſired aſſiſtance at that time from the bloudy Iriſh Rebels, and by his Letters commanded Ormond to make a peace with thoſe Rebels, and to promiſe and grant to them a free exerciſe of their popiſh Religion, and to aſſure them, that if by their aſſiſtance he could but finiſh his War in England, he would abrogate all thoſe Laws heretofore made againſt the Papiſts there: he gave thanks likewiſe to Muskery, Plunket, and other of thoſe Rebels, promiſing a pardon for all that was paſt. But they were much troubled at the Treaty for peace with the Parliament, not being ignorant, that one neceſſary condition of ſuch a peace muſt be, that the War in Ireland againſt them ſhould be continued and proſecuted: The King therefore, to remove this their ſcrupulous fear, wrote to Ormond to this effect: That he could not refuſe to make a peace with his Parliament, onely in favour of thoſe Iriſh; yet notwithſtanding from that very conſideration (if Ormund handled the matter wiſely) he might raiſe an advantage to haſten a peace with thoſe Iriſh, in letting them know their own danger, how they were excluded from all hope of pardon by the [Page]Parliament, For (ſaith he) if we agree upon all other conditions, it will not be convenient for me to diſagree onely concerning thoſe Iriſh; therefore let them take what I offer, while time is, and haſten the Peace, and when once my faith is paſſed, no humane force ſhall make me break it.

The Queen alſo (remaining in France) writing to her husband, ſeemed to grieve much, that at Vxbridge they were to treat of Religion in the firſt place; affirming, That if any thing ſevere againſt the Catholikes ſhould be concluded, and yet a peace not be made, the King could not hope hereafter for any aſſiſtance from the Catholike Princes, or from the Iriſh, who muſt needs think, that after they had done their beſt, they ſhould at laſt be forſaken. She often entreats the King, that he would never forſake the Biſhops, the Catholikes, nor thoſe faithful friends of his that ſerved him in his Wars: the King promiſeth her, that he would never forſake his friends for a peace, onely perſwades her to haſten, as much as ſhe can, the aides from France, ſaying, That whileſt London is diſtracted between the Preſbiterians and Independents, both may be ruined.

In February the Commiſſioners on both ſides met at Vxbridge to treat for peace. For the King came the Duke of Richmond, the [Page] Marqueſs of Hartford, the Earls of Southampton, Dorſet and Chicheſter, the Lords, Dunſmore and Capel, with Seimour, Culpeper, Gardiner, Hide, Lane, Bridgman, Palmer, and others. For the Parliament, the Earls of Northumberland, Pembrooke, Salisbury, and Denbigh; of the Houſe of Commons, Wainmar, Vane, Perpoint, Hollis, Prideaux, Saint John, Whitlock, and Crew; and beſides theſe, ſix Commiſſioners of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland.

But nothing at all was concluded at that Treaty. The King would by no means conſent to the abrogation of Epiſcopacy; not in the ſecond place, would he ſuffer the Militia to be taken out of his hands, which he conceived to be a cheif flower of his Crown. Yet he was contented that for three yeares it ſhould be governed by twenty equally choſen out of both ſides. Laſtly, to the proſecution of a War againſt the Iriſh he could not conſent, having made a ceſſation of Arms with them, which in Honour he could not break.

Thus nothing at all being done toward peace, the War muſt decide it. The Parliament haſten the modelling of their new Army. The Earls of Eſſex, Warwick, Mancheſter, and Denbigh, freely and voluntarily [Page] lay down their Commiſſions.

The new modelled Army of the Parliament conſiſted of twenty one thouſand, namely, fourteen thouſand foot, ſix thouſand Horſe, and one thouſand Dragoneers. Sir Thomas Fairfax was made General; Philip Skippon, an excellent ſouldier, was made Major General: Colonels of the Foot Regiments were Holborn, Forteſcue, Barclay, Craford, Ingolesby, Mountain, Pickering, Rainsborough, Welden, Aldridge: of Horſe Regiments, Sir Michael Leveſ [...]y, Sheffield, Middleton, Sidney, Graves, Vermuden, Whaley, Fleetwood, Roſſiter, Py. The King on the other ſide had great Forces under divers Commanders, to whom he diſtributed ſeveral Provinces: the Princes Rupert, and Maurice, with numerous forces poſſeſſed ſome of the Northern parts of the Kingdom; others were held by the Earl of Derby, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale: Sir John Biron and Gerard held Wales and ſome adjacent Counties. The Weſt was wholly poſſeſſed by three Armies of his, under the ſeveral Commands of Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir Richard Greenvile, and Colonel Goring. All theſe three, though Generals by themſelves, yet ſerved under the name of Charles Prince of Wales, as their ſupreme General.

[Page] But the King, not content with ſo great a force of Engliſh Souldiers, was more earneſt than before, to get over the Iriſh Papiſts, with whom he had before committed the buſineſs to Ormund to make an abſolute peace: but when the King perceived that thoſe Iriſh made too high demands, and that nothing was effected by Ormund toward the peace in ſo many Treaties, and ſo long a time, he thought of another way, which was, to the Lord Herbert of Ragland, Son to Worceſter (whom he had created Earl of Glamorgan) a zealous Papiſt, and therefore moſt acceptable to thoſe Iriſh Rebels; the King gave full power by his Letters, to make a peace with, and indulge to the Iriſh whatſoever ſhould ſeem needful: It ſeemed ſtrange to all men (when theſe things were brought to light, which was before the end of that year) that ſuch a buſineſs ſhould be carried on, and yet concealed from the Lord Digby, Secretary for Ireland, and Ormund the Lord Lieutenant, to whom the whole matter of that peace had been before committed.

But the King, when he ſaw it too hard a thing otherwiſe to make ſuch a peace, as would bring a certainty of aſſiſtance from them, that he might throw all that Envy upon Glamorgan, impowred him, unknown to the [Page] reſt: for ſo the Rebels, ſweetened with large promiſes (unknown to Ormund) might the better admit of conditions juſt in ſhew, and openly excuſable, and the King might draw from Ireland ſuch Souldiers as would more firmly adhere to his ſide, and he might truſt (as being the greateſt haters of Engliſh Proteſtants, and deſpairing of pardon) againſt the Parliament of England.

He therefore gave Letters of authority to Glamorgan, in theſe words:

CHARLES by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To our Truſty and Well beloved Couſin, Edward, Earl of Glamorgan Greeting: Being confident of your wiſdom and fidelity, We do by theſe Letters, as if under [...]ur great Seal, grant unto you full power and authority to Treat and conclude with the confe [...]erate Roman Catholikes of Ireland, and to in [...]ulge to them all thoſe things which neceſſity [...]all require, and which we cannot ſo commodi [...]ſly do by our Lieutenant, nor our Self publick- [...]own at preſent. Therefore We command that [...] do this buſineſs with as much ſecreſie as can [...] whatſoever you ſhall think, fit to be prom [...] [...] in my name, that do I atteſt upon the word [Page] of a King, and a Chriſtian, to grant to thoſe Confederate Catholikes, who by their aſſiſtance have abundantly ſhewed their zeal to us, and our Cauſe. Given at Oxford, under our Royal Seal the twelfth day of March, and twentieth year of our Raign.

Nor into England onely did he endeavour to bring thoſe Iriſh, but into Scotland, which he effected, to the great damage of that unhappy Kingdom, by Montroſs, about the beginning of the year, 1644. when the Scottiſh Covenanters came into England to aſſiſt the Parliament, Montroſs went to Oxford to the King, to offer his ſervice againſt the Covenanters in Scotland: The King, to fit him for that purpoſe, created him a Marqueſs, and gave him his Commiſſion, to be Lord Governour of Scotland, and General of all his forces; the King then alſo ſent for the Earl of Antrim, to participate with Montroſs his Councels, who entering into a confederacy with him before the King, engaged himſelf there, that he would ſend to Montroſs the next April into Arguile (where the paſſage is ſhort into Ireland) ten thouſand Iriſh.

This promiſe at the appointed time A [...] trim performed in part, but was very deficient in the number of Souldiers, for inſtead of [Page] ten thouſand, he ſent ſcarce twelve hundred Iriſh into Scotland under the conduct of Macdonald. Montroſs notwithſtanding with theſe men, with the addition of his Atholians, made up a ſufficient theeving Army, and making ſudden excurſions, he fell into the neighbouring Countries, waſting all, robbing houſes, and burning up the Corn where he came, inſomuch as that the State had need of great Armies to reſtrain his violence, whilſt the craggy Mountains of Atholia, and rough woody places there gave ſafe retreat to his Highlanders and Iriſh.

In this manner did Montroſs, for the ſpace almoſt of two years, lie within the bowels of his Country like a peſtilent diſeaſe; ſuch were his retreats, and ſo great his boldneſs in excurſions▪ that no leſs an Army than twelve thouſand was thought ſufficient to defend the Provinces againſt him.

But Montroſs was toſſed with various turns of Fortune. The firſt Summer after his arrival in Scotland, he gave the Earl of Arguile a great blow, through the negligence of his men, where fifteen hundred were ſlain and taken by Montroſs; whereupon the Parliament of Scotland raiſed an Army of ten thouſand againſt him, and the ſame parliament condemned Montroſs (with ſome other [Page] Lords) to be a Traitor and Enemy to his Country. Montroſs afterwards received a great overthrow from Hurry, and was enforced to fly to his craggy retreats; and ſhortly after he was again beaten by Hurry near to Dundee, and abſolutely forced to hide himſelf in his old receptacles: from whence notwithſtanding on a ſudden (as ſhall be ſhewed anon) he ſhewed himſelf, and from a contemptible eſtate grown juſtly formidable, he overwhelmed Scotland in a miſerable calamity.

While the King perſiſted in theſe courſes, the Kirk of Scotland, from the Synod at Edinburgh ſent Letters to him, containing a ſerious admonition; which (becauſe the admonition of a National Church may ſeem a thing of ſome moment) ſhall be ſet down verbatim, the Preface onely omitted, becauſe long, though very humble.

THE troubles of our hearts are enlarged, and our fears encreaſed in your Majeſties behalf, perceiving that your Peoples patience is above meaſure tempted, & is like a Cart preſſed down with Sheaves, and ready to break, while as beſides many former deſigns and endeavours to bring deſolation and deſtruction upon us, which were (and we truſt all of that kind ſhall [Page] be) by the marvellous and merciful providence of God diſcovered and diſappointed; our Countrey is now infeſted, the bloud of divers of our brethren ſpilt, and other acts of moſt barbarous and horrid cruelty exerciſed by the curſed crew of the Iriſh Rebels, and their complices in this Kingdom, under the conduct of ſuch as have Commiſſion and Warrant from your Majeſty: and unleſs we prove unfaithful both to God and your Majeſty, we cannot conceal another danger, which is infinitely greater than your Peoples diſpleaſure. Therefore, we, the ſervants of the moſt high God, and your Majeſties moſt loyal Subjects, in the humility and grief of our hearts, fall down before your Throne, and in the name of our Lord and Maſter Jeſus Chriſt, who ſhall judge the World in Righteouſneſs, both great and ſmall; and in the name of this whole Nationall Kirk, which we repreſent, we make bold to warn your Majeſty freely, that the guilt which cleaveth faſt to your Majeſty, and to your Throne, is ſuch, as (whatſoever flattering Preachers, or unfaithful Counſellors may ſay to the contrary) if not timely repented, cannot but involve your ſelf, and your poſterity under the wrath of the ever living God: for your being guilty of the ſhedding of the bloud of many thouſands of your Majeſties beſt ſubjects: for your permitting the Maſs, and other Idolatry, [Page] both in your own Family, & in your Dominions: for your authorizing by the book of ſports, the prophanation of the Lords day: for your not puniſhing of publike ſcandals, and much prophaneneſs in and about your Court: for the ſhutting of your ears from the humble and juſt deſires of your faithful ſubjects: for your complying too much with the popiſh party many wayes, and namely by concluding the ceſſation of Armes in Ireland; and your embracing the councels of thoſe who have not ſet God nor your good before their eyes: for your reſiſting and oppoſing this cauſe, which ſo much concerneth the glory of God, your own honour, and happineſs, and the peace, and ſafety of your Kingdomes: and for what other cauſes, your Majeſty is moſt conſcious, and may beſt judge and search your own conſcience (nor would we have mentioned any particulars, if they had not been publike and known) For all which it is high time for your Majeſty to fall down at the foot-ſtool of the King of glory, to acknowledge your offences▪ to repent timely, to make your peace with God through Jeſus Chriſt (whoſe bloud is able to waſh away your great ſins) and to be no longer unwilling that the Son of God reign over you, and your Kingdoms, in his pure Ordinances of Church-government and Worſhip.

[Page] They conclude with a profeſſion and proteſtation of their conſtancy in ſo juſt a cauſe, againſt any oppoſition whatſoever. This admonition of the generall Aſſembly of the Kirk of Scotland was ſent firſt to the Scottiſh Commiſſioners at London, and by them delivered to the Kings Secretary, but Eccleſiaſtical admonition, in the heat of War, little availed.

When the Spring began, the War with great heat and courage on both ſides was renewed. Generall Eſſex had laid down his Commiſſion, and Sir Thomas Fairfax went to Windſor to his new-modelled Army; a new Army indeed, made up of ſome remainders of the old ones, and other raiſed forces in the Countries; an Army ſeeming no way glorious either in the dignity of Commanders, or antiquity of Souldiers; never hardly did any Army go forth to War with leſs, confidence of their own ſide, or more contempt of their enemies, and did more bravely deceive both, and ſhew how far it was poſſible for humane conjectures to erre. For in their following action; and ſucceſſes they proved ſuch, as would too much poſe antiquity, among all the Camps of their famed Heroes, to find a parallel to this Army.

He that will ſeriouſly weigh their atchievements [Page] in the following year, againſt potent and gallant Enemies, and conſider the greatneſs of things, the number of Victories, how many battels were woon, how many Towns and Garriſons were taken, he can hardly think them the work of one year, or fit to be called one War.

But whoſoever conſiders this, muſt take heed that he do not attribute too much to them, but give it wholly to Almighty God, whoſe providence over this Army, as it did afterwards miraculouſly appear, ſo it might in ſome meaſure be hoped for at the firſt, conſidering the behaviour and diſcipline of thoſe Souldiers. For the uſual vices of Camps were here reſtrained, the diſcipline was ſtrict, no theft, no wantonneſs, no oaths, nor any prophane words could eſcape without the ſevereſt caſtigation; by which it was brought to paſs, that in this Camp, as in a well ordered City, paſſage was ſafe, and commerce free.

The firſt expedition of General Fairfax, as it was ordered by the Committee of both Kingdomes, was into the Weſt, to releive Taunton; a Town that had long, with incredible manhood and conſtancy, under Blake their Governour, endured a ſharp ſiege by Sir Richard Greenvile, and ſeemed to emulate (though with more happineſs) the fidelity of [Page] old Sagunthum: but this work was not done by the General himſelf, but Colonel Welden, who was ſent thither with ſeven thouſand of the new Army. Fairfax himſelf was recalled by the Committee of both Kingdoms to go upon other action.

But becauſe the King had ſent for Prince Rupert from Wales to come to Oxford, that he might joyn forces, and march into the field; General Fairfax, before he went from Windſor, ſent Cromwell with a party of Horſe to hinder the Kings deſigns; who marching ſpeedily from Windſor, with great felicity vanquiſhed a part of the Kings forces at Iſlipbridge, taking divers of the Commanders priſoners, the remainder of that party flying into Bletchington Houſe, were there beſieged, and yeilded to Cromwell; with the ſame ſucceſs at Bampton-buſh he took Vaughan and Littleton, and defeated their forces.

The King, when Prince Rupert and Maurice were come to him with their forces, deſigned his march toward the Eaſt, to take poſſeſſion of the Iſle of Ely, which he hoped would be betrayed to him by ſome of his party there. Cromwell, and Major General Brown the Governor of Abington, were commanded to follow the King, but ſoon recalled, as too weak in forces to encounter the [Page] King, and to aſſiſt General Fairfax in beſieging of Oxford, for then Fairfax was ordered to beſiege Oxford; but the deſign was not good, and the Commmittee of both Kingdoms, though too late, repented it.

For in the mean time the King ſecurely marched Northward with his Army, and took the conſiderable Town of Leiceſter.

Fairfax recalled from the ſiege of Oxford, (while Cromwell was ſent away to ſtrengthen the Eaſtern Counties) with all his forces followed the King; nor was the famous battel long deſerred, in which all men conjectured what the liberties and Laws of England, and what the Kings power ſhould he, muſt be tried by the ſword. Naſeby fields, not far from Northampton, were the place where the fate of England was to be determined. The fourteenth of June was the memorable day: nor was the number of the Armies very unequal (the Royaliſts onely were ſtrongeſt in Horſe) nor the ordering of their Battaliaes much unlike: The Kings Front was filled with brave Troops of Horſe; the Foot ſtood in the ſecond Body. The right wing was commanded by the Princes, Rupert and Maurice; the left by Sir Jacob Aſhley, other Commanders of great quality ſuſteining their parts.

[Page] The Parliamentarian Foot made a firm Body in the midſt. The wings were guarded by the Horſe, the right wing was commanded by Cromwell, who to the exceeding joy of the whole Army, that very night before the battel was fought arrived there: the left wing by Ireton: Colonel Roſſiter, a brave Commander, but a little before the battel began, came with his Horſe, and took his place with Cromwell on the right wing: the Foot was commanded by Major Generall Skippon, and divided into two Bodies. The Parliamentarians word was, God with us. The Roialiſts, God and Queen Mary.

Fortune at the firſt (as in ſome other battels) ſeemed a while to ſlatter the Kings ſide, for the left wing of the Parliament was worſted, and the Commander Ireton, receiving two wounds, was taken Priſoner, and kept ſo during the fight. Prince Rupert with great fury fell in, and purſued that routed wing, inſomuch that the day had been loſt, if Cromwell, who came on with as great force, had not in like manner routed and overthrown the Kings left wing: the buſineſs now ſeemed in an equal ballance, and the wings on both ſides being thus ſcattered, they fought ſome time upon dubious hopes: magnanimous Skippon was grievouſly [Page] wounded, yet would not forſake the battel, but with all poſſible endeavours diſcharged his part till the Victory was obtained: the Fairfaxians at laſt charged ſo fiercely upon the Roialiſts, that they no longer could endure the brunt; the Horſe in all diſordered haſt fled toward Leiceſter, and forſook the whole body of their Foot, with their Artillery and carriages, who being ſurrounded by the Fairfaxians, threw down their Arms, crying for Quarter, and were all taken Priſoners.

This battel was the happieſt of all other to the Parliament, the Victory abſolute, and undoubted, and almoſt five thouſand priſoners carried to London; the Kings Standard, and one hundred other colours were taken, with all their Ordnance, and a very rich booty; a great quantity of gold and ſilver, and all the ſecret Letters of the King came by this meanes into the Conquerous hands; but ſo few were ſlain in this battel, that a reader may juſtly wonder how ſo many priſoners ſhould be taken, and ſo much wealth purchaſed with the loſs of ſo little bloud, for on the Kings ſide ſcarce four hundred were ſlain, on the Parliaments ſcarce an hundred. Cromwell with his Horſe purſued the vanquiſhed Roialiſts (who fled apace, and betook [Page] themſelves to divers of their own Garriſons) and bringing back a great number of Priſoners, returned to the General, who now marched with his Victorious Army to Leiceſter, which was ſoon rendred to him. Fairfax, leaving a Garriſon in Leiceſter, that he might make uſe of his Victory to the good of the Common-wealth, and hinder the King from recruiting himſelf, to protract this ſad War, reſolved to follow him cloſe; he therefore marched Weſtward, that he might both purſue the King, and raiſe the Siege of Taunton.

The Kings letters taken at Naſeby were publikely read in London before a great Aſſembly of Citizens, where many of both Houſes of Parliament were preſent, and leave was given to as many as pleaſed, or knew the Kings hand (to refute the calumny of thoſe who ſaid the Letters were counterfeit) to peruſe them all, out of which a ſelected bundle were printed by command of the Parliament.

From the reading of theſe Letters many diſcourſes of the people aroſe, for there appeared his tranſactions with the Iriſh Rebels, and with the Queen for aſſiſtance from France, and the Duke of Lorraign, of which before is ſpoken. Many good men were ſorry [Page] that the Kings actions agreed no better with his words; that he openly proteſted before God, with horrid imprecations, that he endeavoured nothing ſo much as the preſervation of Proteſtant Religion, and rooting out of Popery: yet in the mean time under hand he promiſed to the Iriſh Rebels an abrogation of thoſe Laws againſt them, which was contrary to his late expreſſed promiſes, in theſe words, I will never abrogate the Law againſt the Papiſts: and again, I abhor to think of bringing forraign Souldiers into the Kingdom: and yet he ſolicited the Duke of Lorraign, the French, the Danes, and the very Iriſh for aſſiſtance▪ they were vexed alſo, that the King was ſo much ruled by the will of his wife, as to do every thing by her preſcript, that Peace, War, Religion, and Parliament ſhould be at her diſpoſal.

It appeared beſides out of thoſe Letters, with what mind the King treated with the Parliament at Vxbridge, and what could be hoped by that Treaty, when writing to the Queen, he affirms, that if he could have had but two more donſenting to his Vote, he would not have given the name of Parliament to them at Weſtminſter: at laſt he agreed to it in this ſenſe, That it was not all one to call them a Parliament, and to acknowledge them ſo [Page]to be; and upon that reaſon (which might have diſpleaſed his own ſide) he calls thoſe with him at Oxford, a mungrel Parliament.

The King, after his overthrow at Naſeby, fled to Lichfield, and from thence he went to Hereford, to raiſe forces (eſpecially Foot, for he had ſtill ſtore of brave Horſe, that came to him after that Battel) in Wales, in Cornwall, and in other places; but nothing at all that following year proſpered with the King, Fortune enclining wholly to the Parliaments ſide, whoſe cauſe it appeared that God approved, by the grant of ſo many ſtrange and ſignal Victories to them; the valour of the Roialiſts availed not, and all their endeavours fell to nothing.

General Fairfax, after the Battel of Naſeby, by long Marches paſſed into the Weſt. Taunton was releived onely by the fame of his approach, for Goring raiſed his Siege, and went away: That conſtant Town had been reduced to great extremities; it had ſuffered much, and done great things againſt ſtrong Enemies, and could not at this time in poſſibility have held out long without ſome releif. The Parliament rejoyced much at the delivery of that Town; three Parliament Garriſons about that time, and the foregoing year, behaved themſelves with ſuch courage [Page] and conſtancy, as might deſerve to be celebrated in a larger Hiſtory, viz. Lime, Plimouth, and Taunton, all which, having been often beſieged by Prince Maurice, Greenvile, Goring, and other Commanders, had not onely held out againſt thoſe ſtrong Enemies, but much broken their Forces.

The things which that new Army under the conduct of Fairfax did that following year (taking no reſt all that ſharp and bitter Winter) were much to be wondred at, how many ſtrong Towns and Forts they took, how many field Victories they obtained, the ſtories of evey ſeveral moneth will declare; of which, becauſe they are more acurately deſcribed by other pens, I ſhall here onely make a ſhort mention; for within the ſpace of one year all the Weſtern Counties of England, great Armies under the conduct of Prince Rupert, Greenvile, Hopton, and Goring, being utterly vanquiſhed and brought to nothing, were reduced to the obedience of Parliament.

In the moneths of Auguſt and September were taken Bath, and Sherburn, and Briſtol it ſelf, the greateſt and moſt wealthieſt City of the whole Weſt, was by Prince Rupert ſurrendred to General Fairfax.

The Army alſo, when it was divided, by [Page] reaſon of the multiplicity of their work, was not leſs ſucceſsful in the parts of it; Wincheſter, and Baſing taken by Cromwel, the Devizes and Barclay by other Commanders, Fairfax himſelf marching (that cold December) into Devonſhire, took Tiverton, and with ſtrange felicity ſtormed and took Dartmouth, and afterwards drove the Kings Armies into Cornwall, whom Fairfax purſuing, at Torrington gave Hopton a great overthrow. In the moneth of February with his Victorious Army he entred Cornwall, for fear of whom Prince Charles fled into the Iſlands of Silly; and in March following, all Hoptons forces, by the Command of the Conquerour Fairfax, were disbanded and ſent away, and the whole County of Cornwall reduced to the obedience of Parliament.

In the following April, Exceſter, and Barnſtable were ſurrendred to Fairfax, and Bridgewater ſtormed, but when they yeilded, taken to mercy. S. Michaels Mount, the fartheſt angle of Cornwall, was alſo ſurrendred to Collonel Hamond. Thus Fairfax, the Conquerour of the Weſt, having fitted all things for his expedition, to make an end of the War, is marching to beſiege Oxford: Woodſtock was already taken by Colonel Rainsborough; but in all theſe moneths that [Page] the General had done ſuch great things in the Weſt, the other Commanders of Parliament were not unfortunate (the Fates ſeeming to conſpire at that ſide) in the North, and midland Counties of England; about the midſt of Summer Carliſe was ſurrendered by Glenham the Governour, to the Scottiſh Army, a Garriſon of Scots was put into that Town, of which the Engliſh complained, as being againſt the Covenant: the Parliament alſo wrote to Leven to reſtore Carliſle to the Engliſh; not that they did ſuſpect any evil from their Brethren, but that conditions might be obſerved, and the mouths of illaffected people ſtopped, who were too apt to ſay, that The Scots came into England, not as friends, but Freebooters: From that time the Parliament ordained to have their Commiſſioners (as the Scots had theirs at London) reſident in Edinburgh, to be preſent with the Parliament of Scotland: and to that purpoſe the Earl of Rutband, the Lord Wharton; and of the Commons, Sir Henry Vane the Elder, Sir William Armin, Mr. Hatcher, and Mr. Goodwin were choſen Glenham with his men, after the ſurrender of Carliſle, went to Newarke. The Scottiſh Army about that time marched under Leven to Newark, to beſiege that Town, but the Scottiſh horſe ſtaid not [Page] long there, being forced to return into the North, to the aſſiſtance of their diſtreſſed Countrey. For the Engliſh Parliament at that time, in midſt of their own proſperity, were notwithſtanding mourners for the calamity of Scotland, a great, unexpected, and wonderful calamity; in which the frailty of humane affairs, and the mutable condition of Kingdoms was ſet forth by a memorable example; all Scotland within the ſpace of one moneth was loſt and recovered, quite ſunk, and again emergent.

The man that thus plagued Scotland, was the Earl of Montroſs, one on whom the Kings hopes ſo much then depended, that out of an earneſt deſire to joyn his forces to Montroſs, the King with a body of good horſe marched Northward, but by the forces of Pointz, Gell, Roſſiter, and others, the Kings expedition was ſtopped, that he could not meet Montroſs: for it had been agreed betwixt the King and Montroſs, that at the ſame time he from the South ſhould march Northward and the other from the North, to meet him, ſhould come Southward, that the Kings horſe joyned to his foot, might make a conſiderable Army in thoſe parts; but the Kings paſſage, though he tryed many wayes, was (as beforeſaid) ſtopped. Montroſs [Page] mindful of his promiſe, broke out into the Southern parts of Scotland, with greater ſucceſs than could be hoped, having ſcarce 4000. Highlanders and Iriſh.

A place there was neer to Kilſithe, which the craggy Mountains and ſtraitened paſſages had made fit for ambuſhes, where Montroſs had ſeated himſelf, thither the Army of the State, confident of their number, whileſt unadviſedly they purſued the theeving Highlanders, fell into the cunningly-diſpoſed ambuſhes, and were cut off with a miſerable ſlaughter; above five thouſand were ſlain, and none almoſt eſcaped, but whom the wearied Conquerours had not ſtrength to kill, for cruel Montroſs ſpared none, crying out, They had no need of Priſoners▪

This overthrow of Kilſithe at one battle had utterly ruined the State of Scotland, if David Leſley (about a moneth after giving an abſolute overthrow to Montroſs) had not reſtored it; for after this ſo unexpected a defeat, the State of Scotland had no Army for a Reſerve, or Force to ſtop the paſſage of the Conquerour, to whom almoſt all their Towns preſently yeilded. The papiſts and Malignants, and all neuters, with thoſe that had before diſſembled their affections, now joyned with him, the reſt were cut off; all the [Page] chief Nobility of the Covenanters were forced to fly into England.

A publike Faſt and Humiliation was kept by the Engliſh, for the calamity of their brethren of Scotland General Fairfax, and other of the chief Commanders wrote to Leven, That they accounted the Calamity of Scotland to be their own; and that if their affairs at home would permit, and the Parliament would command it, they would earneſtly undertake that War, and venture their blouds as freely for the Scots as for the Engliſh, till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquiſhed.

But Montroſs his cruell raign laſted not long, ſcarce a whole moneth; to vindicate Scotland David Leſley was ſufficient, who with his Horſe coming thither, at Selkirk gave Montroſs ſo total a defeat, that it ſeemed fully to recompence Kilſithe; the Victory was gotten in an hours ſpace, and (as it was obſerved by a German Writer) upon the ſame day that the Queen of England at Paris was ſinging Te Deum Laudamus for Montroſs his Victory at Kilſithe.

Thus was Scotland recovered before the King could come to Montroſs; which notwithſtanding the King ſoon after attempted, and marching Northward with a ſtrength not contemptible, having Gerard and Langdale [Page] with him, came to Routenheath, his deſign was, that if he could not joyn with Montroſs, yet at the leaſt that he might raiſe the Siege of Cheſter, for the King was exceedingly ſolicitous for that City, as being the moſt convenient Haven to receive the tranſported Iriſh, whom he ſo long in vain expected. But that expedition proved moſt unfortunate to the King; for in a battel fought upon Routenheath, where Pointz was Commander of the Parliaments Army, the King was vanquiſhed, and eight hundred of his men ſlain.

Nor was the Lord Digbies expedition to Montroſs more fortunate, who in the following moneth, together with Langdale, having got together one thouſand Horſe, marched into the North to that purpoſe: for at Sherburn in Yorkshire he was beaten, and put to flight by Pointz▪ Copley, and other Parliamentarians; and afterwards at Carliſie he was defeated by Brown and Leſley; and having loſt all his forces, fled into the Iſle of Man to the Earl of Derby, from whence ſhortly after he paſſed into Ireland. When Digby was defeated at Sherburn, other ſecret Letters and papers of the Kings were taken, whereby ſome deſigns of his were laid open, and ſome things more cleerly diſcovered about his tranſactions with Danes, Iriſh, and [Page] others: the Roialiſts at Oxford did much blame Digby his carleſsneſs, that would carry ſuch papers with him into a Battel, which were ſcarce ſafe enough in the ſtrongeſt Fort, eſpecially remembring what a ſtir was made about the Letters taken at Naſeby.

Digby was now in Ireland, and (about the end of December) together with Ormund; treating about a peace with the Iriſh; when on a ſuddain the Kings affairs began to be endangered there, by divulging of Glamorgans ſecret tranſaction with the Iriſh Rebels, of which we ſpake before; Ormund and Digby, fearing leaſt if this diſcovery ſhould grow too general among the people, that all the former rumours would find credit; as namely, that the King was Author of the Iriſh Rebellion, and ſought to confirm Popery, from whence a general revolt of all the Proteſtants might be feared; and although Digby thought Glamorgan to be an unadviſed man, yet could not ſuppoſe him ſo fooliſh, as to undertake ſuch a thing as that without any warrant at all. Therefore it was agreed betwixt them, that (for fear leaſt when this diſcovery were grown more general▪ it might be too late to vindicate the King) Digby ſhould preſently accuſe Glamorgan of Treaſon. But Ormund and Digby were both troubled [Page] with this fear, (becauſe at that time three thouſand Iriſh were promiſed to go over to the releif of Cheſter) leſt by this unſeaſonable vindication of the King, Cheſter might be loſt, for want of tranſportation of thoſe forces; but when they underſtood that, according to Glamorgans compact, thoſe Iriſh were not to go for England, before the King had made good the conditions which Glamorgan promiſed, and confirmed the peace; and while they were conſulting about this perplexed buſineſs, it was told them, That the Proteſtants of Dublin, upon that news were in a great mutiny, and the worſt was feared within few hours, unleſs the danger were ſpeedily prevented; Digby was enforced to make haſt, and accuſe Glamorgan (who was not at all diſmaid, knowing it was onely to deceive the people) of high Treaſon, Glamorgan therefore with great confidence and alacrity went to priſon, affirming, That he did not fear to give account at London, or before the Parliament, of what he had done by the Kings warrant: but it was wonder to ſee what a change in the Proteſtants at Dublin this feigned accuſation of high Treaſon ſuddainly made, and they who before murmured were now appeaſed,

But yet there remained another difficulty [Page] to be extricated; Ormund was fearful, leſt the Iriſh, incenſed by this injury done to Glamorgan, ſhould ſuddenly fly to Arms, before the Kings forces were ready for them; to prevent that danger, he wrote to Muskerry concerning the reaſons of this action, and the extream neceſſity; and withall he ſeemed to approve the conditions for peace, as the Rebels had propoſed them, and ſent them to Kilkenny to be further diſcuſſed, with ſome dubiouſneſs of the event, this might ſpend time, until ſome new hopes of relieving Cheſter, or otherwiſe ſupplying the King, might ariſe.

But all theſe devices nothing availed the King, all his deſigns were fruſtrated, nor ever could he bring into England an Army either of Iriſh Rebels, Lorraigners, or Danes, (God providing better for that Kingdom) until at laſt all his forces every where were vanquiſhed, and wholly ſubdued by the Parliament; for in the following moneth, February, that very City of Cheſter, for which he hath been ſo ſolicitous, a City ſo often beſieged, and now long defended by Biron, came into the power of the Parliament; for Biron the Governour upon honourable terms delivered it up to Breerton.

Nor was the Kings ſide more lucky in any [Page] County of England; for beſides the whoſe Weſt (that Winter, and the following Spring) by many field-Victories, and gaining of Towns, conquered by Fairfax; in the midland Counties alſo▪ in the North, and in Wales, in ſeveral battels all that time the Roialiſts were vanquiſhed by eminent Commanders of the Parliament, ſuch as were Maſſey, Pointz, Brown, Roſſiter, Mitton, Gell, Breerton, Laughorn, and others; and in the moneth of March (which was the laſt noted field-Victory) Aſhley himſelf the Kings General was vanquiſhed by Morgan in a memorable battel, and taken priſoner, with one thouſand ſix hundred of his men. Aſhley, when he was taken, ſpake aloud theſe words: You have done your work, and wholly vanquiſhed the Kings party, unleſs your own diſſentions raiſe them again.

At this time Newark the ſtrongeſt Garriſon of the Kings, which had long, and much infeſted the adjacent Countries, was ſtraitly beſieged by Leven, Pointz, and Roſſiter; and General Fairfax, after reducing of the Weſt, having provided what was ſit, haſtened to beſiege Oxford, the head of the War. The King having now no Garriſons left, but Banbury, Wallingford, Worceſter, Ragland, and Pendennis, all which in a ſhort time after, were [Page] alſo taken, and could glory onely in this, that they had held out after Oxford.

The beſieged Newarkers, though the Plague raged in the Town, and they began to want victuals, yet ſuſteined themſelves upon hopes of ſome diſſentions that might ariſe between the Engliſh and the Scots.

For now the Scots began to complain of want of pay, of the neglect of Church-government and the Covenant: the Parliament anſwered, that that Scottiſh Army in two years ſpace had received above two hundred thouſand pounds for pay, beſides a vaſt ſum of money, which they had by force extorted from the poor weeping Inhabitants of the Northern Counties; and beſides that, their Army had not ſatisfied the expectation of the Engliſh, but had lyen idle in the beſt time of the year; if they were ſo preciſe in obſervation of the Covenant, why then, contrary to the Covenant, did the Scots put Garriſons into Newcastle, Tinmouth and Carliſle; neither was it juſt in the Scots to object any thing in the caſe of Religion, ſeeing the Parliament are now labouring in it, being a buſineſs which requires time▪ and mature deliberation.

From theſe jarrs the King hoped for ſome advantage to himſelf; and now Oxford began [Page] to be blocked up by Ireton and Fleetwood, and every day the coming of Fairfax himſelf, and a ſtraiter Siege of that City was expected; therefore before this ſhould happen, the King reſolved to go out of Oxford, and communicating his mind to ſome inward Councellors, above all other places, he pitched upon the Scottiſh Camp; to the Scots therefore, as they lay before Newark, the King ſent Montruel the French Ambaſſador, and himſelf ſoon after, as Aſhburnhams man, with a Cloak-back behind him, eſcaped unknown out of Oxford, and came to Newark.

From this enterpriſe the King was diſſwaded by ſome, who loved the ſafety of their Country, and entreated rather to deliver himſelf to Fairfax, which might in prohability put an end to the War; but the King was obſtinate in his deſign, not doubting but that diſſentions daily growing between the two Nations, he ſhould be the more welcome to the Scots, ſafe from harm, and be able by this means either to make a peace upon his own conditions, or kindle a new war.

The King came firſt to Montruels houſe, and from thence to Southwell, into the Scottiſh Camp; the beſieged Newarkers underſtanding of the Kings coming, and being brought into great ſtraits, harkned to conditions, [Page] and ſurrendred the Town.

The Scots ſeemed to be amazed at the Kings unexpected coming to them, and ſo ſignified the matter to the Engliſh Commiſſioners, then preſent with them upon the place. Letters were immediately written of it to London, and to Edinburgh, the Engliſh Parliament required the Scots to detain the King at Southwell, but they, contrary to that Order, carried him away to Kelham, where a greater part of their Army lay, and ſoon after, without expecting any further Orders from the Parliament of England, removed their Camp, marched Northward, and carried away the King with them to Newcaſtle.

The Scots excuſed their departure, becauſe Newark being yeilded, no work was left for them, but alleadged, That as the King came to them of his own accord, unexpected, ſo he followed their Army, neither being entreated, nor fobidden by them: but they ſeemed to haſten their departure, by reaſon of a rumor (whether true or falſly pretended) that Cromwell with all his Horſe was marching toward them.

But the Engliſh upon this, complained much both againſt the Scots and the King; To the Scots they objected the breach of Covenant and Treaty; To the King they imputed it As a great obſtinacy and deſpight toward [Page] the Engliſh Nation, whom he had ſo long injured, that now in his low ebb, he ſhould in England, leaving the Parliament of England, go to the Scots, their Mercenaries: if he deſired peace, why did he not embrace it, being offered upon ſuch conditions, as beſides his neceſſities, the common ſafety of his People invited him to? rather than go about to kindle new fire between the two confederate Nations.

In the beginning of May, General Fairfax with his whole Army came within ſight of Oxford, and diſpoſing his quarters round about the City, ſummoned the Governour Glenham to ſurrender it; Glenham anſwered, that he would firſt ſend to the King, and when he knew his mind, would do what was fitting; this anſwer was not allowed. Nevertheleſs Fairfax conſidering with himſelf (which was alſo the opinion of all his Commanders) that it was likely to prove a long Siege, being a City excellent well fortified, and a ſtrong Garriſon in it, conſiſting of at leaſt five thouſand, moſt of them old ſouldiers, ſtored with proviſions, arms, and ammunition for a great while, yet was put into hope of ſooner obtaining it, by intelligence which he had gotten out of Letters, and by ſome Spies, that within they were much divided in their opinions; and the greater part [Page] eſpecially thoſe of the Nobility) deſired it ſhould be ſurrendred, that they might have, while time was, honorable conditions. Therefore they began to Treat, and not onely between the Army and the City, but in Parliament at London it was debated, and at laſt decreed, That the beſieged ſhould rather have the beſt conditions, than that their precious Army ſhould be conſumed before ſo ſtrong a place, whilſt in the mean time many things might fall out ill to the Common-wealth.

But the chief reaſon of granting ſuch large conditions was, that the conquering Army, it being now Mid-ſummer, might be tranſported into Ireland, to vindicate that afflicted Country againſt the barbarous and bloudy Rebels, but that ſo pious an intention of the Parliament was quite fruſtrated by the Kings going to the Scots, of whom at that time there were ſome jealouſies, and that the King went to the Scots for that very purpoſe, it was believed by Letters (which were intercepted afterward) written to Ormund, before he went out of Oxford, We hope that this deſign of ours, though it may ſeem dangerous to our perſon, will prove advantagious for Ireland, in hindering the Rebels (meaning the Parliament) from tranſporting any forces into that Kingdom.

[Page] Thus Oxford was ſurrendred; and at the appointed day all the ſouldiers of that Garriſon marched away by Fairfax his Army, with great quiet and modeſty on both ſides. The Duke of York was honorably conducted to London, where two of the Kings children remained; thither alſo went all the Noble men, nor was it denied to any of the Beſieged to go to London: but the Princes, Rupert and Maurice, being commanded to go out of England, prepared for their departure.

The great Seal of England, with other Enſigns of Majeſty, were layed up in the Library, which afterward carried to London, was by the command of Parliament (for the Parliament, when the great Seal three years before was carried away to the King, had made a new one) broken in pieces, together with the other ſmaller Seals.

Prince Charles about that time, diſtruſting the condition of his ſide, fled from Silly, with a few of his inward Counſellors, and went to Jerſey, that from thence he might paſs into France to the Queen his Mother. While the Prince remained in Jerſey, the Commiſſioners both of England and Scotland intreated the King that the Prince his Son might continue within his Dominions, leſt if he ſhould go into France, it might be inconvenient at this time, [Page] and an obſtruction to the deſired peace; but the King promiſing them that he would think of it, wrote in the mean time this ſhort letter to the Prince.

CHarles, I write to you onely that you ſhould know where I am, and that I am in health, not to direct you at this time in any thing; for what I would have you do, I have already written to your mother, to whom I would have you obedient in all things, except Religion (about which I know ſhe will not trouble you, and go no whither without her, or my Command; write often to me, God bleſs you:

Your loving Father, C. R.

This Letter was intercepted going from Newcaſtte to Jerſey in a ſmall Veſſel, and read in Parliament, to their great grief.

Soon after the ſurrender of Oxford, followed the end of this fierce War, for Worceſter, Wallingford, Pendennis, and Ragland, yeilded alſo to the Conquerors. Peace now ſeemed to be reſtored to England, but they had no ſecurity; for the Parliament (having vanquiſhed the common Enemy) were grievouſly troubled with Factions among themſelves, and divided under the unhappy names of Presbyterians and Independents; nor was [Page] it onely in thoſe things which concerned Church-government, but in the tranſaction of almoſt all other buſineſſes, they debate fiercely, and were divided in their Votes.

The ſame difference (namely of Presbyterian and Independent) troubled not onely the Parliament Houſe, but the City, the Country, and ſome of the Camps, ſeeming a thing that threatned danger; and the Parliament feared that Maſſey's forces (which had deſerved very well of the Common-wealth) being quartered about the Devizes, might under that name make a Mutiny: wherefore Generall Fairfax was ſent from Oxford into the Weſt to disband (the War being ended) thoſe forces of Maſſey, being two thouſand five hundred horſe, which thing was quietly done within eight dayes, and all thoſe Souldiers with ready obedience left their Colours, although they were not fully paid at that time; for which Maſſey (as for other things) was much commended in being careful, by adviſing his ſouldiers, that this buſineſs without any difficulty ſhould be ſo ended.

The War being now quite finiſhed, Fairfax, the Victorious Preſerver of the Engliſh Parliament, returned to London, about the midſt of November. All good men longed to [Page] ſee that great Souldier, whom they could not but admire, by whoſe valour they were delivered from the worſt of evils, and were now in expectation of an happy peace.

The next day after he came to London; That he might ſee the gratitude of the Parliament, the Houſe of Peers ſent their Speaker, Mancheſter, whom the Earls of Northumberland, Pembrook, and many other Nobles accompanied; who congratulated his return, and gave him great thanks for his moſt faithful and happy ſervices to the Commonwealth.

When the Lords were gone, Lenthal, the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons with almoſt 300. Members of that Houſe, came to congratulate the General, to whom Lenthal made a ſpeech, wherein he diſcourſed of the greatneſs of his actions, extolling them by examples of the moſt great and famous Heroes of ancient times. You (ſaid he) noble General ſhall all poſterity admire and honour, and the people of England, ſince they can give you no thanks equal to your merits, do freely confeſs themſelves for ever indebted to you, as the happy inſtrument of God, and finiſher of our Wars with incredible ſuceeſs: To which the modeſt Fairfax made a ſhort reply, Acknowledging himſelf unworthy of ſo great an honour, and [Page] giving moſt humble thanks to the Parliament, accounting it his greateſt happineſs in this world to be made by God inſtrumental for the good of his Country.

But the General ſtaid not long at London, being preſently after ſent to carry the money for the Scots into the North; of which we ſhall ſpeak afterwards; in the mean time we will return to the King, and Scots.

On the ſixth of May, 1646. long before the ſurrender of Oxford; when the Parliament of England underſtood that the King was with the Scots, when the Scots alſo had diſobeyed their Orders; which were, That they ſhould detain the King at Southwel, and that Aſhburnham, with the reſt of his followers, ſhould be ſent to London, (of which the Scots obeyed neither, letting Aſhburnham and the reſt eſcape, and carrying the King into the North) the Parliament, after a long debate of both Houſes, at laſt Voted, That the perſon of the King ſhould be diſpoſed of by the authority of both Houſes of the Parliament of England.

But the Scots excuſing themſelves, and defying to deliver up the King, a great diſſention hapned between the two Nations, which did much animate the Royaliſts, and ſeemed dangerous to the two Kingdoms. Many complaints were made upon this occaſion, and [Page] many ſharp invective Writings on both ſides for the ſpace of divers moneths.

The Scots alleaged, that he was no leſs King of Scotland than of England; and that therefore their Kingdom had ſome right to the diſpoſing of him; the Engliſh affirmed, that his perſon was to be diſpoſed by the authority of that Kingdom in which he then was; but that they ſet forth, as a very ſtrange thing that a Scottiſh Army, paid by the Parliament of England, and which by the Compact of both Kingdoms, was to be governed by Commiſſioners of both Kingdoms upon the place, ſhould notwithſtanding receive the King of England, without the conſent or knowledge of the Engliſh Commiſſioners, and carry him away to Newcaſtle, a Town of England, and there keep him without the conſent of the Parliament of England.

In the midſt of theſe great diſſentions: which notwithſtanding the prudence of ſome men did ſo well moderate (whileſt the common enemy and factious ſpirits ſought to aggravate them) that they proved not pernitious to the Kingdoms, the main buſineſs, and things neceſſary for the Common good were unanimouſly and friendly tranſacted by the two Nations: and among other things, concerning the ſending of propoſitions to the [Page] King for a firm and well grounded peace, it was debated, and at laſt agreed, that nineteen Propoſitions (ſo many therewere) ſhould be ſent to Newcaſtle, to the King; which becauſe they are long, and fully recited in a larger Hiſtory, I will not relate in this Epitome.

Theſe Propoſitions were ſent away to the King upon the fifteenth day of July one thouſand ſix hundred forty ſix, and preſented to his hands at Newcaſtle by the Commiſſioners of both Houſes of Parliament, namely, the Earl of Pembrooke, Earl of Denbigh, and the Lord Mountague of the Peers; and ſix of the Houſe of Commons; the Commiſſioners of the Parliament of Scotland being preſent, and conſenting to them.

And that the King might conceive himſelf dealt withal like a King, not a vanquiſhed man, and a captive, this preface by the conſent of Parliaments of both Kingdoms, was ſet before the Propoſitions.

May it pleaſe your Majeſty,

WE the Lords and Commons aſſembled in the Parliament of England, in the name, and on the behalf of the Kingdom of England and Ireland; and the Commiſſioners of the Parliament of Scotland, in the name, and [Page] on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, do humbly preſent unto your Majeſty the humble deſires and propoſitions for a ſafe and well grounded Peace, agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdomes reſpectively; unto which we do pray your Majeſties aſſent: and that they, and all ſuch Bills as ſhall be tendred to your Majeſty in purſuance of them, or any of them, may be eſtabliſhed, and enacted for Statutes and Acts of Parliament, by your Majeſties Royal Aſſent, in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms reſpectively.

The Lords and Commons, Commiſſioners of the Parliament of England, ſtaid long with the King at Newcaſtle, humbly entreating him, that he would vouchſafe to ſign and eſtabliſh thoſe propoſitions being not much higher than thoſe, which had been offered to his Majeſty at Vxbridge, when the chance of War was yet doubtful; the ſame thing did the Commiſſioners of the Parliament in Scotland humbly entreat; and the like did others daily, who came with renewed ſupplications to that end from the Parliament ſitting at Edenburgh.

But in vain were the ſupplications of both Kingdoms; the King perſiſted obſtinately in denial of his Aſſent; but daily he ſeemed to take exceptions at ſome particulars, [Page] whereby time was delayed for ſome moneths, and the affairs of both Kingdoms much retarded, which happened at an unſeaſonable time, when not onely the diſſentions between the two Nations about Garriſons, mony, and other things were juſtly feared, but alſo in the Parliament of England, and City of London, the factions then encreaſing between the Presbyterians and Independents, from whence the common enemy began to ſwell with hopes not improbable, and this perchance was the cauſe of the Kings delay.

But thoſe hopes of the enemy ſoon vaniſhed, and this very averſneſs of the King did in ſome meaſure compoſe the diſſentions of the Parliament; inſomuch as they began unanimouſly to conſult, how they might ſettle the affairs of both Kingdoms (ſince it could not otherwiſe be) without the King; Therefore it was debated in the Parliament of England, to pay the Scots for their aſſiſtance in this War, and at laſt agreed that the Scots ſhould receive four hundred thouſand pounds; half of that ſum, namely, two hundred thouſand pounds was to be paid in preſent, upon receipt of which, the Scots were to deliver up Berwick, Carliſle, and Newcaſtle to the Parliament of England, according to the compact. It was alſo debated, though [Page] with much time and difficulty, where the Kings perſon ſhould be diſpoſed, in caſe he did abſolutely and utterly deny his Aſſent to the Propoſitions; at which meeting it was freely granted by the Parliament to the Scots, that they might carry the King (if they pleaſed) to Edenburgh; but that the Scots refuſed, affirming, that by his preſence in an unſetled Kingdom, new commotions might ariſe; they rather deſired (which was alſo the Kings deſire) that he might be carried into the Southern parts of England, and live in ſome of his Palaces neer London, which they thought more convenient for treating of a peace, as if England were not in the ſame danger by his preſence. So that in all that whole debate they ſeemed to contend, not who ſhould have the King, but who ſhould not have him.

Whileſt theſe things were tranſacting, and the King daily was humbly entreated by both Kingdoms to grant his Aſſent to theſe Propoſitions, the Earl of London, Chancellour of Scotland, about the end of Auguſt, when the Commiſſioners of both Kingdoms were preſent, made an Oration to the King, which becauſe it opens the buſineſs in ſome meaſure, ſhall be recited.

[Page] YOur Majeſty was pleaſed on Monday laſt to call the Commiſſioners of the Parliament of Scotland, and imparting the Propoſitions to them, to promiſe that you would likewiſe impart your Anſwer before you ſent it; but ſo ſhort is the Commiſſioners prefixed time, and of ſo great moment (either to the ſafety or ruine of your Crown and Kingdoms) is your Majeſties Anſwer, that we ſhould be wanting both to God, and our own truſt, if we ſhould not repreſent to your Majeſty how neceſſary it is (in this conjuncture of time) That you grant your aſſent to theſe Propoſitions; and what an incurable malady, and ſudden ruine muſt needs follow upon your denial. I ſhall begin with the diſeaſe, and ſpeak after of the remedy: The differences betwixt your Majeſty and Parliament (known better to no man than your ſelf) are at this time ſo high, that (after ſo many bloudy Battels) no compoſure can be made, nor a more certain ruine avoided, without a preſent pacification. The Parliament are in poſſeſſion of your Navy, of all the Towns, Caſtles and Forts of England; they enjoy beſides Sequeſtrations, your Revenue. Souldiers and monies are raiſed by their Authority, and after ſo many Victories and Succeſſes, they have a ſtanding ſtrong Army, who, for their ſtrength, are able to act any thing in Church or Commonwealth at their own pleaſure. Beſides there are [Page] ſome ſo fearful, others ſo unwilling to ſumit to your Majeſty, that they deſire neither your ſelf, nor any of your Iſſue to raign over them. The People weary of War, and groaning under taxes, though they deſire Peace, yet are ſo much againſt the pulling down of Monarchy (under which they have long flouriſhed) that they which are weary of your Government, dare not go about to throw it off, untill they have (once at leaſt) offered Propoſition of Peace to your Majeſty, leſt the Vulgar (without whoſe concurrence they cannot perfect the Work) ſhould fall from them. Therefore when the whole People, weary of War, deſire ſecurity from preſſures, and arbitrary rule: the moſt Honourable Houſes of Parliament have conſented to offer theſe Propoſitions to your Majeſty without which the greater part of the people do ſuppoſe the Kingdom can neither enjoy Peace nor Safety; therefore your Majeſties friends, and the Commiſſioners of Scotland, though not without ſome reluctation, were forced to conſent to the ſending of theſe Propoſitions (for elſe none had been ſent) or elſe incur the publick hatred, as enemies to peace. Now Sir if your Majeſty (which God forbid) ſhould deny to ſign theſe Propoſitions, you would looſe all your friends, both City and Country; and all England as one man would riſe up againſt you; it [Page] may then be feared (all hope of reconciliation being taken away) that they may cite you, depoſe you, and ſet up another Government. Moreover they will require of us to deliver your Majeſty to them to reſtore their Garriſon Towns, and carry our Army out of England. Laſtly, if your Majeſty perſiſt in denying, both Kingdoms will be compelled to agree together for their mutual ſafety, to ſettle Religion and peace without you, which (to our unſpeakable grief) would ruine your Majeſty, and your Poſterity. But if your Majeſty ſhall deſpiſe the councel of us (who wiſh nothing more upon earth than the eſtabliſhing of your Majeſties Throne) and by obſtinacy looſe England, your Majeſty will not be ſuffered to enter Scotland, and ruine that, Sir, We have laid our hands upon our hearts, we have prayed to God to direct us, and have ſeriouſly conſidered of the remedy for theſe miſchiefs, but we can find nothing elſe (as the caſe now ſtands) which can preſerve your Crown and Kingdoms, then that your Majeſty ſhould ſign theſe Propoſitions; in ſome things (we confeſs) they are higher than we (if our wiſh might have gone) would have made them; but ſeeing that no other way is left to cure the Kingdoms wounds, and conſolidate the ruptures between your Majeſty and the Parliament: We do in all humility and loyalty adviſe your [Page] Majeſty, that out of your gratious goodneſs, you would aſſent to them, as being the onely remedy left to procure a firm and happy peace, from whence alſo many happineſſes will accrue to you, &c.

But neither this Oration of Londen, nor all the endeavours of both Parliaments could after the Kings mind; yet did not the Commiſſioners give over their hopes, but perſiſted in intreating; ſo that many moneths were ſpent in this buſineſs, and the time conſumed till the midſt of Winter, in which ſpace they could not perſwade the King to hear any Miniſters of the Synod preach before him, being conſtant onely to his own Chaplains.

Upon which they began to endeavour that amity might be preſerved between the two Nations, and that the two Kingdoms (things ſtanding as they did) might be peaceably ſetled without the King.

Therefore after ſome debate between the Parliament of England, and the Commiſſioners of Scotland, they at the laſt agreed upon the aforeſaid ſum, namely that two hundred thouſand pounds ſhould be forthwith paid to the Scots; which mony being told out, was by General Fairfax, with part of his Forces conveyed out of London, who afterwards [Page] committed the buſineſs to Major General Skippon. He with ſix Regiments marched away in the midſt of Winter, and in January came to Newcaſtle upon Tine with the mony.

The Scots, when they had received their mony, according to the compact, delivered up the Engliſh Garriſons, Berwick, Carliſle, and Newcaſtle into the Parliaments hands, and marched quietly home into Scotland; they delivered alſo the King to the Engliſh Commiſſioners to be carried into the South, Who was received with great reſpect and honour by the Earls of Pembrook, and Denbigh, and the reſt of the Parliament Commiſſioner [...] and by them waited on with great obſervance, and an honourable guard to his Pala [...] of Holmby in Northampton-ſhire. Th [...] things were done in the Moneth of February at which time the Earl of Stanford, Mr. G [...]win, and Mr. Aſhhurſt of the Houſe of Commons were ſent Commiſſioners by the Parliament into Scotland, that at Edenburgh th [...] might treat with the Scottiſh Parliament about the Common Affairs.

Though the Kings party, which had foug [...] againſt their Parliament and Liberties, w [...] abſolutely ſubdued, yet a quiet liberty [...] ſecurity could not be ſuddenly obtained the victory. For the Civil War being ended [Page] diſſention more than Civil aroſe among the Conquerors, which ſeemed therefore more ſad to all good men, becauſe it was between thoſe, who before had with moſt united affections and deſires, thrown their lives and Fortunes into the hazard againſt a common Enemy, whom the ſame cauſe, the ſame fervour of reforming Religion, and reſtoring liberty, and the ſame prayers had linked together in the neareſt bond of conſcience.

By this diviſion, under the names of Presbyterian and Independent, ſtill encreaſing, the minds of men began beyond all meaſure to be embittered againſt each other; one ſide complained, that the Covenant was broken; the other, that it was not rightly enterpreted by them, nor ſo, as that it could any way be a vindication of the cauſe undertaken, or the publike Safety; on both ſides were men of great reputation.

Yet did they not at firſt ſo far diſſent, but that both ſides ſeemed forward to vindicate the Common cauſe againſt the Kings party, called Malignants. It muſt be a longer time, that muſt by degrees ſo far work upon the conſciences of that ſide, which ſeemed weakeſt, as to make them cleave to the Malignants for a prop. The Malignants were ready to joyn with either ſide, that they might ruine [Page] both. They themſelves (though diſarmed) being now the greateſt number▪ eſpecially by reaſon of the unconſtancy of many men, either upon particular grievances, or the burden of Taxations. A great number of the Citizens of London, not of the meāeſt, but higheſt rank, had revolted from their former principles; inſomuch as that City (all the Kings Garriſons being by Fairfax his bloudleſs Victories emptied thither) became to be of that condition, as that the Parliament, without the Armies help, could not ſafely ſit there. Theſe diſſentions of Presbyterian and Independent (becauſe the motives and intentions of men are not enough known) our purpoſe is to touch with more brevity than the actions of open War, and plain hoſtility, though they alſo are here ſhortly mentioned.

It were a work of too much length and difficulty, to recite how many Calumnies were raiſed by the other faction againſt the Army (before ſo much admired) as maintainers of the Independent faction. How divers Petitions were drawn up, and ſub-ſcriptions eagerly ſought in the County of Eſſex, againſt this Army, which was then quartered about Walden, in the moneth of April. And in the Parliament it ſelf it was ſo far, and in that manner debated concerning disbanding of [Page] that Army; that they (being now taught to value their own merits) conceived themſelves much injured; and in the moneth of May preſented a Petition to their General. In which they deſire to be ſatisfied, not onely for their due pay, as Souldiers, but in things concerning (belonging to them as free born ſons of the Nation) the publike liberties, which they had fought for. Of which Petition great complaint was made by thoſe of the other Faction. Theſe and ſome other Alterations wrought at laſt ſo far, as that the Souldiers, about the beginning of June (upon what deſign, or what jealouſies I leave to Judge) took away the King from Helmby, out of the Parliament-Commiſſioners hands, and carried him along with them in the Army. So that his perſon was to be in ſome Town, or Palace neer to their Quarter. When this was known, it was ordered by both Houſes of Parliament (and their order ſent to the General.)

1. That the King ſhould reſide at Richmond.

2. That he ſhould be attended by the ſame perſons that he was at Holmby.

3. That Roſſiters Regiment ſhould guard him.

But the next day from the General, and his Councel of Officers, was brought to the [Page] Parliament an Impeachment againſt eleven Members of the Houſe of Commons, viz. (honoured names many of them) Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Glyn, Maſſey, Maynard, Lewis, Clotworthy, Long, Harley, and Nichols. Wherein divers things were objected concerning hindering the Releif of Ireland, obſtructing Juſtice, and acting ſomewhat againſt the Army, and the Laws of England. The Impeached Members declared themſelves ready to anſwer to any crime that could be objected againſt them. But another requeſt came from the Army, that thoſe Impeached Members, untill they had brought in their anſwer, might be ſecluded from their Seats in Parliament. This at the firſt was not granted, as a thing judged to be too high, and too much againſt the priviledge of Parliament. But when the Army iterated their deſire, thoſe accuſed Members, by leave of the Parliament, made a voluntary Seceſſion for ſix moneths. Concerning that Order of Parliament, that the King ſhould go to Richmond, the General deſired to be excuſed; intreating them not to command that; untill things were more quiet, and that they would appoint no Reſidence for the King nearer to London, than they would allow the Quarter of the Army to be. After which the King was [Page] conveied to Roiſton, thence to Hatfield, no long after to Cauſum, while the Army quartered at Reading. From whence, when the General with his Army marched to Bedford, the King went to the Earl of Bedfords Houſe neer Ouborn.

About that time was rumoured a very dangerous conſpiracy in London, of Citizens, Apprentices, and others againſt the Army, namely, that many Citizens, and Apprentices, and other people had privately liſted themſelves to make a Force againſt the Army. The General hearing this, certified the Cities Commiſſioners, who were then with him at the Head-quarters of it. Who made haſt to London, to examine and quiet thoſe troubles; but at that time between the two embittered Factions, nothing but ſuſpitions and tumults could be. Theſe Jealouſies daily encreaſing, on July 22. the Parliament made an Order to change that Militia of the City, which had been eſtabliſhed upon the fourth of May, and put others, which were better affected to the Army, in their rooms. Upon which Order, the Citizens of that faction were wonderfully incenſed, and petitioned the Houſe on the twenty ſix of July, which being read, ſeemed rather a command than a petition. This was carried, and followed by a diſſolute multitude [Page] of Citizens, Apprentiſes, and other unruly perſons, who preſſed to the very doors of the Parliament, and cried out in a threatning way, that before the Houſe riſe, they muſt order according to their Petition; and ſo far did their violence prevail, that they extorted an Order for the re-eſtabliſhing of the former Militia. But not content with that, when the Houſe was riſing, they took the Speaker, and rudely thruſt him again into his chair, detaining both him, and the reſt of the Members there, (an unheard of violation of Parliament!) until they enforced from them another Order, which was, That the King ſhould come to London.

After this rude violation, the Houſes adjourned until Fryday next, which was the thirtieth of July. Upon which day, both the Speakers being abſent, (for they with the greateſt part of the Members had left London, and withdrawn themſelves to the Army) new Speakers were choſen, the Lord Hunſdon and Mr. Henry Pelham a Barreſter, by whom Orders were made that day:

1. That the King ſhould come to London.

2. That the Militia of London ſhould be authorized to raiſe Forces for defence of the City.

3. Power was given to the ſame Militia to chooſe a General for thoſe Forces.

[Page] It was likewiſe Ordered, that the aforeſaid eleven Members, Impeached by the Army, ſhould return to their ſeats in Parliament.

The Citizens armed with theſe Orders, preſently proceed to raiſing of Forces, of which they Elected Maſſey to be their General.

In the mean time the Lords and Commons, who had left London, conſulting with the General and chief Commanders of the Army, made an Order, That all Acts and Decrees, that had paſſed on the 26. of July, and ſince, ſhould be accounted null and void, and that they did adhere to the Declaration of the General and Councel of the Army. It was likewiſe Decreed, that the General with his Army ſhould march to London.

But when the Citizens heard of the Armies approach, their ſtomacks being ſomewhat abated, and their opinions ſo much divided in Common-Councel, that it appeared impoſſible for them ſuddenly to raiſe any forces to oppoſe the Army; they ſent to the General for a Pacification, which (by the conſent of the Members of parliament then with him) was granted to them upon theſe conditions:

1. That they ſhould deſert the Parliament now ſitting, and the Eleven Impeached Members.

[Page] 2. That they ſhould recall their Declaration lately divulged.

3. They ſhould relinquiſh their preſent Militia.

4. They ſhould deliver up to the General all their Forts, and the Tower of London.

5. They ſhould disband all the Forces they had raiſed.

And do all things elſe which were neceſſary for the publick tranquillity. All which things none of them daring to deny, were preſently ratified.

On the ſixt day of Auguſt the General with his Army came to Weſtminſter, and with him the Speakers of both Houſes, together with the reſt of the Lords and Commons, whom he reſtored all to their former Seats. Both the Speakers, in the name of the whole Parliament, gave thanks to the General; they made him Commander of all the Forces in England, and in Wales, and Conſtable of the Tower of London; a moneths pay was likewiſe given as a gratuity to the Army. The next day General Fairfax, Lieutenant General Cromwel, Major General Skippon, and the reſt of the Commanders, with the whole Army, marched through London, from the Weſtern part thereof to the Tower, where ſome Commands were changed, and the Militia otherwiſe [Page] ſetled. Then leaſt the City ſhould ſwell with too much power, her Militia by Order of Parliament was divided, and Authority given to Weſtminſter, Southwark, and the Hamblets about the Tower, to exerciſe and command their own Militiaes.

Thus was the Preſbyterian faction depreſſed; and the Parliament thus reſtored, were very intent upon the buſineſs of annulling all thoſe Acts, which in their abſence, and by that tumultuous violence had been made, and in puniſhing the Authors of thoſe Seditions.

FINIS.

Book III.
A ſhort mention of the Originall and Progreſs of the Second War.

[Page]

THe Parliament reſtored, the Militia of London ſetled, and the other Commands fitly diſpoſed, the General Fairfax marched out of London, and quartered his Army in the Towns and Villages adjacent, onely leaving ſome Regiments about White-Hall and the Mews to guard the Parliament, his Head-Quarters being at Putney; the King about the middle of Auguſt was brought to the moſt ſtately of all his Palaces, Hampton Court.

While the King remained at Hampton Court, he ſeemed not at all a reſtrained man, But a Prince living in the ſplendor of a Court, ſo freely to his preſence were all ſorts of people admitted, to kiſs his hands, and do all obeyſances whatſoever. None were forbidden to wait upon him. Nor did the people from London onely, and the adjacent Towns [Page] reſort to the King, but his Servants alſo from beyond the Seas, even thoſe, who by Order of Parliament had been forbidden, and Voted Delinquents, ſuch as Aſhburnham, Barkley, and the reſt, who now by the permiſſion of the Army, had ſafe recourſe to him. But upon what reaſons, or deſign this permiſſion was, many wondred.

Stirred up by theſe examples (if not ſent for by the King) the Lords formerly of his Councel at Oxford, the Duke of Richmond, Marqueſs Hartford, the Earls of Southampton and Dorſet, with the Lord Seymor, about the beginning of October came to the King, as if to conſult and give their advice to him concerning the Propoſitions of Parliament, or other buſineſs. The Parliament were diſpleaſed at this thing; neither would the Army long ſuffer it, conſidering that the King had not yet in any thing at all given ſatisfaction to the Parliament. Whereupon thoſe Lords being told of it, after two daies ſtay at Hampton Court, returned to their own houſes.

On the ſeventh day of September, Propoſitions agreed upon by both Houſes of Parliament (the Commiſſioners of the Kingdom of Scotland concurring alſo) were ſent to the King at Hampton Court. To which they did humbly beſeech his Majeſty, that he would [Page] give his anſwer within ſix dayes. The Commiſſioners appointed for this buſineſs, of the Parliament of England, were the Earl of Pembrook, Lord Mountague, Sir James Harrington, Sir John Cook, Sir John Holland, and Major General Brown. For the Kindom of Scotland, the Earl of Louderdale, & Sir Charls Erskins.

The King, although he denied (as before) to grant the Propoſitions, wrote notwithſtanding an Anſwer to the Parliament, in which he ſayes, That to ſome things he can aſſent, namely, about eſtabliſhing Presbytery for 3 years, about granting the Militia, as it was before offered to him. But in the other things he muſt altogether diſſent. He affirms, that he could rather hearken to the Propoſals of the Army, (for the Army had lately publiſhed ſome propoſals, in the manner of the Parliament Propoſitions, about ſetling the peace of the Kingdom) and deſired the Parliament that they would conſider of thoſe Propoſals,

The Parliament, not yet deterred by theſe often denials of the King, fell upon debate about making Propoſitions to him again. When the Commiſſioners of Scotland reſiding at London (after that Louden and Lanerick, who came newly out of Scotland, had talked privately with the King at Hampton [Page]Court) ſent Letters to the Parliament, in which they require that the King may come to London, and then perſonally treat with the parliament about the things controverted; thoſe very Scots, who not long before, both in their Orations and Letters, Denied it to be juſt, or convenient for the Common-wealth, that the King, before he had given ſatisfaction and ſecurity to the People, ſhould be admitted to London; or to any Perſonal Treaty with the Parliament. Thoſe very Scots, who denyed to receive the King into Scotland, for fear he might raiſe commotions in their Country, would now have him brought to London, a City filled with Malignants, and fit for any Tumults, in which the Parliament it ſelf, without the guard of an Army, could not ſafely ſit. That which moved them to this demand (as they alleaged) was becauſe the King had been taken from Holmby againſt his will, and without the conſent of Parliament, by the violence of Souldiers, and ſtill remained under the power of an Army, not in that freedom, which was thought fit for a King, treating about a buſineſs of ſo great moment.

At the end of their Epiſtle they ſeem content that he may ſtay (if London be denied) at Hampton Court, ſo he be not under the power of the Army, but in ſuch a condition, as that [Page] the Commiſſioners of both Parliaments may have a free recourſe to him. But the Parliament were again framing Propoſitions (with ſome alterations) to be ſent to the King, when lo, on a ſudden they were ſtrucken with an unexpected Meſſage, That the King was privily fled out of Hampton Court: To which purpoſe Letters came about midnight from Cromwel to the Speaker. For on the twelfth day of November, whileſt the Commiſſioners of Parliament, and Colonel Whaley, who commanded the Guard, expected when the King ſhould come out of his Chamber to Supper, and wondered at his long ſtay; at laſt about nine of the clock, ſome of them going in, and not finding the King, they found his cloak left there, and a letter written with his own hand to the Commiſſioners, to be by them communicated to both Houſes of Parliament; in which letter, after he had diſcourſed ſomewhat about captivity, and the ſweetneſs of liberty, he proteſted, as before God, that he had not taken this deſign of withdrawing himſelf, to diſturb the publike peace, or any treaty tending to the eſtabliſhment thereof: but onely to preſerve his own ſafety, againſt which he underſtood there was a treaſonable Conſpiracy. But toward the end of his Letter, he uſeth theſe words;

[Page] Now as I cannot deny, but that my perſonal ſecurity is the urgent cauſe of this my retirement: ſo I take God to witneſs, that the publick Peace is no leſs before mine eyes. And I can finde no better way to expreſs this my profeſſion, (I know not what a wiſer man may do) then by deſiring and urging that all chief intereſts may be heard, to the end each may have juſt ſatisfaction; as for example, The Army (for the reſt, though neceſſary, yet I ſuppoſe are not difficult to conſent) ought (in my judgement) to enjoy the Liberty of their Conſciences, and have an Act of Oblivion, or Indempnity (which ſhould extend to the reſt of all my Subjects) and that all their Arrears ſhould be ſpeedily and duly paid; which I will undertake to do, ſo I may be heard, and that I be not hindred from uſing ſuch lawful and honeſt means as I ſhall chuſe. To conclude, let me be heard with freedom, honour and ſafety, and I ſhall inſtantly break thorow this cloud of retirement, and ſhew my ſelf ready to be Pater Patriae.

Charles Rex.

But the Parliament being much at firſt troubled with this unexpected news of the King's departure, at laſt, leſt the Kingdomes peace ſhould thereby be diſturbed, they ordered, that men of fidelity ſhould be ſpeedily [Page] ſent to all the Sea-ports, leſt the King ſhould paſs into any Forreign Country. And when tidings (though falſe) were brought unto them, that the King was concealed within the City of London, they ordered, That if any man ſhould cloſely detain the King's Perſon, and not reveal it to the Parliament, he ſhould be puniſhed with the loſs of his eſtate and life.

This Cloud ſoon diſſolved, and the Parliament were informed by Col. Hammond (who was newly by conſent of both Houſes, made Governor of the Iſle of Wight) that the King was come into that Iſland, and had delivered himſelf into his protection. Hammond ſignified himſelf to be ready to obey the Parliament-commands in all things. The Parliament commending Hammond, did alſo command him with all diligence to guard the King; but to wait upon him with all reſpect and honour; promiſing, that they would take care that proviſions of every kinde ſhould not be wanting, nor money to defray the King's expences.

While the Parliament were again deliberating about Propoſitions to be ſent to the King in the Iſle of Wight, a Letter of great length from the King, ſuperſcribed, To the Speaker of the Lords Houſe, to be communicated alſo to the Houſe of Commons, was [Page] read upon the eighteenth day of November. In which he delivered his Senſe and Opinion concerning many things contained in the former Propoſitions, eſpecially concerning the abolition of Epiſcopacy; he diſputed out of the dictates of his conſcience much, and gave touches alſo of the other matters. Of all which he hoped that he ſhould ſatisfie the Parliament with his reaſons, if he might perſonally treat with them. Therefore he earneſtly deſired to be admitted with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, to treat perſonally at London: the Commiſſioners of Scotland, with great vehemence, alſo preſſed, that this deſire of the King might be granted.

The Parliament weighing theſe things, leſt they ſhould betray themſelves and friends by admitting of a perſonal Treaty with the King in London, ſo Malignant a City, before he had given any ſatisfaction or ſecurity, (which was before the Scots Opinion) after ſo many miſchiefs done to the Commonwealth, reſolved upon a middle way.

Therefore after a long debate on the twenty ſixth of November, they concluded that four Propoſitions, being drawn up into the form of Acts, ſhould be ſent to the King in the Iſle of Wight, to ſign; which when he had ſigned he ſhould be admitted to a perſonal Treaty a [Page] London; that his Majeſty giving the Kingdom ſecurity by paſſing theſe four Propoſitions, there may be a perſonal Treaty with his Majeſty, for paſſing the reſt of the Propoſitions. The four were theſe.

1. That a Bill be paſſed into an Act by his Majeſty, for ſetling of the Militia of the Kingdom.

2. That a Bill be paſſed for his Majeſties calling in of all Declarations, Oaths, and Proclamations againſt the Parliament, and thoſe who have adhered to them.

3. For paſſing an Act, that thoſe Lords who were made after the Great Seal was carried to Oxford, may be made uncapable of ſitting in the Houſe of Peers thereby.

4. That power may be given to the two Houſes of Parliament, to adjourn, as the two Houſes of Parliament ſhall think fit.

The Commiſſioners of Scotland would in no wiſe give their conſent that theſe four Bills ſhould be ſent to the King, before he treated at London; therefore, in a very long Declaration they proteſted againſt it. Notwithſtanding that, the Bills were ſent by Commiſſioners of both Houſes of Parliament, and on the twenty fourth of December preſented to the King at Carisbrook-Caſtle. But the King underſtanding the minde of the Scots, [Page] and the factions in London, abſolutely refuſed to ſign thoſe Propoſitions; and the Commiſſioners with this denial returned to London.

On the third of January the Houſe of Commons debated of this denial of the King: the diſpute was ſharp, vehement, and high about the State and Government of the Commonwealth; and many plain Speeches made of the King's obſtinate averſneſs, and the peoples too long patience; it was there affirmed, that the King by this denial had denied his protection to the people of England, for which onely ſubjection is due from them; that one being taken away, the other falls to the ground. That it is very unjuſt and abſurd, that the Parliament (having ſo often tried the King's affections, ſhould now betray to an implacable Enemy, both themſelves and all thoſe friends, who in a moſt juſt cauſe had valiantly adventured their lives and fortune: that nothing was now left for them to do, but to take care for the ſafety of themſelves and their friends, and ſettle the Commonwealth (ſince otherwiſe it could not be) without the King.

Therefore on the 17 of January, a Declaration and Votes paſſed both Houſes of Parliament, in this manner.

[Page] The Lords and Commons aſſembled in Parliament, after many Addreſſes to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raiſed by him againſt the Parliament and Kingdom, having lately ſent four Bills to his Majesty, which did contain onely matter of ſafety, and ſecurity to the Parliament and Kingdom, referring the compoſure of other differences to a perſonal Treaty with his Majeſty; and having received an abſolute Negative, do hold themſelves obliged to uſe their utmoſt endeavours, ſpeedily to ſettle the preſent Government in ſuch a way, as may bring the greateſt ſecurity to this Kingdom, in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof. And in Order thereunto, and that the Houſes may receive no delay nor interruptions in ſo great and neceſſary a work, they have taken theſe Reſolutions, and paſſed theſe Votes following, viz.

The Lords and Commons do declare, That they will make no further Addreſſes or Applications to the King.

Reſolved, &c. By the Lords and Commons aſſembled in Parliament, That no Application or Addreſs be made to the King by any Perſon whatſoever, without the leave of both Houſes.

[Page] Reſolved, &c. By the Lords and Commons aſſembled in Parliament, that the Perſon or Perſons, that ſhall make breach of this Order, ſhall incur the penalty of High Treaſon.

Reſolved, &c. That the Lords and Commons do declare, That they will receive no more any Meſſage from the King: and do enjoyn, That no `Perſon whatſoever do preſume to receive or bring any Meſſage from the King to both or either of the Houſes of Parliament, or any other Perſon.

Within few dayes after theſe Votes of Parliament were publiſhed, a Declaration of the General, and general Councel of the Army, (their Head-Quarters being then at Windſor) was made and humbly preſented to the Parliament; for which Declaration thanks were returned from the Parliament to the General, and Councel of the Army: which take in the full expreſſion.

[Page]

A Declaration from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the General Councel of the Army, of their Reſolutions to adhere to the Parliament in their proceedings concerning the King.

NOtwithſtanding the high violations of the Kingdoms Rights and Liberties, and the indeavours to ſwallow up the whole intereſt of the Kingdom into the power and will of a King, which the preſent King's Reign hath afforded; we have obſerved, that the Parliament was (through his neceſſities) and againſt his declared intentions to the contrary, called, but in a condition of vindicating the Kingdom in thoſe things, hath yet enacted with that tenderneſs towards the King, (as to any thing of right that might be in him, or duty towards him) as that in the Proteſtation, Covenant, and many Declarations publiſhed by them; that have held forth a careful regard to the preſervation of the King's perſon, and juſt rights, with, and in the preſervation and vindication of the publick intereſts, and ſafety of the Kingdom, and by the whole ſervice of their actions, and their many-fold humble Addreſſes to him, for the preſervation and ſettlement of all, they have, we conceive, abundantly demonſtrated the reality and innocency of their intentious towards him: in all which, we have ſtill underſtood the ſence and [Page] intention to be no other, then that the preſervation of the King's perſon and particular rights, ſhould be ſo endeavoured, as it might be conſiſtent with, and not deſtructive to, thoſe great and more obliging publick intereſts of Religion, and the Rights, Liberties, and ſafety of the Kingdom; and not otherwiſe.

And accordingly, in the late Declarations and Papers, that have occaſionally paſt from this Army, as to our deſires of ſettlement to the Kingdom, we have expreſſed our real wiſhes, that if the King would in things neceſſary, and eſſential to the clearing, ſetling, and ſecuring of thoſe publick intereſts, give his concurrence to put them paſt future diſputes, then his Rights ſhould be conſidered and ſetled, ſo far as might be conſiſtent with thoſe ſuperior intereſts of the publick, and the ſecurity thereof for future.

And that by an Addreſs to the King upon things ſo purely eſſential to thoſe publick ends, it might once more come to a clear trial, whether we could, with the preſervation of the King's perſon, and in particular intereſts, have a ſecurity to the other, hath been our earnest deſire, our great expectation, and our endeavour, that we and others might be in a patient waiting for ſuch an iſſue.

Now in the Parliaments laſt Addreſſes to the King, we finde they have inſiſted onely upon ſome few things, ſo eſſential to that intereſt of the Kingdom, [Page] which they have hitherto engaged for; as that without betraying the ſafety of the Kingdom, and themſelves, and all that engaged with them in that cauſe, without denying that, which God in the iſſue of the war, hath been ſuch a Teſtimony unto, they could not go lower, and (thoſe things granted) they have offered to treat for all the reſt.

Thus we account that great buſineſs of a ſettlement to the Kingdom, and ſecurity to the publick intereſt thereof, by, and with, the King's Concurrence, to be brought unto ſo clear a trial, as that (upon the King's denial of thoſe things) we can ſee no further hopes of ſettlement or ſecurity that way.

And therefore underſtanding, that upon the conſideration of that denial, added to ſo many other, the Honourable Houſe of Commons, by ſeveral Votes upon munday laſt, have reſolved not to make any further addreſs or application to the King, nor receive any from him, nor to ſuffer either in others; We do freely declare for our ſelves, and the Army, That we are reſolved, through the grace of God, firmly to adhere with, and ſtand by the Parliament, in the things voted laſt munday concerning the King, and in what ſhall be further neceſſary for proſecution thereof, and for ſetling and ſecuring of the Parliament and Kingdom without the King, and againſt him or any other that ſhall hereafter partake with him.

Windſor, Jan. 9. 1647.

[Page] The Parliament alſo made a publick Declaration about the beginning of February, for ſatisfaction of all men in general, concerning the cauſes of their Votes; in which (beſides the Kings former miſdeeds, related before in other Remonſtrances) they declare how often they had treated with him, That although they were never forced to any Treaty, yet no leſs then ſeven times they had applied themſelves to the King with Propoſitions, containing nothing but what was neceſſary to the peace and ſecurity of the Kingdom: How they had offered him Propoſitions at Oxford, afterwards at Uxbridge, and then (after he was quite vanquiſhed in war) at Newcaſtle; and laſtly, after the departure of the Scots, at Hampton Court. All which hath been perpetually denied by him.

By ſuch a Declaration did the Parliament endeavour to appeaſe the unquiet mindes of people: but no Arguments nor Decrees could ſerve to aſſwage their fury, nor prevent the ſtorms which were then ariſing. Force onely was required, and wiſe Councel to ſearch out conſpiracies, and ſuppreſs the Tumults which were feared. Therefore part of the Army was quartered about Weſtminſter, the Mews, and other places of the City: And the month [Page] before theſe high tranſactions, ſome Lords and Commons were choſen out of both Houſes to be a Committee for the ſafety of the Commonwealth, and ſate together at Derby-houſe, in the ſame place where the Committee of both Kingdoms (England and Scotland) had ſitten before. To this Committee power was given to ſuppreſs Tumults and Inſurrections; and to that purpoſe, to raiſe Forces as they ſaw occaſion.

The Members of this Committee were ſeven Lords, namely, the Earls of Northumberland, Kent, Warwick and Mancheſter, the-Lords Say, Wharton, and Roberts; and thirteen of the Houſe of Commons, Mr. Perpoint, Mr. Fines, Sir Henry Vane Senior and Junior, Sir William Armin, Sir Arthur Hazlerig, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir John Evelin, Lieutenant General Cromwel, Mr. St. John, Mr. Wallop, Mr. Crew, Mr. Brown.

The Parliament, though victorious, though guarded with a gallant Army, no forces viſibly appearing againſt it, yet was never in more danger. All men began in the Spring to prophecy, that the Summer would be a hot one, in reſpect of Wars, ſeeing how the Countries were divided in Factions, the Scots full of threats, the city of London as full of unquietneſs. And more ſad things were feared [Page] where leaſt was ſeen; rumours every day frightning the people, of ſecret Plots, and treaſonable meetings. From whence every man began to foreſee ſlaughter and war, as Mariners uſe to foreſee a riſing Tempeſt.

—Cum longo per multa volumina tractu

Aeſtuat unda minax, flatuſ (que) incerta futuri,

Turbida teſtantur conceptos aequora ventos.

The threatning waves in tracks voluminous

Boil up; the Seas by blaſts uncertain blown,

Betoken many windes conception.

The King's Party began to ſwell with great hopes, and look upon themſelves not as vanquiſh'd, but Conquerors; nor could they forbear vaunting everywhere, but talked of the Kings riſing, and ruine of the Parliament. The ſame thing ſeemed to be the wiſh of thoſe whom they called Presbyterians, who were ready to ſacrifice themſelves and their Cauſe to their hatred againſt the Independents; who wiſhed that quite undone, which themſelves could not do; and deſired, that liberty might be quite taken away by the King, rather then vindicated by the Independents.

The King himſelf, though ſet aſide, and confined within the Iſle of Wight, was more formidable [Page] this Summer, then in any other, when he was followed by his ſtrongeſt Armies. The name of King had now a further operation, and pity of the Vulgar gave a greater Majeſty to his Perſon. Prince Charls alſo by his abſence, and the name of baniſhment, was more deſireable by thoſe Vulgar people, and by his Commiſſions (which his Father privately ſent him) as if armed with lawful power, did eaſily command thoſe that were willing; and by commands under his name, was able to raiſe (as will afterward appear) not onely Tumults, but Wars.

The beginning was by Tumults, and in the City, from whence alſo the following Inſurrections in the neer Counties had their original; and was by Apprentices, and looſe young people playing in More-fields upon a Sunday, the ninth day of April, who diſpiſing the authority of Magiſtrates, ſet upon a Captain of the trained Bands, and with ſtones beat him out of the fields; and taking away his colours, with them they marched, a diſorderly rout (gathering up many of the ſcum of the people as they paſſed) to Weſtminſter; crying out as they went, that they were for King Charls. But they by a Troop of Horſe out of the Mews were quickly ſcattered. But running back, and getting into London (while other diſorderly [Page] fellows came into them) they remained all night in a whole body, filling the City with fears; ſo that the Lord Major, a man cordial to the Parliament, was enforced to eſcape privily out of his Houſe, and flye into the Tower. In the morning, General Fairfax, to cruſh this miſchief in the beginning, before the wound were grown incurable, by the concourſe of wicked men, ſent a part of his Army into the City; who vanquiſhing the Seditious, and driving them into Leaden Hall (of whom ſome they carried away Priſoners) with great valour, and no leſs prudence, quieted the Tumult. For delivering the City from ſo horrid a danger, thanks were given to the General, both by the Parliament, and the honeſt ſober Citizens, and a thouſand pounds in money given as a gratuity to the Souldiers.

In the very Petitions alſo, at that Malignant time, nothing but ſedition & War was contained; as appeared in thoſe of Surrey and Kent. From Surrey, about three hundred came to Weſtminſter on the twenty ſixth of May, bringing a Petition to the Parliament, in which they did not ſo much entreat, as command in high words, That the King ſhould preſently be reſtored to his former dignity, and come to Weſtminſter with Honour, Freedom and ſafety, to treat perſonally there about all Controverſies; that the[Page]Army ſhould preſently be disbanded, and the free people of England be governed by their known Laws and Statutes; with other things of this nature. Nor would theſe Surrey-men, that brought the Petition, endure any delay, no, not ſo much, as till the Parliament could debate about it; but being extream inſolent, curſing and railing openly at the Parliament, they ſet upon the Souldiers who were their guard; of whom, ſome they hurt, and one they killed. Upon which, a troop of Horſe from the Mews, and ſome Foot, were ſent to help their Fellows, who ſoon vanquiſhed and ſcattered thoſe Country Fellows, and ſlew ſome of them. This was the end of that ſeditious Petition of Surrey.

At that time the Kentiſh-men were coming with a Petition of that nature; who being in number of a good Army, ſeemed afar off to threaten the Parliament. They had been the more ſtirred, by reaſon of a ſevere puniſhment of ſome of their Country-men, who had lately raiſed a ſedition about Canterbury: againſt theſe Kentiſh-men the Parliament provided no ſmaller defence, then the General Fairfax himſelf, who with ſeven Regiments marched away to Black Heath neer Greenwich; of whoſe ſucceſs we ſhall ſpeak afterwards.

[Page] The Parliament had before deſigned, that General Fairfax ſhould march into the North to defend thoſe parts; but nearer dangers detained him in the South. For at this time ſcarce any part of England was quiet; in every place tumults, inſurrections, and Wars were threatned. To quell all theſe, (which was wonderful) one onely Army ſufficed, by the great bleſſing of God upon it. Which Army, as when it was conjoyned, in one year, Anno Dom. 1646. it quite vanquiſhed and broke all the Kings flouriſhing ſtrength, and reduced the Kingdom to the obedience of Parliament: ſo at this time with no leſs fortitude and felicity, being divided into parts, in all corners of the Kingdom, it continued Victorious; ſo that fortitude and fortune might ſeeme in that Army (as the ſoul in an humane body) to be all in the whole, and all in every part. For beſides thoſe light, and ſoon-ſuppreſſed inſurrections of Suffolke in the Eaſt, and of Stamford in the mid-land part, by Col. Wait and others, and of Cornwal in the Weſt by Sir Hardreſſe Waller, more great and formidable inſurrections happened in the Northern parts, and in Wales.

In the beginning of May the North was infeſted by ſome of the Kings Commanders; [Page] Sir Thomas Glenham, who had before governed ſo many Gariſons of the Kings, as Carliſle, York, and Oxford; and loſt them all; had now, with no better ſucceſs, ſeized upon Carliſle. And at the ſame time Sir Marmaduke Langdale (of whom we ſpake before) had ſeized upon Berwick, and fortified it. The ſtrong Caſtle alſo of Pomfret was then taken by the Royaliſts, who by treachery had ſlain the Governour thereof. To manage theſe Wars in the North, Lambert, a ſtout Commander, and Major-General of thoſe Counties, was left with ſome Regiments of the Fairfaxian Army.

But dangers of a more horrid degree ſeemed to threaten the Parliament in Wales; not onely from ancient, and formerly-vanquiſhed Enemies; but thoſe, who had before been Parliament-Commanders, and had now forſaken their ſide and cauſe; namely, the Colonels, Poyer and Powel, and him that had ſo often ſo well deſerved of the Parliament, Laughorn himſelf. Poyer, who had hitherto kept the Town and ſtrong Caſtle of Pembrook for the Parliament, now (ſtrengthned by the concourſe of malignant people) with great animoſity maintained it againſt them. Laughorn a Commander of great eſteem in thoſe parts, had raiſed a gallant Army, under whom [Page] Colonel Powel ſerved. In a ſmall time (the Welch coming in apace to him) Laughorns Army was ſo increaſed, that he muſtered 8000. Both Laughorn & Poyer (as it afterward appeared) entred into this War by a Commiſſion received from Prince Charles; whoſe Auſpicy proved no better then his Fathers. Colonel Horton with a ſmall part of the Fairfaxian Army, and ſome other raiſed forces, went againſt them with three thouſand men, But it pleaſed God, the giver of all Victories, that the ſucceſs was not according to the number; for Horton on the eighth day of May, between the two Towns of Fagans and. Peterſtone encountring with Laughorn, totally routed, and put to flight his whole Army, conſiſting of eight thouſand Horſe and Foot. A great ſlaughter was made upon the place, and the number of Priſoners (being three thouſand) equalled the number of the Victorious Army; among whom were taken about an hundred and fifty Officers; a great number of Colours, and quantity of Arms, with all their Ordnance.

There was ſcarce a more happy Victory (as the condition of things then ſtood) to the Parliament, then this of Hortons; for which, by order of Parliament, a publike thanksgiving to God was celebrated. Laughorn and Powel [Page] eſcaping by flight, got to Poyer into Pembrook Caſtle. Cromwell himſelf about the beginning of May was ſent into Wales with ſome Regiments, who on the eleventh day of that moneth came to Chepſtow Caſtle, which he reſolved to beſiege; but haſtening to Pembrook, he left Colonel Ewer at Chepſtow, who within fifteen days took that Caſtle, and killed Kemiſh, to whom before the place had been betrayed; and Cromwel on the twentieth of May came to Pembrook.

Poyer relying on the ſtrength of the place, refuſed all conditions, knowing beſides, that time was now pretious to the Parliament, being then entangled in ſo many difficulties at once. But Cromwel not being accuſtomed to deſpair of any thing, prepared for the Siege, being much furthered in his work from the Sea, by the great induſtry of Sir George Ayſcough, who commanded there a ſquadron of the Navy. Sir George Ayſcough with much care and diligence from time to time furniſhed Leiutenant General Cromwel with great Guns, with proviſions of all ſorts from Briſtol, and other places, and every thing neceſſary for a Siege.

While theſe things were acting in Wales, General Fairfax, ſent (as before was ſaid) with ſeven Regiments to ſuppreſs the Kenriſh [Page] Riſers, purſued them towards Rocheſter. A great number of Kentiſh men not far from Graveſend were gotten together into an Army; with whom were above twenty Knights, Eſquires, and Gentlemen of the County; and among them divers commanders formerly of the King Armies; though they were more in number, they durſt not give the General battel; but ſome marched away to Maidſtone, a few kept together about Rocheſter, another part of them went to Dover, and beſieged that Caſtle; to raiſe that Siege the General ſent Colonel Rich, and Sir Michael Leveſy; who very happily performed that work.

The General himſelf marched with his Army to Maidſtone. Into that Town about two thouſand of the Riſers were gotten, and reſolved to make good the place. The General likewiſe prepared to beſiege them. In no chance of War before, was the vertue of Fairfax and his Souldiers more tryed, nor a Victory bought with greater danger. For after that the Souldiers had broke into the Town (which was done with great difficulty) they found a War in every ſtreet, and Ordnance planted againſt them, and were put to fight for every corner of it. At laſt the General, with the loſs of forty of his men, took the Town, two hundred of the Enemies being [Page] ſlain, and about fourteen hundred taken priſoners; four hundred Horſe, and two thouſand Arms were taken. One thing was wonderful, that an Army of many thouſand Kentiſh men, more in number then the Generals Army, coming from Rocheſter to the aid of their friends, yet notwithſtanding, when they came neer, durſt not venture to aſſiſt them; but ſtood in ſight, while the General took the Town. Publike thanks were given to God, by order of Parliament, for this great victory.

Now all Kent ſeemed to be quieted (except ſome Caſtles, which alſo within a ſhort time were taken, or yielded to the Parliament) when ſuddenly a new head of this Hydra ſprung up; the Lord Goring gathering together a remnant of the Kentiſh Army, with about two thouſand men, had marched as far as Greenwich, from whence he ſent ſome to ſee how the Citizens of London ſtood affected to the buſineſs; but whilſt he ſtaid expecting an anſwer, ſome Troops of the Army came in ſight, upon which Goring and all his company fled: the Horſemen purſuing, took ſome Booty and divers priſoners: the Kentiſh men for the moſt part fled to their own Houſes: The Lord Goring, with about five hundred horſe, flying from Greenwich, and getting Boats, croſſed the Thames into Eſſex, where [Page] (as if the Fates ſought out new Victories for Fairfax every where) the Lord Capel, with Forces out of Hartfortſhire, and Sir Charles Lucas with a body of Horſe, at Chensford in Eſſex joyned themſelves to Goring, to whom within a ſhort time divers, that formerly had been the King Souldiers, and many Londoners, with others, flocked. Some alſo of higher rank, as Mr. Haſtings, brother to Huntingdon; and Compton, brother to the Earl of Northampton.

The General Fairfax, croſſing the Thames at Graveſend, paſſed with a part of his Army into Eſſex; and ſending for the reſt of his Forces out of Kent and London, purſued the Enemies; whom at laſt he drove into Colcheſter, and in that Town beſieged them: where (becauſe it proved a long ſiege) we leave him for a time, and paſs to other actions.

The greateſt of all dangers which threatned the Parliament, was from the North, not contained within the bounds of England onely, but from the Kingdom of Scotland; Major General Lambert, the chief Commander in the North, labouring to ſuppreſs Glenham and Langdale, wrought ſo much, that he kept them within the bounds of Cumberland and Weſtmerland; but they expected the march of the Scotiſh Army, to which they intended to [Page] joyn themſelves. Lambert, too weak to oppoſe ſo great a Force, omitted no diligence in ſtrengthening himſelf from the neighbour-Counties, who were very forward to his aſſiſtance, eſpecially Lancaſhire, who raiſed two Regiments of Horſe, and four of Foot, to be conducted by Major General Aſhton, and joyn with Lambert in Yorkeſhire. The Engliſh Malignants alone were not very formidable in the North, but that the Kingdome of Scotland joyned with them againſt the Parliament. Wars were made from another Kingdome, that Cromwel might be victorious as well againſt Forraigners, as Engliſhmen.

The faction of Duke Hamliton was then prevalent in the Parliament of Scotland, by whom Deſigns were hatched, dangerous to both Kingdoms, contrary to peace, and contrary (for ſo it was judged by the Church of Scotland) even to the Covenant it ſelf. England was to be invaded, and a great Army raiſed under the Command of Duke Hamliton, a man ambitious and ſubtle. The Engliſh Malignants (for it was given out that they took Arms for the King) were invited to joyn with them, and pay promiſed to thoſe that would ſerve; all this was done, though Arguile, Louden, and the honeſter Lords proteſted againſt their proceedings; and the [Page] Kirk of Scotland curſed that War as impious.

But the greater part prevailed, who therefore ſtiled themſelves the Parliament of Scotland by a kinde of right; and to curb men of the adverſe faction, a Commitee was made, with power given to them to puniſh all thoſe who ſhould attempt any thing againſt the Decrees of the Parliament; and a penalty ſet down, to be inflicted upon all Miniſters, who ſhould from their Pulpits teach the people otherwiſe: by which means it was brought to paſs, that many Miniſters were ſilenced, others puniſhed; and ſome Lords of the other faction retired themſelves to their own ſtrengths; yet could they not ſtop the mouths of all the Miniſters; ſome with a conſtant Zeal denounced the wrath of God againſt that Army of Hamilton; and by the wretched ſucceſs of that unfortuneate Army, the curſes of the Kirk ſeemed not in vain, no more then of old the Tribunes curſe upon the Parthian Expedition of Marcus Craſſin.

Conſpiracies by Land (though over the whole Iland) againſt the Parliament of England, ſeemed not enough, unleſs the Sea alſo had rebelled againſt them: Divers of the chief Ships in the Royal Fleet revolted from the Parliament about the beginning of June, and ſet the Vice-Admiral Rainsborough aſhore; [Page] affirming they were for the King, and would ſerve Prince Charles, ſailing towards Holland, where the Prince then was, and with him his brother the Duke of York; who not long before fled privately (being perſwaded thereto▪ by Letters from the King his Father) out of London, where he had been kept with great obſervance and ſtate by the Parliament.

The Parliament were much troubled at the revolt of theſe Ships, as a thing of extream danger; and ſent to the Earl of Warwick to take the Command of their remaining Navy, and reduce the reſt if he could. Warwick cheerfully accepted the employment, and was by the Parliament created (which Title he had born at the beginning of theſe Wars) Lord High Admiral of England.

Whileſt Warwick was ſerving the Parliament, his Brother the Earl of Holland unhappily riſe in Arms againſt it. Relying (as it ſeems) upon the opportunity of time, while the Navy was revolted, whileſt Fairfax in Kent, Cromwel in Wales were buſied: he built likewiſe upon the affections of the Citizens of London; of whom he made tryal; and joyning the young Duke of Buckingham, and his Brother with others to him, he appeared in Arms by Kingston with five hundred [Page] Horſe; but by Sir Michael Leveſey, and others, who took occaſion by the fore-ſock, he was thereput to flight, & the Lord Francis Villiers was ſlain; Holland flying with the remainder of his Horſe, was within few dayes after, at the Town of St. Needs▪ by Col. Scroop (whom the General had ſent from Colcheſter for that purpoſe) altogether ſubdued; Dalbeer, and ſome other Gentlemen ſlain, Holland himſelf was taken, and by the Parliament committed priſoner to Warwick-Caſtle.

At the ſame time Roſſiter alſo obtained for the Parliament a gallant victory over the forces of Pomfret-Caſtle, whom as they were pillaging the Country, and plundering up and down, being a thouſand Horſe, Roſſiter fell upon, vanquiſhed, and took priſoners all their Commanders, took all their Arms and Baggage. Roſſiter himſelf (which for a time abated the joy of this victory) was grievouſly wounded, but he recovered.

Theſe victories obtained everywhere by the Parliament, though ſome of them may ſeem ſmall, yet will appear great, and worthy of commemoration to all thoſe who conſider how much the Commonwealth, if but one of theſe fights had miſcarried, had been endangered: and the Parliament it ſelf, weighing the number and variety of their hazards, may [Page] the better acknowledge the continuance of Gods providence, and his very hand with them. By theſe little victories alſo a way was made for higher Trophies, and an abſolute ſubjugation of all their Enemies, which about this time miraculouſly happened.

For now moſt opportunely was Pembrook-Caſtle ſurrendred to Cromwel, which Poyer and Laughorn, confiding in the ſtrength of the place, had ſo long ſtifly maintained. But at laſt, brought to extremities, they delivered it without conditions, rendring themſelves Priſoners at mercy. Which fell out at the ſame time (Fates calling Cromwel to a greater atcheivement) that Duke Hamilton with a numerous Army of Scots had entred England, & about the beginning of of July, was further ſtrengthned by the addition of Langdales Forces. Hamilton marched above five and twenty thouſand ſtong, ſtriking a great terror everywhere; ſcarce in the whole time of theſe wars did any Army exerciſe greater cruelty toward the poor inhabitants of England. And yet when the Parliament debated concerning this Army, the Houſe of Peers could hardly be brought to declare them Enemies. For the Houſe of Commons had declared, That the Scots that under Duke Hamilton Invaded England, were Enemies; and that all the Engliſh [Page]which joyned with them were Traitors to their Country. To which Vote the Lords at laſt, after much debate, aſſented. The chief Citizens of London, and others, called Presbyterians (though the Presbyterian Scots abominated this Scotiſh Army) wiſhed good ſucceſs to theſe Scots, no leſs then the Malignants did. Whence let the Reader judge of the times.

Lambert, though too weak in all probability for ſo potent an enemy, was not diſcouraged; but reſolved to oppoſe the preſent danger, and, if need required, to fight the Scots: but he daily expected the coming of Cromwel, to whoſe conduct, this victory was reſerved. In the mean time, with prudent retreates, & ſome Skirmiſhes, not onely with Langdale, but Hamilton himſelf, he ſpun out the time ſo long, until that Hamilton's great Army having on the twentieth of Auguſt entred into Lancaſhire, Cromwel was arrived with his forces, who, with the addition of Lambert's ſtrength made an Army of almoſt ten thouſand.

This famous battel was fought neer to Preſton in Lancaſhire, in which all the forces of Hamilton and Langdale were vanquiſhed and put to flight, whom the Conqueror purſuing as far as Warrington, (about twenty miles) and killing many in the chaſe, took Lieutenant [Page] General Baily priſoner, with a great part of the Scottiſh Army, granting them onely quarter for their lives. In this battel were ſlain three thouſand Scots, and taken priſoners about nine thouſand: Duke Hamilton himſelf within few dayes after, having fled with a good party of Horſe to Uttoxeter, was there taken priſoner by the Lord Grey, and Colonel Wait: with Hamilton were taken about three thouſand Horſe. Langdale alſo, not long after, was taken priſoner in a little Village, by Widmerpool a Parliament-Captain. This was the ſucceſs of Hamilton's invading England.

Preſently after this famous victory of Cromwel, Colcheſter was ſurrendred to General Fairfax: three months almoſt had the General lien before that Town, with a ſmall Army, in reſpect of the number of the beſieged, in a lamentable rainy ſeaſon; where the Souldiers patience, no leſs then their valour, was tried. Goring, Capel, Haſtings, Lucas, and the other Commanders, until they were reduced to extream neceſſity, would not hear of yielding, but deſpiſed all conditions: their courages were long upheld by vain hopes (beſides the ſmalneſs of the General's Army) of aid by inſurrections at London, and of the ſucceſs of Hamilton, Langdale, or the E. of Holland; and more eſpecially, of ſuccor by Sea from Prince Charls, who was [Page] now poſſeſſed of thoſe Ships which had revolted from the Parliament; and having taken divers Merchants Ships beſides, was himſelf in perſon, with no contemptible Fleet, come into the narrow Seas.

But about the end of Auguſt the beſieged in Colcheſter, deſpairing of any relief, and reduc'd to extremities, (for they had long fed upon Horſe-fleſh) yielded themſelves to the mercy of the Conqueror. Two onely ſuffered, Sir Ch. Lucas, and Sir George Liſle, who were ſhot to death. Goring, Capel, and Hastings were ſent to priſon, to abide the doom of Parliament.

Thus was the Parliament everywhere victorious by Land, nor were they unhappy by Sea. For conſidering that revolt of the Navy, it was to be accounted a great felicity, that no more revolted after them, or no farther miſchief enſued. But the Earl of Warwick was very careful; and it pleaſed God by this fright, rather then loſs, to let the Parliament know the frailty of their own condition.

About the end of Auguſt, Warwick with a good Fleet was in the River Thames; when Prince Charls with a greater force, about twenty ſail, was come upon the River againſt him, and ſent a command to Warwick to take down his Flag, and yield obedience to him as ſupream Admiral, having the King's [Page] Commiſſion to that purpoſe. But Warwick true to the Parliament, obeyed not the Summons; nor was there any convenient place in that narrow Channel (eſpecially for the larger Veſſels) to make a naval fight; and Warwick's Fleet not ſtrong enough to encounter the Prince, ſtayed for the coming of their friends the Porchmouth-Fleet. The government, and bringing about of that Fleet was committed to the care of Sir George Ayſcough; nor did the Lord Admiral Warwick know certainly what was become of that Porchmouth-Fleet, whether that alſo were revolted, for ſo the rumonrs were every day in London. And certain it is, that the Mariners being ſo ill-affected in general, and daily corrupted by the Townſmen in Porchmouth, that Fleet had been loſt from the Parliament (by which means the other could not have ſubſiſted) if the diſcretion of Sir George Ayſcough, his eſtimation among the Sea-men, and their love to him, had not (happily for the Parliament) then appeared. He wiſely ſounding the affections of them, caſhiering the worſt, to prevent the ſpreading of that contagion, did with many endeavours, and great difficulty, ſo well prevail at laſt, that he confirmed the whole Fleet in the Parliaments obedience; And very ſucceſsfully ſailing by Prince Charles [Page] in the night, brought all his Ships ſafe to the Earl of Warwick. Who now ſtrengthened by Ayſcoughs coming with the Porchmouth Fleet, reſolved to make toward his Enemies. But finding that the Prince for want of Victual, was gone back into Holland, he followed him, not long after, with the whole Fleet, to Gore, upon the Coaſt.

Cromwel, after he had given that great defeat to Hamilton, following his Victory, entered into Scotland, to help Arguile, and Leven againſt the Forces of Monroe and [...]nerike; Which he effected with great felicity, and reduced thoſe Gariſons, which the Scots and Engliſh Malignants had before ſeized, namely Berwick and Carliſle into the Parliaments power. Then going into Scotland, to conſult about the ſafety of both Kingdoms, he was moſt honourably entertained in the Caſtle of Edinburgh. Many of the Scotiſh Nobility and Gentry were ſent from the Commitee of Eſtate to meet Cromwel; who, after congratulatory Orations made, conducted him to Edinburgh; where Arguile, Leven, and other Lords entertained him, and the reſt of the Engliſh Commanders, with a moſt magnificent banquet in the Caſtle. Thanks were given by the Miniſters to Cromwel, who was by them ſtyled the preſerver of Scotland, [Page] under God. Such alſo is the teſtimony of the Committee of Eſtate, written to the Engliſh Parliament concerning Cromwel; preſently after, the forces of Monroe and Lanerike were disbanded, and all other forces, except fifteen hundred Horſe and Foot; which were to ſtand under the Command of Leven, untill the Kingdome were ſetled. It was alſo decreed both by the Committee of Eſtate, and Aſſembly of the Kirk, For preſervation of Religion, and brotherly amity with the Engliſh Nation, That no man, which had joyned with Hamilton in the late invaſion of England, ſhould be choſen into the new Parliament, (which was then called) or into the Aſſembly of the Kirk. For the Faction of Hamilton were judged Enemies to Religion, and both the Kingdoms.

It was worthy of noting, that that Engliſh Army, which were by the religious Party of Scotland called A bundle of Sectariés, and reviled by all opprobrious names, ſhould now be acknowledged by the ſame Scots to be the Inſtruments of God, and Vindicators both of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland. The greateſt Peers of Scotland alſo did ingenuouſly confeſs their Raſhneſs and Errour the year before, for accuſing this Army as Rebellious, for acting the very ſame things in England, [Page] which now themſelves were enforced to act in Scotland, for preſervation of that Kingdom.

This great change in the Council of Scotland had been to be wondred at, if the change that then happened in the Engliſh Parliament had not been a greater Miracle. Who would not be amazed at this, That Cromwel, for vanquiſhing a Scotiſh Army, by which he delivered England from the worſt of Miſeries, ſhould be acknowledged there the Preſerver of Scotland, and not here allowed the Preſerver of England! and that the ſame Victory of his againſt Scots, ſhould pleaſe the Presbyterian Scots for Religions ſake, and for Religions ſake diſpleaſe the Presbyterians of England! Oedipus himſelf cannot unriddle this; eſpecially if he judge according to Reaſon, not according to what Envie, Hate, and embittering Faction can work.

The face of the Engliſh Parliament was now ſuddenly changed; and the Votes which paſſed the year before, namely, of making no more Addreſſes to the King, were annulled and made void: thoſe Votes, upon which the Parliament (as before is ſaid) had publiſhed a Declaration to inform the World concerning the reaſon and neceſſity of their proceedings. Their Counſels were now quite changed, and [Page] new Addreſſes to the King (the formerly impeached members being again reſtored to their Seats) with more ſubmiſſive earneſtneſs then ever before were reſolved on. The Houſes then fell into a Debate about propoſitions to be framed, and a Treaty to be had with the King (before he had given any ſatiſfaction or ſecurity to the people) perſonally at London, with Honour, Freedom, and ſafety.

But that was not carried. Onely a Treaty was Voted to be in the Ile of VVight, and that the King ſhould chooſe the place within that Iland. Therefore on the fourth of Auguſt the Earl of Middleſex, with two of the Houſe of Cōmons were ſent to the King. Who made anſwer, that he was very ready to treat of Peace; and named Newport in that Iland to be the place. For that buſineſs Commiſſioners were preſently choſen out of both Houſes; Five Peers, Northumberland, Pembrook, Salisbury, Middleſex, and Say. Ten of the Commons, Lord VVainman, Hollis, Perpoint, Vane junior, Grimſtone, Pots, Brown, Crew, Glyn, and Buckley.

The King, during this treaty, found not onely great reverence and obſervance from the Commiſſioners of Parliament: but was attended with a Prince-like retinue; and was allowed what ſervans he ſhould chooſe, to [Page] make up the Splendor of a Court. The Duke of Richmond, the Marqueſs of Hartford, the Earls, Southampton and Lindſey, with other Gentlemen of note, and a competent number of them, waited in his train; his own Chaplains, and divers of his Lawyers, to adviſe him in the Treaty, were allowed there.

But while this Treaty proceeded, and ſome months were ſpent in debates, conceſſions, and denyals; behold, another ſtrange alteration happened, which threw the King from the heighth of honour into the loweſt condition. So ſtrangely did one contrary provoke another. Whilſt ſome laboured to advance the King into his Throne again upon ſlender conditions, or none at all; others weighing what the King had done, what the Commonwealth, and eſpecially what the Parliaments friends might ſuffer, if he ſhould come to raign again with unchanged affections, deſired to take him quite away. From hence divers and frequent Petitions were preſented to the Parliament, and ſome to the General Fairfax, That whoſoever had offended againſt the Commonwealth, no perſons excepted might come to Judgement.

The firſt Petition of that kinde was preſented to the Parliament upon the eleventh day of September. The Title of the Petition was,

[Page]

To the moſt honourable the Commons of England aſſembled in Parliament:

The humble Petition of many Thouſands of wellaffected men in the Cities of London and Weſtminſter, in the Borough of Southwark, and the neighbouring Villages, Inhabitants.

This Petition, which broke the Ice, was followed, in the ſpace of one month, by many other Petitions of the ſame kinde, from divers Counties of England, and ſeveral Regiments of the Army; namely, from the County of Oxford, on the 30 of September: from the County of Leiceſter, on the ſecond of October: from many Commanders in the Army, on the 4 of October. Three other Petitions brought upon one day; namely, the 10 of October: another from Ireton's Regiment, on the 18 of October: and another from Inglesbies Regiment, on the 21 day of the ſame month.

The ſcope of all theſe Petitions was the ſame, That Juſtice might be done, and that the Chief Authors of ſo much bloodſhed in England, and ſo many calamities to the Nation; namely, thoſe, who had been the raiſers of this Second War, and were now in the Parliaments cuſtody, Hamilton, Holland, Capel, Goring, and the reſt, might be puniſhed. But eſpecially they intreat, that the King himſelf, the Chief offender, the raiſer of the whole[Page]War, and author of Englands calamity, might be called to Judgement: That the Parliament would give them leave to remember what the Parliament it ſelf had the yeer before decreed and declared againſt the King; and what the Kirk of Scotland in 1646, had declared against the ſame King; That he was guilty (beſides other horrid Crimes) of ſhedding the blood of many thouſands of his best Subjects. Which things, if they were true, and not at all puniſhed, nor any ſatisfaction made; it might be feared would provoke (by ſo much injustice) the wrath of God, who had delivered that King (after ſo bloody a War) into their hands. They therefore humbly intreat the Parliament, that they would not ungratefully throw away ſo many miraculous deliverances of Almighty God, nor betray themſelves and their faithful friends, by deceitful Treaties, to an implacable Enemy.

This was the ſenſe of all thoſe Petitions, which, during the Treaty, were daily preſented to the Parliament, and by them laid aſide. But at laſt, theſe Deſires prevailed; eſpecially after that the Remonſtrance of the Lord General, and the General Council of Officers held at St. Albans the 16 of November 1648. was preſented to the Parliament on the 20 of the ſame November.

But by what means, or what degrees, it [Page] came at laſt ſo far, as that the King was brought to trial, condemned, and beheaded: becauſe the full ſearch and enarration of ſo great a buſineſs would make an Hiſtory by it ſelf, it cannot well be brought into this BREVIARY; which having paſſed over ſo long a time, ſhall here conclude.

FINIS.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

A breviary of the history of the Parliament of England expressed in three parts, 1. The causes and beginnings of the civil war of England, 2. A short mention of the progress of that civil war, 3. A compendious relation of the original and progress of the second civil war / first written in Latine, & after into English by Thomas May.

May, Thomas, 1595-1650.

Edition statement

1655

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A50359

ID [STC]

Wing M1396

ID [STC]

ESTC R31201

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

11790403

ID [OCLC]

ocm 11790403

ID [VID]

49178

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50359)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49178)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1488:13)

Source

— A breviary of the history of the Parliament of England expressed in three parts, 1. The causes and beginnings of the civil war of England, 2. A short mention of the progress of that civil war, 3. A compendious relation of the original and progress of the second civil war / first written in Latine, & after into English by Thomas May., May, Thomas, 1595-1650.. The second edition..

Extent

[3], 216 p. : port.

Printed by J. Cottrel for Thomas Brewster ...,. London :: 1655.. (Frontispiece portrait of May.) (Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library.)

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