THE HISTORY OF PHYSICK, Or, An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Art, AND The Several Discoveries therein from Age to Age. With Remarks on the Lives of the most Eminent Physicians.

Written Originally in French BY Daniel Le Clerc, M. D. AND Made English by Dr. Drake, and Dr. Baden.

With Additional Notes and Sculptures.

LONDON, Printed for D. Brown without Templebar, A. Roper in Fleetstreet, T. Leigh, and D. Midwinter in St Paul's Church-yard, 1699.

TO Sir Thomas Millington, Kt. President of the Colledge of Physicians of London, and Physician in Ordinary to his Majesty.

SIR,

THe Honourable Post, which you so worthily fill, gives a natu­ral Title to your Protection to this Piece, which is the History of the first Rise, and earliest advances of that Faculty, which You so nobly de­fend in its declining Age. I call tt the declining Age of Physick, not from any decay that I observe in its Intellects, which perhaps are more vigorous and lively now than ever, but from a formidable Conjunction, which seems at this time to threaten the Overthrow of its Constitution, [Page]especially here in England. The Sub­version of the Colledge of Physicians, the noblest Branch that ever Physick bore, has been attempted not only by the open Assaults of its Profess'd Enemies, but likewise by the secret Machinations of some of its treache­rous corrupt Members, whose unge­nerous Designs have been mainly de­feated by your Prudence, and un­shaken Resolution.

Quacks have been coaevous to Phy­sick itself; we meet with no Memoirs of a date early enough to shew us an Age unmolested with that rascally sort of Vermin. But to prostitute a liberal Education to the basest of Submissions, and to stoop an honou­rable Profession to disingenuous pra­ctices, only to gain the favour and recommendation of a Pack of illi­terate Mechanicks, is an honour re­serv'd for our Age and Country, where Interest tyrannizes, and men are too impatient to wait the slow advances of Honesty or Merit, to be rich or great.

It may seem strange to those that have not pierc'd to the bottom of this Mystery, that men shou'd endea­vour to subvert the Honour, and [Page]trample upon the Dignity of that Faculty, by the exercise of which they themselves aim to rise. But there is no Riddle in the matter; They have found out a shorter cut to Reputation than by Learning and Skill, which require Industry and Application; they steer their course altogether by Craft and Intrigue. They are refining upon the Policy of the Mountebanks; For they plainly see the Figure which the Doctor makes with the People is owing to the in­terest of the Fool, that recommends him. For this reason they endeavour to destroy a Society, whose Laws and Constitutions are a severe curb to all such mean indirect Practices, and which allow its Members no other methods of making their court to the world, than those of Justice and Charity; which latter these men have as much as in 'em lay endea­vour'd to obstruct. Of this the Of­fice now erected at the Colledge for the relief of the Poor is a sufficient Evidence; and in spight of the Ma­lice of its Enemies, or the Iniquity of the Times, will, I hope, prove a last­ing Monument to your Honour, and [Page]procure you the hearty respect, and thanks of all good men, as it does of,

SIR,
Your most Obedient Servant, J. D.

TO THE READER.

THe work, by many so much wish'd for, and so long desir'd, is I hope by this time pretty far advanc'd. Mr Le Clerc has in this first Volume, which is sent to prepare us for a better reception of those that are to fol­low, given us such a Specimen of his skill and exactness, that we have reason to expect with Impatience the Accom­plishment of his Promise. A work of this nature carries so much difficulty, and so little Profit to the Undertaker, that few have the Ability requisite for such a Task, and fewer the Courage to engage in a Service so hard, for a Re­ward so small, and so precarious as Re­putation. For, tho Reputation be al­most universally courted, 'tis for the sake of Popularity, and Preferment, which are suppos'd to attend it.

For this reason perhaps it is, that the History of Physick has been so much neg­lected in this Age, that has with such wonderful Industry and Success, cultiva­ted, [Page]and carry'd on this Science in all its Branches. The duty of a Historian obliges him to be just to others, and to assert their honour who deserve it, how con­trary soever to his own Interest, or Incli­nations, a thing directly repugnant to the general humour of the World, who affect to found their own Names upon the ruine of other men's, and think eve­ry one that hears well in the opposite Scale to themselves, and consequently that their only way to rise is by depressing others.

But whether this perverse, malevolent Temper, a disease as common to, and as hard to be cur'd in Physicians as other men, indispos'd 'em for a work so un­grateful, as the recording the Merits and Services of others, without any Prospect of reward to themselves for their labour: Or whether the general Application to the Improvement of the Art or Science itself, might make 'em neglect an enqui­ry, which they might think brought no real accession of knowledge to it: Or lastly, whether the reasonable care which ev'ry man might lawfully have of his own Interest, diverted 'em from a Study, which, giving no reputation of Practical Skill, was not likely to be attended with Profit; this useful enquiry lay dormant above fourteen hundred years, nothing considerable having been done in it from the time of Galen to our Author, that I know of.

In the year 1611, Michael Doringius, a Ger­man Professor of Physick in the University of Hesse, published a piece de Medicina & Me­dicis, in the first part of which he treats expressly, Of the Rise, and Progress of Phy­sick; wherein he pretends to give an ac­count of the Inventers and Improvers of Physick, and the several Sects into which the Professors of it were split, and sub­divided. But as our Author in his Pre­face rightly observes, this Book does by no means answer the Title. For, besides some general hints concerning the Fabu­lous Age of Physick, loosely put toge­ther; and a very slender account of the several sorts of Antient Physicians incohe­rently patch'd up from Celsus and Galen, he has very little to the purpose of his Title. His main aim was to curb and refute the extravagancies of Paracelsus, whose hot-headed whimsical notions be­gan about that time to prevail very much in Germany. For Paracelsus, by his appli­cation to Chymistry, (a study then not much in use) having made himself Master of some considerable Remedies, had part­ly by his Cures, and partly by his prodi­gious Boasting, gain'd such an Ascendant over the credulous Vulgar, and with them some not unlearned men, that seeing something more than they expected, they foolishly believ [...]d more than was possible of him. This Success, in conjunction with his natural Vanity, blew the man up so excessively, that he immediately [Page]laid claim to the Soveraignty of Physick and Philosophy, set up for a new Hypo­thesis, and a new Sect, and with the true Spirit of an Enthusiastick Reformer, very rudely and unjustly insulted and vilify'd all the great men that preceded him in either Study, especially Aristotle and Ga­len. This Insolence arm'd abundance of Volunteers against him, and engag'd di­vers learned Pens on both sides in the Controversie, amongst whom Doringius made one, whose Book de Medicina & Medicis, whether we consider the Matter, Method or Design of it, must be account­ed as it really is, a Polemical, not a Hi­storical Piece. For those few Historical Remarks which he premises, seem rather to serve as an Introduction to his Argu­ment, and to shew the Antiquity and Ex­cellence of the Sect, which he undertakes the defence of, than to make any part of the Original Design.

Neander of Bremen seems to promise something more perfect and compleat, (as our Author relates his design, or rather the Title of his Book.) But I have never seen this Book, as our Author likewise confesses he never had when he wrote his Preface, and therefore I can only ob­serve concerning it, that this Piece cou'd afford our Author no Method, or Assist­ance in the prosecution of his Excellent work hitherto.

After these, the learned Conringius, Pro­fessor at Helmstadt, fell upon much the same Argument, which he treated of [Page]in several Lectures to his Scholars, and promis'd to publish compleat to the World, but was prevented by death. It was afterwards publish'd in Quarto, un­der the Title of Hermanni Conringii Intro­ductio ad universam Medicinam, with tedious Notes by Christopher Schelhammer, his Scholar, and afterwards Professor in the same University, which serve rather to swell the Bulk, than raise the Va­lue of his Author; and to make him more Voluminous, than Useful or Com­pleat. The whole Work is divided into several Chapters, or Lectures, concern­ing the Nature, Constitution, and Inven­tion of Med'cine, or the Art of Physick, Of the Physick of the Asclepiadean Family, and the several Antient Schools of Phy­sick, Of the several Sects, and their Au­thors: The rest of his Chapters he be­stows upon the several Members of the Faculty, (viz.) Physiology, Pathology, Pharmaceuticks, Semeioticks, Diaeteticks, Anatomy, Botany, &c. each apart, where­in after a few slight hints of the use of 'em in general, he proceeds to ennumerate, and censure the Authors that have writ­ten of 'em, whether Antient or Modern

Had this design been rightly and exact­ly prosecuted, 'tis probable our Author had been in great measure prevented. For tho the Method in which they pro­ceed be very different, yet the matter wou'd have been in the main coincident. But whether Conringius, who perhaps in­tended these Lectures only as private di­rections to his own Scholars, for the choice [Page]of Authors in the course of their studies, who therefore might rest satisfy'd in the single Authority of their Master, did not think himself oblig'd to dilate on those matters, or Authors, which he recom­mended to 'em, or cautioned 'em of; Or whether coming out after his Death from the Notes taken by his Scholars during his Reading, these Lectures were mutilated by a hasty transcription; Or, which at last 'tis most reasonable to believe, that these Lectures were only Sketches of his design, rough Draughts of a Piece, which wou'd have made a very different Figure, had the Author liv'd to have filled up his De­sign, and given the Finishing Strokes; The view which he gives of the Physick of any Age or Persons is very confus'd, short, and imperfect, His Characters of Authors superficial, arbitrary, and sometimes un­just.

Nor is his Performance much mended by the hevy labours of his Disciple Schel­hammer, whose Partiality, and want of Judgment, absolutely incapacitate him for the business of a Historian, or a Critick. His Passion for Aristotle and Galen is most remarkable in him; they are his Specta­cles of Philosophy and Physick, without which the can't see any thing, nor com­prehend how others shou'd. Upon this account he bears an irreconcileable grudge to the English Physicians, particularly to Dr Willis, for not submitting their Reason upon all occasions to his two Oracles; and having us'd his own understanding to [Page]leading-strings all his Life, he wonders at the Boldness and Presumption of any one that dares trust his to its own Legs. I suppose, we need no other line to fathom the depth of this Gentleman's capacity, and to assure us that no great burthens of Learning are like to reach us that way. But if we consider his Favourites, the Cobweb Spinners upon Aristotle and Galen; and the plundering Compilers of tedious Dutch Systems of Practice, which he values by the Bulk, we have no great reason to be ambitious of his Favour, but rather to take his censure for a Complement, and be proud of being out of his good Graces.

Besides these, and the Chronology of Wolfgangus Justus, (which our Author says he has not seen, tho in the fourth Book of this Volume in the Chapter of Diocles Carystius, he taxes him with a considera­ble mistake) there are some other small Pieces of Heurnius, Vanderlindan, &c. which afford some scatter'd hints; but such as are no bar to our Author's pretensions, as the first that has regularly trod this Path, in which no continued traces appear to guide him.

I shall not attempt to forestal the satis­faction of the Reader, with a tedious account of our Author's Performance and Merit on this account. But I must be so just to him, as without trespassing upon any man's patience to observe, that Mr le Clerc is the first that has given us a distinct view of the state of Physick in the fabu­lous Ages of the world. He has taken ex­act [Page]care to settle the age of the several re­puted Inventers of it, and from a confusi­on of Traditions, absurd, fabulous or un­certain, so judiciously to extricate the truth, as with a great measure of certainty to de­liver to us no contemptible account of the growth, and encrease of Physick during those dark times. As his light encreases, his prospect clears up, and the second Book gives us a succinct, but a well di­gested account of the Progress of the Sci­ence, under the management and cultiva­tion of the Philosophers, till the time of Hippocrates, whose Reputation and Abili­ties grew to such a heighth, as to overtop and obscure all that went before him, and even to cast a damp and a cloud up­on the Merits of all that have succeeded him for so many Ages to this day. His third Book is entirely taken up with the History and Physick of Hippocrates, which he has so far exhausted, that scarce the works of that great man himself, can give us so just an Idea of his Merit and Abili­ties. He has with great accuracy and di­ligence, distinguished the genuine Works of Hippocrates from the spurious, and with as great Art and Judgment extracted a compendious System of the Philosophy and Medicine of that Father of Physick. From whence, if we have not the means of surveying minutely all the particular passages and beauties of it, we have at least the advantage of a more entire and uniform View, and may make a better Judgment of the whole. So that tho from [Page]thence we don't learn the practice of Hip­pocrates, yet we may there see what occa­sion we have for it, and be readily refer­red to any thing, which we shall think fit to examine more minutely. If therefore a work of this nature does not immediately make us able Physicians, it makes us bet­ter Criticks, and consequently t'other also, if we will imploy our Judgments for the enlargement of our Knowledge, and not perversely abuse it to snarl at one ano­ther. The last Book of this Volume con­tains the account of the State of Physick, from Hippocrates to the Age of Alexander the Great, in which nothing of moment occurs, except some few Innovations in Physiology by Plato, Aristotle and Theophrastus, no considerable Memoirs remaining to us of the Practice or Opinions of the pro­fess'd Physicians after Polybus the Son-in-law of Hippocrates, till Chrysippus, who begins the next Volume.

One thing I think my self oblig'd to ac­quaint the Reader with, that neither the Au­thor nor the other Gentlemen concern'd in this version, may be held responsible for errours, of which I perhaps alone am guilty; which is, that in translating the first Book, I have taken the liberty to add some few Marginal Notes, which I thought of use to the Illustration of that part of the History, and which I have therefore caus'd to be distinguish'd from the Au­thors, which are referr'd to by Letters, as mine, by these marks * †.

It may perhaps be further expected that I should say something according to custom for myself, and the Gentlemen concerned [Page]with me in this Version, and apologize for what we have done. For my part, I see no reason for't; if we have done our Au­thor justice, an Apology is altogether unnecessary; if not, 'tis insignificant. We have thrown away our pains, as the Reader will his; and therefore I shall trust to the Merits of Mr Le Clerc, for an Excuse; if they will not serve, I despair of any better, and shall shift without, as those concern'd with me must do likewise. If we give the Rea­der any satisfaction, 'twill be double to us, and we ask no more.

The Author's Preface.

[...]Ivers learned Men before me have design'd [...] the History of Physick; but none as yet put [...] execution, none at least that has come to my [...]wledge. Vossius intended it, and we find in [...] of his posthumous pieces entituled, De Philo­ [...]phia, several things concerning the Antient [...]sicians, the writings left by 'em, and the time [...] which they lived; but it seems to be a Plan only, [...] that a very defective one of a larger work;Cap. 2. para­graph. ultimo. [...] its Author in one place gives it the title of [...] History of Physick, in express terms.

Meibomius and Reinesius, German Physi­ [...]ians, well known by their works, both promised [...]he same History, but were prevented by Death. At present I know no man, that has any such de­ [...]gn, the learned Monsieur Dodart excepted, a [...]mous Physician of Paris, whose work upon this [...]ubject is expected with impatience. If that ap­ [...]ars suddenly, whatever disadvantage I may [...]eet with from this clashing, I shall think it an [...]onour to me, and esteem my self happy in jump­ [...]g with a Man of his merit, in the same design.

The late Monsieur Menage likewise wrote the History of the Antient Physicians; but there is abundance of difference between a History of Phy­sick, that is, a collection of all that relates to their [...]ersons, the titles, and number of their writings, [...]nd a History of Physick, that is, to set forth the [...]p [...]ions of the Physicians, their Systems, and Me­ [...]ds and to trace step by step all their discoveries. This was in my opinion not within the reach of Monsieur Menage, who was no Physician; tho his great learning sufficiently warrants to me his suc­cess in the other method. Tho yet I know not whether that were printed or not.

Petrus Castellanus, Greek Professor at Lou­vain, published, before Monsieur Menage, a small book, of the Lives of the Physicians, both an­tient and modern, printed in 1618, but he has omitted several both of the one, and the other, and says very little of any in particular.

Neander, a Physician of Bremen, printed likewise in 1623, a book, wherein he treats of the Origine of Physick, its Antiquity and Nobility, of the Sects of its Professors, of its intervals, du­ring which it was neglected, of its Revivals, and of the Works of those Physicians, that contributed to it, in which the Author has hit the true design of such a History, if he has not contented himself with generalities too loose; as has Doringius, another German Physician, who wrote a little Book, in 1611, concerning Physick and Physi­cians, the Rise, and progress of their Art, &c. Scarce has this Author fill'd three pages of a Book in Octavo in a large Letter with all that he says of Hippocrates, by which we may judge, how his performance answers the title. I have seen Doringius's Book, but cou'd never see Ne­ander's. Nor have I seen a piece of Wolfgangus Justus called the Chronology of the Physicians, both Antients and Moderns, printed in the last Age.

Among those Authors that treat of matters relating to the History of Physick, we ought to rank the famous Civilian Ti [...]aqueau. This learned Man in his thirty first Chapter of his Book con­cerning Nobility, which alone wou'd make a rea­sonable Volume, takes occasion to start the que­stion, Whether the Art of Physick derogates from Nobility or not? Where, after determina­tion for the Negative, he shews, that Persons of the highest Rank have practised this Art; that a great many Physicians have been canoniz'd for Saints, that several Po [...]es, Emperors, and Kings have [...]ractised Physick, as well as many Queens, and other Ladies of great Quality; nay, and di­vers Gods, and Goddesses, and almost all the an­tient Philosophers and Poets; and beside the par­ticular List of the Individuals of these several conditions, he gives at last a general Catalogue of almost all the known Physicians, rang'd Alphabe­tically.

All the aforecited Authors have written to the advantage of Physick, and left the Antients in peaceable possession of the honour they have ac­quir'd, and maintained till th [...]se latter ages. [Page] Monsieur Lionardo de Capoa, a Neapolitan Physician of great reputation, is the only one, who in a Book published by him, wherein he treats of the Rise and Progress of Physick, made it his prin­cipal aim to shew the uncertainty of it, overthrow­ing the Systems of almost all, particularly the Antient Physicians; for amongst the Moderns he seems to side with those, that espouse the Cartesian Philosophy, and Chymical Principles, explained after his own Sense; at least he allows these two to be the foundations of the true Physick, which ought to be establisht. But the Physicians that ground their practice upon them, being very few, especially in Italy, he concludes Physick to be to this day very uncertain.

We may allow Monsieur di Capoa to have pro­secuted the History of Physick, so far as he has trac'd the Rise and Progress of it. But besides that he loses the Character of a Historian, choosing rather to combat as an Adversary the opinions, he dislikes, than to set 'em in their full light, and spinning his own reasonings to much greater length than those are of, which he opposes, he omits abundance of things of great importance to the History, of which he treats. The chief use of his Book is to disabuse those, that are prejudic'd in favour of the Antients. Nor are this learned Mans works of small use, especially in that Coun­try, where every thing that's new, is indifferent [...]y condemned for that reason.

'Tis apparent from what has been said, that no body has yet written this History, as I have al­ready remarkt, and that the Piece I now send abroad, is the first, that precisely handles this matter. This makes me hope, that the World will give me some grains the more of allowance, and looking upon this only as an Essay, will par­don more easily those faults, they may find in it. Nor in reality do I offer it for any more than an Essay, my Subject yet, as I may say, but put­ting forth its buds in this little Volume, which amounts not to a sixth part of the whole, [...]nd which had not seen the light, but by this Specimen to try the relish, and sound the opinions of my [Page]Judges, that I may take my measures thereby in the Sequel.

This may suffice to stop the mouths of those that may object, that I promise much, and perform little, that my Book does not make good its title, that the Mountain is in labour of a Mouse. If I thought they were of that opinion, for whose judg­ments I ought to have a deference, I wou'd imme­diately resign to some body else. But if they think more favourably of me, I shall persist in hopes to improve, as I proceed, by the instructions I may receive. And I perswade my self, that Greater Wits, instead of accusing me of presumption in at­tempting a work, that requires more learning than I am Master of, will be fo just, as to make some reckoning even of my weak endeavour; and treat me at least, as Quintilian does a certain Author, whom he ranks among the indifferent ones.Dignus vel hoc proposito ut ilium s [...]iss [...] omnia illa credamus. He deserves (says he) the credit of know­ing all that he ought to have known, for under­taking to write of so great variety of things, tho for no other reason, than the boldness of the design.

I shall not amuse my self with the several uses that may be made of the History of Physick, the title alone sufficiently shews, what is to be expect­ed. I shall only take notice, that one may see, (as twere) with the cast an Eye by means of this Hi­story the prin [...]ipal Reasonings, and most conside­rable Experiences that have been found out from the beginning of the World, either for the preven­tion or cure of Diseases. The Books which Physicians daily write, are filled with their own proper Experi­ences, or their particular Reasonings, or those of others, to which, if they approve 'em, they endeavour to give a new turn; but we seldom see there, those that are not for their Palate; or at least we are not permitted to see the fairest side of 'em.

'Tis not so with this History, which is obliged to penetrate into the very soul of every age, and ev [...]ry Author; to relate faithfully and impartially the thoughts of all, and to maintain every one in his right, not giving to the Moderns what belongs to the Antients, nor bestowing upon these latter [Page]what is due to the former; leaving every body at liberty to make reflections for himself upon the matters of Fact as they stand related.

This at least is my own Idea of the History in hand, and the end I proposed to my self in wri­ting of it. I have disengaged my self, as much as possible, from all prejudice on this occasion, and have examined all the Authors that have come to my hands, by their own writings, and not by any written or verbal reports of 'em, or their works.

I am convinced, particularly in the case of Hip­pocrates, that 'tis dangerous to relie upon the te­stimony of another. This ancient Physician having deservedly, and upon many accounts gain'd the esteem of all the World, and being look [...]d on as a compleat Model, every Author has made him the complement of his own discoveries; or if any one were so tenacious, as not to part with an invention which he thought he had a just title to; he has im­mediately met with crowds of Opponents, that have used their utmost efforts, to shew, that Hip­pocrates either said, or saw it before; a weak­ness not absolutely overcome to this hour. I have declin'd taking any party, or declaring for, or against the opinions I report; or if I have at any time taken more liberty it has been very rarely.

As to the disposition of my work, the first part, as I have said, is the only one I publish at present, which contains chiefly the Physick of Hippocrates, that being of greatest importance in this Volume. The rest, which respects the the State of Physick before him, and after him, not being so considera­ble, tho all of use to the History.

The first part seems to contain nothing, but what is fabulous, or very uncertain. Yet even there, among the Fables of Esculapius, and other deified Physicians, amidst the weak Essays of the first Men to secure or disengage themselves from di­stemper, we discover the tracks of Med [...]cines in in most places yet esteem'd the principal; such as Bleeding and Purging, the antiquity of which is thereby establisht.

We may see likewise in the second Book, that 'tis not absolutely true, that from Esculapius, or his Sons, to Hippocrates, there was a sort of inter­regnum [Page]in Physick, and that the six or seven hun­dred Years intervening between these two great Men were not time lost, as some pretend. On the contrary, it shews that during this interval the Foundations of rational Physick were laid, the Dissection of Animals introduced, and a new method of enquiry into the causes of distempers brought into play, for all which we are obliged to the Philosophers, Pythagoras, Alemaeon, De­mocritus, and others therein mentioned.

From Hippocrates to the Period that closes the 4th Book, which I call the first History of Physick, we find nothing new, the term being very short. We only observe that the Philosophers of that time, the chief of which were Plato, Aristotle, and Theophrastus, push'd on a little further in imi­tation of their Predecessors their Anatomical dis­coveries, especially Aristotle. The Practical Foundation laid by Hippocrates, and his prede­cessors, remained very little altered in all that Time.

There remains only the Physick of Hippocrates, which, as I have said, is the most considerable part of this first Volume. What that is, may be seen in the third Book. I shall only add, that, if any man objects, that I have not exhausted this rich Fund, but have left much unsaid, I acknow­ledge it. But this I assure him, that, to the best of my Judgment, I have made Hippocrates say nothing, but what he really did say, and that I have omitted nothing, that I thought very mate­rial, either in his reasonings, or his method.

I have one word more more to add concerning the Language in which I write. If I had written in Latin, I might perhaps have had more Readers, and the faults have been less visible; at least I might have hoped for as easy pardon as abundance of other Authors, that have written lately in it, tho but indifferent Masters of it. 'Tis pure hu­mour, that made me write in French. If my Book be worth the while, 'twill find Translators enough to make it of use to Strangers. And for the French 'tis sufficient, if they understand me, without being solicitous about the purity, or polite­ness of the Stile, which seldom falls to the share of those that are but borderers upon the Country.

THE HISTORY OF Physick.

PART I.

BOOK I. The Rise and Progress of Physick, from the beginning of the World, to the time of the Trojan War in­clusive.

CHAP. I. The Reasons that first put Men upon the Search after Medicine, and their ear­liest proceedings therein.

COULD the Bodies of Men, and other Animals, persist always in their natural state without any alteration, and every Part; whereof they are compos'd, do its duty, we should enjoy a perpetual course of that, which we call Health, or Life. But this admirable piece of Workman-ship, like all the rest, is submitted at length to Dissolution: Not a moment pa [...]es, which makes not some change, sensible or insen­sible. [Page 2]The Springs which move our Bodies are fram'd of Matter so tender, and so susceptible of all Foreign impressions, that no long time is requir'd to wear em out, and being extreamly subtil and [...]ine, must needs be very brittle, and therefore frequently out of order: nor can it possibly last long in comparison with more solid Bodies, and consequently Death, which finally dissolves us; and the Distempers, which lead to it, are unavoidable.

Nor are we to be surpriz [...]d at Dying, since we have more reasonable cause of wonder, that Diseases come not oftner, and Death sooner; which were inevitable, if among the numberless Springs, that actuate our Machine, some were not less necessary, others less nice. Some, like the main Spring of a VVatch, give the motion, and set all the rest a going: Others, less essen­tial, may receive great damages, and stand still, without stopping the motion of the whole. The Errors we commit in the use of those things, that are necessary for the maintenance of this Engine, as Meat, Drink, Exercise, and Rest, &c. (which are those, that usually pro­duce the greatest alterations in the principal Parts) nor even the violent impulses of other Bodies, tend not always to its entire destruction; nay, often scarce cause a sensible disorder. But, if it so falls out, such is the wonderful contri­vance of this Machine, that it can frequently shake off, unassisted, the Clogs that impede its motion, and recover its former state (or very near it); for, we must confess, that these fre­quent shocks wear, and destroy the Springs by insensible degrees.

But, when this disorder rises so high, that it cannot be surmounted by all the force of the Machine in its ordinary course, that there is a necessity of Foreign Aid; as there are about it some Bodies hurtful to, and entirely destructive of it, so there are others helpful, and beneficial in its extremest need. The Beasts, under the [Page 3]direction of their Senses only, know how to refrain, and guard themselves from those; and to take the benefit of these. I shall not here take into consideration, what is commonly re­ported of the Instinct of Brutes; of that here­after. 'Tis sufficient to take notice, that Men, who have Reason, have not fail'd to make use of it on these occasions.

The kindness they have for their own Bodies has taught 'em, ever since the beginning of the World, to distinguish carefully between what was useful for the preservation of Life and Health, and what was destructive of 'em. They used their utmost endeavour to avoid the latter, but finding all their caution insufficient, and that it was not always in their power to avoid the Causes of Diseases, their refuge was to ob­serve nicely the conduct of those that were fal­len sick.

Finding therefore, that, in their opinion, such or such an Error had hasten'd the death of some, and such and such Conduct the reco­very of others, and that then they made use of things, not used in time of health, to which they attributed their recovery, they, for the future, avoided what they thought hurtful to the former, and try [...]d upon other persons in like cases; those things, which they thought so be­neficial to the latter, and being confirm'd by repeated Successes, continued the use of 'em.

CHAP. II. Whether Med'cine came immediately from God: And how the first Remedies were found out.

WE have seen, what first induc'd Men to have recourse to Med'cine, and what in general their management must needs have been on that occasion. If it be ask'd, Who taught [Page 4]Men to have recourse in their Sickness to things of which in Health they made no use? Most be­lieve, that Men owe their first knowledge of this kind to Divine Inspiration, immediately, and by way of Revelation, or Instruction.

The Jewish, and many Christian Doctors, have inferr [...]d from Genesis, where tis said, That God caus [...]d all the Creatures to pass before Adam, that he might give em Names: That he, at the same time, receiv'd a perfect knowledge of all their qualities, and of the rest of the Creation; and consequently, that he was not ignorant of their Medical Vertues. Many yet are of another opinion: Of this first Man we shall say some­what more, when we treat of the Inventors of Medicine. A second Argument to prove the coelestial Origine of this Art, is drawn from those passages of Ecclesiasticus; Cap. 38. Verse 1, 2, &c. where he says, That God created the Physician, and the Physick, and that he hath given Science to Men, and that 'tis he that healeth Man, &c.

All the ancient Pagans held their Gods to be the Authors of Med [...]cine. The Art of Physick (saysDeorum immortalium inve [...]ti [...]n [...] consecrata est Ars Medica. Q [...] Tusc. 3. CICERO) is Sacred to the Invention of the Immortal Gods; that is to say, This Art was look'd on as Sacred, because invented by the Gods. The Author of a Piece among the Works of Galen, Entituled, The Physician, or the Introduction, tells us, That the Greeks ascrib [...]d the invention of Arts to the Sons of the Gods, or others of their nearest Kindred, who were instructed [...] HIPPOCRATES makes God the Inven­ [...]r:De prise. Med. They (says he) who first found the way of curing Distempers, thought it an Art that deserv'd to be as [...]d to the Gods [...] Artic. of De­m [...]c [...]i [...]us, l. 2.; which (adds he) is the receiv [...]d Opinion.

D [...] pri­mum invento­res suos assig­ [...]avi [...] Medicina, c [...] (que) dicavit. Plin. lib. 29. cap. 1.They who were not precisely of this mind, yet rank'd at least among their Gods the Men that invented Arts, especially Physick; either out of admiration of the Introducers of things so useful to Society, or as a publick ac­knowledgment of the benefits they had re­ceiv'd. [Page 5] See the Articles of H [...]es, Osyris, Isis and Escu­lapius. We shall bring Authorities and In­stances, in confirmation of what we have now said, which will shew in what manner the Hea­thens believ'd their Gods imparted their Aid to the relief of Men's Maladies, and the light re­quir [...]d for the practice of Physick.

The necessity of this Art once suppos'd, Rea­son, and Chance, might present Men with the first Remedies they made use of: Tho' the most ancient Instances we meet with, of the manner of discovering the Vertues of any Plants, render us indebted to Chance alone.

There is a Fable, thatH [...]im lib [...] do [...]. lib. 3. GLAUCUS Son of MINOS King of CRETE, as he was pla [...]ing, tumbled into a Vessel of Honey, and abundance of time was spent in vain search after him. At length one POLYIDUS, a Di [...]i [...]r, was sent for from ARGOS, who disco [...]d where he was. MINOS finding him such a notable Fellow, presently conclu­ded that he cou [...]d restore him to life too, and to compel [...]i [...] to it, caus [...]d him to be enclos [...]d in the same Tomb. The Conjurer thus put to his trumps with the Ca [...]ss, spied a Serpent making towards him, which h [...] [...]w. Presently after came another Serpent, who [...]ing the other dead immediately scamper [...]d, and return [...]d with a certain Herb, with which he co [...]r [...]d the whole Body of the dead Ser­pent, and brought him presently to life. POLYI­DUS took the hint, and made the same experiment upon GLAUCUS, with the same success; there­upon he call [...]d to so [...], that p [...]ss [...]d by, who carried the news to the King, who presently set him at li­berty.

A les [...] incredible Fable than this, is that of MELAMPƲS and the Daughters of PRAETƲS. Melampus w [...] a Shepherd, who observing that his Goats purg [...]d as often as they eat HELLEBORE, bethought himself to m [...]e them [...]at of it, and give their Milk to the aforesaid Ladies, who through a Malady, of which the Physicians give divers ex­amples, thought themselves turn [...]d into Cows, which the Fable attributes to the wrath of Bacchus, or [Page 6]Juno, whom they pretended to surpass in beauty; however, the Shepherd's experiment succeeded, and the Ladies fancies were eas'd. MELAMPUS was Country-man to POLYIDƲS. We shall have occasion to speak of both hereafter.

If it be ask'd, Who raught Polyidus [...]s Serpent, or Melampus's Goats, the use of those Herbs: Those, that believe, that God first taught Men Physick, wou [...]d answer, That God has the same care of Brutes, and has given 'em Instinct in lieu of Reason; of which they are destitute. But if this Instinct be real, it shou'd be something superior to Reason, since it reveals to Brutes directly those things, which the other does not discover to Men, till after abundance of turn­ings and windings.See the Article of Po­dalirius. We shall have occasion hereafter to speak of Medicines discover'd by Chance, and what Brutes have contributed thereto, when we speak of Bleeding.

It may be objected, That I have attributed to Chance the discovery of certain Remedies, upon the Authority of Fables. Most Fables of this kind are founded upon true Histories, and I see no reason why this of Melampus may not be one of them; but there is no need either of Fable, or History, to establish what has been said of Chance. Every one is convinc [...]d, by the experience of himself, and others, that we suf­fer, or are benefited daily, in point of health, by using certain aliments, or taking certain things without consideration, which we do not ordinarily use. If we must allow that Chance has made known to us several Poisons, we must not deny, that the same Chance has made us acquainted with variety of salutary things; upon the proof of which, I shall not insist any longer.

Not that Reasoning has contributed less to the discovery of Remedies than Chance; we must reason even upon what Chance presents us with, before we can make a right use of it. But this is not the only service, that Reasoning does us; [Page 7]if Chance alone has shewn us the vertue of some Medicaments, Reason alone guided the first Physicians to the knowledge of divers others, without the interposition of Chance: They need but compare the Distempers one with another, and examine the nature of the Medicines in use, to find that way abun­dance of others before unknown. We shall give some Examples of this Method of making dis­coveries, when we come to examine the practice of the Cnidian Physicians, who are the most an­cient we know.

But how much soever of this nature we owe to Chance, or Reasoning, it excludes not the concurrence of Providence. For it will be al­ways true, That Physick is the Gift of God, in the sense, that we derive all our other blessings from the same source.

CHAP. III. How Physick was practis'd among the most ancient People; and how, what is said of the beginning, or inven­tion of Physick, is to be understood.

AT first, in all probability, every body pre­scrib'd Physick, and twas a long time be­fore it became a distinct Profession. Whoever had gain [...]d any experience upon himself, or others, repeated it upon the like occasion, and communicated to his Friends and Neighbours. Herodotus tells us, That the Babylonians conti­nued that practice, even to his time.H [...]rod [...]t. lib. 6. The Babylonians, says he, carry their Sick into the Market, (for they have no Physicians) that all who pass by, and have ever had, or seen the like Di­stemper, may give their Advice, and encourage 'em to try, what themselves, or others, have us [...] with success in the like case. The same Author [Page 8]adds, That they suffer'd no body to pass, till he had inform'd himself of the Sick Man's case. lib. 16, &c. Sirabo says the same, not only of the Baby­lonians, but of the Aegyptians, and Portugueses likewise. The PORTUGUESES (says he) ac­cording to the ancient Custom of the Aegyptians, bring their Sick into the Streets, and Highways, that all Comers, who have had the same Malady, may give em their Advice.

If we consider the Antiquity of the Babylo­nians, or Assyrians, and Aegyptians, who were the first People of whom we have any Memoirs, their practice may be quoted as an instance of the eldest Method of treating the Sick. The simplicity of this Method, seems at least to be a proof of its Antiquity, as 'tis the most na­tural beginning.

But as every one is not able to form a just Experience, yet all indifferently clubb [...]d theirs to the publick Stock; they became thereby so numerous, that the care of distinguishing and selecting, must necessarily devolve upon some particular Person▪ whose whole and sole bu­siness, and employment, it became.

In our enquiry into the birth, and beginning of Physick, we must distinguish between Phy­sick inIllud satis [...]t admo [...]cre, omnia qu [...]is consummarit à Natura initia duxisse: a [...]t t [...]llatar Medi­cina, qu [...] [...]x observatione [...]lubrium at (que) [...] cont [...]ario­ [...]n, reperta [...]; at (que) ut [...] ousdam [...]et, tota [...]stat experimentis, Nam (que) & vuinus deligavit aliquis, an [...]quam haec Ars esset, & sebrem quiete & abstinentiâ, non quia rationem vide­bat, sed quia [...]aletudo ipsa coe [...]erat▪ Quintilian. lib. 2. cap. 8. the Natural State, as we suppose it to have been among the first Men, and as it was among the Babylonians, and Physick after it be­came an Art. The first is as [...]id as Mankind, and has been in use in all times, and all Na­tions; that we may say w [...]h P [...], That if some Nations have made shift without Physi­cians, yet none ever did without Physick. All the difficulty lies in assigning the time, when the latter commenc'd; that is, when they had gather'd a sufficient collection of Observations, whereon to sound Rules to know, and distin­guish Diseases by; and Precepts for the choice, [Page 9]and administration of Remedies, and for the regulation of Living, &c. Whether these Rules were true, or false, the Precepts just, or un­reasonable, is not the question: For if it be ask'd, when this Art was brought to perfection? the true and ready answer is, That tis yet a great way short of that. The question here is, When those Rules and Precepts were first laid down, by which Physick became an Art?

When we read in history, or Fable, thatSee the Chap [...]er of Esculapius. the Invention of Physick is ascrib'd to this or that particular person, we are not to imagine him the first that ever gave a Med'cine; what has been observ'd concerning Natural Physick refutes that conceit. 'Tis more probable, that those, to whom the Ancients gave the honour of the Invention of this A [...], were Men that ap­ply'd themselves more pe [...]ly to it, and di­stinguish'd themselves by it; whether they were really the first that engag [...]d in it, or that ex­celling in their Art, their greater lustre [...]scur'd the dim Lights of those that preceded 'em in it, and seem [...]d to have made some progress in the establishment of that Art, of which these compleated the System; or that, examining more narrowly the Subject of it, that is, the Body, and enquiring more [...]ely into the Causes of Distempers, and of the E [...]ects of Remedies, they first began to give the Reasons of the Precepts of their Art. Experience alone was sufficient for the Inventors of the first [...], they had no need of more refin'd reasoning, than common sense furnish'd every Man with. The second were oblig'd to carry their specula­tions a little farther, grounding still upon Ex­perience only. The third were oblig'd not only to Reason, but to join the study of Natural Philosophy to that of Physick.

CHAP. IV. That Prometheus, by some reputed the first Inventor of Physick, is a feign'd Person. The first Man the first Phy­sician.

OF all those that were accounted the Inven­tors of Physick by the Ancients, Prometheus only seems to have been an Inventor of the first sort. Aeschylus introduces him speaking thus of himself: You wou'd be surpriz [...]d, if I shou [...]d tell you all the Artisices and Subtilties that I have invented. This is the principal: If any one fell sick, and there was no relief for him, nothing that he cou [...]d eat, nothing that he cou [...]d drink, nothing to anoint him with, he must perish for want of Remedies, before I taught Men the use of sweetning Med'cines, with which they might cure all Discases. He had said before, That he stole Fire from Heaven, which is the infuser of all Arts, that he might communicate [...]em to Men; That he had made them Ʋnderstanding, and Wise; That he had taught 'em to build Housek, that they mi [...]ht dwell no longer in Caves, as they had done before; To distinguish the Seasons; and observe the rising and setting of the Stars; To compose Letters, and form Words; To yoak Beasts, and six 'em to the Chariot; To break Horses; To build Ships, and make Sails. He adds, That he taught 'em to Divine; to explain Dreams and Oracles; to fore­tel things by the flying of Birds, and the entrails of Beasts, and by the Signs that appear in Heaven; to dig out of the Earth, Brass, Iron, Silver and Gold: In short, that all Arts came from Prome­theus.

PROMETHEƲS has been taken for the same with MAGOG, from whom the Scythians de­rive themselves. But 'tis easie to shew, that [Page 11]the Prometheus of Aeschylus, and the other Po­ets, is only an Emblem, or a Prosopopeia of the Wit and Industry of Man, or of his Pru­dence, which assisted him to discover all that was useful for Life and Society. I shall per­sue this Subject no farther. I shall only take notice, that if any one wou'd know who was the first Physician, or Patient, he shall find 'em both in the person of the first Man: The same Law that subjected him to Death, submitting him likewise to Diseases, at least to divers in­firmities inseparable from humane Nature, there is no doubt to be made, but that he did all he cou'd to secure himself against, or free himself from 'em. Sacred Writ assures us, that he liv [...]d long enough to have gather'd abundance of Ex­perience; but as the manner of living then was simple and uniform, (such at least we usually suppose it) and the constitution of those primi­tive Men so robust and hearty, that Distempers might be very rare, so that 'tis not likely he shou'd have had opportunity to carry Physick to any great heighth, or reduce it to an Art. But since the Scripture is silent in the point, I shall proceed to what Pagan Antiquity has handed down to us.

CHAP. V. HERMES, or MERCURY, or THOTH the Inventor of Physick, by some confounded with MOSES.

THE most ancient of those that have had the honour of the Invention in the second sense, (that is, to have reduc'd it to an Art) is HER­MES, or MERCƲRY, Surnam'd TRISME▪ GASTƲS, suppos'd to be the same with [Page 12] Borrich. de ortu, & pro­gressu Chymiae, P. 63. CANAAN Son of CHAM, as some learn­ed Men think. Tho' their conjecture were so far ill grounded, that HERMES and CANA­AN should appear to have been different per­sons, yet they liv'd at least at the same time, and HERMES must have been the elder. One of the ablestMonsieur Eochart in his Phaleg. Criticks of this Age has prov [...]d, that CHRONOS, or SATƲRN, was the same with NOAH. Sancbhoniathon informs us, that HERMES, THOTH, or TAAƲTƲS, (as the Phaenicians and Aegyptians call him) was one of the Counsellors of SATƲRN. Diodorus Siculus says, that HERMES was Secretary to OSYRIS and ISIS, the most ancient King and Queen of Aegypt, who both cal [...]d themselvesBibliothe­que univ. & Histor. de Monsieur le Clerc. Tom. 3. Children, or Grand-children of CHRO­NOS. Sancbhoniathon make; HERMES a Phae­nician, and Son of Misor, who liv [...]d also about the time we are speaking of.De naturâ Deor. [...]ice [...]o will have it, that there were five Men wh [...] [...]e the Name of MERCƲRY. The fir [...] [...] [...]e, was Son of CAELUS and DIES; [...] [...]toing not so cleanly befel upon the sigh [...] of PROSER­PINE. The second, who was Son of VALENS and PHORONIS, has hie abode under ground, and is the same with TROPH [...]US. The third was Son of JUPITER and MAIA, by whom of PENELOPE PAN was begotten▪ The fourth, whom the Aegyptians make a scruple of [...]aming, had NILUS for his Father. The fifth, whom the Pheneates keep, and who sl [...]w ARGUS fled into Aegypt for it, where he taught [...]em the use of Letters, and gave em Laws. The Aegyptians, says Cicero, call him THOTH, and name the first Month from him.

If Cicero had consulted the Tradition of the Aegyptians, rather than that of the Greeks, At (que) haec quidem ex ve­tere Gr [...] s [...]â [...] sun. D [...] [...] D [...]r. from whence he owns himself to have drawn all that he says on this [...] [...]m'd have made THOTH the eldest of the MER­CƲRIES, or he wou'd have made the first, [...] he calls the Son of CAELƲS, to have [Page 13]brought the knowledge of Letters, and Laws, from Aegypt into Greece, since if MERCƲRY came to Aegypt from the Country of ARGƲS, which was Greece, it wou [...]d follow, That the Aegyptians had learn'd of the Greeks, what on the contrary the Greeks learn'd of the Aegyp­tians, as their own Authors confess in a thou­sand places. This way MERCƲRY, or THOTH, will [...] [...]e the Son of CHAM; for CAELƲS is JƲPITER, and JƲPITER the same with CHAM, or HAMMON, as the Greeks call'd him.

Praeparat. Evangel lib. 9.We find in Eusebius a Quotation of Ar­tabanus, that says, That MOSES having taught the Aegyptians to build Ships, and Machines for raising of great Stones for [...]; to make Aquaeducts, and Pumps to d [...] Water; and di­vers Instruments of War: And especially, having invented Philosophy, drew the love of the people so to him, that the Priests paid him Honours ca [...]al to those they paid to their Gods. He adds, That the same Priests gave him the Name of HER­MES, because he understood the explication of their Mystical Writings.

That which made him believe that MOSES and HERMES were the same person, is, that some Greek Authors have written that MOSES was contemporary to Inachus, the Father of Io, who by some has been confounded with Isis, to whom HERMES was Counsellor, Artabanus finding so luckily to his purpose these two great Men, MOSES and HERMES living together, of the two made one, for the greater honour of the former.

But, if HERMES were the Inventor of Physick among the Aegyptians, as we shall see by and by, he must have liv'd a long time before MOSES: For MOSES himself tells us, That there were Physicians in Aegypt four hundred Years before his time, in the days of Joseph, Praecipit Joseph mini­stris suis Me­dicis ut condi­tent Patrem. whose Corps was Embalm'd by the Physicians, according to the sacred Text.

But beside, that Eusebius himself acknow­ledges, that Inachus was some Ages older than MOSES. The Scripture it self overthrows the position of Artabanus, where 'tis said,Act. Apost. lib 7. that MOSES understood all the Wisdom, and all the Learning of the Aegyptians; which shews, that he learn'd of them, not they of him.

De Vit Mos. Philo the Jew, enumerating the Sciences, that MOSES had learn'd of the Aegyptians, mentions only Arithmetick, Geometry, Poetry, Musick, and their Symbolical Philosophy, which was written in Hieropliphick Characters. And he adds, That the Greeks taught MOSES the rest of the Liberal Arts; that he fetch'd from the Assyrians those who taught him their Learn­ing, and from the Chaldeans, of whom he learn'd theAstronomy. Science of the Stars. Stromat. lib. 1. But Clemens Alexandrinus says expresly, That MO­SES was Instructed in Physick by the Aegyp­tians. Now tho the Error of Artabanus be very manifest, and this therefore not the pro­per place to pursue the Discourse of MOSES any further, yet that we may not be oblig [...]d again to resume it, I shall only hint in a few words, that probably this Prophet was skill'd in Physick. We have had the testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus to the point, and we shall see in the sequel, that the great Men of Aegypt applied themselves to this Study, and that MOSES might have learn'd it there. The Chymists Experience convinces us that this can't be true in fact under a mira­cle; and it can't be any proof of his Skill in Phy­sick, since he must be super­naturally in­form'd, if he foreknew the effects of a su­pernatural pro­duction. pretend, that his reducing to Ashes, or Calcining the Golden Calf, and scattering the ashes in the Water, and giving the Israelites of it to drink, is a sufficient proof that he per­fectly understood their Art. This instance does indeed, directly conclude him very expert in Metallicks, if we suppose no Miracle in the case; but we shall, in the second Part of this History, shew that this is no proof of his having been a Physician, the difference according to us being very great between Metallick, and Med'cinal Chymistry.

To return to THOTH, or the MERCƲRY of the Aegyptians, 'tis certain that the Aegyp­tians, and all the Heathens after 'em, believ'd him the Inventor of all Arts, Sciences,Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1. Jul. Cas. de Bell. G [...]ll. lib. 6. Iamblich. de M [...]st Aegypt. as the Authors here cited testifie, of whom theG [...]den. Orat. suas. ad A [...]i. Ma [...]tian. Capell de Art. Gramma [...]. lib. 3 Clem. [...]x. Strom. lib. 6. lat­ter attribute to him the Invention of Physick in particular. And therefore 'twas undoubtedly, that the Ancients usually represented Mercury accompany [...]d by the Goddess Hygicia, that is, Health, which he brought to Men by this Art.

We read inAntiq. Ju­da [...]. lib. 1. c. 3. Josephus, that the Sons of Seth understanding from Adam, that the World was to perish by Water, and by Fire, to pre­serve their discoveries in Astrology, contriv [...]d to build two Pillars, one of Brick, and the other of Stone, on which they Engrav'd all that they knew considerable in that Science, thinking, that if the Brick were destroy'd by the Deluge, the Stone wou'd remain. Josephus adds, that the Pillar of Brick remain'd in Syria in his time.

Mercury took the same measures to transmit to Posterity the Monuments of his Knowledge.Chronic. lib. 1. Eusebius makes mention, u [...]on on the credit of Manetho, an Aegyptian Priest, of certain Pillars on which THOTH, or the first MER­CƲRY, had written many things in Hierogli­phicks; adding, that AGATHODEMON, or the second MERCƲRY, Father of Tat, tran­scrib'd 'em in Greek after the Deluge, and com­pos'd of em Books in the Sacred Characters, which were kept in the most secret places of the Temples of Aegypt. Thus far Manetho. To examine whether this second Mercury be different from Cicero's or not, is not to our pre­sent purpose.

Iamblichus says also,De Myster. Aegypt. lib. 1. That there were Columns in Aegypt, fill'd with Writings contain­ing the Doctrines of Mercury. The same Author remarks elsewhere, That Pythagoras and Plato receiv'd abundance of light from what they read [Page 16]in Aegypt upon the Pillars of Mercury.Plato in Timao, & Cri­tia. Galen. contra Jalian. lib. 1. PLA­TO himself, in two places, speaks of Pillars upon which the Aegyptians, and other ancient People, writ their Laws, the History of their Times, and the most remarkable things invent­ed by 'em. What we shall say in the follow­ing Article of the Pillar of Isis, will be a con­firmation.

Whether all that has been related of these Columns, and the Extracts made from 'em, so much boasted of by the Aegyptian Priests, were true or nor, the Fame of em suffic'd to bring forth aburdance of Writings, or Books, which pass [...]d for Copies of these Extracts, and were taken for the legitimate Works of MERCƲRY. Iamblichus reckonsTh [...] the Books of the Ancients were very short, yet the number here is manifestly very much am­plified. Some have reduc'd these Books to so many lines, or short para­graphs. 6525 of these Books. Of some of these, there remains no more than the Title; others have been preserv'd entire. There are yet some Manuscripts to be found in curious Libraries, which treat of Chymistry; of which we shall have occasion to take further notice, as likewise of the famous Table of Eme­rauld of Hermes, in the Second Part of this History; in which we shall prove, That if HERMES were the Inventor of Chymistry, 'twas not of Medical Chymistry.

Among the Books of Mercury, of which the Ancients make mention, and which relate to Physick, there were some already suspected, even in the time of Galen. De sim­plic. Medicam. facult. lib. 6. in principio. Such was that, which he says was attributed to the Aegyptian Mercury, which contain'd the Thirty six Herbs of the Horoscopes. These, he says, were meer trifles only, that amus'd the Reader to the loss of his time.

We have spoken before of the Hicrogliphical Books of MERCƲRY, which the Aegyptians kept with so much care in their Temples. It was undoubtedly one of these Books, which Diodorus calls, in the singular number, the Sa­cred-Book, without naming the Author, by which all the Physicians of Aegypt were oblig'd [Page 17]to regulate their practice. So that observing the precepts of that Book, they were justified, tho' the Patient died; but if they deviated from 'em never so little, his death was imputed to 'em, and they punish [...]d as Murtherers. Clemens Alexandrinus goes farther,Stromat. lib. 6. There are, says he, which are most considerable, two and forty Books of HERMES; thirty six of which contain the Aegyptian Philosophy, which they oblig'd their SACRIFICERS, or PRIESTS and PRO­PHETS, to read. The other six they caus'd theirA sort of Priests▪ so call [...]d from their wearing l [...]ng Cl [...]aks; or be­cause they car­ried upon cer­tain occasi [...]ns the B [...]d of Venus. These Pastophori were th [...] that practis'd Physick in Aegypt. PASTOPHORI to learn, as belonging to Physick. The first of these, continues he, treats of the STRUCTURE of the Body; the second of DISEASES; the third of the INSTRU­MENTS requird; the fourth of MEDICA­MENTS; the fifth of the DISEASES of the EYES; the sixth of WOMENS DISEASES.

If these Books were really MERCƲRY [...]s, we can't deny him to have reduc [...]d Physick to in Art. He began with the Structure of the Body, or Anatomy, supposing it most natural to begin with the knowledge of the subject upon which we are to be employ'd. After this he describ'd the maladies or changes which [...]sal this Body. The third and fourth Books [...] of the Instruments, and Medicaments ne­ [...]sary for cure; that is, of Surgery, and Phar­macy. After these he proceeded to the Eye in particular, whose diseases are very numerous, [...]d require a peculiar care. Hence he treats [...]trately of those Distempers of Women, that are distinct from those of Men, and require a different cure.

Nothing cou'd be more exact;See Con­ringius de Medicin. Herm cap 3. but there is great reason to suspect, that these Books were written many Ages after HERMES, at a time when Physick had made great advances; [...]nd there is no doubt to be made, but that the Aegyptian Priests father [...]d upon their HER­MES some spurious piece of their own, or of [...] able Physician. If the matter did not [Page 18]speak for it self, the aforecited Iamblichus starts the suspicion, by telling us, That the Aegyptian Writers being perswaded, that Mercury was the Inventor of all things, usually gave him the honour of their own Productions, or did themselves the grace to put his Name to their Books

At this time no track, or foot-step, remain­ing of those Books, of which Clemens Alexan­drinus makes mention; we know no more of the pretended Physick of HERMES, than the generals already given. If some other Books ascrib [...]d to him, which have remain'd to our days, were genuine, we might clearly from them infer, that the Physick of HERMES was in great measure grounded on Astrology and Magick.

See the passage cor­rected by Selden (de diis Syris syntagm. 1.) Ita humanitas semper memor humanae natu­rae & originis suae, in illâ divinitatis imitatione perseverat, ut sicut pater, ac dominus, ut sui similes esseut, Deos secit aeternos, ita humanitas Deos s [...]os ex sui vultus similitudine sig raret. Asclep. Statuas dicis ô Trismegiste? Trismegist. statuas ô Asclepividesue qa tenus tu ipse diffidas? Statuas a [...]imatas, sensu, & Spiritu ple [...]s, [...]ta (que) facientes, & talia; Statuas futuro­rum prae [...]as, ea quae [...]or [...]è omnis vates ignoret in multis & var [...]is prae­dicentes imbeci [...]l tates hominibus facientes, eas (que) curantes tristitiam laet [...]tiam (que) prom [...]ritis, &c.There is a passage, which justifies our assertion in the Book call'd Asclepius, which was anciently taken for one of HERMES's, of which the Latin Version now extant among us is imputed to Apuleius. This passage men­tions certain Statues, that gave, and cur'd Dis­eases, and told things to come; and did divers other prodigious things.

The Book of the thirty six sacred Herbs of the Horos [...]pes, cited by Galen as before, however supposititious, is at least a proof that it was the common opinion, that MERCƲRY did not confine himself to Physick, otherwise they wou'd never have father'd such Books upon him. The Title of this Book agrees very well with what Origen writes,Contra Cels. lib. 8. That the Aegyp­tians say there are thirty six Damons, or Gods of [Page 19]the Air, which divide the Body of man among 'em into so many parts: And adds, That the Aegyptians had in their Language names for all these Daemons, and that invoking any of 'em, ac­cording to the part affected, they were cur'd.

There are some other [...] Liber. Books which bear the name of MERCƲRY, which prove like­wise, that Astrology made a great part of his Physick. The Ancients were so strongly pos­sess [...]d, that Magick, and Astrology, made a part of Physick, that some wou'd place Zoro­aster, an ancient King of Bactria, who is gene­rally taken to be contemporary to Ninus King of Assyria, or who, according to Berosus, was the same with Cham the Son of Noah, among the Physicians, because he had the reputation of having been a very great Magician, or the Inventor of Magick.

To conclude, 'tis probable Mercury might make use of some ordinary, or natural Medi­cines, but Antiquity scarce affords us any proof of it. The HerbVid. Ho [...]. Odyss. MOLY, that MERCƲRY gave to Ʋlysses, as of force against the charms of Circe, is in the number of superstitious Reme­dies, but that which bears his Name,Mercuria­lis, or Mercury. and which is in common use, seems to have been employ'd by its Inventor, as now it is. To the Mercurialis we may add Coral, of which they say MERCƲRY taught the use against the bitings of Serpents, which was to drink it in pure Wine. The Author of the Hymn to MERCƲRY, which is father'd upon Orpheus, who reports this of Coral, speaks of MERCƲRY's Grot, where all sorts of good things were hidden, where no diseases came, where remedy was to be had for the bitings of Serpents, for Lunaticks and Lepers. So far Orpheus, but he does not tell the means MERCƲRY us'd on these occa­sions.

I find nothing more particular concerning the Physick of HERMES, than that the an­cient Aegyptians deriv'd from him in general, [Page 20]all that belong [...]d to that Profession.Po [...]iti [...] or. lib. 2. cap. 15. Aristotle speaks of an ancient Law among the Aegyptians, by which the Physicians were forbidden to move the humours, (that is to purge) before the fourth day, which if they did, twas at their own peril, and risque. This agrees with what was said before of the sacred Books by which Physicians were oblig'd to regulate their practice, and per­haps this Law might be contain'd in that Book ascrib [...]d to MERCƲRY. Diodorus takes notice, that the Aegyptian Physick consisted mainly of Abstinence, Clysters, and Vomitories, but we have no proof, that this practice was establish'd by HERMES.

We have nothing more on this subject, but that after his death he was worshipp'd as a God; a practice that grew very frequent after­wards, as may be seen in the following Ar­ticles.

CHAP. VI. OSYRIS, or APIS, or SERAPIS, and ISIS, other Inventors of Physick.

Diodor. hb. 1.There were anciently to be seen in the City of N [...]sa, which some place in Ara­bia, others in Aegypt, the following Inscrip­tions upon two Pillars in Mystick Characters. The first says [...]hus: My Father is CHRONOS the youngest of the Gods. I am King OSYRIS, who have extended my Conquests over the whole Earth, from the uninhabitable parts of the INDIES to those under the BEAR, to the sources of the DANUBE, and thence to the OCEAN. I am the eldest Son of CHRONOS, and have brought him a fair, and noble Race: I am Father of the Day; there is no place in the World where I have not been, and I have fill'd the Ʋniverse with my good Deeds.

The second was in these words: I am ISYS, Queen of all this Country, who have been instructed by THOUT. No one can unbind, [...] I bind. I am the eldest Daughter of CHRONOS, the youngest of the Gods; I am Wi [...]e, and S [...]er to King OSYRIS. I am the first that t [...]gh [...] M [...] Agriculture; I am Mother to King HORUS. 'Tis I that blaze in the Dog-Star. I bui [...] the City of Buba [...]tus. Adieu, adieu, [...], where I was bred. From these t [...] Ins [...]ions we may infer, first, That OSYRIS and ISIS, who have been taken for the most ancient King, and Queen of Aegypt, were contemporary to HERMES, or THOƲT. If the conjecture ad­vanc'd in the Article precedent were well grounded, they wou'd be of the same Family too. Others aver that THOƲT was Couns [...]ll [...] or Secretary to this King and Queen, without taking notice of any relation between 'em.

We are told in the second place, by the In­scription of Osyris, That he had fill'd the World with his benefits. The same Auth [...]r, that recites the Inscriptions, tells us in the same Book, That the Aegyptian Priests affirm HERMES to be the Inventor of ARTS and SCIENCES in ge­neral, and that the Kings (meaning the King OSYRIS, and Queen ISIS) had invented those which were necessary to Life. Of these Arts, none is so useful as Agriculture; of which ISIS boasts her self to be Inventress. The same invention is ascrib'd to OSYRIS; nor is it the on­ly▪ one they share in common betwixt 'em. They are likewise said to have invented Physick, First tis said of OSYRIS, because 'tis said of APIS, who appears to have been the samePlutarch. de I [...]d. & O [...]y­ [...]id. Person. APIS, says Clemens Alexandrinus, a Native of Aegypt, invented Physick.

Cyril who was of the same City with Clemens, says likewise, That APIS an Aegyptian, one of the most considerable of those that serv'd in their Temples, and who understood natural Philosophy, was the first that invented the ART of PHYSICK, [Page 22] and practic'd it with greater success than any that preceded him, teaching it afterwards to ESCU­LAPIUS.

By this APIS, shou'd not be the same with OSYRIS, who was King of Aegypt, whereas the other was but a Priest; but we may either suppose Cyril to be mistaken, or that APIS was King and Priest at the same time. Be it as 'twill, Plutarch assures us, That APIS and OSYRIS, according to the Tradition of the Aegyptians themselves, were but two different Names for the same person; which Strabo con­firms, as does alsoDe curâ affect. gentil. Theodoret.

The same Author wou'd have it likewise, that SERAPIS was a third name for OSYRIS. Tacit. Hist. lib. 4. Some ancient Authors maintain Serapis to have been the same with ESCƲLAPIƲS. De Ido­latr. lib. 1. cap. 19. Vossius fancies that the Aegyptians gave that name to Joseph, to whom they paid Divine Ho­nours, in acknowledgment of the benefits their Country receiv'd from him; but if SERAPIS be the same with OSYRIS, he must be abun­dance older. We shall speak of the Temple of Serapis, in the Article of Esculapius.

As for ISIS, Diodorus tells us, That the Aegyptians affirm, that ISIS invented divers medicaments, and that she was very expert in Physick: For which, say they, being already rais'd to be a Goddess, she still takes care of the health of Men. Hence it is, that they, who im­plore her succour, find themselves immediately re­liev'd. They say, That the reputation of ISIS is not founded upon vain Fables, like those of the Greeks, but upon evidence of Fact. That 'tis sup­ported by the testimony of almost all the Ʋniverse, who honour this Goddess for the succour they find from her in Physick. ISIS, say they, reveals Medicines to the sick by Dreams in their sleep, which never miss their effect; so that instances are daily seen of those, that recover their health, even after the Physicians have given 'em absolutely over.

This testimony of Diodorus is back'd by di­vers others. But whatever ISIS did in Physick, we hear of no Books written by her as by HER­MES. We have nothing remaining of her, exceptKerher. Oedip. Aegypt. Borrich. de or [...] & progres. Chim. ISIS's Table, a piece very curious, and (as they say) very ancient, written in Aegyptian Characters, and charg'd with Hiero­glyphicks; that is, with mystical Figures, or Emblems, which is in the Closet of the Duke of Savoy, of which we shall take further notice when we treat of the Table of HERMES, be­fore-mention'd. There were in Galen's time certain Medicines, that bore the name of Isis, which seem rather impos'd upon em [...] raise their value, than drawn from her invention.

OSYRIS and ISIS being dead, they w [...]e number'd among the Gods, as well as MER­CƲRY. If it be ask [...]d, Why the Ancients made Gods of those that were mortal, and subjected to the same conditions with the rest of Man­kind? Cicero De Nat. deor. lib. 2. answers, That 'twas an esta­blish'd custom in the World to deifie those persons, that did any considerable services to Mankind, as did HERCULES, CASTOR and POLLUX, ESCULAPIUS, BACCHUS, &c. All these, whom Cicero here mentions, are much later than OSYRIS and ISIS, who are the first that had this honour done 'em. We are inform'd at least, by Sancthoniathon, Eu [...]b. praepar. Evang. That the Phae­nicians and Aegyptians were the first, that held, as great Gods, the Inventors of things necessary to Life, and those that were thought to have done any mighty service to Mankind; and from them, says he, this custom has been receiv [...]d by all the rest. Clemens Alexandrinus says likewise, That the same practice was in use among the Chaldeans, and the Inhabitants of Arabia the Happy, of Pa­lestine, and of Persia, and all the Barbarians in general.

CHAP. VII. HORUS, APOLLO, or PAEON, another Inventor of Physick.

THE Invention of Physick has been given likewise to Horus, or Apollo, Son of Isis. This Goddess, according to Diodorus, finding in the water her Son Horus, who was slain by Titans, not only restor'd him to life, but made him immor­tal also. He adds, That the name of Horus has been reader'd Apollo, and that he was believ'd to have learn'd the Arts of Physick, and Divination, of his Mother Isis, and that he was very useful to Men by his Oracles, and by his Remedies. By what is past, Horus appears not to be the In­ventor of Physick, having been taught it by his Mother; but if he be the same with Apollo, the sequel will prove him to have had the cre­dit of inventing this Art himself.

Ci [...], who as we have seen multiply'd the Mercu [...]ies, will have it, that there wereDe Nat. d [...]or. lib. 3. four Apollo's, amongst which Horus seems not to be included, unless we make him the same whom he ca [...]s the fi [...]st of all the Apollo's, Son of Vulcan, and Patron of Athens. If Mercury and Vulcan, (who according to Cicero were both Sons of Cal [...]s) were [...]ntan and Misraim, Grandsons of No [...]h, De or [...]. & [...]rogr. Chi [...]. as B [...]rrichius fancies; and if Osyris and Is [...] liv [...]d about that time, Horus their Son might be con [...]emp [...]ry to the Son of Vulcan. And if, with the Author of the universal Bib­lio [...]heq [...]e, we sub [...]te Osyris to Mercury, the Apollo of D [...]odorus, and Cicero, will be, if not the same person, yet Brothers Children at least.

If there were really any one of that name, that signaliz [...] himself by his Physick, it must be the Son of Isis, tho' he were not the Apollo, [Page 25]whom Ovid Inventum Medicina me­um est Opi­ [...]er (que) per Or­be [...] Dicor & [...]um sub­j [...]ct [...] potentia nobi [...]. Meta­morph. lib. 1. introduces laying claim to the Invention of Physick, and the Vertues of Plants. We may pass the same censure upon the Apollo of Ovid, and the rest of the Poets, as upon the Prometheus of Aeschylus, that he is a feign [...]d person, by whom the Sun was sign [...]ed. To this Star they ascrib'd the rise of Physick, or rather a power of Life and Death over Men, to cause Pestilences, and to disperse em; for the Sun, or its hea [...], were esteem [...]d the principle of Generation, and Corruption in all things, upon whose peculiar influence upon Animal Bodies, and those that surround 'em, Health and Dis­eases did immediately depend.

Hyginus refines very much upon this, when he says,Fab. lib 1. That Apollo was the first Oculist, al­luding to the light of the Sun, and the appel­lation given him by the Poets, the Eye of the World. For the same reason he is said to be the God of Divination, because Light, or the Day, discovers what was hidden in the Night. By this he became more famous than the others, and his Temples were more frequented by those, that came to know their Fortunes, than to cure their Distempers. Others have thought, that the Art of Divination was join [...]d to Physick, upon the account of the Prognosticks of Phy­sicians,This con­jecture seems very natural, but I doubt the Art of Divina­tion will appear to have been separated from Physick before the latter ar­riv'd at any great skill in the Pr [...]gnosticks, of which we find [...]ot [...]ing be­fore Hippocrates, but what the Coacae Praenotiones c [...]ntain, which seem to be the collective Body of the knowledge of his Predecessors [...] that [...]ind. I rather think, that the Priests, who were the first Pr [...]es [...] [...] introduc [...]d Divination first into Physick, that they might supply their [...] in the latter by the imaginary [...]s of th [...] f [...]rme [...], and support their credit jointly by both, which they cou'd not by either apart. by which they frequently foretel, what shall befal the Patient in the course of his distemper; which is, what procures the greatest veneration for the Profe [...]ion.

It shou'd seem by the Etymology of the word [Page 26] Apollo, which comes from a [...]. This etymology seems better grounded than that which deduces it from [...], to expel; [...] quasi [...]. Greek word signifying to destroy, that the sick address'd themselves to him, as much out of fear of mischief, as hope of benefit; as they rais'd Altars to the Fe­ver. Homer, where he once calls Apollo Saviour of the People, says a hundred times, that he wounds and smites afar off. He was Surnam'd likewise Alexicacos, the Chaser of Evil, but we find not that name in Homer.

He was call'd likewiseOthers fetch this word from [...], to cease, to put a stop, or appease; because ap­peas'd Diseases. Paeon, from a Verb, which signifies according to some to heal, but vulgarly to strike. Iliad. Eustathius takes notice that Homer's PAEON, the Physician of the Gods, was Apollo himself. It was a common practice to give Apollo the Surname of Paean; Io Paean was the burthen of all the Hymns sung in his praise. Servius In Eneid. 12. observes that Paean was a Dorick word, in which Dialect it usual is to turn o into a, Paean for Paeon.

The Scholiast upon Nicander is of another mind; Paeon, Schol. in Nicand. The­riac. says he, is Esculapius. There is a passage likewise in the Plutus of Aristo­phanes, where the Surname of [...]. Finding favour with Esculapius Paeon, or Esculapius the Physician, as some translate it. This [...]p [...]thete might at first belong properly to Apollo, but it has been bestow'd upon his Son Esculapius likewise, and after him upon all famous Physicians▪ whom they had a mind to do honour to. In this sense perhaps it is, that Homer says, that Physicians are of the race of Paeon. Hence come the words [...], medicabilis, curable; [...], the hand of a Physician. And Servius in the place before cited says, upon these words of Virgil, Paeonium in Morem, That Paeonius signifies Medicinalis, or belonging to a Physician. Paeon is given to Esculapius.

Parere del S. Leonar­do di Capoa intorno la Medicina.A Learned Italian, who writ some years since in refutation of the Scholiast upon Nican­der, alledges, That Esculapius was not yet Deify [...]d in the days of Homer; but we shall see in the sequel, that his Apotheosis was pass'd long before. We might support the Scholiast by the [Page 27]authority of Virgil, who attributes the raising to life Hippolitus to the power of the Herbs of Paeon, thereby plainly intending Esculapius, whom he presently after calls the Son of Phoebus.

Artemidorus likewise confounds Esculapius with Paeon: De Somo. interpr [...]. [...]ib. 2. cap. 42. If you dream, says he, that Es­culapius removes, or comes to any place, or into any House, 'tis a sign of the Plague, or other di­stemper; for 'tis on these occasions Men have need of this God. But if the sick dream so, 'tis a sign of recovery; for, adds he, this God is call'd [...]. PAEON. So far Artemidorus; but, here, it may be answer'd, that by Paeon is meant no more than Physician.

Lucian, on the other hand, distinguishes for­mally between these two; for he introduces Hercules threatning Esculapius to maul him so, that [...]alogues of the Gods. Paeon himself shou'd not be able to cure him.

These different Authorities shew us, that the Ancients were divided upon the matter. At last, if Homer's PAEON, who was Physician to the Gods, was any other than Apollo, or Escu­lapius, he not having inform'd us what Family he was of, we need perplex our selves about the matter no farther.

CHAP. VIII. ARABUS another Inventor of Physick.

OF ARABƲS I find nothing but these words in Pliny: Lib 7. cap. 18. The Aegyptians will have it, that Physick was invented among them; others attribute the Invention to ARABUS, the Son of Babylone and Apollo.

CHAP. IX. ESCULAPIUS the most famous, or most generally known of the Inventors of Physick; or of those that brought the Art to some degree of Perfection. Wherein of CHIRON the CEN­TAUR, and the HEROES his Pupils; as also of MELAMPUS, and POLYIDUS.

THE Aegyptians, who attribute the invention of Med'cine to Hermes, account Esculapius his Pupil. The aforecited Book, intituled Asclepius, which is the same name with Escu­lapius, introduces H [...]rmes and Esculapius talking together, like Master and Scholar. And Julius Maternus Firmicus says, upon the tradition of the Aegyptians, Lib. 3. cap. 1. de [...]siri & Nic [...]pso. That the God Mercury com­municated the sec [...]ets of Astrology, and Mathema­ticks, to Esculapius and Anubis; from whence we may infer, that he did not hide from the former his Skill in Physick, which was his prin­cipal Study.

Tis the more probable, that Esculapius was instructed by Mercury, in that he was his Kins­man.Sanctho­niathon. 1. ap. Philon. 1. Syd [...]c, or Sadoc, Brother of Misor Father of H [...]rmes, having first had seven Sons call'd D [...]scures, Cabires, or Corybantes, had an eighth, which was Esculapius, whose Mother was one of the seven Sister Titans Daughters to Saturn by his Wife Astarte. The Author from whom what is here said is drawn, adds, That the Cabires had Children, who found out wholsome Herbs, and remedies for the bitings of venemous Beasts, and that they made use of Enchant­ments.

This was the Tradition of the Aegyptians and Phaenicians concerning Esculapius, who, ac­cording to them, must have been of the same Age and Family with the rest of the Inventors of Physick; of whom we have spoken already. Clemens Alexandrinus alone, after having told us, that Esculapius was of Memphis, and that he improv'd Physick, which Apis invented, seems to make him later; for he says in ano­ther place, that he was Deify'd a little before the Trojan War; by which he seems to have con­founded Esculapius the Aegyptian, with Escula­pius the Greek; of whom hereafter. But the Greeks make him not quite so old, as we shall see. Cicero after them says, that there were three Esculapius's; the first, whom the Arcadians worship, was the Son of Apollo. He invented the Probe, to probe wounds with, and taught the use of Bandage. The second, was Son of the second MERCURY, Thunder-struck by Jupiter, and bu­ry'd at the Cynosures.See the Chapter of Po­dal [...]rius. The thi [...]d, who was Son of Arsippus and Arsinoe, invented Purga [...]n and Tooth-drawing

If the first Esculapius of Cicero be the same of Pausanias, and Pindar speak, who was Son of Apollo and Coronis, he cannot be ve [...]y ancient, having been educated by the Centaur CHIRON, who lived but just before the Trojan War, and having had two Sons present at that Siege.

All these Esculapius's may, in my opinion, be reduc'd toSee the Chapter of the Wife and Daughters of Esculapius. one, so that it there ever were any Esculapius, 'tis probable he was a Phaenician, or an Aegyptian; but he has been multiplied, as most of the rest before him, by the slight of the Greeks, with whom twas custe mary to adopt Aegyptian Fables, that they might honour their own Country with the production of any ex­traordinary Persons. Hence 'tis that their Es­culapius is so recent, their Annals not reaching much higher than the War of Troy.

Yet this way shou'd there be but two Escu­lapius's, one Aegyptian, and one Greek; but [Page 30]the same motive, that prevailed upon the Country in general, to naturalize this Physician, induc'd several Provinces, and Cities, to put in their particular claim, each setting up a Title apart, exclusive of all the rest.

The Greeks have been so unsuccessful in their attempts, to find an etymology for the name in their Tongue, that tis alone a sufficient proof, that the word is not originally Greek. The Reader may, in the [...], ab a privativo, & [...], Siccari, quod impediret quo nitous [...]omines sicca­rentur, vel more [...]tur. Or, according to the Etymologicum magnum, [...]. Or, according to Tzetzes, because he cur'd Ascles Tyrant of Epidaurus, their names were compounded; and he, instead [...]f being call'd simply Hepius, or Apius, as before, was nam'd Asclepius. Margin, see both theirs, and some etymologies drawn from theBo­chart derives Asclepius (whence the Latin Esculapius) from the Phaeni­cian, Is Calabi, viz. Caninus, upon the score of keeping Dogs in his Tem­ples; of which, the reasons hereafter. Others derive it from Ez, and Keleb, of which the latter signifies a Dog, the other a Goat, because of a tradition, that he was suckled by a Goat, and guarded by a Dog; of which more anon. Junius, Father-in-Law to Vossius, derives Asclepius from Ascalaphus, which signifies to change; Vossius de Philosophiâ. But in the same Tongue we find the words, Is Calaphot, A Man of the Knife, which etymology appears the more just, in that it expresses perfectly his Profession; his principal Talent being Surgery, as shall be shewn. Phaenician Language, and judge for himself. I shall here repeat, that 'tis probable there was but one Esculapius, and he a Phaenician; or which is tantamount, that if there was a Greek of the same name and reputation, that he bor­row'd both of the former.

The Esculapius of the Cyrenians, was like­wise unquestionably the same with the Phaeni­cian; but of him, a word or two hereafter.

However it be, Antiquity having left us no­thing of the first, but the little we have cited, we must stick to the account the Greeks give of theirs. Of him by and by, but first a word or two concerning Chiron the Centaur, who was his Master.

CHAP. X. The Centaur CHIRON, and the HEROES his Pupils in Physick.

THE Centaur CHIRON wasPindar. Pyth. Od. 6. Hygin. Fab. cap. 138. Apollo [...]. Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2. &c. Son of Saturn and Philira; and the Fable tells us, that the reason, why he was half Man, half Horse, (which the Poets call a Centaur) was, that Saturn, while he was with Philira, appre­hending a surprize from his Wife Rhea, turn'd himself immediately into a Horse for a disguise. Others say, that Chiron was feign'd to be half Man half Beast, because he understood Physick for both kinds; and Suidas says, that he wrote a Book call'd [...]. Horse-Med [...]cine. Perhaps the Fable has made a Centaur of him, because he was of Thessaly, the Country of those fictitious Monsters; for Thessaly being the place where they first began to back Horses, those that first, at a distance, saw a Man on Horseback, made but one body of 'em.

German. Caesar. in Arat. Phaenom.Some tell us simply, that Chiron invented Physick, without specifying any kind.Galen. In­troduct. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 46. Others say, that he first found Herbs, and Medicaments for the cure of Diseases, and particularly Wounds and Ulcers.Plutarch. Sympos. lib. 3. qu. 1. The Magnesians, his Country-men, offer to him, for this reason, the first fruits of Herbs, or Plants; and say, that he was the first that wrote of Physick. From him, 'tis said, that Centaury, a Plant well known, took its name, as did also some others. They add, that Diana taught him the vertues of some other Simples. Others, after all, make him theHygin. cap 27. Inventor of Manual Operation only. This conceit is founded upon the etymology of his Name, which is plainly deriv [...]d from a Greek word, which signifies [...]; from whence Chirur­gery, which sig­nifies working with the Hand. a Hand, and from which the name Chirurgery is likewise deriv'd.

Surgery, or Physick, was not the only Science, of which Chiron was Master; he understood likewise Philosophy, Astronomy, Musick, Hunting, War, and other Arts. His habitation was in a Cave of Mount Pelion, whither all the great Men of his Time resorted for his instructions in these Arts and Sciences. The Heroes, whom he educated, were Hercules, Theseus, Aristeas, Telamon, Teucer, Jason, Peleus, Achilles, Pa­troclus, Palamedes, and Esculapius.

He taught Hercules not only the Art of War and Astronomy, but Physick also; in which, ac­cording to Plutarch, this Hero excell'd. Some interpret the passage of Euripides, which says, That Hercules hearing that Alceste was to die for her Husband Admetus, fought Death, and rescu'd her from him by force; after this manner.Muret. Var. Lection. Alcestis being so ill, that her recovery was despair'd of, Hercules, by his Med'cines, re­stor [...]d her to health. Tis said, that he bore the Surname ofExpeller of Evil. [...], as well as Apollo, and for the same reason, that is, because he expell [...]d Diseases. But 'tis more probable he was so call [...]d, because he clear [...]d the World of divers Monsters, according to the Fable.

'Tis argued likewise, that Hercules under­stood Physick, from the several Medicinal Plants, that bears his name. Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and other ancient Botanists, speak of a sort of Poppy, call'd Hercules [...]s Poppy. There was also another Plant call'd Heracleum. The Nymphaea was likewise call [...]d Heraclea, according to Pliny; who says, that it sprung upon the Tomb of a Nymph, who died of Jea­lousie upon the account of Hercules, who had an Intrigue with another. There is also a sort of Panax, and some other Plants, nam'd from Hercules. Yet to me it seems probable, that these names were given since his time, to de­note the extraordinary force of these Plants, which they compar'd to the strength of Hercule [...] For a like reason the Epilepsie, or Falling-Sickness, [Page 33]was call'd the Herculean Distemper, not that he was ever troubled with it, or knew how to cure it,Or rather because the strength of Her­cules is not sufficient to bear up under it. but because a power equal to that of Hercules is requir'd to subdue so diffi­cult a Malady.Epistol. Abderit. ad Hippocrat. Justin. lib. 13. Schol. [...] Apollon Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2. This Hero had a Daughter call [...]d Hepione, who understood Physick like­wise. We shall see by and by another Hepione, Wife to Esculapius.

Aristaeus King of Arcadia, and Son of Apollo and Cyrene, was by his Father committed to the care of Chiron the Centaur, who taught him Med [...]cine and Divination. He is said first to have taught Men to make Oyl, andArist [...] is said to have been the first that kept Bees, and to have produced [...]em after a strange manner. Virg. Georg. 4. Honey, and Cheese-curds, and divers other things use­ful to Society. To him is ascrib'd the discovery of the virtues of Silphium or Laserpitium, whose Gum, or Juice, inspissated, was very much in use among the Ancients; butSome conclude it to be that kind of Ferula, which yields Asafoetida, and which by most modern Bonatists is call [...]d Laserpitium. at present, we either have it not, or don't certainly know it, as the sequel will shew.

Theseus had his education in the same School, and Theophrastus mentions a Plant that bore his name; whence some infer, that he found out the vertue of it, which was to loosen the Belly.

Telamon, and his Son Teucer, come in with these for an equal share of the knowledge of Physick. Philostratus vouches for the Father. And theGerman­der. Teucrium, a Plant which bears his name, and is very well known, is also, accord­ing to the common tradition, an argument that he was the first discoverer of it.

Jason had likewise the reputation of a great Physician, [...], medeor, to to heal, or cure. of which the etymology of his Name remains as a proof.

Peleus also was admitted to the same honour, as well as his Son Achilles. The latter carried with him, to the Siege of Troy, a Lance given him by the Centaur, which had the virtue of healing the wounds it made, which Telephus experienc [...]d to his relief.

Lib. 25. cap 5. Some, says Pliny, pretend, that Achilles cur [...]d TELEPHUS with the Herb Achillea, which is a sort of a Yarrow, or Milfoil. Others say, That he found out Some have (perhaps with equal reason) fancied Achilles the Inventor of Weapon Salve, or that he was possess'd of the secret, wherein, according to them, consisted the virtue, suppos'd to have been in his Spear, of curing the wounds it made. Vert de Gris, which is of great use in Salves, and for that reason, say they, Achilles is painted scraping the Verdigrise, which is the rust of Copper, from the point of his Spear, and dropping it into Telephus's wound.

Homer tells us, that Eurypylus being wounded, requested Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, Iliad. 2. subs. fin. to communicate to him some of those excellent Remedies he had learn'd of his HeroPatroclus having been Companion, and fellow Pupil to Achilles under Chiron, might reasonably have been thought not to have needed his Instructions. the Disciple of Chiron, the justest of all the Centaurs.

To the authority of Homer we may join that of several other Poets,Vindici­anus, Sid [...]n. Apolhnari. Claudian. in Pan. de 3. con [...]ul. Honor. item ad Hadrianum. who all agree that Achilles learn'd Med'cine of the Centaur Chiron.

Whether Patroclus understood Physick or not, and especially Surgery, after what has been said, is scarce a question; for Eurypylus, [Page 35]in the afore-cited place, desires him to make an Incision into his Thigh, and draw out the head of the Arrow, with which he was wound­ed, and to wash the wound with water, and apply something to asswage the pain.

Philostrat: in Heroicis. Palamedes, by the instructions of Chiron, was no less a proficient in Med'cine than the rest; for by his advice, the Plague, that ra­vag'd all the Cities of the Hellespont, and even Troy it self, was stopp'd from coming into the Graecian Camp, which lay before the Town in a very unhealthy place. His method was to oblige 'em to a spare Diet, and much Exercise.

This is what is reported of these Heroes, as to Physick. I meet with no particular cures of Chiron's making, except that of Phaenix Apollo­dor. lib. 3. the Son of Amintor, to whom he restor'd his sight, after his Father, in a fit of Jealousie, had put his Eyes out. Galen says, that the Greeks call'd malignant Ʋlcers, which were in a manner in­curable, Chironian, because Chiron only cou'd cure 'em; tho it seems more reasonable to think they were so call'd for a quite contrary reason, that is, that Ulcers of that nature were de­spair'd of by that incomparable Surgeon.

Vide Ovid. Metam. lib. 2. Posse mori cu­pies tum, cum cruciabere di­rae Sangu [...]ne [...] Serpentis per sancia memora recepto, &c.The Fable informs us, That Hercules having unawares wounded Chiron with an Arrow dipt in the blood of the Lernean Hydra, the pain was so insupportable, that the Centaur's great­est trouble was, that being immortal he cou'd not die Whereupon Hercules, to make him all the amends he cou'd, unbound Prometheus, who consented to become immortal in the room of Chiron, who died according to his desire, and was translated to a place among the Stars.

This Centaur had two Daughters; one of which made her self famous by her predictions, and skill in Physick: Her name was Hippo. The other was call'd—V [...]cavit Ocyroen. non haec artes contenta paternas Edidicisse fuit, &c. Ovid. ibid. Ocyroe, of whom Ovid testifies that she understood her Father Arts.

CHAP. XI. MELAMPUS and POLYIDUS: Wherein is the first example of Purga­tion, and of a Mineral Remedy taken inwardly.

THEY were both of Argos. The first was Son of Amithaon, and Aglais, or of Ido­menca Daughter of Abas. He is one of the most ancient Poets known, of whom Homer himself makes mention. He wrote several thousand Verses u [...]on the Lamentations of Ceres, for the Rape of her Daughter, upon the Mysteries of that Goddess, and other subjects. He under­stood also the Art of Divination, and of Physick, two Arts in those days inseparable. There are yet some Books remaining under his name, which teach to tell Fortunes by Palpitations, by Moles, and other Natural Marks on the Body, which Books are manifestly spurious.

We have already taken notice of the means Melampus used to cure the Daughters of Praetus, that had lost her Wits; which was to purge 'em with Hellebore, or with he Misk of his Goats, which had eaten it. Hence perhaps it was, that he had a [...], Se [...]v [...]us in 3 Georg: Surname given him, which seems to hint, that he was the first that used purging Med'cines; for 'tis certainly the oldest instance we have of the use ofSee the Chapter of [...]odalirius. Purgation. But 'tis more probable, that he was so nam'd, because he was the first introducer of the pretended me­thods of Purgation; that is, by washing, and pu [...]ifying those, that lay under any distemper e [...]er of Mind, or Body, or that were foul with Crimes; which was not done by Medical Pur­gation, but by superstitious Rites, such as pro­nouncing certain Verses, or Words, over the [Page 37]Party, or to apply to 'em, or give 'em Herbs gather'd at times, and after a manner super­stitious, or to wash 'em in Baths to that purpose.

Mela [...]pus us'd all th [...]se means to the Daugh­ters of Praecus. He not only gave 'em Hellebore, but he us'd alsoThe wor [...] Charm comes from the Latin C [...], which s [...] [...] [...]ong, Verse, w [...]ther [...] [...]try. Verses, or Charms, and after caus'd 'em to bath in a certain Fountain in Ar­c [...]a, call'd theC [...] to qui­ [...] [...] de f [...]e [...]ârit, V [...] [...]ag [...]. — Ami [...]ha [...]e nat [...] [...]aeridas atton [...]as post­cu [...]n per carmen & herb is Eripuit fur [...]is; purgamina m [...]n [...] in [...]as Mi [...]t aq [...]as: odjum (que) meri permanfit in undis. Ovid. Me [...]am. lib 15. Cliterian Fountain, where they finish'd their purification. The l [...]able tells us, That from that time whoever tasted that Water, contracted an aversion to Wine.Apollodor. lib. 2. If this cure was extraordinary, the reward was no less considerable; for he agreed with the Father of the Princesses, that he should give hi [...] one third of his Kingdom, another third to his Brother Bias, and to each of 'em one of th [...] Princesses to Wife.

Another cure we find reported of Melampus [...]o less memorable than the former.Idem, lib. 1. Iphiclus Son of Philacus, being unable to get Children, Melampus was desir [...]d [...]o find him a remedy for his impotence; which he did thus. He sacri­fic'd two Bulls, and cutting the en [...] to pieces, he drew the Birds together, i [...] [...]der to an Augury. Amongst the rest came a [...]ul [...]ure, by whom he was inform'd,M [...]lampas as an [...]u [...]us, under [...]ood the Language of Birds. tha [...] [...]hylacus, formerly sacrificing some Rams, left the Knife, with which he had cut their Throats, all bloudy near his Son, who, being very young, was frighted at it, and ran, and stuck it into a con­secrated Chesnur-Tree, whose Bark afterwards cover'd it. The [...]ulture added, That if Ip [...]clus fetch'd that Knife, and scraping off the Rust, drank it in Wine for ten days together, he shou'd soon be lusty and get Children. This counsel Melampus gave the young Prince, who obey [...]d [...] [...]cess.

This is the first instance of a Mineral Medi­cine taken inwardly. We shall see in the second Part of this History, what advantagesThe rust of Iron being a natural pro­duction, can't be urg'd as an instance of Chy­mical Med'cine, whatsoever similitude the Chymists may pretend it to bear to their artificial Crocus Martis. the Chymical Physicians may draw from it. I can't tell whether this Med'cine have any such essica­cy, as is here ascrib'd to it; but Dioscorides employ'd it to a purpose directly contrary.Dioscor. lib. 5. The rust of Iron (says he) hinders Women from conceiving. But what is most remarkable, is that Iphiclus himself took it, and not his Wife.

Virgil makes him contempo­rary with Chi­ron, who liv'd till the time of the Trojan War, or very near.—ces­sere ma­gistri, Phyl­lyrides Chiron, Amy thaoni­us (que) Melam­pus, Georg. 3. de Peste. Melampus liv'd two hundred years before the Siege of Troy. After his death he was look'd upon as a God, Temples were built in honour of him, and sacrifice offer'd to him in several places of Greece. We have nothing to add to what was said in the beginning of this History concerning Polyidus, than that Melampus was his Great Uncle, if at least he be the same of whom Pausanias Pausan. lib. 1. makes mention. What induces us to believe him to be so, is that he says that Polyidus was sent for from Megara, to [...], Lustrare, to wash with Lustral Water. A Water something like the Holy-Water of the Roman Catholicks of our Times, but us'd with more ceremony. purisie a Man that had committed Mur­der, which was the business of the Diviners; of which sort Polyidus was.

CHAP. XII. The History of ESCULAPIUS con­tinued: Wherein by the way of CAD­MUS and BACCHUS, by some repu­ted the Inventors of Physick.

THE shifting the Country of Esculapius, brings us at one step some Ages forwarder in the History of Physick. But tho' the Greeks had not purloyn'd him from his Country, as we have shewn, yet shou'd we have been ob­lig'd to leap from Aegypt, or Phaenicia into Greece, and leave untouch'd this great interval, for want of Memoirs of the state of Physick in those Countries during that time.

Or the Au­thor of the B [...]ok, intituled, The Physician, which passes among his W [...]rks, but is suppos [...]d t [...] be written by ano­ther Physician nam'd Hero­dotus. Galen, supposing that Esculapius, that is, Esculapius of Greece, was the first that brought Physick to perfection, will have it, that all those, that preceded him in it, had no more than a bare Empirical knowledge of the virtues of some Herbs, which they had experienc'd up­on some occasions.

He was indeed forc'd to confess, that, before that, other Med [...]cines, besides Herbs, were in use in Aegypt, as Homer witnesseth; and that their custom of opening their dead, in order to embalm 'em, must needs have taught 'em divers things of use to Surgery in particular, but thinks all their knowledge owing to Expe­rience alone, without Reasoning; whereas, ac­cording to him Esculapius compleated Med [...]cine, whose Physick he calls Divine, supposing him to derive it from his Father the God Apollo.

We shall see by and by, that Es;culapius him­self did not know much more than those Galen speaks of, who, in probability, are not much wrong [...]d by him. But, whatever th [...] [...]ow­ledge [Page 40]were, since Antiquity has left us nothing of it, let us see what it has deliver'd concern­ing Esculapius.

He was (as has been said) Son of Apollo and Coronis; of his [...]irth Pausanias gives this ac­count.In Laco­nic. [...] [...]us, being great by Apollo, go­ing with her F [...] Pelopo [...]csus, was deliver [...]d of a Son up [...] Mountain in the Territories of Epi [...]au [...]us, where she left him. A Goat-herd in the neighborhood, missing his Dog, and one of his milch Goats, [...]pon search found 'em both with the Child, the Goat giving him the Breast, and the Dog standing Centry. He observing, besides this, that the Child was surrounded with coelescial Fire, conceiv'd a great venera­tion for him. Others say, that he was the Son of Arsinoe, Daughter of Leucippus.

With Pindar ag [...]s Ovid in the main, ex cept that this latter ma [...]es Coronis to ha [...] been of [...]ssa, and her Lover of the same Coun­try, and she slain by Apollo's [...]n hand: Pulehior in t [...]â quam Larissaea C [...]rouis non fuit Aemonià, &c. Or. Metam. lib. 2. Pythio [...]. Od. 3. Pindar gives another account of the matter. Coronis (says he) being great with Child, yet being lavish of her favours to Ischys, a young Arcadian, Apollo was so provok'd, that he sent the Goddess Diana, his Sister, to Lace­ria, a City in Thessaly, where Coronis dwelt, to excite the Plague, whereof she died. But as she was laid upon the Pile, the God, remem­being the burden of her Womb, came, and snatch [...]d the Child out of the flames, and carried him to Chiron the Centaur to be brought up.

He is by some reported to have been born atOr Tricca, thence call [...]d Tricca [...]s. Trica, a City of the same Province. [...]e fals re­lig. lib. 1. cap. 10. Lactantius says, That his Parents were un­certain, that he was expos'd immediately after his birth, and found by Hunters nurs'd by a Bitch, that he was sent by the Hunters to Chiron, who taught him Physick. He adds, That he was a Messenian, but had his abode at Epidaurus.

Others say, That Apollo himself taught him his Art. Be it as it may, he was so good a pro­ficient, that he cur'd, as Pindar says, all that applied themselves to him, of all sorts of Ʋlcers, Wounds, Fevers, and Pains, by [...]. soft Incanta­tions, by sweetning Potions, by Incisions, or Re­medies externally applied.

By Incantation here may be understood the power of Musick, which in many cases affords great relief. Apollo, the Father of Esculapius, being God of Musick, and Chiron, his Tutor, no less a Musician than a Physician, he cou'd not but be a great Master of both Arts. There is a passage in Galen, which may serve as a Com­ment upon this of Pindar. De sani­tat. tuend. lib. 1 cap. 8.. ‘I have cur'd (says he) several persons, whose passions of mind have render'd their Bodies diseas'd, by calming the disorderly motions, and reducing their minds to their natural state of composure. If authority were requir [...]d to establish this method, I cou'd cite a very considerable one, which is that of Esculapius the God of my Country, who us [...]d to relieve those, whose violent agitations of mind rais'd an intem­perate heat in their Bodies, with Songs, Farces, and Musick.’

CHAP. XIII. Of CHARMS, and the manner how they were introduc'd into Physick. ESCULAPIUS us'd 'em, as did all the rest of the Ancients.

THat this way of curing Diseases is very an­cient, is past doubt, and that it was in use at this time we have the testimony of [...]. Odyss. 19. Ho­mer, who tells us, That they stopp'd the bleeding of Ulysses, by means of Incantations or Charms.

Esculapius join'd this superstitious method of treating the Sick, to that was usually practic'd, which, according to Pindar, consisted of Potions, external Remedies, and manual Opera­tions.

'Tis very probable, that at first they had re­course to these three ways only, as the most simple, and natural. But finding them fre­quently ineffectual, they betook themselves to superstitious Means, perhaps out of a conside­rationIt is more probable, that they were first introduc'd by their Priests, who were the first practicers of Physick among the An­cients, and who being in other matters us'd to practice upon the credulity of the people, made use of the same artifice to maintain their reputation for Physick, a branch of their craft, that procur'd 'em not the least veneration. Accordingly we find abundance of supposititious Books, of this kind, father'd by 'em upon their Gods; a cheat not impracticable to 'em, considering the manner of transmitting all knowledge of this kind among the ancient Aegyptians., that if they did no good, they did at least no harm. And tho' they might be (as many now think 'em) vain, and ridiculous, yet 'twas sufficient to establish the use of 'em, that several fancied themselves reliev'd by 'em. And as the Imagination is not only contagious, but also very powerful in subjects where tis strong and lively, things in themselves of no force or effect, might, by the mediation of Fancy, pro­duce [Page 43]very sensible effects, which those that saw 'em, expected from 'em again, indifferent­ly, upon all occasions.The seeming efficacy of 'em, in cases deter­mining of them­selves by a na­tural Crisis, might contri­bute more than all the rest: For, in matters of Superstition among the ignorant, one shadow of success prevails against a hundred manifest contradictions, and encourages 'em against every days experience, as our Astrologers ca [...] witness. Besides, this sort of Remedies being neither nauseous, nor painful, they were submitted to with less reluctance; but if all these reasons were insufficient to esta­blish the credit of Superstitious Med [...]cines, the power Religion has over the minds of Men, which is very great, was abusively employ [...]d to that purpose, and finish'd their submission to em.

These are the arguments of those, that reject all charms as trifles; but the more numerous are those, that believe the fact not impossible, tho' the manner be inconceiveable: They bring the Holy Scripture to back their opinion. From thence at least they gather, that there were En­chanters in the time of Moses, and of the Apostles. It is said likewise inVid Hiero­zoicon. Bo­chart. lib. 3. cap. 6. Psalm 58. That the Adder stoppeth her ears, and refuseth to hear the voice of the Charmer. And the Prophet Jeremy threatens the Jews with the coming of certain Serpents, upon whom Enchantments shou'd have no power. I shall not enlarge up­on this subject, tho' I thought my self oblig [...]d to take notice of it in my way.

However it were, Charms, or Enchantments, made their way so well in Physick, that they have been practic'd in all Nations of the World, time out of mind. Nor is it among the sim­ple, and illiterate only, that they have gain­ed ground, for the wisest have paid no less deference to 'em, as shall be shewn.

CHAP. XIV. Of AMULETS, and other sorts of CHARMS.

DIseases were sometimes charm'd by simple Words, or Magick Sentences, or Verses pro­nounc'd in the Ear of the Patient, or at a distance, with an intention of curing; which was accompany'd with certain gestures, or mo­tions of the Body.

Of these there are man [...] yet in request w [...]th many pe [...]; one I met with in an old [...] is mu [...]h cried up by those that deal in 'em the words and form are these. In­scribas chartae quod s [...]rib t [...]r Abracadabra. abracadabra abracadabr abracadab abracada abracad abraca abrac abra abr ab a Some reverse this way of writing.Sometimes they wrote these Sentences upon certain things, and hung 'em about the Body of the Patient. These are what the Latins call'd Amulets, Amuleta, from the Verb amovere, to take away, or remove. They call'd 'em also Proebia, or Proebra, from prohibere, to forbid, or keep off. The G [...]ek in the same sense call'd 'em Apotropeaa, Phylacteria, Amynteria, Alexi­teria, Alexipharmaca, because they believ'd that these things did not only preserve, and de­fend 'em against all Incantations, or Charms, (to which they ascrib'd as much power to cause Diseases, as the Counter-Charms had to cure 'em) but that they also reliev'd 'em from Ma­ladies arising from natural Causes.

The matter of these Amulets was taken from Stones, Metals, Simples, Animals, and in ge­neral from any thing in the World. They en­grav'd upon Stones, or Metals, either Characters, Figures, or Words, which often signified no­thing, or were unintelligible to those that wrote 'em, and those that made use of 'em. They wrote likewise these words upon Paper, or other matter whatsoever. Or if they neither wrote, nor mark'd any thing upon matter proper for Amulets, they us'd abundance of superstitious ceremonies in their preparation and application; not to take notice of the pains [Page 45]they were at to watch a favourable disposition of the Stars. The Arabians nam'd this last sort of Amulets, which deriv'd their virtue chiefly from the influence of the Stars, Talismans, that is, Images.

These Amulets were of all forms, and fasten'd to all parts of the Body; whence they were call'd also Periapta and Periammata, from a Verb, which signifies to put round about any thing. Some resembled a piece of Money, with a hole punch'd in 'em, to hang by aOf this sort was the Gold given by our Kings, and the Kings of France, to those whom they touch'd for Scrophulous Cases, vulgarly call'd from thence the King's Evil. string about the Neck. Others were made into Rings for the Finger, Bracelets for the Arm, Collars for the Neck, Crowns for the Head, &c.

Of this sort are the Blood-stone, the Snake-stone, the Eagle-stone, Moss of [...] dead Man's Skull, Peony-Root, &c. to which mighty vertues are assign'd by some. Vide Boyle of Specifick Med'cines, Philosphical Transact. &c.Some Amulets there were, in which nei­ther Charms, nor Superstition, had any share; tho' no body cou'd account for the effects attri­buted to 'em. This sort of Amulets is yet ap­prov'd by divers Physicians, tho' others give no credit to 'em. We shall have occasion to speak again of these, and the rest, in the sequel of this Work.

As for the Charms ESCƲLAPIƲS us'd, I can't see why they shou'd be charg'd as matter of blame upon him, in an Age of the grossest Idolatry and Ignorance, which are yet so much in use with divers Christians, who ought to have an abhorrence for such Remedies, or at least more wit than to conside in such fooleries. Whether it were in imitation of Esculapius I can't tell, that his Country-men, the Thessalians, have been so addicted to Incantations, that they were peculiarly remarkable for it; witness Apuleius his golden Ass, and abundance of other [Page 46]ancient Authors, who speak of Thessaly as the Country of Sorcerers.

CHAP. XV. ESCULAPIUS embrac'd also the solid Physick, He is reputed the Author of CLINICK Med'cine: Won­drous Cures reported of him, as raising of the Dead.

CHarms were not the only Physick of ESCƲ ­LAPIƲS; what has been said, shews that he did not neglect the more substantial part of his Art. We shall see in the sequel, whether he brought Physick to the heighth of perfection, that some pretend, or not. Galen, in the place afore-cited, where he says, That Esculapius cur'd Diseases by Musick, &c. adds, That he order'd some to ride on Horseback, others to exercise in Armour; that he prescrib'd to 'em their several motions, and manner of arming. By this he shou'd also be Author of the Gymnastick Medi­cine; of which hereafter.

He had likewise the reputation of inventingHygin. Fab. Clinick Med'cine, so call'd from a Greek word signifying a [...]; hence [...], an Epithet common both to the Physi­cian and Pa­tient, signify­ing as well him that is confin'd to his Bed, as him that visits him there. For a third signification, see Chap. of the Slaves Physicians. Bed, to shew that he was the first that visited the sick in their Beds; which supposes, that the Physicians before him did not visit their Patients at their Houses. This is confirm'd by the practice of the Babylonians, who carried their sick to the Cross-ways for the advice of those that pass'd by. Chiron, per­haps, expected to be consulted at home. As [Page 47]for the Physicians of less note, 'tis probable they kept the Fairs and Markets to sell their Med'cines, as our Mountebanks do now, with­out troubling themselves to repeat their visits, and observe the changes that happen'd to their Patients, as they do now.

This custom introduc'd by Esculapius, be­came afterwards a mark of distinction between his Imitators, who were call'd Clinicks, and the Empiricks, or Market-Hunters. His method succeeded so well for himself, that no Physick was talk [...]d of but that of Esculapius. Castor and Pollux took him along with 'em, in the fa­mous Expedition of the Argonauts, where some surprizing cures, done upon Men given over for dead, got him the reputation of raising Men actually from the Dead.Pindar: Pyth. Od. 3: Virgil. Aenead. 3. The Fable adds, that, upon a complaint of Pluto, that, if he were suffer [...]d to go on, no body wou'd die, and Hell wou'd become a Desart, Jupiter slew him with Thunder, and with him Hippolitus, the Son of Theseus, whom he had restor'd to Life; and, at the request of his Father Apollo, translated him to a place among the Stars, un­der the name ofAnguitenens, by some taken for Hercules, by others for Escu­lapius. Vide Cir. de nat. deor. lib. 2. Ophiucus, a Constellation above Scorpio.

Pindar says, That Esculapius was prevailed upon to raise Hippolitus, by the promise of a great Sum of Money; which gave occasion toClem. Alexandr. some to tax him with Covetousness: But Suidas refutes that scandal, and says, That he wou'd have done as much for Pauson, or Irus, or the veriest Beggar of 'em all; and 'tis but reason­able, that the Rich shou'd make up the defi­ciencies of the Poor. For, if at present we don't grudge the Physician his Fees, even tho' he kills his Patient, I can't see why Esculapius shou'd raise Men from the Dead gratis. Polyanthus Cyrenaeus de origine As [...]le­piadum. Voss. de Hist. Grae [...]. Ano­ther Author says, That Esculapius was Thunder­struck for curing the Daughters of Praetus, a Cure already ascrib'd to Melampus, and not for restoring Hippolitus. But if we believe the [Page 48]Fable, not only Hippolitus receiv'd that favour from him, but Capaneus, Lycurgus, Eriphilus, Tyndarus, Hymenaeus, and even Glaucus the Son of Minos, of whom before with Polyidus.

CHAP. XVI. Farther Authorities to prove that all the Physick of ESCULAPIUS was within a very little reducible to Sur­gery. PLATO's sense of his Physick.

WE have heard the Fabulous account of Es­culapius; but Celsus and Suidas talk more naturally of him. If we may credit the latter, Esculapius did not put Jupiter to the expence of Thunder, [...]. dying of a Peripneumony; Human Physick, of which he was the Inventor, failing him at his need. Celsus likewise tells us, That Esculapius came by his mighty Fame much cheaper than is reported.Hae [...] n [...]s­quam quidem non est. St. quidem im­pertissimae gentes herbas, alla (que) prompta in auxilium valnerum morborum (que) noverunt, &c. C [...]ls. Prasat. There is no place, says he in his Preface, without Physick, for the most unciviliz [...]d Nations have the use of Herbs, and other familiar Remedies, for Wounds and Diseases. The Greeks, indeed, improv'd it far­ther than any other Nation, yet, even they, not from the first Original, but a few Ages ago; for Esculapius is the most ancient Author upon Record amongst 'em: Who, because he refin'd this Science a little, which was before rude, and amongst the Vulgar, was promoted to be a God. His two Sons, Podalirius and Machaon, follow'd Aga­memnon to the War of Troy, where they were very serviceable to their fellow Soldiers; yet Ho­mer does not mention any service they did in the Plague, or any other distempers, only that they [Page 49]cur'd wounds by Incision, and Medicaments. From whence 'tis plain, that they pretended to this part of Physick only, and that this is the ancientest.

Lib. 29. cap. 1.Pliny agrees with him; Physick, says he, has rais'd its Credit upon a Lye, feigning that Escula­pius was kill'd by Thunder, for restoring Life to the Son of Tindarus, and others, which made a mighty noise about the Time of the Trojan War; since which we have been better inform [...]d in the Histori­cal Truth of Fact, for all his skill lay in the cure of wounds.

We may urge likewise, that if Esculapius, or his Sons, had been Physicians, they wou'd have known how to Diet their Sick better, a princi­pal part of a Physicians skill: Athenaeus uses this in­stance as an argument of the temperance of Homer's He­roes, which begat so good a Constitution, that tho [...] wounded they might drink Wine; [...], pernicious in inslamations, thick, and very nourishing; and this Nestor, the wisest of the Greeks, advises Machaon, the skilsullest in these Matters, to do every day, so long as he shou'd be laid up. From hence Athenaus infers, that 'twas not the practice of the great Men of Times to drink Wine, but upon extraordinary occasions. But whether [...] this Advice was suitable to the Wisdom of Nestor, or the Skill of Machaon, I leavs the learned Reader to judge. Vid. Athenaeum, lib. 1. p. 10. They wou [...]d not have given Eurypylus, when wounded, Broth made with Wine, Meal and Cheese ground in it; nor wou'd Machaon himself, with a wound in his shoulder, have drank Wine, which Physicians hold to be hurtful to wounds.

The answer Plato made to this objection, gives so particular an Idea of the Physick of Es­culapius and his Sons, that I can't forbear citing it at length. De Re­pub. Lib 3. This discourse is atridg'd by Maximus Ty­rius, Serm. 29. 'Tis absurd, says he, that Men shou'd want Physicians, not only for Wounds and Diseases, arising from an ill disposition of the Air, and the uncertainty of Weather, but from those too that spring from Sloth and Luxury, which, sil­ling em with Water and Wind, as if their Bodies were Lakes, or Sinks, have oblig [...]d the Successors of Esculapius to invent new names of Flatus, and Defluxions, or Catarrhs, never heard of before. What makes me conjecture at least, that these Distempers were unknown in Esculapius's time, is, [Page 50]That his Sons, at the Siege of Troy, did not for­bid the Potion, that a Woman gave to Eurypylus, when he was wounded, made of Cheese ground, and Meal sleep'd in Wine ofHomer calls it [...]; The great varie­ty of ancient con­jectures about the derivation of the name, shews the uncer­tainty of em; which, whoever is curious to know, may con­sult the Scho­lia of D [...]vious upon the 11th Book of the Ili­as, and Athe­naeus, p. 30. N [...] is it less uncertain, what sort of Wine it was. Athenaeus gives us two descriptions of it directl [...] con­trary one to a [...]ther. For the first, see the so e [...]ing Note, the other we find pag. 30. [...] Here the Pramnian Wine is neither thick [...] sweet, but a rough, hard, strong Wine. The testimony of Aristopha­nes, which he immediately subjoyns, is to the same purpose, that the Atheni­ans neither loved harsh grating Poets nor crabbed Pramnian Wine, that cor­tracted their Brows, and their Anus. The Reader may compare this passage with that in the note immediately foregoing and as he pleases take or rejest either. Pramos; which are things that increase Phlegm. You will say, doubtless, that the draught was ridiculous, and not at all proper for a wounded Man; but you must know, that the Physicians that succeeded Escula­pius, knew nothing of the Physick, now in use, before Herodicus; who is, as it were, theSo the Author translates it, whose words I thought it best to stick to, not having at present an opportunity of consulting the Original. PAEDA­GOGUE of DISEASES. He being Master of the Academy, where the Youth exercis [...]d, and find­ing himself a Valetudinarian, contriv [...]d to make Gymnastick; that is, the Art of Exercising the Body: a branch of Physick, which brought both upon himself, and those that came after him, a great deal of trouble. How so, you'll say? Why he brought himself to a lingring death; for obser­ving too carefully a distemper in it self mortal, which of consequence he cou'd not cure, he gave himself so entirely to enquire after a remedy, that quitting all other affairs, 'twas the business of his Life to torture his own Carcass; so that, tho' the least deviation from his constant method of living, were a disease to him, he arriv'd not at Health, but at Old Age, which we call [...]d the PAEDA­GOGUE, or if you please, the GOVERNESS, or NURSE of DISEASES, not of the DISEAS [...]D. Oh! noble Fruit of his Art, yet such as the Man deserv [...]d, that did not know, that 'twas not out' of Ignorance, or for want of Experience, that Escu­lapius forbore to teach his Scholars so painful a method, but because he was of opinion, That in all [Page 51]Cities, and well regulated Societies, where every Man has his task assign'd him, no Man can, or ought to have leisure to be a Valetudinarian all his Life, and bestow his whole care upon his Carcass.

To be convinc'd of the Justice of Esculapius's proceedings, we need only to reflect upon the diffe­rent conduct of Labouring Men, and Gentlemen, in such cases. If a Mason, or a Carpenter, falls sick, he desires his Physician to expedite his Cure by VOMIT, or PURGE, or Manual Operation, either by Incision, or Cautery. If he orders him a long course of Physick, he tells him, That he has no leisure to be sick, that he can't afford to protract a Life of misery, and languish perpetually idle under the protection of Physick. He dismisses his Physician, and returning to his usual course of Life, falls to work, and recovers his health; or, if the Disease proves too mighty for him, he dies, and is rid at once of Life, and the troubles of the World.I find our Masons, and Car­penters, and all other Artificers, of another mind, as fond of Life upon any terms, and as willing to be idle as e'er a Gentleman of 'em all, and I doubt they're so all the World over, whatever they might be in Plato's Com­mon-wealth. This no doubt is the true use, that all Me­chanicks ought to make of Phy­sick, to whom Work is so ne­cessary, that when they can follow it no longer, Death is a favour. But it may be objected, that with the Rich, that live upon their Rents, the case alters, for they can't be reduc'd to that hard choice of Working or Dying. But consider, that whatso­ever a Man's Condition, or Profession be, the Pub­lick Good requires, that he shou'd not be idle, but that every one shou'd be industrious in his station; which cant be while he is wholly taken up about himself, and his solicitude for his health makes him fancy himself continually sick. Thus this new Phy­sick is not only injurious to all the Individuals, but also to the Community in general. Twas upon con­viction of these Truths, that Esculapius limited his Instructions to the use of a sound Constitution, and good Education, and was contented to teach the Method of curing Diseases arising from external [Page 52]Causes, only by a few Remedies taken, or Incision made, without changing theirPlanto in this place seems to contradict Hoginus before cited, who makes Esculapius the Inven­tor of Clinick Med'cine. For if he was the first that confin'd the Sick to their Beds he was very far from not altering their course of Living, and permitting 'em to follow their ordinary occasions. But if what Plato ass [...]ms were in Fact the practice of Esculasias I shou'd, in spite of his Apology, suspect a less honourable reason for it. usual manner of living, or diverting them from their busi­ness. As for Valetudinarians, whose decay is inward, he wou'd not undertake 'em, nor attempt to prolong their Lives, for fear, being enfeebled, and exhausted they shou'd beget Children as in­firm as themselves, neither think­ing it for the good of the Vale­tudinarians themselves, nor of the Societies of which they were Members, that Men shou [...]d con­tinue in the World, who cou [...]d not live as others did. The Sons of Esculapius cleans'd from the bloud the wounds of Menelaus, wounded by Pandarus, and applied asswaging Oint­ments, but they did not caution either him, or Eurypylus, against eating or drinking of any kind, as thinking their Med'cines sufficient to cure the wounds of Men of good habit of Body, and that were temperate, tho' they did drink Wine. As for Men, that were unhealthy, either naturally, or through intemperance, they thought it not expe­dient, either for themselves, or others, that they shou'd live, and that Physick was not made for 'em, and that twas not their duty to cure 'em, tho' they were as rich as Midas.

There is a great Analogy between this way of treating the Sick, and the management of new born Children among the Lacedemonians, who us'd to plunge 'em over Head and Ears in Wine, tho' they knew it caus'd those, that were of tender constitutions, to die of Fits. They thought their pains ill bostow [...]d, upon any but hardy, robust Children, the rest, in their opi­nion, were not worth the rearing. Upon the same account, a sort of Robbers call'd Bohe­mians, bath their Children as soon as born in the next Spring, to try, and season 'em for the fa­tigue [Page 53]of their way of living. Durum a sti [...] [...]us natos [...] slumi­na primum Deferimus sa vo (que) golu duramus & undis. Aemid. lib. [...]. [...] Galen. lib. 1. de [...]ndâ Sa [...]tate. This was the general Custom of the ancient Celtae, that liv'd near the Rhine; They laid the Child, as soon was born, upon a sort of Shield (super scutum) and put it afloat upon the Rhine; if it swam, the [...] re­ceiv'd it as legitimate, otherwise they suffer'd it to perish as spurious. Hence Nazianzen, in an elegant Greek Epigram says, They essay [...] the Rhine whether their Children were adulterate, or not, as they do Gold by the Copper. This Custom abundance of Authors take notice of, as Arist [...]. Polit. lib. 7. cap. 17. Claudian. 2 Ruffin. Nonnus Dionys. l. 23. Ju­lian. Caes. Epist. ad Max. &c. Whether this were a true test, their Wo­men best cou'd tell, who had better proof, and no doubt laugh'd at the su­perstition of their Hasbands. But Calen gives us likewise another reason, which was at first to season them for the Hardships they were after to en­dure, as they harden Iron by plunging it red hot into cold Water; but he questions whether the Roman Bodtes wou'd bear such usage. The like Custom is reported of several Nations in Africa to this day. How this practice may agree with hot Regions I dare not undtake to [...] ­termine, but I am confident 'twou'd be no test of the strength of their [...]n­stitutions here, where for many reasons I am apt to think, the l [...]s [...]iest Children wou'd be the most likely to perish by the experiment, when many more infirm might escape. Virgil says the same of the ancient Latins.

At this rate the good Esculapius was no ex­traordinary Physician for Ladies, or Hypochon­driacks; but 'tis no Treason to doubt the Autho­rity of Plato's report. In all appearance Escu­lapius and his Sons knew no better; and the sequel will shew, that at that time Diaetetick Med'cine was absolutely unknown. With us, the Country people in most p [...]to, that are r [...]note from Cities and great Traeus, give their Sick over, when they refuse to eat Beef, Bacon, &c. Those Ancients were, in that respect, about the level of the Country people with us now, who are yet so much strangers to a sick Diet, that if a Fever, or other distemper, gives 'em an en­tire disgust to their usual Food, they eat no­thing at all.

Galen, or Herodotus the Physician, had much reason to tell us, that the Physick of Esculapius was perfect, entirely consummate, and divine, for the Art had made but very slender advances in his time; and his own, and his Sons skill in it, were but very rude, asQui, quoniam adhuc rudem & vulgarem hanc scientiam paulò subtiliùs excoluit, in deorum [...]u­merum est receptus. Hujas de­inde duo filii Podal [...]r us, & Ma­chaon, &c. Cels. Praefat. pag. 1. Celsus takes notice. Their skill, says this Author, and with him Pliny, seems not to have exceeded the limits of Surgery, as the etymology of the namesSee Chap. the 9th and 10th. Chiron and Es­culapius seem to insinuate. The principal cure perform'd by the latter, and which gave him the reputa­tion of raising Men from the dead, was evi­dently Chirurgical, being that of Hyppolitus, who was torn, or broken to pieces by Horses; and we read not of any other, in which he used in­ternal Remedies.

These reasons, indeed, are not alone suffi­cient to exclude Esculapius, and his Sons, from the number of Physicians, since they might have extended their practice farther than we know. The argument drawn from Homer's silence of their other cures, is no necessary proof that they cur [...]d nothing but wounds; the gravity of Epick Poetry wou [...]d not suffer him to represent his Heroes pining with the Cholick, or languishing under a Diarrhaea. Celsus in the passage above cited, lays to great stress upon the silence of Ho­mer, which in my opinion is of [...] weight in this case. For besides the rea­sons here produc'd by the Author against it, it may be observ'd, that the Plague he mentions, was the grand Machine, upon which the whole Fa­ble of the Iliad moves; Agamemnon had taken away the Daughter of Chryses, Apollo's Priest. Apollo resents the affront, and in revenge j [...]ne's a Plague among the Greeks; Chaleas their Augur finds out the cause of it, and advises a Sacrifice to the God, and Restitution, with a present to the Priest. Achilles insists violently to have this Advice put in [...]cation; Agamemnon complies, and in return seizes upon Achilles's Mist [...]. Thence arises a quarrel between them two, which, with the consequences of it, is the main design of the Iliad. Now if Podalirius, and Macha [...]n, [...]u'd have [...]ur'd this Plague, there had been no need of supplicating Apollo, and consequently no occasion of quarrel betwixt the two Generals, which had destroy [...]d the whole Fable. This may serve as a caution not to ground [...] much in matters natural, or historical, upon the Authority of the Po [...]t [...], much less upon their silence; the want of which caution has led [...] great a Man as Celsus (I can't say positively into an errour, but) manifestly into false reas [...]ning. Nor is it a wonder, that Homer takes no notice of any service done by Podalirius and Machaon, to the Pestilentials of the Graecian Camp; for it may be inferr'd, from what he says upon that subject, that those Ancients thought the cure of that distemper much above the power of humane skill, and expected no relief, but what came immediately from their Gods, whose wrath they esteem [...]d the only cause of it.

But if we must not deny Esculapius, and his Sons, to have been Physicians, because we find no instances of their undertaking inward Ma­ladies, yet we ought therefore certainly not to vouch 'em as such, without sufficient evidence. The testimony of Galen, that he cur'd Diseases by Musick, and Exercise on foot, and Horse­back, &c. may justly be suspected; for he, be­ing of aPergamus, where he was worshipp'd, and had, a Temple no less famous than that at Epidaurus. Lucian says that he had a Shop, and practis'd Physick there. Vid. Lucian Iearomenip. City consecrated to Esculapius, was oblig'd to speak advantageously of the God of his Country, as him­self calls him. The autho­rity of Pindar, already cited, and of other Poets, who men­tion him, is insufficient, ex­aggerations being inseparable from Poetry. The almost universal consent of Antiquity, that acknowledge [...]d him, as the Inventor of Physick in general, and sacrifie [...]d to him as a God, that presided over the health of Men, is of much greater weight.

CHAP. XVII. The common Opinion, which makes ES­CULAPIUS the Author of Phy­sick in general, reconcil [...]d to that which allows him the knowledge of Surgery only.
The Antiquity, and Necessity of this part of Physick is shewn, and how far ES­CULAPIUS might carry it, is examin'd.

TO reconcile the general Opinion to that of Celsus, we must suppose, that in the time of Chiron and Esculapius, Surgery was the part of Physick most in request, or look'd upon as most necessary; the other, perhaps, being ex­ercis [...]d indifferently by all sorts of persons, or not seeming to be of equal service:

Not that Mens Bodies were at that time dif­ferently made from ours now, or they exempt from inward distempers, altho' suppos'd to be more robust, and less subject to 'em, than we are; but when they were surpriz'd (for in­stance) by a Fever, or a Pleurisie, they waited with patience the motions of Nature: If they took any thing, 'twas someSuch as we call Kitchin Physick. familiar Medi­cine, which their own, or their Neighbour [...]s experience, who made no profession of Medi­cine, furnish'd 'em with.

These means often succeeded; but tho' this easie, common method, might be of use in disorders of the humours, 'twas plain, it cou'd be of no service to a broken Arm, or Shoulder slipp'd, cases of this nature requiring a parti­cular experience, and dexterity of hand, which were not to be acquir [...]d under long Practice: there was a necessity, that some shou'd apply themselves more particularly to it, to succeed the better in it; and thence, by way of Ex­cellence, [Page 57]they were call'd Physicians, because they cur'd Maladies, which others cou'd not. They might, perhaps, cure some inward Dis­eases, but the fairest prospect of their Art lay not on that side. Twas, undoubtedly, for the preceding reason, that Celsus esteem [...]d Surgery to be the most ancient part of Physick; they cou'd, in some measure, dispence with the other branch, but this must needs come into play al­most as soon as there were Men; for if the strength of Constitution, and the simple and uni­form manner of living, among the primitive Men, render [...]d em less obnoxious to diseases, they became not thereby invulnerable, nor ex­cus'd from the accidents of breaking a Leg, or an Arm. If therefore the strength of Nature was no protection from these misfortunes, they must of necessity have recourse to other as­sistance. Those therefore, that signaliz [...]d them­selves by their address on these occasions, be­came very considerable, and were very much respected among Men for the visible need they had of [...]em; which caus'd [...]. Iliad. [...]. Hower to say, A Physician was worth more than abundance of other Men.

Add to the certain need Men had of Surgery, the manifest relief they found by it, and the [...]e will no scruple remain, why this part of Phy­sick shou'd establish it self in the World earlier than the rest.Est (que) ejus effectus inter omnes Medicinae partes eviden­tissimus. Siquidem in morbis cum multum fortuna conferat, ead [...]m (que) saepe sa [...]utaria, saepe va­na sint; potest dubitali secunda vale [...]udo medicinae, an corporis beneficio contigerit. In his quo­que in quibus medicamentis max­imè utimur, quamvis pro [...]ectus evidentior est, tumen sanitatem & per haec frustr [...] quaeri, & sine his reddi saepe manifestum est. Sicut in oculis q [...] (que) deprehend [...] p [...]est; qui a medicis [...]ù vexati, sine hi [...] interd [...]m sa [...]s. unt. At in [...] pa [...]e, quae manu [...]urat, eviden [...] est, [...]em profecrum, [...]t aliquid ali ahis adjuvetur, hine tamen plurinum trahere, Cels pr [...]sat lib 7. The effects of it (viz. Surgery) are the most evident of any in Physick (says Celsus). In discases Fortune bears great sway; and the same things are sometimes beneficial, sometimes ineffectual; so that 'tis doubt­ful, [Page 58]whether the cure be owing to the goodness of the Remedy, or the Constitution even where Medi­cines are most necessary; tho' their use be somewhat more evident, they frequently fail of restoring health, which is often recover'd without 'em. As sore Eyes, after they've been long tormented in vain by Physicians, sometimes do well when given over. But in cures by Manual Operation, tho' other things may be of some help, yet the main success is owing to that.

Thus far Celsus. The immediate terror, and anxiety, that wounds and fractures produc'd, either thro' great profu­sions of Blood, or agonies of Pain, procur'd a great veneration for those that afforded any comfort or relief. Whereas the advance of Diseases being less sensible, having seldom any thing of terror in their approach, 'tis probable that most of 'em were little heeded, till they were ready to determine by a natural Crisis, or were so radicated, that 'twas past the power of Physick, especially in its infancy, to relieve 'em. As for those acute distempers, that were of swifter execution, such as Pestilen­tials, they were generally mortal; by which means, Physick made but very slow advances, till after some Ages spent in collecting of Observa­tions, it came to the heighth of repu­tation under Hippocrates. Such visible relief cou'd not but make an impression upon the most stupid people; an ad­vantage the rest of Physick had not. Some have thought it a trifle, that they might ab­solutely dispence with the want of: Others that cou'd not think so meanly of it, yet thought they need not be so solicitous about it, every one being Physician enough for himself; at most, that 'twas sufficient to consult his Neigh­bour. We see the Peasants, to this day, those especially that live remote from great Towns, arrive at a conside­rable age, without once ma­king use of a Physician.With us the Country People, in all acute Cases, and even in Chroni­cal ones too, when they are so far gone that the symptoms begin to grow urgent, and the danger appears, have recourse to some charitable Lady, or skilful old Woman, that dispences Cor­dials, and other Med'cines, from a Receipt-Book, or to some confident Water­casting Quack, of which there are swarms every where. So far are they from slighting inward Diseases, that they catch at any the most delusive shadow of assistance. If they don't consult real Physicians, 'tis because of the difficulty or charge, the Patient being generally weak before he desires it, and unable to attend, or send for a Physician; and those whom they de­pute for that purpose being usually persons interested in the experce, content themselves with the cheapest, and easiest means of shewing their care, sa­tisfying themselves with a seeming, or superficial discharge of their daty. The same shifts are made in cases of Surgery. But if any accident happens that requires the assistance of a Surgeon, he is presently sent for.

The Greeks at that time were much upon the same foot; the Surgeon was all the Physician they had. Tis further probable, that the Sur­gery of Esculapius, and his Son, was not arriv [...]d at the perfection 'tis now at, nor that Hippo­crates brought it to, the use of Incisions and Cau­teries not having been then so common as it has since been. These ancient Masters cou [...]d Set broken Bones, and reduce Joints dislocated; and if they had wounds under their care, con­tented themselves barely to make the Incisions necessary to draw out an Arrow, or Dart, from the part wounded, without extending that operation to the purposes for which 'tis now in use. Much less did they use the Cautery, or Application of Fire, as since; using only, on those occasions, a few [...]. Ham. [...]. specisick Herbs, [...]. Id. or asswaging Remedies. This was the occa­sion that Chiron was reputed the Inventor of the use of Herbs in Surgery. The reception that the Romans gave their first Physician, that is, their first Surgeon, that came among em, confirms this conjecture. The method he us [...]d, which was that then in practice in Greece, where it was at that time pretty well improv'd, ap­pear'd to them so cruel and barbarous, that they look [...]d upon him as the common Executioner. 'Tis not probable that they were wholly with­out Surgery before the arrival of that stranger, their continual Wars made that Art absolutely necessary to 'em; but being used to a milder method, such as we suppose Esculapius's to have been. the [...] cou [...]d not but think the new Surgery extreamly harsh.

I doubt not but it appears strange thus to degrade Esculapius, and his Sons; and 'tis hard to believe, that Men that knew, according to [Page 60]our supposition, little more than any ordinary Bone-setter, or Country Surgeon, shou'd carry the honour of being the Inventors of Physick. But our surprize will cease, when we consider that Surgery, being one of the principal parts of Physick, and Esculapius and his Sons practising at a time, when there were no Physicians, but Surgeons, or who were also Surgeons, and were more consider'd upon that score, they might naturally enough pass for Inventors of an Art in general, of which they practic'd the part most in request in their time. In the second place we must take notice, that tho' Esculapius was more celebrated for his Surgery than Physick, yet it does not follow from thence, that he concern [...]d himself not at all with the latter. 'Tis likely, as we have said, that he undertook inward Maladies as well as outward, and that he practic'd all parts of Physick, as did all that follow'd him, to Hip­pocrates, and long after him. This, in my opinion, is the most reasonable explication of these passages of Celsus and Pliny, and fittest to reconcile their opinion with that which is vulgarly receiv'd.

CHAP. XVIII. Supposing there were two ESCULA­PIUS's, one an Aegyptian, the other a Greek, we may thence infer, that the former had more knowledge than the latter, or that they both were severally the Inventors of Physick, each in his own Country: Wherein the man­ner, how this Art was transmitted from one Nation to another, is occa­sionally examin'd.

MEntion having been made of another Escu­lapius, an Aegyptian, and the Inventor of Physick, any one might suppose him more skil­ful than the Greek, and that he was Master of his profession in its utmost latitude. These two Esculapius's may reasonably be reduc'd to one; but if there must needs be two, an Aegyp­tian and a Greek, 'tis possible that one might have a more extended knowledge than the other; but finding no certain information thereof, we leave the Reader to determine for himself. As to the latter, Surgery appears to have been his chief talent.

Upon this a question may arise; Whether if there were two Esculapius's, each were the In­ventor of Physick in his own Country? To which it may be answer'd, That we see nothing to the contrary, but that each might pass for such among his Country Men.

Pluta [...]ch. Sympos. lib. 3. quaest. 1.The Magnesians affirm, that Chiron was the first that wrote of Physick. The Tyrians maintain the same of their King Cadmus, to whom they offer'd first-fruits of Plants, out of a perswasion that he first taught the use of [...]em [Page 62]in Diseases. Bacchus King of Assyria, Lybia, and India, was by those people honour'd as the Author of Med [...]cine; whether it were because he discover [...]d the virtues of the Ivy, or because he taught the use of Wine, which has caus'd him to be taken for Noah, they can't all be in the right, all that we can from thence infer is, that Chiron, Cadmus and Bacchus, were seve­rally the first that introduc'd the practice into their own Countries: the same might be the case not only of the two Esculapius's, but of divers others in distant parts of the World, whether at the same, or different times.

It may be further question [...]d; Whether these Inventors, or reputed Inventors of Physick, have not borr [...]w'd one from another? Every one, perhaps, might at first make his own Ex­periments and Discoveries at home, without Foreign assistance, by which they were bound­ed, while unacquainted with Commerce; but beginning, one after another, to shake off their primitive Barbarity, and Traffick being insen­sibly establish [...]d among 'em, their discoveries were at the same time exchang'd, every one being desirous to imitate, or introduce into his own Country, what he found useful abroad. Thus Physick came to be establish [...]d and per­fected every where, as fast as they cou'd unite, to their own, those Lights which were reflected from abroad.

But, tho' the knowledge of these first be­ginners, in every place, were but very mean, compar'd with that of those that came after 'em, yet, because they laid the foundations, and were the most perfect of their Times, they were honour'd, as if no possible improvements were to be made upon them.

This, in my mind, is the just Idea of these reputed Inventors of Physick. But there is yet this difference between the first Esculapius, and the rest whom the Greeks mention, That if he be as old as is pretended, he will appear not [Page 63]only to have laid the first grounds of this Art in his own Country, as all the rest in theirs, but to be the ancientest of all.

What we have just now said starts yet ano­ther question: Who were the first People that cultivated Physick? There's no question, but the Aegyptians, or Phaenicians, were the first, who are likewise the most ancient People known. Aegypt has been call'd, the Mother of Arts; and the Greeks themselves acknowledge, that they borrow'd their Religion, and almost all the Sciences, and curious Arts. Phaenicia furnish [...]d 'em with the use of Letters; so that the Greeks, in a manner, held of these People all that was nice among 'em, which they re­ceiv'd pretty late too; as did the Romans after them, who tarry'd a long time e'er they intro­duc'd into their State, what they in their turn deriv'd from the Greeks of this sort of know­ledge.

CHAP. XIX. PODALIRIUS and MACHAON, Esculapius's two Sons, famous Physi­cians, or Surgeons; their Wives and Families.

See Eu­stath. in Il [...]ad. 4.SOme Ancients have believ'd, that the latter was only a Surgeon, but that the former was a Physician. What has been said before of their Father, may determine that point. That Machaon was the eldest, may be inferr'd from what Q. Calaber makes Podalirius say upon the occasion of his death; That his dear Brother had brought him up like a Son, after their Father was taken into Heaven, and that he had taught him to cure Diseases.

[...].Tho' Homer always names Podalirius first, when he mentions both Brothers toge­ther, 'tis only for the convenience of his Me­tre. Machaon seems to have been esteem'd, and preferr'd before his Brother, by the great Men of the Army. He dress [...]d Menalaus, wounded by Pandarus, wiping first the blood from the wound, and not sucking it with his lips, [...], which Portus in his Latin Version of the Iliad [...]enders, Sa [...]gut [...]c exucto, Iliad. as a certain learned Man, mis-led by the nearest signification of the word, that Homer uses, has written. And after having cleans'd the wound, he applied some softning Remedies, as his Fa­ther did.Tarda Philocte [...]ae [...]sanavit cu [...]ra Machaon. Prop. lib. 2. This, and V [...]gd [...]'s T [...]stimony, that he was in laded in the Wooden Horse, are dire [...]ly r [...]pagnant to Pausa­nias, and Q. Ca [...]er, who say that Machaon was slain before the Wa [...]l [...] of Troy, by E [...]rypylus, in single [...]hat. For the stratagem of the Wooden Horse decided the fate of Troy, and this cure was made in his return. Vide infra. Machaon likewise it was, that cur'd Philoctetes of a lameness, contracted by letting an Arrow, dipt in the Gall of the Lerncan Hydra, a Legacy of Hereules at his death, fall upon his foot. By this cure Machaon shou'd have been a more expert Surgeon than Chiron the Centaur, who cou'd not cure himself of a wound by the sameChap. 1 [...]. weapon. As for the rest, both the Bro­thers were as well Soldiers as Physicians; and Machaon seems to have been very brave. Ho­mer tells us of a wound he receiv'd in the shoulder, in a sally of the Trojans. He was likewise one of those that were enclos'd in the Wooden Horse, that famous Machine by which the Greeks took Troy. He lost his life in singleHygin. Fa [...]. lib. 1. cap. 81, 1 [...]8, 113. Duel with Nireus, or, asPausan. La­coa. Q. Calaber. lib. 6. & 7. some others will have it, with Eurypylus Son of Telephus, du­ring the Siege of Troy. Both the Brothers are reckon'd among the Gallants of Helen.

Pausan. in Messeniacis, St [...]b. lib. 8. Anticlea Wife to Machaon, was Daughter to Diocles King of Messenia: By her he had two Sons, Nicomachus and Gorgasus, who re­sided at Pherae, and possess'd the Kingdom of [Page 65]their Grandfather, till the Heraclians, at their return from Troy, made themselves Masters of Messenia, and the rest of Pelopernesus; from whence they drove both them, and others. Pausanias mentions some other Sons of Macha­on, as Sphyrus, Alexanor, and Polemoer [...]tes. WhetherThis doubt is easily resolv'd, [...]or his Wise' [...] Inheritance was Messenia in Pe­loponuesus, and his Subjects, or Soldiers, were Thessalians, a [...] Homer witnes­ses, of Trica, by some said to be the place both of his Fathers and his Birth. [...]. Iliad. Δ Machaon were a King in his own Right, or in Right of his Wife only, is uncer­tain; but Homer, in two or three several pla­ces, calls him [...]. Iliad. [...]. Pastor of the People, which is the Title he gives Agamemnon, and the rest of the Kings. Pausanias adds, That he was bu­ried in Messenia, whither Nestor had caus'd his Bones to be convey'd from before Troy.

Podalirius, in his return from Troy, was cast upon the Coast of Caria by a storm, where he was entertain'd by a Shepherd; who under­standing that he was a Physician, brought him to King Damathaeus, whose Daughter had got a fall from a House-top. Her he cur'd by let­ting her blood in both arms, which so affected the King, that he gave her him for a [...] and with her theNot the Achaian Penin­sula, call'd Pelopou [...]sus, lying between the Aegaean and Ponian Seas, mention'd before as the Dower of [...] Bro­thers Wife, but the Thracian, between the Propontis and the Eu [...]ing Se [...]. Chersonese, where he buil [...] two Cities, Syrna so nam'd from his Wife Syrna, and Bybassus from the Shepherd, that receiv'd him after his Wreck.

He had, among other Children, a Son call'd Hippolochus, from whom Hippocrates deriv'd himself; as we shall see hereafter.

CHAP. XX. The first instance of PHLEBOTO­MY; Reflections upon the Antiquity and Invention of that Remedy, and of PURGATION; And, upon the opinion, that Brutes taught Men the first use of divers Med'cines.

THis is what is related of the Sons of Escu­lapius: The latter having given us the first instance of Blood-letting, it may deserve our further consideration. Stephanus Byzantinus, from whom we have taken this relation, not telling us where he had it, and being the only Evidence, the fact is yet very questionable.

Parere del S. Lionardo di Capo [...] in­torno la Mc­dicina.A modern Author, before cited, thinks the silence of Homer a sufficient argument to prove that it was not known in his days; and that, if he had been acquainted with a Re­medy of that nature, he wou'd sooner have ta­ken notice of it, than of a hundred other trifles with which he stuffs his Poem. But to this we may answer, That Homer not writing of Physick, his silence is no argument on ei­ther side in this case. If it be objected, that he has spoken largely of Moly, and Nepenthe, it may be alledg'd that the Laws of Epick, and Sublime Poetry, allow it. TheTho there be a Plart still known by the name of [...]omer's Moly, yet it may be look'd upon as a Poctical Being, rais'd only to serve the Poet's turn, as an under Machine in the corduct of h [...] [...]oem, no such qualities appearing, in reality, in the Plant that bears the name. Vide Odyff. K. Moly being a sort of Coun­ter-charm to Incantations, was as natural an Instrument of this sort of Poetry, as En­chantments themselves. As [Page 67]for theThe same sen­tence may with­out temerity be pr [...]nouned upon Nepeuthe. Tis rather a Ma­chine than a Med [...]cine, and as such only ought to be con­sider'd by those that criticize upon this passqge of Homer. Th [...]se that san­cy it to have been Opium must have very powerful imaginations to sind the Analogy between 'em. Homer's was manifestly a Med [...]cine for the mind, that was to comfort, and raise the Spiri [...]s of Yelemachus, who was de­jected and desponding, upon the account of his Father's absence, and his Mother's troubles. From one of the Epithets, which Homer bestows upon it, the Proper name signifying its chief property is form [...]d. Vid. Ody [...]ss [...]. Nepenthe, tho' it were only Opium, as some conjecture, as tis a Drug of wonder­ful efficacy, Homer might very well give it a place, without derogating from the dignity of his Poem; but, when he spoke of the Reme­dies that Podalirius and Machaon us'd, in case of wounds, he contented himself with the ge­neral name of Lenitive Med'cines, without specifying 'em.

If this Author's Reasoning wou'd hold good, we might as lawfully infer, that Purging was not us'd in Homer's time, because he takes no notice of it; which, in my opinion, is too im­probable to be maintain'd.

A Second objection against the antiquity of Blood-letting may be rais'd upon the authority of Cicero, who, when he reports the inventi­ons of the first and third Esculapius, takes no notice of it. Yet this hinders not, but that it might be the invention of the second Esculapi­us, of whom Tully says nothing, but that he was brother to the second Mercury, and slain by thunder.

What Diodorus, and Herodotus report of the Physick of the Egyptians, seems to prove that it was not practic'd by them; their prescripti­ons being confin'd within the compass of Diet, Clysters, Purges, and Vomits. If Bloud-letting had been known to 'em, 'twas a remedy too considerable to have been forgotten. But it may be answer [...]d, that these Authors speak only of the ordinary niethods, that were practic'd [Page 68]every day; as if we should say, theThe Author see us to be very much a stranger to the practice of the English Ph [...]sicians, who prescribe Bleeding, as fr [...]quent­ly perhaps as most in the world, tho not so indiffer [...]ntly in all cases as in Spain, &c. English use Vomits very much, the Germans, Sudorifies; which is no argument that they do not some­times let Bloud, tho in truth they do it but ve­ry seldom, especially the latter; and 'tis pro­bable, Egypt being a Country much hotter than Greece, that they let Bloud much more rarely.

Of the time when Bloud-letting was intro­duc'd we have nothing certain, nor of those that first used it. Hippocrates, who is the anti­entest Author we have, and the first that has mention'd Bleeding, convinces us that 'twas not a new Remedy in his time, nor of late in­vention. For tho he brings no formal argu­ments to the contrary, yet we may naturally infer so much; since in his time they open'd all the veins they do now, those of the Arms, the Feet, the Forhead, the Nose, the Tongue, &c. They us [...]d likewise Cupping with Scarification, and were grown bold enough to open the Ar­teries both by Instruments and Fire. To arrive at all these different ways of letting Bloud, does necessarily, in my opinion, requiro a long experience in that practice, it being impossible to advance so far at the first step, either in hardiness, or ability.

As for Purgatives, Cicero, as we have seen, ascribes the invention of 'em to the third Escu­lapius; but supposing that, as well as what Ste­phanus Byzantinus reports of Podalirius's letting Bloud, to be a Fiction, there are yet convincing proofs enough of their antiquity behind. He­rodotus the oldest Greek Historian, and after him Diodorus, reports that 'twas usual with the Aegyptians to give a Med'cine, that both purg'd and vomited. This is imagin [...]d to be a fort ofThe Author ought either to have nam'd some other Author of these conjectures, or to have laid down his own reasons for 'em▪ since neither of the Simples named by him, nor any sort of Beer in common use has the qualities of the Egyptian Med'cine. There is an herb in frequent use in many parts of England, with the skilful old women in the Country, that has both, that is, the L [...]urcola, or Spurge L [...]w [...]l, which will (according to a vulgar errour among 'em) work ei [...]er [...]p­wards, or downwards, as the Leaves, which the [...] use, are shipp'd from the Stalk; but in truth will do either or both, a [...]rding to the st [...]er [...]th of the dose, and the Patients cons [...]tation. Tho' I think we n [...]d not be at much pains in guessing at it, since almost all the Purging Med [...]nes most autiently us'd had both faculties, (viz.) of moving to Stool, and V [...]mit, such were Hellebore, Elaterium, Spurge, &c. This M [...]d'cine wa [...] [...]ll [...]d [...], whence [...], to purge, and [...], Purgation. Rhadish, or an Herb resembling Seleri, or a composition like a sort of Beer.

The Antiquity of Purging may likewise be further supported by the reasons already al­ledg'd in favour of Bloud-letting; that is, by the variety of Purgatives already in use in the time of Hippocrates, as Hellebore, Elaterium, Peplium, Coloquintida, Scammony, and divers others. It is not probable that all these Med [...] ­cines were discover'd at a time. As for Elate­rium, there is no doubt but it was known long before, having been in use among the Cnidian Physitians, who preceeded Hippocrates. There is yet less reason to doubt the antiquity of Hellebore, if the history of Melampus be not fa­bulous.

But waving all these proofs, I can't help be­lieving Purgation to be very ancient, for a rea­son founded upon the necessary consequence of an experience, which must needs be almost as old as Mankind.If the prin [...] ­tive mann [...]r of living were such, as in the beginning of this Book, our Auth [...]r, and with him m [...] learned men suppose it to have been; the simplicity of Men's diet, which consisted chiefly, if not altogether of Herbs and F [...]uit, sh [...]'d rather have expos'd 'em to Diarrhaea's, than Costiveness; and the Symptoms that ge­nerally accompany the former, which are Gripes, and Fai [...]n [...], being more immediate, and terrible, than those of the lat [...]er, the obser [...]ation of their own Bodies shou'd rather have discourag [...]d the use of Purgers, had they known 'em, than promoted an e [...]qutry after 'em. 'Tis probable, th [...] the Medical use of Pargers was not known, till af [...] a series of obs [...]ti­ons had introduc'd a regular diet, and taught 'em in some m [...]asure to [...] ­per it to their occasions. Then perhaps in obstinate and dangero [...]s [...], they [...]ght venture farther by degrees. But when that happen'd is next to [...]up [...]ible to determine. As for the St [...]ries of Brutes, they may all, as [...] of Melampus as the rest, be rejected as Fables. Neither Hel­lebore, [...] other Parging [...]t, that we know of, being so savoury, as to [...] Brutes to eat. In these latter ages at least, they will starve rather than be s [...]rc'd to it. For tis impossible they [Page 70]shou [...]d have been long without observing the mischief of being costive, and the relief of eva­cuation either by Stool, or Vomit when the Sto­mach was oppress'd. This probably must make 'em inquisitive after means to provoke Evacua­tions, when they were suppress'd, or when they found themselves overcharg'd. Or, perhaps, some body having without design eaten some herb, that purg [...]d him, and finding himself better dispos'd, and more healthy after it, made his use of this casual experiment, and afterwards repeated it upon himself, or others, that he thought had occasion; or, after all, some body observing, that some diseases went off with Diarrhaeas, endeavour'd to imitate, and assist Nature by such means, as chance had taught 'em, to loosen the Belly.

Some such reason as this apparently started the first hint of Bloud-letting. For the first men observing that loss of Blood often gave a check to violent distempers; or that large Hemorr­hages at the Nose reliev'd pains in the Head; and that Women were out of order, when they wanted those evacuations, attempted by Art to open a way for that Bloud which cou'd not make any for itself.

But tho some evacuations of Bloud be fre­quently necessary, and of benefit in distempers, it does not fellow, that men shou'd as readily venture to imitate Nature in this case, as in that of Purging. This latter voiding only excrements by the natural way; whereas, Bleeding takes away a liquor, that appears so necessary to the support of life, that we scarce part from it without some horror, and that too [Page 71]is let out by an unusual way; besides, that Pur­gers were found out by chance, and taken into the bodies of the first men as their Food, which can [...]t be said for Blood-Letting.

'Tis certain therefore, that Purging is much more naturally indicated, than Blood Letting, and that more reasoning was requisite to in­duce Men to open a Vein than to give a Purge, and for that reason I believe Purgation to be the eldest.

Pliny, I know, tells us, that we are oblig'd to the Hippopotamus, or Sea-horse, who, being by over-feeding grown too fat, and heavy, pricks a certain Vein in his Leg, upon the most point­ed thorn he can find, and when he has drawn Bloud enough, stops the wound with Mud: whence Men had a precedent for Bloud-letting. We may tack this relation to another the same Author gives us in his next Chapter, that the Ibis taught Men the use of Clysters, by putting his bill full of Sea-Water into his Funda­ment.

Not but that Brutes might possibly teach men the use of divers Remedies. But 'twas in them as well as men, an accidental experi­ment. SoVide Chap. 11. Mclampus's Goats having eaten Hellebore more by chance, than by (what we call) Instinct, and their Master taking notice of it, help'd him to the discovery of a great Med­cine.

A more plau­sible story than any of these Virgil tells us of his Goats, Aencid. xii. Dictamnum ge­netrix Cretea carpit ab Idâ, Puberibus caulem Solus, & Flore coman­tem Pu [...]pu [...]eo, non illa seres incognita ca [...]ris Gramina, cum stigo volucres haesere sagitt [...]e. Whether this story be more admirable for the Sagacity ascrib'd to those Brutes, or the power of the Herbs, I leave those to dispute who have more leisure, but it has a great many Naturalist [...] [...]or Vouchers. [...]. They say that the Goats in Crete, when they are struck with an Arrow, eat Dittany, and the Arrow immediate [...] [...]ops from 'em. Arist [...] [...]. Id. Hist. anim. lib. 9. Elian. Hist. Var. l [...] D [...]os [...]or. l. 3. c. 37. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 8. Plutarch. de Solert. Ani [...] [...] Gryl [...]o. Cic de Divin. 3. Issdor. &c. Notwithstand­ing [...] great names, the Reader is left to believe as he pleases of the [...]ct.The same may be said of what someGalen. In­troduct. Au­thors [Page 72]report that the way of Couching Cataracts, was learnt by observing that Goats, that were troubled with 'em, recover [...]d their sight by ha­ving prickt their Eyes with rushes, or thorns, as they brush'd thro' the Woods. If this be not as very a Fable, as those of the Hippopotamus, or Ibis, 'tis at most but a lucky accident, of which good use has been made.

Perhaps likewise, even without the aid of chance, the first Men might designedly try upon Brutes the effects of Simples unknown, before they ventur'd on 'em themselves. This way too Brutes might teach the use of 'em, but not in the Sense of the Naturalists. No body ventures to say, that [...]utes taught men the use of poi­sons, drawn from the Bowels of the Earth, of which nevertheless there are but too many.

CHAP. XXI. Epione, Wife to ESCULAPIUS; Hygiaea, Aegle, Panacaea, and Jaso his Daughter.

THe Etymology of these names shews 'em to be meer creatures of a wantonPausan. in Achaic. Fancy, and a continuation only of the Sun's being the Author of Physick, under the name of Apollo. Esculapius is also taken for the Air. Hygiaea, that is Health, is call'd his Daughter, because our health depends chiefly upon the Air. [Page 73] Aegle, Light, or Sunshine, signifies that Air illuminated and purified by the Sun is the best. Jaso, and Panacaea, which signify Healing, and an universal Remedy, insinuate to us, that a good air cures all distempers. These four Si­sters are feign'd to be daughters of the Air, to shew that we are beholding to the Air for Health, and all the blessings we are to hope from Med [...]cine; this Air is suppos'd to be Son of the Sun, because to dispose it for the ad­vantage of Health it must be, as it were, ani­mated by that Star, from which it receives all its good qualities. To carry on the Allegory, Esculapius's Wife is named [...], lenifying. Hepione, as if she shar'd with her Husband the faculty of asswag­ing Pain.

This sham Esculapius, and his Fantastick Fa­mily confirm, what we advanc'd before, that there never was any Esculapius of Greece. As for Podalirius, and Machaon, who might per­haps be Men really present at the Siege of Troy in quality of Physitians or Surgeons,The Poet pro­bably in this consulted the dignity of his Poem, as he did in those Epithets [...], and [...], which he in divers places bestows upon Machaon. Not perhaps that he was a King, as out Author from this latter appellation argues. But in that he seems to me to inser too much, Homer not restraining it to Kings only. For he gives Alexander and others the same title, tho they were not crown'd Heads. the Poet, I suppose, made 'em Sons of Esculapius for the greaten grace of the matter, as he says that Physitians in general are of the race of Paeon, Phy­sitian to the Gods; of whom before.

CHAP. XXII. The History of ESCULAPIUS continued. Wherein, what is ascrib'd to him in Physick by the Antients af­ter his being deified, is set forth.

WE have seen, what has been said of Escula­pius consider [...]d as a Man. To preserve the Chronological order, we shou'd suspend the relation of what concerns him in Physick after his deification, till the time in which it hap­pened. But to avoid digressions, we choose to finish at once his History, Man or God.

Among those, says Clemens Alexandrinus, who were heretofore in Egypt, and who were but Men, tho the superstition of the People has made Gods of 'em, were Hermes of Thebes, and Escu­lapius of Memphis. This Author, who here makes Esculapius an Egyptian, and joyns him with Hermes, who liv'd in the time of Noah, seems to make him much later, when he says, that he was deified but fifty three years before the Siege of Troy, and makes him contempory to Hercules, and companion to Castor and Pol­lux in their Voyage. We have already taken notice that he did apparently confound the Egyptian Esculapius, with the Grecian. Perhaps in this latter passage he has follow'd the Greeks, who believ [...]d their Esculapius no older.

In Corin­thiar. Pausanias asserts of Esculapius, that from the very first he was none of those, whose reputation grew by degrees; and endeavours to prove his assertion by an expression in the Ilias, that callsPau­sani [...]s wrests this authority of Homer to a sense, that in probability the Poet never dreamt of. For Man, or Mortal is a common Epithet in Homer, even where there is no suspicion of any intended destincton of this nature. [...]. Iliad Δ Machaon a Mortal, the Son of Esculapius, which with him is all one with a Man Son of a God.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Temples built to ESCULAPI­US. In particular of that at Epi­daurus; and of the several different representations of Esculapius.

ESculapius being thus immortaliz'd, Temples were built in divers places, and vows made, and Sacrifice offered to him, as the God of Health Pausan. in Messen. & Co­rinthiac. They erected likewise Temples to his Sons, and Grandsons. Among all that were built in honour of Esculapius, that of Epidaurus was the most considerable. This City was con­secrated to him, either because he was born there, or because he had his abode there. In this Temple, which was five miles from the Ci­ty, was his statue of Gold and Ivory, made by the famous Carver Thrasymedes. It was of an extraordinary size, and represented the God sit­ting upon a Throne with a Staff in one hand, and leaning with the other upon the head of a Dragon, with a Dog at his feet.

Albrieus de deor. ima­ginibus. Esculapius was otherwise represented with aHe was sometimes represented as a Child by an I­mage, of the heighth of a Cu­bit. Vide Pau­san. Arcad [...]a. page 5 [...]8. He was sometimes repre­sented with a beard. long beard, habited like a Physician, sitting with a box of Ointment, and the necessary In­struments of his profession in his lap. In his right hand he held his beard, in his left a Staff with a Serpent twin'd about it, to signifie, according to the explication ofDe na­tura d [...]orum. Phornutius, that the sick for their cure, must renew their Bodies and slip their Skins, as the Serpent does his. The Serpent, being likewise the Emblem of Attention, signified that Physicians ought to be very at­tentive to what befel their patients. The Staff signified, that those who recover [...]d of any di­stemper, have need of much management, and good support to prevent a relapse. Others say, [Page 76]that Esculapius's Staff was full of knots, to shew the difficulties in the study and practice of Physick. Festus, from whom this last remark is borrow'd, adds, that this God wore a wreath of Laurel, because this plant is of use in divers remedies.

CHAP. XXIV. How ESCULAPIUS is represent­ed in some Medals. Of the figure of the Telesphorus, which is join'd in some of 'em

THere are yet some Medals of Esculapius re­maining,The curi­ous M [...] Ch [...]l­ton sh [...]w'd [...]e an Abinus, which bore on the reverse an Esculapius standing [...]are from the Waste upwards, hold­ing a Staff in his hand, with a Serpent twin'd about it. The Inscription was Albin: CAES. R C. O S I I. on which he is stampt at full length, with the Pallium after the Greek fashi­on, which exposes the body naked to the view from the Girdle upwards, leaning upon a Staff. In others he has a Cock at his feet, to insinuate that a Physician ought to be vigilant. In some others we find an Owlet, to shew that a Physi­cian ought to be as clear-fighted, and ready in the Night as the Day for the service of their Patients.

In several Medals Esculapius is accompany'd by a small figure, representing a young Boy cover'd with a Cowl. Monsieur Spon will have this to be an emblem of Sickness, the object of Medi­cine, because, among the Antients, the Sick only wore the Robe, and Bonnet, whereas those that were in health went bareheaded. This Boy, or little Man, was call'd Telesphorus.

Monsieur Patin mentions a Medal coin'd in honour of the Emperour Adrian, which bore on one side an Esculapius with his daughter Hygiaea; on the reverse a Telesphorus, with this In­scription [Page 77]round it. [...]. Near the Telesphorus were these two letters OB. This learned Antiquary and Physician explains these words thus; Pergame­norum sub Cephalione, adding in an Italick Cha­racter, Telesphorus. He tells us, after Pausani­as, that Telesphorus was a Deity of the Perga­menians, so nam'd by the command of the Ora­cle; and that some translate this wordPossess'd. Dae­moniac, orOne that speaks in the Belly. Ventiloquus.

This application induces me to think, that Telesphorus and Ob signified the same thing, finding elsewhere that this latter word is like­wise render'd by that of Demoniac, or Ventrilo­quous Spirit. So Selden; De Diis Syris Syntag­mat. 2. The word Ob is usually translated by that of Python, or Magi­cian. But Ob was a Spirit, or Demon, that seem'd to speak from within; sometimes from the Head, and sometimes from the Armpit; but in a tone, whether of a Daemoniac, or of a dead man, so low, that it seem'd to come from some deep cavity in the Earth; so that whoever consulted it, oftentimes heard it not, but made what construction he pleas'd. Selden adds immediately; see the History of Samuel, whose Figure was rais'd to Saul by a Woman, from whose Pudenda Ob spoke, or was thought to speak. The Scripture in the 28th Chapter of the 1st book of Samuel calls this Pythonissa, or as the seventy translate this Ventriloqua, a Woman that had Ob; whence Saul makes this request to her; Divine to me, I pray thee by Ob, which the lxx render; [...]. Pro­phesie to me by the Ventriloquus. Ob therefore was a Ventriloquous Spirit.

This conjecture seem'd to me well grounded. But Monsieur Patin, has done me the favour to inform me that instead of OB, we shou'd read T O B, this being more frequent upon Medals. He is likewise of opinion, that the two first Letters T O shou'd be disjoyn'd from the B, and read T O B, as two words, which signify according to him a second time. This se­cond [Page 78]time is, says he, capable of variety of interpretation, either from the City where the Medal was coin'd, or from the Praetor or Pon­tifex under whom it was coin'd. He further observes this word, where the Telesphorus had nothing to no. If Monsieur Patin be not mistaken, especially in this last particular, my conjecture is entirely overthrown; for my part I readily submit to his authority in a matter, whereof he is so great a Master.

Pausanias observes that what the Pergamenians call'd Telesporus, was call'd Acesius at Epidaurus, and Evamerion in Messenia.

CHAP. XXIV. ESCULAPIUS appear'd sometimes in the form of a Serpent. His Voyage to Rome, to put a stop to the Plague: Of the Temple built for him in the Isle of Tyber. Some particulars concern­ing the Temple, and the place where it was erected.

THe Serpent was so dear to Esculapius, that his usual appearance was under that Shape. In that he came to free Rome from the Plague, in its three hundred and fiftieth year. The Romans, says Aurelius Victor, sent ten Deputies to Epidaurus by the advice of the Oracle, to bring the God Esculapius to Rome. The chief of them was Q. Ogulnius; these Deputies being arriv'd there, and admiring the extraordinary size of the Statue, saw coming out of the Throne, on which he sat, a Serpent, that struck into 'em an awe rather of veneration, then terrour, and traversing the City, [Page 79]thro' crouds of Spectators that were amaz'd at the Prodigy, went on board the Romans Vessel to the Cabbin of Ogulnius. The Deputies, transported with joy of the Gods Company, arrived happily at Antium, where they abode some time, the rough­ness of the Seas not permitting 'em to pursue their Voyage. During this stay the Serpent convey'd himself into a Neighbouring Temple dedicated to Esculapius, and came aboard again some days afterwards, and they continued their course up the Tyber. Till arriv'd at this Isle in the River he leap'd ashore. In that place a Temple was erected to him, and the Plague immediately ceas'd.

Festus Fancies, that the Temple of Esculapius was built in the middle of the water, to signify the custom of Physicians, who cure their Pa­tients by obliging 'em to drink water.Lib. 29. cap. 1. Pliny pretends that this Temple was erected in the Isle of Tyber to avoid receiving him into their Walls, so great was their aversion to the Art, over which he presided. But 'tis not probable they wou'd use a God so scurvily, whose presence they had so earnestly desired, and who had taken the pains to come so far to their relief.Quaest. Rom. 94. Plu­tarch seems to have hit the true reason of this conduct of the Romans, who built him a Tem­ple, without their City, in imitation of that at Epidaurus, which was five miles out of the City. He adds, that this reason, why these Temples were plac'd in the Country, was, that the Sick, who resorted to 'em, as a sort of Hos­pitals,Or perhaps the Romans might fear to be frequently visited with infectious diseases, from the great resort of the sick to such a Temple, and therefore erected it at a distance, for the same reason that we build Pesthouses at a distance from great Towns. Or perhaps the Priests, who were yet but Novices at Rome, might fear too near an inspection into their juggling in that great City, and therefore chose a place where none cou'd have admittance but those that came prepossess'd in favour of the cheat. might enjoy the benefit of the open Air.

If AƲRELIƲS VICTOR's account been't a fiction, we may conclude that the Serpents of E­pidaurus, which were easily tam'd, were train'd to this sort of jugglingPausan. in Corinthiac..Qui sont de couleur brune, says our Author, but Pausanias his words are, [...], which seems to intimate that they were of a brighter yellow, than any other Serpents, pag. 136. All Dragons, or Ser­pents, says Pausanias are consecrated to Escula­pius, but especially a brown sort, which were very tame, and found only in the Territories of Epidaurus Lucian affirms expressly that these Serpents are found in Pella in Macedonia, and that the Impostor Alex­ander furnisht himself with one there. He further adds, that they wou'd kiss the Women, suck their Breasts, &c. which familiarity (says he) gave occasion to the story of Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great. Vide Lucian. Pseudomant.. It was one of these Serpents. which Alexander the famous Impostor made use of, which he pretended to beOur Author here has made a mistake, for the Impostor did not pretend the Serpent, but himself to be the Son of Podalirius, and the Serpent Es­culapius. the Son of Podalirius.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Worship of ESCULAPIUS, which was every where the same, ex­cept at Cyrene.

THe Rites observ'd at Epidaurus, were fol­low'd by all the Cities of Greece, where his Temples were. Pausanias pretends, that even the Esculapius of (a) Cyrene, was borrow'd from thence, tho' he acknowledges this difference in their Worship, that these sacrific'd Goats to him, which they did not at Epidaurus. But this Author being a Greek may be suspected of partiality to his own Country, which 'tis easy upon other occasions to convict him of. 'Tis [Page 81]'Tis more likely that Cyrene, being a City of Lybia near Egypt, receiv'd from thence, the know­ledge and worship of Esculapius, before spoken of. It is not probable, that the Cyrenians, if they had borrow'd their Rites from Epidaurus, wou [...]d have vary'd 'em so far, as to sacrifice an animal so different from that us'd in Greece; which according to Festus was a Pullet, or a Cock according to Plato, whose reason for it de­serves our notice. The Antients, says he, offer [...]d to ESCULAPIUS the Physician, son of Phaebus, a Cock, which proclaims the approach of day, and of the Sun, thereby acknowledging themselves ob­lig'd for the day, or light of Life, to the Divine Bounty, which cures us of all evils.

Before we leave the Temple of Epidaurus, we must observe, that there were in it several Pillars, whereon were engrav'd the names of those that were cur'd by the Gods, the names of their distempers, and the method of cure, all in the Dorick Dialect. Pausanias says, that six of these Pillars or Columns, were remaining in his time; that there was one old Pillar remote from the rest, on which was an Inscription that Hippolytus offer'd to Esculapius twenty horses in acknowledgement for having been restor'd to Life by him.

CHAP. XXVI. Of the ESCULAPIUS of Pergamus.

PAusanias observes, that one Archias having been cur'd of some distemper at Epidaurus, transported the Religion to Pergamus. This was the occasion of building a Temple to this God there; and not because he had a Shop there, as some learned Men, thro misapprehension of a Passage in Lucian, have believ'd. This witty [Page 82]Droll introduces Jupiter complaining that his Al­tars were deserted, since Apollo set up his Oracle at Delphi, and Esculapius opened Shop at Pergamus; by which Shop he meant his Temple, whither People repair [...]d for Medicines, as to a common Apothecaries Shop.

One proof that this Temple was grown more famous than the former, is that Lucian in the aforecited passage mentions this only, tho' the other were remaining in his time, as we may infer from Pausanias, who was contemporary to him, or liv'd after him, and speaks of the Temple of Epidaurus as having seen it, adding that one Antoninus had built a House near it, to lodge Women in labour, and dying Men, because no one was suffer [...]d to be delivered, or to dye within the Verge of the Temple.

The Esculapius of Asia Minor seems to have been the most dexterous at culling his Custo­mers; for the Emperor Caracalla took a jour­ney to Pergamus, to consult him upon a distem­per; and we find abundance of Medals of the Families of Antoninus and Aurelius, on which Esculapius is impress'd, all coin'd at Pergamus. Perhaps the Priests at Pergamus had more ad­dress, than those at Epidaurus, which as we shall see, was of great use to inveigle the Multitude.

CHAP. XXVII. Of ESCULAPIUS of Cos.

THere was likewise a famous Temple of Escu­lapius in the Isle of Cos, which was burnt in the time of Hippocrates, after he had transcrib'd the remedies written on the Tables, which those that receiv [...]d their cures, us'd to hang up in the Temple as a publick acknowledgment, and [Page 83]for the service of others in the same case after 'em. Strabo speaks thus of the Temple. There is in the Suburbs of the City of Cos, a celebrated Temple of Esculapius enrich [...]d with a great number of presents and offerings, among the rest an Anti­gonus of Apelles's hand, a Venus rising out of the Sea, consecrated in our days to Julius Caesar by Augustus, who dedicated to his Father the Foundress of his Family; It is reported that for this Picture a hundred talents were abated of the annual Tribute paid by those of Cos. 'Tis said likewise that Hippocrates practis'd Physick upon what he learnt from those consecrated Tables. Hippocrates, adds he, was one of the most illu­strious Persons of that City, as was also another Physician nam'd Simos or Simus.Our Author forgets that Pausanias, of whom he makes so much use on this occasion, mentions that the Messenians, who contended for his Birth, had in his Temple many great curiosities, as the Statues of the Muses, of Apollo, of Hercules, and of Esculapius and his children; and particu­cularly a sort of Family Piece of Painting, wherein was his Moth [...]r Arsi­noe, (according to the pretences of the Messenians) himself, and his two Sons, Machaon and Podalirius, drawn by Omphalion. And at Aegium a Statue was made by Damophon, whose workmanship Pausanias every where sets a great value upon. There were in other places abundance of other things very remarkable, which wheever has the curiosity, may con­sult Pausanius for. Nothing is said of the rest of the Temples of Esculapius, scat­ter'd in great number up and down the world, especially in Greece.

CHAP. XXVIII. Four Oracles, or Prescriptions of ES­CULAPIUS given to sick men, en­grav'd upon a Marble Table, found at Rome.

IT were to be wish'd, that the Antient had taken the pains to collect all that was written upon those Tables, or Pillars. Perhaps they might have done it, but their works su [...]s viv'd not till our times.

Chance has preserv'd us one of these Tables found in the Isle of Tyber by Rome, where was the Temple of Esculapius. This Table is of Marble, and now to be seen in the Palace of Mapheo, on which is this inscription in Greek.

The God, at this time, gave the following Oracle to one Caius, who was blind; That he shou'd come to the sacred altar, and having kneel'd shou'd go from the right side to the left, and lay his five singers upon the altar, and put that hand upon his eyes. Which being done he saw very clearly, all the People being present, and expressing their joy, that so great miracles were done under our Emperor Antoninus.

Lucius, having a Pleurisie, and being given over by every body, receiv'd from the God this Oracle. That he shou [...]d come, and take the ashes off his al­tar, and mixing em with Wine, apply 'em to his side. Which done he was cur'd, and return'd thanks to the God, and the People congratulated him upon his happy recovery.

Julian vomiting bloud, and his recovery being by every one despair'd of, the God by his Oracle gave him this answer; That he should come, and take the Pine-apples upon his Altar, and eat of 'em three days with Honey, Which having perform'd, [Page 85]he was well, and came to return his thanks to the God in the presence of all the people.

The God gave this Oracle to a blind Souldier, nam'd Valerius Aper; That he shou'd mingle the bloud of a white Cock with Honey, and make a Collyrium, which he shou'd put upon his eyes three days together. After which he saw, and came publickly to return his thanks.

The first of these remedies is purely supersti­tious, the rest are natural, and not very unlike those in ordinary use with the Physicians, ex­cept the seasoning of superstition, which to this day makes Med'cines seem more effectual to the greatest part of the World.

In probability the Priests of Esculapius did not deal much in cures of the first sort; except when they had a mind to impose upon the peo­ple by some Counterfeit, prepar'd to cheat 'em with a sham disease.

But when they had to do with men, that came to consult their God upon cases that were curable, it was for their credit to order means that acted naturally, which they might learn by theIf Hippo­crates became so famous by transcribing what was in­scrib'd upon the Tables hung up in the Temple at Cos (as some will have it) what hinders but that the Priests themselves, who had much greater advantages of that kind, shou'd be so too. Besides, 'tis probable that they neglected no means of enabling themselves to do all that was possible, who pretended to so much more. Study and Practice of Physick, or receive by tradition from their Predecessors; without any such occasion for the Devil's assistanceObservations sur les fievres., as the late Monsieur Spon fancies they had.

Those that fancy that all the Heathen Ora­cles were nothing but meer tricks, and roguery of their Priests, will be in no pain upon this subject.

It seems to have been very easie for these Priests, to make the sick believe as they listed. And whereas these wretches were usually [Page 86]lodg'd for some days together, and their ima­ginations being entirely possest with the reports of the Counsels, and Cures of Esculapius, they did not fail to dream at night, of what their minds were so absolutely taken up with all the day, and to take their dreams for the immedi­ate inspiration of the God. It was not impos­sible, but that, following his pretended advice,As sanciful men are natu­rally most su­porstitious, so I doubt not but the greatest and best part of Escalapius's Customers were of that number, whose distempers being altogether imaginary, 'twas no hard matter to fit 'em with a cure as chime [...]ical. For even yet the number of those, that labour under painful conceits, and are daily reliev'd by the application of superstitious, insigni­ficant remedies, in which they have a strong faith, is very great. Of these I knew one, a person otherwise of very good sense, that was cur'd, as he thought, of the Sciatica, by wearing about his neck a piece of blank Paper, in which he was told there was a powerful charm written, but was forbid­den to break the Seal; which his curi [...]sity tempting him to do, after his sancy had had three weeks respite, immediately upon the disappointment he relaps'd into the old complaint. But among the Heathens, whose Creduli­ty was back'd and encourag'd by their Religion, 'twas no wonder to meet with shouls of easie Gulls, that crouded to be cheated. Not to mention that many of these Cures were effected by confederacy, where the God, or his Priest, and the Patient had a right understanding beforehand; like some m [...]dern Miracle-mongers. As to the cure of real distempers by sancy, I shall suspend my opinion, till I am satisfied of the truth of the fact, which yet I declare I am not. the force of Imagination, and the confidence they plac'd in the Oracle, contributed very much to their cure, when it was naturally pos­sible.

They were so obedient, and so exact in the execution of the orders they receiv'd, whether by dream, or otherwise, that some have forborn to drink for fifteen days together, being so en­joyn [...]d, Galen, who makes this observation, complains, that his Patients were not by far so observant of his directions.

There is no doubt, but this Spirit of Bigottry that reign'd among those that had recourse to Esculapius, contributed very much to his esta­blishment, [Page 87]how little vertue soev [...]r his reme­dies, or rather those of his Priests had.

Suidas mentions a prescription of Esculapius of Athens, which is very odd. An Athenian nam'd Plutarch and one Domninus a Syrian Phi­losopher, contemporary to Proclus, both consulted him upon different case, and were both or­dered to eat Pork. The first wou'd not comply, but in raillery asking the God, what he wou'd have prescrib [...]d to a Jew in his case, oblig [...]d him to prescribe something else [...] Domninus, who, as the Story tells us, was really a Jew, notwith­standing the Law of his Nation against the eat­ing of Swines-flesh, conform [...]d to the direction, and found himself so well after it, that he eat it all the rest of his Life. And found himself the worse for a single days abstinence from it. His disease was a Spitting of Blood. This reme­dy appears extraordinary, but we shall see in the sequel some Prescriptions of the same sort in the same case by Physicians.

Galen tells us also of some particular cures of his Esculapius. De subfigu­rat. Empir [...]c. De simp. Me­dicam. facult. lib. A certain rich man, having been brought by a dream, from the middle of Thrace to Pergamus, he was advis'd by Escula­pius to take a Med'cine, whereof Vipers were an ingredient, and to rub his Body externally with it▪ Shortly after this Man becoming Le­prous, his disease turning to a Leprosy, he was perfectly cur'd by the use of the Med'cine, the God had taught him.

This man perhaps had the Leprosy, before he came to Pergamus; but it being a disease no one cares to publish, he chose rather to put it upon the God, as sent by him, that he might signa­lize himself by the cure.

We may see by this sample, that the Priests of Pergamus were not unskill'd in Physick, this being a Med'cine much esteem'd by the Physi­cians in all ages in cases of this Nature.

But 'tis something surprizing, that Escula­pius, who was so fond of Serpents, that he of­ten [Page 88]took their Shape, shou'd order 'em to be kill'd to make Med [...]cines; unless we suppose, that Vipers are very different from the Snakes of Epidaurus, which were harmless, and were peculiarly sacred to him.

These cunning Priests undertook no one, that wou [...]d not be exactly regular, as well in their Diet, as Physick, witness thePhilostrat. Vita. Apollon. Tyanaet. young Assyrian, who in a Dropsy, wou [...]d eat and drink to excess. He supplicated and consulted the God, yet cou'd not get so much as a Dream. At length, being very much incens'd against Es­culapius, he fell asleep and dreamt, that he sent him to Apollonius Tyanaeus. Being come to this Prophet, or Cheat, he complain'd grievously of Esculapius to him, who answer'd that the God gave Health to those only that were desirous of it, and not to those, that liv'd like him, as if their disease were a Pleasure.

Galen says likewise, that oneDe diffe­rent. Morbor. Nicomachus of Smyrna, being grown so big, that he cou'd not stir, was cur [...]d by Esculapius, but he tells neither time, nor manner.

Hither we may bring the Miracle, which, as Tacitus relates, was done in the temple of Sera­pis at Alexandria; Serapis and Esculapius being according to him the same.Histor. l. 4. Vespasian being at Alexandria, a man by the direction of Serapis threw himself at his feet, and begg'd that he wou'd anoint his cheeks and round his [...]yes with his Spittle. Another that had lost the use of his hand, begg'd by the same direction that he wou [...]d set his foot upon his hand. Vespasian at first laught at 'em as ban­ters; but being unwilling to be taken for a credulous man, yet betwixt the importunity of some, and the slattery of others, he began to entertain some hopes that the thing might succeed; and remitted 'em both to the examination of Physicians, who sinding that the one had not absolutely lost his sight, and that the other's all was but a simple dislocation, which might be reduc [...]d, made their report, adding that perhaps the Gods had taken this matter into their [Page 89]care, as they had done the Prince himself, who was chosen by their means; that if the matter succeeded, the glory wou'd be Caesar's, and the scorn woud fall upon the wretches themselves if it miscarried. Hereupon Vespasian set a good face upon the matter, [...]ncouraging the spectators to put in execution the or­ders of Serapis. Whereupon the lame man reco­ver'd the use of his hand, and the blind man his sight: Those (says Tacitus) that were assistant at both these events, affirm yet the truth of 'em, The man that has once solemn­ly vouch'd a lye, upon whatever motive he does it, tho that showd cease, is oblig'd after­wards to maintain it for his own honour, if he has any; and if he has not, he is not an Evidence to be regarded. when a lye is no longer of service to 'em.

The Reader is at liberty to to make what reflections hereupon he pleases. We shall only take notice in the close of this Article, that tho the Multitude were grosly bigotted to this Superstition, yet there wanted not those among the Pagans that saw thro the cheat, and knew it to be an artifice by which the Priests subsisted. This apparently was the sense of Philemon in Philostratus, who dreaming, that Esculapius told him, that he must forbear drinking water if he wou'd be cur'd of the Gout, cried out as he wak'd, as if he had spoke to the God, and what wou'd you have prescrib'd if you had had an Ox in cure.

We need but observe how Aristophanes ridi­cules these Priests, and even their God him­self. In his first Comedy he introduces a Ser­vant saying; The Priest of Esculapius ha [...]ing put out the lights, bid us all go to sleep, saying, that if a [...]y one heard a rustling, that he should not stir, for 'twas a sign of the approach of the God; so we all laid our selves quietly down. I, for my part, says the Slave, cou [...]d not sleep a with for the smell of a Mess of Soup, which an old Fellow had near me, and which assaulted my Nose most furiously. Being therefore very des [...]rous to remove [Page 90]the offence, I listed my head softly up, and per­ceiv'd the Priest clearing the Sacred Table of the Cakes and Figs, and making the tour about the several Altars, to see that nothing was left, and stuffing whatever he found into a Wallet, I fancy'd it a very pious action, and began in imitation to draw towards the Soup-dish. Then he, to whom the Slave made the relation, asking, if, being about such an action, he was not afraid of the God? He Answers, that he was really in some fear, but it was, lest he shou'd get at the dish be­fore him; for says he, I found already by the Priest what game he'd be at. Presently after he salutes Esculapius by a very [...], Merdivo­rus. homely name.

But it will perhaps be objected, that Aristo­phanes was an Atheist; as well as he whom Cicero makes to say, that the sick were more be­holding to Hippocrates, than Esculapius. In the same rank they wou'd put theDionysius, Tyrant of Syra­cuse. He robb'd the same God of a golden Ta­ble at Syracuse, drinking first to him the Poculum boni Daemonis; then ordering the Table to be taken away, jesting upon the ancient custom of removing the Table. Prince that cut off Esculapius of Epidaurus his golden beard, saying, that 'twas an absurd thing, that the Son shou [...]d have such a long beard, and the Father, (viz.) Apollo, (who was always repre­sented as a young man) shou'd have none.

CHAP. XXIV. Japis, Linus, Orpheus, Musaeus, and Homer, Inventors of Physick, or some of the ancientest Physicians.

THis may suffice on this subject. Let us now return to the time wherein Esculapius liv'd, and see what pass'd then, or presently after in relation to Physick. We have already spoken of the Heroes his contemporaries, the disciples of Chiron, as likewise of his Sons.

The next we meet with after them, is Japis, whom Virgil introduces dressing Eneas [...]s wounds, and says of him, that being very much belov'd by Apollo, he offer'd to teach him Augury to play on the Harp, and to draw the Bow well;Scire pote­states herba­rum, u [...]umque medzudi Ma­luit, & mutas agitare ingl [...] ­us artes. Aeneid. lib. xii. Notwithstanding the several conjectures ad­vanc'd by the Commentators, this passage seems yet sufficiently obseure. De la Cerda thinks the words Mutas artes to be directly meant of the sect of Physicians that distinguish themselves by the name of Empericks, who put­ting themselves only upon Fact and Experience, had no o [...]casion to talk in their Profession; and that Japix is call [...]d inglorious, because those of that Sect, rejecting all reasoning in their art, became scandalously ig [...]want of Letters, or because the Physicians at Rome in Virgil's time were general­ly Slaves. But neither of these conjectures can be good. First, because the Sect of the Empericks had no being till several ages after the time of Japix. Secondly, because in the time of Japix, who by Virgil [...]s accoun [...] of him, must have been co [...]vous at least to the Sons of Esculapms, Physick was no contemptible or inglorieus art, sence it procur'd to it, Professors while living the highest veneration, and after death divine honours. See the preceeding part of this History. What our Author here advances seems better grounded, but the sune ob­jection lies against that likewise, it not bei [...]g an a [...]t of s [...]ell same or repu­tation, since it made those that had any skill in it to pass for somewhat above humane condition. I suppose this word mutas to be oppos'd to Citharam the Harp which Apollo gave him, by which the Poet not only meant Musick, but Poetry also, for which it is frequently put; and that by the word inglorius he means no more than unambitious; as one that for the practice of Physick neglected those other Gifts, which the Poet, as such, was oblig'd to prefer before it. For this reason he calls Physick Ars Muta, in opposition to Poetry and Masick, which were properly Vocales. but that he rather chose to be able to prolong his dying Father's Life, to learn the vertues of herbs, and to cure distempers. (which Virgil calls a mute Art) tho less glorious for him.

The Commentators upon him have been ve­ry much perplext to know, why he calls Phy­sick so. Had Physick been in the time of Ene­as, or even of Virgil, upon the foot it now is, it had been a very improper Epithet. But we may see by the method Esculapius, and his Sons took, that they left their cures to speak for 'em. In Virgil [...]s time the case was alter [...]d, and they reason'd too much. I suppose the word mutas to relate rather to inglorius; and that Virgil wou'd thereby insinuate, that Physick was an Art that made no great noise in the world, and brought its Professor's no great glory; especial­ly compar'd with Musick, and those other Arts, that qualified 'em for entring the Lists, and being crown'd in their Publick Games, which was the highest honour they cou'd an­tiently aspire to. The same may be said of Augury, which rais'd those that profess'd it to a great heighth. We find nothing more con­cerning Japis.

Linus, one of the antientest Poets known, having written of Fruits and Trees, is likewise rankt among the Physicians. He is pretended by some to have taught Orpheus, and to have been no less a Musician than he.

Why our Au­thor postpones Linus and Or­pherus to Japis I can't imagine, since they were, according to all accounts, contemporaries to Hercules and Aristaeus, and flourish'd 100 years before the War of Troy. Pausan. lib. 9. Tzetzes Hist. 399. Chil. xii. Virg. Georg. lib. 4. Orpheus is so well known, that we shall not amuse our selves with the Fables concern­ing [Page 93]him. The Greeks believ'd him to have been of Thrace, and give him a character very like that of Hermes Trismegistus, that is, for an universal Man. What is reported of his Musick is well known. But what is more ma­terial to our History, is, that they look'd up­on him, not only asPausan Baeot. a Physician, but as the Inventor of Physick, as one that first found the means of appeasing the anger of the Gods, and the manner of expiating crimes.

There are yet some pieces of Poetry which bear his name, out of which we have already cited someSee the Chapter of Mer­cury. passages relating to the vertues of certain Simples, and the cure of certain Di­stempers. But these pieces have been a long time esteem'd spurious, tho they be very an­tient; for they were ascrib'd to him even in the time of Cicero, who says one Cercops was the Authour.

Pliny observes,Primus ommum, guos memoria no­vit, Orpheus, [...]uriosius de herbis aliqua predidit. lib. 25. Cap. 2. that Orpheus first wrote of Plants any thing curious, or something too curious. For the Latin word signifies either. This may be construed of the exactness of Orpheus's work upon that subject. But Pliny elsewhere shews that by curiosity he there meant vanity, or su­perstition, to which the Genius of the Antient Times was extreamly inclin [...]d; and we are in­form'd byPausan. E­liac. another, that Orpheus pass'd for a great Magician.

D [...] Anti­dot. lib. 2. c. 7. Galen likewise mentions an Or [...]heus, to whom he gives the surname of Theologus, who wrote of the manner of compounding divers Poisons. This surname seems to point out the Orpheus, whose History we are upon, whether these Books were truly his, or, which is more likely, father'd falsly upon him.

Pausanias, a­mongst [...]ther in­ventions, ascribes the invention of Remedies for Diseases, and of certain Rites of Worship to him. But 'tis probable these Romedies were a [...] other than Charms, or superstitious Lustrations, and not such as acted by natu­ral means; he being as has been observ'd reputed a Magician by the An­tients, and amongst the rest by Pausanias. Vide Baeotic.Others have written that Orpheus was anPausan E­ [...]ac. posterior. Egyptian, and in all appearance he was older than the Greeks imagin.

Musaeus, another antient Poet, is suppos'd to have been his Scholar.Ranaz act. iv. seen. ii. Aristophanes ascribes to him the teaching men remedies for distempers. Pliny joyns him with Orpheus for the knowledge of Plants, but makes him the later Writer. But Pausanias maintains, that those pieces which are imputed to Musaeus, are the works of one Onomacritus.

Homer having the reputation of having laid down rules in all the principal Arts, and in all the Sciences, cou'd not fail of being dubb'd a Physician. First, he was thought to understand Surgery, because he specifies the chief particu­lars of the method of dressing Wounds, as drawing out the heads of Arrows, or Darts lodg'd in the Flesh by means of Incision, to stop the bleeding, to wash and cleanse the Wound, and to apply Powders, or Med [...]cines, that case pain. He was suppos'd likewise to be skill'd in Anatomy, because he spake of most parts of the Body. So he is complemented with the knowledge of Plants, for the mention of Moly, which serv'd against enchantments, of the leaves ofHomer often mentions the manner of dres­sing and curing Wounds, but seldom the means, yet we may guess by his Potions of Pram­nian Wine, Goats Milk, Cheese, Barley-meal, &c. at his skill in Physick, the absurdity of which composition, especially in the case wherein 'tis pre­scrib [...]d, has already been objected to Machaon. As for the Moly and Ne­penthe, they being Fabulous Med [...]cines, are not to be insisted upon. The mention of the Leaves of Savin seem indeed to give some Countenance to their Opinion, who hold, that he understood Physick. But even in the use of that he is mistaken; for Savin will not cause Sterility, tho it too often procures abortion. As for the Plague's ceasing upon the ninth day, I sup­pose it rather to have relation to the Magical Whimsies of those times than any natural Observation or suppos'd. Savin, which cause Barrenness, and some others. We have already taken no­tice of his knowledge of Nepenthe, of which, a [Page 95]word or two in the following Chapter. They make him descant upon divers Medical Maxims, as when he observes that the plague ceased up­on the Ninth day, they suppose an allusion to the opinion of those Physicians that hold that diseases terminate naturally upon odd days. He gives likewise directions for health, or for the cure of certain diseases, as when he intro­duces Thetis advising her Son Achilles to visit the Women, to draw him out of his Melancholy.

CHAP. XXX. Diana, Latona, Pallas, Cybele, Angi­tia, Medea, Circe, Polydamna, Aga­meda, or Perimeda, Helena, and Oenone.
Goddesses, or Heroines that contributed to the invention of Physick; or were at least of the number of those, who had the earliest knowledge of that Art.

THe Women likewise put in for a share in the honour of inventing Physick, or some particular Med'cines at least. Diana appears at their head, and claims the invention of some Herbs, of which number Artemisia, whichArtemis. bears her name makes one; and some addApule [...]. Cell. de V [...]b. Herb. cap 13. that she taught Chiron the Centaur the use of it; tho others attribute the discovery of this plant to Artemisia Queen of Caria, of whom more here­after.

It is likewise inferr'd, that Diana understood Physick, from Homer's introducing her dressing the wounds of Encas; besides 'twas natural for her to know something of an Art, whereof Apollo her Brother was so great a Master,

Latona her Mother is allow'd some skill like­wise for the same reason; and Homer joyns her with Diana in the cure of Eneas.

Pallas, likewise is honour'd with the discovery of some Plants, one of which is Par­thenium or Feverfew, an herb of great use to Virgins, as Pallas was. Ovid Fastor. lib. 3. advises the Phy­sitians to sacrifice her, that she may favour 'em with her assistance; and there was at Athens a statue of Pallas with the surname ofHealth. Hygiaea, erected by the order ofPlutarch. in vitâ Pericl. Pericles, to whom she reveal'd the afore-mentioned herb in a dream, as a remedy for one of his Slaves, who had got a Fall from the top of a Temple. She was likewise surnam'dPreserver, Saviour. Sotera.

Diodor. sic. lib. 4. Cybele, Mother of the Gods, had likewise the reputation of Teaching remedies for the Diseases of little Children.

Angitia Daughter of Aeta, King of Colchis, Sil. Ital. l 8. was the first that discover'd Poisonous Plants, or Poisons drawn from Plants. Of her the Marsi, a People of Italy learnt to charm Serpents. She was otherwise called Angerona. We sind at least an oldReines. In­script. 138. Class. 1. In scription, wherein this name is joyn'd to Angitia, without any point intermediate.Mac [...]ob. lib. 1. Cap. 10. Some think she was call [...]d Angerona, because the Romans, being epi­demically afflicted with the Angina, or Quinsy, were delivered by means of vows made to her. Verrius Flaccus gives a different reason for it.

Some make Angitia Daughter of the the Sun, and the same with Medea; who according to others was her Sister. This latter liv'd in the time of the Heroes Chiron's Pupils, and her ad­ventures are pretty well known.Pala phat. Fab. lib. 1. What she did was so surprizing, that all the World be­lieved her to be an Enchantress. 'Twas said of her, that she made old Folks young again. The ground of which was this, that she had a secret, that dyed white hair black. She was the first that advis'd the use of hot Baths, to make the Body supple, and to cure divers distempers; [Page 97]which gave occasion to the People, who saw the preparation of Caldrons, Water, and Fuel, and could not guess at the use of 'em, to report, that she boil'd Men. Old Pelias, notwith­standing his great Age, making tryal of this new Method, and losing his Life by the expe­riment, confirm'd the Fable.

Diogen apad Stob [...]um.There are yet others who agree, that Medea was no Sorceress, but they give another account of the matter, they say, that she made the most tender, effeminate bodies lusty and vigo­rous, by teaching em the use of certain exercises, which made those that saw the change say, that she boiled their Flesh to make 'em young.

Diodorus tells us further, that she cur'd by means of herbs the wounds of Jason, Laertes, Atalanta, and the Thespiades.

Circe, a third Sister of Medea, and Angitia, is no less famous. Her skill in herbs got her likewise the reputation of an Enchantress, as well as Medea. Diodorus tells us, that Circe knew abundance of Plants good against Poison, She gave her name to that, which is calledE [...]chante [...]s Night Shade. Circaea. Aulus Gel­ [...]us lib. 10. Cap. 2. [...] Cap. 8. some Authors say, that she had a Son call [...]d Marsus, from whom the Marsi were descended. Whatever she were theCi [...]ero de Mat. Deor. lib. 3. Circae ans lookt upon her as their Patroness, and paid a religious worship to her. Those, that would be more particularly informed, why Circe was re­puted a Magician by the Greeks, and that part of Latium, where she settled for the Country of Poisons, and Enchantments, may consult Mon­sieur Bochart's Phaleg.

Polydamna, Wife to Thon, an Egyptian, is also of the number of those that understood Physick, having had skill in the use of divers remedies of the product of her own Country, as Homer observes. We shall speak of some of 'em under the head of Helen, who follows by and by.

The same Poet certifies for Agameda Wife of Mulius, that she knew allike Med [...]cines, that the [...]eth yielded, Propert. lib. 2. Ele [...]. 2. [...]. in T [...]. she was also call'd Perimeda, [Page 98] Tiraquel. de Nobil. some think her the same person, that Homer calls in another place Hecameda, that washt Machaon's wounds with warm Water.

Helen, the beauteous Greek, so famous in Story, no less deserves a place here for her knowledge of the Med'cine, which Homer calls Nepenthe, which she had of Polydamna. This Med'­cine as the Etymology of theFrom the Particle [...] and [...], dolor. name shews, was so admirable, that it eas [...]d all Griefs, and all Anger, and caus'd 'em to forget all misfortunes. A man cou'd not weep, says the Poet, the day that he tasted it, tho he had lost his Father, or Mother, or the dearest Friend in the World The properties of Nepenthe agree very well with those of Opium; the only difficulty is, that Helen mixt it with the Wine, she gave Mene­laus's Guests to make 'em more gay, and not to stupify 'em. To this we may answer, that Opium has either of those effects, on those, that are very much used to it; and what is observable is this, that wonderful Drug comes from the same Country from whence Helen had her Nepenthe, that is Egypt.

Oenone, Rival to the precedent, was no less skilful then she.Ipse ratus dignam medi­cas mihi tra [...] ­dit artes, Admisitque meas ad sua dona manus. Quaecunque herba patens ad opem radixque medendi Ʋtilis in toto nascitur orbe, mea est. M [...] miser am quod amor non est medicabilis herbis. Destituor, prudens artis, ab arte meâ. Epist. ad Parid. (s) Apollo, says she, himself taught me Physick, and I know all the medical Roots, and Herbs in the World.

We have already taken notice of some other Women, as the Daughters of Hercules and Chi­ron, the Wife, and Daughters of Esculapius, who were of this number likewise; and we shall have occasion to mention more hereafter.

CHAP. XXXI. Athotis, Thosothrus, Jachen, and Solomon.
Antient Kings and Priests, that practis'd Physick.

BEfore we examine the Progress of this Art, after the Siege of Troy, to which the Grecian Esculapius brings us, and with which we close the first Epocha of this history; we are oblig'd to re-ascend a little, and return into Egypt, the Country of the first Esculapius.

Scaliger. Can [...] Isagog. p. 222We find there one Athotis,, second King of the first Dynasty of the Thinites, who, according to Manetho, was very skilful in Physick, and wrote himself some treatises of Anatomy The same Author joins with him one Thosothrus, a King of the third Dynasty, no less expert.

Galen. In­roduct. seu Me­dic.The custom of embalming their dead in use among the Egyptians, gave 'em more con­venience of learning Anatomy, than the Greeks had, who not daring to touch dead Bodies, cou [...]d only inform themselves by dissecting of Brutes, or when chance presented to em un­happy wretches, whose wounds were large enough to discover their Bowels.

These Kings undoubtedly imitated their Pre­decessorSee the Chapt. of Osiris. Osiris, who is said to have invented.Vide Stra­bon. In this Country, the great Men were so far from thinking this Art any diminution to their honour, that they engross'd it wholly to them­selves, forbididing under great penalties any of the People to presume to meddle therein, under their Kings, Priests, and Grandees, to whom it was permitted.Hist [...] ani­mal. lib. 2. c. 18 Elian says the same of the antient Greece, that none but Princes practis'd Physick, meaning unquestio­nably [Page 100]the Princes, and Heroes before-men­tion'd.

Jachen, was undoubtedly of no less quality. He was, says Suidas, a favourite of the Gods, and very useful to Society, who lived in the time of Senyes King of Egypt, and who wrote very well of remedies drawn from Amulets, and Charms. Jachen, adds he, was very dextrous at curing diseases, and cou'd stop the course of the Plagne, and temper the sultry heat of the Dog­star; for this a magnificent Tomb was rais'd to him, whither the Priests repaired in all Epidemical Distempers, and after the usual Sacrifices, took Fire from his Altar, with which they kindled Piles prepared in several parts of the City, and thereby purg'd the Air of the In­fection, and stopt the progress of the distemper. When this King, and Physician liv'd is uncer­tain, but they were apparently very antient.

In imitation of the Kings of Egypt, their Neigh­bours the Kings of Judea apply [...]d themselves sometimes to the study of Philosophy and Med­cine; witness their great King Solomon, of whom the Scripture says; that he wrote five thousand Canticles, and pronounced three thousand Pro­verbs; that he knew from the Cedar of Libanus to the Hyssop that grows upon the Wall, and that he wrote of Ins [...]cts, of Fishes, of Birds, and all other animals.

Lib. 8. c. 2. Josephus enlarging upon this, says, that God endued this Prince with such understanding and wisdom, that no other thro all antiquity was com­parable to him, that he surpass'd abundantly the greatest, and most celebrated Egyptians. He composed, adds he, five thousand Books of Songs and Verses, and three thousand of Parables; he wrote of natural history from the Hyssop to the Cedar, and continued it thro all animals, as well Birds, as Fishes, and those that live upon the Earth. For God had given him a perfect knowledge of their Natures, which he exercised in making Med [...]cines for the benefit of Men, among which were some, [Page 101]that had the vertue of casting out Devils, so effectu­ally that they dar'd not to return.

This way of casting 'em out, is yet much in use with our Nation, and I have seen one Eleazar, a Jew, in presence of the Emperor Vespasian, his Sons, Captains, and Souldiers, dispossess divers. He hung at the nose of the Man possessed a Ring in which was set a Root, which Solomon us [...]d to that purpose, which as soon as the Devil smelt, he threw the Daemoniack to the ground, and quitted him. He repeated afterwards certain words, which Solomon left written, and in his name for­bad him to return. But to show the effect of his charm more evidently, he silled a Pitcher of Water, and commanded the Devil to throw it down, to de­monstrate by that Sign, that he had quit [...]ed the possessed, which the Devil obeyed. I tho [...]ght my self oblig [...]d, says the Author, to make this relation, that no one might doubt the extraordinary knowledge, which God of his special Grace gave to Solomon.

Vide lib. zeron. Hamor▪The Rabbies say, that Ezechias suppress [...]d those Books of Solomon, because abundance put more trust in the power of the Herbs, than of God. Trithemius mentions besides this three [...] Books of Ma­ [...]i [...]k Liber La­mene. 2. Pen­ta [...]ulor [...]. libe [...]3. De O [...]i [...]us Spirit [...]um Al­bertus m [...]n [...]s five m [...]re. 1 Li­ber Alme [...]l.2. Liber nov [...]m [...]uni ruin.3. De nov [...]m Candariis.4. De tribus figuri [...] Spirituum.5. De Sigissis ad Dae noni [...] ­c [...], and se [...]al [...]thers, which [...] all d [...] ­ [...]edly [...]. The Book call [...]d Clavicula Solomonis, which is said to be an imaginary Book, yet is much sought after by those, that are inquisitive after Magick, supposes him to have written upon that subject. Sufficient Apology, has been made for him; but this passage of Josephus, shews that the Jews were strongly possessed with the opinion, that Solomon used Superstitions reme­dies in the cure of diseases, as the reciting cer­tain words, and applying a Ring, which was a sort of Amulet, as we have before taken notice. It may perhaps be urg [...]d, that tis not impossible, that God shou'd have communicated this know­ledge to Solomon; but we find no examples of of any such cures in Holy Writ, and the words which the Prophets and Apostles pronounc'd on the like occasions, were only to signify their Commission, and Power received from God to cure all diseases, as In the name of God, or of [Page 102]Jesus Christ be thou healed. If they employ'd any matter, or made any application, it was of things common, and well known without any manner of ceremony, that might savour of super­stition, like the application of the Ring, and Root, before spoken of. If Solomon did really stuff his Books with such remedies, he had 'em not from Revelation, as Josephus wou'd insi­nuate, but from the correspondence he held with the learned Men of Egypt. This Prince liv'd about a hundred and seventy years after the Siege of Troy.

I had forgot another argument of Solomon's knowledge of Physick, or at least of the consti­tution of a human Body, which is drawn from the following words of the 12th Chapter of Ec­clesiastes.

Remember now thy Creator in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, nor thy years draw nigh, when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in them. While the Sun or the Light or the Stars be not darkned, nor the Clouds return after the Rain. In the day when the keepers of the House shall tremble, and the strong men shall bow themselves, and the grinders cease because they are few, and those that look out of the Windows be dark'ned; and the doors shall be shut in the Streets, when the sound of the grinding is low, and he shall rise up at the voice of the Bird, and all the Daugh­ters of Musick shall be brought low. Also when they shall be afraid of that which is high, and fears shall be in the way, and the Almond Tree shall flourish, and the Grashopper shall be a burthen, and desire shall fail, because man goeth to his long home, and the mourners go about the Streets; or ever the Silver cord be loosed, or the Golden Bowl be broken, or the Pitcher be broken at the Fountain, or the Wheel broken at the Cistern. Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was: and the Spirit shall return unto God, who gave it.

'Tis easy to find that this is a description of old age, managed after the oriental manner, [Page 103]and of the several inconveniences that attend it, till they at last are terminated by Death, or the dissolution of the humane Body. The Sun, the Light, the Moon, and the Stars, denote the Wit, the Judgment, the Memory, and the other faculties of the Soul which daily decay in old men. The Clouds and the Rain are Catharr [...]s and Defluxions, familiar to this Age. The Keeper [...]s of the House, and the Strong men are the Sences, the Muscles, and the Tendons. The Grinders signify the Teeth. Those that look out of the Win­dows are the Eyes. The Doors shut in the Streets and the sound of grinding become low, signify the mouth which opens with pain to speak, and the necessity of eating slowly and without noise. The voice of the Bird denotes the morning, which is the time when old men get up, because they cannot sleep. The Daughters of Musick that are brought low, signify that men leave off Singing at that age, and have no [...]relish of Arts or Sciences. The fear and trembling of ancient persons, and their difficulty of going, is repre­sented by what follows immediately after. The flourishing Almond tree is white hair. The Grashopper being a burthen is the body, which from a light and slender one, as it was before, is be­come gross and heavy. To conclude, the long home is the grave, and those that go about the streets are the mourning men or women that made a trade of waiting upon burials.

The rest of the Emblem or Enigm is more difficult to explain. To succeed in such an at­tempt, a man ought to have the very same Idea of the parts of the body, as Solomon had. This is certain, that the sacred Author designed un­der these hidden terms to show the dissolution of our principal organs, and this is all we can pretend to know. As for what has been written of the Silver cord, which some interpret to be the Arteries, or the Spinal Marrow; of the golden Bowl, which some take to be the the membranes of the Brain, the Liver, or the Heart; of the [Page 104] Pitcher, which signifies the Skull, and the Wheel that denotes the Lungs; all this, I say, is but a bare conjecture that has no solid foundation.

Perhaps there may be something in the wri­tings of the Rabbies, that may help to interpret this passage. But if there is, I know nothing of it, and leave is to others to find it out that understand them. To these curious Gentlemen I likewise leave every thing else relating to Physick which it to be found in the Books of the Jewish writers. The informations we re­ceive from this quarter are but very inconside­rable, if all the rest be of a piece, with the ri­diculous Fable of the bone, call'd Luz, which according to them is found in the Back-bone, which is the Root, and as it were the Basis of the whole frame of the human Body; so that the Heart, the Liver, the Brains, and the Geni­tals derive their original from this miraculous bone, which has this virtue or priviledge be­sides that it cannot be burnt, nor grownd, nor broke to pieces, but continues still the same, being as it were the bud of the Resurrection from which the whole Body of the animal shall shoot again, as Plants from their Seeds.

Rilanus, from whom I have borrow'd this passage, adds, that the Rabbies reckon'd two hundred forty eight bones, and three hundred sixty five veins or ligaments in a man's body. Those that understand Anatomy will langh at this, but as little skill as these Doctors show in this Science, 'tis probable that they were not much better verst in it, in the time of Solomon, or those Aegyptian Kings, whom we mention in the beginning of this Chapter. Their Super­stition was no less then, than when the Rabbies flourish [...]d, who plam'd an infinite number of Fables upon the world, as the account we have given of the Physick of these ancient times suf [...]ciently testi [...]ies,

THE HISTORY OF Physick.
PART I.
BOOK II.

By Mr. BROWN.

CHAP I. Of what happen'd to this Art from the time of the Trojan War, to that of Peloponnesus.

WE have hitherto set down almost every thing, that the earliest times of antiquity furnish us with, relating to Physick. If the Rea­der is surpiz'd to see the account so uncertain and mixt with Fables, to the time of the Trojan [Page 106]War, he will have more reason to be so, when he is inform'd that even after this period, if we may believe Pliny, Sequentia ejus, (Medici­na a Trojanis temporibus) mirum dictu, in nocte den­tissimâ latuere, us (que) and Pelo­ponucsiacum bellum. Tunc eam in lucem revocavit Hip­pocrates. lib. 19. Cap. 1. Physick lay buried in a most profound darkness, till the Peloponnesian War broke out, when Hippocrates as it were reviv'd it, and brought it to light.

'Tis at least the space of seven hundred years, from the first of these Wars down to the second. Celsus does not descend altogether so low as Pliny; but we want only about fourscore years, which distance of time there is between Pythagoras and Hippocrates, the first having liv'd in the lxth Olympiad, and the second in the lxxxth. Behold now after what manner he speaks of the lat­ter.

Cels. Prae­fat.After those whom I have mentioned (that is to say, the Sons of Aesculapius) there was no person of reputation that practis'd Physick, till such time as men began to apply themselves more earnestly to the study of learning, which being as prejudicial to the body, as it is service­able to the mind, it so fell out, that those who pursu'd it with the greatest application, having destroy'd their health with the perpetual Me­ditations, and Watchings, had more occasion for Physick than other Men. For this reason the science of healing Maladies was at first con­sider'd as a branch of Philosophy, so that we may justly affirm that Physick and Philosophy were born together. This is the true cause why we find several of the ancient Philosophers very well skill'd in Physick, among whom we may reckon Pythagoras, Empedocles, and De­mocritus, as the most considerable.

What this Author says here, viz. that Phy­sick and Philosophy began together, is only pursuant to what he had advanc'd before, and we have already observ'd, that all the Physick of the Sons of Esculapius and of their con­temporaries, wholly consisted in healing of wounds.

If we must assign a reason for this great Vacuum which these Authors remark to have happen'd here in the History of Physick, we may say that the knowledge of those that practic [...]d it during this interval, being shut up within the narrow bounds of Empiricism, men were content with knowing a few Remedies, which experience had shown to be proper for certain Diseases, without reasoning either up­on the cause of the illness, or the operation of the remedies, so that these remedies being handed down from Father to Son, and never going out of the Family, there was no necessi­ty to write upon this subject.

This being supposed, we are not to wonder that since these Physicians did not make them­selves known by their writings, which is one of the surest ways of preserving our memories, their names are buried in oblivion. Another reason, no less forcible than the former, is this, that those who succeeded Aesculapius and his Son, how great soever their skill and experi­ence might be, lived in a fabulous age, and ha­ving no opportunity to assist at so celebrated a Siege as that of Troy, they wanted a Homer to immortalize their names.

Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona
Multi, &c.

One might however have expected that the Historians wou'd have done what we cou'd not hope from the Poets, but the History of these times is generally so confus'd and defective, that the Physicians are not the only persons that have reason to complain of it. We don't certainly know when Homer liv'd, but much less the place where he was born.

Therefore tho we shou'd allow with Celsus, that during this space of time, there was no Physi­cians of any note, whose memory is preserv'd down to us, we ought not to impute it to them, [Page 108]but to the Age wherein they lived, and it does not follow that Med [...]cine was not cultivated before his time, whom he supposes to be the restorer of it.

Isidore of Sevil more clearly discusses this que­stion. Apollo passes among the Greeks, says he, for the author and inventor of Physick. His Son Aesculapius improv'd this Art, or at least had the reputation of doing it, but being kill'd by a Thunderbolt, 'tis said that ever since that Physick was forbidden, and that the art perish'd at the same moment with its Au­thor; having been conceal'd or bury'd for al­most 500 years, till the Reign of Artaxerxes King of Persia, when Hippocrates the Son of Asclepius of the Isle of Co, discover'd it again to the world.

If we were to believe the account this Author gives us, the reason of the interruption of Phy­sick is evident enough. After Esculapius's death, no mention was made of this Art till the time of Hippocrates; but in all appearance he was but ill inform'd of what happen'd du­ring that period he sets down, as he was of the true name of the Father of Hippocrates, whom he calls Asclepius by a gross mistake, imagining, I suppose, that he was call [...]d Asclepiades, by the same Analogy that Homer calls Achilles Pe­leiades, because Hippocrates was the Son of Asclepius, just as Achilles was of Peleus: Whereas in truth, the name of Asclepiades be­long'd in common to all the posterity of Esculapius, whom the Greeks call Asclepius. What Isidore adds immediately after, about the three Sects of Physick, is argument enough that he had taken no great pains to inform himself sufficiently in this matter.

CHAP. II. Of the Asclepiadae, and the Schools which they erected.

THe descendants of Aesculapius, who are call [...]d Asclepiadae, have been believed to preserve this Art in their family without inter­ruption. We should be able to say something more particularly to this point, if the writings of Eratosthenes, Pherecides, Apollodorus, Arius of Tarsus, and Polyanthus of Cyrene were now extant, who took care to compose the history of these Successors of Esculapius. But altho the Works of these Authors are lost, yet the names of some of the Asclepiadae are still preserv [...]d, as appears by the list of the predecessors of Hippocra­tes, who call [...]d himself the seventeenth in order of descent from Esculapius.

Epist. Pae­ti ad Artaxer­xem.The Genealogy of this Physician is still remaining in the following manner. Hippocra­tes, of whom we shall speak hereafter, was the Son of Heraclides, who was the Son of another Hippocrates, the Son of Gnosidicus; the Son of Nebrus; the Son of Sostratus the third; the Son of Theodore the second; the Son of Crisa­mis the second; the Son of Lostratus the se­cond; the Son of Theodore the first; the Son of Crisamis the first Son of Cleomitides; the Son of Dardanus; the Son of Sostratus the first; the Son of Hippolochus; the Son of Podalirius; the Son of Esculapius. Stephanus Byzantinus be­stows two Sons more upon Gnosidicus, besides him already mention'd; the first of these two was call'd Aenius, and the second Podalirius.

It may be said, perhaps, that this Genealogy is fabulous; but supposing some mistake or interpolation in this succession of the Asclepia­dae, 'tis at least certain that there were several branches of the Family of Esculapius, besides [Page 110]that from which Hippocrates was descended, which latter was distinguish'd by the surname of Asclepiadae Nebrides, which was given it for the sake of one Nebrus, who was very fa­mous for his great skill in Physick, and to whom the Priestess of Apollo gave a very ad­vantageous character, according to the Au­thor's observation, whom we cited last. We shall take occasion to say something hereafte [...] of Gnosidicus, Heraclides, and the other Hip­pocrates, in the following Book. As for those that came before them, we ingenuously own that we know nothing of them.

CHAP. III. Of the several branches of the Asclepia­dae, and the three different Schools which they erected.

AS we have already observ'd, there were other branches of the Asclepiadae, that were dispersed in several places.Galen. me­rhod. med. lib. 1. We find men­tion of three celebrated Schools erected by them; the first was that of Rhodes, which happen'd to fail first by the failing of this branch of the Suc­cessors of Esculapius, which seems to have fallen out a long while before Hippocrates, since he does not speak of it, as he does of that of Cnidus, which was the third, and that of Co the second. These two last flourished at the same time as as the School of Italy, wherein were those Phi­losopher-Physicians of whom Celsus speaks, altho the Grecian Schools were more ancient. These three Schools, that were the only ones that made any figure, by a Spirit of Emulation perpetu­ally contended among themselves, who shou [...]d make the greatest progress in Physick. How­ever, [Page 111] Galen assigns the first place to that of Co, since it produc'd the greatest number of excel­lent disciples; that of Cnidus held the second rank, and that of Italy the third.

Herodotus also makes mention of a School of Physicians that was in Cyrene, where, as we have taken notice already, there was a Temple of Esculapius, whose worship was different from that of the Grecians. From whence it may be conjectur'd, that there were likewise Ascle­piadae of another sort.

The samelib. 3. Historian mentions likewise another School of Physick, that was at Crotona, the Country of Democedes a famous Physician, contemporary with Pythagoras, which Physi­cian, as Herodotus informs us, being ejected out of his City, by the severity of his Father Calliphon, came first to Aegina, and afterwards to Athens, where he liv'd in great repute. From thence he went to Samos, where he had an opportunity to heal Polycrates, the King of that Island of a trouble­som distemper, which was worth him two talents of Gold. Some time after this, being taken priso­ner by the Persians, he conceal [...]d his profession, but upon a discovery was oblig'd to undertake the cure of Darius who had dislocated his Foot, and of his Q [...]tossa, who had a Cancer i [...] her Breast This Historian adds, that Democedes succeeding in these two cures, obtain'd so great a reputa-with the King, that he made him dine at his own Table; however he cou'd not be induc'd to take up his abode there, for finding an opportu­nity to return to Greece, under the disguise of a Spy, he perform'd it accordingly, despising all the Honours that were shown him in Persia, and putting a trick upon those that had given him this Commission. After this he mar [...]ied, and took to Wife a Daughter of the famous Milo his Countryman.

CHAP. IV. Of the School of Cnidus in particular.

WE know no other particulars of the Phy­sick of Democedes, nor of that of Crotona. Neither have we better Memoirs of the School of Rhodes. As for that of Cnidus, we may judge of the method of was followed there by some fragments still extant in Hippocrates. De ratione virtuus in acu­tis lib. 1. Those, says this Author, who compiled the Cnidian Sen­tences or Observations, have exactly observ'd all the Symptoms of every distemper, and how some of them took them: in a word, all that any person, who knows nothing of Physick, wou [...]d write after he had inform'd himself by the Sick of all that they had suffer'd. But, continues he, they have forgot the greatest part of those things which a Physician ought to know without hear­ing the relation of the sick party.

The same Author has likewise observ'd, that the Cnidians used very few Medicaments, and that Elaterium, (which is a Purgative made of the juice of a wild Cucumber) Milk and Whey, were in a manner all the Med'cines they used.

We may inferr from what Hippocrates h [...]s said in this place, first that these Physicians con­tented themselves to make an exact ennumera­tion or description of the accidents that attend a distemper, without reasoning upon the causes, and tying themselves to the prognostics. In the second place we may gather that they us'd but a very small number of remedies, which them­selves, and their predecessors had try'd. These two remarks are enough to let us see, that the Cnidians were purely Empirics, or at least that their chief perfection was not that of exact reasoning.

They departed the farthest from this method, when they ventur'd to compare diseases, or re­medies together, which by them was call [...]d Ana­logism. The Cnidians, says Galen, us'd to cure those that had an abscess in their lungs, after this manner. Having observ'd that a Cough threw up all that lay upon the lungs, they drew out the tongues of those that were troubl'd with the above men­tion'd distemper, and endeavour'd to pour some drops of water down the aspera arteria, on pur­pose to raise a violent Cough by these means, which wou'd make them discharge all the puru­lent matter in their Chest.

CHAP. V. Of the Physicians of Cos. Reflexions upon their Physick, and that of the Cnidians.

AS for what relates to the Physitians of Cos, we may likewise assert, that if the Coan pre­notions, that are to be found among the works of Hippocrates, are nothing but a collection of the Practitioners of Cos, as several persons have believ'd, that they were none of the nicest reasoners, nay, we may say, that they did not take the least care to give an account of their Prognostics.

From what has been said it will appear, that it is not altogether true that Pliny and Celsus have advanc'd, viz. that we meet with no­thing of the history of Physick in so long an interval, but much less that Physick and Phi­losophy began together, as the latter asserts, unless he is to be understood about Rational Phy­sick, that is to say, about that which is peculiarly employ'd in finding out the hidden causes of dis­eases, [Page 114]and assigning reasons for the operation of re­medies; for 'tis certain, that this latter cou [...]d not begin but with the study of Learning and the Sciences. It will be objected to me with­out question, that I have here forgotten to speak of a thing, for which the Asclepiadae de­serv'd most reputation, and which overthrows all that I have said about their manner of practice, which I maintain'd to be almost wholly empirical, viz. of their passing in the World for great Anatomists. 'Tis certain that Galen is of this opinion. At that time, says he, that Physick, was wholly confin'd within the fa­mily of the Asclepiadae, the Fathers taught their Children Anatomy, and accustom'd them from their infancy to dissect Animals, so that this being handed down from Father to Son, it was needless to set down in writing, how every thing was done, since it was full as impossible for them to forget this, as the Alphabet which they learnt at the same time.

Several other passages we meet in this Author, by which we may see, that he really believ'd that the Asclepiadae were perfectly well skill'd in Anatomy. But we may confront the autho­rity of this Physician with that of the ancient Commentator upon Plato, who expressly says that the Philosopher Alcmaeon, of whom we shall have occasion to talk in the following Chapter was the first that dissected any Animal; which destroys all that Galen has advanc'd about the Asclepiadae, at least those of them that preceeded Alcmaeon, with whom alone we are concern'd, here for as for those that follow'd him, they were either contemporaries with Hippocrates, or else came after him.

Tho we were destitute of the testimony of this Author, yet by the little progress, that was made in Anatony even in the time of Hippocrates himself, it seems at least probable, that men had examin'd the bodies of Animals but very super­ficially, which is remote enough from what [Page 115] Galen asserts, that Anatomy was in its per­fection in the time of the Asclepiadae. And as for what he adds about a certain interval, which he pretends to have been between the most antient Asclepiadae and Hippocrates, during which he wou'd needs perswade us that Anatomy was neglected, the Reader will find in the Chapter of Erasistratus, what judgment he is to pass upon that matter.

I wou'd not be suppos'd to affirm, that the Asclepiadae had no manner of knowledge of the parts of bodies. It wou'd be a great absurdity to maintain it, for without this knowledge they cou'd neither practice Physick in general, nor Chirurgery in particular. Without doubt they knew very well, as for instance, the Bones, their Scituation, Figure, Articulation, and all that de­pends upon them; for otherwise they cou'd not have set them when they were broken or dislocated. Neither cou'd they be ignorant of the Scituation of the most considerable Vessels. It is likewise necessary, that they shou [...]d under­stand where the Veins and Arteries lye, because they open'd and burnt them continually; for we have already observ'd in the Chapter of Po­dalirius, that these operations were very common even in the first age of Physick. Besides, it was highly requisite, that they shou'd very well know the places where the profoundest Vessels meet, to avoid the loss of blood, when they made any incisions, or when they cut off any of the members. In short, they were oblig'd to know several places, where there were Tendons and Ligaments, and some considerable Nerves; altho they confounded these three different parts, and knew very little of the last, as we shall show hereafter. Besides this, they knew something in general of the chief Intestins, as the Stomach, the Guts, the Liver, the Spleen, the Kidneys, the Bladder, the Matrix, the Dia­phragm, the Heart, the Lungs, the Brain; as well as the most sensible humours, such as the [Page 116] Blood, Cholar, Melancholy, Flegm, the Serosities, or Waters, and all the different sort of excrements that proceed from several parts of our body.

It appears at first Sight, that the Asclepiadae, cou'd not know all this without being Anato­mists, or at least without having dissected Ani­mals; but 'tis easy to demonstrate, that they might attain to the knowledge of these things without it. The first and most familiar in­struction they had came from their Butchers, and their Sacrifices, and as for what relates to to a human body in particular, they were glad of any opportunity to instruct themselves, when they found any bones in the Fields, that were stript of the Flesh either by Beasts, or the length of time, that these bodies had been ex­pos'd to the air, or when they found in some by places the carcass of some unfortunate Tra­veller, that had been murder'd by Robbers, or the bodies of Soldiers, that died of the great wounds of they receiv [...]d in Battel. They con­sider'd them without giving themselves the trouble to make any other Preparation, besides what they found ready made to their hands, and took no notice of that scruple, which forbad them to touch any dead body which they found by accident. This was so great a scruple among the Ancients, that it appears from a passage in Ari­stotle, which we shall cite hereafter, that in his time there was no dissection of human bodies. Now this Philosopher liv'd above fourscore years after Hippocrates. Tis true indeed, that the Egypti­ans, as we have already taken notice, having been accustomed of old to embalm dead bodies, were furnish [...]d by this means with an opportunity to know the true disposition of some parts of the body, which they must needs lay open, when they separated them from others to preserve the rest; and it might so happen, that the Asclepiadae reapt some advantage by these discoveries of the Egyptians, but as the chief intention of the lat­ter was the preserving of Bodies, so they [Page 117]scarce proceeded much farther, than it was necessary for them to go on with their design.

I have thus recounted the several means by which these ancient Physicians discover'd the structure of bodies after the Death of the ani­mal; but the best School they had, and indeed that which instructed them better than any of the rest, was the Practice of their Professio [...], which daily gave them an opportunity, to see in living bodies what they were not able to dis­cover in the dead, when they dress [...]d Wounds, Ʋlcers, Tumours, Fractures, Dislocations, and perform'd other Chyrurgical operations. And as Physick was preserv'd in the Family of the Asclepiadae for several Ages, where it pass [...]d from Father to Son, so the traditions and observati­ons of their Fathers and Ancestors supply'd the want of experience in each particular man. This last opportunity joyn'd with the former, has made several Physicians, who liv [...]d a long while after them, and of whom we shall make mention hereafter, to call it an easie and natural, tho a long way, to gain the knowledge of the humane Body: main­taining, that this way alone was sufficient for practice. We shall find in the Fifth Book, what were the reasons that induc'd them to this, as likewise what other Physicians had to say upon this occasion.

CHAP. VI. Of those Physicians that were Philoso­phers, and first of Pythagoras, and Xamolxis his Slave.

HItherto, as we have observ'd, it does not appear that Reason had been very much consulted in Physick, the whole knowledge of which Art seems to have totally consisted in discerning and knowing Diseases rather by their signs than by their causes, and using a few sim­ple Medicaments, that were almost all taken from Herbs, or the practice of some magical or superstitious Remedies. The Philosophers were the first that interloping in this Art, at the same time introduc'd the fashion of reasoning into it These Gentlemen added to it that part which is call'd Physiology, and considers a hu­mane body, which is the subject of Physick, such as it is in its natural state, and endea­vours to assign reasons for its functions and operations, in examining the parts thereof, and all that belongs to it, by Anatomy, and the principles of Physick. Not that it appears by any of their writings, or by the Titles of their Books that they had ever been what we call Practitioners. Empedocles, of whom we shall talk hereafter, is the only man among them who is reported to have perform'd a cure. All the rest appear to have devoted themselves rather to the Theory than Practice of Phy­sick.

Pythagoras, who liv'd about the lx Olympiad, and founded the Italick School, is the most an­cient we know of those that began to take this Art into their consideration. This Pihlosopher neglected no means nor opportunity to render [Page 119]his knowledge universal. With this design he travell'd into Egypt, which was the Country of Arts and Sciences, and learnt all their curio­sities. 'Tis very probable he borrow'd all the knowledge he had in Physick from thence, of which we have nothing remaining but a few small fragments, which however sufficiently discover a Spirit of superstition so remarkable in the preceeding Physicians, as we have already observ'd, that which relates to Physiology being very inconsiderable.Diogen. Laert. Hist. Philos. Galen. He believ'd that at the time of Conception, a certain substance descend­ed from the Brain, which contain'd a warm vapour, from whence the Soul and all the Senses derived their original, while the Flesh, the Nerves, or Tendons, the Bones, the Hair, and all the Body in general, was made of the Blood, and other Hu­mours that meet in the Matrix. He added, that the Body of the Infant was formed, and be­came solid in forty days; but that eleven, or nine, or more generally, ten months accord­ing to the rules of harmony, were requisite to make him intirely compleat; that all that hap­pen'd to him during the whole course of his life, was then regulated, and that he carry'd it along with him in a Series or Chain, propor­tion'd to the Laws of the same harmony above-mention'd, every thing falling out afterwards necessarily in its own time. At the end of this Chapter we shall examine what he meant by this. He likewise asserted, that the Veins, the Arteries, the Nerves, are the cords of the Soul. According to him the Soul spreads itself from the Heart to the Brain, and that part of it which is in the Heart, is the same from whence the passions proceed, whereas Reason and the Understanding reside in the Brain. This opi­nion, which belongs in common to him and the sacred Writers, perhaps came first from the Caldeans, with whom he had convers'd.

As for the causes of Distempers, he had learnt without question all that was believ'd concern­ing [Page 120]them in the same School, and in that of the Magicians, whom he had likewise consulted. The Air, said he, is all fill'd with Souls, or Demons and Heroes, that send dreams, and signs, and diseases to men, and even to beasts, and 'tis for these Demons or Spirits for whomSe [...] the Chapt. of Me­lam [...]as and Polyidus. lustrations and expiations are perform'd; and in short, all that the Southsayers and men of the like profession do upon these occa­sions.

From the same place he has borrow'd all that he has written concerning the Magical virtues of Plants, of which he compos'd a Book, which some ascribe to a Physician, whose name was Cleemporus. As for what regards their natural qualities, Pliny only informs us that Pythagoras had a particular esteem for Cabbage. We shall see hereafter that he was not the only man among the Ancients that set a value upon this Herb, and looked upon it as a good reme­dy in case of several distempers.

There are still remaining some precepts which he gave, relating to a man's managing of himself to preserve his health. He said, that a man ought to accustom himself to the most simple diet, and that which may be had in all places. [...]or this reason he wou'd eat no flesh, and liv'd only upon Herbs and Water. He likewise prohibited the eating of Beans, either because they make the blood gross, or for some other mysterious reasons mention [...]d by the Ancients. Living after this manner, it was an easie mat­ter for him to follow the advice which he gave, viz. not to have any thing to do with women, but when we have a mind to become weak. Lastly, it was a saying of his, that a man ought never to be immoderate in any thing that relates either to business or nourish­ment.

He makes health to consist in a sort of harmo­ny, but does not descend into the particulars of it. He said the same thing of virtue, of all [Page 121]that is Good in whatsoever respect, and of God himself, so by this harmony he meant the relation or just proportion, which all parts ought to have together, or the natural order of all things. But what has been said already of this same harmony which Pythagoras observ'd in order of things that happen to every indi­vidual man in his life time, makes it credible that there was some greater mystery conceal [...]d within.

This mystery, perhaps, might be much of the same nature with that which this Philosopher found out in numbers, each of which, accord­ing to him, have somewhat remarkable in them, some of them being a great deal more perfect than others. The odd numbers, for in­stance, were more considerable, and had more force in them than the even numbers; the first representing the Male, and the second the Female. But the number of seven was the most perfect of all.

The Reader may find in [...]ib. Cap. 6. Macrobius, and [...] Aulus Gellius, wherein this perfecti­on consists. To this opinion chiefly is owing the Doctrine of Climacteric years, the disco­very whereof is attributed to the Caldeans, from whom Pythagoras perhaps borrow [...]d them. Each seventh year of a man's life is call'd by this name, and 'tis the receiv [...]d o­pinion that at this time a man runs the greatest risque in relation to his life, or health, or what they call the goods of fortune, by reason of the alterations and changes that happen at these years.

Lib. 3 C. 4.Upon the same opinion, according to Celsus, is founded the belief of some Phy­sicians about the force of the seventh number in diseases, and the difference they made between odd and even days, as we shall see here­after.

Those that have said that Pythagoras left nothing behind him in writing, and that all [Page 122]we know of his opinions is only taken out of the Books of his disciples, may perhaps deny that this Philosopher maintain'd such asser­tions.De dieb decretor. lib 3. cap. 8. &c. Galen, who is of opinion for other reasons than those that are drawn from the force of numbers consider'd in themselves, that a due regard ought to be had of the numerus Septena­rius, and even, and odd days, seems to question whether Pythagoras held that opinion. 'Tis so easy, says he, to discover the absurdity and vanity of what is pretended concerning the virtue of numbers, that it is strange how Pythagoras, so discreet and wise a man, cou [...]d attribute so much power to numbers. This Philosopher had time to examine them, and to admire the result of their combinations, since History reports him to have been well vers'd in Arithmetick and Geometry, but these Sciences ought rather to have given him an aver­sion for such wretched trifles.

Zamolxis, whom the Getae ador'd as a God, is generally said to have been a Slave of Pythagoras, altho others suppose him to have been much more antient. He passes for one that had great skill in Physick, but all the particulars we know of him, are that he us'd to say, that a man cou'd not heal the eyes without healing the head, nor the head without the rest of the body, nor the body without the soul, and he pretend­ed the that Greek Philosophers being ignorant of this Maxim, for that very reason fail'd in the cure of most diseases. The remedy that he us'd to heal or cure the Soul, was that of Enchant­ments, not such as Esculapius us'd, if we may take Plato's word for it. The Enchantments which Xamolxis meant, says this Philosopher, were nothing else but virtuous discourses and con­versations, which, as he adds, produce wisdom in the Soul, and that being once acquir'd, 'tis an easy matter to procure health to the head and to the rest of the body. But by what someHerodotus and Strabo. others have written concerning the means which Xamolxi [...] us'd to make himself pass for a God, we may [Page 123]find, that he was capable of using Enchantments, even in the proper and common sense.

CHAP VII. Empedocles, Alcmaeon, Epicharmus, and Eudoxus, the Disciples or Followers of Pythagoras.

Empedocles was one of the most celebrated dis­ciples of Pythagoras. Tis believ'd that like his Master, he joyn'd Magic to Physick: or that his Physick was Magical. But in some places he lets us see that sometimes at least he applies himself to natural agents, where he tells us, that the Pestilence and Famine that ravag'd Si­cily his native Country so often, are occasion'd by a South wind, which finding a passage through certain holes in the mountains, made great destruction in the plains: So he advis'd them to stop up these holes, after which the Country was free from these two cruel persecutors. He gave another testimony of his great knowledge, in remedying the stench of a river that infected the air in a certain Province, which he brought about by digging Canals, by which he brought two other rivers into the bed of the first.

If this Philosopher got so much reputation by these Contrivances, he was no less famou [...] for the extraordinary cures he perform'd. Dio­genes Laertius tells us, that he was particularly admir'd for healing a woman, who was look'd upon to be dead, finding it was occasion [...]d by a suffocation of the Ʋterus. He nam'd this ma­lady from a Greek word, which signifies without respiration. He pretended that one might live in such a condition the space of thirty days. He gave out that he had infallible remedies for [Page 124]all sorts of diseases, and for old age, nay that he was able to raise the dead.

He had a very singular opinion about the manner of the formation of Animals.Galen. de Semin. lib 2. Cap. 3. He believ [...]d that some parts of their bodies were contain'd in the seed of the male, and others in that of the female, and that the Venereal appe­tite in both Sexes proceeds from this desire that the disunited and separated parts have to be re­joyn [...]d.

As forId de Hist. Philosoph. Respiration, he suppos'd it to be perform'd after this manner. As soon as the hu­midity, which at the beginning of the forma­tion of the Foetus was very plentiful, begins to lessen, the air succeeds it, insinuates it self through the pores, after which the natural heat endeavouring to get loose, it casts the air with­out, and when the heat re-enters, the air fol­lows it again. The first, continues he, is call'd in­spiration, and the second expiration. The Foetus or Infant in the mothers womb, according to him, has the use of respiration.

Hearing is perform [...]d by the means of the air, that strikes the interiour part of the ear, which winding in the form of a Cockle-shell, and be­ing joynd to the highest part of the body like a little Bell, discerns all the impulsions of the air that enter into it.

The Fl [...]s [...] is compo [...]d of an equal proporti­on of each of the four Elements; the Nerves of fire, earth, and two parts of water; the Nails are made of Nerves condens'd by the contact of the air. The Bones seem to be compos [...]d of e­qual parts of water and earth, but for all this they were made of the four Elements, among which the water and earth were predominant. Sweat and Tears proceed from the thinner par­ticles of blood

The Seeds of Plants are as it were their Eggs, which fall from them when they are ripe.

Empedocles writ concerning Phy [...]i [...]m Verse, and compos [...]d six thousand, [...] upon th [...] [Page 125]argument. He had so great an esteem for this art, that he pretended that Physicians (to whom he joyn'd Southsayers and Poets) had much the preheminence before other men, and came near the immortal Gods. He had a disciple call [...]d Pausanias, who was likewise a Physician.

Empedocles was born at Agrigentum, a City of Sicily, and according to Diogenes Laertius, flourish'd about the 84th Olympiad. Suidas pretends that he follow'd the profession of a Sophist at Athens. His death was extraordina­ry. Some say, that being desirous to examine the fire of Aetna with too much curiosity, he came so near that he was consumed by them. Others have affirm'd that this was an effect of his vanity, and that he was ambitious of dy­ing thus, that disappearing all of a sudden, he might be taken for a God.

Alemaeon, another disciple of Pythagoras, was of Crotona; he particularly apply'd himself to the study of Physick. His name deserves to be preserv'd to all posterity, if what aChalcid [...] in Platou [...]s [...]i­maum. Com­mentator upon Plato tells of him be true, viz. that he was the first that anatomiz'd Animals, to instruct himself in the several parts of their bodies.

The Reader will be surpriz'd that it was so long before Anatomy was introduc [...]d into Physick, and will hardly conceive how they came to bestow the name of Physicians, or e­ven of Chyrurgeons, upon men that under stood nothing of it. But this wonder will vanish, when he considers that I have alrea­dy said upon this subject in the Chapt of the Asclepiadae.

As Alcmaeon's Writings have had the ill fate to be destroy'd by time, we know but little of his Anatomy, but what we find in Galen, which indeed more properly belongs to Phy­siology. He suppos'd that the Hearing was perform'd by the ear, being hollow within, as we find all hollow places refound when [Page 126]the voice penetrates them. As for Smelling, he pretended that the Soul, whose chief seat, according to him, was in the brain, receiv'd all odours by attracting them in respiration. He imagin'd that the Tongue distinguish'd tastes by its humidity, by its moderate heat, and its softness. The Seed, according to him, was a particle of the brain. The Foetus was nou­rish'd in the womb by drawing nourish­ment on all sides of its Body, which is like a Spunge.

Health, according to its Hypothesis, de­pends upon the equal mixture of heat, dry­ness, cold, and moisture, nay, even of sweet and bitter, and other things. On the other hand, diseases arise when one of these predo­minates over the rest, and by that means de­stroys their union and society.

Epicharmus of the Isle of Cos, was likewise a hearer of Pythagoras. He writ of natural Philosophy and Physick, and is frequently quoted by Pliny, when he describes the vir­tues of any simple.Tiraquell. de Nobilitate cap. 31. 'Tis reported, that his Writings are still to be seen in the Vatican Library.

Eudoxus receiv'd his instruction from Ar­chytas, a famous Pythagorean. He liv'd some­what later than the above-mention'd.See the Chapt. of Chry­sippus. We shall have occasion to speak of him here­after.

CHAP. VIII. Of Heraclitus, Democritus, and some other Physicians that were Philoso­phers.

THe Pythagorean Philosophers were not the only persons that concern'd themselves with Physick. Heraclitus the Ephesian (who liv'd in the 69th Olympiad, that is to say, about the same time with Pythagoras, and had a Phi­losophy peculiar to himself) applied himself likewise to the study of Physick.

History informs us, that this Philosopher, pushed on by his morose austere humour, which occasion'd the report that he always wept, retiring into a solitary place to avoid the con­versation of mankind, and living only upon water and herbs, fell into a Dropsy. This ob­blig'd him, to repair to inhabited places to find better conveniences of being cur [...]d; not that he did it to have the advice of the Physicians, for instead of following their direction, he was in hopes to expose their ignorance to the world, by making them witnesses of the cure which he expected to work upon himself.

He once demanded of them in obscure terms, as his manner,Diogenes Laeat. if of rainy weather they cou'd make dry, which not being understood by the Physicians, he dismiss'd them, and shut himself up in a Stable, where he cover'd all his body with dung, hoping by that means, to consume or drain the superfluous moisture that was in his entrails, but he did not succeed in his de­sign, for he died of this disease soon after. He­raclitus [...]s aim in putting this question to the Physicians, was to instruct them that they ought to endeavour to cure distempers as God [Page 128]cures those of the great bodies that compose the world, by balancing their inequalities, and set­ting contraries in opposition one to another. For, said he, all things go in our bodies after the same rate as they do in the world; Urine is form'd in the bladder like rain in the second re­gion of the air, and as the rain proceeds from Vapours that arise from the earth, and being condens'd produce clouds, so urine is produc [...]d from exhalations arising from the aliments that find their passage into the bladder.

Others relate, that Heraclitus put this que­stion to the Physicians, whether it were possible to press the bowels of any one so as to get out all the water that was contain'd in them, which the Physi­tians affirming to be impossible, he expos'd, him­self naked to the Sun, and afterwards manag'd himself in the Stable, as is related above; the con­sequence of which was, that he was devour'd by Dogs as he lay in the dung, being so weak, that he was not able to help himself. In short, others have deliver'd this story otherwise, and affirm that Heraclitus was cur'd of this swelling, and dy'd long after this of another distemper. The most remarkable opinion he held, I mean that relates to Philosophy, was this, that Fire was the beginning of all things, that every thing came from Fire, and that every thing is done by Fire. We shall have occasion hereafter to make some reflections upon this opinion. He is reported to be the author of this Sentence,Vide A­t [...]e [...]um. that there were no such blockheads and fools in the world as Grammarians, except Physicians.

Democritus was born in the 77th Olympiad. He applied himself to Physick, as he did to all other Sciences, and was so desirous to become learn'd, that he spent all his patrimony in tra­velling to see the most celebrated and famous men abroad. He had been in Egypt, Persia, Babylon, and the Indies, where he convers'd with Philosophers, Geometricians, Physicians, Priests, Magicians, and Gymnosophists.

Diogenes Laertius has given us the Titles of several Books written by Demceritus concerning Philosophy in general, and Geometry. He likewise compos'd some about Physick in parti­cular; the first is intitul'd Of the nature of man, or of the Flesh, which in all probability is the same that we find under the same title, among the works of Hippocrates. He writ another Trea­tise about Plagues, which is cited by Aul' Gellius under this title Of the plague and pestilential dis­eases. A third treated of Prognostics, a fourth of Diet, or the method of regulating nourish­ment; a fifth of the Causes of distempers, and of things that were proper or contrary to the body, by considering the time. In some other Books he endeavour'd to find out the causes of Seeds, of Trees, of Fruits, and of Animals. There is, in short, another which is intituled [...] Se [...] the Chapter of Theophra­tius, lib. 4. about the Stone, that is to say, according to the Chymists about the Philosophers Stone. Some Greek Books that treat of Chymistry are still remaining, which carry his name, and are many-scripts in the Library of the Louvre But learn'd men look upon them to be spurious, as we shall see more largely hereafter.

Pliny likewise cites in abundance of places Democritus [...]s Books concerning Plants, in which he seems to have principally consider [...]d their Magical or Supernatural Virtues. Democritus, says this Author, who was more devoted to the Magicians than any one since Pythagoras, relates more incredible and monstrous Stories, than even he did. The Reader may consult the 17th Chapter of the 24th Book of Pliny, to see more of this. Among other things we may find there a remedy or composition to have sine Chil­dren. This composition is made of Pine-apples bruis [...]d with honey, myrrh, saffron, and palm-tree wine, adding to this a drug, or simple, call'd by him Theombrotion, and milk. According to this Author [...]s direction a man must drink of this immediately before he goes to his Wife, [Page 130]and she likewise must drink of it as soon as she is derivered, and all the while she suckles her Child.

Pliny speaks in the same place of an herb, which Democritus call'd by a Greek name, that signifies [...]. bashful, and contracts its leaves when a man touches it. Throphrastus likewise makes mention of this plant, which is the same with what we now call the sensitive plant, which is very well well known. If there was no more superstition or Magick in the other places of Democritus than there is in this, Pliny wrong'd him when he accus [...]d him of it. But tis evi­dent from what this Author adds, that the Books of Democritus were full of these trifles, and Tatian a Christian Rhetorician, and disciple of Justin Martyr, has likewise observ'd, that De­mocritus writ nothing but fabulous stuff.

Lib. 11. cap. 3. Columella cites two Books of Democritus, one of which was intitul'd of Agriculture, and the other of things that have an Antipathy to one another. One may judge of the contents of this latter Book by the following citation. Demo­critus, says Columella, affirms that Caterpillars and other insects that destroy the greens in gardens, d [...]e immediately if a woman that has her menses walks two or three [...]ns over the bods, with her f [...]t ba [...], and [...]air disheveled. But it must be observ'd that the same Columella [...]. elsewhere tells us, that the Books, that in his time were attributed to Democritus, were written by one Dolus or Bolus Mendesius, an Egyptian, and who perhaps is the same with him whomLib [...] c. 7. Galen calls Horus Mendesius. [...]. Celius Aurelianus makes mention of two other Books, that went under Democritus's name, but he look'd upon them to be spurious. One treated of Convulsive diseases, and the other of the Elephantiasis. In the former of these Books we meet with a remedy against madness, which consisted in a decoction [...] Origarum, that was to be drunk out of a round [...]up fashion [...]d like a Bowl. In the second he [Page 131]advises to bleed those that are infected with an Elephantiasis, and give them of a certain herb, which he does not name.

We shall conceive a more advantageous I­dea of Democritus, by what remains to be told of him. The same thing in a manner hap­pen'd to this Philosopher, which befel Hera­clitus. He retir'd like him to a solitary place, that he might be more at liberty, but there was this remarkable difference between them, that whereas the former wept continually at the follies of mankind, the other laught inces­santly.See the Let­ters at the end of Hippocra­tes's works. This strange behaviour made his Countrymen of Abdera take him for a fool, so they sent to Hippocrates, desiring him to come and cure him. This Physician arriving there, found him employ [...]d in dissecting of A­nimals, and enquiring the reason of it, he told him, 'twas to discover the effect of folly, which he lookt upon to be the cause of the bile. By this Hippocrates discover'd that the world was exceedingly mistaken in their opi­nion of him, and after a long conversation, wherein among other things Democritus told him, that the madness and folly of Mankind was the cause of his perpetual laughter; he took his leave of them very well satisfy [...]d, and assur'd the people, that this Philosopher was so far from being a fool, that on the other hand he was the wisest of men.

Diogen. [...]aert.'Tis likewise reported, that in the pre­sence of the same Hippocrates, Democritus was able to distinguish the Milk they brought to him, telling them it was of a black She-goat, which never had but one Kid, and that by on­ly looking upon a certain woman, he knew that she had been deflower'd the night be­fore.

After this interview, these two great men entertain'd a very high esteem for each other, and kept a mutual correspondence.Var. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 20. Ae­llan observes that Hippocrates writ all his Books [Page 132]in the Ionic Language for the sake of Demo­critus, altho that famous Physician was a Na­tive of the Isle of Co, where the Doric Dialect was in request. If this were true, a man might gather that Democritus was born at Miletus, as Lacrtius tells us, and not at Abde­ra, since the first of these Cities is in Ionia, but the other in Thrace.

However,Tune qu [...] (que) inat [...]iam rijus inven [...]t ad [...]m­nes [...]curjus h [...] ­nunum, cujus prudentia men­strat. Sammo [...] posse viros, & magna exempla daturos. V [...]v [...]m [...]n pa [...]zia, crass [...] (que) sub aere nasci. [...]id [...] curas, ne [...] n [...]n & g [...]adia vulg [...], Int [...]n & lacrimas cum fortunae ipse min [...]. Man [...]et la [...]ueum, medium (que) ostenderet unguem. Sat. X. Juvenal was of opinion that he belong'd rather to Abdera than Milctus, and from his Birth in so stupid and brutal a Country, makes this reflexion, that great men may be born under the grossest air.

If we may believe Petronius, Democritus drew juices from all manner of herbs, and spent most of his Life in making experiments upon Stones and Plants, but perhaps these experiments con­sider'd the several natural curiosities more, or at least as much as the practice of Physick. What we find in Seneca, that Democritus had found out the secret to soften Ivory, and to make Eme­ralds of boil'd Flint stones, and whoever considers that they had the trick in former ages, to make a past for the counterfeiting precious Stones, is a su [...]cient proof of what I have already asserted, or of the use that Democritus made of his dis­coveries.

He likewise believ'd that we were so far from having any signs, by which we cou'd form a certain judgment that a man wou'd shortly dye, that we wanted indications sure enough for a Physician to rely upon that a man was dead. Celsus who cites this passage, calls Democritus, Vir jure magni nominis, a person that had de­serv'dly a great reputation.

This Philosopher died when he was above a hundred years old.Di [...]g [...] La [...] 'Tis reported of him that being weary of his Life he daily retrench'd some part of the food, but his Sister desiring him not to dye, till a festival which drew nigh was over, that she might not lose the pleasure of being at 'em, he commanded some hot bread to be brought to him, and liv'd several days with only smelling to it.Athenaeus lib. 2. cap. 7. Others say it was the smell of Honey which produc'd this effect. It has been likewise affirm'd that he made himself blind, that he might be less distracted in his meditations. Tertullian pre­tends the reason of this was, because he cou'd not behold the Sex without emotion. But 'tis much more probable that he be­came blind by accident, or by old Age. But after whatsoever manner it happen [...]d,Quest. Puse. 5. Cicero observes that this Philosopher ea­sily comforted himself for the loss of his sight, that if he was not able to distinguish black from white, yet he cou [...]d perfectly well discern good from bad, justice from injustice, &c. judging himself to be happy, tho depriv'd of the pleasure which the varie­ty of colours affords.

CHAP. IX. An explicati [...]n of some of the Philo­sophical opinions of Democritus, which seem not to have been rightly explain'd.

THis is not a proper place to treat of the opi­nions of Democritus, as they have a re­spect to Philosophy. But I cannot forbear to explain a passage of Diogenes Laertius, and ano­ther of H [...]sychius Milefius upon this subject, which may give the Reader some difficulty. Democritus, according to the latter of these authors, suppos'd that Atomes and a Vacuum were the principle of all things, and that all the rest depended upon opinion or judgment.

To understand his meaning aright, 'twill be necessary to cite this passage, as it is in the ori­ginal. [...], the Latin Interpreter has thus translated; rerum primordia atomos & inane esse censuit, caetera om­nia ex opinione statui posse dixit. We meet with the same words in Diogenes Laertius, with this difference, that he adds to the end the word [...], which is not in the former; [...], and they are thus Translated, Caetera omnia legitimum esse opi­nari, which either signifies just nothing, or at best must be thus understood, as if the Author when he said that a man was at liberty to be­lieve what he pleas'd of the rest, we ought to understand it of what immediately follows, that there are an infinite number of worlds, &c.

However, this is not the true meaning of Democritus, if we may be determin'd by a cer­tain passage in Galen, and 'tis probable that the [Page]

DEMOCRITVS

[Page] [Page 135]word [...] which is synonimous to the former, was set down to explain it, and crept out of the Margin into the Text. The passage I am speaking of will help to explain two o­ther. Democritus, asDe Ele. mends lib. [...] cap. [...]. Galen informs us, held that his Atomes, which were indivisible, unaliera­ble bodies, were neither while, nor black, nor any other colour; that they were neither sweet nor bitter, nor hot nor cold; in short, that they participated of no other quality whatever. He added, that the aforesaid qualities existed only in relation to us that perceiv [...]d them, and that they vary'd according to the different man­ner that the Atomes met or united themselves in, so that if we consider these things barely in themselves, nothing can be said to be white or black, or sweet or bitter, or cold or hot, but all these qualities purely depend upon the opinion of men or their judgment. He affirm [...]d, I say, that the Atomes and the Vacuum was all that was real in the world, but that the rest solely subsisted upon the opinion or fancy. In the first proposition he makes use of the word [...] that signifies true or real; and in the latter he employs the [...] which signifies a Law or Cu­stom, but is sometimes also taken for an Opinion, at least in the language of Democritus. So up­on this foot he asserted that Atomes were [...] real; but that white for example was white [...], that is to say, by Opinion, and after this manner he talk'd of the other qualities. This last word is used in the same sense in the Book de natura humana, (b) See lib. [...] cap. [...] and [...]. 3. Chap. of the Anatomy of Hip­pocrates. (which is among the works of Hippocrates, but is by some attributed to Democritus) where [...] according to na­ture, is opposed to [...] according to opinion. [...] Galen thus explains, according as men [...]udge or think. We here find the two Verbs [...] and [...] joyn [...]d, and explain [...]d [Page 136]one by the other, which shews that Laertius had forgot to put them together.

The learnedGassend. lib. 10 Diogen. Laert. tit. Unde qualitates re­rum concre­tart. Gassendus had carefully exa­min'd this passage of Democritus, and thus ex­plains it: Democritus was of opinion that all the several qualities we find in things, such as colour, heat, &c. only existed [...], lege, dependant upon a certain law; not that they depend up­on any institution of men, as the Interpreters understand the place; but this Philosopher employs upon this occasion a word proper to his own Country or Province, and at the same time makes use of a Metaphor; to shew, that as the justice or injustice, the honesty or dishonesty, the merit or infamy of humane actions depends upon what the Laws have establish'd, so like­wise that whiteness or blackness, sweetness or bitterness, &c. in natural things, de­pended upon the disposition or different situation of Atoms. This learned man was much in the right, when he observ'd that Democritus had made use of a word that was particular to his own Country, but he is mistaken in what he says afterwards. To conclude, I have not remark'd that some Philosophers of a more modern date than Gassendus, and who come very near the opinion of Democritus, have ascrib'd the honout of it to him.

CHAP. X. Of some Physicians who were contempo­raries of the preceeding Philosophers, and first of Acron, reputed to be the chief of the Empirics.

THere was a famous Physician contemporary with Empedocles, whose name was Acron, born likewise at Agrigentum as well as that Phi­losopher.Lib. 29. Cap. 1 [...] Acron, says Pliny, was author of a Sect in Physick which was call [...]d the Empiric sect, a name form'd from a Greek word which signifies experience, because this Sect rejected rea­sonings upon things, and kept wholly to expe­rience. This Author adds, that Acron had been recommended by Empedocles the Physician, who had a great repute among the people.

Casaubon was of opinion that when Pliny writ this Passage, he thought of Acron's Epitaph compos [...]d by Empedocles, and mention'd by Laertius, [...]. Acron of Agrigentum the most eminent of Physicians, the Son of an eminent Fa­ther lyes interr'd in this craggy rock, in the most eminent place of his eminent Country.

But tis evident from the Cacaphony which the Letter r makes in the Greek, where 'tis to be found in every word, that it is nothing but raillery, as [...]. Suidas has well observ'd. Empe­docles perhaps compos'd this Epitaph, with a design to ridicule the vanity of the man, who, by a dull allusion to his own name, call'd him­self [...]. the most excellent of Physicians. To confirm this opinion, Diogenes Laertius informs us a little before, that this Philosopher hindred Acron from obtaining a certain place, which he wou'd have begg [...]d to build his own Tomb in [...]. because he is, said he, a Physician of the first rank; [Page 138]and that Empedocles having made a discourse about equality, perhaps to prove that all men were equal, turn'd himself towards Acron and asked him what Epitaph wou'd you have en­grav'd upon your Tomb! what think you of this Acron of Agrigentum, &c.

This raillery perhaps was occasion'd by the jealousy of this Philosopher, who was concern'd to see Acron consider'd as the chief man of that Art to which he pretended himself, upon which I have a reflection to make of some importance to the history of Physick, which is, that the ambition of Acron, or the good opinion he had of himself, intirely destroys the above-men­tion'd Hypothesis of Celsus, concerning the birth or beginning of Physick; for if this art owed its original to Philosophy, and there was no knowledge of it before the Philosophers, it is not probable that Acron, who came after them, or at least after Phythagoras, should be so bold, as to pretend to the first place among the Phy­sicians to their prejudice. 'Tis certain that there were Physicians before Philosophers, but their Physick, as we have observ'd, was wholy empiri­cal like that of Acron.

'Tis not improbable, that the reason why this Physician passed for the chief of the empi­ric sect, was because he attempted to maintain that ancient way of practising Physick, against that which the Philosophers his contemporaries affected to introduce.

The above-cited Passage of Pliny seems to fa­vour this conjecture, but 'tis probable that au­thor was mistaken. That empiric Sect, which Pliny speaks of, did not begin till long after Acron; 'tis agreed that he was an Empiric also, but after the manner of the Asclepiadae, and all the other Physicians that preceeded him; that is to say, his Physick wholly turn'd upon Expe­rience, without much reasoning; but for all that he was not of the Empiric Sect, for the first Physicians could not properly be call'd Secta­ries, [Page 139]if we may be allow'd to use this term upon this occasion. We shall consider below what this Sect was, and who were the founders of it.

I can [...]t tell whether Suidas was not likewise mistaken, or did not confound Acron the Empiric with another, where he says that Acron exercis [...]d the profession of a Sophist at Athens, as well as Empedocles. 'Tis not to be doubted but that he speaks of the former, because he joyns him with Empedocles, and adds that Acron writ in the Doric Dialect (which was spoken in Sicily) a Book intitul'd, Tke Art of Physick, and another which treated of the manner of living in Health. If our Acron was a Sophist, he did not confound this profession with that of a Physician, other­wise he had not passed for an Empiric.

We find in Plutarch that Acron was in Athens in the time of a great Plague, which happen [...]d at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, and he ascribes to him the advice of the lighting of great fires in all the Streets, with an intent to purify the air.

CHAP. XI. Of Herodicus, the Inventor of Gym­nastick Physick.

De iis qui lero a Numine corripiuntur.WE shall conclude this Book with the history of Herodicus, of whom we had occasion to speak, when we deliver [...]d Plato [...]s opinion of Esculapius's Physick. He was born at Selymbra a City of Thrace, asThis word u [...]deriv [...]d from a Greek Verb, signifying to exercise. Plutarch affirms, or rather at Lentini in Sicily, and was brother to the fa­mous Rhetorician and Philosopher Gorgias He liv [...]d in the time of the latter Philosophers abovemention [...]d. He was a Physician, and Master of an Academy besides, where the youth [Page 140]came to exercise themselves, which gave him an opportunity to introduce Gymnastic, that is to say, the art of exercising the body into Physick, having himself by the help of exercise, if not wholly cured, yet stopt the farther progress of a Ptisick, under which he labour'd; so that this troublesom disease did not hinder him from arriving to a very advanc'd age.

Galen seems to make Esculapius the author of Gymnastic, as well as the other branches of Physick, where he says that Esculapius order'd some to ride on Horseback, and to exercise them­selves in their arms, and that he show'd them the se­veral sorts of motions they were to express, and after what manner they were to be arm'd. Medea likewise, as we have already observ'd, practised something of this nature, but altho we shou'd grant that they already knew the great advan­tages of exercise, and prescrib'd certain rules upon this head, yet 'tis probable that Herodicus went much farther, and that he was the first man that improv'd it into an art, which he call [...]d the Art of Gymnastic Physick, or the art of exercising one self for his Health.

Long before the time of Herodicus several sorts of exercises were used in their publick sports, that were celebrated in many places of Greece with solemnity. The institutors of these Games propos'd hereby to divert the people, and to make mens bodies more active, vigorous, and fit for war, as also to obtain the favour of their God, in the honour of whom they were kept. The end of those that were personally engag'd in these sports, was to carry off the re­wards that were allotted to the Conquerors. The same thing was practised in their Acade­mies, which they called Gymnasia and Palaestrae, i. e. places proper for one to exercise himself in. We cannot precisely tell the time when these sorts of Academies were first begun to be erected; what we know for certain is, that the Greeks were always looked upon to be the first inven­tors [Page 141]of them. The Reader may consult Hieron Mercurialis, for his farther satisfaction upon this subject. Herodicus who was Master of one of these Academies, having observ'd, that the young People that were under his conduct, and learnt their exercises, were very healthful for the most part, imputed this immediately to the continual use of them, and afterwards carry­ing this first reflection farther, which was natu­ral enough, he came to be of the opinion, that mighty advantages might be drawn from ex­ercise, if instead of the above mention'd ends, the principal aim a man proposed to himself by it, was the acquiring or preserving of his health; so that he need have recourse to no other Phy­sick than this.

Having foreseen that Gymnastic might be di­vided into three sorts;The mili­tary Gymna­stick was that which the youth practic'd to harden, instruct, and f [...]t them­selves for the Art Military. The Athletick lookt upon as vitious, because thereby they propos'd no other end but to win the prize a [...] the Publick Games, without making themselves serviceable any other way to the Publick; and took care only of their Bodies, totally neglecting their Minds. Quod corpora in faginâ, ani [...]n marie & veterno erant; says Seneca. the Military, the Athletick, and the Medicinal; he left the two first to apply himself to the latter, and prescribe rules to be observ'd in it, according to the dif­ference of persons, Temperaments, Ages, Cli­mates, Seasons, Distempers, &c. setting down exactly the diet, the sorts of habits, and the particular exercises that wou'd best suit with them according to the respective circumstances above-mention [...]d.

I don't know whether he succeeded so hap­pily in this project, as the experiment made upon himself, of which History makes mention, wou'd induce us to believe. Hippocrates, who had been his Disciple, does not give him an ad­vantageous character upon this account, where he says, that Herodicus kill'd several that were ill of Fevers, with too much walking, and wrestling, and fomentations; nothing being [Page 142]so prejudicial to persons in such cases, as hunger, wrestling, running, rubbing, &c. He­rodicus, (adds Hippocrates) pretending to over­come the fatigue occasion'd by sickness with another fatigue, drew upon his Patients sometimes infla­mations, sometimes pains on their side, &c. and made them pale, livid, and wholly out of or­der.

However this censure of Hippocrates did not hinder him from making use of some Gymna­stick on some occasions, altho he did not look upon it to be good in the cases above-menti­on'd, and most of the Physicians that came af­ter Herodicus took so great a fancy to this sort of Physick, that they have always consider'd it as an essential part of their profession. We have lost the writings which Diocles, Praxago­ras, Philotimus, Erasistratus, Herophilus, As­clepiades, Theon, Diotimus, and several others compos'd upon that subject; but by the frag­ments that are still remaining in Galen, or o­ther Authors that have cited them, we may easily know in what esteem Gymnastick was a­mong the Antients.

The Physicians were not the only persons that recommended it. The generality of men were so fully convinc'd of the great advantages, and also the pleasure that accompany'd it, that abundance of people spent the greatest part of their lives in places appointed on purpose to exercise in, that were afterwards erected in all the Cities of Greece.

'Tis true, these Buildings that went under the name of Gymnasia, , were not solely ap­ply'd to Gymnastick Physick, for at the same time they were put to several other uses. They contain [...]d several Apartments for several pur­poses, large Squares, and great Portico's, or cover [...]d Allies of a vast length, fit for to walk or run in. There was a particular place for the Philosophers, the Rhetoricians, and men of Learning, where they assembled and disputed. [Page 143]Thus the Academy and Lyceum, two places of exercise in Athens became famous, one of them being chosen by Plato, and the other by Ari­stotle, to teach Philosophy in. This separate place for the Philosophers was call'd Exedra, which in Greek signifies a Seat, because there are benches in it for this purpose.

There were other Apartments set aside for the young men, that came to exercise them­selves under Masters call'd Gymnastae, who had some Servants under them that were call'd Pae­dotribae. The Wrestlers likewise met there. The exercises perform'd were chiefly playing at quoits, throwing the dart, or certain heavy machines that were call'd balteres, shooting out of a bow, playing at ball, wrestling, cuf­fing, leaping, dancing, running, riding, &c.

Part of these exercises were also practic'd in­differently by all sorts of persons for their health, but the Apartments that were more peculiarly applied to this last use, were the bathing rooms, those where they were undress'd, or where they order'd themselves to be rubb [...]d, anointed, &c. Every one used these exercises as he thought convenient. Some went no farther than one, while others applied themselves successively to more. Men of learning began with hearing the Philosophers, and other Virtuosi; after this they play'd at Ball, or employ'd themselves in any other exercise, and at last went to the Bath.

One may wonder, and reasonably enough, how Plato comes to inveigh so furiously against Gymnastic, and the inventor of it. Nothing ap­pears to be more natural than this sort of Phy­sick, which every man of good sense ought to prefer to the use of Medicaments, that are infi­nitely more troublesom and dangerous. But we must know that when this Philosopher de­claim'd so powerfully against Gymnastic, he had his head full of the Idea [...]s of his Republick, wherein laying it down for a rule, that every man shou [...]d contribute to the publick Good, [Page 144]he look'd upon those that minded nothing but their health, to be a sort of unprofitable persons that were only good to themselves.

And altho he has recommended exercise in general, yet he blam [...]d Gymnastic, consider [...]d as an Art, and particularly as it comprehended the Dietetic, or that part of Physick which regulates our food, because it was too long and tedious a course, and those persons, that wou'd exactly follow the rules of it, were obliged to live in too confined and strict a manner, and in­deed to practise a sort of continual Physick, which almost wholly turn'd them aside from those occupations for which they were de­sign'd.

Plato has another observation about Herodicus or his Maxims as they relate to Gymnastic, which is very particular. He tells us then, that this Ph [...]sician advised somePlat. Phaed. in princip. to walk from Athens to Megara, which is twenty five miles, and as soon as they had touched the Walls of that City, to come back the same way, without stopping a moment. In all appearance this is a calumny upon him, and perhaps such stories as these were told at Athens to ridicule the Physicians that follow [...]d the rules of Gymnastic.

The Romans did not begin to build those places of exercise, till long after the Greeks, but when they once took a fancy for them, they infinitely surpass'd them both in the num­ber and magnificence of these buildings, as we may judge by the noble ruines that are yet re­maining. Nay, they doted upon them at Rome to such a degree, that according toVix C [...]is [...] 2. Varro's remark, tho almost every man had one to him­self, yet they were scarce content.

Those that wou [...]d be throughly instructed in all that rela [...]es to Medicinal Gymnastic, may consult the learn [...]d Mercurialis, who has gone to the bottom of this subject. Besides, the Rea­der will find in the continuation of this History, several things relating to this occasion, and also [Page 145]concerning Herodicus, by which he will more plainly and fully discover the use of Gymnastic in ancient Physick.

CHAP XII. Reflexions upon what has been said be­fore.

THis is the summ of what we cou'd meet with most considerable, in that interval which may be call'd the first age of Physick. We have in a manner fetch'd all our materials from Greece, for want of monuments to instruct us what past in other Nations; and for the future we shall more seldom leave that Country, since the Greeks cultivated Physick as well as they did the other arts, with more care and appli­cation in the succeeding times, and indeed communicated them to almost all the world be­sides.

One would be apt to imagine, at first sight, that all we can find of the progress of Physick in the first and second period of time, which we have ran over, is very inconsiderable. Every thing in this compass appears either fabulous, or un­certain, and at least excremely confus'd, and the discoveries that were made in it are but few in number, and very superficial, if compar'd to those that have been made since.

Nevertheless, if Physick rather consists in effects than in discourses, and if the invention of remedies is of greater importance than all the reasonings that can be made upon diseases, as we shall see hereafter, we shall be satisfy'd that these first Physicians knew almost every thing that was essential to Physick, or at least passes for such now in most parts of Europe [...] [Page 146]and that they us'd in a manner all the funda­mental remedies, and those that are most de­pended upon. All Physicians, if we except a f [...]w out of the number, look upon bleeding and purging to be most universal remedies: Now 'tis certain, by the proofs that we have brought, that they were used in the above-mentioned times.

Neither were they defective in other the most ordinary practices of Physick. They knew how to make use of Milk, Whey, and Baths, that are to this day the principal arms of the Physicians, against the most stubborn and ob­stinate diseases. Neither were they unacquaint­ed with theSee the head of Hippo­crates. Poppy, and even withSee the Chapt. of He­len and Poly­damna. Opi­um, that great and universal anodyne.

In short, 'tis very probable that they were masters of severalVid. lib. 5 Specisics, and perhaps more than we have, since the principal bent of their studies carried them that way.

This was it, without dispute, which occa­sion'dDe Priscâ Med. Hippocrates to say, that the whole circle of Physick has been establish'd long ago, and that the world had found out the way to make a­bundance of discoveries, which wou [...]d serve to make new ones, provided that the party who went upon the search was fit for such an under­taking, and being acquainted with all that was already discover'd, wou'd follow the same track, The man, continues he, who rejecting this counsel, takes another road, and pretends to have discover'd some new track, not only im­poses upon himself, but the rest of the world. This old way was that of observation and expe­riments; from which the following ages devi­ated too much.

But I foresee that the stiff asserters of the Antiquity of Chymistry, will not fail to object that I have forgotten that, which in their opi­nion; does the greatest honour to ancient Phy­sick, viz. the knowledge of that Art. If I had been of their opinion, I had found an oppor­tunity [Page 147]to have defended it, when I was upon the History of Hermes Trismegistus, whom they pretend to be the Inventor of Alchymy. But for me, I ingenuously own, that my eyes are not quick-sighted enough to discover the least footsteps of this Art in these ancient times. I shall endeavour to answer the arguments of those that maintain the contrary in the second part of this work. But that they may not be prepossess'd against me, before they have heard what I have to say for my self, I must tell them before hand, that we ought carefully to distin­guish between Alchymy, which pretends to the melioration or transmutation of Metals, or the way of making Gold and Silver out of any o­ther matter, and Chymistry, which proposes for its only end, the preparation of medicaments, and the preserving of health. The former per­haps is of great antiquity, the love of riches being as old as the world, and in all appearance men try [...]d all manners of ways to get money ever since the beginning. But we shall satisfy the Reader that the latter was invented but a few years ago.

HIPPOCRATES.

THE HISTORY OF Physick.
PART I.
BOOK III.

CHAP I. How far Hippocrates carry'd this Art.

WE have already seen that Physick, which at first was practis'd either by all sorts of persons indifferently, or by some particular men, who made it their sole profession, fell at last into the hands of the Philosophers about the lx Olympiad, whether because they had more occasion for the assistance of this Art for the reasons alledg'd by [...] Celsus, or because pro­fessing to study nature, they believ'd that a knowledge of the humane Body, which [...] most admirable of all her works, was absolute­ly [Page 150]necessary to such a design. But Philosophy and Physick happening to be much enlarged and cultivated afterwards, for the space of about 80 years, men were forced to separate these two professions, since either of them was enough to employ a man's time entirely.

Demo [...]riti autem (ut qui­dam credide­runt) discipu­lus Hippocr [...] ­es Cous, pri­mus quidem ex omnibus memoriâ dig nis, ab studio sapientiae di­sciplinam hanc (medicinam) separavit, Vi [...] & arte & fa­cundia infignis Cels. Praefat. lib. 1. Hippocrates was the first that undertook to make this separation. He had not strictly addicted himself to that sort of Physick, that was hereditary in his Family, but made as great advances into Philosophy, as any man of his age, but believing that the speculations of this latter Science were not so useful to Society, as the practice of the former, he retain'd so much Philosophy as wou'd enable him to reason justly in Physick, which he made his principal, or rather his only study.

Soranus pretends that Hippocrates was born in the Isle of Co, in the first year of the 80th Olym­piad, but others make him older, as we see below. His Fathers name was Heraclides, his Mothers Phaenarete or Praxithea. We have already seen, when we had occasion to speak of the Asclepiadae, that on his Fathers side he pre­tended to be the 17th in order of descent from Esculapius; nor was he less noble by the mothers side, as being the 19th descendant from Hercules.

He was not content with learning Physick under his Father; he had Herodicus above-men­tion'd for his Master in that faculty. He was likewise the disciple of Gorgias the Sophist, Bro­ther to that Physician, and according to some, of Democritus the Philosopher, as we gather from the above-cited passage of Celsus. But if he learnt any thing of this latter twas in all pro­bability, by the conversations chiefly which he had with him, when he was intreated by the Abderites to come and cure this Philosopher. It is likewise credible, that he was a follower of Heraclitus, as we shall see hereafter.

If Hippocrates was not looked upon to be the first inventor, yet all antiquity gives him this [Page 151]honour at least, of being the first that re-esta­blished it after Esculapius and his Sons. It may also be affirm [...]d, that by the great reputa­tion he acquir'd he has effac'd the glory of all that preceeded him, except the God of Physick himself; so that in the History of Physick, we cannot conveniently stop any where between the God and him, or make any considerable Epoch, but in passing all at once from one to the other, altho there was above seven hundred years difference between them.

Pliny makes Hippocrates the author of Clinic Physick, which we have ascrib'd to Esculapius, for 'tis not probable, that it was so long before the custom began of visiting the Sick in their bed; but what distinguishes this Physician so eminently from those that came before, is, that according to the observation of the same authorPrimus Hippocrates medendi prae­cepta clarissi­mè tradidit. lib. 26. cap. 2: he is the first that clearly laid down the precepts of Physick, reaping great advantage from the knowledge of the age he liv'd in, and making Philosophy servicable to Physick, and Physick to Philosophy.Lib. de de­centi habitu. We ought to joyn, says the same Author, Philosophy with Physick, and Physick with Philosophy, for a Physician that is a Philoso­pher is equal to a God.

Upon this account theThe Greeks called 'em [...], and [...], from [...], Reason, or Ra­tiocination, and [...], Opi­nion or doctrine. The Emp [...]i al Ph [...]sician [...] [...] claim to him likewise. Dogmatick, or Rea­soning Physicians, call'd so in opposition to the Empirics, have unanimously own'd him for their head, as being the first that assisted reason with experience in the practice of Physick. The Phi­losophers mention'd by us in the preceeding Book, were well enough vers'd in the art of reasoning, but wanted experience or practice. Hippocrates is the first person who possess'd both one and the other.

This may seem to contradict what I have al­ready advanc'd upon the credit of Celsus, viz. that Hippocrates separated Physick from Philosophy. For a Salvo to this seeming contradiction, we need only suppose, that Hippocrates, who was descended of a Family, where he as it were [Page 152]suck'd in Physick with his Milk, finding this Art in the hands of Philosophers, who had lately engross'd it to the prejudice of the As­clepiadae, thought there was no better way to support the declining honour of his house, than by using his utmost efforts, besides the knowledge deriv'd to him by tradition, to acquire all that learning which gave these new Physicians so great a reputation in the world. But after he had made himself Master of it, he openly declar'd, that altho the lights of Philo­sophy were very serviceable to give a man a just Idea of things, and to conduct methodi­cally and in the right way such as design'd to carry arts to perfection; yet however that Phi­losophy was not sufficient of itself to perfect a man for all professions, if he did not descend to the particulars, which did not belong to its jurisdiction; that Philosophy had nature in ge­neral for its object, but that Physick in a spe­cial manner applies itself to nature as it had a relation to man, whom she consider'd under the different circumstances of health and sick­ness; that it did not follow that a man must be a Physician because he was a Philosopher, unless he had study'd humane body in parti­cular, and instructed himself in the several changes that befall it, and in the proper me­thods to preserve or restore; that since 'tis im­possible to acquire this knowledge without long experience, he ought to employ his whole time this way, and quit the general name of a Philosopher for that of a Physician, tho this oblig'd him by no means to forbear Philosophizing in his profession. And this is what Hippocrates meant by joyning Philosophy with Physick, and Physick with Philosophy.

CHAP. II. Of the Philosophy of Hippocrates.

IF we may believeDe Nat▪ Facult. lib. 1.8 2. De dee­cret. Hipp. 5. Meth [...]d. med. lib. [...]e Element 9. Galen, Hippocrates no less deserved the first place among the Philo­sophers, than the Physicians. He likewise af­firms that Plato has rejected none of Hippocrates's opinions, that the writings of Aristotle are only a Comment upon the Physiology of the latter, and that Aristotle is nothing but the interpreter of Hippocrates and Plato, from whom he bor­row'd his Doctrine of the first qualities, [...]ot, cold, dry, and moist. Tis true, Hippocrates seems in some places to declare for the four Elements, air, water, fire, and earth. This at least must be acknowledg'd that in his Book of the nature of man, he opposes those Philosophers who on­ly maintain one. But he establishes another system in his first Book of Diet, where he makes mention of no more than two principles, fire and water, one of which gives motion to all things, and the other nourishment and encrease. These contradictions, with some others that we shall take notice of hereafter, proceed from the many interpolations in the works of Hippocrates. The passage we cited last, is one of those, which anciently were sup­pos'd to belong to another Author.

What is more certain, and of greater impor­tance to the business in hand, Hippocrates makes it appear in most of his Writings, that he ac­knowledges a general principle, which he called nature, to which he ascrib'd a mighty power. Nature is of it self sufficient to every animal, and that in all respects. She performs every thing that is necessary to them, without needing the [...] [Page 154]instruction from any one how to do it. Upon this foot, as if nature had been a principle indued with knowledge, he gives her the title of just, he ascribes a [...]. For Power, Fa­culty, or Virtue. It is sometimes employ'd to sig­nify the heighth of 'em. virtue, or virtues to her that are as it were her Servants.Lib. de a­limento. There is, says he, one only faculty, and there are more than one. 'Tis by these faculties, that all operations are per­form'd in the bodies of animals. They distri­bute the blood▪ the spirits, and heat thro all parts, which by this means receive life and sen­sation. He affirms elsewhere, that it is this faculty which gives nourishment, preservation and growth to all things.

The manner wherein nature acts, or its most sensible administration by the means of the fa­culties, according to him consists on one side in attracting what is good and agreeable to each species, and in retaining, preparing, or changing it, and on the other side in rejecting whatever is superfluous or hurtful, after she has separated it from the good. The Physick of Hippocrates generally turns upon this hinge, as also upon that inclination, which, as he supposes, every thing has to be joyn [...]d with what agrees with it, and to remove from all that is contrary to it self supposing first an affinity between the se­veral parts of the body, which is the reason that they sympathize reciprocally in the ills they suf­fer, as they share the good that arrives to them in common; according to the great Maxim which he establishes [...]. that every thing concurs, consents, and conspires together in the body, with relation to the animal O Economy, as we shall find more particularly in the following Chapter.

Thus I have shown what it is that Hippocra­tes calls nature. He no otherwise describes this principle of so many surprizing operations, un­less it be that he seems to compare it to a cer­tain heat whereof he speaks after this manner.De Car­ [...]bus. What we call heat or hot, seems to me to have something of immortal in it, that under­stands [Page 155]all, that sees and knows as well what is present, as what is to come. At least we find a great resemblance between the effects which he ascribes to that heat, of which more here­after, and those which he attributes to na­ture.

As for the rest, altho Hippocrates acknow­ledges in some places, fire, water, air, and earth, or fire and water in particular, to be the first elements of the bodies, yet he seems in o­thers to admit three different principles, the solid, the liquid, or the humid; and the Spirits, which he explains otherwise [...]. Equidem lib. vi sect. viii. by the con­tainer, the contained, and that which gives motion. But as he particularly made use of these prin­ciples to explain all the accidents of humane body, we shall forbear to give his meaning of them, till we come to that Chapter.

In one of Hippocrates's Books, which is en­tituled, of Flesh, [...], the latter is more natural, and answers the subject of the Book better. according to others of prin­ciples, we find something very singular con­cerning the formation of the universal world, and of Animals in particular. He at first sup­poses that the production of man, or his being, that he has a Soul, that he is in health or that he is sick, all his good and ill for­tune in the world, that he is born or dies to proceed from things [...]. elevated and above us, or the coelestial bodies. By this we may un­derstand the Stars, the influences of which, ac­cording to this Author, have no small power over humane bodies. But he explains himself, when he ascribes all the above-mention'd things to that immortal heat, of which above, that is generally suppos'd to be the same thing with what he calls nature in other places.

The greatest part of the heat, continues he, that I have describ'd, having gain [...]d the highest place, at the time of the Chaos, form'd that which the ancients call'd the Aether, another part of this heat, or the greatest part of the heat which remain'd, continuing in the lowest [Page 156]space, which is call'd Earth, there was a meeting of Cold and Dry there, and a great disposition to motion. A third part keeping the middle space between the Aether and the Earth, made what we call the Air, which is likewise somewhat hot. At last, a fourth part, that lay nearest to the Earth, and was the thickest and most humid of all, form'd what we call water. All these things having been jumbled together by a circular motion, at the time of the above-mention'd Chaos, that portion of heat which continu'd in the earth, being dispers'd into several places, and divided into several parts, in one place more, and less in another, the earth was dried up by this means, and form'd as it were [...]. membranes or tunicles, in which the matter growing hot, as it were by a sort of fermentation, that which was most oyly and least moist, was quickly burnt, and so form'd the Bones, but that which was more viscid, and in some measure cold, not being combustible, form'd the Nerves, or rather the Tendons and Ligaments which are hard and solid. As for the Veins, they were form'd of the coldest and most viscid parts, the more glutionous parts being dry'd by the heat, and from thence came the Mem­branes and Skins, of which they are compos'd. The cold particles which had nothing in them oleous or viscid, being dissolv'd, produc'd the humour or liquor which these Membranes in­close. The Bladder with its contents were form'd after the same manner, as were also all the other cavities.

In those parts, continues Hippocrates, where the glutinous exceeds the fat, the Membranes are made, and in those where the fat is stronger than the glutinous, Bones are produc'd. The Brain [...]ing the [...], the Capi­tal City. seat or proper place of cold and glutinous, which the heat cou'd neither dissolve not burn, tis first of all formed of the membranes in its supers [...]e, and afterwards of bones, by the [Page 157]means of a small portion of fat, which the heat had roasted, the marrow of the back-bone is made after the same manner, being cold and glutinous like the brain, and consequently very different from the marrow of the bones, which being only fat is not cover'd with any mem­branes. The heart having likewise a great deal of glutinous matter in it, became ha [...]d and glutinous flesh, inclos'd in a membrane, and hollow. The Lungs being near the heart are thus formed. The heart by its own heat pre­sently dries up the most viscid part of the moi­sture, makes a sort of scumm full of Pipes and Channels, being likewise filled with divers little veins. The Liver is made of a great quantity of moist and hot, that has nothing fat or viscid in it, so that the cold being too strong for the hot, the humid is coagulated or thicken'd.

Upon the same foot Hippocrates reasons about the production of the Spleen, the Reins, and some other parts. What we have already cited may serve to give a Specimen of his manner of Philosophizing. Upon which I make this re­flection, that this System of Hippocrates seems to be not very different from that of Heraclitus; the heat by which the former supposes all things to have been produced, being very near the same thing with fire, which according to the latter was the origine or principle of all Bodies, as we have observed above in the Chapter of that Philosopher. Several passages may be taken out of the first Book of Diet to confirm what we have advanc'd. In a word, says he in one place of this Book the Fire has dispos [...]d all things in the body in imitation of the Ʋniverse, &c.

But while we are upon the Philosophy of Hippocrates, lest the Alchymists shou'd take it ill at our hands, we must by no means omit this passage in the first Book above-mention'd, viz. that those that work in Gold, beat it, wash it, and melt it by a gentle Fire, because a violent fire is not proper for such a business. 'Tis pretended [Page 158]that Hippocrates here, had an Eye on the my­stery of the Philosophers Stone, of which we shall have occasion to speak in the second part of this History.

And this may suffice for his Philosophy. Let us now descend from the general princi­ples of bodies, to the particular principles of the human body, and leaving all Philosophical reflections, let us see what observations we can find in Anatomy there, for those properly be­long to the History of Physick. Those that are minded to see more particularly how far Hippo­crates carried his Philosophy, may consult the Books de Flatibus, de natura hominis, the first de natura pueri, de dieta, and some others. But the Reader ought to be inform'd, that the above-mention'd treatises are suspected to be spurious, and not to belong to him. His opinion con­cerning the seat of the Soul is to be found in the following Chapter.

CHAP. III. Of the Anatomy of Hippocrates.

'TIs a difficult matter to give a just extract of the Anatomy of Hippocrates, for three things hinder us from knowing so much of this subject as it is necessary we shou'd. In the first place we find several contradictions in the wri­tings of Hippocrates, or rather in those that are ascrib'd to him. Secondly, tho we shou'd heap together all that he says of each part, 'twould be an imperfect account, and not very coherent, Lastly, tho so many faults had not crept into the Text as there have, or there were less disagree­ment in the original MSS. yet his stile is so con­cise, and there are some places in him so ob­scure, as being frequently expressed in terms pe­culiar [Page 159]to himself, that are not to be found else­where, that 'tis extreamly difficult for one to understand him aright, tho he is never so great a master of the Greek Language.

For this reason we should very much regret the loss of one of Galen's Books, intituled, The Anatomy of Hippocrates, if we had not just rea­son to suspect this Author of partiality, when he engages for the interests of this antient Phy­sician, sufficient proofs whereof we shall see be­low that purely belong to Anatomy.

The helps that a man might expect to find upon this occasion from the modern Commenta­tors, is but inconsiderable. If any light is to be had from them, we ought rather to trust the antient interpreters than those of our Age: be­cause it is to be feared, that the latter, full of their new discoveries, imagine they see them every where, like those that can discover in Ho­mer the most hidden mysteries of all Arts and Sciences; or those quick-sighted Genelemen, that can find the Philosophers Stone, in all Books whatever, let the matter they treat of be what it will.

That we may not be charg'd with being guil­ty of this prepossession, which we have con­demn'd our selves, we will faithfully set down all that we cou'd find relating to this argument in the works of Hippocrates, and take particular care not to omit the least thing about which the Anatomists of the following ages have had dif­ferent opinions, or pretended to make any dis­covery, that so we may give every man his due, and rob none of the praise that really belongs to them.

I will not pretend to confine my self to a certain order, but indifferently set down every thing as it comes to hand, and refer the Rea­der, that expects a continu'd description, or a greater insight into the nature, connexion, situ­ation of the parts of the body, to a full trea­tise of Anatomy, which he will find in the Chapter of Galen.

De locis in homine. The nature of the Body, (says Hippocrates) is the principle or foundation on which all the rea­soning of Physick is built. One wou'd be apt to infer from hence, that he had a mind to re­commend Anatomy as one of the principal means by which we may discover the nature of the body. What helps to confirm this con­jecture, we find that immediately after he teaches what is the situation, composition, and use of the several parts. 'Tis undeniable, that Hippocrates wou'd have us study the nature of the body, but we may discover by some other places, that he thought we cou'd arrive to the knowledge of it no way so well, as in the pra­ctice of Physick, for he laughs at those who fancy'd themselves to be great Physicians, be­cause they knew something in Anatomy.De Prisc. med [...]cin. Some Physiciansiand Philosophers, says he, pretend that a man can't understand the art of Physick, un­less he knows what man is, what is his first forma­tion, and after what manner his Body is made. But for my part I am of opinion that all that has been said or written about nature by these people belongs more to the art of Painting than it does to Physick, and am perswaded that a man can't know nature clearly, but by the means of Physick, as those that are well skill'd in that art, will soon perceive. Here he seems to ad­dress himself to the Philosophers that preceeded him, and to these of his own time, who, as we have observ'd, had thrust themselves into this profession, and were the first that began to in­struct themselves in Anatomy. It has been re­marked above that the Asclepiadae, the Prede­cessors of Hippocrates, had other helps of know­ing the humane body besides Anatomy. As for Hippocrates, 'tis probable that he did not neg­lect this latter way, as being related to Philoso­phy, which he had carefully studied. There wou'd not be the least pretence to doubt of this, if the little Book or fragment attributed to him and in­tituled little Book or fragment attributed to him and in­tituled Anatomy, was really of his writing, but [Page 161]this is not certain, since Erotiam who has given us a Catalogue of Hippocrates's Books, makes no mention of it. Be it as it will, we shall see anon how far he advanc'd in this Science, ei­ther by Anatomy, or any other method which we have touch'd upon in the Chapter of Asclepiadae.

Hippocrates owns in one place that theLib. de Aliment. Veins come from the Liver, which is the origine and fountain of them, as the Heart is of the Arteries. In another place he maintains that the Veins and Arteries proceed equally from the Heart.Lib. de Carnibus. There are two hollow Veins that come from the Heart, one of which is call'd the Artery, and the other the Vena Cava. At that time all the Blood Vessels were in­differently call'd Veins, and the word Ar­tery properly signify'd the [...]. aspera ar­teria, or the Wind-pipe. Nay, Hippocrates gives the name of Veins to the Ureters, and seems to bestow the same appellation upon the Nerves, as we shall take notice below; besides there are but few places where he for­mally distinguishes the Arteries from the Veins, and where he calls them Arteries, which may render the credit of those books, or at least of those passages suspicious, where this distinction is to be found.

The Artery, adds he, immediately after, contains more heat than the Vena Cava, and is the receptacle of the Spirits. There are o­ther Veins in the Body besides these two. As for that which is reported to be the largest of all, and next to the heart, it runs thro the Belly and the Diaphragm, and dividing itself into two streams, visits either Kidney towards the Loins. Above the heart this Vein divides to the right and to the left, and ascending to the head, distributes itself to either Temple. We may, continues he, joyn the other Veins to this that are also very large, but to speak all in a word, all the Veins that are dispers'd thro [Page 162]the whole Body, come from the Vena Cava, and the Artery.

Here are already two opinions concerning the Origin of the Veins and Arteries: There is a third likewise to be found in two several passages in Hippocrates, whether in respect of the Origin of the Veins, or in respect of your distribution.Lib. de Ossium naturâ & de Natur. humanâ. The largest veins of the Body, are, says he, dispos'd after this manner. There are in all four pair; the first pair come out behind the head, and descending down the back part of the neek, on each side of the spine, come to the Hips and Thighs, pass on thro the Legs to the out­side of each Foot. For this reason, in all pains of the Back and Hips, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and external Ancles, are of great relief; the second pair coming likewise from the Head, run behind the Ears down the Neck; they are call [...]d the Jugulars, and run within the Spine down the Loins, where they divide on either side towards the Testicles and Thighs, and the inside of the Hams, from thence through the inward An­cles to the inside of the foot. For this cause, in all pains of the Testicles and Loins, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and internal Ancles is very ser­viceable. The third pair come out of the Temples, and run along the Neck towards the Shoulders and Lungs, from thence one turning from the right a little towards the left, runs under the Breast, to the Spleen and Kidneys, the other likewise turning from the left to the right, runs under the Breast to the Liver and Kidney. And these two branches terminate in the Rectum. The fourth part coming out of the fore part of the Head and Eyes, run under the Lungs and the Clavicles, and from thence thro the upper part of the Arm, pass over the bending of the Elbow, to the back of the Hands and Fingers, and thence they return again thro the palm of the Hand, on the inside of the El­bow, and under the Arm to the Arm-pits, and upon the surface of the side, one to the Spleen and the other to the Liver. At length both branches [Page 163]running over the Belly, terminate in the privi­ties.

To salve the contradiction between these two last passages, it may be urg'd that the Book of the nature of the Bones, from whence this latter is drawn, is not Hippocrates's, but Polybius, his Son-in-Law's. Neither Galen nor Erotian take notice of this Book among the works of Hippo­crates. They have not so much as taken notice of the name, tho they seem to have explain'd certain words found in it.

There is a passage ofDe Gene­rat. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 3. Aristotle, wherein this Philosopher speaking of the Origin and de­stribution of the Veins, and relating the several sentiments of the Physicians thereupon, cites these very words of this Book of the nature of the Bones, which we have translated, and cites them as Polybius's. This proof were sufficient, but it removes not all the difficulty; for we read the very same words in the Book of Hu­man Nature, which Galen maintains strongly to be Hippocrates's, pretending to prove it by the Authority ofPlaton. Phaedr. Plato, who, as he says, has quoted a passage out of it, tho others have as­crib'd this Book to Democritus. Nevertheless Galen himselfDe Hippo­crat. & Platon. decre [...]. l. 6. c. 3. But Pelops. Galen's Master, was of another mind, main­taining, that Hippocrates held, as himself also did, that the Veins and Arteries, as well as Nerves, had their Origine from the Brain. denies this later opinion touching the origin and destribution of the Veins, to be Hippocrates's, or even Polybius's; but affirms that it must have been foysted surreptitiously into the Text. But this is not probable, for we find the same opinion in the Book de locis in Ho­mine.

There is another difficulty relating to the Book of the flesh or of the principles, from whence was taken what we said in the first place, that the Veins and Arteries came out of the Heart. Aristotle in the afore-cited passage, after having remarked that almost all the Physicians consented [Page 164]with Polybius to bring the veins from the Head, concludes they were all in an error, not knowing that they came from the Heart, and not from the Head. If Hippocrates be the Author of that Book of the Flesh, wherein this opinion of Ari­stotle is plainly laid down, how is it likely this Philosopher should not know it? Why should he not as well have read the Writings of Hippo­crates, as those of Polybius?

From hence we may infer, that this Book is no more Hippocrates's, than that of the Nature of the Bones: Perhaps Aristotle chose rather in this place to cite Polybius or Synnesis of Cyprus, and Diogenes Apolloniates, Physicians of small reputation in comparison of Hippocrates, than to cite Hippocrates himself, whose Name we sind but inPolit [...]c. li. 7. cap. 4. one place of his Works, and there mentioned only en passant; perhaps, I say, he has omitted to quote him out of malice or envy.

Plato shew'd more honour, having made ho­norable mention of him in several places. Per­haps the Book in question was not Hippocrates's, for neither do we find the Title of it in the List that Erotian gives of his Works.

Of the description of the HEART.

Amongst the Anatomical Books ascrib'd to Hippocrates, there is none written with more exactness than that of the Heart, which being very short, we give you here the entire Tran­slation of it.

The Heart, says the Author of this Book, is of a Pyramidal figure, its colour is a deep red. It is encompassed on all sides with a clos'd Membrane, in which is a small quantity of moisture like Urine; so that the Heart is as it were in a sort of Bladder. It was form'd after this manner, in a Case, for its better de­fence. Of the Liquor, there is but just as much as is necessary for the refreshment of the [Page 165]Heart, and to preserve it from being over­heated. It distils from the Heart, which draws to it part of the moisture, which the Lungs reserve from the Drink. For when any one drinks most of it falls into the Stomach, the OEsophagus The Gullet. being as it were a Tunnel which receives what we swallow whether Li­quid or Solid. But theThe upper­part of the Wind-pipe. Pharynx draws a little of the Liquor into its cleft, the Epiglot­tis, which is as it were the lid of the Pharynx, hindering the greatest part of it from falling into it. As a proof of this, if we make any Ani­mal whatsoever, especially a Hog, drink Water tinged with blue or red, and cut his throat while he is drinking, we shall find this water charged with the Tincture. But every one is not fit to make this experiment. We are not to make any difficulty of believing that part of the drink slips into the Aspera Arteria. But it may be ask'd how comes it then to pass, that in drinking too swift, the Water getting into the cleft of the Pharynx, raises a violent Cough. It is because the quantity of the Water being too great, opposes directly the re­turn of the Air from the Lungs in expiration. Whereas when a little slips in at the clift, slipping gently down the sides of the Aspera Ar­tiria, it hinders not the Air from Rising. But on the contrary facilitates the passage by moi­stening theWind­pipe. Aspera Arteria.

The Heart draws the moisture from the Lungs at the time of inspiration, and after the Air hath serv [...]d the use of the Heart, it returns by the way it came. But the Heart sucks up a part of the moisture which passes into its Bag, letting the rest return with the Air.

This Air being return'd as far as the Pallate. [...]. escapes thro a double passage, and it is ne­cessary that it shou'd go out and the moisture also, they being of no use to the nourishment of the Body. How can Wind and Crude wa­ter serve for the nourishment to a man, not [Page 166]but that one and t'other have their use, for they serve to fortifie the Heart against the Evil it is naturally afflicted with, that is ex­cessive heat.

The Heart is a very strong Muscle, not for its Tendons, but for the hardness and compact­ness of the Flesh. It has two distinct Ventri­cles in one inclosure,E. v [...]. one on one side, and t'other on t'other, which are not like to one another; the one is on the right-side, at the mouth of the great Vein, and the other on the left, and they take up almost the whole Heart. The cavity of the first is greater than that of the latter, and is more soft, but it extends not quite to the point of the Heart, the extre­mity of which is solid, it appears as if it were sewed or fixed to the Heart. The Left Ven­tricle is situated directly under the Left Nip­ple, to which it answers in a right Line, and where its pulsation or beating may be felt. Its sides are thick, and it has a cavity like that of a [...]. Mortar, which answers to the Lungs, which moderate by their nearness the exces­sive heat of this Ventricle; for the Lungs are naturally cold, and receive a further refresh­ment by the inspiration of the Air. Both these Ventricles are rough, and as it were co­roded within, especially the Left. [...]. The natural fire or heat which is born with us, has not its Seat in the Right, and it is some­thing wonderous that the Left, which receives from the Lungs an Air, which is not tem­per'd or mix'd, shou'd be the most rugged; it was likewise made thicker than the other, for the better preservation of the aforesaid heat. The Orifices of these Ventricles are not visible, till the Ears of the heart be first open'd or cut off, and its head or basis: When they are cut off, we find two Orifices in either Ventricle, but the Vena Cava which comes out of one of them, is not seen after it is cut. These are the Fountains of Human Na­ture, [Page 167]and from hence flow those Springs that serve the whole body. These are the streams that give life to Man, and when they dry up he dies.

At the Exit of these Veins (the Vena Ca­va, and great Artery) and all round the mouth of these Ventricles, there are certain soft and hollow bodies called the Ears of the heart; they have not, however, any perforations like the Ears, nor do they serve to hear sounds, but they are the Instruments by which Nature draws the Air, and shew them­selves the Work of an Ingenious Workman, who considering the Heart ought to be veryThe Author says this place is very obscure, that he has translated it as well as he cou'd; that if he has not suc­ceeded extraor­dinarily in it, that he has for his comfort the company of the rest of the In­terpreters in his misfortune. so­lid, as being form'd of blood coagulated or thickned at the mouth of the veins, and that it ought to have likewise the faculty of draw­ing, has fix'd Bellows to it as Smiths do to their Forges, that it might draw the Air by this means. In confirmation of this, we see the Heart in one part continually agitating it self, and the Ears in particular to dilate and sub­side in their turns. I am likewise of opinion, [...]. the small veins draw the Air in the Left Ventricle, and the Artery in the Right. I say likewise, that that which is soft, is most proper to draw and to be inflated, and that it was necessary that [...], by which the Author supposes the right Ventricle of the Heart to be meant. But I rather think, that the Auricles were still intended, as by compa­ring them with the precedent and subsequent expressions will appear. what was fix'd to the Heart shou'd be refreshed, since it partakes of the heat; but the Engine which draws the Air ought not to be so large, lest it shou'd overcome the heat.

I ought likewise, says Hippocrates, to de­scribe the hidden Membranes of the Heart, [...]. which are an admirable Work; some are spread within the ventricles of the Heart like Spiders Webs, they close the Orifices of the ventricles of the Heart, and send their threads [Page 168]into the substance of the Heart. They seem to me to beSee the Chapter of the Nerves. the Nerves or the Tendons of this Entrail, and the Origin or Place from whence they springT [...] Aorta signifies the great Artery only in all the succeeding Anatomists, h [...] Hippocrates, under that name, comprehends the Vena Arteriosa also. the Aortae. These Membranes are disposed by pairs; for to every Orifice, Nature has fram'd three, which are round above in the form of a Semi-circle. Those that know these Membranes, wonder how they can shut the Aortae.

And if any one [...]. Which words Foesius translates thus: Siquis veteris instituti probè gnarus, mortui anima­lis corde exempto, hanc qui­dem demat, illam vero re­clinet, ne (que) aqua in cor pe­netrare, nec; Flatus emitti poterit. And Cornarius, much after the same manner. Siquis veteris, eximendi cor mor­tui, moris goarus, aliam au­ferat aliam reclinet, neque aqua, &c. Why these Translators render the word [...], by that of Mos, or Institutum, which it does not signifie, is a mystery to me; it ought to be transla­red Ordo, with relation to the Membranes: [...], according to Erotian, is an Attick Word, signi­s [...]ing [...], or Order. I explain als [...] the Word [...] Ancient, by the term Natural, [...], Ordo vetus, seu naturalis. [...], says Erotian, [...], for [...] auferat, I read [...] firmet, which I suppose to be the true reading, but that the former crept into its place through the error of the Copists, misled by affinity of the sound of those two Words. who under­stands the ancient Order (or the natural Order and Disposition of this Membrane) takes out one rank (or keeps one rank stretch'd) and closes the other, neither wa­ter nor wind can get into the Heart. These Membranes are disposed with more Art, or more Exactness, on the Left-side than the Right. The reason of this is, because the Soul of Man, or the Reasonable Soul, which is above the other Soul, has its Seat in the Left ventricle of the Heart. This Soul has not its nourishment from the Meat which comes from the Bel­ly, but from a pure luminous Matter separated from the Blood. This Matter which serves for Aliment to the Soul, is abun­dantly furnished from the neigh­bouring Receptacle of the Blood, and casts its Rays round, as the Natural nourishment, which comes from the Intestines and [Page 169]Belly, is distributed into all parts; and for fear, lest that which is contained in the Ar­tery, shou'd hinder the course of the nourish­ment of the Soul, and give a check to its mo­tion, the Orifice of this Artery is closed as aforesaid, for the great Artery is nourished from the belly and intestines, and not by this first or principal nourishment. But the great Artery is not nourished by the blood, which we see, as is manifest by opening the left ven­tricle of any Animal, for we find it quite emp­ty, or find nothing in it but serous humour, or a little Bile, and the aforesaid Membranes, but the Artery is never without blood, nor the right ventricle. This Vessel therefore gave occasion to the making of those Membranes for the passage out of the right ventricle, is likewise furnished with Membranes, but the blood moves upon that side but feebly. This way is open on the side, to carry the blood thither for its nourishment, but it is shut to­wards the heart; so that way is left for the air to pass insensibly from the lungs to the heart, not in great quantities, for the heat which in this part is but feeble, wou'd be over-power'd by the cold, the blood not being naturally warm, no more than water which receives its heat from elsewhere, tho most believe it's hot in its own nature.

This Book of the Heart will give us the greatest Idea of the Anatomy of Hippocrates and his exactness, but it is one of those that is not acknowledg [...]d, either by Erotian or Galen. What the Author says in the beginning of this Book, of the passage of one part of the drink into the Lungs, being a very ancient Opinion, and maintained by Plato, who must have it from [Page 170]the Physicians that preceded him, of which Hippocrates was most considerable; we might infer, that the Book in which this Opinion is maintained is his: but those who forged this Book, might on purpose insert this opinion to warrant its antiquity. We shall see hereafter further proofs that it is spurious, in the Chapters of Aristotle and Erasistratus. This opinion is repeated in the Book of the Nature of the Bones. It is indeed amply refuted in the fourth book of Diseases, but most Authors agree this later book not to be Hippocrates's. We shall find something more of importance in the Chapters of the Fibres.

We have seen already three different Opi­nions taken from the Writings of Hippocrates, concerning the Origin of the Veins; there is yet a fourth, and what is more particular. This later opinion is to be found in the same book with the third; I mean the book of the Nature of the Bones, in which the Veins are derived from the Head. The passage is this: The veins which are spread thro' the body, and which give it See the Chapter of the Nerves. the spirit, the flux and the motion, are all branches of one Vein; whence it draws its Origin, or it terminates, I know not, but supposing a Circle a beginning is not to be found.

Something like this is what we read inDe locis in hom. sub initia. another place. There is no origin or begin­ning in the body, but the parts are equally both beginning and end, for in a Circle there is no be­ginning. There are some other passages parallel to these.Lib. de Al [...]men. The nourishment comes from the inward parts to the hair, nails, and outward su­perficies. It goes likewise from the external parts and superficies, to the internal. All agree, con­sent and conspire together in the body. And a little after:Ibid. The great Principle reaches to the extremities, and the extremities to the great Principle. Ibid. The Milk and the Blood come from the superfluity of the nourishment, or are the remainder of the nourishment of the body. [Page 171] [...]. The same word is to be found in the first book of Diet. We find there likewise these follow­ing words: [...], to turn about, [...] gyration, or turning round; [...], terms used by Hippocrates, to signifie the Mechanism of our bodies, by an allusion to the methods used by Artificers of all sorts in their Shops. The Circulations go a great way in relation to the Faetus, and to the nourishment; after the nou­rishment is perform'd, what remains returns and turns to Milk, and becomes nourishment to the Mother, and afterwards to the Faetus. And again, the same way which leads upwards, leads also downwards; or, there is but one way which goes both upwards and downwards.

De Loc. in Hom. All the Veins communicate, and run one into another; for some are joyn'd immediately together, others communicate by small veins, which run from the Trunk of one to another, and which serve to nourish the flesh.

De Natur. hom. There are a great number of different veins which come from [...]. So read all the MSS. says Foe­sius. Yet Galen reads [...], from the Vena Cava. the Ventricle or Belly, by which the nourishment is conveyed into all the parts of the body. The same nourishment passes also from the great veins, as well internal as external, to the belly, and the rest of the body. These veins sup­ply one another reciprocally with nourishment, those without to those within, and those within to those without.

[...] Epidem. lib 6. sect. 6. The flesh draws from the belly, and likewise from without; and our senses discover to us, that all the body is transpirable, from within to without, and from without to within. Hippocrates speaks in another place of the [...] De Diet. acut. See the whole passage at length in the Chapter of Blood letting. rest of the blood and spirits in the Vessels, which supposes a precedent motion.

We have both related and render'd as exactly as possible, the foregoing passages concerning [Page 172]the motion of the blood, spirits, and nourish­ments in the body, because they seem to point at the most considerable Anatomical discove­ries of our Age. Hippocrates did unquestiona­bly acknowledge a sort of circulation of the blood and humours: the aforecited passages are in express words. He uses also in another place, a term by which the Greeks used to sig­nifie [...], lib. de humor. in prin. the reflux of the Sea, to express the return of the humours from the skin to the centre of the body.

It is necessary here, to avoid a fallacy, in gi­ving to Hippocrates the honour of a discovery reserved to our Age, to make the following Remarks. It is apparent that this ancient Physician held this flux and reflux, or this cir­culation, to be made thro' the same Vessels which carry'd and brought back indifferently from the Centre to the Circumference, and from the Circumference to the Centre again. As for what escaped the known Vessels, it pass'd according to himDe morb. lib. 4. thro insensible chan­nels, and ways undiscoverable, which yet were open as long as the Animal liv'd, according to the principles laid down by him and related by us, that all consents, conspires and agrees together in the body, or that all is transpirable from with­in to without, and from without to within.

If these Principles served his turn in this case, the attraction spoken of before, and the faculties subservient to Nature, brought him off easily for the rest; that is, that the motions of the blood and humours were usually determi­ned by necessity and attraction. De Nat. [...]uer. The blood, says he, which by the order of nature descends but once a month to the Womb, flows thither every day while the [...]. Seed or Faetus therein contained, draws what is necessary for it, according to its strength, and has its respiration greater or less. at first, the respiration of the Faetus being very small, little blood comes from the Womb; but as by this respiration increases the Faetus draws more [Page 173]blood. and it descends in greater quantities into the Womb.

Nor does the Faetus only draw, but all the parts likewise.De Morb. lib. 4. The Ventricle or Stomach, says Hipporates elsewhere, is a fountain which furnishes all the body when it is full; but when it is empty, it draws in its turn from the body which exhausted it. The Heart, the Spleen, the Liver, and the Head, are the fountains which supply the other parts, and in their turns draw from them. There are in Hippocrates a hundred passages like these, some of which we shall take notice of in the sequel. The Office of Nature, or the Faculties, is, according to him, to regu­late the attraction, and provide for all the ne­cessities of the Animal; Nature, as we have ob­served, or its Faculties, nourish, and make every thing to grow and increase.

We shall add but a word or two more upon the subject of the motion of the blood in the Veins and Arteries, by which we may judge of the Idea Hippocratet has had of it. There are, says he,De loc. in Hom. This Book is by uni­versal consent agreed to be genuine. two other By this name Hippo­crates under­stands as well the Arteries as Veins. veins which beat con­tinually; these veins are the only ones in the body that contain no blood, for the blood turns from 'em. Now that which turns away, or returns, is a con­trary motion to that which comes forward on that side; so that the first retiring, or withdrawing from these veins, and that which comes from above, endeavouring to descend, they do not agree, but push one another by turns, and mix and circulate one with another, which produces the pulsation or beating of these veins.

We say nothing at present of the extraordi­nary motions of the blood and humours; we reserve them for the next Chapter. I know that some of the greatestRiolan. and several others. Anatomists and Physicians of the Age, Men very learned in the Languages, and all sorts of Literature, have done, and yet do believe, that the aforecited passages go abundance further. We shall have occasion to examine their Opinion in the Se­cond Part of this History.

Of the BRAIN.

Lib. de Gland. Galen supposes this Book to be spurious.The Brain is reckoned by Hippocrates among the Glands, because it appeared to him of the same nature, being white, fryalble and spungy as they were. And he believed, that the Brain sucked up the superfluous humours of the bo­dy like the other Glands, which being all of a spun­gy nature, imbibe, says he, moisture easily.

But there is this further of the Brain; That the Head being hollow and round, draws inces­santly, like a sort of Cupping-glass, the moisture from the rest of the body, which rises in the form of a vapour; after which, it being over-charged, it sends it down to the lower parts, especially the Glands, from whence come Defluxions and Catarrhs.

Hippocrates in some other places, makes the BrainLib. de Morb. sacro. the Seat of Wisdom and Ʋnderstanding, altho', as we have seen before, he lodges theLib. de Corde. Soul, which is the same thing with the [...]. Ʋnderstanding in the Left Ventricle of the Heart. Hippocrates takes notice elsewhere, that the Brain wasDe loc. in hom. cloathed with two Mem­branes, the one thick and the other thin. We shall have further occasion to speak of the Brain and its Membranes, when we speak of the Senses and their Organs.

Of the NERVES.

If Hippocrates's Anatomy of the Brain be very scanty, he has yet less of the Nerves. To understand rightly the following Remarks, we must take notice that the Greek Anatomists that came after Hippocrates, distinguished three sorts of parts which were before confounded; the Nerves called [...], which are the passages of the Animal Spirits, which communicates sense and motion to all the parts of the Body, the Tendons, [...], which come from the [Page 175]Muscles, and serve to contract or extend the Members and the Ligaments, [...], which serve peculiarly to strengthen the Articu­lations of the Bones. Hippocrates has given the first of these names indifferently to all the three parts; so that [...], Nerve, did as well and as often signifie in him a Tendon and a Liga­ment. He seems sometimes to mean by it a Nerve, tho', according to Galen, Hippocrates uses generally the word [...] in that signifi­cation.

There is a passage in the pre-notions of Cos, where he speaks of [...]. internal Nerves and slender Nerves, by which may be understood the Nerves properly so call'd.

There is likewise another passage, wherein those names seem to be given to the true Nerves.Lib. de Oss. Nat. The Rise or Origin of these Nerves, says Hippocrates, is from the back part of the Head, continuing along the Spine of the Back to the Ischium; whence come the Nerves which go to the Privities, to the Thighs, the Legs, the Feet, and the Hands, and distribute themselves even to the Arms, one part going into the Flesh, the other along the Bone, [...]. Perone to the Thumb, while it traverses the flesh to the rest of the Fingers. It goes also to the Blades of the Shoulders, to the Breast, and to the Belly, through the Bones, and through the Ligaments. There come also others from the Privities, which taking their course by the Anus, tend toward the cavity of the Hips, proceeding afterwards part upon the upper part of the Thigh, and part under the Knees; they conti­nue to the Tendon and Bone of the Heel, to the Feet, and some to the Perone, and some others to the Reins.

Hippocrates seems here to speak of real Nerves, yet when he comes in the same Book, to as­sign the use of the Nerves, which he designs by the same name, he confounds them with the Tendons. The Nerves, says he, serve to bend, to contract, and extend the Members.

In this later place, the word [...]. Nerve may perhaps signifie a Tendon, whereas in the former it signifies a Nerve. But if Hippocrates knew the Nerves, he seems to have been a stranger to their use, for in the same passage he gives there the proper Office to the veins. By the whole passage we may see what he thought of the uses of some other parts: The Bones, says he; give the form to the Body, and support it. The Nerves bind, contract and extend the Members. The flesh and the skin unite all the parts together. The veins which are spread thro' the whole body carry [...] the Spirit, the flood or facility of flowing, and the motion. By these veins which carry the Spirit, &c. we are to understand the Arteries, by what has been before observ'd of the Office Hippocrates allots them. There is yet another passage in the fourth Book of Diet, where he speaks of the passage of the spirits through the veins and through the blood; and observes, that 'tis their natural way. Convulsions, the Palsie, sudden Speechlesness and Vertigoes, are there ta­ken notice of as effects of the interception of the spirits in the veins; and the Apoplexy seems to be intended by the name of [...]. Interception of the veins. See anon the passage at length, in the Chapter of Blood-letting.

As for the word [...], which as we have said generally signify'd a Nerve, we must examine the principal passages wherein it is found, that we may give the truer judgment of it. The fol­lowing are the most considerable passages. We shall first propose one, wherein Hippocrates, af­ter having laid down some of the Symptoms that accompany a dislocation of the Thigh bone forward, adds,Lib. de Artic. That in such a dislocation they feel abundance of pain, and that there is a suppression of Ʋrine, because the head of that bone presses upon very considerable Nerves, so that it causes a Tumour in the Groin. Galen, upon this passage says,In Lib. de Artic. Com­ment. 3. That by these considerable Nerves Hippocrates meant the Nerves which go along [Page 177]with the Vein and Artery thro' the Groin, which are call d [...]. considerable, or of great power, be­cause they are near the spinal Marrow, and come out at the same place with those that go to the blad­der. Hence it is, that the head of the Thigh-bone being displaced this way, the bladder it self suffers, and such an inflamation arises, that no Ʋrine can pass. It sometimes also happens as Galen says, That the Ʋrine is stopp [...]d with the greatness of the in­flamation, which reaches to the neck of the blad­der and the sphincter Muscle, and stops by that means the passage.

If the suppression of Urine spoken of, arises from the compression of the Nerves design'd by Galen, we should rather attribute this symptom to a Stupifaction, or a sort of Palsie of the blad­der, than to an inflamation of it, an infla­mation being not so natural a consequence of the compression of the Nerves as numbness; but Hippocrates himself seems to acknowledge, that this inflamation is the effect of the pain preceding, and this makes me suspect, that by these Nerves he meant no more than the Fi­brous and Tendinous parts of the Muscles of the bladder, or near it.

We find in the same Book another passage, wherein Hippocrates seems to design the Nerves by the name [...]. ‘If you would, says he, cauterize or burn the skin under the Arm­pits, you must take care of going too forward, or taking too much, for fear of hurting some considerable Nerves, which are near the Glands of that part.’ Galen wou'd have it, that Hip­pocrates here points at the Nerves that come from the spinal Marrow to the Arms; and, in­deed, it seems as if he cou'd mean nothing else. Nevertheless, what Hippocrates adds pre­sently after, perswades me that he designs no­thing but the Tendons of the Muscles which draw the Arm downwards. ‘You must know, says he, that when you have lifted up the Arm very high, you cannot lay hold on the [Page 178]skin of the Arm-pit, at least not so as to ex­tend it; the Arm being lifted up, the skin which was under the Arm-pit disappears, or can't be pinch'd: And you must further take care of the Nerves, which in this posture ad­vance, and are extended very much, which must in no manner be hurt.’ He uses also in this place the same name [...].

The same Book likewise furnishes us with a third passage, wherein we meet the word [...], repeated several times it is in speaking of the Articulations of the Vertebrae; but all that he says there, seems better explicable of the Li­gaments than of the Nerves properly so call'd.

We find likewise in anotherDe Morb. vulgar. lib. 2. sect. 4. Book of Hip­pocrates the following passage: ‘There are two Nerves, [...], which come from the Brain, which passing behind the great Vertebrae, draw sidewards from above towards the Gullet or Oesophagus, and touching the Artery on both sides, join again as if there were but one, and terminate where the Vertebrae and the Dia­phragma take their Origin, or are join'd. Some have supposed that these Nerves part­ing in this place, tended towards the Liver and towards the Spleen. There is another Nerve which proceeds from each side the Ver­tebrae along the Spine, and passing obliquely over the Vertebrae, disperses it self into the sides. And these Nerves, as well as the Veins, (of which I spoke before) seem to traverse the Diaphragm, and terminate in the Mesentery: These Nerves re-joining again at the place where the Diaphragm takes its Origin, and passing through the middle below the Artery return to the Vertebrae, and at last lose them­selves in the Os Sacrum.’

It is impossible to translate this passage well by reason of its obscurity; it is taken from a fragment of Anatomy in the Book before ci­ted, which appears to be out of its place, ha­ving no coherence with any thing, either ante­cedent [Page 179]or consequent, yet Galen has com­mented upon this Book of Hippocrates, Comment, in lib. de arti [...]. for he relates some of the first words of the passage we have translated, which proves that the frag­ment from whence it was taken, was inserted even in his time in the place where we now find it. Galen contents himself to insinuate in two words, that this passage treats of real Nerves, without giving himself the trouble to explain it entire; and perceiving that this passage was little for the honour of Hippo­crates, he goes about to excuse him, saying, What he writ was only for a [...]. Memorandum for himself, and not to treat exactly to the bottom of this matter. And to give the more credit to it, he adds, That the first and third Books of his Epidemicks were the only Books which Hippocrates finished, or that he wrote with any design of pub­lishing. The passage here meant being taken out of the second, which, according to Galen, was but a sort of Meddly which the Author had not digested; this may be so, but he ought to have shewn that Hippocrates had elsewhere spo­ken better, or more clearer, on this head.

It is to no purpose to perplex our selves to find in an Author what he has not; if we shou'd allow that this ancient Physician, and the As­clepiades his predecessors, knew or had seen some considerable Trunk of Nerves, as it was hard if the practice of Chirurgery gave them no occasion, they appear not to have di­stinguish'd them well from Tendons or Liga­ments, nor to have known the true use of them.

See the Chapter of Blood-letting.The forecited passage, in which Hippocra­tes assigns to the Veins and Arteries the Office of the Nerves, is a convincing proof of his Ig­norance on that subject; but there cannot be a better proof than we find in the Writings of this Physician, and the manner of his reason­ing withVid. lib. [...]. Alcmaeon, and other Philosophers of his time, about Hearing, Smelling, and the [Page 180]rest of the Senses; therein we do not see that either one o [...]t other so much as suspected the share the Nerves have in Sensation.

Of the Organs of SENSE.

We have seen before Alcmaeon's Opinion: The following descriptions of the Organs of Sense are taken from Hippocrates. Lib. de Carn. ‘The Ears, sa's he, have a hole which butts upon a bone as hard and dry as a stone, to which is join'd a Fistulous cavity, or a sort of passage oblique and narrow, at the entry of which there is a Membrane extreamly fine and dry, whose driness, as well as that of the bone, produces the sound, the Air being reflected by this bone and by this membrane.’ After which, without mentioning the Nerves, he endeavours to prove that whatever is dry sounds most. In another place he says,De Loc. in Hom. ‘That the cavities which are about the Ears are made only for the better hearing of noises and sounds.’ And he adds, ‘That whatever comes to the Brain by the Membrane (which encompasses it) is distinctly heard, that for that reason there is but one passage which pierces in this place to the Membrane which is spread over the Brain.’

As for the Smelling he says, ‘The brain being moist, has the faculty of scenting or smel­ling, by drawing in the odour of dry things with the air, which runs a-thwart [...] Lib. de Car­nib. 4. certain dry bodies. The Brain, adds he, reaches even into the cavity of the Nose; in this place there is no bone between them, but only a soft car­tilage like a Spunge, which can neither be call'd bone nor flesh.’

He describes the Eye after this manner: ‘There are, says he, some small veins extream­ly slender, which go [...], into the sight or eye. Lib. de loc. in hom. into the eye thro' the Membrane which incloses the Brain. These veins nourish the sight of the eye with a [Page 181]Liquor extreamly pure, which comes from the brain, in which the Images of things ap­pear to the eyes; the same veins, if they dry up, extinguish the sight. There are also three Membranes which encompass the eye, of which the first is the thickest, the second is thinner, the third is extreamly fine, which preserves the liquor or humour of the eye. The first being hurt, the eye is out of order: The second being broken, puts it in great dan­ger, that it puffs outward like a bladder: But the third, which preserves the humour, is that whose breaking is of worst conse­quence.’

What follows we find in anotherLib. de Carn. Book. We see for this reason, or after this manner, vision is made.

‘There is a vein which runs from the Mem­brane of the Brain, which passing thro' the bone, enters into each eye. By these two veins, the most subtil part of the viscid hu­mour of the brain distils as it were thro' a Streiner, and forms round about it a Mem­brane like to that which is transparent in the eye, which is exposed to the air and winds, which is form'd much after the same manner that other Membranes are; but there are se­veral Membranes about the eye, which are like to that which is transparent within. In this transparent, the light and luminous bo­dies are [...]. reflected, and by this reflection vision is made. Vision is not made by what is not Diaphanous, and does not reflect. The rest of the white about the eye is a sort of flesh, and what we call the sight appears black because it is deep. The Tunicles which are about it are black for the same reason. We call, says he, a Membrane or Tunicle, that which is like a skin, which is no way black of it self, but white and transparent. As for the moisture which is in the eyes, it is some­thing viscid, for we have sometimes seen, af­ter [Page 182]the breaking of the eye, that there came out a thick humour, which is liquid while it is warm, but solid as Incense when it is cold.’

Those that think that Hippocrates knew as much as we do now, may say that he called the Optick Nerves veins. 'Tis true this name signifies variety of things in this Author, for he gave it not only to the Arteries, but like­wise to the Vessels which contained no blood, such as the Ureters, because they are round, long, hollow and white, like veins. He does indeed sometimes distinguish certain veins by the Epithet of [...]. veins that hold blood, but 'tis not in opposition to the Nerves, but to certain Vessels which he calls [...], lib de Ossium Nat. veins that are very slender, and contain but little blood. He talks also of a Nerve full of blood, which according to Erotian shou'd be a vein, tho' others under­stand by it the Panniculus Carnosus. A learned Interpreter of Hippocrates pretends that he gave to some veins the Epithet of hollow, to di­stinguish them from veins that were [...], vid. Foesii O [...]comom. Hipp [...]c. invoce [...]. solid; but I find not this later word in Hippocrates, tho the hollow veins there cited might be meant of the veins and arteries in general, which are both hollow Vessels. The same Interpre­ter says elsewhereId. in voce [...]. that Hippocrates in one place, comprehends under the name of Veins, Nerves, Tendons and Ligaments, which he ap­pears not to me to prove. Rusus Ephesius tells us, That the most ancient Greeks call the Ar­teries Nerves; if it be true that Hippocrates cal­led the Optick Nerves veins, he ought to have said that the Ancients reciprocally called the Nerves by the names of Arteries and Veins.

All that we can gather from all this is, that the inaccurateness of Hippocrates, and other Authors of those Times, in distinguishing dif­ferent Vessels by different names, shews that they had but a very superficial knowledge of them. Perhaps the word [...]. Vein was a term [Page 183]as general amongst them as [...]. that of Vessel amongst the Anatomists since, which signifies indifferently a Vein, Artery or Nerve, or even the Ʋreters, or any other parts that serve for the conveyance of Liquors or Spirits. If it were so, the Ancients run no risque when they call all the Vessels veins without distinction.

Of the FIBRES.

Before we quit the Nerves, we must exa­mine the Greek word [...], whose plural makes [...], by which it is pretended that Hippocrates signify'd equally a Fibre and a Nerve. Some says Erotian will have this word to signifie a Nerve, others explain it only of the Fibres, whereof the Nerves are composed. The Greek Authors that have written of Plants, have call'd by this name the Nerves or Strings which appear on the back of Leaves, and the strings at the end of Roots. The Anatomists have given the same name to the small strings which are in the flesh, and other parts; and the Latins have translated it Fibrae. Hippocrates has undeniably used the word in that sense; as when he observes, that the Spleen is full of strings or fibres. He takes notice also of the Fibres in the blood; but it is pretended likewise, that he signified the Nerves by it. To prove it, a pas­sage is cited, where he says,De Ossi [...]m Natur. That the heart has Nerves or Fibres which come from all the Body.

He uses there the word [...], which we find no where else; but Foesius reads [...]. This latter word may as well be rendred Fibre as Nerve; that which inclines us to the later sig­nification, is what he adds as a proof, That the Seat of Thought is rather about the Thorax than any other place of the body, because this agrees with the opinion of those who bring the Nerves from the Heart, as we shall see hereafter: But, [Page 184]perhaps, neither the common reading, nor that of Foesius, are true. And we ought to read with Cornarius [...]. habenas, the Reins changing one letter it alters not the pronunci­ation. This Author translates this passage thus. ‘The Heart is situated as in the Streights of a passage, that it may hold the Reins for the guidance of the whole Body. For this reason Thought has its Seat about the Thorax or Breast, rather than any other part. The changes of colour also are produced by the opening and shutting of the veins by the Heart; when it opens them it looks fresh and lively, when it shuts them we become pale and wan.’

Of the MUSCLES.

There is little more to be found in Hippocra­tes concerning their Muscles than their name. The following passage is the first that takes no­tice of them,Lib. de Arte. ‘The parts whose flesh is turn'd round, which is what we call aMūs. Mus­cle, have all a belly or a cavity. [...]. For all that is not composed of parts of a diffe­rent nature, whether it be covered with a Membrane, or whether the flesh covers it, all that is hollow, and while it is well, it is full of spirit, but when it is diseased it is fill [...]d with a sort of water, or corrupted blood. The Arms have flesh of this sort, the Thighs and the Legs the same, as well as the most meagre and fleshless parts.’

We find in another place the wordDe Off. Nat. [...], which can be nothing but an Adjective to [...], which is understood, [...], Musculi adductores, or adstrictores: The Muscles which serve to draw back or gather to­gether. He speaks there of the Anus. I know not whether there be any other particular wherein the action of the Muscle is touch'd. [Page 185]As for the names, the succeeding Anatomists distinguish'd the Muscles; he has spoken in one place of the Muscle call'dLib de Ar­tic. Psoas.

Of the Oesophagus; of the Stomach or Ventricle; and of the Guts.

Lib. de Anatom.The Oesophagus, according to Hippocrates, is a Tunnel which reaches from the Tongue to the Stomach, which is the place where the Meat it putrified, or is concocted. We find both these expressions in Hippocrates: He calls the Stomach, in the passage we have cited, the putrifying Belly, ( [...].)Lib. de Aliment. He uses elsewhere the word [...], that is which begins to putrifie, speaking of the nourish­ment or food in the stomach. But we find much oftner the words [...] Coction, and [...], to Concoct. This digestion, according to him, is made by the heat of the Stomach, which he calls a part all Nervous, which joins to the Liver on the Concave-side.

We must further take notice, that the words [...] and [...], signifie the same thing in our Author. The latter signifies often in Hippocrates the Orifice, or mouth of any Vessel or part whatsoever, as of the Bladder, of Gall, the Matrix, &c.

Lib. de Anatom. Hippocrates seems not to distinguish more than two Guts, one which is straight, about the length of a dozen Cubits, being afterwards full of folds; some, says he, call it Colon. And he observes in another place,De Morb. Epidem. This Gut in a Man is like that of a Dog, but that in a Man it is bigger. This Gut is suspended by, or fasten'd to a part which he calls Mesocolon, that is the middle of the Colon, and that part it self is fasten'd to the Nerves which come from the spine of the back, and pass under the belly. The second named [...], is furnished with abundance of flesh all round, and ends in the Anus. [Page 186]Elsewhere he says, This latter Gut is Porous, and adds some particulars concerning the In­testines, which shall be remembred when we come to the Reins.

Of the LIVER.

Hippocrates says of the Liver, that it abounds more with blood than the rest of the Bowels, and that there are in it two eminencies which they call Ports.

He says further, That the Liver has five Lobes, or is divided into five Parts. We have seen before, that he has made in another place the Origin of the Veins. He observes that se­veral Bronchiae pass from the Heart to the Liver; and with these Bronchiae, the great vein by which the whole body is nourished. He elsewhere calls this vein [...]. the Liver-vein; he assigns to the Liver the Office of separating the Bile, which it does by the means of its veins, which draw whatever is Bilious, or proper to make Bile in the Aliment.

Of the SPLEEN.

The Spleen beginning from the last of the short Ribs on the Left-side, stretches its self out like the print of a Man [...]s foot; it receives one vein that divides it self into an infinite num­ber of strings like the threads of a Spiders web, which are full of blood, and diffused through its whole substance. It is fasten'd, or hangs to the Omentum, which it furnishes with blood by divers small veins. Hippocrates says in one place, that the Spleen is [...]. Fibrous. He says also, that it is soft and spungy, and by that means draws from the Ventricle which it is near to, part of the moisture which comes from the drink, the rest being afterwards suck [...]d up by the Bladder of Urine.

Of the LUNGS.

The Lungs have, according to Hippocrates, five Lobes like the Liver; they are cavernous, rare, and pierced with divers holes like Spun­ges.De prise. Med. For this reason it draws from the neighbouring parts the moistures they con­tain.

Of the Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast.

The name which Hippocrates gives to this Membrane, which separates the Belly from the Breast, is the same by which the Greeks signi­fy'd [...]. the Mind or Ʋnderstanding. The most ancient Physicians called it so, out of a perswa­sion that it was the Seat of the Understanding, making it to divide the function attributed, as we have seen before, to the Heart, which is near it.

Not that this was the generally received opi­nion; it was believed false, even in the time of Hippocrates. If the book of the Falling Sick­ness be his, the Author of this book expresses himself thus: The Part which is called Phrenes, is falsly so call [...]d and at random. This name is grounded upon an (b) opinion, and not upon any thing real; for I sce not how this part contributes to Prudence or Understanding. All that it does is, that when any one is surprized with any great and sudden joy or grief, it beats, and causes there­by a sort of uneasiness or pain; for it is sine, and more strongly upon the stretch than any other part of the body, having no belly or cavity to re­ceive what is good or what is bad, but being alike encumbred with one or t'other. This part, says he, perceives, or has sense, but it is not the Seat of Wisdom no more than the Heart; wherefore the name of this is as improper as that of the Ears of the Heart, which have no hearing.

In another place Hippocrates says of this Mem­brane, That it has its Origin near the Back-bone behind the Liver; and in one, that it is nervous and strong. He says yet in another place, That this Membrane causes madness and folly when the blood stagnates there, or moves too slowly.

Of the Reins, the Ureters, and Bladder of Urine.

Our Author speaking ofDe Off. Nat. the Reins, num­bers them amongst the Glands, or at least he seems to think that they have Glands, and those more gross than the rest of the body; but it seems more probable that he meant the Glands near them, whatever they were, than those of this part.

He had said a little before to the same pur­pose: ‘That the Intestines had the biggest of all, which drew the moisture therein con­tained. He believed, That the Reins drew likewise the moisture from the nearest Glands, and sent it to the Bladder▪’ He supposed in another place, ‘That this moisture came from the drink; and that the Reins, by a faculty peculiar to themselves, having suck'd a part from the veins near which they are situated, it filtred, or run through the substance of [...]em like water, and descended into the bladder by the veins which lead thither, while the rest of the drink soak'd immediately thro' the Intestines into the same bladder, the Intestines or Intestine, being very spungy and porous in the part contiguous to it.’

Of the Organs, and manner of Generation.

We find in Hippocrates, the names of the principal parts distinguishing the b [...]xes, but he says nothing of their structure. He has this only concerning the Vesiculae Seminales, That there are on either side the Bladder, little bodies [Page 189]like [...]oney combs, in which the seed is contained. He believed that it came from all parts of the bo­dy, but particularly from the Head, descending by the veins behind the Ears down the spinal Mar­row, and into the Reins. As for the manner of Conception, and the formation of the Faetus in the Womb, he pretends that the Seed both of the Male and Female being mingled in the Womb, grow thick and hot, or spirituous; after which, the Spirit contained in their Centre expandy it self, and draws a part of the Air which the Mother breathes; by means of which mixture, these two Seeds in receiving refreshment, are nourished or inflated, till it forms about it self a small Pellicule, which afterwards contains others under it, which are all fix'd together.

At this time the blood of the Mother flowing in­to the Womb, and fixing there, produces a sort of flesh; from the middle of which shoots the Navel, which is a Pipe hanging down from these Pellicu­les, by which the Faetus breathes, is nourish'd and increases. That the Faetus is nourished by the Na­vel, is repeatedDe Nat. Puer. in more than one place, yet notwithstanding this, Hippocrates elsewhere affirms,De Car­nib. That it is nourished by sucking at the Mouth, that otherwise it cou'd not have excre­ments when it came into the World in its Guts, and would not so readily suck at the Breast if it had not before done something like it.

Hippocrates continuing to speak of the for­mation of the Child, says, That the flesh before spoken of being form'd, the blood of the Mother, which is drawn every day in greater quantity into the Womb, by this flesh which breathes, causes the Pellicules to swell, and that it causes foldings in the outward ones, which filling themselves with this blood, produce what is call'd the Chorion. After­wards as the flesh grows, the spirit distinguishes or disentangles the parts, every one going towards its like, the thick to the thick, the clearer or thin to the thin, the moist to the moist, every thing re­pairing to its proper place, or to the quarters of [Page 190]those of the same nature, from whence they had their Origin; so that what comes from the thick remains thick, and the moist, and the rest accord­ingly, the heat after all bringing the bones to the hardness they are of. After this, the extremities of the body shoot outward like the branches of a Tree; the Parts, as well internal as external, are better distinguished, the Head erects it self above the Shoulders, the Arms separate themselves from the Sides, and the Legs spread themselves out; the Nerves or Ligaments go to the Joints, the Mouth opens, the Nose and Ears shoot out of the Head and are perfected, the Eyes are fill [...]d with a pure humour, and the distinctions of Sex appear; the Entrails are distinguished and ranged, the Infant begins to breathe by the Mouth and by the Nose, the Belly is fill'd with Spirit or Air, as are the Guts also, and the Air comes to them likewise by the Navel. At length the Guts and Belly open so, that a passage is made to the Anus, and another from the Bladder outwards. Hippocrates, or the Au­thor of this Book, having reasoned thus of the formation of the body of a Child, shews that Plants are produced after the same manner, and explains their growth from Seeds by the same principles. He hints likewise, that Birds in the Egg have the same formation, but inlarges not much thereupon. The yolk of the Egg is, according to him, the matter of which they are produc'd, and the white their nourishment. From all which he concludes, That Nature is the same, and acts after a uniform manner, in the generation of Men and Plants, and whatsoever springs from the earth; in which, his opinion is the same with that ofSee the Chapter of Em­pedocles. Empedocles.

What Hippocrates says of the manner of his discovery, that the mixture of the Seeds in the Womb is soon cover'd with a skin, is pretty re­markable: ‘He had opportunity to inform himself therein, by means of the advice he gave a Musicianess Slave, who being gone six days, to the great prejudice of her Voice, and her [Page 191]Masters profit, to leap several times upon the ground; which she having done, the Seed came away with noise. It was like, says he, to a raw Egg without a shell, the liquor of which was very transparent. He saw there very fine white Fibres upon the Membrane, which con­tained this liquor, which being mix'd with a thick blackish red Matter, which made the whole Membrane appear red, there was in the middle of this Membrane something very fine, which he took for the Navel, and it was about the beginning of the place of the Origin of the Membrane.’

The Author continuing to examine what happens to the Embryo in the Womb, from the time that its body is form'd, to the time of its birth, says, That the body of a Female has all its Parts distinct, at the end of forty days at far­thest, and the Male at thirty. For which he gives this reason, That the Seed which produces a Female is more feeble and moist than that which produces a Male. He gives also another reason drawn from the time of Womens evacuations after Labour, which for brevity sake we shall omit here. He adds, for the difference of Sexes, That Males are begotten when the Seed of both Male and Female is vigorous; and Fe­males, when their Seed is weaker or moister, and has less heat. He observes, That the Males come from the right side of the Womb, which is stronger and hotter, and the Females from the left.

‘The Body of the Infant being thus rough drawn, grows continually, drawing to it self the most Oily part of the blood of the Mo­ther, which makes its bones become more hard, the fingers part, and nails come upon their ends, hair upon their heads, and other parts of their bodies. After three months the Male begins to stir, and the Female gene­rally after four; tho' there may be sometimes some variation. The Infant being come to [Page 192]its just growth and bulk, and not finding any longer sufficient nourishment from the Mo­ther, begins to stir violently, and breaks the Membranes in which it was wrapp'd, and so procures its exclusion, which happens usual­ly in the tenth month. Being born, it's nou­rished with the Milk of its Mother, or a Nurse. The matter of which this Milk is com­posed, is the most fat and oily part of the Aliment, after this manner. The Womb, as it grows big, presses the Omentum and Belly, and by that compression obliges 'em to dis­charge their fat, which is presently suckt in­to their Breasts; the veins of which dilate themselves afterwards more and more, by the sucking of the Infants.’

This, according to our Author, is the man­ner of the formation, and increase of Infants in the Womb, and of their coming into the World; which is to be understood of ordinary cases, which exclude not the extraordinary ones, whereof in some Books written for that purpose, Hippocrates gives a particular Ac­count.

Of the seventh and eighth Months Birth.

There are two Books, one Intituled, The se­venth Months Birth; and the other, The eighth Months Birth. The first of these Children may live, and arrive at a good Age, but not the second; which, according to our Author, must necessarily die in its entrance into the World, or presently after. The reason that he gives of this difference is, That seven months after conception the Child in the Womb being per­fectly form'd, and already pretty strong, altho' it has some time to grow, moves very vigo­rously, which causes the Membranes, in which it is involv'd, to stretch a little, as we see the Ears of Corn open some time before the Grain is ripe. It happens sometimes that this disten­tion [Page 193]being greater than the Membranes can bear, they break and the birth must follow. This Birth being too early, most of them that are born at that time die immediately. But as we have observed, the Infant having at that time his body compleatly form'd, some however escape with due care.

As for those that remain longer in the Womb, after the relaxation of the Membranes, Hippocrates supposes that the strong efforts they have made, renders them weak and sick for forty days; so that if they are born in that time, the fresh efforts which they are oblig'd to make to force their way into the World, quite ruins their strength, and certainly kills them, whereas those that out-stay the term, especially those that have forty days more to recover in, being born in full strength, easily survive.

These two forty days are the last of seven, which Hippocrates supposes to pass between the time of the conception and the birth of Chil­dren, who come according to the ordinary course of Nature.

He supposes at least, that if the Child does not stay the full seven times forty days, which carries the time of birth ten days over nine months, reckoning as he does thirty days to a month, it ought at least to be enter'd into the last forty days; as those are that are born be­tween the beginning and end of the ninth month.

He thought likewise that it was sufficient for Children, that came in the seventh month, that they were enter'd into the seventh. For which reason, he puts those that are born at the end of one hundred and eighty two days, and a small part of a day, in the number of those Children that comes at seven months compleat, tho' this number of days, after his way of reckoning, makes but six months and two days, and wants eighteen days to compleat the fifth forty.

That which perswaded Hippocrates that Chil­dren born at seven months were more likely to live than those born at eight; and that seven times forty days were required between concep­tion and a mature birth, was, That he suppo­sed the number seven to be the most perfect of all numbers, and to have a mighty influence not only in the formation and birth of Chil­dren, but even over the life, death, and di­stempers of Men; according to which he says in one place,Lib. de Carn. That the Age or Life of Man is of seven days, or is govern'd by the number se­ven; that all that befals him, or all that respects the Oeconomy of his body, is regulated by the num­ber seven by Septenary periods. In which he fol­low [...]d the opinion of Pythagoras, acknowledging with him certain LawsDe partu septimes & Epidem. lib. 2. sect. 6. of Harmony, by which the whole Universe is govern'd, which consists in the conjunction or union of certain Numbers, of which seven is the most power­ful. But whatever was Hippocrates's reason for assigning these positive times of birth, 'tis very remarkable that the whole World has submitted to his Decision, and his Authority alone has been the Rule and Standard to all theSeptimo mense nasci perfectum par­tum receptum est propter autoritatem doctissimi viri Hippocratis. Paulus lib. 7. § de statu hominum. He is cited upon the same account by divers other Lawyers. Lawyers and Emperors of Rome in their Laws upon this subject.

We shall close the Account of his Anatomy with this digression, taking notice only, that there are in the Writings of Hippocrates many things concerning the Bones, their number, fi­gure and contexture; and that it is the part of Anatomy in which he is of all the most exact, as being the most necessary to the practice of Surgery, particularly that which relates to Fractures and Dislocations, which he under­stood excellently well, as we shall shew in [Page 195]proper place: However, we thought not fit to take further notice of it here, because 'tis a part of Anatomy least disputed in after-times, and because we shall give a compleat System of Anatomy, wherein the Osteology will be com­prized in the Chapter of Galen.

This is what we wou'd observe of the Ana­tomy of Hippocrates: We shall find something relating to it in the next Chapter, and after in that of Erasistratus.

Of the Causes of Health, and of Diseases; their subject and principal differences.

Hippocrates, as we have shewn, laid down three Principles, the Solid, the Liquid, and the Spirits, which he sometimes explains [...]. by that which contains, and that which is contain'd, and that which gives the motion.

He seems to lay down these Principles only to Animal Bodies, and that he designed by 'em the three principal substances whereof they are compos'd.

By that which contains, we may understand the solid Parts, as the Bones, the Nerves, or the Tendons and Ligaments, the Cartilages, the Membranes, the Fibres, and other like Parts.

By that which is contained, Hippocrates par­ticularly meant four sorts of Humours, or li­quid Matter,De Nat. hom. found in the body: The Blood, the Pituita or Flegm, the yellow Bile, and the melancholy or black Bile, of which we may make two sorts of different humours, as we shall see by and by.

By that which gives the movement, he de­sign'd what is otherwise call'd Spirit, which according to him is a substance like Air, from whence it is drawn, and is diffus'd thro' the whole body.

Hippocrates says, That the blood is naturally hot and moist, of colour red, and sweet to the taste: The Flegm is cold and moist, white, viscid [Page 196]and saltish; the Bile yellow, dry, viscid and bit­ter, and drawn from the fat part of the blood or aliments; the melancholy, black, cold and dry, very viscid, windy, and very fermenta­tive.

The Body of Man is composed of four Sub­stances;De nat. hom. on these depend health and sick­ness. Men are well when these humours are in their natural state, or while they balance one another in quality, quantity and mixture. On the contrary, they are sick when the quan­tity of any of these is less or greater than it ought to be, or when it is discharg'd from the rest upon any particular part of the body, and especially when they are not mix'd together as they ought to be. We must define health and sickness from what we have said of 'em: Hip­pocrate [...] himself has given no express definition, except of sickness, in one place, which he calls [...]. Lib. de Flatib. all that incommodes Man; but this is too general.

He thought that the blood, in good condi­tion, nourished; and that it was the fountain of the vital heat; that it caus'd a fresh colour and good health. That the yellow Bile preserv'd the body in its natural state, hindering the small Vessels, and secret Passages, from being stopp'd, and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements. He thought it actuated the Senses, and help'd to the concoction of the Aliment. The black Bile was a sort of Ground, which serv'd as a support and foundation for other humours. The Flegm serv [...]d to supple and fa­cilitate the motion of the Nerves, Membranes, Cartilages, Joints and Tongue, and other Parts.

Besides the four first qualities which Hippo­crates attributed to the Humours, as moisture, driness, heat and cold, it is apparent that he be­lieved they had, or might have abundance of others, which all had their use, and were ne­ver hurtful but when one prevailed over the [Page 197]rest, or was separated from them. Take his own words:De pris [...]. Med. & lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon. The Ancients, says he, did not be­lieve that the dry, the cold, the hot, or the moist, nor any other like quality, incommoded a Man, but that whatever exceeded, or prevailed, of any of these qualities, and which Nature cou'd not overcome, was that which incommoded the Man, and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct; so of the sweet, the most sweet was the strongest, as of the bitter or sowre, that which was most bitter and most sowre; in short, the highest degree of every thing. These are, says Hippo­crates, the latest discoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man, and which were hurtful. There are really in our bodies, bitter, sweet, sowre, salt, rough, and insipid, and abundance of others which have different faculties, according to their quantity or quality. These different qualities are insensible, and do not hurt so long as they are in due mixture; but if these humours separate, and lodge apart, then their qualities become at once both sensible and inconvenient. From what Hippocrates has here said we may gather, that he did not suppose the Matters we have spoken of to act only by what the Philosophers call [...]d first qualities; so far from that, that he says a little after, That 'tis not the hot that is of any mighty power, but the sowre, the insipid, &c. whether within a Man, or without a Man, whe­ther in regard of what he cats, or what he drinks, or what he applies outwardly, in what manner so­ever, concluding that of all the faculties, there are none less active than heat and cold.

What we have said of the separation of the humours from one another, relate to what Hippocrates says in divers places, that the hu­mours move. This motion, which is the cause of several distempers, expresses sometimes by a term, it signifies [...], impe [...] [...], [...]dine incen­li. a Fury, like that of some Animals that grow Lustful at certain times.

There are other passages by which Hippocrates seems to impute Diseases,Lib. de af­fect [...] nib. & lib [...] de Morb. to two of these humours only, the Bile and Pituita, as they of­fer'd either in quantity or quality, or place. But as he speaks elsewhere of two sorts of Bile, these two humours may be split into three, and with the blood make four.

Lib. 4. de Morb.In some other passages he adds a fifth, which is Water, of which he supposes the Spleen to be the Spring, as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood, the Bile and the Pituita. Some of his Commentators make this Water the same with the Melancholy, to which Hippocrates seems to substitute it. I cannot see how to recon­cile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour; he look'd upon't, as we have said before, as a sort of Lee of the rest of the hu­mours, which will by no means agree with water. Nor are they nearer their point for making two sorts of Melancholy, one of which we have been speaking, and another which ought rather to be call'd black Bile, which is only the yellow Bile turn'd black, as he supposed, by being over-heated and burnt, this having no­thing in common with water. The only sup­port of the opinion in question, is, that he says in the same passage, that this water is the hea­viest of all the humours: I see no reason why we shou'd not object that this is another System,It is as­crib'd to Poly­blus his Son-i [...]- [...]aw. See Book 4. Ch. 1. since it has been always suspected that Hip­pocrates was not the Author of that Book. This water might be something like what Hippo­crates elsewhere calls Ichor, by which he meant any sort of clear, thin Liquor, form'd in the body of a Man, whether sound or unsound. So he calls by this name what runs from a ma­lignant Ʋlcer, and speaks in several places of sharp and bilious Ichors, and burning Ichors.

[...], & [...].We find yet a third System of the Causes of Diseases in another book, Intituled, Of Winds or Spirits, which is mix [...]d with the Works of Hippocrates, but most suppose it not [Page 199]to be his. The Author of this book uses some­times the word Wind, sometimes Spirit, with this difference, That the latter signifies the Spirits or Air, and Wind inclosed in the body, but the former the Wind without; from whence nevertheless, he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by respiration, and the Air contain'd in the Food we take. This book up­on reading, seems to be one of the most ra­tional and coherent of all Hippocrates's Works. He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Causes of health and of diseases, even in preference to the humours, which here are only collateral Causes, as the Spirits mix with 'em. But this later opinion may be reconcil'd with that which we have before allow'd to be Hip­pocrates's, concerning the effects of the hu­mours; only alledging, that all that has been attributed to them, in relation to health or sickness, supposes an impulse of the Spirits as the first movers, and that therefore Hippocrates nam'd them, as we have said before, that which gives the motion.

There is, according to Hippocrates, as great a variety of external Causes of health and dis­eases, as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him, as there is of diversity in his Conduct, and of accidents in the course of his Life.

From this Hypothesis, it is plain that Health and Sickness in general depend upon the fol­lowing Causes: On the Air which surrounds us, what we eat and drink, sleep, watching, exercise; what goes out of our bodies, and what is kept in, and upon the Passions. In this num­ber likewise, are rank'd those foreign bodies which occur, and are sometimes useful, yet may often dissolve, cut or break the union of the Parts of ours. Poisons and venemous Animals are likewise reckon'd among these later Causes.

We shall not engage any further in the Causes of Distempers in particular, that wou'd lead us too far out of our way: And we may the more easily be dispens'd with, be­cause we shall have occasion to take notice of all that is proper here in the Article of Galen, whose System is more clear and methodical than that of Hippocrates, whose Principles he follows in almost every thing.

We shall take notice only of two things; first, the Relation that Hippocrates finds between some of the external and internal Causes. For example, he compares the four Humours with the four Ages of Man, with the four Seasons of the Year, and with the Climates: Infancy, the Spring and temperate Countries, ought, accord­ing to him, to produce blood, and by conse­quence more sanguine Distempers than Bilious, Pituitous, or Melancholick.

Youth, Summer, and hot and dry Countries, produce Bile, and all the maladies which spring from it. Middle Age, Autumn, and Places of a heavy unequal Air, cause Melan­choly and melancholick distempers. Old Age, Winter, and cold moist Countries produce Flegm and flegmatick Distempers.

He carefully examines what sorts of Food produce blood, [...]ile, &c. It treats also the ef­fects of sleeps, watchings, exercise and rest, and other external Causes afore-mentioned, and all the benefit or mischief we may receive from them. In the second place, we shall take no­tice, that of all the Causes Hippocrates makes mention of, the two most general are Diet and Air, which he examines with all the care possi­ble. First, he has composed several books up­on the subject of Diet only; he has taken ex­act care to distinguish what is good and what is bad, for the condition the Person is in. And he was so much the more obliged to it, be­cause his method of Practice turn'd almost wholly upon it; that is to say, upon the [Page 201]choice of a certain Diet, whether in respect of [...]. Lib. de Ali­mento. quality or [...]. Lib. de Ali­mento. quantity, or time, and the proper seasons of giving it, as we shall see anon.

He consider'd also the Air very much, and all that depended on it. We have seen in the Lump what he thought of the four Seasons, and several Climates. He examined likewise what Winds ordinarily blew, or extraordina­rily: The irregularity of the Seasons, and even the rising and setting ofLib. de D [...]t. lib. de acre, &c. lib. de humor. lib. 4. de Morb. Aphorism. 1. lib. 3. Stars, or the time of certain Constellations; as of the Dog-Star, the North-Bear, and the Pleiades; as also the time of the Solstices, and of the Equinoxes, these days in his opinion producing great alte­rations in distempers, of which he has not ex­plain'd the manner.

From hence may be inferr'd, that Hippocra­tes look'd upon the knowledge of Astronomy as necessary to a Physician, and that he believed that the Stars had some influence over our Bo­dies. With this agrees, what he elsewhere says of the things of [...]. Heaven, which he numbers amongst the Causes of distempers, and with what we have taken notice of before, page the 9th, That according to Hippocrates, our health, our life, our death, and all that respects our being, depends upon things raised above us. And it seems likely, that he meant something like this, when he talked of somethingPrognost. lib de Nat. Mul [...]ebr. lib. de Morb. Sact. Divine in the Causes of distempers. Some of his ancient Commentators believed, that when he spoke after this manner, he alluded to what was up­on these occasions said byWhat Ga­len means by saving, That those that as­cribe the Dis­eases to the Gods, cite the Authority of those that wrote, what they call Histories, is hard to be unde [...]stood. [...]. the Poets, especi­ally Homer, who attributes to the wrath of the Gods the Diseases that befal Men. But Galen is not of their mind, and he has reason to give [Page 202]them this reprimand,In lib. Progn. com. 1. ‘That they that Comment upon, or Interpret an Author, ought not to say whatever themselves think true, or what they think the Author ought to have believed, but what is really his opi­nion, whether true or false.’ Galen maintains, That Hippocrates no where attributes to the Gods the Cause of Distempers; and he proves that Hippocrates was not of that opinion: first, for the reason he gives of some Symptoms of a par­ticular distemper, which he describes, and of the name he gave that distemper. He call'd those which were seized by it, by a name which signifies [...], lib. deratione vict. in acut. stricken, undoubtedly from the vul­gar opinion, that those that were taken with it were in some manner struck by someThis must be the conse­quence of Ga­len's reasoning, which other­wise is worth nothing. Deity as it were by Thunder. But Hippocrates expresly takes notice, that the Ancients gave it this name, because those that died of it, had, after their death, their sides livid and mortify'd, as if they had received blows. He proves it in the second place, from one of the Books of Hippocrates, inscrib'd De Morbo Sacro; that is, of the Falling-Sickness, wherein the Author endeavours to root out the vulgar prejudice that the Gods sent certain Distempers among Men. These Arguments of Galen may be supported by what Hippocrates saysLib. de aere aquâ, & locis. elsewhere of a distemper peculiar to the Scythians, which pass'd for Divine; of which we shall speak hereafter.

To return to the signification of what Hippo­crates call'd Divine in Diseases, Galen concludes that he meant no more than the Constitution of the Atmosphere, which is equivocal, because the Air may be disposed in so particular a manner, that we may acknowledge something in it Su­pernatural. This Sense, follow'd by some of the ModernGor [...]hae­us, Fernel. Commentators, who think that the Divine of Hippocrates depended upon the qualities of the Air; but upon such qualities as they call'd occult or hidden, because they had [Page 203]no relation with the ordinary, or those which were call'd first, that is, hot and cold, dry and moist, nor with any other known quality. Yet this is not the meaning of Galen in this place, nor of Hippocrates himself, who seems to express himself in favour of the former opinion, when he says in the Book cited last save one, ‘That the Disease call'd Sacred rises from the same causes that other distempers do; that is, from the things which go and come, or which are subject to change, such as the Sun, the Cold, the Winds, which suffer perpetual vicissitudes. Now tho' these things, says he, be Divine, we are not to imagine this disease any more Di­vine than the rest, but all diseases ought to be look'd upon as Humane and Divine at once.’

It may perhaps be objected, That it is doubt­ful who is the Author of this Book, but if we observe the constant Custom of Hippocrates to take exact notice of the Seasons, in which, or after which, the Diseases that he would de­scribe appear'd, we shall see, that what­ever distemper he speaks of, even the Plague it self, he mentions nothing but the ordinary changes of the Air, as hot or cold, or moist or dry. For example; That a rainy Spring was preceded by a moist Winter, or followed by a scorching Summer, that such and such Winds blew, &c. without saying one single word of the particular and hidden qualities of the Air, which are supposed to produce extraordinary distempers.

'Tis true there are some passages in his Wri­tings, on which they pretend to found the oc­cult qualities aforesaid, which Galen admitted as well as the Modern Authors before cited We find there, first, the very word [...] lib. de Aliment. hidden Cause. Galen affirms, that when Hippocrates speaks of Epidemical Distempers, which he says come from the Air, or that which we breathe, which is charged with [...], which Galen renders [...]. an unwholsome vapour, or a vapour proper to breed Diseases, that this [Page 204]unwholsome vapour did not act according to the ordinary qualities, but by an occult proper­ty absolutely inexplicable.

Yet I don't see that Hippocrates has explain'd himself concerning the nature of this Vapour, nor the influence of the Stars, or their manner of acting upon inferior Bodies, tho' he sup­poses their action. This vapour seems what he in another passage calls [...], inquinamenta, lib. de Flat. Impurities or In­fections of the Air; but he says not wherein this infection [...]onsists. We shall close what relates to the Causes of Distempers with this Remark, That in the same place where Hippo­crates derives all Epidemical distempers from the Air, he endeavours to prove that they do not come from the Aliments like ordinary di­stempers; where we see, that according to him, the Air is the most general Cause of all Diseases.

The Humours and Spirits being, as we have seen, the Causes of Health and Sickness, the solid or containing Parts, which are the third sort of substance in the composition of Animal Bodies, must be the subject of them, because they are sound or unsound, according to the good or ill disposition which the humours and spirits produce in them, and as the impressions made upon them by foreign bodies, and those things that are without them, are beneficial [...] mischievous. This consequence may be justly drawn from several passages of Hippocrates, such as the two following:De Nat. hum. ‘When, says he, any of the humours is separated from the rest, and lodges apart, the place from whence it came must be out of order, and likewise that where it is lodged in too great quantity, suffers sickness and pain.’ The second passage is this:Ibid. ‘That the Diseases which come from any part of the body, that is conside­rable, are the most dangerous; for, says he, if the disease [...]. must rest, that is to say, l [...]dge in the place where it began, when a Part that [Page 205]is of great importance suffers, the whole bo­dy must suffer.’

We find no Train, nothing prosecuted far, concerning the difference of Distempers, in Hippocrates; all that we can gather is, That the different Causes of which we have spoken, and the different Parts of the Body, produce as great a variety of Distempers; according to this passage,Lib. de Aliment. the differences of Diseases arise from the following things: From the nourish­ment, the heat, the blood, the flegm, the bile, and all the humours. As likewise from the flesh, the fat, the veins, the arteries, the nerves, the muscles, the membranes, the bones, the brain, the spi­nal marrow, the mouth, the tongue, the throat, the stomach, the intestines, the diaphragm, the belly, the liver, the spleen, the reins, the bladder, the womb, and the skin. Some of these distempers Hippocrates held to be the mortal, others dange­rous, the rest easily curable, according to the Cause from whence they sprung, and the Parts upon which they fell. He distinguishes likewise Diseases in several places, from the time of their duration, into [...]. acute, or short, and [...]. chro­nical, or long; this likewise is referr'd to the different Causes before-mentioned, acute Dis­eases being caught by the bile and the blood, in the flower of Mans age, or in Spring time, and Summer. The Chronical, on the contrary, are produc'd by the flegm, or the melancholy, in old Age, and in the Winter. Of these distempers, some are more acute than others; the like of the Chronical. We shall see in the sequel the duration of one as well as t'other.

Hippocrates distinguishes distempers likewise by the particular Places where they are prevailed, whether ordinary or extraordinary. The first, that is those that are frequent and familiar to certain Places, he call'd [...], or [...]. Endemick Diseases; and the latter, which ravag'd extraordinarily, sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, with which at certain times numbers were [Page 206]seized at once, he call'd Epidemick, that is Po­pular Diseases, as the Plague, the most terri­ble of all. He made likewise a third, oppos'd to the former, which he call'd [...]. straggling di­stempers, including all the different sorts of di­stempers which invade at any one season; in a word, those distempers, some of one sort, and some of another. He distinguish'd those which were born with us, or were [...]. hereditary, from those that were contracted afterwards. He made a difference likewise, betwixt those of [...]. a kindly nature, and those of a malignant; the first of those, which are easily cured and fre­quently; the second, those which give the Physicians a great deal of trouble, and are sel­dom overcome by all their care.

Of the remarkable Changes that happen in Diseases, particularly of the Crises; and Critical days.

Hippocrates made four Stages in Distempers; the [...]. beginning of the Disease, its augmenta­tion, its state or heighth, and its declination. These last are Diseases that end happily, for in others Death supplies the place of the declination. In the third Stage, therefore the change is most considerable, for it determines the fate of the sick Person, which is usually, or oftenest done, by means of a Crisis.

Hippocrates call'd Crisis, that is, Judgment, any sudden mutation in sickness, whether for the better or the worse, whether health or death im­mediately succeed.

This change, according to him, is made by Nature, at that time Absolving or Condemning a Patient. To apprehend his meaning aright, we must recollect his Idea of Nature, which he represents as the Directress of the whole Animal Oeconomy.

If therefore Diseases be only a disturbance of this Oeconomy, as we may conclude from what he has said before of their Causes, Nature [Page 207]and Diseases, must be at eternal opposition; but as in the conflict, or difference betwixt 'em, Nature is, as it were, both Judge and Party, she ought generally to have the better, for this reason the word Crisis is taken for a favourable Judgment, which terminates happily the diseases.

Nature's way of acting in such cases to de­stroy her enemy, is to reduce those humours, whose discord occasions that of the whole bo­dy, to their usual state, whether in relation to their quantity or quality, mixture, motion, the places they are possess'd of, or any other manner, by which they become offensive. Amongst the means which Nature imploys to this end, Hippocrates insists more particularly upon what he calls [...] or [...], and [...]. De rat. vict. in acut. Concoction of the hu­mours. This is her first aim: By means of this Coction she makes her self Mistress, and brings us things to a good Crisis. The humours be­ing brought to this pass, whatever is super­fluous and hurtful empties it self presently, or at least, it is very easie to evacuate them by such means, as we shall speak of when we speak of the Cure of distempers, or of the assistance which the Physicians give to Nature upon these occasions, what is superfluous being evacuated, which is done either by Bleeding, by Stool, by Vomit, by Sweat, by Ʋrine, by Tumors or Ab­scesses, by Scabs, [...]. Pimples, Spots, and other things; Nature easily reduces the rest to the condition they were in before the accession of the disease.

But we must take notice, that these Evacu­ations are not look'd upon as the effects of a true Crisis, unless it be in Considerable quantity, small discharges not being sufficient to make a Cri­sis. On the contrary, they are a sign that Na­ture is depress'd by the load of humours, and that she lets them go thro' weakness and con­tinual irritation. What comes forth thus is crude, because the distemper is yet too strong; [Page 208]while things remain so, none but a bad or im­perfect Crisis is to be expected, which signifies that the distemper triumphs, or at least is of equal strength with Nature, which is attended by death, or a prolongation of the disease, du­ring which Nature often has leisure to attempt a new Crisis, more happy than the former, af­ter having made fresh efforts to advance the concoction of the humours. We shall speak of the signs of Concoction or Crudity, and some other marks of the Crisis, in the following Chapter.

What is chiefly to be observ'd here, is, That con­coction cannot be made but in a certain term, as every fruit has a limited time to ripen; for he compares the humours, which Nature has digested, to Fruits come to maturity.

The time requir'd for this depends upon the differences of distempers, touch'd on in the preceding Chapter. In those which Hippocrates calls very acute, the Digestion or Crisis happens the fourth day; and those which are only acute upon the seventh or the eleventh, Aphor. 23. Sect. 2. or the four­teenth, which is the longest term that Hippo­crates allows in distempers that are really acute, tho' in some places he seems to stretch toLib. de Crisib. the twentieth and one and twentieth days; nay, even toDe dieb. cri [...]ie. the fortieth and sixtieth days.

All diseases that exceed this latter term are counted Chronical; and whereas in those that exceed fourteen, or at most twenty days, everyTo made this Account come right, the fourth day must be counted twice in the midd [...]e of e [...]ry sennight, and twice also at the beginning of the third. We shall see the progression of these numbers as they lie in Hippocrates. fourth day is a Critical day, or at least a Re­markable day, by which they may judge whe­ther the Crisis, upon the following fourth day, will be favourable or not In those which come from twenty to forty, he reckons only the se­venths; and those that exceed forty, he begins to reckon by twenties, as appears by the pro­gression following, which contain the days par­ticularly mark'd by Hippocrates, the first of which is the fourth, from thence he goes to the seventh, the eleventh, the fourteenth, the seven­teenth, [Page 209]the twentieth, the seven and twentieth, the thirty fourth, the fortieth, the sixtieth, the eightieth, the hundredth, the hundred and twen­tieth; beyond which, the number of days has no power over the Crises, which are referr [...]d to the general changes of the Seasons, some de­termining about the Equinoxes, others about the Solstices, others about the rising or setting of certain Stars or Constellations; or if numbers have yet any place, they reckon by Months, or whole Years. So Hippocrates will have it, that certain diseases in Children areAphorism. 28. Sect. 3. judged in the seventh month after their Birth; others in their seventh, or even their fourteenth year.

I have yet one Observation to make con­cerning the twentieth and one and twentieth days, that both of them are equally set down as Critical days in different placesLib. de Cris. de di [...]b. Crit. Apho. 36. Sect. &c. of the Works of Hippocrates. The reason which he gives in one of these places, why he prefers the former of these days before the latter, which would make up their Account the three Septenaries compleat, is because that the days of sickness ought not to [...]e reckoned intire,Lib. de partu Sep­timest. the years and months being not composed of intire days.

Nevertheless, this reason does not hinder him from putting down the one and twentieth day for the true Critical day, as almost all the other odd days, to which he appears so strangely affected in the case of Crises, that he says, in one of his Aphorisms, That the sweats that come upon the 3d, the 5th, the 7th, the 9th, the 11th, the 14th, the 17th, the 21th, the 27th, the 31th, or 34th days, are beneficial; but those that come upon other days, signifie that the sick shall be brought very low, that his disease shall be very tedious, and he subject to relapses. He says further expresly, in another Aphorism,Aphorism. 61. Sect. 4. That the Fever which leaves the Sick upon any but an odd day, is usually apt to relapse. Galen ex­plaining this passage, pretends that we ought [Page 210]to read a critical day instead of an odd day; but he gives himself a needless trouble, the same thing occurring in divers places, as in the se­cond Book of his Epidemicks, where there is a passage parallel to the afore-cited, and ano­ther which says, That those that die, die of ne­cessity upon an odd day, if the distemper be long upon an odd Month or Year. More of this sub­ject may be found in his fourth Book De Mor­bis, where what has been said of odd days is look'd upon as the received Opinion of all the World; so that tho' it should be objected that this Book is not Hippocrates [...]s, but his Son-in-Law Polibius's, the proof will yet remain in full strength, for this Author does not lay this down as his opinion only, but as a notion ge­nerally establish'd.

Galen was obliged to declare against odd days, for the same reasons he rejects the dig­nity of the number seven, and other numbers, which by the Pythagoreans were esteemed to have a certain virtue in themselves, as being more perfect than the rest; and altho' he allows that the Crisis falls out upon the seventh days, yet he does not impute this effect to the power of the number, but to the Moon, which go­verns the Weeks which consists of seven da [...]s, whether Hippocrates thought of the Moon's in­fluence upon this occasion, but he talks in one of his Books before-cited;D [...] partu Septimest. of a harmony resulting from the union of certain numbers more entire and certain than the rest, it shews plainly that he meant in the sense of Pythagoras, which Celsus takes notice of when he says,Verum in his quidem an­tiquos, [...]u [...]c celebre [...] ad­modum Pyth [...] ­go [...]ici numeri fefellerunt, lib 3. cap. 4. That the Pythagorean numbers, which were very much in vogue at that time; that is, in the time of Hippocrates, mislead the ancient Physicians into Error.

But whatever was Hippocrates's opinion of the power of his odd, and other Critical days, he confesses that it falls out otherwise some­times; and he gives an instance of a salutary [Page 211]Crisis coming upon the sixth day, and the like upon the fifteenth, but these are very rare in­stances, and therefore don [...]t overthrow the Ge­neral Rule.

Before we quit this head, we must take no­tice, that besides the changes which determine the fate of the Patient, Hippocrates speaks often of another sort of a change, which is when the disease, instead of terminating, changes [...], or [...] the Species, as when a Pleurisie turns to an inflamation of the Lungs, a Vertigo to an Epilepsie, a Tertian Fever to a Quartane, or a continual, &c.

CHAP. IV. Of other accidents or symptoms that accompany Diseases, and those that happen before or after them. Of the signs by which Hippocrates di­stinguish [...]d one from the other, and knew be­forehand what wou'd be the success, or future event.

THE vast esteem Hippocrates gain'd is chiefly owing to his great Industry, in strictly observing the most minute circumstances of Dis­eases, and his exact care in nicely describing every thing that happen [...]d before, and every accident that appear [...]d at the same time with them; as also what gave ease, and what in­creas'd the malady, which is what we call the method of writing the History of a disease.

By these means, he not only understood how to distinguish one disease from another, by the signs which properly belong'd to each, but by comparing the same sort of distemper, which happen'd to several persons, and the accidents which usually appear [...]d before and after, he cou [...]d easily foretel a disease before it came, and afterwards give a right judgment of the success and event of it.

He seems also inLib. 1. d [...] diaeta, sub princip. a certain place, as if he would insinuate that he is the greatest Phy­sician [Page 212]that can put this in practice, or can teach a method how to tell the Patient beforehand, what shall happen to him in the course of his distemper, which is what we call giving the Prognosticks of a disease.

Twas by this way of prognosticating that he came to be so much admir'd by all the An­cients, who, without doubt, were throughly convinc'd of that Maxim, which he owes to himself, viz. Lib. prae­notion. in princip. ‘That that Physician, who upon the appearance of some certain signs in a disease, can tell his Patient what he has hi­therto suffered, and what will happen to him every day; and after having received infor­mation from him, he not only speaks further of those things he omitted before, but also lays down beforehand what will come to pass, 'tis he shall have the reputation of knowing perfectly the condition of the Pa­tient, and make him entirely resign himself to his management. And as it is not always in the power of the Physician to save the Lives of the sick, for that reason Prognosticks will be serviceable in some measure to secure him from reproach.’

Hippocrates understood so well the Doctrine of Sign [...], that it may very well be said to be his Master-piece; and Celsus makes this remark,B [...]nsio­ [...] [...]: Me­di [...]i, quamvis in curatio [...]ibus mu [...]nt, ta [...]en [...]c Hipp [...]c [...]at [...]m optime p [...]a­gisse [...]a [...]e [...]ur, Lib. 2. praf [...]. ‘That the Physicians that liv'd after him, tho' they found out several new things, re­lating to the management of diseases, yet they were oblig [...]d to the Writings of Hippocrates for what they knew of Signs.’

You find a vast number of these Signs almost every where in his Writings, but they are par­ticularly collected in his Book of Aphorisms, and three other Books, that treat of nothing but that subject alone; the Prenotions or Prog­nosticks, the Predictions, and the Coacae Praenotiones.

Galen, because they were very faulty, wou'd not allow the two last to be of Hip­pocrates's writing, He adds further, That [Page 213]what is valuable in them is taken out of the two first, and from the Books of Epidemical Diseases; notwithstanding, many Learned Men, both Ancient and Modern, have writ Commen­taries upon them, and had 'em in great esteem.

To be able to make a tolerable guess from a Prognostick, that is to say, to be capable to tell beforehand, that, from the appearance of such and such a thing, this or that shall ne­cessarily follow, the observation ought to be made from its seldom or never-failing; one Ex­perience alone, or even 2 or 3 being not sufficient to give an Authority; which cannot be said of all the Prognosticks of Hippocrates in general. As to some of them, one wou'd rather judge they were Remarks made in particular cases, by those that exactly observ'd what happen [...]d to every Patient, from the beginning to the end of his distemper; and who, by comparing what they saw first with what followed after, thence concluded good or ill success.

This is what Galen hints at, when he tells you, that one part of these Prognosticks were abstracted from the Books of Epidemical Diseases. He adds, That if any one design [...]d to make himself Master of the Art of Prognosti­cating the success of Diseases, he thought that the best means to succeed wou [...]d be to look into the Histories of them, delivered to us by the most learned of the Faculty, and from thence draw conclusions suitable to his intent. This method in effect wou [...]d prove very good; but to avoid the danger of being mistaken, twou'd be necessary to collect an infinite number of Observations on all distempers, of what nature soever they are, to be able to find out amongst them a sufficient number of cases exactly alike in every sort of disease, so that he might speak for certain, that in such a disease, when such a sign, or rather such and such signs appear, the Pa­tient shall die; and on the contrary, when he sees other signs, the Patient shall escape.

For example, if of twenty Patients that in continual Fevers have bled several drops of blood at the Nose, or that have but gently sweated in the head or breast, fifteen or eigh­teen of them die; and if of twenty that have bled in abundance, and have also sweat all over the body, as many of them have escap'd as of the others died, one may generally infer that the first accident is of fatal consequence, and the second a good Prognostick. But it does not at all appear, that those that have collected these Prognosticks, and particularly the Prenotions of Cos, have always taken care to have as many examples of every case as they propose wou'd be necessary to put a con­fidence in. The life of Man is too short for that, it [...]s what Hippocrates himself has confess [...]d, as you'll see further in what follows. The advantage which this ancient Physician gain'd to himself in this point, is, That he cou'd sup­ply the defect of his own experience in the service and assistance he might receive from that of his Predecessors the Sons of Aescu­lapius, supposing them to be Men of capacity sufficient for experiences, which to produce as they ought to be, Hippocrates has also own'd to be very difficult. He was so throughly con­vinc'd of it, that he made no difficulty to ac­knowledge, that one might easily be deceiv'd, particularly in what relates to Prognosticks. Predictions, says he, in cases of acute diseases, are uncertain, and no one can justly tell whether the Patient will live or die. In the following ac­count you'll see further proofs of the modesty and sincerity of this Author.

'Twas not only from the composition of Man that Hippocrates drew signs, to know and foresee diseases and the consequences of 'em. The natu­ral functions, the actions and manners of every particular person, their behaviour, their constant way of living; in a word, all the circum­stances that have any relation to the customs [Page 215]and habits of Men, and what happens whether before, or at the same time, with the distem­per, by our own fault, or the indiscretion of others, by the internal disposition of our body, or as it is in relation to things external which influence it; all this, I say, furnish'd this Fa­ther of Physick with signs, by which he judg [...]d of the state of body they were in, in relation to distempers present or to come.

The first thing Hippocrates consider'd, par­ticularly when he was concern'd in an acute disease, was the looks of the Patient. Tis a good sign with him for a Patient to have the visage of one in health, and the same which the Patient himself had when-he was well; as it varied from this, so much greater the danger was apprehended to be. This is the description which Hippocrates gives of the looks of a dying Man: ‘When a Patient, says he, has his Nose sharp, his Eyes sunk, his Temples hollow, his Ears cold and contracted, the skin of his Forehead tense and dry, and the colour of his Face tending to a pale green, or Lead colour, one may give out for certain that Death is very near at hand; unless, as he adds further, the strength of the Patient has been exhausted all at once by long watch­ings, or by a looseness, or being a long time without eating The Physicians have call'd it the Hippocratick Face, to denote that they have taken this observation from Hippocrates. The lips hanging relax [...]d and cold, are likewise look [...]d upon by this Author as a confirmation of the foregoing Prognostick.’

He also took several of his signs from the disposition of the Eyes in particular. When a Patient can't bear the light, when he sheds tears involuntarily, when in sleeping some part of the white of the eyes is seen, unless he usually sleeps after that manner, or has a looseness upon him, this sign, as well as the precedent ones, prognosticate ill. The [...]e is [Page 216]deaden'd (as it were with a mist spread over them, their brightness lost) likewise presage death, or is a sign of great weakness. The eyes sparkling, fix'd and fierce, denotes the Patient to be delirious, and that he is already, or soon will be seiz [...]d with a Phrensie▪ When a Patient sees [...] any thing red, and like sparks of fire and lightning pass before his eyes, you may expect an Hemorrhage; and this often happens before those Crisis [...]s which are to be by a loss of blood.

The posture in Bed shews also the condition of the Patient. If you find him lying on one side; his Body, Neck, Legs and Arms a little contracted, which is the posture of a Man in health, it is a good sign. On the contrary, if he lies on his back, his arms stretch [...]d out, and his legs hanging down, it [...]s a sign of great weakness, and particularly when the Patient slides, or lets himself fall down towards the feet, which denotes the heaviness of his body, and approaching death. When he lies on his belly, unless it be customary to him, 'tis an in­dication of his being delirious, or that he is grip'd.

When a Patient in a burning Fever is conti­nually [...]. feeling about with his hands and fingers, and moves them up before his face or eyes, as if he was going to take away something that pass'd before them; or on his Bed and Covering, as if he was picking or searching for little Straws, or taking away some filth, or drawing out little flocks of Wooll, all this is a sign that he is delirious, and will die. Amongst the other signs of a present or approaching deli­rium, he adds also this: When a Patient that natu­rally speaks little, begins to talk more than he us [...]d to do; or when one that talks much becomes silent, this change is to be reckon'd a sort of delirium, or is a sign that the Patient will soon fall into one. The frequent trembling or leap­ing up of the Tendons of the Wrist, presage [Page 217]likewise a delirium. As to the different sorts of them, Hippocrates is much more afraid of those that run upon doleful, or dismal sub­jects, than those that ramble upon matter of diversion, accompanied with gaity and pleasant humour.

When the Patient breathes fast, and is op­press'd, it's a sign that he is in pain, and that the Parts above the Diaphragme are inflam'd. Breathing long, or when the Patient is a great while in taking breath, shews him to be delirious; but easie and natural respiration is always a very good Prognostick in acute Dis­eases. It appear'd that Hippocrates depended much on respiration in matter of signs, by the care he took in several places to describe the different manner of a Patient's breathing, re­spiration oppress'd, rare, great, little, that which is great or long outward; that is to say, in the time of expiration; that which is little or short within, that is, when you draw in your breath; that which is as it were doubled, &c. Continual watchings in the same diseases are a sign either of present pain, or a delirium near at hand.

All Excrements, of what nature soever, that are separated from the body of Man, furnish'd also Hippocrates with signs, from which he drew many consequences. He made no diffi­culty at all in examining into the Urine, the Stools, the Wind, the Sweat, the Hawkings and Spittings, the Mucus of the Nose, the Tears, the filth of the Ears, the purulent Matter of Ulcers, &c. as materials from whence he drew signs, that gave him the greatest certainty in relation to the quality of the humours.

But for all that, we must not believe what a ModernCae [...]ius R [...], in. in antiq [...]ection. Author says of Hippocrates, That he was so hot in seeking all occasions of im­proving himself in the knowledge of his Pro­fession, that he was not asham [...]d to taste even [Page 218]of the very Excrements. If any one writ this of him before this Author, perhaps 'twas only in raillery, who to put the ridicule on this fa­mous Physician, applied to him the Epithet which Aristophanes gives to Aesculapius, which we have mentioned in the first Book; it's what the Author we have quoted seems to ac­knowledge himself, when he adds further, That others attribute the same to Aesculapius.

It must be own'd Hippocrates inquir'd into all these things, according to their several qualities; that is to say, to their colour, smell and consistence, in relation to the Hetero­geneous Matter, or what he found out of the common course of nature, according to its heat, coldness acrimony, &c as well as in regard to its quantity; to the Parts from whence it issued, the time of its continuance, the manner, and other circumstances of its issuing out. No one can deny but that there were some of the things they have mentioned, which he judg'd of by the taste, they had; not that the judgment was made from his own, but the taste of the Patient. For example, He drew some certain signs from theLib. de humoribus. Spittle being salt or sweet, and from sweat, or from tears, or the excrements of the Nose, which had a saltness or sharpness. There is only the experiment of the wax of the Ears, which according to him isEpidem. lib. 6. sect. 5. sweet in dying Persons, or those that will die of such a distemper, and bitter in those that will live. I say there's only this experiment, which seems to be out of the power of the Patient to make; but there's no reason why the Physician shou'd not, if he thinks convenient, have it done by those that attend the sick, or by persons that are every day employ'd in the most vile Offices.

There's another passage where Hippocrates, speaking of the Excrements of the Belly, says, That in some certain cases they are [Page 219] [...] Coac. Praenot. vers. 641. saltish. There's also another place, where he makes mention of a sort of a Fever which he calls a salt Fever, on which Galen makes this remark: That altho saltness commonly shews it self by the taste, and not by the touch, yet we ought to explain what Hippo­crates says here, in relation to touching and feeling; that it is not meant of the Patients, but of the Physicians, who in feeling his Pulse perceives something rough or poignant, as if he touch'd salt flesh, or that had been laid in Brine. I believe that one may, in effect, judge of a certain sort of saltness by the touch, and that that of the Excrements, which is men­tion'd in the first passage that was quoted, may be known by the manner of their pricking the Anus at their coming out; but in this case 'tis the Patient, and not the Physician that can judge of it.

Amongst all the Excrements, the Urine and Stools, were what furnish'd Hippocrates with most of the signs, which serv'd for almost all distempers. I give you here the chiefest of his Observations concerning Urine. The Patient's Urine is, in his opinion, best, when the sedi­ment, that is to say, the thick part, or that which falls to the bottom, is white, soft to the touch, and of an equal consistence. If it continues so during the course of the distemper, and till the time of theSee the pre­cedent Article. Crisis, the Patient is in no danger, and will soon be well. This is what Hippocrates call'd concocted Urine, or what denotes the concoction of the humours. And he observ'd, that this concoction of Urine seldom appear'd thoroughly so but in the days of the Crisis, which happily put an end to the distemper.Lib. de Crisibus. ‘We ought, said Hippocrates, to compare the Urine with the purulent Matter that issues from Ulcers. As the Pus, which is white, and of the same quality with the sedi­ment of Urine, we are now speaking of, is a sign that the Ulcer is on the point of closing, [Page 220]or being heal'd up; whereas that which is [...] See before in the Chapter of the Causes of distempers. clear, and of another colour besides white, and of an ill smell, is a sign that the Ulcer is [...]. virulent, and by consequence difficult to be cured. So the Urines, which are like this we have describ'd, are only those which may be nam'd good, all the [...]est are ill, and differ from one another only in the degree of more or less. The first never appear but when Na­ture has overcome the Disease, and are a sign of the concoction of humours, without which you can't hope for a certain cure, as we have observ [...]d in the precedent Article.’ On the con­trary, the last are made as long as the crudity remains, and the humours continue uncon­cocted. Amongst the Urines of this last sort, the best are reddish, with a sediment that is soft and of an equal consistence; which denote that the disease will be somewhat tedious, but without danger. The worst are those which are very red, that are made at the same time clear, and without sediment, or that are muddy and troubled in the making. In Urine there's oftentimes a sort of a [...]. cloud that's hanging in the Vessel where 'tis received, the higher it rises, or the farther distant it is from the bottom, or different from the colour we have describ'd, when we spoke of sediments, the more there is of crudity. That which is white, and clear as water, is also a sign of great crudity, and sometimes of Bile being carried to the Brain. Th [...] which is yellow, or of a sandy colour, denotes aboundance of Bile. That that's black is the worst, especially if it has an ill smell, and is either altogether muddy, or altogether clear. That whose se­diment is like to large ground Wheat, or to little flakes or scales spread one upon another, or to Bran, presages but ill, especially the last. The Fat or Oil that swims sometimes upon Urine, and appears in a form something like a Spiders web, is a sign of a consumption of the [Page 221]flesh and solid parts. The making of a great quantity of Urine is a sign of a Crisis, and sometimes the quality of it shews particularly how the Bladder stands affected.

In fine, we ought to observe that Hippocrates compared the disposition of the Tongue with that of Urine: That is to say, when the Tongue was yellow, and charg [...]d with choler, the Urine of course must be of the same colour. And on the contrary, when it was red and moist, the Urine was accordingly of its na­tural colour.

The Excrements by Stool that are soft, yel­lowish, of some consistence, and not of an extraordinary ill smell, that answers to the quantity of whats taken inwardly, and that are voided at the usual hours, are the best sort of all. They ought also to be of a thicker con­sistence, when the distemper is near the Crisis, and it ought to be taken for a good prognostick, when some Worms round and long are evacu­ated at the same time with 'em. But tho' the Matter excreted be thin and liquid, yet not­withstanding it may give some comfortable hopes, provided it makes not too much noise in coming out, and the evacuation be not in a small quantity, nor too often, nor in so great abundance, nor so often, that the Patient is faint with it. All Matter that's watry, white, of a pale green, or red, or frothy and viscous, is bad. That that's black, like grease, and that that's livid like the colour of Verd-de-gris, are the most pernicious. That that's pure black, and is nothing else but a discharge of Choler adust, or black Bile, always prog­nosticates very ill, this humour, from what part soever it comes, never appearing, but it shews at the same time the ill disposition of the Intestines.

The Matter that's of several different colours, denotes the length of a distemper, and at the same time that it may be of dangerous con­sequence. [Page 222] Hippocrates places in the same Class the Matter that is bilious, or yellow, and mix'd with blood, or green and black, or like the dregs or scrapings of the Guts. The Stools that consisted of pure Bile, or of all Phlegm, he also look'd upon as bad.

Matter cast up by Vomiting ought to be mix'd with choler and phlegm; where you see but one of these humours alone, 'tis worse. That that's black, livid, green, or of the co­lour of a Leek, is of dismal consequence. That that smells very ill is so likewise; and if at the same time it be livid, death is not far off. The vomiting of blood is very often mortal.

The spittings that give ease in diseases of the Lungs, and in Pleurisies, are those that come up readily, and without difficulty; and 'tis good, if they are mix'd at the first beginning with a great deal of yellow; but if they ap­pear of the same colour, or are red, a great while after the beginning of the distemper, and are salt and acrimonious, and cause violent Coughings, they are not good. Spittings purely yellow are bad; and those that are white, viscous and frothy, give no ease. Whiteness is a tolerable good sign of concoction in regard to Spittings, but they ought not at all to be viscous, nor too thick, nor too clear. One may make the same judgment of the Excre­ments of the Nose, according to their concoction and crudity: Spittings that are black, green, or red, are of very sad consequence. In inflamations of the Lungs, those that are mix'd with choler and blood presage well, if they appear at the beginning, but are bad if they arise not till about the seventh day. But the worst of all the signs in these distempers, is, when there is no expectoration at all, and the too great quantity of Matter that is ready to be dis­charg'd this way, makes a rattling in the throat or breast. After spitting blood, next follows the discharge of purulent Matter, [Page 223]which is the cause of a Consumption, and at the end death.

A kind good sweat, is that which arises in the day of the Crisis, and is discharg'd in abundance all over the body, and at the same time from all the parts of the body, and carries off the Fever. A cold sweat is bad, especially in acute Fevers, for in others it [...]s only a sign of long continuance. When the Patient sweats no where but in the head and neck, it's a sign the disease will be long and dangerous. A gentle sweat or moistness of some Part; for example, of the head or breast, gives no relief, but denotes the seat of the distemper, or the weakness of the part. Hippocrates call [...]d this sort of sweat Ephidrosis.

As long as there is a collection of purulent Matter in some part of the body, the Patient is in pain, and the Fever abates not, but when the Pus is concocted, both Pain and Fever goes off. The qualities of good and bad purulent Matter you have seen describ'd before, when we spoke of those that related to Urine.

The [...]. That is to say, the Parts under the short-ribs. These Parts are chiefly the Liver, the Spleen, the Stomach, the Gut call [...]d Duodenum, and part of the Colon. Hypochondria, or the Abdomen in general, ought always to be soft and even, as well on the right side as the left. When there is any hardness or unevenness in those Parts, or heat or swelling, or when one cannot en­dure to have it touch'd, it [...]s a sign the In­testines are indispos'd.

Hippocrates also inquir'd into the state of the Pulse, or the beating of the Arteries. He is, according to Galen's observation, the first of all Physicians we have knowledge of, that made use of the word [...] Gal. de differ. & gener. puls. Pulse in the sense it's now commonly taken; that is to say, for the natural and ordinary beating of the Arteries. For you must know, that the most ancient Physicians, and Hippocrates himself, for a great while, understood by this word the extraor­dinary pulsation, or the violent beating that's felt in a Part inflam'd, without putting your [...]ngers there to feel it too.

But the same Galen that gives this account of Hippocrates, fails not to observe in another place, that the business of the Pulse is the only thing in all Physick that this Physician has so slightly touch'd upon. Some GreekTheophil. Protospathar. lib. de Urin. & Puls. Authors more modern than Galen, have also made the same remark; nevertheless, one may collect from the Writings of Hippocrates, several In­structions upon this subject. As when he says, That inEpidem. lib. 4. Fevers very acute, the pulse is very fast and very great; and when he makes mention in the same place of trembling pulses, and those that beat slowly; and when he ob­serves, in speaking of the white flowings of Wo­men, that the pulse that strikes the fingers faint­ly, and in a languishing manner, is a sign of ap­proaching death. He remarks also in the Coacae praenotiones, that Lethargick persons have their Pulse languid and slow. He says also in another place,Epidem. lib. 6. That he whose vein, that is to say, Artery of the Elbow beats, is just going to run mad; or else, that the person is in a very great passion of anger.

These Quotations make it appear, that Hip­pocrates was not wholly ignorant of the signs taken from pulses. But it must be own [...]d, if he has given us some Instructions on this subject, that it did not appear that he made any use of them himself, or reduc'd them to practise. We find little or nothing of it in his Books of Epidemical Diseases, except the two passages we have quoted, tho' these Books are a sort of a Journal, where he mentions a great number of Histories of Dis­eases that he has manag [...]d. It's surprising, that in other respects he shou'd be so exact in his Observations, even to the most minute signs and circumstances of a disease, yet say nothing of the pulse of the Patients. How cou'd one judge that he knew, whether they had a Fever or not? Or that he distinguish'd the different degrees of it, when he spoke nothing of the [Page 225]pulse? It's probable he did not depend much on this sign; I'll tell you what I think furnish'd him with the knowledge of the pulse. Per­haps the different degrees of heat or cold, which the Patients endured in their Fevers, the greater or less want of rest, and particularly their manner of breathing, which he com­monly observed with care, was what he thought of greater importance to be taken notice of, or at least what inform'd him whether they had a Fever or not, and whether this Fever requir'd consideration, or was of little consequence.

We might add a great many remarks to the precedent ones, if one wou [...]d exhaust all the matter relating to signs Those we have touch'd upon, have relation chiefly to Prognosticks. We [...]ll speak of others, that serve to distinguish and give us knowledge of distempers, when we make an enquiry into each particular.

If Hippocrates hit right in his Prognosticks, 'twas the effect of his judgment, his exactness, and the particular attendance he gave in every case that presented it self, which was the occa­sion of what [...]s justly said in Galen, ThatDedifficult respir. lib. 2. Hip­pocrates of all Physicians was the most diligent and industrious. Application to observe every thing that happen'd to a Patient, seem [...]d to be so proper to his Character, that you never see, so great a Philosopher as he was, that he was near so much taken up with reasoning on the accidents of Diseases, as in faithfully reporting them. He was content to observe well what these accidents were, to distinguish Diseases by them, and to judge of the event of those that he had actually in hand, by comparing them with the like which he had had before in his management; and he did not commonly give himself the trouble, to give a reason why such a thing happening such other wou'd necessarily follow. The Empiricks, which were a Sect of Physicians that arose after him, and [Page 226]of whom we shall speak in the following discourse, for this reason disputed with the Dogmatical or Reasoning Physicians, main­taining they had the advantage to have this Father of Physick on their side, pretending that his method was not different from that of his Predecessors the Asclepiades, which was also the same these Empiricks followed, and looking upon Hippocrates as one of the Authors of their side.

Galen had some reason to exclaim against them in this point, and there is no doubt but that Hippocrates reason'd, and also sometimes philosophis'd in his profession, as you have seen before. But the Empiricks had not been altogether in the wrong, if they had plainly said that Hippocrate's Philosophy was none of the best, and that they preferr'd the descrip­tions all naked as they are, which he gives of Diseases and their Accidents, and his In­structions or Remarks on the manner of ma­naging them to all the Reasonings they can find any where in his Works, on the Causes of the same distempers. It's certain at least, that 'tis chiefly on this account, I wou'd say, on that which the Empiricks look'd upon as the most advantageous, that Hippocrates has recom­mended Physick to posterity, and gain'd ad­miration even from those, that otherwise did not consent with him to his principles, as we have already observ'd, and as you [...]ll afterwards see. We may also add, That the Books of Hippocrates, that consist most of Reasoning, or that contain most Philosophy, are those which are attributed to other Authors; as the Book of the Nature of Man; that of the Nature of an Infant; that of Winds; the first of Diet; and some others.

As to what remains, we ought to make this Remark, That the Skill of Hippocrates, and of all the Physicians that came after him, and that imitated him in relation to Prognosticks, [Page 227]made the people, that knew not how far their knowledge cou'd extend in this matter, look upon them as Prophets, and require of them things that were above their power. Some of them were glad to amuse the Vulgar, and keep them in this opinion, for the profit they hop'd to gain from it, saying, Since the People are willing to be deceiv'd, so let them be.

That that puts several of our Physicians now upon the pursuit of this uncharitable and dis­honorable Maxim, is their observation, That in effect the World will be deceiv'd; and that they often see Physicians, that thinking them­selves other ways qualified enough to satisfie reasonable Patients, will not become Con­jurers and Mountebanks, are those that have the least business, or that quit it: And what do they quit it for? To insinuate them­selves amongst a wretched sort of People, that sometimes can neither write nor read; and that some may come seeking for them a great way off, to know of them, upon the sight of a glass of Urine, what distemper they dis­cover, which if the Patient was present they cou'd know nothing at all of. When I talk here of the People, I wou'd not have it meant simply what they call the Mob or Dregs of the People; the Vulgar, or People, which I mean; meet equally in all conditions, and always makes the greatest number in all Societies. It happens also, I know not how, that some Men, that in other things have good Sense and Know­ledge, and are very skilful in other matters, seem to be wholly depriv'd of their Under­standing and Judgment, when it acts con­cerning these pretended Prophets, from whom they receive as great impressions as the meanest of the people.

To return to Hippocrates; it's a thing very remarkable, and that which adds very much to his Merit and Reputation, that having liv'd in an Age when Physick was, as you have [Page 228]seen, altogether Superstitious, yet suffer'd not himself to be carried down the Torrent with the rest; so that neither his Reasonings, or his Observations, nor his Remedies, have the least mixture of this weakness, so common in those Times, and yet common still even amongst some Physicians. We don't see that his Prog­nosticks had any other foundation than from the pure nature of things. It [...]s true, in his Book of Dreams, he talks of some Sacrifices or Ceremonies which ought to be perform'd to some certain Deities, according to the nature of the Dreams we dreamt. But these were only Duties, which Religion necessarily en­gag'd Men to. His good sense appear'd in ano­ther place, particularly when in the same Book he solves Dreams, by what has been said or done in the day time; from whence he draws consequences to judge of the condition of the body, according as 'tis charg'd with Choler, Phlegm, Blood, &c. which he brings in as the Causes on which depends the difference of Dreams, and the circumstances that accompany them. We'll speak one word more of the aversion he had to superstition, in what related to Remedies, and the cure of Diseases, when we come to the Chapter of Purgation.

CHAP. V. Of the sorts of Diseases that Hippo­crates knew, gave names to, or describ'd.

THE particular Diseases, which are men­tioned in the Writings of Hippocrates, may be reduc [...]d to five different Classes. The first is of distempers, whose names have been never chang'd, and that have been known ever since to [Page 229]the Greek Physicians, by the same names and signs as they were distinguish'd by this ancient Physician. This first Class is the most considerable, and contains alone a much greater number of di­stempers, than the four following put all to­gether. The second includes those which have not preserved their names, altho' they have been known and distinguish'd by the accidents which Hippocrates attributed to them. I put in the third Class some distempers which he gave no name to, but only a simple description of. And in the fourth, those, that tho' they are nam'd and describ'd exactly in the Works that are allow'd to be his, yet notwithstanding have not been known since that time, either by their names, which were grown out of use, or by the description the Author gives of them. The fifth and last Class, is of those that have names which were no longer known, and that at the same time there were no descriptions of; so that we can speak almost no­thing of them but by conjecture.

CHAP. VI. A Catalogue of the Diseases of the first Class, or of those whose Greek Names are preserv'd, and have always conti­nued very near the same.

WE'll rank every one of these Diseases in an Alphabetical order, according to their English Names, which are partly deriv'd from the Greek, which we'll put at the bottom of the page.

  • A(a) ABscesse or Aposthume. (b) Alphus, a cu­taneous distemper(c) Alopecy, a dis­ease of the head, when the hair falls off, or is thin in several places.(d) Almonds, diseases of this part, inflamation, suppuration, ulce­ration.(e) Anus, the falling down, relaxa­tion, or invertion of it. Vid. Hemorrhoids, inflamation of the Anus. (f) Ancyle or Ancy­losis, a contraction of the Joints.(g) Aphony, loss of voice.(h) Apthae, Ulcers of the mouth.(i) Apoplexy, a sudden privation of sense and motion. Appetite, loss of Appetite; v. Loathing. Appetite deprav [...]d of those that eat earth and stones, v Colour, and the distemper of Women [Page 231]with Child.(k) Afterbirth retain'd.(l) Asthma, a sort of difficulty of breathing; v. Dispnea. (m) Abortion.(n) Arms shorter, and of a less proportion than they ought to be.
  • B(a) BOunch-back'd. (b) Branchus, a sort of a defluxion, hoarseness.(c) Buboes, swellings of the Glands in general, and parti­cularly those of the Groin. Brain inflam'd, v. Inflamation. Brain gangren'd, v. Sphacclus. Brain mov'd, v. commotion. Brain dropsical, v. Dropsie. (d) Blood-shot of the Eyes.(e) A dry Blood-shot.(f) Baldness.(g) The body torpid or languid.(h) Blood, vomiting of blood; great loss of blood by Stool in a burning Fever. Loss of blood, v. Haemorr­hage. (i) Barrenness, v. Womb. (k) The Bladder clos'd or stopp'd, v. Ʋrine. Tuber­cule of the Bladder, v. Tubercule. Stone of the Bladder, v. Stone.
  • [Page 232]C(a) CAchexy: An ill habit of the fleshy parts of the body, caus'd by the corruption and aboundance of humours. (b) Cancer, a sort of a Tumour.(c) An outward Cancer.(d) An inward Cancer.(e) An hereditary Cancer, or that's born with one. Cancer of the Throat, of the Breast, of the Womb, and of other parts; a Cancerous Ulcer.(f) Car­dialgy, pain of the Stomach, Heart burning.(g) Carie. (h) Carus, a sort of a dead sleep, and out of which there's no raising the Pa­tient.(i) Cataphora, another sort of extraor­dinary dead sleep.(k) Catarrh, or defluxion upon some part, v. Rheum. (l) A salt Catarrh, nitrous, acrid, and hot.(m) Catarrhs that kill suddenly.(n) Catochus, A Disease, in which the Patient continues inflexible, with his eyes open, without knowledge or motion. (nn) Car­buncle, a sort of Tumour. Causus, v. Fever. (o) Cholera, a sudden discharge of humours up­ward and downward.(p) A wet Cholera; a dry Cholera. Chordapsus, v. Ileus. (q) Coma, a sort of a dead deep sleep. (r) Coma watch­ing, a sort of dead sleep, or sleeping with one's eyes open. (s) Contusion or Bruis. (t) Con­vulsions, involuntary contractions of the Muscles. [Page 233] (u) Coryza, a sort of Catarrh, a heaviness of the head, with a Rheum.(w) An ill colour, paleness or greenness of look, in persons that have a deprav'd appetite, and eat earth or stone.(x) The chapping of the Tongue or Lips.(y) Commotion or Concussion of the Brain.(yy) Cold in the extreme, which is felt in cer­tain Fevers, and can scarce be taken off.(z) Chilblains.(zz) Cough.
  • D.(a) DElirium. (b) Diarrhaea, Looseness.(c) Dy­sentery, violent pains in the Bowels, ac­companied often with a flux of blood. (d) Disp­naea, difficulty of breathing in general. (e) Disury, a difficulty of making Water, with pains. v. Stran­gury, and Urine suppress [...]d.(f) Distortions, v. Luxations. (g) Dropsies of many sorts; ge­neral and particular.(h) Dropsie call [...]d Hypo­sarcidios. (i) Dropsie call [...]d Leucophlegmatia. (k) Dropsie caus'd by Wind.(l) Dropsie dry.(m) Dropsie of the Lungs. (mm) Dropsie of the Breast, caus'd by the breaking of the Pustules rising on the Lungs: Dropsie of the Eesticules, of the Womb, of the Head.(n) Dis­ease, call'd Sacred; the Disease of Hercules; [Page 234]the great Disease: Falling-sickness, v. Epi­lepsie. The dry Disease, the belching Disease, the Disease of the hollow veins, the Disease of the Hypochondra, the putrifying Disease, the gross Disease, the Disease of the Scythians, the black and blue Disease, the black Disease, the Disease call'd Cura, the Phaenician Disease: See the Diseases of the following Classes. The Disease of Virgins, v. Virgins. Diseases of Women with Child, that have their Appetitites deprav'd, v. Appetite.(o) Deafness, v. Ear, hearing.
  • E.(a) EMphrosthotonos; a sort of Convulsion, where the Body is forc'd to bend for­ward.(b) Empyema; a collection of purulent Matter in the Thorax. Ephelides, v. Spots.(c) Epilepsie; Falling-sickness, Passio Sacra, Morbus Comitialis, the Disease of Hercules, &c. (d) Epilepsie of Infants.(e) Epinyctides, a sort of Pustules. (f) Erection hinder'd, or want of Erection.(g) Erysipelas, a sort of Tumour, St. Anthony's Fire; Erysip▪ of all the Parts of the Body, of the Face, of the Lungs, of the Womb: Erysipelas, with Ulcers malignant, with corruption, and falling of the hair. See this underneath, in the Diseases of the third Class. [Page 235] (h) Exanthemata, o [...] [...]sings on the skin, the different sorts are these: Exanth. accompa­nied with an itching and heat, as if [...]hey were on fire Exanth. or little spots round and red. Exanth. like spots that remain after the sting­ing of Gnats. Exanth. which resemble the wheals left after whipping. Exanth. where the skin appears as if it was torn.(i) Extasie, a Trance, being ravish'd, or forgetting ones self. (k) Extasie with Melancholy.(l) Extension violent of the Fibres, v. Distortion.(m) Ears, swellings behind the ears, v. Parotides. (n) Ears moist in little Children.(o) Pains in the Ear.(p) Noise and singing in the Ears.(q) Push or Pimple on the Eye-lid.(qq) Eye-lids sore, scabby.(r) Eye-lids beset inside and outside with Excrescences of flesh, in the form of Figs or Warts. Tubercle, or a little swelling of the Eye-lids, v. Wart.(s) Inversion of the Eye-lids.(t) Eye-lids when the hair is turn [...]d inward.(u) Eye-lids joyn'd or clung together.(w) Eyes a-cross, as your Squint-ey'd persons have.(x) Clouds or Mists appearing before the eyes. Speck and Scars, some white, some of other colours, that hinder sight, v. Pupil.(y) Cataract in the eye.(z) Ulcer of the eye.(zz) Eye burst, v. Pupil. Eyes inflam [...]d, v. Opthalmy. Eyes clung together, v. Eye-lids.
  • [Page 236]F.(a) FLesh superfluous, or Excrescence of the flesh, v. Pudenda: Falling away of the flesh, v. Erysi [...]elas. (b) Face awry, without any other illness.(c) Fire, v. Fever.(d) Wild­sire, a sort of Tetter or Ring-worm.(e) Fever.(f) F. Intermittent.(g) F. continual.(h) F. Quo­tidian.(i) F. Tertian.(k) Hemitritus, or Ter­tian and half.(l) F. Quartan.(m) Fever of five, of seven, of nine days each.(n) F. of a day.(o) F. of a night.(p) F. burning, other­wise call'd Causus. (q) F burning, call'd fire.(r) F. kind.(s) F. malignant.(t) Fever that has exacerbations.(u) F. burning.(w) F. cold.(x) F. Lipy [...]y; or the outward Parts cold, while the inwards are burning. (y) F. moist(z) Fe­ver dry.(a) F. salt.(b) F. windy.(c) F. red.(d) F. livid.(e) F. pale.(f) F. restless.(g) Fe­ver inconstant.(h) F. long and slow.(i) A little continual Fever.(k) F. errant.(l) F. acute.(m) F. terrible to the sight.(n) F. whose heat is soft or rough to the hand.(o) F. killing.(p) F. soft or gentle.(q) F. accompanied with [Page 237]the Hickup.(r) F. where the light is dim.(s) Fever laborious or tiresome.(t) F. mode­rate in its heat.(u) Fever irregular.(w) Fe­ver vertiginous.(x) Fever that has the ap­pearance of a Tertian.(y) F. viscous.(z) Fever caus [...]d by pure Bile.(a) F. of the Winter.(b) Fistula a sort of Ʋlcer. (b) Fistula in Ano, v. Tubercule. (c) Flux or loss of blood of Wo­men that continues much longer than their Months, and whose colour is sometimes red, now and then white, sometimes yellowish, &c. See a little further in the cure of the Diseases of Women, v. Months.(d) Fluxion, v. Catarrh, Rheum, Branchus, Corysa.(e) Folly, Thun­der-struck, a distemper where one is depriv'd of all sense on a sudden as if struck with Light­ning, v. Apoplexy. Another disease, where they have after death their sides black and blue, as if they were murder'd, or bruis'd with Light­ning, v. Pleurisie.(f) Fractures of the bones.(g) Frica Rigour, shaking with the cold.(h) A Fellon or Bile: Flowings of Women, v. Flux.(i) Fear in sleeping, the distemper of little Children.
  • [Page 238]G.(a) COntinual Gaping.(b) Gripes.(c) Gan­grene.(d) Gums; the itching of the Gums of Infants.(e) Gums full of round Carbuncles, or little black and blue swellings.(f) Black Gums; Impostumation of the Gums. Glands, v. Bubo's, scrophulous humours.(g) Glaucosis or Glaucoma, distemper of the eye.(h) Gongronae swellings, a disease of the Neck.(i) Gout.(k) Gout, with hard stony Matter in the Joints, v. Tubercules. (l) Gravel, v. Stone, Kidnies. (m) Gut, the great Gut in­flamed. The falling down of the great Gut, v. Anus. Gripes, v. Dysentery.
  • H.(a) HOarsness, v. Branchus. (b) Hunger.(c) Hemorrhage; loss of blood in gene­ral.(d) Hemorrhoids; swellings of the Anus. Hemorrhoids, with the falling down of the Anus, v. Anus. (e) Herpes, swellings ulcerated that run farther and farther.(f) Hickup. (g) Hypochondra; ('tis the name which Hippo­crates gives to the Parts that are immediately under the short Ribs) swoln, tense, with rum­blings, [Page 239] &c. These are the different disposi­tions of the Parts, and the Accidents or Signs that precede or follow certain Diseases; the disease of the Hypochondra, v. in the distem­pers of the second Class.(h) Hypoglossis; a swelling under the Tongue.(i) Hearing; hardness of hearing, v. Deafness.(k) Hair; the disease when the hair falls off from all Parts of the Body, v. Alopecy, baldness.(l) Head sharp like a Sugar-Loaf.(m) Pain in the head.(n) Heaviness of the head.(o) Pain of the head, with purulent Matter running from the Nose. (p) Pain of the head, caus'd by water inclos'd in the Brain, or within the Skull, v. Dropsie.
  • I.(a) ITch.(b) Jaundice, or Icterus, a Disease of the skin; the yellow or pale Jaundice arising from the Liver; black Jaundice from the Spleen; other sorts of this disease, v. Ileus. (c) Ileus, a distemper of the Guts, one within the other, that the Excrements can't pass.(d) Ileus accompanied with the Jaundice.(e) Ileus bloody.(f) Inflamation; such a dis­position of Parts, that you feel an extraordinary heat and burning, whether there be a swelling or not. Inflamation of the Lungs, v. Peripneu­mony. (g) Jaw mortified, fallen after a pain in the Teeth; and after having had Excre­scences of flesh upon it.
  • [Page 240]K.(a) KIngs Evil; distemper of the Glands. (b) Kidnies, Reins, v. Nephritis.
  • L.(a) HArd Labour, v. Purgations and After­birth. (b) Lameness, settled Lameness. (c) Liver, inflamation and pain in the Liver; Liver inflated hard, and Impostumated.(d) Le­prosie, a distemper of the skin.(e) Lethargy, a sort of sleepiness, with a Fever, and memory failing: A sort of Lethargy where the Lungs are affected.(f) Leuca, a distemper of the skin, that becomes white in some places. Lips, Ulcers of the Lips, v. Apthae. Lichon. v. Tetter. (g) Lientery, a disease when you void by Excre­ment your Food the same you took it in, or but a little chang'd. (h) Loins, pain in the Back or Loins.(i) Luxations or distortions. Lungs inflam'd, v. Peripneumony.(k) Lobes of the Lungs convuls'd. Dropsie of the Lungs, v. Dropsie. Little swellings or knobs of the Lungs, v. Wart. Swellings of the veins in the Lungs, v. Varix.
  • [Page 241]M.(a) MOuth; the ill smell of the mouth.(aa) Wry mouths, Ulcers of the mouth, v. Apthae. (b) Madness, v. Folly.(c) Raving madness.(d) Melancholy, or melancholy di­stempers.(e) Months in too great a quantity.(f) Months in too small a quantity.(g) Months without colour.(h) Months without mixture(i) Months stopp'd.(k) Months purulent, like pieces of Membrances, or Spiders Web, con­sisting of phlegm, matter, black, grumous, acrid, bilious, salt, &c. Months that ascend towards the breasts, &c. v Flux and Purga­tions.(l) Mola, a lump of flesh growing in the Womb.
  • N.(a) NEck awry.(b) Nauseating of Victuals common to Women with Child, and accompanied with an inclination to vomit.(c) Nephritis; a disease of the Kidnies, accom­panied with pains, suppression of Urine, and other symptoms, v. Stone. Nose, more than ordinary moistness of the Nose; a sort of de­fluxion, v. Coryza. (d) Navil inflam'd, ulce­rated, and open from the birth.(e) Nyctalopy, a distemper of those that see better in the night than in the day.
  • [Page 242]O.(a) OIdema; swellings and tumors in general, v. Tumor. Omentum, or the Caul; the falling down of it into the Groin, v. Tumor.(b) Opthalmy, or inflarnation of the eyes, moist and dry(c) Opisthotonos, a sort of Convulsion, where the body bends backward.(d) Orthopny, a sort of difficulty of breathing, that the Patient can [...]t lie down in his Bed, v. Dispnea, Asthma.
  • P.(a) PAlate; Imposthumations and Ulcers cor­roding the Palate. The falling or sepa­ration of the bone of the Palate and the Teeth, from whence follows the sinking of the Nose.(b) Palpitation of the Heart; Palpitation of the flesh in all parts of the body; Palpitation between the Navel and the Cartilage, that [...]s to­wards the stomach.(c) Palsie, a privation of sense and motion, universal and particular [Page 243] (d) Paronychia or Panaris, a Whitlow, or sore under the nails that's very painful.(e) Paro­tides, swellings of the Glands behind the Ears.(f) Pudenda, excrescence of flesh at the entrance of the secret parts of Women, the rotting and falling off of the hairs of those parts, v. Eresy­pelas. (g) Peripneumony, inflamation of the Lungs.(h) Perirrhaea, a great discharge of humours, particularly by Urine.(i) Plague and Pestilential distempers. Phagedaena, v Ul­cer. White phlegm, v. Leucophlegmaty. Phlegmon, v. Inflamation.(k) Phlyctenae, a sort of pimples and risings on the skin, like those that come after a burn. (l) Phrenesis, an acute Fever, with a strong delirium. (m) Phthisis, a disease when the body consumes away (n) Phthisis of the back.(o) Phthisis nephritick, or that comes from the Reins.(p) Phthisis from the [Page 244]Hips.(q) Phthisis, from the general habit of body; that is, from the flesh.(r) Prickings all over the body, and in particular at the end of the tongue.(rr) Pityriasis, a disease when the hairs fall off, and Scurf or Scales rise on the skin of the head. Pleurisie, a pain in the side, with a continual Fever. (t) Pleurisie moist, when the Patient expectorates.(u) Pleurisie dry, when he does not spit at all.(w) Pleu­risie, in which after death the sides are black and blue, like those that have been struck with Thunder.(ww) Pollutions Nocturnal, v. Seed.(x) Polypus, an excrescence of the flesh in the Nose.(y) Putrefaction of the flesh of the Pu­denda. Putrefaction, v. Gangrene. (z) The Pupil of the eye spoil [...]d.(a) The Pupil of the eye whitish, of a silver colour, of the colour of Sea-water, of a Sky-colour.(b) The Pu­pil out of its place.(c) The Pupil appearing less or greater, and angular.(d) The stand­ing out of the Pupil, when the eyes burst.(e) A Scar on the Pupil.(f) Ulcer of the Pu­pil, v. Sight and Eyes. Pulsation of the Hypo­chondra, v. Palpitation.(g) Purgations, that follow the suppression of the Lochia Purga­tions,(s) [Page 245]or the matter of them ascending even to the Lungs and Head, and issuing out of the Nose and Mouth, &c. Pustules, pimples or risings on the skin of several sorts, v. Exanthe­mata, Terminthi, Epinyctides. (h) Pustules arising from sweat that's acrimonious, with a corroding salt that ulcerates the skin.
  • Q.(a) QUinsie, a distemper of the Throat. (b) Quin­sie, extending it self, or throwing it self on the Lungs. Quinsie, following an in­ward luxation of the vertebrae of the Neck, and which ends in a Palsie.
  • R.(a) RIsings on the skin, or pimples, v. Exan­themata. (b) Restlesness of Patients impossiblity to continue in one place.(c) Re­spiration hinder'd, v. Dispnaea, Orthopnaea; Asthma, Rheum, v. Defluxion.(d) Rupture of the breast or back.(e) Rupture, or break­ing of some Vessel or Imposthume within the body.
  • [Page 246]S.(a) Tuttering, v. Tongue-ty'd. Stone, or the(b) Stone in the Kid [...]ies and Bladder.(c) Spitting blood; Skull when its bones sepa­rate one from another, v. Sphacelus. (d) Swoon­ing, Swelling, v. Oidema (e) Stupefaction.(f) Spine of the back bent inwardly.(g) Spine of the back that goes awry, or that bends to right or left.(h) Sudden surprize or stupe­faction.(i) Scab, skin(k) rising up in Scales.(l) Snoring.(m) Spleen, inflamation of the Spleen.(n) Spleen swoln.(o) A great Spleen, Sporting, v. Snoring.(p) Frequent Salivation, Sa [...]ri [...]smus, v. Parotides. (q) Sciatick, Scrotum, v. Tumors.(r) Seed, involuntary flux of Seed, v▪ Pollutions. Deep sleep, v. Carus, Catochus, Coma, Lethargy Sphacelus, a sort of Gangrene, v▪ Gangrene.(s) Strangury, Urine coming out drop by drop with pain, v. Dysury. Suf­focation of the Womb, v. Womb.(t) Super­fetation.(u) Spots on the Legs by being too near the fire.(w) Spots on the face by being too much in the Sun White specks in the eyes, v. Eyes.(x) Stones big or swoln. Varices, and other swellings of the Stones, v. Tumors.(y) Sight, dimness of sight; the sight of those that see better in the night than in the day, v. Nyc [...]alopy. (z) Loss of sight, blindness, v. Pupil, Eye-lids, Eyes.
  • [Page 247]T.(a) TEtters.(b) Teeth; pains in the Teeth.(c) Teeth benumm'd.(d) Grinding of the Teeth.(e) Teeth gnash'd one against the other. Rotten Teeth, v. Sphacelus. The fal­ling out of the Teeth, falling down of the Jaw, and of the Palate, v. Jaws, Palate.(f) Tongue-ty'd, that causes an hesitation in speaking.(g) Too great a volubility of the Tongue, that occasions stammering.(h) Te­nesmus, or pain in going to Stool.(i) Termin­thi, a sort of Pustules.(k) Tetanus, a sort of Convulsion, where all the Muscles are extend­ed, and the Body straight.(l) Trembling.(m) Tubercules, or little swellings of divers sorts. Tubercule behind the Ears, v. Parotides. Tubercule on the Gums, v. Gums.(n) Tu­bercule crude in the Lungs.(o) Tuberc about the Bladder.(p) Tuberc. in the Ʋrethra. (q) Tubercules, or little hard swellings rising in the face.(qq) Tuberc. hard and stony of the joints of gouty persons, and that oftentimes come on the Tongue.(r) Tuberc. hard about the Anus, whence follows an Abscesse, and at last a Fistula, or a fistulous Ulcer that perfo­rates the Gut.(s) Tumors and swellings in general, v. Oidema. (t) Hard Tumors(u) Scro­phulous [Page 248]Tumors, v. Kings-Evil.(w) Tumors of the Groin, of the Scrotum, of the Testicules caus'd by the falling down of the Omentum, or the Intestines; or by the Varices of the Testi­cules; or by water collected in the Scrotum. (x) Typhomany, v. the distempers of the fifth Class. Typhus, v. those of the fourth.
  • U.(a) UVula relax'd.(b) Uvula contracted.(c) Uvula as it were dissolved or cor­rupted.(d) Varices; veins swoln, or very much dilated: Varix of the Lungs.(e) Veins obstructed, that hinder the motion of the blood.(f) Veins throwing out blood upon the brain, v. in the following Classes.(g) Virgins, the Diseases of Virgins.(h) Ulcers.(i) Ulcers of the head, with a running humour like honey.(k) Ulcers malignant and corroding.(l) Fistu­lous Ulcers, v. Fistula.(m) Scrophulous Ul­cers, v. Kings Evil and Tumours.(n) Urine stopp'd; difficulty of making water: Urine coming out drop by drop, v. Dysury, Stran­gury
  • [Page 249]W.(a) WOmb; several distempers of it.(aa) Its being out of its proper place.(b) The falling down of the Womb.(c) Suffocation of the Womb and Mother. The swelling of the Womb, caus'd by water or wind, v. Drop­sie. Excrescence of flesh growing at the en­trance of the outward neck of the Womb, v. Pu­denda; swelling and hardness of the orifice of the Womb. The closing of it, causing bar­renness or suppression of the Months. The folding or twisting of the orifice. The orifice too much open. Womb putrify'd, inflam [...]d, full of phlegm, ulcerated, cancerated, &c. v. further on the cure of the Diseases of Wo­men.(d) A Wart, Tubercule, or little swelling on the Eye-lids.(e) Wounds.(f) Warts.(g) Worms.(h) Worms round and long.(i) Large and smooth.(k) Worms call'd Ascarides, which are about the Anus, and sometimes in the Pudenda of Women.(l) Ver­tigo.(m) Vertigo, with a mist over the eyes.

You see what are the Diseases of the first Class, which we leave at the present, with a design to give the definition, or the more exact description of them, and to observe some other circumstances relating to their Nature, Signs and Causes, in the Chapter of Galen.

CHAP. VII. The distempers of the second Class, or that have not preserv'd the names which Hippocrates gives them, tho' they have been known by the accidents or symptoms that he ascrib [...]d to them.

THis is the description that Hippocrates gives of a disease he calls [...] the drying or dry disease: ‘These, says he, that are seiz'd with it, can neither be without eating, nor can their stomachs bear or digest what they have eaten. When they don't eat, their Guts rumble and make a noise, and they feel a pain in the orifice of their stomach; they vomit sometimes one sort of humour, sometimes another. They throw up Bile, Spittle, Phlegm, and acrid Matter; and after they have vomi­ted, they think themselves a little better. But when they have taken any nourishment, they are troubled with belchings, their face looks red, and they burn like fire. They think they have a great occasion to go to Scool, and when they come there, oftentimes nothing but wind comes from them. They have pains in their head, and feel prickings all over their body, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, as if they were prick [...]d with Needles. Their L [...]gs are heavy and feeble, they consume away, and grow weak by little and little. He adds further, This distemper is of long continuance, and does not leave the Patient till hes old, supposing he does not die before that time.’

This description agrees pretty well with a disease which is call [...]d in the following dis­course [Page 251]the Disease of the Hypochondra: That which Hippocrates calls the Belching Disease; that is to say, where they belch frequently, is a species or branch of the same, as well as the black distemper he speaks of a little after.

As to the disease which he names [...] Care a grievous disease. Care, that according to his report is very dismal, you may place it under the melancholy di­stempers, of which Hippocrates himself speaks in another place, and which we have put amongst those of the precedent Class. In this distemper, says he, you feel something like a thorn pricking your entrails. Those that are taken with it are extreamly restless and unquiet, they avoid the light and company, they are pleas'd with dark­ness, and are afraid of every thing; the Mem­brane that parts the Abdomen from the Breast swells out. When you touch them they fell pain, and are very much afraid of being hurt; they dream horrid dreams, and think they see of a sud­den frightful Objects, or dead Bodies.

CHAP. VIII. The Diseases of the third Class, which are those which Hippocrates gave no name to, but which we mây, or think we may, know by the description he gives of them.

HIppocrates speaking of the accidents that happen to those that have a large Spleen, says, That their Prorrhe­tic. lib. 2. gums are corrupted, and their breath smells ill He adds, That if they have not some Hemorrhage, and the mouth does not smell ill, they are troubled with Ʋlcers and Cicatrice's, or black spots on their Legs. Some pretend 'tis the distemper which Pliny speaks [Page 252]of, and is at this time very common amongst the Northern People.

Hippocrates in another place giving an exact relation of several accidents that accompanied a distemper that was become Epidemick, and of which he observes more died than lived after it, says, That the accidents or symptoms were reduc'd to these,Epidem. lib. 3. sect. 3. Erysipelas's or malignant Tetters, sore Throat with hoarsness, a burning Fever with a delirium, corroding Ʋlcers in the mouth, swellings on the Pudenda, inflamations of the Eyes, Carbuncles, disorders in the Bowels, great loss of Appetite, troubled Ʋrine, and in large quantities, sometimes doziness, and at ano­ther time watchings, no entire or perfect ceasing of these disorders so as for the better, or to be term [...]d a happy conclusion of them, but a change that pro­duced Dropsies and Consumptions.

After having begun in this manner, he adds, That in several of these Patients, the very small Ʋlcers degenerated into Tetters, or Erysipelas's, which spread themselves in all Parts of the body, and came particularly about the head to Men of sixty years of age, upon the least neglect of their distemper. At the same time, says he, further, That they actually applied remedies, of a sudden there arose Inflamations and Tetters, which spread themselves all about. When these Tetters came to suppuration, you might see flesh and Tendons fall off from several, and their bones come away from them; and that which runs from these Ʋlcers, was not like to purulent Matter, but was a par­ticular sort of corruption of several colours, and in great aboundance. Those also that happen [...]d to have the same about the Head, lost their hair from the Part; as also from the Chin, the bones were seen altogether waked, and some of them dropt off. These symptoms were sometimes with a Fever, sometimes without, and commonly they were in greater fear than danger, at least those, when in the distemper, the Matter came to a good di­gestion and suppuration, for they most of them, [Page 253]escap'd. But those whose Erysipelas, or Inflamation, did not suppurate, almost all of them died, in what­ever Part the Erysipelas came, the same thing happen'd. From one a whole Arm wou [...]d fall off; that is to say, it wou'd iutirely loose all the flesh that cover'd it. With another, the sides, or any part of the body, before or behind, were expos [...]d to the same danger. And it sometimes happen [...]d, that the whole Hip, Leg or Foot, were left altogether naked, without any flesh; but those whose Abdo­men, or Privy Parts, were touch'd with it, suffer [...]d more than all the rest.

I have drawn at length the description of this distemper, that we may compare it with that of some others, which we shall speak of in the sequel of this History, and which have been look [...]d upon by the greatest part of Phy­sicians as new, and not known in the time of Hippocrates, nor a long time after him, altho' they are found accompanied with symptoms which have a relation with some of those we have touch [...]d upon. You'll find also other ex­amples of diseases, which have been thought new in regard to those that are found describ'd in Hippocrates, or which they pretend had their beginning at a certain time. 'Tis what we [...]ll inquire into as opportunity shall offer it self; and 'twas chiefly in regard to this, that I thought my self oblig'd at least to give an ac­count of the Names of the diseases this ancient Physician had knowledge of; that, as we have already said, we might compare his descrip­tions with those that follow.

We may put in this Class the distemper pe­culiar to the Scythians, which Herodotus makes mention of, and attributes to the anger of Venus Ʋrania, whose Temple was pillaged by them. This is what Hippocrates has writ of it: ‘Ma­ny, says he, among the Scythians become Eunuchs, do every thing that Women are accustom'd to do, and talk or discourse as if they were so; from whence they are call'd [Page 254]Effeminate. The Inhabitants of the Country, that impute the Cause of this distemper to God, or the Deity, have a great veneration for those that are seiz [...]d with it, and in a manner worship them, for fear the same thing shou [...]d happen to themselves. For my part, continues Hippocrates, I believe truly, that these sorts of distempers are Divine as well as others, and that there's no distemper more Divine or Humane one than another, but that they are all Divine; that every one has its particular nature, and that there is never a one where Nature has not its part. I'll tell you then from whence I think this malady comes. The Scythians are subject to certain Rheumatisms on the Joints, which are very stubborn, and continue a long time; which happens to them, because they are continually on Horseback, and their Legs hanging down. When this distemper has had its period they become Lame, by reason of the contraction of their Thighs, and the man­ner of their management is this. At the be­ginning of this distemper, they open the veins behind the Ears, and being weaken [...]d and dispirited by the loss of a great quantity of blood they fall asleep; and some of them, when they awake, find themselves well. In my opinion, they ruine themselves by this manner of management, for those that have their veins behind their Ears open [...]d, become uncapable of generation; and that's their misfortune. When they come to their Wives and find they are not fit for enjoyment, they are not immediately much concern [...]d, but when they find they continue impotent, then they imagine they have offended the God, or the Divinity to whom they ascribe the cause of their disgrace. After which they take the habit of a Woman, and publickly declare they are no longer Men; they con­verse with the Women, and appear in all re­spects [Page 255]as such. We must observe, that there are none but the richest of the Scythians, or those of the greatest quality, that are subject to this disease, and that the poor are never seiz'd with it; without doubt, the reason of it is, because the first are almost always on Horseback, and the latter but seldom. If this disease was more divine than others, it ought not to attack the wealthiest, and the greatest Men only, but be equally common to all. It shou'd rather happen, that the poor People shou'd be more expos'd than the rich, especially if the Gods take pleasure that Men shou'd admire and adore them, and for that reason bestow their benefits on them. For the rich offer Sacrifices and Oblations to 'em, serve 'em, and erect Statues oftner than the poor, because they have wherewithal to do it; whereas the other have not, and instead of adoration oftentimes curse the Gods, that they have not given them Plenty and Riches. So that it wou [...]d be more agreeable to reason, that the poor and needy shou [...]d be punish'd with this disease, for their wickedness, rather than the rich. This distemper then is truly Divine, as I said at first, but all others are so too, and come naturally at the same time to all People.’

The opinion of Hippocrates, concerning the distinction that the Gods ought to make be­tween the Rich and the Poor, in relation to Sacrifices, might give an occasion to some to accuse him of taking too great a liberty in Matters of Religion; but they might as well, and with the same reason, blame Homer, when in several places he introduces Jupiter laying aside all business, to go and take part of a Collation; that is to say, to sup up the smoak of a Sacri­fice of the Ethiopians, with all the Train of Gods after him. It appears also, by what Hippocrates says relating to the cause of this distemper, that he was not at all superstitious, [Page 256]as we have observ'd before, and his thoughts on this subject are very well worthy of the Age in which Socrates liv'd, with whom he was al­most contemporary. It seems probable to others, that this distemper of the Scythians fell upon the Rich oftner than the Poor, by the same reason that we see every day, that Per­sons of Estates are more subject to the Hypo­chondriack Affection, than those of meaner For­tunes, which you [...]ll easily find to be true.

CHAP. IX. Diseases of the fourth Class, that have not been known to the Physicians that liv'd since Hippocrates. neither by the description he has given of them, nor by the names he gives them, which have not been in use since.

AMongst the distempers of this Class, which are not many in number, no more than those of the two precedent ones, the most re­markable are these two; the [...]. Typhus, and [...]. the thick or gross disease: these are the names which Hippocrates gives them. Some of his Commentators were of opinion, that the first of these was a sort of a burning Fever, which caus'd a delirium with stupefaction. You'll see by the description whether they have hit right.

According to our Author, there are five sorts of Typhus's: The first is really a ‘continual Fever, that takes away all the strength of the Patient, accompanied with pains in the belly, and a heat or inflamation in the eyes, that he cannot look steady upon any thing; besides, not being able to answer to any [Page 257]that's ask'd him, by reason of the great pain he lies under, unless when he is just dying, then he talks, and looks stern and bold.’

The second sort begins with ‘a Tertian or Quartan Ague, and after that come pains in the head. The Patient spits in abundance, and throws up some Worms by the Mouth; his eyes are painful to him, his visage looks pale, he has a tumour or soft swelling in his feet, and sometimes all over the body; some­time his breast and back pain him, his belly rumbles and makes a noise, his eyes look fierce, he hauks and spits much, and his spittle sticks to his Throat, that makes his voice squeak.’

The third sort distinguishes it self from the rest, by the ‘mighty quick sharp pains in the joints, and sometimes all over the body. The blood corrupted by the Bile stops, and is co­agulated about the Hips; and the Bile de­tain [...]d in the joints growing hard like a gravel stone, the Patient becomes lame.’

The fourth sort is known by the ‘great tenseness, rising up, and heat of the belly; after which follows a Looseness, which some­times leads the way to a Dropsie, and is also accompanied sometimes with a Fever.’

The fifth and last has for its signs, ‘a pale­ness and transparency of the whole body, like that of a bladder full of water, yet without any swelling; on the contrary, the body is extenuated, dry and feeble, especially to­wards the neck-bones and the face; the eyes are very much sunk in, and the body also is sometimes black. The Patient seldom winks with his eyes, he feels about with his hands upon the Covering of the Bed, as if he wou [...]d pick Wooll or Straws. He finds himself more charg'd and fuller after eating, than when he was well; he loves the smell of a Lamp put out; he has oftentimes pullutions when he [Page 258]sleeps, and the same thing happens to him when awake.’

So much for the Typhus; the thick or gross disease is no less particular, and there is more than one sort of it. ‘The first is caus'd by phlegm and choler, which discharge them­selves in the Abdomen and inflate it, and are evacuated up and down like a Torrent. The Patient is taken with a shivering and fever; the pain passes from the Abdomen to the Head, and when it descends to the entrails it causes a Suffocation. Sometimes the Patient vomits sowre phlegm, and sometimes salt; after vomiting he has a bitterness in his mouth, red heats appear on his side, and he stoops in the back; he cannot endure to be touch [...]d in any part; and the pain that he feels is so violent, that there's a sort of palpitation or pulse in the flesh; his Testicules are contract­ed, the heat and pain is continued at the same time, even to the Anus and Bladder. He makes thick water, like that of those that are dropsical; the hair falls off from his head, his feet are always cold. At last the pain fixes particularly on the sides, back, and nape of the Neck; and it seems to the Pa­tient, as if something creep'd, or run all about his skin. Sometimes there's a remission of the distemper, other times there's nothing at all of it. The skin of the head becomes red and thick. This distemper continues six years, sometimes ten. Towards the end the Patient sweats in abundance, and the sweat is of a very ill smell. He has oftentimes pol­lutions in his sleep, and the seed he ejects is bloody, and of a livid colour.’ It seems at first as if he was describing the Cholera Morbus, or some sort of Cholick, but that which comes after has no great relation to that.

The second sort of the thick distempers, ‘is caus'd by bile alone, that discharges it self on the Liver and Head. The Liver swells up [Page 259]and presses upon the Diaphragm. The Head, and particularly the Temples, are immedi­ately seiz'd with pain. The Patient is not right in his understanding, and sometimes he sees but very little; an Ague and Fever suc­ceed after the foregoing symptoms. This comes at the beginning of the disease, and then you have by times great remissions, at other times but small ones. The longer the malady continues, the pain grows greater, the Pupils of the eyes are dilated, and the Patient sees not a jot; that tho' you put your finger before his eyes he perceives nothing, and does not so much as wink. But if he has some little sight remaining, he's continu­ally pulling out with his fingers the little flocks of Wooll from the Covering, thinking they are lice or nastiness. But when the Liver extends it self further towards the Diaphragm, the Patient raves, and fancies he has before his eyes all sorts of creeping things, or wild Beasts, or arm'd Men; he wou'd fight with them all, and talks and acts as if he was in an engagement. If you don't give him liberty he threatens, and if you let him go he falls down. He has always his feet cold; if he sleeps 'tis with continual tossing; he's scar'd with frightful dreams, and when he awakes relates all he has done or seen. At other times, he lies a whole day and night without speaking a word, breathing with a great deal of difficulty. He is delirious by intervals; he comes to himself, answers to all questions that are ask'd him, understands every thing that is read to him, but a little while after relapses to his former condition. This disease, says our Author further, falls chiefly on Travellers, or those that passing through uninhabited places, have been frightned with the sight of some Spectre or other.’

The third sort ‘is occasioned by phlegm, which appears by the circumstances the Pa­tient is in, who has a taste as if he had eaten Radishes. This distemper, or the pain that accompanies it, begins in the Legs, from whence it rises to the belly, and diffusing it self in the Intestines, makes a great noise there; after which the Patient vomits up sowre putrid phlegm, but this evacuation gives him no ease; on the contrary, he falls into a delirium, and feels a pain so trouble­some and uneasie in his bowels, and by times a pain in his head so violent and fix [...]d, that he has neither his Understanding nor his Sight, but very confusedly; he sweats plentifully, and his sweat smells ill, but it gives him ease. The colour of the Patient is the same as in a Jaundice; and this distemper is not so mortal oftentimes as the precedent one.’

The fourth sort ‘takes its rise fromYou'll see in the Catalogue of the common dist [...]mpers at the end of this Chapter, what Hippocrates understood by white phlegm. white phlegm, and comes after Fevers that have continued a long time. This distemper be­gins with a swelling in the face, it tends af­terwards to the Abdomen, which swells also. The Patient has a pain upon him like that after hard Exercise, and his belly feels sore, as if it was press'd with a great burthen: The feet swell also. If Rain falls on the ground, he can't bear the smell of it; and if by chance he's expos'd to the Rain, and smells this smell of the ground, he immediately falls. This distemper has some intermissions, but lasts longer than the precedent one; its con­tinuance is for six years.’

We don't find that our Modern Practisers, nor even those amongst the Ancients, that came after Hippocrates, have describ'd any particular distemper attended with so many accidents or symptoms all at once; and we must confess, those we are come to specifie are so many in number, that one would think it impossible for all to happen in one and the same disease. [Page 261]And that that's yet more particular in it is, that Hippocrates, or the Author of the Book we have quoted, makes four or five sorts of each of these distempers, which appear so diffe­rent one from the other, that we cannot ap­prehend why they are rank'd under the same general name.

'Tis that is the reason that the Physicians of After-Ages, that easily knew a Dropsie, for example, a Consumption, a Pleurisie, by the Characters which Hippocrates gave of each, yet knew nothing of the two diseases in question. We may infer from thence, either that the Ty­phus, and thick disease, are no longer in being, and that no body now is affected with them, or that no body at all ever was, and that they are feign'd distempers, and only describ'd to please a humour or fancy. We ought not to rest satisfied with the first conjecture, tho' 'tis not impossible that some diseases may cease to be, as well as they pretend new ones arise: This question shall be treated of hereafter.

There's rather a probability, that those that describ'd this distemper did it to deceive us. You shall see after what manner one may pre­sume the thing came to pas [...].

First, We must know that theProsper Ma [...]a [...], a Roman [...]hy­sici [...], that writ a Comm [...]n­ta [...]y on Hipp [...] ­crates, about the beginning of this Age, is almost the only person of another opinion. greatest part of the Authors, as well Ancient as Modern, do agree, That the Book wherein these diseases are describ'd is not of Hippocrates's writing, but belongs to some of the Works of the Cnidien Physicians, who are mentioned in the forego­ing Book. That which confirms this opinion, is what Galen particularly remarks, viz. That these Physicians reckon'd up four sorts of Jaundices, three sorts of Consumptions, diffe­rent from those that are specified in the Cata­logue of the diseases of the first Class, and that they multiplied after the same manner the sorts of several other distempers, without reason or necessity. Tis then in the same Book that we find all these distinctions, which is an argu­ment [Page 262]that it was after their usual manner of writing. Hippocrates was so far from using the same way, that heDe diaetâ in ac [...]tis, lib. 4. himself has blam'd 'em for making too nice a distinction of Diseases, as if a distemper ought always to be call'd by a different name, because it differs from ano­ther in a little trivial thing, when 'tis the same as to the Essentials or Charactaristicks, by which the genus and species of them are really distin­guish'd. 'Tis the same mistake that Galen found fault with the Empiricks for, who for want of method, had a greater regard to the symptoms or accidents, of which there might be an infinite variety, than to the distemper it self; whence it came that they multiplied diseases ad insinitum.

The same defect in method, which was the cause that the Cnidiens made distinctions when there was no necessity for it, produc'd that dis­order and confusion you find in the description of the Typhus and thick Disease.

In one word, the fault of these Physicians lay in this, That they joyn'd the symptoms of many diseases to one alone, not distinguishing those that were proper to certain particular distempers, and inseparable from them, from those which are common to many.

Lastly, It may be that the fault was in the Copiers, and that these ancient Pieces having pass'd through an infinite number of hands, have been confusedly mix'd with observations different from them, without the Authors ha­ving any share in the disorder.

We may add to these distempers, that that's call'd the great distemper of the hollow veins, and that that's nam'd the vomiting of the veins on the Brain; these names which were ill im­posed, or that did depend on the particular Idea which these ancient Physicians had of the Body, having been neither better retain'd, nor known, than those mentioned before.

CHAP. X. Distempers of the fifth Class, or which have names that are no longer known, and at the same time have no description given of them, which is the reason we can speak nothing of them but by con­jecture.

HIppocrates makes mention of a distemper, which he calls thePro [...]tic. lib. 2 sub [...]s [...]nem. Pthinick Discase. The likeness between the words Pthinick and Pthi­sick, has given occasion to some Interpreters to believe that he treated of a Consumption in this place: But the more Learned agree, that there's a fault in the Greek Text, and that in­stead of [...], we ought to read [...], The Phaenician Disease. Their opinion is found­ed upon this, viz. That they find this last word in the Commentators of Hippocrates, who add, That he understood by it a distemper common in Phaenicia, and in other Eastern Countries, which seems to be nothing else but an Elephantiasis. That which confirms this Explanation is, That Hip­pocrates treats in the same place of distempers, that have a near relation to it; such are the Leprosie, Tetters, and the distemper call [...]d Leuce. I'll only make this remark, viz. That Galen, who is the Author of a Commentary, might be deceiv'd in this, only because he thinks that the distemper of Phaenicia is pre­cisely the same that's call [...]d Elephantiasis, where­as it may be it had only a bare relation to it; and that by this distemper of Phaenicia, Hippo­crates had understood theSee the Commentary [...] Mr. Le Clere on Leviticus. Leprosie of the Jews, that was a sort of a Leuce, that might have some symptom common with an Elephan­tiasis, without being the same.

The Commentaries of Hippocrates, which we'll speak of hereafter, furnish'd us with other examples of distempers, which we can have no knowledge of further than by con­jecture, because their names are no longer in use, and besides there [...]s no description given of them. Such is the disease which Hippocrates calls [...], Epidem. lib. 1. Tangae, which is thought to be a sort of a Tumor. Such is also that that's call'd [...], Epidem. lib. 7. Hippouris, whereby 'tis guess'd that he means a certain defluxion, which throws it self on the genital Parts of those that ride too often, or sit too long on Horseback, and is ob­stinate, and continues a long time, or a weak­ness, or some indisposition of the same Parts, arising from the same Cause. And that which he calls [...], ibid. Anemie, that's thought to be a swel­ling of the veins, caus'd by windy blood, which puts them in danger of being broke. You may put in the same rank the [...], Epi [...]em. lib. 4. Typhomany, which thought to be a swel­ling is taken for a disease that's part Lethargy and part Phrensie, and that that's call'd [...], Epidem. lib. 6. Sect 3. See above in the distempers of the first Class, at the word Parotides. Pherea.

CHAP. XI. Of the means to preserve Health.

AFter having seen in what Health and Sick­ness consists, what the subject of them is, and what are the causes and differences; in the next place, we ought to speak a word or two of the Advice that Hippocrates gave to those that were in health; after which, we'll in­quire into the means he made use of to cure those that were sick.

One of his principal Maxims was this: [...]. Epidem. lib. 6. ect 4. Aphor. 20. That to preserve health, we ought not to over­charge our selves with too much Eating, nor neg­lect the use of Exercise, nor avoid Labour. He said in the second place, That we ought by no means to accustom our selves to too nice and exact a method of Living, because, said he further, those that have once begun to act by this Rule, if they vary the least from it, find themselves very ill, which does not happen to those that take a little more liberty, and live somewhat more irregularly.

Notwithstanding this, he does not neglect to make a diligent enquiry into what those that were in health made use of for nourish­ment in those times. Upon which, I can't for­bear making this observation, That in those days they were not so delicate by much, as we are now, which appears by the care Hippo­crates takes to tell what is the quality of the flesh of a Dog, of a Fox, of an Horse, of an Ass, which he wou'd not have done, if at that time they had not been us [...]d for Eatables, at least by the common People. We will not re­late here what Hippocrates has writ concerning other sorts of Provisions, it's sufficient to know that he examines all those that are now in use. For example; Sallads, Milk, Whey, Cheese, Flesh as well of Birds as of four footed Beasts; fresh and salt Fish, Eggs, and all manner of Pulse, and the different sorts of Grain we feed on, as well as the different sorts of Bread that are made of it. He also speaks very often of a sort of liquid Food or Broth made of Barley-Meal, or some other Grain, which they steep'd for some time, and boil'd with water; but as this has a regard more particularly to the man­ner of Dieting the Sick, we'll speak a little more of it in the following Chapter.

Hippocrates is full as nice on the subject of Drink; he takes a great deal of pains to di­stinguish the good waters from those that are bad. The best, in his opinion, ought to be [Page 266]clear, light, without smell or taste, and taken out of Fountains that turn towards the East. The salt waters, and those that he calls hard, that is in my opinion heavy, or that over­charge the stomach, and those that rise out of Fenny ground, are the worst of all; as also those that come from melted Snow. But tho' Hippocrates makes all these distinctions, yet he advises those that are in health to drink of the first water that comes in their way, which agrees with the Advice he gave before, not to be too exact in the manner of living. He speaks also, but 'tis but two words, of Alom Waters, or that partake of the nature of Alom, and of those that are hot, without enlarging further on their qualities or use; we only per­ceive by it, that he had a knowledge of Mine­ral Waters.

As to what relates to Wine, he advises in some places to mix it with an equal quantity of water; and Galen observes, that Hippocrates regulates by that the just proportion we ought to keep in this mixture: So that, says he, the Wine by its power might drive out what's hurtful to the body, and the water serve to temper the acrimony of the humours. But my thoughts are, that he does not treat in those places but of particular cases, that are there stated; and perhaps it was from the vast quantity of Wine they drank in those times, where they almost never drank it pure. You may see also, that Hippocrates regulating the quantity of the Wine which ought to be drank according to the different Seasons of the Year, says, That in the Summer time you ought to mix a great deal of Water with the Wine, in the Spring and Autumn a little less quantity, and in the Winter [...]; that is to say, Wine more pure, or less mix'd, which is op­posite to [...], Wine very much mix'd. less than in any other time, which supposes that in all times you ought to drink a mixture. Besides, he gives a distinct account of several sorts of Wines then in use, exactly describing their qualities.

Exercise, which Hippocrates advises to those that are in health, as well as to those that are infirm, ought to be used according to the Rules, and with the Precautions he has set forth, which are the same we touch'd upon en passant in the foregoing Book, upon the occasion concerning Herodicus, who we said was the Author of the Gymnastick, or the Art of Exer­cising, for health. On which we must ob­serve, that Hippocrates himself, in the three Books intituled, Of Diet, and in the Book of Dreams, which is the sequel of the precedent ones, pretends that 'tis to him the obligation's due for the same thing; that is, for the inven­tion of the Art of Exercise, which compleats Diet; but these Books have been look [...]d upon ever since, from the time of Galen, to be of anothers writing, and were then attributed, according to the said Galen's remark, to Eu­rypheus, Phaon, Philistion, Ariston, or to some other Physician, that liv [...]d just about the same time that Hippocrates did. If I durst give my opinion with the rest, I shou'd say that the Books in question might be of Herodicus's writing, who has pass'd by the consent of all the Ancients for the Inventor of the Gymnastick. However it is, the Advices of the Author of these Books, in relation to the Art we are go­ing to speak of, depend upon the different times one ought to take to walk in, and on the condition the person ought to be in before he does it; whether it ought to be fasting, or after eating somewhat, in the morning or evening, in the Air, the Sun-shine, or Shade; whether he ought to be naked or cloath'd; when he ought to walk slowly, and when 'tis necessary to run; all this in respect to diffe­rent ages and temperaments, and with the de­sign of bringing the body down, of dissipating humours, or of gaining some other advantage from it.

Wrestling, tho' it be a violent Exercise, was numbred with the rest. There's also mention made in the same place, of a Play of the hands and fingers, which was thought good for health, and call'd Chironomie; and of an Ex­ercise, which was perform'd round a sort of a Ball hung up, which they call'd Corycus, which they struck forward with all the strength ☞ they had with their hands. You may consult the above-mentioned Mercurialis, that searches to the bottom of these things.

And as you have seen in the Chapter con­cerning Herodicus, that Baths were included in the Gymnastick, as well as the custom of rubbing and anointing ones self, you [...]ll find several directions in this Author upon all this. But Galen observes, in relation to Baths. that they were not [...]et common in the time of Hip­pocrates himself, which he gathers from a pas­sage of this ancient Physician; where he says,De Diaeta in acutis. That there are few Houses, where you find things necessary for a convenient Bath. You'll see in the next Chapter, what Hippocrates thought of Baths, and the benefits that might be expected from them.

As to what remains, seeing health does not depend solely on the good use, and regular management of Diet, nor on Exercise or Ease; and that besides, 'tis of importance to be re­gular in other things we have mentioned be­fore, when we treated of the Causes of Health, such are sleep, and watchings, the air, and other bodies which are about us; that which ought to be separated from our Bodies, or re­tain'd there; and lastly, the Passions. I say, the preservation of our Health depending on all these Causes, Hippocrates has not fail [...]d to give us Rules for all.

To begin with those things which ought to be separated from our Bodies, or there retain'd, he wou'd have us take great care not to load our selves with Excrements, or keep them in [Page 269]too long; and besides, the Exercise we are speaking of, which carries of one part of em, and which he prescrib'd chiefly on this account, he wou'd have us excite or rouze up Nature when it flagg'd, and endeavour'd not to expel the rest, or take off those impediments which resisted its efforts. 'Twas for that principally he made use of Meats proper to loosen the bo­dy; and when those means were not sufficient, he wou'd have us have recourse to Clysters and Suppositories.

The composition of Clysters for persons that were thin and emaciated, consisted of Milk, and oily unctuous substances, which they mix [...]d with a decoction of Chick Pease; but for those that were Plethorick, they only made use of Salt or Sea-water. You'll see in the Chapter of Purgatives, which you'll come to presently, other compositions of Clysters, and other par­ticular circumstances relating to this remedy; we shall also speak there concerning Supposi­tories, and the manner of preparing them.

Hippocrates also advis'd Vomitives as a great preservative against distempers, which he caus'd to be taken once or twice a Month, du­ring the Winter and Spring-time. The most simple of them were made of a decoction of Hyssop, with an addition of a little Vinegar and Salt. He made those that were of a strong and vigorous Constitution, take this Liquor fasting, whereas those that were thin and weakly took it after Supper. But as Vomits are remedies which are used also in distempers, we [...]ll speak of them likewise at the same time we do of Purgatives.

Coition is wholesome in Hippocrates opinion, provided you consult your strength, and do not pursue it to an excess, which he always finds fault with upon all accounts, and wou [...]d have it also avoided in relation to sleep and watching. You find also in his Writings, se­veral remarks concerning good or bad. Air; [Page 270]and he makes it appear, that the good or bad disposition of it does not depend solely on the difference of the Climate, but on the situation of every Place in particular, which, in regard to this, he carefully examines into, not to in­sinuate, that you ought to be too scrupulous on this point, or to oblige any one to quit his Native Country, or the place where one's fix'd, to seek a better, which would disturb Society, but to let the Physicians know what sorts of distempers are apt to reign in one place more than another, that they may en­deavour to prevent them, or make it their study to get a proper remedy; and from the effects of the different situation of Places, com­pare things in relation to Health and Sickness. Lastly, Hippocrates knew the good and bad ef­fects of the Passions, and wou'd have us, in regard to them, use a great deal of modera­tion.

CHAP. XII. The Practice of Hippocrates, or his manner of managing distempers. Ge­neral Maxims on which this practice is founded.

IF we reflect on what was said before of the power which Hippocrates attributed to Na­ture, in relation to the Animal OEconomy, and to Distempers, in particular, of which Nature, according to him, is the Arbiter and Judge, determining them in a certain limited time, and by regular movements, as we re­mark'd when we spoke of Crises's, we'll im­mediately infer, that this opinion must carry him so far, as to be contented, for the most [Page 271]part, in being a Spectator of what the strength of Nature performs, without doing any thing on his side on this occasion.

We shall also be confirm [...]d in this opinion, if we consult the Books, intituled, Of Epide­mical Distempers, which are, as it were, Jour­nals of the Practice of Hippocrates; for you'll find from thence, that this ancient Physician does very often nothing more than describe the symptoms of a distemper, and what has hap­pen [...]d to the Patient day after day, even to his death or recovery, without speaking of any remedy. 'Tis not nevertheless absolutely true, that he never did it, as you [...]ll see by the sequel, but we must agree that he did it but very little, in respect of what has been practis'd in the succeeding Ages. We'll see presently what these remedies are, after we have given an abridgment of the principal Maxims on which they are founded.

Hippocrates said in the first place, That Con­traries or Opposites are the Remedies of their Op­posites. That is, supposing that some certain things were oppos'd one to the other, we ought to use them one against the other. He explains this Maxim in the Aphorism, where he says, That evacuation cures those distempers which come from repletion, and repletion those that are caus'd by evacuation. So heat destroys cold, and cold heat, &c.

Secondly he said, That Physick is an addition of what's wanting, and a substraction or retrench­ment of what's superfluous; an Axiom which you also find explain [...]d by this, That there are some juices or humours, which in particular cases ought to be evacuated or drove out of the body, or be dry'd up; and some others that you ought to restore to the body, or cause to be produc [...]d there again.

As to the method you shou'd take in it, for addition or retrenchment, he gives this gene­ral caution, That you ought to take care how you evacuate or fill up all at once, or too quick, or too [Page 272]much; and that 'tis equally dangerous to heat or cool again on a sudden; or rather, you ought not to do it, every thing that runs to an excess being an enemy to Nature.

Hippocrates allow'd in the fourth place, That we ought sometimes to dilate, and sometimes to lock up; to dilate or open the [...]. passages by which the humours are voided naturally, when they are not sufficiently open'd, or when they are clos'd; and, on the contrary, to lock up or streighten the passages that are relax'd, when the juices that pass there ought not to do it, or when there passes too much of them. He adds, That we ought some­times to smooth, and sometimes to make rough to the touch; sometimes harden, and sometimes soften again; sometimes to make more fine or supple; sometimes to thicken; sometimes to excite or rouze up; and at other times, to stupify or take away the sence, all in relation to the solid Parts of the Body, or to the Humours.

He gives this fifth Lesson, That we ought to have regard to the course the humours take, from whence they come, and whether they go; and in consequence of that, when they go where they ought not, that we make them take a [...], Derivare. turn about, or carry them another way, almost like turning the course of a River. Or upon other occasions, that we endeavour, if possible, to [...], Revellere. recal, or make the same humours return back again, drawing up­ward those which tend downward, and downward those which tend upward.

He remarks also, That we ought to carry off, by convenient ways, that that's necessary to be car­ried off, and not let the humours, once evacuated, enter into the Vessels again.

He gives also this following Instruction; That when we do any thing according to Reason, tho' the success be not answerable, we ought not easily, or too hastily, alter the manner of acting, as long as the Reasons we had for't are yet good. But seeing this Maxim might sometimes de­ceive, here's another of them that serves for a [Page 273]corrective or limitation. We ought, says our Author, to mind with a great deal of attention, what [...]. gives ease, and what creates pain; what's easily supported, and what cannot be indured.

The Lesson that follows is one of the most important;Epidem. lib. 6. We ought not, said he, to do any thing rashly: We ought to pause, or wait, with­out doing any thing; this way if you do the Pa­tient no good, at least you'll do him no hurt.

In extream illness, we ought, in his opinion, to use Remedies of the same nature; that which Medicines cure not, the Sword does; what the Sword does not, the Fire cures; but what the Fire cannot cure, ought to be look'd upon as incurable. Lastly, He cautions us not to undertake desperate Diseases, which are beyond the power of Physick.

These are the principal and most general Maxims of the Practice of Hippocrates, all which suppose this Principle which he has laid down at the beginning, That Nature it self cures Diseases. We shall see more of the particu­lars in the following Chapters, as we examine the Remedies he made use of.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Remedies which Hippocrates made use of; and first of all of Diet, and of a regular method of Living.

DIET was the first, the principal, and of­tentimes the only Remedy, that Hippo­crates made use of, to satisfie the greatest part of the intentions we have touch'd upon: By these means he oppos'd moist to dry, hot to cold; he added or supply'd what was deficient, and took off from what was superfluous, &c. and that that was to him the most considera­ble [Page 274]point he supported Nature, and assisted it to overcome the cause of the Malady; and, in a word, put it in a condition to do of it self what was necessary for the cure of Distempers.

The Diet of the Sick is a Remedy that is so much Hippocrates's own, that he was as desirous to pass for the Author of it, as of that of Per­sons in health, which we have treated of be­fore. And the better to make it appear that it is a new remedy, he says expresly, That the Ancients, that is to say, the Physicians that were before him, had writ almost nothing con­cerning the Diet of the Sick, having omitted this point, tho' it was one of the most essential parts of the Art. The method we have seen Aesculapius and his Sons make use of, in their management of the Sick, in relation to that, is a proof that Hippocrates spoke truth: To his testimony we may join that of Plato's, who endeavours even to justifie, in this respect, the conduct of these first Physicians, as we re­mark'd in the same place. So that what Pliny has said, that Hippocrates was the Inventor of theSee above in the beginning of the Chapter concerning Hip­pocrates. Clinick Physick, may be made appear, or said with a more just Title, of Diaetetick Physick, the name which was given to the most noble part of all the Art, after the divi­sion of it some Ages after, as you'll see in its place; which shews how much they depended, in those ancient Times, on the benefit which Patients receiv'd from a good conduct, in re­lation to eating and drinking.

In Chronical distempers, Hippocrates Dieted his Patients one way, and in Acute another. In these last, which are those that require more particularly an exactness in relation to Diet, he preferr'd liquid food to that that was solid, especially in Fevers; for that he made use of a sort of Broths made of Barly that was clean­sed to which he gave the name of [...] de [...], which signifies to bray or take off the busk. Ptisane, wch was a common name as well to these Broths, as to the flower of the Grain, of which they [Page 275]were made. See after what manner the An­cients prepar'd a Ptisane: They first steep'd the Barley in Water till it was plump'd up, and afterwards they dry'd it in the Sun, and beat it to take off the husk. After that they ground it, and then having let the flower boil a long time in the Water, they put it out into the Sun, and when it was dry they press'd it close. 'Tis properly this flower, so prepar'd, that's call'd Ptisane. They did almost the same thing with Wheat, Rice, Lentils, and other Grain, but they gave these Ptisanes the same name with the Grain, Ptisane of Lentils, Rice, &c. whereas the Ptisane of Barley was call'd simply Ptisane for the excellency of it. When they had a mind to use it, they boiled one part of it in ten or fifteen parts of Water; and when it began to plump in boiling, they added a drop of Vinegar, and ever so small a quantity of Anise, or Leek, to keep it from clogging, and filling the stomach with wind. Hippocrates prescribes this Broth for Women that have pains in their Belly, after being brought to Bed. Boil some of this Ptisane, says he, with some Leek, and the fat of a Goat, and give it to the Woman in Bed. You won't find this Ragou very odd, if you reflect on what he has said before of the manner of Living at that time. He preferr'd the Ptisane to all other food in Fevers, because it soften'd and moisten'd much, besides that it was of easie digestion. If he was concern'd in a continual Fever, he wou'd have the Patient begin with a Ptisane of an in­different thick consistence, and go on by little and little, in lessening the quantity of Barley-flower, according as the days drew nearer, when the distemper was to be at its highest pitch; so that then he did not feed the Pa­tient, but with what he call'd [...]. In this time also they made use of for nourishment, Broths made of a sort of grain, or flower made into little grains, which they call'd in Greek [...] that is to say Grain, and in Latin Alica. You'll see more particularl what it was in the Chapter of Galen, or in that of Dioscorides. the juice of the [Page 276]Ptisane; that is, the Ptisane strain'd, where there was but very little of the flower remain­ing, to the end that Nature being discharg'd in part, from the care of digesting the Ali­ments, it might the more easily hold out to the end, and overcome the distemper, or the cause of it.

As to what belongs to the quantity of Ali­ment, and the time of giving it, he caus'd the Ptisane to be taken twice a day by Patients that in their health us'd to eat two Meals a day, not thinking it convenient that those that were sick, should eat oftner than when they were well. He also durst not allow eating twice a day to those that fed but once when in health, but was willing they might come to't by little and little. In the Fit of a Fever he gave nothing at all; and in all distempers where there are exacerbations, he forbid nou­rishment whilst they continued. He let Chil­dren eat more; and those that were become Men, or Old, less, giving nevertheless a great deal of allowance to the Custom of every par­ticular person, or to that of the Country.

And tho' he was of the opinion that too much ought not to be allow'd to the sick, for fear of nourishing their distem­per, yet we must observe, that he was not of the judgment of some of the Physicians of his time, who prescrib'd them long Abstinence, especially at the beginning of a Fever. The reason he produc'd for't was, they weaken'd the Patients extreamly the first days of the distemper, which oblig'd them afterwards to give them more nourishment in the height of their illness; which was the time, in his judg­ment, when they ought to give the least. He blam'd the Physicians for using them after this manner,He call'd it [...]. He also describ'd too great abstinence by the terms of [...] and [...], from [...], hunger, and [...], to kill, to strangle. That they dry'd up their Patients [Page 277]like Herrings, before there was any occasion for't, and destroy'd them for want of nourishment. Be­sides, in acute distempers, and particularly Fevers, Hippocrates made choice of nourish­ment that was refreshing and moistening; and he propos'd, amongst others, Spinach, Gourd, Orage, Melon and Dock. He gave this sort of nourishment to those that were in condition to eat, or cou'd take something more than a Ptisane.

The ordinary drink that he most commonly gave to his Patients, was made ofThey call'd this drink in Greek [...], and in Latin Mulsa. eight parts Water and one Honey. In some certain distempers they added a littleWhen there was some Vine­gar in it they call'd it Oxy­mel. Vinegar. They had also another sort of drink, like that we spoke of before, which one of the Sons of Aesculapius drank when he was wounded.They call'd this drink [...], mixture. This drink was more or less mix'd, and differently made up, according as the distem­pers were. You find oneHippoc. lib de Intern. affect lonibus. prescription of it design'd for a consumptive Person; the ingre­dients consist of Rue, Anise, Selery, Corian­der, juice of Pomegranate, the roughest red Wine, Water, flower of Wheat and Barley, with old Cheese made of Goats Milk.

Hippocrates did not approve of giving no­thing but Water to the Sick; and tho' he pre­scrib'd them oftentimes the drinks we are now speaking of, for all that he did not entirely for­bidSee further on in the cure of Diseases, upon occasion of the Pleurisie. Wine even in acute Distempers and Fevers, provided they were not delirious, nor had pains in the head. The quantity of water he wou'd have them put in't in health, made him judge that it wou [...]d not be hurtful to those that were sick, if taken after the same man­ner. Besides, he took care to distinguish the Wines proper in these cases, preferring to all other sorts White-Wine, that's clear, that has a great deal of water in it, and has neither sweetness nor flavour.

This is the Diet that was used in acute di­stempers. As to that in Chronical Diseases, [Page 278]you'll see how it differ'd from the first by the examples we shall bring of the cures of them. We'll only remark before-hand, that Milk and Whey were very much made use of on this ac­count, whether in lieu of nourishment, or that Hippocrates look'd upon them as Medi­cines.

We have seen before, that Baths and Exer­cise were part of the Diet of Persons in health, it was also of those that were sick. There were many Diseases which Hippocrates judged the Bath necessary for the cure of; and he shews all the conditions requisite to receive advantage from it, amongst which these are the principal: That the Patient that bathes keep himself still and quiet in his place, with­out speaking, and let those be doing that bath him, either by throwing water over the head, or by wiping him dry; and that they keep for this last purpose Sponges, instead of the In­strument which the Ancients called Strigil, which serv'd to rub off from the skin the dirt and nastiness which the Oils or Unguents they anointed themselves with left upon it. That they take care before-hand not to catch cold. That they do not bath themselves immediately after eating or drinking; and that they abstain also from eating and drinking immediately after they come out of the Bath. That regard ought to be had, whether the Patient has ac­customed himself to bath in his health, and whether it did him good or hurt. Lastly, That they abstain from bathing, when the body is too open or too costive, or if they have not discharg'd before, or are too weak; if they have inclinations to Vomit, or a great loss of Appetite, or that they bleed at Nose. The advantage you receive from the Bath, and the good it does, according to Hippocrates, con­sists in moistening and refreshing, in taking away weariness, in making the skin soft, and the joints pliant; in provoking Urine, and in [Page 279]making the Nostrils moist, and other Pipes open. He goes as far as two Baths a day in his allowance, to those that are accustom'd to't in their health. We'll speak afterwards of a sort of particular Bath, or half Bath, in the Chapter concerning external Remedies.

As to the Exercise of the Sick, Hippocrates approv'd of it very much in Chronical distem­pers, as you'll see by some examples of Cures which we'll speak of hereafter; tho' he thought it not convenient in acute distempers, and openly blam'd his Master Herodicus, who fa­tigu'd even those that were in Fevers with violent Exercises, as we have observ [...]d in the precedent Book. 'Tis not that he thought a Patient ought always to lie a Bed, he did not at all commend laziness or the faint heart of those that could not leave their Bed; or rather wou'd not, tho' they were able.Epidem. lib. 6. We ought, says he, sometimes to push the timorous out of Bed, and rouze up the lazy.

CHAP. XIV. Of Purgation; under which are com­prehended all the ways of emptying, or discharging the Bowels and Sto­mach.

WHEN Hippocrates saw that Diet was not sufficient to ease Nature of the burthen of humours, that were too abundant, or corrupted, he made use of other means to evacuate them, and to satisfie one of the in­tentions we have touch'd upon before, which is to diminish, or to take away what is super­fluous. [Page 280]These ways were first of all [...] de [...], to purge, to cleanse; [...] de [...]; that si [...]ifies also to purge, to eva [...]uate. He makes use of the wo [...]d [...] de [...], a Medicin [...]. You'll see fur­ther in the Chapter of He­rophilus, and in that of As­clepiades, the reason where­fore the word Medicine signi­fied a purging Medicine, and other significa­tions of the same word. Purga­tion, which comprehends all the contrivances that are us [...]d to discharge the Stomach and Bowels. Tho this word signifies also in particular, the evacuation of the Excrements of the Belly, and other humours, that come from all parts of the Body, which is made by Stool, after having taken some Medicine by the Mouth; on which we must not forget to remark, after what manner Hippocrates conceiv'd this Me­dicine to operate. He imagin'd, that a pur­gative Medicine, after it was in the body, first evacuated the humour that agreed most with its nature; after which, it attracted and purg'd the other also.De nat. hom. Just after the same manner, said he, as every Plant attracts from the earth first of all the juice that is agreeable to its nature, and afterwards juices that are different, so a Medicine that ought to purge the Bile, first at­tracts the Bile; but if it be too strong, or its operation continues too long, when it finds no more Bile, it then purges Phlegm, and after Phlegm the black Bile, and last of all the Blood. This opinion agrees with what has been said in the Chapter of the Philosophy of Hippocrates con­cerning Attraction; by means of which, this Physician wou'd have most things perform'd that relate to the Animal OEconomy.

The purgatives which they us [...]d in his time, had most of them their purging and vomiting quality from the salts in them; or if they had not always the latter effect, at least they purg [...]d almost every body violently.

These Medicines are white and black Helle­bore; the first of which, is one of the most violent Vomits that can be given. The Cni­dien Berries, which are nothing else but the Seeds of Thymelaea; Cneorum, which is also a Medicine taken from Thymelaea or Chamelaea. Peplium, which is a sort of a Milk Thistle, or Tithymallus, as well as Peplus. Thapsia, the juice of Hippophaes, a sort of Rhamnus. Elate­rium, [Page 281]which is also the juice of a wild Cucumber. The Flowers of Brass. Coloquin­tida, Scammony; the Magnesian Stone, which is a sort of Load-stone.

Hippocrates speaks also of Cnicus, which is taken for Carthamus; and of a sort of Poppy, which he callsLib. 3. de morbis. See further in the Chapter of Re­medies that cause sleep. white Poppy, and puts it in the rank of Purgatives. But we ought to take care, not to confound it with the white Poppy now daily us [...]d.

As these Purgatives were for the most part very brisk, this ancient Physician accordingly was mighty cautions when he had a mind to use them; he did not prescribe 'em in the Dog-Days; he never purg [...]d Women with Child, and seldom Children and old People. The principal or most frequent use he then made of Purga­tives was in Chronical Distempers; in acute ones he was much more wary in this respect. Of all the Patients in Fevers, or others in acute Distempers, which he gives the History of in his Books, intituled, Of Epidemical Distem­pers, which we said were as it were Journals of his Practice, there are very few of them in which he says he has given Purgative Medi­cines. He also takes notice expresly in the same Books,Vide histo­riam Scomphi pleuritici, Epidem. lib. 5: in princip. historiam Sca­mandri & alias sequentes. that these Medicines having been given in certain cases in the Diseases which he was treating of, had produc'd very bad effects.

One wou'd think we might conclude from thence, that Hippocrates absolutely rejected the use of Purgatives in these distempers, but it [...]s plain from other places that he was not of this opinion. He actually gave Purgatives in Acute Diseases as well as Chronical, but not fo often, as we have already remark'd.

He was of opinion, for example,De ratione victus in acutis. that purging was good in a Pleurisie, when the pain was below the Diaphragm, giving in this case black Hellebore, or some Peplium mix'd with the juice of Laserpitium, which was our [Page 282] Assa faetida, as you'll see in the Chapter of Dioscorides. He declares besides, in several places, that you may give Purgatives in acute distempers, setting forth the precautions re­quisite for it, as you'll see by what follows.

The principal Rule Hippocrates gives relating to Purgation is this: That you ought only to purge off the humours that are concocted, and not those that are yet crude, taking particular care not to do it at the beginning of the distemper, lest the humours should be stirr'd up, or very much [...], nisi turgeant. We do not well know what he means by turgere [...], which is a term that expresses properly the motions of Animals. The greatest part of the Commentators are of opinion, that his meaning was to describe a sudden motion of the humours, which swell up and endeavour to discharge them­selves of some side, or throw them­selves on some part. Aphor. 22. Sect. 1. disturb'd, which happens pretty often. The understand­ing of this Axiom depends on what has been said be­fore of the concoction of humours in the Chapter of Crisis's. By the beginning of a distemper, Hippocrates meant all the time that pass'd from the first day to the fourth compleat. He was not the first that made re­mark, that it wou'd be of ill consequence to stir the hu­mours, or purge before that time; we have seen, in the first Book of this History, that the Aegyptian Physicians had al­ready made this observation, Hippocrates might have learn [...]d it from Democritus, who had continued a long time in that Country, or he might have travell'd there himself, sup­posing that the Asclepiades, his Predecessors, had not also made this discovery themselves.

There is another Aphorism, which appears diametrically opposite to the precedent one; 'tis that, where tis said, That in the beginning of distempers we ought to stir the humours: that is to say, to purge what we think we ought to be stirr'd. This Aphorism has given a great deal of trouble to the Physicians of the succeeding Ages, who have endeavour'd to [Page 283]reconcile it with the first. Galen has got off from the matter on this occasion, by explain­ing the word to stir up, to signifie using all the Remedies that are necessary for the ease of the Patient; amongst which, he reckons particu­larly bleeding and purging. So that the stir­ring up, which Hippocrates advises in this Aphorism, in his opinion is perform'd by the first of these Remedies, rather than by the last; that is to say, Purgation might be ad­mitted sometimes at the beginning of distem­pers, but very rarely. But a third Aphorism, which explains that which we are going to quote, appears contrary to the sense of Galen, 'tis the twenty-fourth of the first Section, which says, That we ought seldom to purge in acute di­stempers, and do it in the beginning, after having carefully examin'd if the case requires it. Galen salves the apparent contradiction between this Aphorism and the first, by saying that it is in distempers that continue a long time, that we ought always to wait the concoction before we purge, but that in acute ones we may do it at the beginning when the humours are turgid. And he adds, that the case being rare, it's what obliges Hippocrates to caution, that you examine well into all things on this occasion, before you use this Medicine.

It actually appears, that Hippocrates purg'd sometimes at the beginning of acute distem­pers; and besides the Aphorism we have just now read, he says in another place in ex­press terms, That we ought to purge at that time in Fevers, when the Ʋrine of the Patient is troubled, but we ought to abstain from it if it be clear. Ne­vertheless, we must agree, that he did it rare­ly as matters went. That which has been said at the beginning, that amongst a great number of persons sick of these distempers, which he speaks of in the Books we have quoted, he finds but very few of them to whom he has gi­ven Purgatives, is at least a proof of it.

Besides, he gives this important Advertise­ment, which has some relation with the first Aphorism,De ratione victus in acut. That those that endeavour to take off inflamations in a part by purging Remedies, draw nothing from the Part where the infla­mation is, by reason of the great tenseness of it, and because the distemper is yet crude; on the contrary it dissolves, or corrupts that that remain'd found in the Part, and that held out against the distemper.

We must also observe, that Hippocrates, Aphor. 9. Sect. 2. before he Purg'd any one, wou'd have them make their body or their humours fluid; that is, that they wou'd dilute them sufficiently, to the end they might be more easily evacuated.

Lastly, he said, That we ought to give to the Cholerick, or in cholerick distempers, Medicines to purge choler; in Phlegmatick, those that purge phlegm; in Melancholick, those that purge melancholy, or black choler; and in the Dropsie in particular, those that purge the Waters.

He added, That we knew if a Purgative had drawn from the body what was fit to be evacuated, according as we found our selves well or ill upon it. If we found our selves well, 'twas a sign the Medicine had effectually expell'd the humour that offended. On the contrary, if we were ill, Hip­pocrates pretended, whatever quantity of humours were come away, that the humour that was the cause of the illness was not, not judging of the goodness or badness of a Purge by the quantity of Matters that were voided by it, but by their quality, and the effect that follow [...]d after it.

[...] de [...], to vomit; from whence comes the word Emetick, which signifies vomi­tive.Vomiting is also a manner of Purgation, which operates upwards, and draws up also further than from the stomach, if it be a little strong. We have seen before what were the Vomitives Hippocrates prescrib [...]d by way of pre­caution to persons in health.

In regard to the sick, he advis'd them some­times the like, when his intention was only [Page 285]to cleanse the stomach. But when he had a mind to recal the humours from the most hid­den recesses of the body, he made use of brisker Remedies; and white Hellebore, which we plac'd amongst the Purgatives, was one of those he us'd oftenest for this effect. Particu­larly, he made the Melancholy andDe Diaeta liber primus. Mad folks take it; and it is from the great use all the Ancients made of this Remedy in the like cases, that 'tis become a Proverb, To have need of Hellebore: as much as to say, To have lost ones senses.

He gave it also in defluxions, which come according to him from the Brain, and throw themselves on the Nostrils or Ears, or that fill the Mouth with Spittle, or that cause stubborn pains in the Head, or a weariness, and an ex­traordinary heaviness, or a weakness of the knees, or a swelling all over the body. He gave it also toDe morb: lib. 1. & de intern. affect. consumptive persons in Broth made of Lentils, to those that were ill of the Dropsie call'd Leucophlegmatia, and in other chronical distempers; but we do not find that he made use of it in acute distempers, unless in theEpidem. lib. 5. Cholera Morbus, where he says he has us'd it with benefit, tho' in this distemper they had vomited but too much already, but in this case vomiting was cur'd by a vomit. Some took this Medicine fasting, but most took it after Supper, after the same manner we said was practis'd in regard to vomits, that were order'd to be taken by way of precaution. The reason why he gave this Medicine most com­monly after eating, was, That in mixing with the victuals, it might loose a little of its acri­mony, and operate with less violence on the Membranes of the stomach. He gave also sometimes of a Plant call'd Sesamoides, with the same intention to cause vomiting; and sometimes he mix'd it with Hellebore. Lastly, We ought to observe, that he gave in some cer­tain cases Hellebore, which he call'd [...]. soft or [Page 286]sweet, which had some relation to the quality of this Remedy, or to the quantity that he gave of it, which might be less on this last occasion.

When Hippocrates had a mind simply to keep the body open, or make an evacuation of the Excrements contain'd in the Intestines, with­out drawing from too far, he made use of Simples chiefly to produce this effect; for ex­ample, of the Herb Mercury, or of Cabbage, the juice and decoction of which he order'd to be drank. He us'd Whey for the same effect, and also Cows or Asses Milk, adding a little salt to it, and letting it boil sometimes. Or if he gave Asses Milk alone, he caus'd so great a quantity of it to be taken, that it must of necessity loosen the body. He prescribesDe ration. victus in acutis. in one place even sixteen hemines of it, and every hemine contain'd nine Italian Ounces of liquor. I know not whether there be a fault in this passage or not; we find in the seventh Book of Epidemical Distempers, an example of a young Man, to whom he gave nine hemines in two days, which is much less. We might also say, that the time necessary to take this quantity of Milk in, being not specified in the first passage, nothing hinders but that we un­derstand, that it ought to be taken in more than a days time. As to what remains, I know not whether, when Hippocrates makes mention of certain Demi-purgatives, or of a manner of [...]. Subpurgare, lib. de vict. ratione in acutis dum de pleuritide. purging, that's in the middle between Clysters and Purgatives, properly so call'd. I know not, say I, whether he means the juice of Mercury, of Cabbage, and other Remedies, we have been speaking of, or whether he had other Medicines. Or lastly, Whether his ordinary Purgatives, taken in a less Dose, wou'd not produce this effect.

He made use also of [...]. Suppositories and [...], de [...], to cleanse. The word [...], from whence is deriv'd that of Clyster, signifies in Hippocrates the Instrument with which they gave the Clyster. Clysters, with the same intention to loosen the body. Suppositories were compounded of Honey, the juice of Herb Mercury, of Salt of Nitre, of Powder of Coloquintida, and other sharp ingredients, to irritate the Anus, which they put into a round form like a Ball, or round and long, of the shape and length of a finger. You have already seen before, what were the Clysters which Hippocrates prescrib'd to persons in health; those which he made up for the sick were sometimes of the same com­position. At other times he took the decoction of Blits, or other Simples, in which he dis­solv'd some Nitre and Honey, and diluted it with Oil, or some other ingredients, accord­ing as he had a mind to attract, to wash, irri­tate or soften; or according to the distempers he had to engage withal. The quantity of the liquor came to about four hemines, that is thirty six Italian Ounces; which seems to make it plain, and that he did not order it to be taken all at once, but at several times.

CHAP. XV. Of the Purgation of the Head, and that of the Lungs in particular.

HIppocrates also propos'd to himself some­times to [...]. purge the Head alone. He put in practice this Remedy, after he had purg'd the rest of the body, in an Apoplexy, in inveterate pains of the Head, in a certain sort of Jaundice; in a Consumption, and in the greatest part of Chronical Distempers. [Page 288]For that he made use of juices of several Plants; as for example, the juice of Selery, to which he added sometimes Aromatick Drugs, making them snuff up this mixture into their Nostrils. He used also Powders compounded of Myrrh, the flowers of Brass, and white Hel­lebore, which he also made them put up into the Nose to make them sneeze, and to draw the Phlegm from the Brain thro' this part. He also made use of, for this effect, an Instrument or a Drogue, which he calls Tetragonon; that is to say, that that has four Angles, but we know not what he understood by it. They did not know it even in the time of Galen, who guestes it to beSee the Com­mentaries on Hippocrates in Galen. Antimony, or certain ta­bles or flakes that you find in Antimony.

He undertook also to purge or cleanse the Lungs, or the Breast in particular, in the di­stemper call'd Empyema. On this intent, he commanded the Patient to draw in his Tongue as much as he was able, and when that was done, he endeavoured to put into the hollow of the Lungs a Liquor that irritated the part, which raising a violent cough, forc [...]d the Lungs to discharge the purulent Matter which was contain'd in them. The materials that he us'd for it were of different sorts; sometimes he took the Root of Arum, which he order'd to be boil'd with a grain of Salt, in a sufficient quantity of Water and Oil, dissolving a little Honey in it. At other times, when he intended to purge more strongly, he took the flower of Copper and Hellebore: after that he shook the Patient violently by the shoulders, the better to loosen the Pus. This Remedy, which is found inDe morbis lib. 2 & de in­ternis affectio­nibus. two places of the Works of Hippo­crates, is attributed by Galen to the Cnidien Physicians, which we have spoke of in the pre­cedent Book. The Physicians of the succeed­ing Ages have practis'd it no more, whether they had no Patients that wou'd suffer it, or whether they thought it of no benefit, which [Page 289]is most probable. These ancient Physicians invented this Remedy to raise a cough upon what they observed, that it was the only means by which the Pus cou'd be naturally evacuated from the Breast, and be as it were pump'd out of the Lungs.

CHAP. XVI. Whether Hippocrates made use of Pur­gations or Superstitious Purifications, which we spoke of above.

WE have seen in the first Book of our Hi­story, that Melampus and Polyides us'd certain Purgations or Expiations, which had regard to Crimes as well as Distempers. It seems Hippocrates also approv'd of this practice, when he says, [...]. Lib. de decenti habitu. That a Physician ought to have knowledge of the Purgatives or Purifications be­neficial to life. A Modern Translator of Hippocrates. Cornarius has understood it this way; and, in effect, we cannot explain this passage or word otherwise, for he does not treat here of the Purgations that we spoke of in the foregoing Chapter: And the other In­terpreters or Commentators on Hippocrates, that have taken it in this latter sense, are mistaken.

But we may say, That seeing he meets with variations in the OriginalSome Manuscripts read [...] in the singular, which intirely alters the sence, and that signifies nothing if you don't refer it to the follewing word, which is also very obscure. Manuscripts, in relation to the word in question, and that all this passage, there being compris'd in it, that which immediately follows, is but obscure, perhaps Hip­pocrates meant to speak quite another thing. [Page 290] [...]. A freedom from Superstition, which is one of the qualities he requires in a Physician, in the same place where he makes a parallel be­twixt a Philosopher and one of this Profession, appears contrary to it. For how indeed does the necessity which he wou'd impose on a Phy­sician to understand purifications, which con­sisted of some superstitious ceremonies, agree with the freedom from every thing that is su­perstitious. It's true, that another translator of Hippocrates's reads this last word otherwise, and takes itCalvus translates as if [...]e had read [...] in the contrary sense. But the inclining to superstition, or a superstitious fear of the Gods, is not that which they have ac­cus'd the Philosophers of no more than the Physicians, between whom, they say, Hippocrates endeavours to make a comparison in this passage.

We have nothing to do besides but to read the Book intitled of the Sacred Distemper, to see how Hippocrates openly laughs at all the ri­diculous ceremonies they practis'd in his time to cure this distemper, and in particular the expiations and purifications they perform'd on this occasion. We will not relate any thing he has said above, to avoid being tedious: we'll only remark, that he puts those that meddled with expiations, Magicians, Mountebanks, and impudent Boasters, that promise more than they mean, and have nothing to perform. We [...]ll remark, I say, that he puts all these sorts of fellows in the same rank, ending a long dis­course, which he makes on this subject, with these words, more worthy of a Christian, than a Pagan, as he was. It is, says he, the Deity that purifies us, and washes us from our greatest sins, and from our most enormous crimes. It is the Divinity which protects us, and it is only in the Temples, which are the habitations of the Gods, that we ought to seek to purisie ourselves of what [...]s unclean.

I know this Book to be suppos'd to belong to some other Author: But however it be, [Page 291]that Hippocrates used only remedies purely na­tural, and never proposed any superstitious ones, is an Argument he was never for them. We may see further how he elsewhereLib. de his quae ad virgi­nem spectaut. ral­lies the women of his time that were troubled with the Mother, for offering to Diana rich Garments. He does not stick to say, that the Priests who advis'd these poor women thus, abused them wretchedly.

CHAP. XVII. Of Blood-letting, and of the Application of Cupping-Glasses.

BLood-letting was another method of evacu­ating or taking away the superfluity of what was in the Vessels and parts, which Hippocrates us'd. Another aim he had in it was to divert or recall the course of the Blood, which was going where it ought not to be. A third end of bleeding was to procure a free motion of the Blood and Spirits, as we may gather from the following passage.

[...]. He says else­where in the same sense [...]; the Bladder slopt. When any one becomes speechless of a sud­den, Hippocrates says it is caus'd by the shut­ting of the Veins, especially when it happens to a person otherwise in good health, without any out­ward violence. In this case the inward vein of the right Arm must be open'd, and more or less blood taken away, according to the age and consti­tution of the Patient. Those that lose their Speech thus, have great flushings in the face, their Eyes are stiff, their Arms are distended, their Teeth gnash, they have palpitations of the Arteries, they cannot open their Jaws, the Extremities are cold, [...]. Interceptiones Spirituum in venis. and the Spirits are intercepted in the Veins. If pain ensues, it is by the accession of the black Bile and sharp humours. For the Internal parts [Page 292]being vellicated or irritated by these humours, suf­fer very much, and the Veins being also irritated and dried, distend themselves extraordinarily, and are inflam'd, and draw all that can flow to them, so that the Blood corrupting, and the Spi­rits not being able to pass through the Blood [...]. their natural passages. by their ordinary passages, the parts grow cold, by reason of this Stagnation of the Spirits. Hence comes giddiness, loss of speech, and convulsions. If this disorder reaches to the Heart, the Liver, or to [...] It ought to be observ'd that he makes no men­tion here of the brain, nor of the nerves. the great Veins. From hence come also Epilepsies, and Palsies, if the defluxions fall upon the parties nam'd, and that they dry up, because the Spirits are deny'd a passage thro them. In this case, after Fomentation a Vein must be open'd, while the Spirits and Humours are yet [...]. sus­pended or unsettled.

Hippocrates had also a fourth intention in bleeding, which was for refreshment. So in theDe morb. lib. 3. Th [...]s is one [...]f these Books that are attributed to Polybius. Iliac passion he orders bleeding in the Arm, and in the Head; to the end, says he, that the su­periour Venter (or the Breast) may cease to be over-heated. The particular intentions which Hippocrates might further have in the use of this remedy will appear in the examination of the particular cases wherein he thought it ne­cessary. We shall see at the same time the caution he us'd in these occasions, what Veins he open'd, what quantity of Blood he took, and circumstances relating to bleeding.

We must here take notice, that his conduct was much the same in Bleeding as Purging, in respect of time and persons. We ought, says he, to let blood in acute diseases, when they are violent, and if the party be lusty, and in the flower of his Age. Hence it follows, first, that he let blood neither infants nor old persons; and I was surpriz'd at a consequence whichCallime­dontis puero propter in [...]erculum ad collum, secta Vena. Epidem. lib. 5. & 7. Nota, sars Rio­lanus, puero detractum san­guinem. Now in the Greek it is [...], filio Callimedontis, and not puero, as Cornarius has translated it, which led Riolanus into this mistake, who did not take the pains to con­sult the Greek Text, which he understood perfectly well, and which would have shown him that this Son of Callimedon might be in the flower of his age, or at least above that of an Infant. De Circul. Sang. cap. 3. Riolanus [Page 293]draws from one passage of our Author, or by which he pretends to prove that he sometimes took blood from Children, because in the pas­sage cited, the persons Age who is spoken of is not determined.

Hippocrates elsewhere insinuates, that we ought to have regard to the time, both in respect of the disease, and of the season when we let blood.

He adds in the passage first cited, by way of explication of what he means by distempers both acute and violent De rati [...]ne victu [...] [...]n a [...].: That blood ought to be let in great pains, and particularly in inflama­tions. Amongst which he reckons those which fall upon the principal Viscera, as the Liver, the Lungs, and the Spleen; as likewise the Quin­zy and the Pleurisie, if the pain be above the Diaphragm. In these cases he would have them bleed till they faint, especially if the pain be very acute, rather he advises that the Vein should not be closed till the colour of the Blood alters, that from livid it turns red, or from red livid. In the Quinzy he blooded in both Arms at a time. Difficulty of breathing is also reckon'd among the distempers that require bleeding; Hippo­crates mentions also another sort of inflamation of the Lungs, which he calls a swelling or Tu­mours of the Lungs arising from heat, in which case he advises to bleed in all parts of the bo­dy, and directs particularly to the Arms, the Tongue, and the Nostrils.

To make bleeding the more useful in all pains, he directedEpidemic. lib. 6. sect. 6. to the Vein nearest the part afflicted; and he gives particular direction in a Pleurisie Lib. de ra­tim. victus in acutis. to open the inward Vein of the Arm on that side on which the pain is. For the same rea­son, in pains of the Head he open'd the Veins of the Nose and of the Forehead. Upon the same account he blooded an Idumaean Slave in the Foot, for a great pain in the Hips and Leg, which put her into convulsions, contracted af­ter Lying in.

When the plain was not urgent, and bleeding was advised for prevention, he directedDe natu­ra hominis. to the parts farthest off, with intention insensibly to divert the blood from the seat of pain.

The highest Burning Fevers, which shew nei­ther signs of inflamation nor pain, are not rank'd by Hippocrates among the acute distem­pers that requir [...]d bleeding. On the contrary, he maintains, that a Fever it self is in some cases a reason against bleeding.Epidem. lib 2. sect 6. If any one, says he, has an Ʋlcer in the Head he must bleed, unless he has a Fever.Ibidem. He says farther, Those that lose their speech of a sudden must be blooded, unless they have a Fever.

Perhaps he was afraid of bleeding in Fevers, because he supposes, as it appears by some pas­sages, that Fevers were produc'd by the Bile and the Pituita, which grew hot, and after­wards heated the whole body, which is, says he, what we call a Fever, and which in his opinion could not be evacuated by bleeding. He looks elsewhere upon the presence or abun­dance of Bile as an objection against bleeding. And he orders,Epidemic. lib 6. sect. 3. to forbear bleeding even in spitting of blood, tho in a Pleurisie if there be Bile, that is, I suppose, in a Bilious Pleurisie, which is not accompany'd with violent pain.

To this we must add, that Hippocrates distin­guisht very much between a Fever which fol­lowed no other distemper, but was itself the origi­nal Malady, and a Fever which came upon in­flamation. In these times, as Galen observes, the first sort only were properly call'd Fevers, the other took their names from the parts af­fected, as Pleurisie, Peripneumonie, Hepatitis, Nephritis, &c. which names signifie that the Pleura, the Lungs, the Liver, and the Kidneys are diseas'd, but do not intimate the Fever which accompanies their disease. In this later sort of Fever, Hippocrates constantly ordered bleeding, but not in the former.

We are not therefore to be surprized, if in all his Book of epidemical distempers we find but few directions for bleeding in the acute distempers, and particularly in the great num­ber of continual and burning Fevers there treated of.

In the first and third Book, which are the most finished of all, we find but one single instance, and that in a Pleurisie, in which two he staid till the eigthth day of the distem­per.

Galen accounts otherwise for his Conduct in this case,In lib. 2. Epidemic. 3. Comm. 1. Hippocrates having said nothing of bleeding, not only in the case of Pythion, but likewise of several other Patients who seem'd ac­cording to his own principles to want bleeding, as far as we can judge of them by his writings; We must necessarily conclude, either that he did not bleed them at all, or that he omitted the mention of it in the History which he gives of their Cases. Now it is not likely that he omitted bleeding when the case required it, this great man being so fond of that Remedy, as appears by those Works of his, which are acknowledged by all the World to be Genuine, such as the Aphorisms, the method of Diet in acute distempers, and that we have now in hand, where he says thus; I open'd a Vein in the Arm upon the eighth day, and let out a­bundance of blood, as was necessary: If he blooded upon the eighth day in the case here men­tioned, we have still more reason to believe he did it in the preceeding. On the other side, it is not probable that he should forget to menti­on it, in a case wherein it was his ordinary practice, especially when he puts down Reme­dies of much less importance, not omitting so much as a Suppositor. Since therefore, says Galen, there lies some difficulty upon either of these opinions, we ought to determin for that which has least. This being supposed, I am of opi­nion that it was used to several of these Patients, but that the mention of it was omitted in the Hi­story [Page 296]of their cases, as a thing suppos'd of course. And I rather subscribe to this Opinion, because Hippocrates himself takes express notice of bleed­ing on the eighth day, which I imagin he peculi­arly remark'd, because it was a thing against the usual practice, supposing the mention of bleeding the preceeding days, as being the common me­thods.

Most of the modern Commentators upon Hippocrates are of Galen's opinion: But to this it may be answer'd, that Hippocrates being very exact, as Galen himself acknowledges, e­ven in the relation of the most Minute Medi­cines he us'd, such as Suppositors; 'tis hard to think in this case he would omit the most considerable. To this we may add, that Ga­len himself maintains elsewhere, that Erasi­stratus, of whom we shall speak hereafter, never blooded any body, only for this reason, that in ennumerating the Medicines he made use of in several occasions, he makes no men­tion of bleeding. If this Argument will hold against Erasistratus, it will against Hippocrates. Besides, it was altogether of as great impor­tance, that we should be inform'd of the Remedies, as of the Process of the distempers. The symptoms which arise, depending as much upon the practice of the Physician himself, as upon the nature of the distem­per.

In all probability where Hippocrates omits the mention of bleeding in any case, he did not use it, nor is this so much against his principles, as Galen would insinuate. On the contrary, he follows him therein precise­ly, as appears by what has been said al­ready.

If Hippocrates had blooded his Patients plen­tifully in Fevers in the beginning of their illness, as Galen pretends, he would not perhaps have had the opportunity of seeing so many Fevers terminate by Crisis, that is, by natu­ral [Page 297]Evacuation, which come of themselves in certain days.

This Ancient Physician laid so much weight upon the assistance of Nature and the me­thod of Diet, which was his favourite Medi­cine, that he thought if they took care to diet the Patients before-mention'd according to rule, they might leave the rest to nature. These are his true principles, from which he never deviates, so that his pieces of e [...]idemi­cal diseases, seem to have been compos'd only with an intention to leave to posterity, an exact model of management in pursuance of these principles.

To return to the Rules that Hippocrates prescribes for bleeding,Galen Comment [...]on Aphor. 6. lib 6. 'tis observable in all diseases which have their seat above the Li­ver, he bleeds in the Arm, or some of the up­per parts of the Body, but for those that were below it, he open'd the Veins below, as of the Foot, the Ankle, or the Ham. De ratione victûs in [...]cu [...]s sub [...]in [...]m. If the Belly was too Laxative, and bleeding was thought necessary, Hippocrates ordered the Looseness to be stopt before bleeding.

Almost all these instances hitherto regard scarce any thing but acute distempers. We find several concerning chronical diseases. A young man complaining of a great pain of his Bel­ly, with a great rumbling while he was fasting, which ceased after eating: This pain and noise continuing his meat did him no good; but on the contrary, he daily wasted, and grew lean. Seve­ral Medicines, as well Purgers as Vomiters were in vain given him. At length it was resolv'd to bleed him by intervals first in one Arm and then t'other, [...], till he was without blood. Epidemic. lib. 5. sub Princi­pio. till he had scarce any blood left, which perfectly cur'd him.

Hippocrates let blood also in the Dropsie, and even in a Tympany; in both these cases he pre­scribes bleeding in the Arm De affecti­on [...].. In a disease arising from an over-grown Spleen, which is at­tended by diverse other symptoms, he proposes [Page 298]bleeding several times repeated at a Vein of the Arm which he calls the Splenatick Vein. We shall speak more of this Vein hereafter.

He proposes in another placeDe Mor­bis lib. 2. bleeding un­der the Tongue in a sort of Jaundice. This per­haps was an Empirical Medicine grounded on­ly upon experience, for the use of which he could give no good reason; and what confirms me in this opinion, is, that the Book wherein this remedy is mentioned is supposed to have been written by the Cnidian Physicians, who, as we have said before, were Empiricks. Or perhaps it might be grounded upon some rea­son which is lost to us, because we have not the same Idea of the disposition of the Veins, and their sympathy with the several parts of the body, that the Antients had. What Hip­pocrates advances elsewhere, that if we burn in any one the Veins or Arteries of the Temples, he can never procreate after, seems to be founded upon no better reason. We have as much reason to ask what particular communication there is between the Veins of the Temples, and the Organs of Generation, as between the Liver and the Spleen, which are the parts affected in the Jaundice, and the Veins of the Tongue. This difficulty would lye as heavy upon us as the other, if Hippocrates himself his not inform usSee for this the Chap­ter of the Ana­tomy of Hippo­crates, that the Seed which comes from all parts of the body, and particularly from the Head, passes or descends by the Veins of the Temples, or behind the Ears; so that when one burns those Veins, one intercepts the passage of the Seed.

See the list of diseases known to Hip­pocrates.This opening of the Veins behind the Ears was, as we have shew'd before, a famili­ar practice among the Scythians, by which they cur [...]d themselves of a certain sort of a Sciatica. There is no doubt, but that bleeding, as well as purging, which are two Medicines whose effects are not easily to be accounted for, must in many cases be Empirical remedies. It was [Page 299]sufficient for Hippocrates and the rest of the ancient Physicians, to know that they were serviceable in certain cases, to induce them to the use of them in those cases, tho ignorant of the reasons of their operations.

We see by what has been said concerning bleeding, that there were some occasions, in which he did not only bleed once in the course of a distemper, but that he did it very largely, continuing it sometimes even to swooning. Sometimes he blooded in both Arms at a time, in others he did it several times, and in several parts of the body, but he does not put down the quantity took at a time. The Veins which he open'd were those of the Arm, By the word [...], hand, the Greeks of­ten understood all the arm; so that when they only meant the hand they said [...], the extremity of the hand, or of the arm. Hippocrates makes parti­cular mention of two veins of the arm, or of the hand, one of which he calls Hepatitis, and the other Splenitis, supposing that the first came from the Liver, and the other from the Spleen. the Hands, the Ankles on both sides, the Hams, the Forehead, behind the Head, the Tongue, the Nose, behind the Ears, under the Breasts, and those of the Arms; not reckoning those he burnt, and the Arteries he opened, of which we shall speak under the head of his Surgery.

Hippocrates likewise used Cupping-vessels, with intent to recall and withdraw the humours which fell upon any part. He contented him­self sometimes with the bare attraction made by the Cupping-vessels, sometimes he scarified also, that is to say, he slasht or prickt diverse holes on the place where the Cupping-vessel had been. We shall see more at large in theSee below in the Chapter of Celsus. sequel the several sorts of Cupping-vessels in use amongst the Antients, and the manner of applying of them. We shall speak likewise of their Cauteries, in the Surgery of Hippocrates.

CHAP. XVIII. Of Diuretick and Sudorifick Remedies.

WHen bleeding and purging, which were the principal and most general means which Hippocrates us'd to take off a Plethora of the Blood or humours, were insufficient, he had recourse to Diureticks and Sudorificks. Which he insinuates in this passage, wherein neverthe­less he makes mention of bleeding.De ratione victûs in mor­bis acutis p. m 403. All diseases, says he, are determined or cured by evacuations by the mouth, by stool, by urine, or some other such way, but sweating is common to all, that is, takes off all alike.

[...] from [...], to urine [...] Diuretick Medicines were of different sorts, according to the disposition of persons; sometimes Baths, and sometimes Sweet Wine, provoke urine; sometimes the nourishment which we take contributes to it: and amongst those Herbs which are commonly eaten, Hip­pocrates recommends Garlick, Leeks, Onions, Cucumbers, Melons, Gourds, Fennel, and all the biting things which have a brisksmell. With these he numbers Honey, mixt with Water or Vinegar, and all Salt Meats. But when he would drive it more forcibly, he took four Can­tharides, and taking off their Wings and their Feet, gave them in Wine and Honey. He gave these several Medicines in variety of Cronical distempers after Purging, when he thought that [...]. See the Chapter of the Causes of D [...]seases. the Blood was over-charg'd with a sort of moisture, which he calls Ichor, or in suppressions of urine; and when it was made in less quantity than it ought.

Hippocrates used also sudorifick or sweating Medicines. There are also some cases wherein he would force sweat [...]. Satius urinam & sudorem provocare. De morb. mulier. 1. as well as urine, but he does not tell what is to be taken for that purpose. He says in another place,De Morb. Epidemic. lib. 6. sect. 2. that [Page 301]good care ought to be taken when sweat is provok­ed, both how and when, but he tells not the means. There is only a single passage that I know of, wherein he mentionsIbid. lib. 2. sect. 6. Vid. & Aphorism. 42. l. 7. sweating, by powring upon the Head a great quantity of hot Water till the Feet sweat, that is, till the sweat diffuses itself over the whole Body, running from the Head to the Foot. After which he would have them eat boyld Meat and drink thereupon pure Wine, and being well covered with cloaths, lay themselves to rest. What he adds immediately after, that they should eat two or three heads of Daffodills, does not seem to me at all to relate to the provoking of sweat, Daffodills being reckoned by Dioscorides among the Vomitories. Hippocrates perhaps puts the Patient to his choice, whether to sweat or vomit. Perhaps the Narcissus of Hippocrates was not known afterwards by the same name, which has been the fortune of several other Simples whose names have been changed. I do not find any other sudorifick Medicines taken at the mouth in Hippocrates.

The Disease for which he proposes the a­foresaid Remedies is a Fever, which is not, ac­cording to him, produced either by the Bile or the Pituita, but from meer Lassitude, or some other like cause. By this we see that Hippocrates did not approve of Sweating in any other Fever than here pointed at.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Simple Mediicines which change the disposition of the body and hu­mours, as to their sensible qualities, without making any sensible Evacu­ation.

De affect. p. m 515, This Book has been attributed to Polybius. Ʋpon this see what is remarked of refresh­ing remedies, below in the Chapter of acute Diseases. THese Medicines, says Hippo­crates, which Purge neither Bile nor Flegm, that is to say, which are not at all purgative, act by cooling, or heating, by drying, or moistning, or by [...]. The first signifies to close, to thicken; the se­cond to resolve, to dissipate. closing and thick­ning, resolving and dissipating. To these remedies he joins those which procure sleep; but he does not say what are those remedies which cool and moisten; and 'tis proba­ble, that what he calls Medicine in this place, serv'd likewise for Food: Which he seems to insinuate a little after, when he says, that the Meat and Drink which men use in their health, ought to serve them when they are sick, choosing or preparing them according to the present occasi­on, of cooling or moistning, drying or heating.

As this relates to the Diet of the sick, we may consult what has been before said upon that Head. Hippocrates used those Medicines which thickned, or resolved and dissipated, as well externally as internally, as well to draw the matter of an Abscess to the Head, as to resolve and dissipate a Tumour, or to thicken a sharp and thin Humour, or to attenuate or subtilize thick viscid uses. Of these more un­der the Chapter of his Pharmacy.

CHAP. XX. Of Hipnotic or Sleep-procuring Me­dicines.

HIppocrates speaking in the aforesaid passage of RemediesWe have ob­served in the preceding Chap. that the Book from whence this passage is taken, has been ascribed to Polybius, who, as we shall see below, was a greater reasoner than Hippo­crates. which procure sleep, says they produce this effect, [...]. by calming or giving rest to the blood, neither does he tell us what these Medicines are. He speaks in several other places of a Plant which he calls [...]. Me­con, which is the name the Greeks call the Poppy by. But 'tis remarkable that he generally attri­butes to this Plant a purgative quality; which makes it plain, that he did not mean the Poppy by it.De Sim­plic. Medica­ter. facultat. lib. 2. Galen tells us that some took the Peplus which we have ranked before amongst the Purgatives, and Spatling Poppy for the same Plant; and in his Glosses upon Hippocrates he says, that Meconium and Peplus signified frequently the same thing in him. I suppose we ought to read Mecon, and not Meconium, Pliny taking notice that the Ti­thymale which is the same with the Peplus, was otherwise call'd Mecon, or at least Galen ought to have said that the Meconium was the Juice of the Peplus, and not the Peplus itself.

We find notwithstanding in Hippocrates, some passages in which these two words Me­con and Meconium are taken in the same sense, in which the Greeks of the following Ages constantly used them, that is, the first signified Poppy, and the latter the Juice of it; which shews that in Hippocrates's time, two very different things were called by the same name; the Peplus which is a purging Tithymale, and the Poppy which is Astrin­gent and Somniferous. He speaks likewise of a third sort of Meconium drawn from the Ex­crements, [Page 304]which name has been since given to the Excrements first voided by a Child newly born. In the second Book of Womens distempers, he proposes [...], from the word [...], juice, is formed that of [...], or Opi­um in Latin. We may find in Dioscorides the difference be­tween Opium, and Meconi­um. the Juice of Poppy for a distemper of the Matrix, and as a proof that he meant the Juice of Poppy, which causes sleep, he calls it within a few lines af­ter the [...]. Hipnotic Meconium, to distinguish it from the other.

From hence it is apparent that he knew the virtue of the Poppy, but it is observable that he us'd it very seldom; and I do not find that he proposes this Remedy in the cases to which it has been since apply'd, that is, in wakings, and especially in pains. We shall have occasion to say more of this Re­medy,See below in the Chapt. of Heraclides Tarentum. in the sequel, and of the use the Ancients made, and the doubts they had of it.

There is another passage in Hippocrates, wherein he mentions the white and black Pop­pyDe vict. rat. lib 2. in these words. The Poppy says he, is A­stringent, the black more than the white, yet the white is so likewise, [...]. but it nourishes and is of great force. Dioscorides and Galen inform us, that the Ancients put Poppy-seeds in their Cakes, which they made of Meal and Honey, and sometime even into their Bread, as it is not likely they did it for nourishment. Perhaps there may be some fault in the Text of Hippocrates.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Specifick Remedies of the several distempers, whose operations are not accounted for.

THe Medicines hitherto spoke of act after a sensible manner, and it was by their means that Hippocrates answered the general intenti­ons which he proposed in the cure of diseases. There were other Medicines which he made use of for no other reason but the known success of them in several particular cases. His own ex­perience, and that of his predecessors, was suf­ficient to establish the use of them, tho he could not rationally account for their effects.

We shall give some instances of these reme­dies in the account of Hippocrates's method of curing some particular diseases. But we must not forget here that these remedies were chief­ly such as he inherited from his predecessors the Asclepiades, who being Empiricks, did not much trouble themselves how their Medicines operated, so the Patients were cured. Tho Hippocrates relied very much upon the former sort of Medicines, yet he did not neglect these, for almost all the Physicians after him continu­ed the use of both sorts in their practice, the one supplying the defects of the other.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Remedies apply'd externally to diverse parts of the Body. Of Com­pound Medicines in general, and of the Pharmacy of Hippocrates.

AMongst the Remedies external­ly apply'd, [...]; from [...], which signifies Fire; and [...], to warm; [...], from [...] to heat. This last word seems common to Fomentati­ons, Cataplasms, and all ex­terior applications of Oils, and Unguents, which are used as lentfiers. In Latin Fomen­tum from Fovere. Fomentations were the chief. These were a pe­culiar sort of Bath which Hippo­crates used very often, and which was made several ways. The first was that, wherein the PatientThis sort of Fomentation was called [...], from [...], to sit with­in. Lib. de Superfatat. de ratione victùs in acutis, de morb. 3. sat in a Vessel, in a decoction of Herbs or Simples, appropriate to his Malady, so that the part agrie­ved was soaked in the decoction. This was chiefly us'd in distempers of the Womb, of the Arms, the Bladder, the Reins, and generally all the parts below the Diaphragm. This Remedy might be referr'd to the Chapter of Baths, of which it is a kind.

The second way of Fomenting, was to take warm Water, and put it into a Skin or Bladder, or even into a Copper or Earthen Vessel, and to apply it to the part affected; as for example, upon the side in a Pleurisie. They use likewise a large Sponge, which they dipt in the water or other hot Liquor, and squeezed out part of the water before they apply [...]d it. The same use they made of Barley, or Vetches, or Bran; which was boyl'd in some proper liquor, and apply [...]d in a linnen bag. These Fomentations were call'd moist Fomentations.

He us'd also dry ones made of Salt or Mil­let, made very hot, and applied in bags upon the part.

The last sort of Fomentations was by way of Vapour, which steam'd from some hot Liquor. We find an instance of this sort of Fomenta­tions in the first Book of Womens distempers. He cast at several times bits of red hot Iron into urine, and covering the Patient close upwards, caused her to receive the steam be­low. His design in these Fomentations, was to warm the part, to resolve or dissipate, and draw out the peccant matter, if any where, to mollifie and asswage pain, to open the passages or even to shut them, according as the Fo­mentations were Emollient or Astringent.

[...].Fumigations were likewise very much used by Hippocrates for the following intentions.De Morb. lib. 3. In the Quinzy he burnt Hysop, with Sulphur and Pitch, and caused the Smoke to be drawn into the Throat thro a Tunnel, which brought away abundance of Flegm thro the Mouth, and thro the Nose, or else he took to the same purpose,De morb. lib. 1. Nitre, Marjerom, and Cress­seeds, which he boyl'd in Water, Vinegar and Oyl, and while it was on the Fire, caus'd the steam to be drawn in by a Pipe. We find, particularly in Hippocrates, a great number of Fumigants for the distempers of Women, to provoke their Menses, and to check them, to help conception, and to ease pains in the Matrix, and the suffocation of it. He us'd on these occasions, such Aromaticks as were then known, as Cinnamon, Cassia, Myrrh, and several Odoriferous Plants, as likewise some Minerals, such as Niter, Sulphur, and Pitch, and caus [...]d them to receive the vapours into the Matrix, by means of a Tunnel.

[...]. & [...]. Gargles, which are likewise a sort of Fomentations for the Mouth and Throat, were also known to Hippocrates. He used in the Quinzy, a Gargle made of Marjerom, Sa­vory, Selery, Mint and Nitre, boyl'd with Wa­ter and a little Vinegar. When this was strain­ed, they added Honey to it, and wash'd their Mouths frequently with it.

They made likewise very great use of [...]. These three words Hippo­crates uses to signify all that is proper to a­noint. Oyls and Oyntments, in order to mollifie and to abate pain, to ripen Boils, to resolve Tumours, to refresh after weariness, to make the body supple, and divers others particular intenti­ons. We shall [...] occasion to speak further of Oyntments and Liquid Perfumes hereafter, in the Chapter of Prodicus, one of Hippocrates's Scholars. Hippocrates us'd sometimes Oyl of Olives neat, sometimes he infused some Sim­ple into it, as the leaves of Myrtle or Roses; this latter Oyl was in great request amongst the Ancients.

There were other sorts of Oyls more com­pounded. Hippocrates speaks of an Oyl or Unguent call [...]dSee Dios­corides. Susinum, which was made of the Flowers of the Iris, of some Aroma­ticks, of an Ointment of Narcissus made with the Flowers of Narcissus, and Aromaticks in­fused in Oyl. But the most considerable or the most compound Oyntment that he men­tions, is that which he calls Netopum, which he prepar'd particularly for Women. Hesychi­us tells us, that it was an Oyntment con­sisting of a great number of Ingredients. Hippocrates speaks likewise of an Oyl or Oyntment of Aegypt, which was compound­ed as it is elsewhere, of abundance of Aro­maticks, which seems to be the same with the Netopum, or as Dioscorides calls it, Metopium. As for another Oyl, which was called the white Oyl of Aegypt, Galen saysDe simpl. Medicam. facu [...]b. lib 2. in one place, that it was only very fine Oyl of Olives;In glossis Hippocratis. but in another place he tells us, that it was the same Oyl or Oyntment that was other­wise call'd Mendesium.

Hippocrates us'd also a sort of Oyntment which he call'd [...]. Ceratum, which consisted chiefly of Oyl and Wax, which gave name to the Medicine. The Composition of one Cera­tum, which he recommends for the softning of a Tumour, and cleansing of a Wound, was [Page 309]this. Take the quantity of a Nut of the Marrow or Fat of a Sheep, of Mastick or Turpentine the quantity of a Bean, and as much Wax, melt these over a Fire with Oyl of Roses, for a Cera­tum.

Sometimes he added mixed Pitch and Wax, and putting a quantum sufficit of Oyl, made a composition of greater consistence than the for­mer, which he call'd [...]. Ceropissus.

[...]. Cataplasms were a sort of Medicament of less consistence than the two former. They consisted of Powders or Herbs steep'd or boyl [...]d in water, or some other liquor, to which they sometimes put Oyl. In the Quinzy, Hippocrates orders a Cataplasm made of Barly-meal boil [...]d in Wine and Oyl. Cataplasms were used with intention of softning, lenifying, or resolving Tumours, or ripning of the Abscesses like the Cerata; they had also cooling Cataplasms made of the Leaves of Beets or Olive, Fig or Oak Leaves boil'd in Water.

Hippocrates us'd also a sort of Medicines cal­led a [...]. De morb. mu­li [...]r. lib. 3. Collyrium. It was compounded of Powders, to which was added a small quanti­ty of some Oyntment or Juice of a Plant, to make a solid dry Mass, the form of which was round and long, which was kept for use.

Another Composition not much different from the other, but in the form, the Ingredi­ents being much of the same nature, was a sort of [...], [...] which [...], becau [...]e [...] and [...] li [...]e a [...] cake. [...], [...] weight of a D [...]am. D [...] morb. [...] [...]ib [...]. Lozange, of the bigness of a small piece of Money, which was used to be burnt upon Coals for a perfume, and to be powdered for other uses, as we shall see more particularly hereafter. We find likewise in Hippocrates [...]s Descriptions for Powders, for several uses to take off Fungous flesh, and to blow into the Eyes in Opthalmies, &c.

These are almost all the Medicines used ex­ternally. We shall have occasion to take notice of a certain Composition of this na­ture, [Page 310]in the Chapter of Womens distempers. As for the Compound Medicines taken inwardly, they were either Liquid or Solid. [...]. Those which were in a Liquid form, were prepared either by decoction, or infusion in a proper Liquor, which, when strain'd, was kept for use, or by macerating certain Powders in such Liquors, and so taking them together, or by mixing divers Liquors together.See the Ch. of [...]he Diet of the Sick. We have given before the preparation of a Potion, call'd Cyceon, and some others. The Medi­cines in [...] from [...] to swallow something that is solid. Solid form, consisted of Juices, in­spissated, of Gums, Rosins or Powder made up with them, or with Honey, or something proper to give the necessary consistence to the Medicine. These were made up in a form and quantity fit to be swallow'd with ease.

Amongst the solid Medicines may be ranked that which is delivered in the first Book of Womens distempers, under the Title of [...]. The Vatican Co­pies read it, [...] of several in­gredients. the Salt Medicine.

There was a third sort of Medicine, which was betwixt Liquid and Solid, which was a sort of Lambitive, which they were forced to keep some time to dissolve in the Mouth, that they might swallow it leisurely. This Remedy was used to take off the Acrimony of those Humours which falls sometimes upon this part, which provoke Coughing, and other inconveniencies. Honey was the Basis of it, as we shall see in some descriptions to come, in the relation of some instances of distempers, cur'd by Hippocrates's method.

By all this we may see what sort of Com­pound Medicines Hippocrates used. If the Book De Affectionibus be his, we may infer from thence, that he wrote particularly upon this subject. The Author in that Book quoting others which treat of Medicaments only. These Books bore the title of Pharmaca; and Pharmacitis, says our Author, ut Scriptum est in Pharmacis, [Page 311]that is, in Libris De Pharmacis Agentibus. The word Pharmacitis is an Adjective, to which the Substantive Liber, which is under­stood, must be joyned. Pharmacitis Liber, the Book of Medicines. But this Book has been ascrib'd to Polybius, Son-in-law to Hippocrates; and it is remarkable that these Books, or this Book of Medicaments, is cited no where else by Hippocrates. Galen observes, that those sort of Books were very rare in those days, because the Ancient Physicians used to give a Receipt of the Medicines they used, with the History of the distemper they used them for.

Another thing which is worth our Obser­vation is, that the compound Medicines of Hippocrates were but very few, and consisted of very few Simples, four or five at most. We find indeed in Actuarius the description of a very compounded Antidote, which he calls Hippocrates's Antidote, for which he says, the Athenians presented him with a Crown. But this is plainly a fiction, and one of the specious Titles the Greeks used to give to their Medi­cines, to promote the sale, of which we shall see more examples hereafter.

Here we must take notice, that Hippocrates understood Pharmacy, or the Art of Compound­ing or Preparing Medicines. Lib. de Theriaca ad Pison. This Galen endeavours to prove from a passage of the second Book of the Epidemicks, where he introduces Hippocrates speaking after this manner.This pas­sage is very ob­scure, as we find it in Hip­pocrates; and Galen, or the Author of the Book cited by us, give [...] it us very different from what it is in our Originaly. We know the nature of Medicines, whereof so many different things are compounded, for all are not compounded alike, but some af­ter one manner, and others after another. Some simples ought to be boyl [...]d quick, others slowly▪ They are likewise differently prepared. Some are dry'd, some are stampt, some are boil­ed, &c.

The last observation we shall make upon the Pharmacy of Hippocrates is, that he not only understood the preparation of Medicines, [Page 312]but that he prepar'd them himself, or in his own House by his Servants, after his own di­rections This was the practice of the Physici­ans of those times, when neither Pharmacy nor Surgery were become particular professions.

CHAP. XXIII. A List of the Simples us'd by Hip­pocrates,

A
  • AGnus Castus.
  • Alica.
  • Alom, Alom of Egypt, Scissil Al [...]m.
  • Burnt Alom.
  • Almonds.
  • Amomum. *
  • Anagallis.
  • Anagyris.
  • Alkanet. *
  • Ammoniac. Gum.
  • Aneth.
  • Anise.
  • Anthemus, or Anthe­mis.
  • Asparagus.
  • After-birth humane.
  • Asphodil.
  • Atriplex. *
  • Amber
  • Ass its D [...]ng.
  • Ash-tree,
  • Apples.
B
  • Brass, and its Rust, Filings, Scales, and Calx.
  • Birthwort.
  • Baccharis. *
  • Butter.
  • Blites.
  • Bulbus albus.
  • Bulbus parvus growing among the Corn.
  • Bembylium, a sort of Melissa. Erot.
  • Bryony.
  • Buprestis, the name both of a Plant, and an Animal.
  • Beetles.
  • Beans.
  • Basil.
  • Barley. Achilles's Barley.
  • Bramble.
  • [Page 313]Bulls Gall, Liver, and Ʋrine.
C
  • CLivers, Goosegrass.
  • Cachrys.
  • Calamint.
  • Calamus aromaticus.
  • Cantharides. *
  • Capers.
  • Cardamomes.
  • Casia.
  • Castor.
  • Cedar, and its Rosin.
  • Centaury.
  • Chalcitis
  • Chamaeleon.
  • Chondrus.
  • Coleworts.
  • Chrethmus.
  • Chrysocolla.
  • Chrysitis.
  • Cinnamon.
  • Cneorum.
  • Cnidia Grana.
  • Cnicus.
  • Colocynthis.
  • Cucumbers Garden and wild.
  • Conyza.
  • Coriander.
  • Crateogonon.
  • Cresses.
  • Cumine, vulgar, and Ethiopian.
  • Cyclamen.
  • Cyperus.
  • Cypress.
  • Cytisus.
  • Cravfish.
  • Cheese.
  • Clary.
  • Carrots
  • Cinquefoil.
  • Cuttle-fish, its Bones, and Eggs.
  • Chalk
D
  • DOg.
  • Daphnoides.
  • Daucus.
  • Dittany.
  • Dittany of Crete.
  • Dracontium
  • Dracuncunculus.
  • Docks.
E
  • EBony.
  • Elaterium.
  • Epipetrum.
  • Erviolum.
  • Ervum.
  • Erysinum.
  • Evanthemum
  • Eggs.
  • Elder.
F
  • FRankincense.
  • Frankincense gra­nulated.
  • Flower, or Meal of se­veral sorts of Grain, fine and course.
  • Fenugreek.
  • Fennel.
  • Ferula.
  • [Page 314]Fig-tree, Garden and wild, its Leaves, Wood and Fruit, &c.
  • Frogs.
  • Feverfew.
  • Fox Dung.
G
  • GArlick.
  • Goose Grass. Cli­vers.
  • Goat, the Milk, Dung, Excrements of the Skin, Fat, and Horns.
  • Gourds.
  • Gall of Oxen, Swine, Sea Scorpion, &c.
  • Galba num.
  • Galls Nuts
  • Glans Egyptia.
  • Grapes, and the mass of 'em after pressing.
H
  • HEmlock.
  • Horns of Oxen, Goats, and Deer, rasp'd, and burnt.
  • Hellebore, white and black.
  • Heath.
  • Herb Charien.
  • Hedgehog.
  • Sea Hedgehog.
  • Hippomarathrum.
  • Hippophae.
  • Holoconitis.
  • Hyssop vulgar, and Cilician.
  • Hare's Wool.
  • Hemp.
  • Honey.
  • Honey of Cedar.
I
  • JUncus odoratus
  • Iris.
  • Isatis or Wood.
  • Ivie.
L
  • LOadstone.
  • Lettice.
  • Lagopyrus.
  • Laserpitium.
  • Laurel.
  • Lentills.
  • Lentiscus.
  • Lees of Wine
  • Lees of Wine burnt
  • Lotus.
  • Lupines.
  • Lapis
    • Cyanaeus
    • Magnesius.
  • Leeks.
M
  • MArsh Mallow
  • Mugwort.
  • Mushromes.
  • Milk, Asses, Cows, Mares, Bitches.
  • Mastick Tree.
  • Mastick
  • Malicorium.
  • Mandrake.
  • Mallow.
  • Meconitis.
  • (a) Meconium purgans.
  • [Page 315]Meconium somniferum.
  • Meconium, an excre­ment.
  • Melanthium.
  • Melilot.
  • Mint.
  • Mercury the Herb.
  • Mulberries.
  • Millet.
  • Minium.
  • Misy.
  • Modus, a root.
  • Molybdaena.
  • Moss.
  • Mustard.
  • Mules Dung.
  • Myrica.
  • Myrrh.
  • Myrrha Stacte.
  • Myrtle.
  • Myrtidanum.
N
  • NArcissus.
  • Nardus.
  • Nitre.
  • Nitre red.
  • Nuts Thasian.
  • Nettle.
  • Navelwort.
O
  • ONions.
  • Orache.
  • Oats.
  • Oak.
  • Oyl.
  • Oenanthe.
  • Oesype.
  • Olive, Wood, Leaves, Gall, Fruit, Stones, and Oyl.
  • Origanum.
  • Orobus.
  • Orpiment.
  • Orpine.
P
  • PImpernel
  • Parsley Bastard.
  • Pomegranate.
  • Pepper.
  • Panax.
  • (b) Poppy.
  • Peplium.
  • Peplus.
  • Pompions.
  • Parsley.
  • Parsley curled.
  • Pencedanum.
  • Poplar.
  • Phaseolus.
  • Philistium.
  • Pine, and its Kernel.
  • Peony.
  • Pears.
  • Pease, and dry.
  • Purslan.
  • Pitch.
  • Prassium.
  • Pseudodictamnus.
  • Pennyroyal.
Q
  • QUick Lime.
R
  • RAisins
  • Rhadish.
  • [Page 316]Ranunculus.
  • Root white.
  • Resine.
  • Rhamus.
  • Rhus.
  • Ricinus.
  • Rocket.
  • Rose.
  • Rosemary.
  • Rubia.
  • Rue.
S
  • SOthernwood.
  • Silver, and its Flower.
  • Spices of all sorts.
  • Stag its horns, &c.
  • Services, or Sorb Apples.
  • Sea water.
  • Succory yellow
  • Sheeps Fat, Marrow, and Dung
  • Saffron.
  • Sagapenum.
  • Sandarach, Gum.
  • Savoury.
  • Savin.
  • Sage.
  • S [...]mmony.
  • Squills.
  • Scolopendrium
  • Salt.
  • Sa [...] [...]f Thebes.
  • Seseri
  • Sesamum.
  • Sesamoides.
  • Spodium.
  • Sulphur.
  • Stavesacre.
  • Staebe.
  • Struthium.
  • Stybis.
  • Styrax.
  • Soot.
  • Sea Calfs Lungs.
  • Spelt.
T
  • THorn white.
  • Thorn Egyptian.
  • Turnep.
  • Turpentine.
  • Teda
  • Terra Aegyptiaca.
  • Terra nigra Samia.
  • Thapsia.
  • Thlapsi.
  • Time.
  • Thymbra.
  • Tithymalus.
  • Tithymalis.
  • Torpedo.
  • Tortoise.
  • Tragus.
  • Tribulus.
  • Trefoil.
  • Trigonum.
V
  • VIper.
  • Verbascum.
  • Verdegrise.
  • Verjus.
  • Vine, it's Wood, Leaves, and Tendrels.
  • Vinegar.
  • Violets
    • white.
    • blue.
  • Urine.
W
  • WOrmwood
  • Wax, white Wax
  • Wheat.
  • Whey.
  • Worms.
  • Wine, of several sorts.
X
  • XAnthium.
Z
  • ZEa.

These are the names that occur in Hippocra­tes, except perhaps a very few, which may have escap'd our notice. The Greek, like most o­ther Languages, having suffered great altera­tion, and the names of diverse Plants being chang'd, it became within 2 or 3 Ages different to determin what Plants Hippocrates design'd by some of 'em; but the number of 'em is so small that the loss is not very considerable.

CHAP. XXIV. Some instances of particular Cures of some Diseases, both Acute and Chro­nical.

WE shall find here, besides the practice of the general rules before laid down, several particular Medicines of which no mention has been made. We have already seen Hippocra­tes's distinction between Fevers that were not symptomatical, but were of themselves the ori­ginal distemper, and those which attended in­flamations. We have observ'd, that in the first sort of Fevers Diet was the only Medicine, he not thinking it necessary neither to bleed or purge, or do any thing more than nurse them after the manner below laid down.

We have seen likewise the use he made of bleeding and purging in inflamations, such as the Pleurisie and Peripneumonie, and his cauti­ons in the use of them.

In the first of these distempers he attempted to abate the pain of the side, or to dissipate the peccant matter, by applying Fomentati­ons upon the part. In the case of the man that was not blooded till the eighth day of his Pleurisie, he takes express notice that the Fomentations had not at all abated the pain, which supposes him to have begun with them. Fo­mentations were, and have been a long time, almost an universal Remedy, and the use of Oyls, Oyntments, Cataplasms, and other ex­ternal Medicines was near as common, as the sequel will shew. Hippocrates did not only apply these Medicines to the part affected in the Pleurisie, whose seat is in the side:De dlaeta in acutis. He caused almost all the body, and particularly the Loins and Thighs to be anointed. Of those remedies which he gave inwardly in this di­stemper, he appears to have relied most upon those which promotedDe locis in hom spitting. He pro­poses also the following remedy.Diaeta acutis. Take, says he, Sothernwood, Pepper, and black Hellebore, boyl them in Vinegar and Honey, and give it in the beginning of the distemper, if the pain be urgent. He prescribes in the same case, as also in infla­mations of the Liver, and pains about the Dia­phragm, Panax boyl'd in the same Liquor; and intimates that these Medicines serve to loosen the Belly, and so provoke urine; so that black Hellebore ordered in the first pre­scription, must not be taken for a true purga­tive, because it would have been against his principles, but for a Medicine that only loosens the Belly gently, and was about the strength of a Clyster. In another place he allows urineSee the Chapter of Diet. to his Pleuriticks, so it be not a strong Wine, and it be well diluted. He al­lows it likewise in a sort of inflamation of the [Page 319]Lungs and in a Lethargy, which makes me the less surprized at his ordering Pepper in a Pleu­risy; and which is an argument that the intenti­on of cooling, or the fear of heating, were not the strongest considerations upon which Hippocrates acted in the cure of acute distem­pers; although he recommends elsewhere to Pleuriticks, a drink made of Water and Vine­gar, into which he sometimes put a little Honey, with an intention to moisten and ex­pectorate. Perhaps this Pepper Medicine was one of the empirical Remedies before spoken of, the experience whereof he had without the reason.

In a Peripneumonie, or inflamation of the Lungs, his practice was much the same, as in a Pleurisie. We have seen before that he let blood frequently. We shall only take notice here, that he endeavoured to clear the Lungs by Medicines, that attenuated or incided vi­scid matter, and help'd expectoration. He particularly for this purpose, directs anSee the preceeding Chapter. Electuary composed of Pine-apples, Galba­num, and Attick Honey.

We have seen that he ordered bleeding for those that suddenly lost their Speech, or who had any sumptoms of an Apoplexy, Palsy, or Convulsions, and other distempers of the like nature. After this he orders vomiting, and a purge of a great quantityTo the quantity of a dozen, and sometimes of sixteen hemi­nae. See the Chapter of Purgers. of Asses Milk. But this latter Remedy seems rather design'd for those that were recovered of these distem­pers, or had overcome the first fit. The Fo­mentations likewise must have been used in the beginning.

For Convulsions in particular he gave Pepper, and black Hellebore in Chicken Broth. He made them sneeze, bath, foment and anoint continu­ally.De locis in homine. In another place he orders a fire to be made on both sides the patients bed, and gave him Mandiake Root in a small quantity, and applied Bags very hot to the Tendons be­hind, [Page 320]without specifying what Tendons he means.

In a Quinzy he opened the Veins of the Arm, and under the Tongue and Breasts. He gave Lambitives and Gargles, which they were to use hot, and used Fumigations as we have ta­ken notice already. He advises shaving the Head, and to lay a Plaister to it, as likewise the Neck, which was also to be fomented and covered with Wool.lib. 3. (h) In great peril of suf­focation he pierced the Wind-pipe, and put a Reed or Pipe into it. When the disease be­gan to abate, he purged with Elaterium, to prevent a relapse. He began the cure of an Ileos by Vomiting also; tho in this distemper they vomit of themselves too much, as we have ob­served that he did in a Cholera, See the Chap. of Vomitives. which is like­wise a disease whose chief symptom is vomit­ing. Afterwards he let blood from the Veins of the Arm and of the Head, and cool'd all the Diaphragm, not the Heart excepted; and warm'd all those belowSee the Chapter of out­ward Reme­dies., by placing the pa­tient in a vessel of warm water, and afterward anointing him continually with Oyls, or ap­plying Cataplasms as hot as might be endured. He used also upon these occasions Suppositors eight inches long, made with Honey only, and rubb'd at the end with Bulls Gall. This Sup­positor having drawn away the nearest excre­ments, he gave a Clyster. But if the Supposi­tory had no effect, he thrust up the Anus the snowt of a pair of Bellows, and having blown up the Belly and Intestines, he drew the Bel­lows and gave the Clyster. He gives a caution that this Clyster be made of things which do not heat very much, but such as dissolve the excrements: and after it is taken, he orders the Anus to be stopt with a Sponge, and the Patient be put into warm water, and keep the Clyster as long as possible.

He begins his Cronical distempers with the Exsiccating disease describ'd before, and taken [Page 321]notice of as a kind of a Hypochondriacal affection. For the cure of this evil, Hippocrates proposed first walking and exercise; and in case of weakness, to make use of some carriage, and to make short Journeys. He adds, that they ought to take vomits and purges frequently, to use cold Bathing in Summer and to anoint in Autumn and Winter, with Oyls; to drink Asses Milk or Whey, to abstain from meats, either sweet or oyly, and to use cooling things, and such as keep the Belly loose, and to take Clysters. He mentionsEpidem l. 5. sub p [...]in [...]. See the Chapter of ble [...]ding. the case of a young man, some­thing like the distemper we are speaking of, thas was cured by repeated Bleeding.

His Pthysical patients he first purg'd with pretty violent purges, such as the Berries of Thymelaea or Spurge. After which he gave them Asses Milk or Cows Milk, mixt with a third part of Water and Honey, and afterwards all sorts of Milk, whether Cows, Asses, Goats, or Mares, either pure, or mingled as before, to which he added a little Salt, when he had a mind to make it purgative.See the Chapter of the Chirurgery of Hippocrates. He burnt them likewise in the Back, and the Breast in several places, and kept the Ulcers open for some time. At last he had recourse to purging the head, See the Chapter of Pur­gatives. the manner of which has been given before. He dieted them in this distem­per sometimes with Goats flesh, and some­times with Swines, which was the advice of Esculapius, in the same case as we have seen before. He ordered likewise to those that could not easily expectorate the matter with which their Lungs were stuft, to eat very fat salt Meats, in order to discharge the puru­lent matter, and cleanse the Lungs. He al­low [...]d them the use of Wine in small quanti­ties, so it were not black and rough, but such as that which was an ingredient of theSee the Chapter of Di­et. Cyceon before mentioned, which was a potion he ordered in this case. He advised, in short, moderate exercising, and particularly walking.

In an Empyema, which is a Disease akin to the Pthysis, caused by a Collection of puru­lent matter between the Lungs and the Pleura, which often comes upon Pleurisies, He proposesSee the Chapter of Cni­dian Physicians, lib. 2. and in the same Book the Chapter of Purging. purging of the Breast, of which before. He has yet another cure by means of Surgery, of which hereafter. He cured pains in the Head by first washing or fomenting it a long time with warm water, and afterwards causing sneezing, by that means drawing away the Pituita, which he called purging the Head. He forbad Wine, and recommended moistning. If these were insufficient, he open'd the veins of the Nose and of the Fore-head, and if still the distemper continued obstinate, he madeSee the Chapter of Chi­rurgery below. in­cisions upon the head, orDe locis in homine. cauterized the veins in several parts of it, as we shall see hereafter. He cured the Intumescence, or the over-growth of the Spleen, which comes upon Fevers, by giving Hydragogues, and a Diet proper to diminish or purge flegm. If this were not sufficient, he order'd burning in several places about the Navel, to draw out the water that way. [...]. See the Oono­my of Foesius upon the word [...] What that Au­thor says there is better than his translation of this passage. In another distemper of the Spleen he advises to cleave Wood, and to use abun­dance of Exercise. Amongst the diet he orders in this case Dogs flesh.

For the Dropsie he prescrib'd first a dyet which tended wholly to dry the body, and to discharge the superfluous humours. (s) To this end, he orders them to walk, and use as much exercise as possible, to do laborious work, sweat much, and sleep upon it. As for their dyet, he advised them to eat things dry and sharp,De ratio­ne victus in acutis, & Epi­dem. lib. 5. v. 69. which is the way to make much water; and to be strong, that they should eat Toste steept in Black Wine, and Oyl and Swines flesh boyl'd in Vinegar, drinking otherwise but very little, and then of thin small White wine at first; but when the distemper grew upon them, strong black Wine. If it happens, says he, that the Patient has a difficulty of breath­ing, [Page 323]in case it be Summer time, or he in the flower of his Age and lusty, he ought to be blooded in the Arm. In the place where Hip­pocrates gives these directions, he seems to confound the cure of the Dropsie call'd Hypo­sarcidios, with that species that is occasion'd by, or accompany'd with Wind, which are the two kinds of this distemper mention'd in this place.

There are, says he, two sorts of Dropsies, one call'd Hyposarcidios, which is not to be avoided when it is coming, the other which is with wind, which is not to be cured but by great luck, See the list of Diseases known. to Hip­pocrates above. which requires abundance of exercise, hard labour, and fomentations, and that they live very temperately and sparingly, that they eat things dry and sharp, &c. as before. I suppose the cure of the first sort of the Dropsie to commence at these last words, that what he said before in short of exercise, fomentations and temperance, respects the latter, at least, if the same method is designed for both.

Besides these Remedies, Hippocrates proposes in other places Purgers that carry off Water and Flegm, and not Bile. And again,De intern. affect. This Book is ascrib­ed to Cnidian Physicians. he elsewhere distinguishes a Dropsie proceeding from the Liver, from that which arises from the Spleen. He orders in the former of these distempers, a Medicine composed with Marje­rom boiled in Wine, and Laserpitium to the quantity of a Tare. This potion was suc­ceeded by Goats Milk, of which four Hemi­nae were to be taken with a third of Water and Honey. He ordered abstinence from solid nourishment for the first ten days, in which time he discovered whether the Dis­eases were mortal or not, and during that time a Ptisan boil'd with Honey, and strained, and to drink a sort of White Wine which he specifies, and was not very strong. The ten days over, he allowed them to eat a Cock roasted, which they were to eat hot, andSee there­upon the Chap­ter of Diet. Puppies, and a certain sort of Fish which he [Page 324]named, with the aforesaid Wine, but when the Water began to come to the Belly, he came to the Remedies before-mentioned, to the black rough Wine, to exercise, &c. For the Dropsie which came from the Spleen, he gave at first Hellebore in order to vomit, and afterwards he purged with (x) Cneorum, Juice of Hippophae, or Cnidian Grains, after which came Asses Milk to the quantity of eight Heminae, sweetned with a little Honey. If these Re­medies failed, he had recourse to Surgery, as we shall see anon.

De morb. lib. 2.For the Cure of a Quartan Ague, Hip­pocrates began with purging downward, which was succeeded with purging the head, after which he purged once again as before. And if the Ague continued, he let slip the time of two Fits, and then bathed them in warm wa­ter, and at coming out of the Bath gave him of the seeds ofI suppose there may be some mistake in the D [...]se of these Medica­ments. Henbane and Mandrake, the quantity of a grain of Millet each, Lasserpitium and Trefoil, each the quantity of three Beans, all infus'd in pure Wine. If the parts were otherwise lusty and healthful, and if a Fever came upon being over tired with a Journey, and afterwards turned to a Quartan Ague, he began with Fomentations, and afterwards gave a mixture of Garlick and Honey and Len­tile Broth, in which was Honey and Vinegar. When the sick man had taken this Mess, he made him vomit; and after having bathed in a hot Bath, as soon as he was cool, he drank Ciceon with water, and in the evening was permitted to eat light victuals as much as he could. In the following Fit he bathed hot; and after being cover'd with abundance of Cloaths forc'd sweat, and drank a potion made with the Roots of white Hellebore of the length of three fingers, a Dragm of Trefoil, Juice of Laserpitium the weight of two Beans, with pure Wine; and if he had an inclinati­on to vomit he vomited, if not, a vomit was [Page 325]given after purging the Head. At other times he should use a light sharp Diet, and if the Fit took him fasting, the vomiting Medicine was omitted.

In a Diarrhaea and Dysentery, with gripes and swelling of the Feet, Hippocrates observes, that Meal boil'd in Milk, that is, Milk-Porridge, was more serviceable than Goats Whey, which he made use of before. He adds, that another person sick of the same distemper, did well upon eating boiled Asses Milk. He had before observ'd, [...]. We may see in this instance, which is in the beginning of the above mention­ed Book, several other ways of using milk. that Whey and Milk, in which red hot Flints had been quenched, had relieved a person in the same case, by which we may see that Hippocra­tes made use of any thing but Milk to these distempers. In another place he proposes for the same distemper Beans boil'd with Rubia Tinctorum, in fat Broth. There is yet another very peculiar Remedy for a Dysentery, in the Chapter of the Writings of Hippocrates.

CHAP XXIV. Of Womens Distempers.

THe body of Women being made otherwise than that of Men, as likewise its peculiar distempers; these depend chiefly upon the Matrix, and are very numerous, as we may see by the list before given. Hippocrates has attributed a great number of these to the dis­placing of the part aforesaid, which he supposes might not only be relax'd, and hang out, but that it might likewise be retracted as far as the Liver or Heart, and even to the Head, or turn Its Orifice to the right or left, or backwards or forwards. Of all these motions, that ac­cording to Hippocrates, which was accompanied with the most dismal symptoms, was the re­traction of it, whereby it ascended and press'd the Liver, the Head, and the upper parts; this producing in Women a sudden change of Colour, grating of the Teeth, and other symp­toms like Epileptick, a difficulty of breath­ing even to absolute suffocation, a priva­tion of sense, and an universal cold, like death.

To remedy this, Hippocrates order'd the up­per part of Belly to be swathed, pressing the Matrix gently downwards, and forcing open their Mouths, poured down the richest Wine, and after they were come to themselves, gave them a purge, and after that Asses Milk. If the disease was obstinate, after having re­duced the Matrix to its place, he gave them a decoction, in which was Castor, Conyza, Rue, Cummin of Ethiopia, Rhadish-Seeds, Sulphur and Myrrh. He burnt under their Noses likewise stinking things, such as Wooll, Pitch, Castor, Brimstone, Leather, Horns, and Feathers, and the snuff of a Lamp just extinguish'd, with intention to fetch them to themselves, to make them sweat, and to restore the Matrix. In the mean time he anointed below with sweet Oyls, and Liquid Perfumes, such as that which he call'dSee the Chapter of exterior Reme. dies. Neto­pum. He likewise used divers other Remedies both internal and external, amongst which we must not forget the Pessaries. These were a sort of Suppositors to thrust up the Neck of the Ma­trix; [...]. they were made of Wool or Lint, mixt with divers other things, Oyl, Wax, Powder, &c. it was made round and like a finger. In the disease before mentioned, Hippocrates made Pessaries made with Castor, Myrrh, Peucedà­num, Pitch, Melanthium, and sometimes evenA sort of a Fly resembling Cantharides. There was likewise an Herb of this name. the Bruprestis, and Cantharides, mixing all these with Oyntments and Wool.

It is observable, that the use of Pessaries was very common among the Ancients, and that it was almost the universal Medicine in Womens cases. They us'd it almost for all intentions, to relax, to lenifie, to draw, to ir­ritate, to cleanse, and dry the Matrix, &c. using sometimes Oyls and Fat, sometimes the juice of Herbs, sometimes things very irrita­tive, as Nitre, Scammony, Tithimale, Garlick, Cummin, Cantharides, and the like, and some­times restringents, as the Rind and Flower [Page 328]of Pomgranates, Sumach, and sometime Aro­maticks, and Plants of sweet Smell.

Nor was it in the suffocation of the Matrix only that these Pessaries were in use, but in all other distempers of that part. They were imploy'd to provoke or check the Menses, a­gainst Relaxations, superfluity of Humours, Ulcerations, and Inflamations, the Dropsie, Fluor Albus and Sterility; they procur'd A­bortions and brought away dead Children, and the Secundines, and promoted the purgations of Women after Labour, &c.

Hippocrates used yet other Medicines in the cure of the aforesaid distempers. We shall examine his method of treating two opposite distempers, the suppression of the Menses, and the too great quantity or too frequent returns of them. The first of these he cur'dDe mo [...]b. mul [...]er lib. 1. & de natura mulieb [...]i. by pur­gers and vomits. And after the use of sharp Pessaries, Perfumes, Fomentations, and hot Baths twice a day, he gave inwardly several Medicines which experience had taught him to be very powerfully moving that way. He us'd sometimes upon this occasion Cr [...]thmus or Sampier boil'd in Wine, made of the Tree call'd Taeda, the Herb Mercury and Chiches. But if these Remedies were too weak, he pre­par'd a drink, in which were five Cantharides without heads, wings, or feet; Water-cal­trops, Anthemus, Smallage-seeds, and fifteen dry'd eggs infus'd in sweet Wine. To the same intention he gave likewise the leaves and flowers of Ranunculus, infus'd in the same Wine, Dittany of Crete, Hogs Fenel, Panax, Peonis Roots, Seeds of white Violets, the Juice of Colworts of Laserpitium to the quan­tity of a Verch, and Cress-seeds, these two latter infus'd in Wine or Bitch's Milk. Hip­pocrates used likewise divers other Simples not mention'd here.

In an immoderate Flux, he charges to ab­stain fromLib. de lo­ [...] [...] h [...]min [...]. Bathing, and any thing that [Page 329]may heat, from all Diuretick Medicines or Laxative, and to make the Bed highest at the feet, and to use restringent Pessaries.De morb. mul. lib. 2. He order'd the Belly and lower parts to be fo­mented with a Sponge, or Cloths dipt in cold Water, or to drink a composition of Parsly-seeds dried at the fire, and sifted, and the seed of Hedge Mustard prepar'd the same way; Peplium or Poppy-seeds, sifted with course Flower; Nettle-seeds, Moss of the Wild, O­live, Gauls, Rue, Marjorum, Pennyroyal, Barly-meal, Wheat-flower, Goats Milk, Cheese, all made into a kind ofSee the Chap. of Diet Ciceon. Besides these Remedies which Hippocrates used in the begin­ning of the distemper, he apply'd likewise under the Breasts a largeAphorism. 50. Sect. 5. Cupping Vessel; but when the Flux of blood began to diminish and stop intirely, he us'd the following Re­medies. He gave purges and vomits, and us'd lenifying and restringent Fomentations below, which was succeeded by a Cataplasm made of the Meal of Spelt, with the Bran of Wild Figs and Olive Leaves. After this he came to Cows Milk, either raw or boiled, according to the condition of the Patient. Further he recommends the seeds of Erisimum, parch'd and drank with Wine, Perfume consisting of Vinegar, Sulphur, Spelt, Myrrh, [...]. This last in my opinion was the name of some Plant. and the fruit of the Serpent. These latter Remedies re­late to a particular sort of bleeding, which he says come from the places below the [...]. This word sig­nifies several things in Hip­pocrates, and tis not always cas [...]e to guess what he means by it. See the word [...]ungs in the List of Dis­eases. Ar­ticulations. In another place he reckons hem­lock among those inward Medicines: Take says he, as much hemlock as you can with three fingers, and drink it with water. We shall make some reflections upon these Medicines, in the Chapter of Heraclides of Tarentum.

Those fluxes of blood, which were accompa­nied with an ill smell, sharpness, pain, and other symptoms, were cured much after the same manner. He gave white Hellebore, and afterwards some other purge, and then used [Page 330]the same astringents and lenifiers as before. We must not here forget, besides the Fomen­tations, he recommends the use of Clysters or Injections for the Matrix, in case of Ulcers and some other disorders of that part; these con­sisting of the same ingredients with the Cata­plasms, Fomentations, and Pessaries. He used also in this cure Asses Milk, advising also by way of Diet, Herbs that were not bi­ting, clammy Fish boyl'd with Onions and Corriander-seeds, in sweet oyly pickle, Swines Flesh, Lamb or Mutton, rather boyl'd than roasted, to drink small White Wine with a little Honey, not to use too much nor too hot bathing. The Matrix at length being suffici­ently moistned, and the Acrimony of the hu­mours taken off, he forbad bleeding abso­lutely, and clos'd all with a course of re­stringent Medicines, such as before-menti­oned.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Chyrurgery of Hippocrates.

See m [...]re of this in the general M [...] ­xims of the practice of Hippocrates. WHere Medicines failed, he had recourse to the Knife, and where the Knife was unserviceable, he sought Remedies from Fire. Hippocrates had from Chyrurgery these two last Remedies, or the manner of using them, and several other ways of relieving men a­gainst their distempers. He practised Phar­macy by Chyrurgery. The same person in those days exercised all parts of Physick in general; and he that advised a Medicine, or an Opera­tion, prepar'd and perform'd them himself, or at least caus'd them to be prepar'd or per­form'd by his Servants, that work'd immedi­ately [Page 331]under his eye and direction. This Galen takes notice of, and it is apparent from the bare reading the works of Hippocrates. In the Oath which he exacts of his Scholars, he ob­liges them not to Cut for the Stone, but to leave that operation to those who made a particular pro­fession of it; which supposes that the exercise of all other branches of Surgery was allow'd of. One of his Books likewise treating only of things relating to Surgery, is call'd the [...], See below, to­wards the end of the first Book of the second part. Phy­sicians repository, and not the Surgeons, which ought to have been the Title, if Surgery in those days had been a distinct Art from that of Physick. But instead of that,We often find in Hippo­crates the fol­lowing words, [...], which somewhat resemble that of [...], but don't exactly signify the same thing; the first of which words are used by our Author to signify the act­ion or manner of operating, whereas the latter▪ altho as we have observ'd before in the Chapter of Chiron, it signifies in strictness operation of the hand, yet has been given to the art itself, which teaches the manner of operating, and not to the action or operation itself. Surgery had not so much as a particular name, or at least was not known by that name, nor is it to be found any where in the Works of Hippocrates, nor did begin to be in use, till the time of the division of Physick, of which we shall speak hereafter.

But names altering not the nature of things, however the Art which teaches to cure distempers by Manual Operations, was call'd, Hippocrates unquestionably was Master of it, and it made up a great part of his practice in gene­ral.

We have seen before that he burnt or cau­terized the Breast and Back of Pthisical men, and those whose Spleen was over-grown. The Instruments he made use of for this end, were sometimes [...] i. e. an Instru­ment proper to burn. red hot Irons, sometimes Spindles of Box, steept in boyl'd Oyl, sometimes a sort of Mushrooms, which be burnt upon the part, and sometimes what he call'd Linum Crudum. [Page 332]He made great use of all those ways of burning in all fixed pains settled in a particular part. As for instance, in the Gout or Sciatica he burnt the Toes, Fingers, and Hips, with Linum Crudum. A famousDoctor Sydenham. English Phy­sician not long since dead, compar'd this way of cauterizing to that of the Indians, with a sort of Moss call'd Moxa, but he was mi­staken in it. He was led into this errour by the ordinary interpreters of Hippocrates, who by the word [...] Linum Crudum under­stand Flax, whereas the Greek word signifies, Cloth made of Flax, which has never been whi­tened. The learnedSee the sixth Book of the Varia Le­ctiones of Mer­curialis, Ch. 2 Athenaeus lib. 9. Eustathius in Odyss. lib. 5. Hesychius, Phavorinus, and other Lexi­cographers. Mercurialis, who was was no stranger to this latter signification, did nevertheless believe that in this place by burning with Linum Crudum, Hippocrates meant with Stupes or sine Flax; but 'tis more probable that the Ancient way of cauterizing with Linum Crudum, or rather with new flaxen Cloth was the same with that in pra­ctice at present in Aegypt. De Medi­cin. Aegypt. lib. 3. cap. 12. The Egyptians, says Prosper Alpinus, Rolled a little Cotton in a piece of Linnen in the form of a Pyramid, and setting fire to the Cone of the Pyramid, ap­ply'd the bases upon the place to be cauterized. In this operation it is not the fire only which burns the Caustic Oyl, which distils along the Linnen, contributes very much to it.

Cauterizing was so familiar an operation to Hippocrates, that there is scarce any Chronical distemper wherein he does not propose it. In the approach of a Dropsie he cauterized the Belly in eight places about the Liver. In pains also of the Head he apply'd eight Cauteries upon that, two about the Ears, two behind the Head, two in the Neck, and two near the corners of the Eyes. When Cauteries were in­effectual, he made an incision all round the Forehead in form of a Crown, keeping the Lips of the wound open and supported by put­ting Lint between them, to give a vent to the blood and humours.

The same incisions he practised in Rheums which fall upon the Eyes, and used them as well in the back as the head.

Those that consider the violence and obstina­cy of these sorts of distempers, especially they that are subject to them ought not to wonder if he has gone about to cure them by means as rigorous and severe; nor is it to be wondered at, that abundance of these distem­pers are reckoned now almost incurable, the aversion or horror for Remedies of that na­ture, being so much greater than it formerly was, when they were not acquainted with these gentle methods of Physicks in use now a­days.

They made so little scruple of cauterizing or burning any part, that it was done even where there was no distemper. The Scythian Nomades caused themselves to be burnt in the Shoulders, the Arms, the Breast, the Thighs, and the Loins, to render their Bodies and Joints more lusty and strong, and to consume the superfluous moisture of the Flesh, which made them less able, as they supposed, to draw their Bows, and to dart their Javelins. They burnt also the Arteries of the Temples, and behind the Ears, to prevent aSee above in the Disease [...] of the third Class. defluxion upon their Hips, usual amongst them from too much Riding. To these Scythians we may add the Sarmatians, whose Women, according toLib. de Acre aquis, & locis. Hippocrates, ride on Horseback, use the Bow and Javeling, while they are Maids go to War, and are not permitted to marry, till they have slain three Enemies, and sacrificed to their Divinity, according to the custom of their Country; after they are marry'd, they are exempted from War, except upon urgent occasions. Their right Breast is burnt in their infancy, with a red hot Iron, to hinder it from growing, and to transfer the strength entire to the Shoulder and Arm of the same side. For this reason they were call'd Amazons, [Page 334]that is to say, without Breasts. Their History, whether true or false, is to be found more at large in Justin, Strabo, and others.

Hippocrates used also in a pain of the head, arising according to him from a Water in the Brain, or between the Skull and the Brain, a Remedy yet more formidable than the former. He open'd the Skull sometimes with an instru­ment that carried away a piece of the Bone, which was call'd [...] or [...], An instrument for boring. Trepanning, from the Greek name of the Instrument. This operation was chiefly invented for fractures of the Skull, to draw out by the hole small pointed rag­ged pieces of Bones, which in these cases pricked the membranes of the Brain, or to evacuate extravasated blood, or purulent matter, which caused several little symptoms, or to raise the Skull when it was depres­sed.

If Hippocrates used these sort of Remedies for pains of the Head, or defluxions upon the Eyes, 'tis no wonder that he made use of Surgery in Diseases of more danger. He boldly open'd the Breasts of those that were troubled with anSee above in the Cure of Chronical Dis­eases. Empyema, when the gentlest Remedies proved insufficient. Fif­teen days after he suppos'd the Pus to be form'd or extravasated in the Breast of those that had a Pleurisie or Peripneumony, he put them into a warm Bath, and setting them upon a Stool, shook their Shoulders, and laying his Ear to their Breast, listned if he heard any noise, and on each side. This noise according to him was of least danger when on the Left side, and the incision made there with more safety. if the thickness of the Flesh, and the quantity of the Pus, hinderd him from hearing the noise, he chose that side on which the inflamation and pain had been greatest: he made his incision rather be­hind than before, and as low as he could: and having first open'd the skin between two [Page 335]Ribs with a large Razor, and afterwards ta­king one more narrow and pointed, he wrapt a Rag or something about it, so that nothing appear'd but the point, so that it appear'd only about the length of the Thumb-nail, and thrust it into that depth. The Pus being by this means drawn away in sufficient quantity, he stopt the Wound with a Tent of Linnen fastned to a string, and for ten days together drew every day some Pus. The Pus being almost all drawn out, he syringed the Wound with Wine and Oyl, and let it out about a dozen hours after. When the Pus began to be clear like Water, and a little thick, he put into the VVound a Tin Pipe, and as the hu­mour spent itself, he lessen'd the Pipe, and suf­fer'd the Wound by degrees to heal up.

The same operation he us [...]dLib. d [...] affectionibus in a Drop­sie in the Belly, making the incision near the Navel or behind near the Hips, and drawing off the Water contain'd; but he takes express notice that but very few are cured this way. In another place he gives this caution, that this operation ought to be us'd betimes, before the distemper got too much ground, and that care ought to be taken not to draw away all the Water at once, because those that lose all the Pus or Water at a time, infallibly dye.

Lib. de [...] affec [...]In a Dropsie of the Breast, after having prepar'd the Patient as in an Empyema, he lay [...]d bare the third Rib, counting from the last; and having bor'd it with a sort of Tropanum, he drew off a small quantity of VVater, and stopt the Wound with a Tent of Linum Cru­dum, and having laid a soft Sponge upon it, he swathed the part, for fear the Tent should tumble out. For twelve days together he continu'd to draw, after that he drew as long as it would run, endeavouring likewise to dry the Breasts by Medicines, and a particular method of Diet.

In inflamations of the Thighs, Legs, and Scrotum, he orders boldly to [...] scarrisie the parts, or to prick them in several places [...] with a sharp Lancet. Hippocrates upon several occasions used the boldest and most difficult operations of Surgery. He open'd the Back to discharge an abscess of the Kidneys; he drew dead Children out of the Womb, with hooks, or a hook to which he gave the name of a Claw, beeause it was like the Pounce of a Bird of Prey. He drew 'em out piecemeals when he could do no otherwise. But he gave parti­cular proof of his address, in the cure of a distemper which he call'd Trichosis, which is, when the hair of theDe vict­ratione in acu­tis. This place seems to me somewhat hard to be understood. I have endea­voured to tran­slate it word for word. We shall see below the different ways of performing this operation. Eye-lids turn in­wards, which cause prickings, with intol­lerable pain. He took a Needle and Thread which he past through the upper and most distended part of the Eye-lids downwards; he past another below the place where the first was, afterwards sowing and tying these two Threads together till the Hairs fell out. They cut for the Stone likewise in this time, but Hippocrates seems not to meddle with it him­self, that practice being already become a se­parate business, as it appears by the Oath he gives his Disciples, that they should not cut for the Stone, but leave it to those whose particular profession it was.

Hippocrates practised all other parts of Sur­gery. He reduc'd broken or dislocated Bones very well;The Book intituled, The Physicians Shop, that of Articulartions, and that of Fractures. and the instruction contain'd in his Books upon that subject, are followed to this day, as well as what regards the knowledge and distinctions of the different sorts of fractures and dislocations, as in what relates to the proper Remedies for them. We shall not here particularize his rules upon this subject, whether concerning the extension which ought to be made before the reduction of the Bone to its place, or concerning the Instruments necessary to that purpose, or con­cerning [Page 337]the manner of bandage and scituation of the parts after Reduction.

Nor shall we lay down all that he relates concerning the cure of Wounds and Ʋlcers, how to stop the blood by Astringents, Ligature, or Cauterizing of the largest Vessels, to unite the Lips of a Wound by Sature, or otherwise, and to consolidate it; how to deterge or cleanse an Ʋlcer, to dry it, or to cause the Flesh to grow, and at last to Cicatrize it.

We shall refer this to the Chapter of Cel­sus, who has given us a compleat system of Surgery, taken in great measure out of Hip­pocrates, of which we shall give an extract. We shall only take notice, that the Powders, Olys, and Oyntments which Hippocrates used in Surgery, were not drawn from Herbs only, as we suppos'd them to have been in the time of Chiron, Esculapius or his Sons. We find al­ready in the time of Hippocrates, several sorts of Minerals in use, as Nitre, Ailom, Verdigriese, Flower of Brass, burnt Copper, Lead, Spodium, Chalcitis, and others of the like nature.

Besides the great variety of useful Maxims which Hippocrates delivers in Surgery, we find in his works some particular cases very in­structive to a Surgeon, to caution him not to slight the minutest Wounds. To this end he relatesEpidem. lib. 7. several instances of persons that died of very slight Wounds in the Forehead, the Bone of which was a little laid bare; in some others a simple Wound of the Finger or Foot has caused Convulsions, and been mor­tal to some; a bruise of the Finger, and to others a blow of the Hand upon the fore part of the Head given in play, has proved fatal.

Ibid lib 1.Others after violent pain in the great Toe, and a few black spots coming suddenly upon a Tumour of the Heel, have died in two days.

CHAP. XXVI. Opinions and Maxims of Hippocra­tes, concerning Physick, and Physici­ans in general.

De prisca medicina.ALL Physick has been long since esta­blish'd, and the method and way of discovering, as they have already done, several excellent things which assist to discover several others, if the Inquirer be fitted for it; and being acquainted with the former discoveries, follows the old tract: he that rejects all that has been done before, and takes another road in his Enquiries, boasts of finding out of new things, but deceives himself and others with him.

Lex.Physick is the noblest of all Arts, but the ignorance of those that practice it, and those that judge rashly of it, make it the least respected. What is further mischievous to Physicians, is, that 'tis the only Art, that there is no other punishment allotted for those that abuse it by evil practice, than shame or dis­honor, of which such sort of men are insen­sible. They are a sort of Players that repre­sent the persons that they are not; for there are abundance of Physicians by profession, but few in reality, whose works justify their pretences.

De prisca Medicina.Physick, like other Arts, has its good and bad Workmen.Aphorism. 1. lib. 1. The Art is of great extent, life short, opportunity [...]lippery, ex­perience falacious, and judgment difficult. It is not enough that the Physician does his duty, the Patient and those about him must do theirs, and things about him must be in convenient order.

Lex.To arrive at any considerable degree of knowledge in Physick, the following con­ditions are nec [...]ssarily requir'd. First a natu­ral aptness. means of instruction, study and application from the Youth, a docil and sa­gacious wit, diligence, and long observa­tion.

Praecepti­ones.A Physician ought not to be ashamed to inform himself, tho by the meanest people, of Remedies confirm'd by experience. By this means, in my opinion, the Art of Physick grew up by degrees, that is by amassing and collecting observations of the several particular cases one by one, which being all put toge­ther, make one entire body.

De arte.Some make it their business to decry o­thers, without gaining any other advantages themselves, and shewing a vain Ostentation of their Learning. In my opinion there is more wit in inventing and finding out things useful, which is Physick, and in perfecting what is not yet so, than to lay our selves out in disingenous discourses, to destroy amongst the ignorant and unexperienced, those things that have been deliver'd by men of ability, and established by experience.

Ibidem.Those that attack Physick upon pre­tence, that many dye under the hands of the Physicians, have generally as much reason to blame the Conduct of the Patient as of the Physician. As if the latter could not but order amiss, and the former could never be irregular, which is but too frequent. But why should not they rather impute the death of the Patient to the incurableness of his distemper, than the unskilfulness of the Physician that had the care of him.

De [...]ise [...] medi [...]ina.Not that Physicians never are in fault; those that are least so, ought to be least esteemed so, but it is hard to find one so ju­dicious as is requisit.

Epidem. lib. 6.The ablest Physicians sometimes are de­ceived by cases like one another.

Lib de fla­tibus.Obscure and doubtful distempers are judg [...]d more by conjecture than Art, tho in this case those that have experience are pre­ferrable to those that have not.

De victus ratione in acu­tis.One Physician often approves what another does not. This exposes their Art to the calumny of the people, who therefore imagining it to be altogether vain, compare it to that of the Augurs, of whom one says of the same Bird, that if it appears on the Left side it is a good omen, if on the Right a bad one, and others the quite contrary.

Praecepti­ones.We ought never to warrant the suc­cess of a Medicine, for the minutest circum­stances cause the distemper to vary, and make 'em sometimes more tedious and dangerous than we expected.

Lib de ar­teThe end of Physick is absolutely to cure Diseases, or at least to abate their vio­lence; but those that are desperate, ought ne­ver to be undertaken, that is, where the di­stemper is of it self incurable, or become so by the total destruction of the Organs; for Physick reaches not so far.

Lib. de decenti habi­tu.A Physician ought to visit his Patients frequently, and to be very attentive to every thing.

Lib de medico.'Tis requisit for the credit of a Physici­an, that he should have a healthy look, and a good complexion; for men are apt to suspect, that he that has not his own health, can scarce be instrumental to procure it to ano­ther in the same case.

Ibid & de decent habitu.A Physician ought to be decent in his habit, grave in his manners, moderate in all his actions, chast and modest in the conversa­tion he is oblig [...]d to have with Women; no loiterer, ready to answer every body with candour; sober, patient, ready to do his duty without disturbing himself.

[...]cep­tiones.'Tis no dishonour to a Physician, when he is in doubt about the method of treating his Patient in any case, to call in other Physicians, and to consult with them, what is to be done to the benefit of the Patient.

Ibidem.In point of Fees, a Physician ought to be honest, and good natur'd, and to have a regard to the ability of the Patient. On some occasions he ought neither to ask nor expect a Fee, especially if the Patient be a poor man, or a stranger, whom he is obliged to relieve.

There are other occasions wherein the Phy­sician may agree with his Patient before hand for his reward, that the Patient may with more confidence commit himself to his care, and be assur [...]d that he will not de­sert him.

D [...]prisca medicina.Those that thought Physick an in­vention, that deserv'd to be attributed to the Gods, have not only followed the common opinion, but in my mind right reason also.

This is what Hippocrates says of Physick in general. From whence we may draw two inferences of importance to our History. First, That there were a great number of Physicians in his time, although but few good ones. Secondly, That the use of Con­sultations was also then establish'd. And last­ly, That Physick was even then expos [...]d to detraction and calumny, as well as since.

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Writings of Hippocrates.

COncerning the Writings of this Ancient Physician, there are three things chiefly to be observ'd. First, The esteem they have al­ways met with. Secondly, The distinction between those Writings which are legitimate, and those that are supposititious. Thirdly, His Language and Stile. In the first place the Writings of Hippocrates have been always had in particular veneration. Galen says, that what Hippocrates has deliver'd has always been esteemed as the word of a God, and assures us, that if what he writ be a little obscure thro his brevity, or if he seems in certain places to have omitted some little things, he has nevertheless written nothing which was not very much to the purpose. The Works of Hippocrates, says Sui­das, are very well known to all that study Phy­sick; we have such a respect for them, that they think what he has said, to come out of a Divine Mouth, and not a Human.

A plain mark of the esteem that all Ages have had for the Writings of Hippocrates is, that there is scarce any Author who has had so many Commentators. Amongst the most Ancient of them, Galen speaks of one Ascle­piades, Rufus Ephesius, Sabinus, Metrodorus, Satyrus, Heraclides, Tarentinus, Heraclides Erythraeus, and one Zeuxis, to whom we may add Galen himself, and Celsus, who have of­ten translated him word for word.

We shall mention another party of these Authors in the sequel. He has had undoubt­edly several others among the Ancients, without reckoning those that explain'd his obscure words, as we shall see by and by [Page 343]And the number of the Moderns is greater, as we shall shew in its proper place.

To come to the distinction of the true Wri­tings of Hippocrates from the spurious, we shall begin with a List given by Erotian.

This Author, who liv'd under Nero, di­stinguishing the Books of Hippocrates, or those which past for such in his time, according to the subject of which they treated, ennumerates the following. The Books, says he, which re­lates to the Doctrine of signs, are the Book called the Prognostick, two Books of Predictions, (which two latter are not Hippocrates's, as we shall shew hereafter,) and the Book of the Humours. The Books which relate to Physick, and which are the most rational, are the Book of the winds, of the Nature of Man, of the Epilepsie, of the Na­ture of Children, of times and seasons. The Books concerning the manner of treating distem­pers, are the Book of fractures, of the articula­tions, of ulcers, of wounds, and darts of wounds, of the head, of the Physicians repository, that cal­led Mochlicus of the Emeroides and Fistula's, of diet, two of diseases, of Ptisan, of the laces or parts in man, two Books of Womens distempers, one of barren Women, one of Nourishment, and one of Waters. The Aphorisms and six Books of Epidemick diseases, treat of mixt matters. Those which follow concern the Art in general; the Book entituled the Oath, that called the Law, and that of the Ancient Physick. As for his Am­bassadors Speech and the Speech at the Altar, they serve only to prove the kindness of Hippo­crates to his Country, but concern not Phy­sick at all. Galen speaks of one Artemidorus Capito, and one Dioscorides, both of Alexan­dria, who collected and published the works of Hippocrates together.

He adds, that this Edition had the approba­tion of the Emperor Adrian, under whom they liv [...]d, and who had a great affection for Physick. However, Gal [...]z taxes them with [Page 344]taking too much liberty, and changing seve­ral words of the Text, which they did not understand. VVe don't certainly know whe­ther the Catalogue of the Books of Hippocra­tes, publish'd by these Authors, were greater than that which Erotian gives us, but tis pro­bable it was, since Galen, who follow'd them very near, mentions several Books of Hippo­crates's, or that past for his, whose names are not met with in Erotian [...]s Catalogue.

T [...]ese Books are, that of Affections and o­ther of internal Affections, and two others of Diseases Besides those mentioned by Erotian. Galen speaks also of an Addition to the Book call'd Mochlicus, which is the Book we now have of the nature of the Bones. He saw like­wise the Title of the Book of the Glands, which past for Hippocrates's, though Galen thought it spurious. He acknowledg'd like­wise the Book, entituled, Tht Seven Months Birth, the following, which is, of the Eighth Months Birth, being but a part of the former. Galen seems also to speak of several Books of Diet, whereas Erotian quotes but one. And although that he believed not that the prenoti­ons of Cos were Hippocrates's, 'tis apparent that they pass'd commonly for such in his time, and that the seventh Book of Epidemick diseases, was likewise generally received, tho Galen lookt upon't as manifestly spurious.

Suidas, the latest Greek Author, speaks this of the books of Hippocrates, at the end of the passage before cited. The first, says he, of the books of Hippocrates contains the Oath, the second his Predictions, the third the Aphorisms, a work above human capacity. The fourth contains that admirable collection which goes by the name of Hexecontabiblos, that is to say, consisting of sixty Books, which con­tain all the rest that relates to Physick and Philosophy.

We have yet remaining as many as Suidas reckons, those whose Titles are found neither in Erotian, nor that I know of in Galen, are the following. The Book of the Nature of a Woman, of what relates to Virgins, of the Seed, of the flesh, of Superfaetation, of the time of Childrens breeding of teeth, of the Heart, of the Sight, of the Eye, of Anatomy, of the manner of drawing dead Children out of the womb, of the Physician, of decent habit, and of Pre­cepts.

We find at the end of the Collection of Hip­pocrates's works certain pieces under the name of [...]. strange pieces. These consist of Letters, supposed to have been sent or received by Hip­pocrates, or written upon his account, of an Act of the Senate of the Athenians in his favour; two discourses mentioned by Erotian by the name of the Speech of the Embassy, or Deputati­on, and of the Speech before the Altar, of which the first is attributed to Thessalus, the Son of Hippocrates, the sccond to Hippocrates himself; of his Life and Genealogy written by Soranus, of a little book of Purgers, and another of the manner of giving Hellebore.

We shall not trouble the Reader with all the Criticks have said concerning the distincti­on of the true Writings of Hippocrates from the counterfeit, or supposititious. We shall only take notice that several were already suspected in the time of Galen, and Erotian himself, amongst those which they give us the list of. Some of these Books have been ascribed to the Sons of Hippocrates; others to his Son-in-Law, or to his Grandsons, or to his Disciples, or to his Predecessors, as the book of Articulations, and of Fractures, which some have thought to have been writ by his Grandfather, who was of the same name, tho others have maintained that this first Hippo­crates wrote nothing. They have likewise ascrib'd them to other Physicians, who lived either before, or at the same time with him, [Page 346]and to the Philosophers, as Democritus, who is suppos'd to be Author of the book of the na­ture of man. Galen, with abundance of rea­son, imputes this fathering of Books and Titles, so frequent among the Antients, to the Cove­tousness of the first Copyers, and he tells us that the considerable summs, which the Kings Attalus and Ptolomy, who vied who should have the finest Library, gave to those that brought them the writings of great men, gave occasion to this falsifying of Names and Authors, and to the confusion we find in the disposition of antient works.

As we have said we shall not amuse ourselves with the judgment of the Criticks. Those that have a mind may consult Mercuria­lis, who has written particularly upon that subject.

It will be of use however to take notice that to those suppositions which we have spoken of must be attributed the contradictions found in some of the opinions of Hippocrates, some being directly opposite to others.

In the second place we observe thatSee the Chapter of the signs of Dis­eases. these books of Hippocrates which are of the best rea­soning are the most suspected.

We must further take notice, that those pieces before call'd Strange, which are annexed to the works of Hippocrates, are most part of them, and perhaps all of them spurious, as we shall shew more particularly in the following Chapter.

As for the Style and Language of Hippocrates, which is the third thing to be examin'd, we must not wonder that Capito and Dioscorides did not always understand Hippocrates, tho they were native Greeks. Erotian, who liv'd under Nero, had composed a Glossary, that is, a Dictionary of the Obscure and Obsolete words us'd by him, or [...]at least of those which had not been of a long time in use in the Greek tongue.

By this Glossary, which is yet extant, we are informed that several Authors had em­ploy'd themselves upon the same subject before him, amongst which he names the following Xenocritus, a Grammarian, who he says was the first that wrote upon that subject: Calli­machus, disciple of Herophilus; Bacchius; Phi­linus an Empirick; Apollonius Cittiaeus; Apollo­nius Ophis; Dioscorides Phocas, or rather Pha­cas; Glaucius another Empirick; Lysimachus of Cos; Euphorion; Aristarchus (this was in all probability the famous Grammarian) Aristo­cles; Aristopeas; Antigonus and Dydymus; both of Alexandria, the later also a Grammarian; Epicles▪ Lycus Neapolitanus; Strato; and Mnestheus. To these we ought also to add Galen, whose Glossary is yet remaining.

We haveSee the Chapter of the Anatomy of Hippocrates at the beginning. already observed that the Style of Hippocrates is very concise, which makes it frequently difficult to understand him. To this may be added, that 'tis otherwise very grave, and Erotian observes [...]., that the Phrase of Hippocrates is the same with Homer [...]s.

His language seems to be properly Ionique; and Aelian pretends, as we have seenSee Book the Chapter of Democritus. be­fore, that Hippocrates us'd this Dialect, in Fa­vour of Democritus; whereas being himself of Cos, his Dialect should have been the Dorick. But Galen observesIn lib. Hip­pocrat. de fra­ctur. Com­ment. 1., that the language of Hippocrates inclines somewhat towards the At­tick; and he adds that some have said that he writ in old Attick.

Be it how it will, it appears that there was a considerable change in the Greek Tongue, during the space of four hundred years, which might have elapsed between Hippocrates and the first that wrote a Gloss upon him, by the difficulty these Authors met with, altho they were Greeks as well as himself, to understand what he meant by such and such a word. We have already seen an example of this kind in the wordSee the Chapter of the purging of the Brain. Tetragonon, which some took for [Page 348]a drug, others for an instrument, proper to purge the Head. For other words of this nature, Erotian and Galen may be con­sulted

But it is further remarkable, that besides the obscurity which comes from the difficulty of the words in Hippocrates, there is another which comes from the faults crept into, and the dif­ferent reading found in the Original Manu­scripts of this Author, in which the works of Hippocrates shared the common fate of all the antient pieces that past through abundance of hands.

We shall bring only one instance of the Va­riation before spoken of, and we shall find one word which is not explain'd in any of the Glossaries, nor by any of the Lexicographers, or Dictionary writers. We read in the second book of his Epidemick Diseases, towards the end, the following words, [...]. Fabius Calvus, a Physician of Ravenna, who first translated Hippocrates into Latin, from a Greek Manuscript of the Vatican, by the order of Clement the seventh, translates this passage as if he had read [...], meretrix, a Whore, instead of [...], scortatio, fornica­tion; and taking the following word for the name of a woman, he translates the whole pas­sage thus, Meretrix Achromos Dysenteriae Me­dela, as if there had been in Hippocrates's time a Courtezan named Achromos, that cured the Dysentery.

Cornarius and Foesius, more Modern inter­preters of Hippocrates, Translate the same pas­sage thus, Scortatio impudens vel turpis Dysen­teriae Medela. Tetrabibl. Serm. 3. Cap. 8. Aetius andLib. 1. c. 35. Paulus Aegineta affirm, that Coition sometimes cures old Di­arrhaea's, and perhaps they allude to this pas­sage. Supposing then we ought to read with Cornarius and Foesius, [...] and not [...], as perhaps we ought, the difficulty will rest on­ly [Page 349]upon the wordWe might, if it were wor [...] the while, de­rive it from [...] us (que) and [...] humerus, or if we write it with a [...], not with a [...], from [...], summus elatus, sublimis; as if Hippocrates meant Scortationem, quâ & ipsi humeri sublimes fiunt, id est, quae ad ex-, tremum usque ut cu [...]n Satyrico loquamur, anhelatur; & [...] proprium sit verburn [...], vei sine aspiratione [...], summis humeris luctet, ait idem Hip­procrates, de aliâ luctâ loquens. Lib. de intern. affect. Edit. Foes p. 549. dum de lienis morbo. [...] which, as we said before, is not be found in the Dictiona­ries.

Those that take what Hippocrates here says for his advice, do him wrong, 'tis a simple note of fact which happen'd to some person in that case.

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Letters of Hippocrates, and o­ther pieces annext to his works, where­in are divers circumstances touching his Life and death, and the chief oc­casions he had to shew himself in the exercise of his profession.

AFter having spoken of the Writings of Hippocrates in general, we ought to exa­min those pieces which are tackt to them, and which, as we have said, appear under the title of Aliens. We have already seen wherein they have consisted, and shall begin with the two discourses mention'd by Erotian, as being the most Ancient. That which Hippocrates spoke at the Altar of Minerva, is address'd to the Communities and Cities of Thessaly, to [Page 350]whom he complains, that the Athenians had a design to reduce the Isle of Cos to their sub­jection, and prays their succour in that pres­sing danger. His discourse is very short. That of Thessalus on the other side is very long. It is address'd to the Athenians, and puts them in mind of the services they had receiv'd from the Predecessors of Hippocrates for a long time, and likewise from Hippocra­tes himself, and from his Family. The obli­gation which the Athenians are suppos [...]d to have had to these later, were first, that the Father refus'd to go to the Illyrians and Paeons, who had desired him and offer'd him great summs to come and free them from the Plague, which Ravaged their Countries; and having foreseen by the Course of Winds, that this disease would reach Greece, he sent his Sons, his Son-in-law, and his Scholars thro all the Provinces, to give them necessary in­structions to prevent taking the infection and went himself into Thessaly, and a little time after to Athens, where he did them great ser­vice, which the Athenians so far acknowledg­ed, that they presented Hippocrates with a Crown of Gold, and initiated him and his Son, who speaks in the Mysteries of Ceres and Pro­serpine.

He remonstrates to the Athenians, that they were further obliged to Hippocrates, and to Thessalus himself, in that this latter by the command of his Father, followed the Fleet of Alcibiades into Sicily, in quality of Phy­sician, making all necessary preparations for the Voyage at his own charges, and refusing the Salary that was offered him.

These are the Principal Articles by which Thessalus endeavours to make the Athenians sensible how much they were oblig'd to his Family. We shall examin only that of the Plague, which Hippocrates foresaw coming up­on Greece, in which there is this difficulty. [Page 351]First, the time is not fix'd, and we find no­thing in other Authors concerning any Plague coming from the side of Illyria.

Aetius indeed takes notice that Hippocrates being at Athens at the time of a Plague, advi­sed them to light great Fires in the Streets to purifie the Air, and make it more dry. Galen also reports the same of Hippocrates upon the like occasions, saying, that he ordered great Fires to be made in divers parts of every City in Greece, in which they were to cast Flowers, Herbs and Drugs of sweet scent. But herein there is this Essential difference, that he brings the Plague which he speaks of from Ethiopia, indicating thereby the great Plague so well described by Thucidides, which he says precisely came from the same part. But Ethiopia is directly oppo­site to Illyria, one being on the South of Greece, and the other on the North.

It may perhaps be alledged, that there might be a mistake in the place from whence the Plague came, the thing yet being the same in fact. But if we will have this Harangue of Thessalus to speak of the great Plague of Athens, two great difficulties will arise upon it. The first is, that the Author last cited, who de­serves to be credited, takes notice that the Plague was so furious, especially at Athens, that there was no great reason to brag of the Assist­ance of Physick. On the contrary, he assures us, that the Physicians themselves were puzzled, and they died indifferently with a Physician or without, that the Physicians themselves died faster than others, as conversing more with the Sick In this case I do not see what honour Hippocrates should gain.

The second difficulty is that, if Hippocrates were at Athens at that time he must be born long before the Eightieth Olympiad, which is the time of his Birth according to Soranus, by which account he must be but thirty year old, in the second year of the Peloponessian War, [Page 352]and of the Eighty seventh Olympiad the time of that Plague, and consequently he could not have Sons old enough to practice Physicks, and a Daughter married to a Physician his Scho­lar.

To come nearer to the matter, we must fol­low the account of Eusebius, who says that Hippocrates flourished in the eighty sixth Olym­piad; or of Aulus Gellius, who ranks him with Sophocles, Euripides, and Democritus; who, according to him, were a little older than So­crates. All Authors agree, that Socrates was born about the end of the seventy seventh Olym­piad. Democritus was but a year older, but Euripides was born the seventy fifth Olympiad, and Sophocles the seventy third Olympiad. We ought therefore to make Hippocrates at least as old as the Tragick Poet, that what is said of him concerning the Plague of Athens may be true; for by this account he would be fifty years old, and consequently it was not impos­sible for him to have Sons that practised Phy­sick. But it is more likely, that what Aetius and Galen, or the Author of the book concern­ing the Theriaca, which is amongst his Works, deliver, is false; and that they impute to Hippocrates, whatSee above Book. 2. p. 225. Plutarch, with more ap­pearance of truth, ascribes to Acron, who lived long before Hippocrates If there were any other Plague which came from the side of Illyria, we know nothing of it.

However it were, the Decree of the Senate of Athens, another piece of the same nature of the former, but more recent, speaks of a Plague which came into Greece, out of the Barbarous Countries, wherein Hippocrates and his Scho­lars did very great service; and it is added therein, that the King of Persia sending for him into his Dominions, which were infected with the same disease, and promising to load him with Honours and Riches; he despised his offers, and refused to go, looking upon him as [Page 353]Barbarian and an enemy to Greece, whereupon the Athenians in recompence of the useful ad­vice he had given them, and of his Affection for Greece in general, honoured him with an initi­ation in the grand Mysteries as they had done Hercules before, gave him a Crown weighing a thousand peices of gold, the freedome of Athens, and the right of being main­tained all his life at the publick expence in the Prytaneum, granting further to all the youth of the Isle of Cos the liberty of coming to Athens, and being brought up and instructed with the youth of that City.

This was the purport of the decree of the Se­nate of Athens. What relates to the measures taken to invite Hippocrates into Persia, is suppo­sed by the testimony of divers letters, which are pretended to be written upon that subject by the Ministers of Artaxerxes King of Persia, to inform him of the great reputation of Hippocra­tes, and to advise him to send for him, and by Artaxerxes himself, in pursuance of this coun­sel, or by Hippocrates, who answers haughtily to all the promises that are made him, that he has in his own Countrey whereupon to live, that he was not allowed to possess the riches and grandeur of the Persians, nor to cure Barbarians that were enemies to Greece. There are also other letters expressing Artaxerxes his resentments of Hippo­crates's conduct, and terrible menaces to the Inhabitants of the Isle of Cos, in case they refu­sed to send Hippocrates to him to be chastized; and the answer of those generous Islanders, who were not at all frighted at them, protested they would not deliver up their Citizen whatever might happen.

What makes the credit of these letters still more to be suspected is, that Thessalus when in his speech he upbraids the Athenians with the obligations the Greeks had to his father, would undoubtedly not have failed to have turn'd these letters to his honour, if there had been [Page 354]any truth in them. But allowing some shew of truth to those pieces which we have here examin'd, we must not pass the same judgment upon the other letters, supposed to be written or received by Hippocrates or others upon his account. They are certainly the work of some half-learned Greek, composed out of wan­tonness, or out of design to get money. Some of these, to whom Hippocrates writ were Philo­paemen, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Cratevas, Da­magetas, King Demetrius, and King Perdiccas, without reckoning Democritus and Phessalus the son of Hippocrates. As for Philopaemen, 'twould be hard to think that he meant the fa­mous General of Achaia, because he was not born till about a hundred years after the death of Hippocrates. Much less can we think that the Dionysius he has spoken of, was the famous Historian of Halicarnassus, who liv'd under Augustus. But to what King Demetrius could Hippocrates write, since in his time there was none such in the world. The first of the name being Demetrius Poliorcetes the son of Antigo­nus, one of the successors of Alexander, whom Hippocrates could no more have seen, than the former. The same may be said of Cratevas, who liv'd at the soonest but in the age of Mi­thridates, and Pompey, as we shall see hereaf­ter. The Author of these letters having heard of a famous Botanist of that name, or having seen his works, thought he might very well make Hippocrates write to him without inform­ing himself whether he or Demetrius, or the rest aforegoing, lived in his time or no. We find another ridiculous Anachronism at the head of Marcellus Empiricus his book, sup­posed to be directed to Maecaenas by the same Hippocrates. But though we had not these con­vincing proofs of the spuriousness of these let­ters, we need only read them to be satisfied they were not Hippocrates's. And I think a learned modern Physician too modest when [Page 355]he says,Vix di­vino sine dignas Epistolas. Rho­dius in Scri­bon. larg. that they scarce deserve to pass for the productions of the (e) divine old man. We may very boldly pronounce them scandalously un­worthy. For example, what could be more impertinent than the order that Hippocrates gives to Cratevas, to gather him all the herbs he could find, without specifying any one,(c) This Ti­tle was com­monly given to Hippocrates, as we shall see below. to send them to him, because he is sent for to take care of Democritus. Add to this the Sentence which he subjoyns, that it were to be wished that Crate­vas could as easily pluck up the bitter roots of co­vetonsness of money or avarice, so that they should never shoot up again, as he could pluck up the roots of the herbs he desired of him. Had Hip­pocrates been as great a babbler in his medical writings as he is in these letters, we should have had no occasion to complain of his bre­vity. The letter directed to Dionysius is yet more merry than t'other. He desires him to come to his house while he should be with Demo­critus. (For all the letters run upon this voy­age, of which it seems he was to inform the whole world before hand) and to have an eye over the conduct of his wife, That sh [...] play no pranks in his absence. she has been very well brought up, by her father, says he, but the Sex is frail, and had need be kept within their duties, in which a friend may succeed better than relations, &c. We'll content our selves with these two samples, by which the reader may judg, how they agree with the gravity of Hippocrates.

As to the letters which Democritus and Hip­pocrates wrote one to another, there are two of the former; in one he speaks of the voyage that Hippocrates made to see him, and to give him Hellebore, having been call'd to that pur­pose by Democritus his fellow Citizens, who took him for a mad man, because he liv'd in a solitary place and laughed, and did not mind those that came to see him. You found me, says Democritus, writing of the order of the World, of the disposition of the Poles, and the course of the stars, and you judg'd thereby, that [Page 356]those that sent for you were fools, and not I. Thereupon Democritus delivers in two words his opinion in Philosophy, concerning the I­mages or Species diffused thro' the air, of which his books as he says makes mention. He tells Hippocrates afterwards, that a Physician ought not to judg of his Patient by the aspect only, for in that case he (Democritus) should have run the risque of passing for a mad man in his judgment. He concludes with telling Hippo­crates that he had sent him back the book which this Physician had written concerning madness, which book is immediately annex­ed after this letter. It consists but of one page, which is nothing but a repetition of some lines of Hippocrates's book of the falling sickness, which is likewise cited in this.

The second letter, or the second book of Democritus address'd to Hippocrates, is intituled of the nature of man, which is the title of a book written by Hippocrates, which has been as­crib'd to Democritus, as we have already ob­served. This book or letter is very near twice as long as the former. It contains an enume­ration of the principal parts of the body, and the offices they perform. There is nothing in it that deserves our observation, except what he says of the Spleen, that it sleeps, and is good for nothing, which opinion we shall see con­firm [...]dSee the Chapter of A­ristotle and that of Era­tistratus. hereafter.

There is but one letter of Hippocrates to De­mocritus now extant, which is much shorter than the two abovementioned. In the begin­ning of it he tells him, that if the Physicians at any time succeeded in this art, the people ascribed it to the Gods, but if they miscarried, they used to lay the blame upon them. I have, says Hippocrates, got more scandal than honour by my practice, and tho' I am advanced in years, yet I have not attained to perfection in this art, and even Aesculapius himself, the inventer of it, never carried it so far. After this he takes oc­casion [Page 357]briefly to mention his journey to De­mocritus, testifies for him that he is far from being mad, and desires him to write to him often, and to send him the books he had composed.

The letters of Hippocrates to Damagetus give a more particular account of his conversation with Democritus, when he went to cure him, one of them is very long, in it he gives Dama­getus an account of his voyage, and all that happen'd to him till his return. We have al­ready seen in the preceeding book the occasion of this journey, and the success of it. I shall say no more of it for fear of being thought too prolix; only give me leave to remark that these letters have nothing of the stile of Hip­pocrates. It may be easily imagined that the pretended madness of Democritus, and the journey with Hippocrates undertook with a design to cure him, afforded matter enough to make a sort of a Romance. To conclude, I don't know who this Damagetus was.

The letter to King Perdiccas is of the same stamp with the rest, that is to say, equally spurious. We there find, as well as in that which is address'd to King Demetrius, some Anatomical observations, and some maxims relating to Physick, which however don't de­serve to be taken notice of, except a few that are drawn out of the writings of Hippocra­tes.

The small book of Purgatives contains some necessary precautions to be observed in the ta­king of them. It seems more probable that it is a collection of precepts given by Hippocrates upon this subject, than a genuine work of that ancient Physician.

The life of Hippocrates written by Soranus, contains besides what has been said in the be­ginning of this book, an account of his coun­trey, his extraction, the time of his birth, his studies, and his masters: in short, an abridg­ment [Page 358]of the most remarkable things that hap­pen'd to him in the course of his profession, till his death. Hippocrates, says Soranus, ha­ving lost his father and mother, quitted his own countrey, and fixed in Thessaly.

We shall hereafter speak of this Physici­an. Andreas in his book of the Original of Physick, maliciously reports, that the reason of it was, because he had set the Library at Cnidus on fire. Others write, that the occasion of this journey was to learn the practice of other places, and to furnish himself with an opportunity of understanding his profession better, by the different cases that daily came before him. But Soranus of Cos pretends that Hippocrates was influenc'd by a dream to make his abode in Thessaly.

He made himself, continu'd this Author, to be admir'd by all Greece through which he travell'd and practis'd Physick. One day a­mongst the rest being call'd, conjointly with Euriphon another Physician, but older than himself, to a consultation about Perdiccas son to Alexander King of Macedonia, whom they gave out to be sick of a hectick feaver, he soon found out that this Prince's mind was more indisposed than his body, and as he carefully watched all his actions, observing that he chang'd colour at the sight of Phila, Mistress to the King his father, he judged that he was in love with her, and found the means to cure him, by letting this fair one know the dan­gerous effects of her beauty. He was also de­sired by the people of Abdera to come and cure Democritus of his madness, and to free their City from the plague. After this Soranus in­forms us, how he refused to come to the Illy­rians, and even to the Court of Artaxerxes, where this latter sickness raged; how he hin­dred the war which the Athenians were going to make upon the Inhabitants of Cos, by cal­ling the Thessalians to their relief, and what honours he received from the Athenians them­selves, [Page 359]the Thessalians, and all the Country of Greece. He likewise testifies that Hippocra­tes instructed his disciples in his art, without concealing any thing from them, and that he obliged them to take a certainWe shall speak of this Oath in the fol­lowing Chapter. Oath.

Hippocrates, as we said in Soranus, died at Larissa, a City of Thessaly, at the same time with Democritus, being fourscore and ten years old, or fourscore and five, or a hundred and four, or according to others, a hundred and nine. He was buried between Gyrton and Larissa, and his sepulchre is shown to this very day, where a swarm of bees has fixed for a long time, the honey whereof Nurses come to fetch to cure their children of the Thrush. He is drawn in several pictures, having his head co­vered with a bonnet, like that of Ʋlysses, which is a mark of nobility, or else with his cloak, for which some assign this reason, that it was to hide his bald head, others that his head was tender, or else to show that this part, which is the seat of the soul, ought to be well guarded, or to show that Hippocrates loved travelling (for it was only upon this occasion and in that of war, or in case of sickness, that the ancients had their heads covered) or to signifie the obscurity of his writing, or to instruct us that even in time of health, we ought to avoid whatever may hurt us. In short, others believe that the reason why he threw his cloak about his head, was that it might not hinder him in his business. There are great disputes about his genuine works, for Authors differ about them, and indeed it is a hard matter to say any thing certain of them upon several accounts. First there is a great deal of difficulty in the words he uses. Secondly in his Phrase or sense, for that is a thing that changes, and we write after another manner when we are young, from what we do in our old age. Soranus con­cludes with saying that Hippocrates did not [Page 360]love money, that his behaviour was grave and courteous, that he had a particular affection for the Greeks, of which he gave evident proofs in freeing whole Cities from the plague, for which services he had all the respect imagina­ble shown him. He adds, that Hippocrates left two Sons, Thessalus and Draco, who were like­wise very famous in the same profession, and a great number of disciples.

CHAP XXIX. Some other particulars about the travels of Hippocrates, his personal quali­ties, the commendations bestow'd upon him, and what has been said against him.

WE have already seen that Hippocrates quit­ted the place of his nativity, to reside in Thessaly. The Author of his life affirms, that he visited most parts of Greece, and followed his profession where e [...]re he came. It appears by his writings that his chief abode was in Thessa­ly and in Thrace, and we find that almost all the observations he has left us in his Books of Epidemical distempers, were made in these two Provinces, the principal Cities whereof he names, as Larissa, Cranon, Aenus, Oeniades Phe­rae, Elis, Perinthus, Thasus, Abdera, Olynthus. In Libr. Hippocr. de articul. Comment. Galen remarks likewise that he had been often at Smyrna, but tells us it was a diffe­rent City from that in Asia minor, that carries the same name,Variae Lectiones Lib. 2. Cap. 18. Mercurialis was of the opinion that he travelled into Scythia, Lybia, and Delos, (by which Hippocrates means, accor­ding to Erotian, the three parts of the world known in his time, the first being taken for [Page 361] Europe, the second for Afric, and the third for Asia) because he speaks of these Countries in two places of his works; but this conclusion is not justly drawn.

Hippocrates had occasion without doubt to see several Cities whereof he makes mention, being sent for thither to visit the sick, as we have observed already of the people of Abdera, who desired him to come and cure Democritus their Citizen.

These Cities for the most part were but very small, properly speaking they were but so many Towns, so that one of them was not sufficient to maintain a Physician.In libr. de articul. C [...]m­ment. Galen seems to insinuate this when speaking of a cer­tain case in Chirurgery which Hippocrates had not described or never seen, but which he tells us himself had seen five times, once in Asia, and four times in Rome, he acknowledgeth that perhaps he might never have met with such opportunities if he had not lived in great Cities, such as Rome, one quarter of which alone contains more inhabitants than the greatest of those cities, which Hippocrates had ever seen.

In all probability Hippocrates alludes to this necessity that the Physicians of his time lay under to travel up and down, either for main­tainance, or to find occasions to exercise their art, when he tells us in the little Book, intitu­led Law, of which we have already made men­tion, that a [...]. Physitian who will acquire all the qualities that he reckons, or be in such a con­dition as he describes, must go from City to City and support the reputation of his profession by his works as well as his words.

To come now to the Elogiums which anti­quity bestow'd upon him in a superlative man­ner, he has not only passed by almost univer­sal consent for the Prince of Physicians, but his opinions were respected as Oracles, and we have already observed what a particular esteem they paid to his writings. He has [Page 362]shared with Plato the title of Divine, nay, he has this advantage over that Philosopher that he was call'd the divine old man, by way of ex­cellence, and without naming his name, where­as they used to say the Divine Plato.

But lest it should be thought that Physi­cians were the only persons that had him in such veneration, Seneca calls him the greatest of Physicians, and the Author of Physick. Pliny likewise terms him the Father of all physick, and what makes more for the honour of Hippo­crates, his authority alone suffices, in theAs we have already shown. Law, to decide several difficult, and impor­tant questions. Macrobius goes farther than the rest, where he says that Hippocrates could neither deceive another, nor be deceived himself. But we must here remark, that this celebra­ted Physitian was far from having any such good opinion of himself; he makes no scruple to own his faults. He openly said thatSee the ge­neral Maxims of Hippocrates. a man ought to understand Physick so well, as to make as few mistakes as possible; conclu­ding, that in this profession he is most to be be commended, who commits the fewest errours; which supposes that no man is exempt from them. Celsus and Plutarch observe that Hip­pocrates has somewhere own'd, that he was once mistaken in probing a wound in the head thro' the sutures of the scull, which had made him believe that the bone was broke. AndNam & Hippocrates clarus arte me­dicinae videtur honestissime fecisse, qui quosdam erro­res suos, ne posteri erra­rent, confessus est. Quintilian commends him upon the score of this very same ingenuity. Neither do we find that he was afraid to cite examples of such patients as dyed under his hand: Of two and forty sick men, whose distempers he describes in the first and third Book of Epidem. Diseases, only seventeen escaped, all the rest dyed. For this reason we may believe him when he tells us (in the second book of the abovemention'd Treatise) as he takes occasion to speak of a certain sort of Quinsie that was accompany'd with ill symptoms, that all the persons he ever saw sick of it, recovered again. [Page 363] If they had dyed, continues he, I should have certainly told it.

We may discover by this the character of an honest man, and indeed it is visible in all the maxims which we have already cited, as likewise in those comprehended in the Oath,See in the following Book the Chapter of the Disciples of Hippocrates. which he demanded of Disciples, the sub­stance whereof is as follows, that a Physician is obliged to honour the person who teaches him this art as his own natural father, to let him participate of all that lyes in his pow­er in relation to the necessaries of life, to respect his children, or his posterity like his own brothers, and to teach them Physick in his turn if they have a design that way, with­out asking any gratuity, to communicate to them all that he knows in the same faculty, as well as to his own children, and to all such as will bind themselves by this Oath, but not to others; to order his patients such a This com­prehends all that a Physician is to do for his patient. See the Chapter of Diet. regimen as he shall judg most convenient for them, and to the ut­most of his power hinder them from any thing that may hurt them, never to give poyson to any one, or advise others to do it; not to give women remedies to procure abortions, but to follow his profession like an honest man; not to cut any one for the Stone in the bladder, but leave the operation to those that make it their profession; that whatever house he comes into, he shall only do it with a design to cure the sick, and behave himself so that they shall not have any matter of suspicion against him, or be able to accuse him of doing the least injury to any one whatever, particularly of having abused any wife or woman, or young man, whether free or slave: in short, that he will take care to keep secret, and to conceal whatever he sees or hears while he is concern'd, or otherwise when he shall judg that it is a thing which ought to be published. The conclusion is, that he wishes all manner of pros­perity to him in this practice, if he kee [...]s his Oath religiously, and quite the contrary if he is per­jur'd. [Page 364]The person that takes this Oath swears bySee for this Lib. 1. Apollo the Physician by Aesculapius, by Hy­gia, by Panacaea, and by all the other Gods and Goddesses.

Hippocrates has been reproached with viola­ting this oath himself, as to that which re­lates to the procuring of abortions. We have spoken of this case already, but the book from whence this story is borrowed is said to have been written by Polybus. I don't know how to excuse this fact any other way.

This is not the only accusation that has been urg'd against Hippocrates. Some have charged him, with setting the Library at Cnidus on fire. It has been likewise pretended, to decry his reputation, that hePlin. Lib. 29. Cap. 1. See Book 1. above. prescribed no reme­dies but such as he copied out of Esculapius's Temple in the Isle of Cos, making them pass for his own; which he was the easier able to do, since the Temple was burnt down soon af­ter he had committed this piece of Plagiarism.

'Tis true indeed that Hippocrates orders those that are troubled with a Peripneumony, to takeSee the Chapter of the Cure of Disea­ses in the third Book. Pine Apples and Honey, which is the very same remedy that Esculapius pre­scribes in this case, as we have seen already. 'Tis likewise certain that Hippocrates advised ptysical people to eat fat and salted meats, as Esculapius counsels them to eat Bacon. But after all, if Hippocrates was lineally descended from this God, he might easily enough come to the knowledg of these remedies, either by tradition from his Ancestors the Asclepiadae, who were all Physicians, without being obli­ged to copy them in the Temples of Aescu­lapius.

Among the things that have been said a­gainst Hippocrates, we don't comprehend what the Physicians of following ages have urged to confute his opinions, or to destroy the credit of his method. All which we shall examine, as occasion presents it self.

CHAP. XXX. Of Phaeon, Euryphon, Philistion, Aris­ton, Pythocles, Philetas, Acumenus, Aegimius, Physicians contemporary with Hippocrates.

'Tis not to be question'd but that there were several Physicians in the time of Hippo­crates. The number of Physicians, or at least of those that bore that name, was always great. Hippocrates has observ'd it himself, where he says that there were several Physicians by name, but few that were so in reality, But we scarce know any of either sort that lived at the same time with Hippocrates, his reputa­tion having wholly effaced theirs.

Galen mentions four Physicians, who he says lived partly before Hippocrates, and part­ly at the same time. Their names are Phaon or Phaeon, Euryphon, Philistion, and Ariston. I don't know who the first was. As for Euri­phon of Cnidus, he must needs be older than Hippocrates, since he passes for the Author of the Cnidian Sentences, that are cited by Hi­pocrates. However Soranus makes both of them meet at a consultation in Perdiccas's Pallace, as we have already shown.

As for Philistion he might very well pass for the contemporary of Hippocrates, since he was the master of Eudoxus, the Cnidian, who flourished in the CIII. Olympiad, of whom we shall speak hereafter. This Physician, I mean Philistion. was of Locri, or as some say, born in Sicily. I know nothing of his opinions, but that he believed with Hippocrates, Aut Gel­lius lib. 17. Cap. 11. that there was a passage for part of what we drink thro' the lungs. Neither do I know who was the brother of Philistion, whom,Tardar. pass. lib. 2. Cap. 1. Caelius Aurelianus [Page 366]cites, without naming him otherwise. Philistion has likewise written a treatise of Cookery, as Athenaeus has observed, and as we shall have occasion to show in the Chapter of Diocles in the following Book. Ariston has passed for the Author of Hippocrates's Book of Diet. Diogenes Laertius speaks of six men that have bore this name, without reckoning the father of Plato, but says nothing that one of them was a Physician.

In the seventh Book of Epidemical Diseases there is mention just made of one Pythocles, of whom it is reported that he gave his Patients water, or milk mingled with a great deal of water.

To these we may joyn theSee the Phaedrus of Plato and Xe­nophon of the sayings and deeds of Socra­tes. Physician Acu­menus, a friend of Socrates, of whom Plato and Xenophon talk very advantageously. All that these Authors report of his opinions, is that he looked upon a walk in the open air to be much better [...], We have tran­slated these words after the sense of Mercu­rialis, which seems to be just. than in Portico's and other covered places.

There remains an ancient Physician named Aegimius of Velia, or Elis; who according to Galen, was the first that writ about the Pulse, altho' the title of his Book was about [...] instead of [...] Cal. de differ. Puls. lib. 4. Pal­pitation, because at that time Pulse and Palpi­tation signified the same thing, as we may ga­ther from some passages in Hippocrates, where the latter of these words signifies exactly the same with the former. If this Aegimius was not cotemporary with the abovementioned, he lived at farthest in the time of Diocles or Praxagoras, of whom we shall speak in the following Book.

THE HISTORY OF Physick.
PART I.
BOOK IV. Of what happen'd relating to this Art from the death of Hippocrates to Chrysippus exclusively.

CHAP. I. Thessalus and Draco, the Sons of Hippocra­tes, Polybus his Son in law; some others of his descendants, and some persons of the same name with Hippocrates.

HIppocrates left two sons, Thessalus and Dra­co, who followed the profession of their Fa­ther, and a daughter that was married to one Polybus, who was likewise a Physician. His two sons had each of them one, to whom they [Page 368]gave the name of their father, and this name was in such esteem in the family, that there were no less thenSuidas. See the Chap­ter of Praxa­goras below. seven one after another who bore it, who were all Physicians.

Hippocrates's eldest son was of greatest repu­tation. He spent the greatest part of his lifeGalen in lib. Hippocr. de nat. hum. Comm. 1. in the Court of Archelaus, King of Mace­donia. To him, as likewise to his brother and even to their children were attributed some of the Books found in the Collection of Hippocra­tes', even before the time of Galen who calls Thessalus an Admirable man.

Galen ibid Polybus also rose to great reputation, and continued to teach the scholars of his father-in-law. There are yet some books remaining under his name, one of which treats of the means of preserving health, others of diseases, and one of the nature of the seed, which a­grees almost in every thing with Hippocrates. 'Tis very probable that these books likewise are suppositious. Those which were found amongst the works of Hippocrates, and which were anciently ascribed to Polybus, do him more honour, being, as we have observed before, of all the books father'd upon Hippocrates, those wherein the reasoning is most exact and most coherent. From one of these books, enti­tuled of the nature of the Foetus, is drawn the greatest part of what we have before laid down concerning the manner of conception, or of the formation of the Foetus in the Womb. We find likewise in the fourth book of Diseases, which has been laid with almost universal consent to the same Polybus, a very Ingenious System of the causes of Diseases, drawn from the four hu­mours, established by the Author, which areSee upon this Book 3. the Pituita, the Blood, the Bile, and the Water.

Galen testifies for Polybus, that he never de­serted the opinions of Hippocrates, nor made any alteration of him any more than Thessalus; but this seems not probable especially of the [Page 371]former if the book we have cited be truly Po­lybus's, we see already in it some difference in the System, and we find further that the opinion concerning the passage of part of the drink into the Trachaea Arteria, which is, as we have observed, maintained in more than one place of Hippocrates's works, is vigorously oppo­sed.

We must not confound the sons of our Hippocrates with those of whomAristoph. in Nubibus [...] Galen quod [...] ­nimi mores se­quantur tem­per. cor p. Cap. 4. Ath [...]naeu [...] l. 3. Aristopha­nes, Galen and Athenaeus speak so brutish and lewd, that they gave occasion to the people of Athens to call all persons of that infamous Character the sons of Hippocrates. These were the sons of one Hippocrates an Athenian, who was himself esteemed a man of no worth.

There is yet another Hippocrates among the Greek Authors who wrote of Veterinary, or the Physick of Beasts, which are collected into one Volume, or rather the Collectors have made bold with the name of the great Hippo­crates, and have father'd works upon him in which he had no concern.

CHAP. II. Prodicus Dexippus and Appollonius disciples of Hippocrates. Ctesias his Kinsman.

HIppocrates was not contented to teach Phy­sick only to those of his own family. As he practised PhysickGalen af­firms this, and it may be gathe­red out of the Maxims of Hippocrates that have bee [...] cited. out of a principle of humanity, and not purely for profit or glory, he imparted his knowledg to strangers, being the first of the Asclepiades that did it, so that Physick, which was before confin'd within the [Page 372]limits of one Family, was afterwards commu­nicated to all the world, and might be learn'd by any that would apply themselves to it. We have seen already the Oath he exacted of his Scholars.

One of the most considerable of these was one Prodicus of Selymbra, Plin. l. 29 C. 1. who is said to have invented the use of unguents in Physick, to have first anointed the body with those com­positions, for preservation of health and for the cure of distempers.

This Medicine became so common among the Antients that they proceeded even to the abuse of it, especially after they had introduc'd Liquid perfumes or sweet-scented Oyls, of which Virgil makes this complaint.

Casia was a sort of Sp [...]e infused in Oyl of Olives to persume it.
Et Casia liquidi corrumpiturnsus Olivi.

These being used as well for pleasure as ne­cessity, and lewd women and effeminate men making the greatest consumption of them, this abuse grew so scandalous that sober per­sons were afraid to use them, lest they should be taken to use them to the same pur­pose that they did.

For this reason 'twas that the Philosopher Aristippus who found these sweet Oyls ser­viceable to him, made such imprecations a­gainst those Debauchees that brought a scan­dal upon the use of perfumes.

But Pliny seems to confound this disciple of Hippocrates with his master. The Unguenta­rie medicine being a branch of the Gymnastick it is without doubt the invention ofSee Book the 2 Hero­dicus, and not of Prodicus. The little diffe­rence there is between these two names, and especially between the H and the [...] which are the two first letters occasion'd of being put of­ten one for the other, and in the Manuscript copies of Hippocrates the former is sometime called Prodicus sometimes Herodicus Comment. lib. 6. Ep dem Galen [Page 373]following the first reading, mentions two Phy­sicians named Prodicus, of which one was of Lentini, the other of Selymbra, but he does not determine, of which he speaks in the place he comments upon, referring the reader to ano­ther place, where he says he has explain [...]d himself. The first seems very probable to have been Hippocrates's master, the other his scho­lar. As for their names, Plato and Plutarch al­ways call'd the first Herodicus; for the better distinction, we may continue that name to him, and call the latter Prodicus.

We have seen what Herodicus could do, Pro­dicus composed several works which are cited by Galen, but he seems to set no great value upon them. He accuses him for not follow­ing the method of his master, nor of the rest of the ancient Physicians; but of amusing himself to quibble upon words or names, which is never the sign of a man of ability in any profession whatsoever. Galen gives an in­stance of this false niceness of Prodicus upon the word Phlegm, which is a Greek word, and which the Latins have render'd by that of Pi­tuita. All the ancient Physicians understood by it a cold thick humour, but Prodicus only would have the Phlegm to be hot; grounding upon the Etymologie of the word Phlegm, which is derived from another Greek word which signifies [...] Gal. de Hip­poc. & Platen. decret. lib. 8. cap. 6, & de natural. facul. lib. 2. cap. 9. to burn, giving the name of [...] snot to the first sorts of humour, which as we have said before, was otherwise call'd Pituita.

Dexippus or Dixippus, another disciple of Hippocrates was a Coan as well as himself. Suidas tells us that he wrote a book of Physick in general, and two other of Prognosticks. The same Author adds that Dexippus being sent for to Heccatomnus King of Caria, to cure his sons Mausolus and Pixodarus, who had each of them a desperate disease, which he refus [...]d, but upon condition that Heccatomnus should [Page 374]cease to make war upon the Carians; where­upon Vossius observes [...] instead of [...] Voss. de Phi­losoph. that we ought to read the Coans instead of the Carians, it being more likely that Dexippus should endeavour to ease his own Countrey from a War; to which we may add, that it is not likely that the King made war upon his own sub­jects.

Aulus Gellius tells us, that Dexippus or Diox­ippus, as he calls him, was also for theSee the Anatomy of Hippocrates, and the Para­graph of Philis­tion in the Chapter forego­ing. im­mediate passage of the drink into the lungs. We know nothing of his method of practice, except that both he and Appollonius, who is the third of Hippocrates's scholars within our know­ledge have both been censur'd for giving their Patients too much to eat, and letting them perish with thirst. Erasistratus said bantering­ly of them, that they made twelve doses of the sixth part of a Cotyla of water, which they put into so many little waxen cups, and gave their Patients one or two at most in the heighth of a burning feaver. The Cotyla was a measure that held about nine ounces. Ga­len says, that this was a piece of malice in Era­sistratus, who did it with a design thro' the scholars to scandalize the master.

We have nothing further concerning Appol­lonius.

Ctesias a Cnidian Physician came immediate­ly after the former, being cotemporary to Xe­nophon. We are inform'd byLib. de Artic. com­ment. 3. Galen that he was of the family of the Asclepiades, and Kins­man to Hippocrates. The same Galen takes no­tice that Ctesias corrected Hippocrates for teach­ing the way of reducing a dislocated Thigh­bone, pretending that this reduction was to no purpose, for the head of the bone being once out of its cavity, it could never be kept in after, what care soever were taken; but that it would slip out again. We know nothing more concerning Ctesias his Physick, except that being taken prisoner in the battle, where­in [Page 375]in Cyrus the younger was beaten by his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon, he cured a wound which the latter had received in the fight. After which he practis'd Physick seventeen years in Persia, and became as famous a Historian as Physician, by writing the History of Assyria and Persia, taken from the Archives of those Countries.

CHAP. III. Opinions of Plato concerning Physick.

AT this time also Plato liv'd, being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad. This Philoso­pher following the steps of Pythagoras and De­mocritus, and the other Philosopher Physicians, of whom we have spoken, wrote as they did, of several things relating to the Theory of Medicine, particularly of the Oeconomy of a humane body, and the principles whereof it consists. The Pythagoreans, saysVar. Hist. lib. 9. cap. 22 Elian, ap­plyed themselves very much to Physick, Pla­to also was very much addicted to it, as well as Aristotle and several other Philosophers. We shall take notice here, of what is most considerable upon that subject in the writings of Plato, as far as we understand him, which is not always very easie to do. We shall be a little the more large herein, because we meet with di­vers things which relate to several modern opinions, and others which serve to iliustrate those of Hippocrates.

Plato having supposed two universal princi­ples of all things, [...] God and Matter, the first form which he supposed Matter to take, was Triangular, and that from these Triangles the four sensible Elements were afterwards produ­ced, the Fire, Air, Water, and Earth; of [Page 376]which all bodies seem'd to him to be com­pounded.

As for the humane body, he thought that its first formation commenc'd from the spinal marrow, which marrow was afterward cover­ed with a bone, and these bones with flesh. In consequence of this, he held that the links which joyned or fastened the soul to the body were in that marrow, which he call'd the seat of the mortal soul. The reasonable soul he lodged in the brain, which he said was a con­tinuation of that marrow, and look'd upon it as a soil purposely prepar'd to receive the di­vine seed. As for that part of the soul upon which depend Generosity, Valour and Anger, he plac'd it near the head, between the dia­phragme and the neck, that is to say, in the breast; or in the heart, in which he followed Pythagoras. He held that the lungs encompas­sed the heart to refresh it, and to calm the vi­olent motions of the soul which was lodged there, as well by the refreshment which it re­ceived from the Air in respiration, as from the liquor which we drink, which he supposed to fall in part into the lungs;Gell. llb. 17. cap. 11. Macrob. lib. 17, cap. 15. which made one of the Ancients say, that Plato gave posterity occasion to laugh, by meddling with that which was not his business. But he that said this did not consider that Hippocrates and other Physicians before spoken of, were them­selves of this opinion, and that Plato apparent­ly spoke only after them.

This Philosopher imagined also another part or sort of soul, which desired not only meat and drink, and all that was necessary for the body, but which was the Principle of all appetites or desire in general. This soul was posted be­tween the Diaphragm and the Navel, it was quartered in the lowest part, and farthest from the head, that it might not by its agitations and commotions, disturb the reasonable soul, which is the best part of us, in its meditations [Page 377]and thoughts for the common good. These troubles or disturbances of the inferiour soul, were excited by Phantasms or Images present­ed to it by the liver, the liver having been po­lish [...]d and made shining, that it might reflect the Images which were communicated to it, to produce trouble, tranquility or pleasure in the inferiour soul, according as the liver is it self troubled by the bitterness of the Bile, or sedate and calm thro' the predomination of sweet Juices opposed to the Bile.

Besides what we have already said of the heart and of the soul lodged there, Plato held this further concerning it. The heart, says he, which is at the same timeVi [...] Pag. the source of the veins and of the bloud, which [...] See pag. whirls rapidly in all parts of the body, is setSee pag, as a Centinel or Serjeant, that when the Choler is inflamed at the command of the Reason, upon the account of some injustice committed either without or within, by the desire or passions, presently all that is sensibly in the body, dis­poses it self by opening all its pores to hear its menaces, and obey its commands.

The opinion of this Philosopher concerning the manner of respiration is no less peculiar. He believed that there was no vacuum in the world, but that the Air which escaped out of the Lungs and Mouth, in respiration meeting that which surrounds the body without, push­es it so, that it forces it to enter thro' the pores of the skin and flesh, and to insinuate it self into the most remote parts of the body, till it fills the place which the other left, after which making the same way out again by the Pores, it forces that without to enter by the mouth into the lungs in inspiration. We see by this that Plato confounded transpiration with respiration, pretending that both one and t'other were performed together, as it were by two semicircles.

As for the flesh, he thought it compounded [Page 378]of water, fire and earth, and a certain sort of sharp leaven, biting and salt.

These are some of Plato's thoughts of a hu­mane body in its natural state. As for the cau­ses of its destruction, which are diseases, old age and death, he supposed in the first place that the bodies which are about ours, disolv'd and melt it continually, after which every sub­stance which gets loose or exhales, returns to the principle from whence it was drawn; he supposes in the second place that the blood which is, according to him, a fluid matter form'd of the Aliments by a peculiar artifice of nature, which cuts and reduces them into small pieces, by means of [...]. fire, which rises in our stomach after the air or breath. He supposed that this blood, whose redness was an evident token of the impression of this fire, served to nou­rish the flesh and generally the whole body, and to fill up the vacant spaces of it, as it were by a sort of watering, or general inundation.

This being supposed, he maintained that while we were young, this bloud abounding in all parts, not only supply'd what was dissi­pated or diminished of the flesh, which as was said was perpetual; but after having fill'd up what was wanting, it furnish'd matter of increase to the mass of the body, from hence it is, that in our youth we grow and become larger, but when we are advanced in years, more of the substance of our body is spent, than the bloud can supply or restore, therefore we diminish by degrees.

Those principles also of which our bodies consists, which Plato calls Triangles, which in our youth were stronger than those of which the Aliments were compounded, reducing them easily to a substance like themselves, be­come disunited and relaxed, by having so long endured the shock of other triangles, this cau­ses old age, which is followed by death, espe­cially where the triangles, whereof the spinal [Page 379]marrow consists, are dissolv'd and disunited, so that the bands by which the soul was fasten'd to it, are intirely broken, and let it loose.

As for diseases which attack us in all ages, and precipitate the usual time of death, he suppos'd that our bodies being composed of the four Elements before named, the disor­ders of these Elements were the chief causes of them. These disorders consisted in the excess or deficiency of any of these Elements, when they did not preserve the proportion of their first mixture, or when they changed place, lea­ving their own place for another.

To explain himself more particularly, he adds, that the fire exceeding, produced conti­nual and burning fevers, that if the air over-ballanced, it produced quotidian intermitting Fevers. If the Water, Tertian Fevers, and if Earth Quartanes. The Earth being the hea­viest of all the Elements, must have quadru­ple the time to move it self in that the fire has and the rest of the Elements in proportion.

Plato did not confine himself to these gene­rals only, but proceeded to the particular ex­plication of the changes that befall our bodies in relation to the bloud and humours which are the immediate causes of distempers. While the bloud, says he, maintains its natural state, it serves to nourish the body and to preserve health. But when the flesh begins to corrupt or to melt, and dissolve the humour which comes from it, entring into the veins, carries this corruption along with it, and changing the bloud in several manners, turns it from red to yellow; and bitter, or sower or salt; so that that which was pure Bloud, becomes part Bile and Phlegm or Serosities. What we call Bile, says Plato, is particularly produced from the dissolution of the old flesh, it is an hu­mour that assumes divers forms, and is very changeable both as to colour and taste, but it is chiefly distinguished into two sorts, the yel­low [Page 380]Bile which is bitter, and the black Bile which is sowre and pricking. As for the Phlegm and Serosities, or Water, Plato seems to confound them, or to make but one sort of humour of them. The Phlegm accor­ding to him, is produced from the new flesh, and the serosities or waters, which are design­ed by the particular names of sweat or tears, are only the phlegm melted or dissolved. In another place he seems to confound the phlegm and serosities with the Bile, when he says, that what we call sowre phlegm, is the same thing with the serosity of the black Bile But in the explication of the effects of these humours, he restrains himself to the two principal, which areSee Pag. the Bile and the Phlegm, and he acknowledges that these two juices by their mixture with the blood are the causes of all distempers.

When the Bile evaporates outwards, or dis­charges it self upon the skin, it causes divers sorts of humours, attended with inflamations, which the Greeks call'dSee Pag. Phlegmons, but when it is confin'd within, it produces all sorts of [...], burning diseases. The Bile is especially hurtful when it is mixed with the blood, it breaks the orders of the Fibres which are ac­cording to him small threads scatterd thro' the blood, that it might be neither too clear nor too thick, to the end that on the one side it should not evaporate, and on the other, might always move easily in the veins. This Bile continuing its havock, after having broken the fibres of the blood, pierces to the spinal marrow, and destroys the links of the soul before spoken of, unless the body, that is to say, all the flesh, melting or dissolving, breaks its force. When this happens, the Bile being overcome, and obliged to depart the bo­dy, throws it self thro' the veins upon the low­er belly and the stomach, from whence it is discharged by stool and vomiting, like those [Page 381]that flie out of a Town in an uproar, and cause in their passage Diarrhaea's and Dysenteries, and other discharges, which prove often healthful.

The sweet or insipid phlegm occasions Tu­mours, and some impurities of the skin, and when it mixes with some little bladders of the Air, it is then call'dA sort of Dropsie in Hip­pocrates. See Pag. white Phlegm. If this Phlegm mixes with the black Bile, and penetrates into the receptacles of the brain, it causes the Epilepsie or Falling-sickness.

The sowre or salt Phlegm is the cause of all diseases, comprehended under the name of Catarrhs or Rheums, and brings disorder and pain upon what part soever it falls.

We must here take notice of the Idea which Plato had of the Matrix or its properties, and some of its diseases.See Pag. the Matrix, says he, is an Animal, which longs impatiently to con­ceive, and if it be long disappointed of bear­ing Fruit, is is enraged, and runs up and down the whole Body, and stopping the passages of their Air, it takes away respiration, and causes great uneasiness, and an Anfinite number of Diseases.

These were the sentiments of Plato upon the causes of diseases, upon all which we shall not trouble our selves to make reflections. We shall confine our selves only to what he says concerning the Acidity and saltness of the humours, it being of importance to our Histo­ry to take notice of it, because of the several Systems that have been since built upon that foundation. Hippocrates had before spoken of the sowre and the salt, but he has mention'd them only upon the account of their effect, without shewing their Original, which Plato seems to have discover'd, and therein to have made an improvement upon him.

We may observe first, that the Philosopher speaks of an Acidity and saltness which is n [...] ­turally in the body in a slate of health . Such [Page 382]is the sowrness and sweetness of the flesh, which he says, consists of Water, Fire and Earth, and besides that a sowre salt leaven, as has been already observed. He does not say from whence this leaven comes, but by his manner of expressing himself it seems not to be drawn from the common Elements, but to be some­thing different from the Water, Fire and Earth, which have their share apart in the formation of the flesh.

In the second place, Plato held a saltness and sowrness, which were praeternatural, which are in the humours which cause diseases. He seems further to deduce the sowre and salt from the same source, with the natural sowre and salt, that is from the flesh, which corrupting and dissolving, according to him, infect the blood, and turn it into Bile, and into Phlegm. But this latter sowre and salt are something different from the former, tho' they come from the flesh, for this is an effect of their cor­ruption, the other is the principle of the pre­servation. But Plato not explaining himself any further thereupon, neither shall we en­large.

He adds a third sort of sowrness, which is that of the black Bile, which of bitter, becomes sowre, when the bitterness which is natural to it is alternated, and subtilized to a certain degree. It may be urged that the Greek word which we have translated [...]. sowre, might as well signifie pointed or sharp, as sowre; both in this latter passage, and in all those before cited. The Greeks having only one word, to express both meanings; but 'tis plain from the opposition in which Plato put this word to [...] bitter, that the former ought to be translated sowre, and not pointed, which is not so natural­ly opposed to bitter, as sowre is.

Plato speaks elsewhere of sowrness, and holds that it has its Origine from things sharp and pointed, which have been subtilized or at­tenuated [Page 383]by corruption, and reckons it the oc­casion of Fermentations and Ebullitions, which arise when the gross and terrestrial humours begin to move, and to swell or rise up.

It is observable that Plato to these words [...]; and [...]. which are Adjectives, joyns the same Substantive that Hippocrates did, which is [...] which accor­ding to the sense of Hippocrates, may be tran­slated by the words force, power, faculty or virtue, as well as by the words savour or taste, [...], Sapor Acidus, sowre taste, as Serranus translates it; as for the rest, Pla­to thought as Hippocrates did, that diseases had their fixed periods for duration. As the time of the life of every Animal is regulated by its lot when it comes into the world, this time can néither be hastened nor delayed, but by an effect of the passions; which come likewise themselves by a sort of necessity. So likewise diseases must of necessity have their course, and we ought rather to seek to temper them, and stop their progress, by means ofSee the m [...]thod of Hip­pocrates in a­cute diseases. pru­dent diet and exercise, than by medicines, espe­cially those which purge, which ought ne­ver to be used but in cases of extremity, other­wise of a small evil you make a great one, and of a single one many.

By this we may see, that Plato did not devi­ate much from the principles of Hippocrates, and as he lived at the same time with him, or very near it, being born in the eighty eighth Olym­piad, 'tis reasonable to believe, that he took many things out of his writings, having testifi­ed as he did, abundance of esteem of him. We may see by what has been said beforeSee the general max­ims of Hippo­crates. the sentiments of Plato concerning the Gymnastick Medicine.

We find in Galen the description of some me­dicines which bear Plato's name, as if he had been the inventor of them, but they were manifestly some other Plato's, or rather the [Page 384]name of this Philosopher was put upon them, to give them the more credit. We shall close with Plato's sense of the qualities to be requi­red in a Physician. There ought to be, says he, in every great City good Physicians, who be­sides the study required to learn their professi­on, have liv'd in their youth, amongst multi­tude of sick people, and have themselves run thro all sorts of distempers, being naturally infirm or Valetudinarians. This maxim is di­rectly opposite to that of Hippocrates who re­quires that a Physician should be of a very heal­thy constitution.

Some have observed that Plato designedly chose the Academy, which was the unhealthi­est place of all Athens, to reside in with his scholars, only because it was unhealthy, out of a perswasion that the infirmity of the body, render'd the mind more vigorous. But we must beg leave to doubt, whether this was his Motive or not.

CHAP. IV. Nicomachus, Aristotle's Father.

ARistotle's Father, whose name was Nico­machus, liv'd about the same time with Pla­to. He was of Stagyre in Macedonia, and Phy­sician to King Amyntas, Father of Philip. He was of the Asclepiades as well as Hippocrates, and pretended to be descended from a Son of Machaon, of whom we have spoken before, who bore the same name with himself. This Physician wrote according to Suidas, six books of Physick, and one of Natural Philosophy, but we have nothing of them remaining.

CHAP. V. Aristotle.

WE should speak here of some Physicians, who liv'd before this Philosopher, and were cotemporaries to his father, but after having seen what Plato, who was his master, contri­buted to the advancement of Physick, we thought it convenient immediately to subjoyn what his scholar further added.

Aristotle wrote two books Entituled [...]. Diogen. Lacrt. in [...]it. Aristot. of Physick, but there are none of them remain­ning; nor those the Title of which was [...] & [...] A. [...]. of Anatomy: Diogenes Laertius ascribes to him another book, the title of which was [...]. of the Stone; this book is translated into Latin, in the Theatrum Ch [...]micum with another, which treats of the perfect Magistery; that is to say, of the Philosophers Stone, but both these books are evidently suposititious.

If Aristotle had ever writ any book, under the title mentioned by Diogenes Lacrtius, sup­posing that we ought to understand by the Stone, the Philosopher's Stone, this book would unquestionably have made more noise, amongst the Ancients, whereas we find nei­ther tract nor footstep, in all the Authors ex­tant, that wrote during the space of five hun­dred years, which were elaps'd between the Author of this pretended book, and him that quotes it. It is not impossible, but that in the time of the later, the book in question was attributed to Aristotle, but it is more probable, that there is some fault in the Text. We shall have occasion to speak more of this, in the Chapter of Theophrastus which comes next.

But it was not after this manner that Aristo­tle imployed himself in Physick, 'twas in wri­ting these other books which we first mention­ed [Page 386]But since these books are lost, we shou'd be obliged to conclude here, what concerns the Physick of this Philosopher, if his Histo­ry of Animals, and of their parts and Generati­on were not happily preserved, wherein we find many curious things, relating to the History of Animals in general, and of their Anatomy in particular.Plin. lib. 8.16. Athen. lib. 9. cap. 23 & lib. 8. cap. 11. Alexander the Great, whose master he was, being inquisitive into the nature and different properties of Animals, obliged him to this task, and fur­nished him for it, with the summ of eight hundred Talents, which amount to almost a million of Gold, besides several thousand men, in the several parts of Asia and Greece, who had Orders to obey him, and to inform him of all that hunting and fishing had taught them, and to keep on purpose all sorts of Animals, to discover what was peculiar to them.

With these helps, a perfect work upon this Subject might have been expected. Neverthe­less the Antients themselves took notice, that he advanced many a thing contrary to fact. He may upon this account be excused, by say­ing that he took them upon Credit from o­thers, not having been able to act or view every thing himself. But supposing he were in some things obliged to trust to relations. As for Example, for certain Properties of Ani­mals which only chance could discover, there are others, in which he ought to have made his enquiries himself, or at least to have been present, and directed those that were his Opera­tors. Of this nature are those things which relate to Anatomy, what opinion can we have of his exactness in this particular, when we hear him affirm, that all Animals have flexible necks, composed of Vertebrae, except Wolves and Ly­ons, in which tho neck consists of but one bone, and that the bones of Lyons have no matrow against all experience. (e) For his other Errours in the Anatomy of a Lyon and [Page 387] Eagle and a Crocodile, those that are curious may consult the learned Borrichius.

Those that publisht the dissection of a Lyon at Paris, in the Academy of Sciences some years ago, have taken care to show, the Er­rours of this Philosopher, in the Anatomy of that Beast. All that they observe, may in fact be true, except one passage, in which they seem to make Aristotle say, what he never thought of. We find these words in one of his books (f) [...] which the Latin Interpreter renders thus, vide­tur Leo Animalium omnium perfectissimum Ani­mal, in assumendo maris formam. These Gen­tlemen explain these words, as if Aristotle had meant that the Lyon has, by way of Ex­cellence, and beyond all other Animals, the vi­sible and apparent marks of the perfection of his Sex. These are their own words, and they urge as a proof, that the Philosopher was mi­staken that the Ʋrethra of a Lyon, that is the channel of the Virga, does not appear outward above three inches and a half. Their conclu­sion had been just, if Aristotle had meant as they think, and Borrichius with them that the Lyon of all male Animals, had the parts which distinguish'd the Sex most large and ap­parent. But this in my opinion, was farthest from his thoughts, for I suppose he meant no more, than that the Lyon, is of all male Ani­mals, the easiest to be distinguish'd from his Female, by his Masculine Air, or that distin­guishes himself from all other Males, by a fierce and truly Masculine Air, which is peculiar to him. I translate the Greek word [...] by the French word Air, which might be rendred Species in Latin, which answers exactly to the Greek, the Etymologie being the same:

The dissections that Aristotle made, of several different sorts of Animals, Quadrupeds, Birds, Fishes and Insects, had taught him divers things [Page 388]concerning the use of the parts of each of these Kinds. We shall not go about to examine here, what he delivers of the difference of their parts and uses, because that would lead us too far from our Subject. We shall only touch here in a few words, upon what relates to the structure and use of parts, common to all per­fect Animals, such as Men, and all Quadru­peds.

Aristotle esteem'd the heart, to be the Ori­gen and Source of the veins and blood. The blood, says he, goes from the heart into the veins,De Part. An. lib. 3. cap. 4. Those that find the Circulation of the Blood in A­ristotle, will have some diffi­culty to get o­ver this Pas­sage. but it comes not from any part in­to the heart. He says that there come two veins out of the heart, one from the right side, which is the largest, and the other from the left side, which is the least, which he calls the Aorta, (where by the by) we may take notice, that this PhilosopherHist. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 5. as Galen says, is the first that gave that name to the great Artery, which proves that the book (i) of the Heart, wherein this name is found, is not Hippocra­tes's. Aristotle thought that these two veins, distributed the blood to all parts of the body. He says elsewhere, that there were in the heart three Cavities, which he calls ventricles. Of these three ventricles, that in the middle, of whose scituation he gives no other account, is the common principle of the other two, altho' it be the least; the blood which it contains is also the most temperate and pure. The blood of the right, ventricle is the hottest, and that of the left the coldest. This latter ventricle being the biggest of the three. These three ventricles, says he, communicate with the lungs, by vessels different from the two great veins, which disperse themselves thro the whole substance of the Lungs.

He made not only the veins of the vessels, which contain blood to come out of the heart; but he would have the Nerves also to take their Origine from thence; for which opinion [Page 389]this was his ground,Hist. An. lib. 3. cap. 5. The biggest Ventricle of the Heart, says he, contains small Nerves, and it is a true Nerve in its extremities, having no Cavity, and being stretched after the man­ner of Nerves in the place where it terminates, towards the Articulation of the bones. He says also in another place,De part. Anim. lib. 3, cap. 4. that there are a­bundance of Nerves in the heart, which are of great use, because the motions come from thence, which are made by contracting and extending.

By this latter passage he seems to design the Tendons, which serve to dilate and contract the heart, and if we have observed before that Hippocrates confounded the Nerves with the Tendons and Ligaments, Aristotle does not appear to have distinguished them any better, nor to have known the use of the true Nerves.

In another place he affirms,H [...]st. Ani­mal. lib. 3. cap. 5. that the Nerves are not continuous, but scatter'd here and there, about the places of the Articulati­ons, by which it is visible, he meant the Ten­dons. If he had known the use of the Nerves, he would not have said,De part. Animal. lib. 2. cap. 10. that none but the parts which had blood, could feel or had sen­sation; nor would he have maintainedDe part. Anim. lib. 2. cap. 1. that the flesh is the proper Organ of sensation; as for motion, if he attributes it to the Nerves, or says 'tis made immediately by the Nerves, 'tis easie to see, that the Nerves there meant, were either the Tendons or Ligaments.

As for the common principle of motion and sensation, Aristotle places it in the Heart, which he looks upon also as the principle of the nou­rishment of all the parts of the body, by the means of the blood which it sends to them, as the Focus, which contains the natural fire, upon which depends life; as the place where the passions have their birth, and where all the sensations terminate. In a word, as the true seat of the Soul, and that not because the Nerves have their Origine from thence as some [Page 390]imagine, but because it is the reservatory of the blood and spirits. He formally maintainsl [...]b. de Spi­ritu. that the spirits cannot be contained in the Nerves.

But if Aristotle attributes such noble uses to the heart, the brain was in his opinion but a heap of Water and Earth, without blood and without sense. The office of this Cold Lump was, says he, to refresh and moderate the heat of the heart. But besides that, he gives else­where this Office to the Lungs, he does not account for the manner how the brain should be capable of discharging it. And altho' the brain be plac'd immediately upon the spinal marrow, and fix'd to it, yet he pretended that the substance of that marrow was-quite different from that of the brain, being a sort of blood prepar'd for the nourishment of the bones, and consequently hot, whereas the other was cold. He made otherwise so little of the brain, that if he did not absolutely reckon it amongst the excrements, he thought it ought not to be ranked amongst the parts of the bo­dy, which had any continuity or union with the rest, that he look'd on't as a substance of a peculiar nature, and different from all the rest of the body.

As for the rest of the Viscera, as the Liver, the Spleen, and the Kidneys, he thought that their first and chief usage was to support the veins, which would be pendulous but for them, and to strengthen them in their place. Besides this first use, he assigned them some others. The Liver helped to the digestion of the meat in the stomach and the guts, by the warmth which it imparted to those parts; of which we shall speak more particularly in the Sequel. The Liver was not of such universal use, and is, according to him, but accidentally necessa­ry to collect and concoct the Vapours which rise from the Belly; hence it is, that Ani­mals, in whom these vapours take another [Page 391]course, have but a very small Spleen, as Birds, and Fishes, whose feathers and scales are form'd and nourish'd out of this moisture. And these Animals for the same reason, says he, have neither kidneys nor bladder.

De part. A­nim [...]l [...] 3 [...]ap. 7.The Kidneys also, according to him, are onl [...] for conveniency; their office is to imbibe part of the excrement which goes to the blad­der in Animals, in whom this Excrement is in too great abundance, in order to ease the blad­der. He adds a little after, [...] 9. that the hu­mours filtre, or run thro' the substance of the reins, in which he seems to touch upon the use afterwards found for these parts, but he speaks of it very obscurely.

Hist. Anim. [...]b. 3. cap. 1.The Testicles also are parts, made by na­ture for conveniency, and not of absolute ne­cessity. He says, that there are two venous channels that come from the Aorta into the Testicles, and two others which come from the Kidneys, that these two latter contain blood, but the former none; that there comes out of the head of each Testicle another chan­nel, bigger and more nervous, which bending backwards, and growing less, re-ascends to­wards the former, being contained in the same Membrane, which proceed to the root of the Virga. He adds, that this last Channel contains no blood, but a white liquor, and terminating at the Virga, or neck of the bladder, it meets there with an opening, which goes towards the Virga, round about which there is a sort of [...] husk or bark.

This supposed, he says that when the Testi­cles of any Animal are cut off, all these chan­nels spoken of shrink up, and that 'tis upon this retraction that those that are castrated cannot procreate; as a proof of this, he instan­ces in a Cow, which being leaped by a [...]ull af­ter he was guelded, before these channels of the seed were retracted, proved with Calf. In another place, he explains himself more at large [Page 392]concerning the use of the Testicles, saying,Hist. An. lib. 1. cap. 4. That they are no part of the channels or receptacles of the Seed, and have no commu­nication with them, but serve only as a weight to draw them downwards, and to re­tard the motion of the Seed, as Weavers fasten Stones to their Tackle. And as a proof of the uselesness of the Testicles, for the princi­pal intention, he brings the example of Fishes and Serpents, who wanted, as he thought, those parts, yet did engender.

[...] lib. [...] cap. 20.He held, that the conception was made by the mixture of the Seed of a Man, with the menstrual blood of a Woman in the Ma­trix, allowing no share to the Seed of the Wo­man, which according to him was only an excrement of the Matrix, which some emit­ted, others not, yet were not for that less fruitful, or less sensible of the Pleasure of Coi­tion, this Pleasure arising from a titillation caused by the afflux of the Spirits into the parts of Generation.

As for the place and manner of digesting the food, Aristotle says, That the Aliment is first prepared in the mouth of Animals, whose food requires to be wet or mash'd; but we are not to think that any sort of concoction is perform'd there, the meat is only reduced in­to small parts, so that it may be more easily digested and penetrated after 'tis descended into the superior and inferior Ventricle▪ which are both destin [...]d to this Office, that is, to di­gest the Aliments: And as the Mouth is the opening by which the nourishment enters un­prepared, and the Oesophagus is the Tunnel by which it descends into the upper venter or the ventricle, there is need of more openings to carry the nourishment to all the parts of the body, from the belly and intestines, as out of a Cystern; and these openings or pipes are the veins of the Mesentery. As Plants, says the Philosopher, draw their nourishment by their [Page 393]Roots, which are dispersed in the Earth, so Animals draw theirs by these veins, which are as so many Roots, to draw from the Belly and Intestines the juice therein contained, these parts being to Animals as the Earth is to Plants. He says also, That these veins are branches of the great veins, and of the Aorta which go to the intestines. As for the Omen­tum, Aristotle thought that it assisted in con­junction with the Liver to the concoction of the Meat, warming the parts to which it is contiguous with its Fat which is hot.

In explication of what has been already said, he held farther, that the Coction of the Ali­ments was performed partly in the superior Venter, and partly in the inferiour, that the mass of the Aliments being yet too fresh, and not being sufficiently concocted, while it is in the superior Venter, that is, the Stomach, and being depriv'd of all its Juice, and all that is useful in it, so that nothing remains but thick excre­ment, when it comes at the bottom of the inferiour Venter, there must necessarily be some space between these two, in which the nourishment is changed, and is neither crude nor excrement. This space, says he, is the thin Gut called Jejunum, which is immediately joyned to the superior Venter, and by conse­quence lies between that Venter, wherein the Aliments were in part crude, and the bot­tom of the inferiour Venter which contained nothing but excrement.

These are the places, according to Aristotle, wherein digestion is performed. This di­gestion was, according to him, a sort of Elixa­tion, that is, he thought, that the Aliments were prepared in the body, much after the manner that meat is boyled in a Pot, by means of the heat of the Neighbouring parts, the chief of which were, as we have observed, the Liver and the Cawle.

We may see by this Gut which he calls Jejunum, and the distinction, that he makes elsewhere between the Colon, the Caecum and the Rectum, that the Guts were somewhat better distinguished than in the time of Hip­pocrates, who seems to have acknowledged but two, the Colon and the Rectum, as we have already taken notice.

The use of the Lungs and manner of respi­ration, according to Aristotle were these. The Heart being inflated by too much heat, ob­liged the Lungs and Breast to swell and move, and by consequence to receive in the Air, which insinuating itself into the heart, re­freshed it in its entrance, and returning carried off the thick hot vapours exhaling from it, and serv'd at the same time to form the voice, the Air being necessarily obliged to enter into the Lungs as they rise for fear of a void, which is a thing nature abhors.

Hist. Anim. lib. 1. cap. 21.Of the structure of the Ear Aristotle has not delivered much. He observes only, that 'tis turned within in the form of a Shell which terminates at a bone, which, says he, is like to the Ear, and whither the sound comes, as the last vessel which receives it. There is no pas­sage from thence to the Brain, but there is one goes to the Pallat, and a vein which descends from the Brain to that place, that is, to the Bone of the Ear.De Anima b. 2. cap. 8. He says elsewhere, that hearing is produced by means of the External Air which moves the internal Air, or the Air inclosed in the Ear; and he adds, that if the Membrane of the Ear be indisposed, we cannot hear, for the same reason, we cannot see when the Tunicle of the Eye is in the same Condition.

De generat aninial lib. 2. cap. 6.The Nose is divided into two Channels by a Cartilage. It has two veins, which are joined to the Brain, but they come from the Heart, these go into the Channel, which is the Organ of smelling, as it receives the Ex­ternal Air, and all that is diffused thro it.

The Flesh, as we have observed already, is the Organ of Feeling. The Tongue of Tast­ing, being soft and spongy, and of a Nature approaching to that of the Flesh.

Hist. An. lib. 1. cap. 11.The Eye reaches into the Brain, and is situated on either side under a little vein.Ib. cap. 9. The humour which is in the Eye which causes vision, is what we call the sight.De Gen. An. lib. 2. cap. 6. The Eye of all the Organs of sensation has this peculiarity, that it is moist and cold, or that it contains a humour that is moist and cold, which is not there at first, or which is not at first in its perfection, but is separated or distill'd from the purest part of the moi­sture of the Brain, by the Channel that goes to the Membrane of the Brain.

'Tis very plain from what has been said, that Aristotle allow'd the Nerves no part in the production of sensation. Nor indeed could he acknowledge the Nerves or their of­fice, retaining the Idea which he had of the Brain. The Diaphragme, which he calls Di­azoma, or the Membrane which separates the lower Belly from the Breast, has, according to Aristotle, no other business than to divide these two Cavities, that the upper, which is the Seat of the Soul, may not be infected by the vapours which rise from the lower.

This is the sum of what we could collect from the writings of this Philosopher concern­ing Anatomy. And we may observe, that both he and Plato call'd indifferently by the name of Veins the Veins properly so call'd, and the Arteries; that they did not give the name of Artery to any thing but the Wind­pipe; which they call'd [...], rough, or une­qual in oppositi­on to the Arte­ries properly so called, and by the Antients named, [...], laeves Arterlae smooth Arteries Aspera Arteria from whence we may infer, that when we find inSee the next Vol. lib. 1. cap. of Erasistra­tus. Hippocrates the word Artery in the sense of the Moderns, that this word has been foisted in, or that the Books in which 'tis found are not Genuine.

The only place that I know of, wherein Aristotle seems to give the name of Arteries, to the Arteries properly so called is in his Book of the Spirit, wherein he says that the Skin is compos'd of a Vein, an Artery, and a Nerve, Of a Vein, says he, because the Skin yields Blood when 'tis prick'd: Of a Nerve, because it can extend it self: Of an Artery, because 'tis transpirable. Aristotle seems here to have designed the real and true Arteries, and to al­lot to them only Spirit, according to the opi­nion of Praxagoras and Erasistratus, of whom we shall speak hereafter; which opinion per­haps they borrowed of him. Perhaps also this Book was none of Aristotle's.

We must make one observation more con­cerning the Anatomy of Aristotle, which is, that he never dissected any thing but Brutes, and that in his time they durst not Anatomize a Humane body. Which he insinuates him­self in these wordsHist. An. lib. 1. cap. 16., The inward parts of mens bodies are unknown, for we have nothing certain thereupon, but we must judge of them by the resemblance which we suppose them to have to the parts of other Animals, which answer to each of them. I am surpriz'dAnthropo­graph. lib. 1. cap. 4. that Riolan should maintain the contrary, and more that he should endeavour to prove it from passages of Aristotle, which are nothing to the purpose; but he is not the only one, whose Prejudice and Bigotry for the Antients, has caused to make such false steps. We shall have occa­sion to say something more upon this subject in the first Book of the next Volume. Aristo­tle wrote also some Books of Plants, of which there are some yet remaining, but he treats of them rather as a Philosopher than a Physi­cian.

He was born in the ninety ninth Olympiad, and he dyed the 3d year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, aged by this account about sixty three. He was the Son of a Phy­sician, [Page 397]and of the family of the Asclepiades. He belonged also to Physick another way, which is not much for his honour.Diogenes Laertius, & He­sychius Milesi­us in vita Epi­curi. Epicu­rus reproaches him with having spent his pa­trimony while he was young in debauchery, and that after he had been some time a Soul­dier, he betook himself to sellingWe shall consider in the sequel the mean­ing of the word [...] used by Dioge­nes Laertius on this occasion. of Anti­dotes about the Markets, till Plato's School being open'd, he applied himself to the study of Philosophy under him.

CHAP. VI. Theophrastus.

THeophrastus, who succeeded Aristotle, took upon him the management of his School, and after his death did something likewise to­wards Physick. The most considerable of his works which remain to our times are his Books of Plants. But as Plants may be consider'd either as a part of Agriculture, of Natural History, or of Physick; Theophrastus, as well as Aristotle, seems to consider them chiefly as a Naturalist, and seems rather to have exa­mined their Growth and Termination, and the parts whereof they are composed, than their Medicinal properties, altho sometimes en passant he touches upon them too. But he having describ'd several, we shall be oblig [...]d to take farther notice of him upon this ac­count with Dioscorides.

There are yet some small pieces of his re­maining, concerning the Vertigo, Swooning, Sweat, and the Palsie, of which he treats ra­ther as a Philosopher than a Physician; that is, he is inquisitive after the Causes of these Distempers only, without speaking of any Remedies. He says, that Vertigo [...]s come [Page 398]when some strange spirit or superfluous moisture goes into the Head, or as he ex­presses it, about the Head, whether this comes from any sort of Food, as from Wine, or from any other humour, or from turning the Head round. For, adds he, the place about the Brain, or the Brain (an usual manner of expression among the Greeks) is naturally moist, and when any foreign Spirit gets in, it does violence after it is got in, and forces the natural moisture into the veins, causing it to turn round, so that this Spirit has the same effect, as if any body turn'd the Head round, it being indifferent whether it be done inwardly or outwardly.

The Palsie arises from a chilness, or priva­tion and want of Spirits or Spirit. For, says he, the Spirit is the cause of heat and motion, so that if it becomes motionless, the blood or moisture necessarily grow chill. And for this reason we find the Feet be numm'd, and sometimes the upper parts, when they are pressed by a Chair, or any other way, this compression stopping or interrupting the Spi­rit, that it cannot move as usual, causes the Blood to grow cold.

By what has been said, we may see that this Philosopher suspected the Nerves on these occasions, no more than Hippocrates did, and was no better acquainted with their use than his Master Aristotle.

We have also a Book of Theophrastus of Stones, wherein he treats of several sorts of Stones, as well Genuine as others, of their na­ture, the manner of their formation, and the places where they are found, &c. And as we may see by the Catalogue of his Wri­tings, he gave to some of them the same Titles that Aristotle had done before to his; perhaps the singular number was substituted for the plural, in the Title of the Book of A­ristotle of the Stone, of which before.

CHAP. II. Heraclides of Pontus.

ALmost at the same time there liv'd ano­ther Philosopher, who engag'd in Physic. This was Heraclides of Pontus, who studied partly under Speusippus the Scholar of Plato, and partly under Aristotle. This Heraclides writ a Book of the cause of Diseases, and another entituled [...]; What he call'd [...], that is, without respiration, was a disease, in which sometimes, as our Author affirms, men lay thirty days without breathing, as if they were dead, yet the body did not corrupt. We have seen before that Empedocles cured a wo­man of this distemper, which is a sort of suf­focation of the Matrix. Diogenes Laertius reckons fourteen famous men of the name of Heraclides, of which two were Physicians, and not counting him of whom we are speak­ing. The first, who was the eighth of the fourteen, was Scholar to Hicesius a Physician, of whom we shall speak hereafter; the second was a famous Empirick of Tarentum, whose History we shall likewise give. To all these Heraclides, we may add Hippocrates Father, and Heraclides Erithreus, of whom also here­after.

CHAP VIII. Diocles.

'TIs time, to quit the Philosophers, and re­turn a little back to re-assume the Physi­cians. The first of this Profession after Hip­pocrates and his Family, that made any noise in the world, was Diocles Carystius, whom the Athenians for that reason called theTheodor. Priscians. Second Hippocrates. Plin. lib. 20. cap. 20. Celf. Praefat. All the Antients agree, that he came presently after the Father of Physick, whom he succeeded very near both in time and reputation. He's suppos'd to be Author of a Letter yet extant, Addressed to Antigo­nus, King of Asia, which shews, that Diocles lived in his time, and not in the timeTiraquell. de Nobil. cap. 21. and after him Wolfgan­gus Justus in his Chronolo­gia Medico­rum. Who also holds, that he lived both under Darius the Son of Hystaspes, and under An­tigonus, tho between those two Princes there passed two entire Cen­turies. of Da­rius Son of Hystaspes, as two modern Authors have written. But the Chronological Errors which we have detected upon the occasion of the pretended Letters of Hippocrates, shew that we are not to rely much upon proofs of this nature, this Letter of Diocles being no less to be suspected than the others. Those that place Diocles in the time of Darius, Son of Hystaspes are manifestly in an errour. O­thers have gone on the other side too low, if I be not mistaken. But however it be, we find in this Letter rules for preservation of health, which consist in foreseeing Diseases by certain signs, and preventing them by certain Remedies. The Body is there divided into four parts, the Head, the Breast, the [Page 401]Belly, and the Bladder; and there are Me­dicines there prescrib'd to preserve these parts, from their usual Distempers. He prescribed Gargarisms to purge the Head and Frictions. For the Breast he advises vomiting after Meals, and Fasting. He ordered the Belly to be kept open, not by Medicine, but by proper Diet, such as Blites, Mercury, Garlick boyled, the Herb Patience, Colwort Broth, confections with Honey. For the distempers of the Blad­der he appointed some Diuretick Medicines, such as the Roots of Selery and Fennel boyl'd in Wine, with the water of the Decoction of Daucus Smyrnium, of Elder or Chiches.

Diocles wrote several Books of Physick which are lost. Amongst the rest was one of Diseases, their Causes and Cure, a fragment of which is cited byDe Locis affect. lib. 3. c. 7. Galen, concerning the Disease called the Melancholick or Flatulent Disease, wherein Diocles speaks thus. There is a Disease, whose seat is about the Stomach, which some call Melancholy, others Flatus, or Wind, in which, after eating things hard of digestion, men spit abundance of very clear Spittle; their Belches are sowre, with Wind and heat in the Hippocondria, with a rum­bling motion, not at first, but sometime after, and often violent pain in the Stomach, which extend in some even to the back. After the Meat is perfectly digested all ceases and re­turns again after eating. The same symp­toms sometimes take a man fasting, and some­times after Meals, and force him to throw his victuals undigested up again, and sometimes bitter hot phlegm, or so sowre as to set their Teeth an edge. These distempers for the most part come in youth; but come when they will, they hold a long time. We may suppose they that are troubled with it, have too much heat in the veins which receive the nourishment from the Stomach, and that the Blood which they contain is thereby thick­ned. [Page 402]For it is plain that those veins are ob­structed or stopt, from this sensible proof that the nourishment is not distributed thro the body, but remains crude upon the stomach, instead of passing into the Channels which ought to recieve it, and going the greatest part of it into the lower Belly, it is thrown up the next day by vomit. Another proof that the heat is greater than naturally it ought, is not only the heat which the par­ties feel, but the immediate relief they find by taking cold things. Diocles adds, that some hold that in these distempers the orifice of the Stomach, which is joined to the Guts, is in flamed, and that this inflamation causes the obstruction, and hinders the aliments from descending in due time into the Guts, and that by their stop the inflation of the Sto­mach, the heat, and other symptoms before mention'd are occasioned.

Diocles had a peculiar opinion of Fevers. We must judge, says he, of things which we cannot see, by those which we can see; we observe that external inflamations, abscesses and wounds are attended by Fevers, there­fore when a Fever takes any body, though we cannot externally discover any abscess, wound, or inflamation, we must however believe that there is some such thing within the body.

His practice was much the same with that of Hippocrates. He blooded and purged after the same manner, and upon the same occasi­ons. His particular method in every distem­per may be seen inAcuti Pass. l. 3 c. 17. Caelius Aurelianus. The same Author reports, that Diocles caused all those that were troubled with the Iliack pas­sion to swallow a Leaden Bullet, a Medicine of which I find no mention in Hippocrates, and which might perhaps be of Diocles's own invention. He distinguished between the Ileus and Chordapsus, which two names Hip­pocrates seemed to give to the same distemper. [Page 403] Diocles signified by the former of these names a distemper of the intestina tenuia, and by the latter of the intestina crassa.

He practised also Surgery, and invented an instrument to draw out the head of a Dart when it was left in the wound; which was called by his name in Celsus his time. He in­vented also the manner ofGalen de Fa [...]ci [...]s. Bandage for the head, which went also by his name.

Galen observes, that this Physician was the first that wrote of Anatomical Administrati­on, that is, of the manner and order of dis­section, for the better displaying the parts of the body. He gave at the same time this ac­count for the Silence of those that preceded him, and of the motives that induced him to write upon that subject.De Admi­nis [...]. Anatom. lib. 2. Before Diocles, says Galen, Physick being almost entirely li­mited to the family of the Asclepiades, the Fa­thers taught their Sons Anatomy, and bred them from their infancy to the dissection of Animals. So that it going from Father to Son by way of Manual Tradition, it was need­less to write of the manner, because it was as impossible they should forget it as their Al­phabet, which they learnt almost at the same time. But the Art of Physick spreading be­yond this family, by means of the Scholars of Hippocrates, Diocles wrote upon this subject in favour of those whose Fathers were not Phy­sicians.

Thus far Galen of Diocles, who nevertheless by Galen's own report had made no great pro­gress in Anatomy. He satisfied himself with what his predecessors had done, who were no great Anatomists, as we have already ob­serv'd.

Galen testifies likewise for Diocles, that he practiced Physick out of a principle of Huma­nity, as Hippocrates had done, and not for Pront or Glory, which were motives upon which other Physicians acted. He speaks of [Page 404]him elsewhere as a great man in his Art, and affirms, that he was master of it in every part.

Athenaeus mentions a piece of Diocles which treated of Poysons, and another which teachesThis Book was entitled [...]. the manner of dressing victuals. Athenaeus tells us of several other antient Physicians that wrote upon this latter subject, and mentions amongst others Philistion, whom we have spoken of before, Erasistratus, Philotimus, Glaucus, and Dionisius. Their design in pro­bability was not so much to please the taste as to render the food more wholesom. Never­theless Plato complains [...]. that the Art of Cookery was crept into Physick under pre­tence of dressing for health, whereas it had the quite contrary effect, and he asserts, that this Art is just of as much use in Physick, as [...] the Art of washing and perfuming is to the Gymnastick, of which we have al­ready spoken. He calls the art of Cookery and the art Washing and Beautifying, the flatterers of Physick and Gymnastick.

Diocles wrote likewise the distempers of Women. He compos'd also a Book, entitled of the weeks, wherein he treated undoubted­ly of the critical days after the manner of Hippocrates. There was also another Diocles of Chalcedon, who is cited byMedica­ment. local. l. 7. c. 4. Galen, but I know not when he lived.

CHAP IX. Praxagoras.

PRaxagoras came a little after Diocles, living at the latest about the time of Aristotle. His Fathers name wasDe dissect­iones [...]ulv. cap ult Nicarchius. (b) He was at the Isle of Cos as well as Hippocrates, and of the same Family, that is, of the Ascle­piades, with this peculiarity,Method. Med. lib. 1. that he was the [Page 405]last, the Family being extinct in him. This is the observation of Galen, with which Suidas does by no means agree, who says, there were seven descendants from Hippocrates, all Physicians, who successively bore his name, but I am rather apt to credit Galen.

Praxagoras is reckon'd the third after Hip­pocrates, who worthily maintain'd the honour of rational Physick. Galen speaks honourably of him, as a man that understood his business excellently well. He left several Books which are lost. Galen cites some of them, as that of the use of abstinence, those of the ordinary and extraordinary symptoms of Diseases, ano­ther entituled, of natural things, or things which naturally happen, and another of Me­dicaments.

He past in his time for a great Anatomist, but all that he wrote upon that subject being lost, we know nothing of his Sentiments, ex­cept that he believed with Aristotle, that the Nerves come from the Heart. He addedGalen. de decret. Hippo­crat. & [...]laton. that the Arteries turn to Nerves as their cavi­ties grow straight towards the extremities. He held with this Philosopher, that the brain was of little use, and look'd upon it as only an appendix to the spinal Marrow. He main­tain'd also that theDe digno­see [...]d. Puls. l. 4. cap. 2. Arteries contain'd no Liquor, an opinion which we shall see driven farther by Erasistratus. From hence we may conclude, that Praxagoras was the first Au­thor that distinguish'd the arteries properly so call'd from the veins. The Physicians of the preceding ages having indifferently call'd both veins and arteries by the name of veins.

Praxagoras was the first that distinguish'd with more exactness than before the humours or juices of the body.See the A­natomy of Hip­pocrates and Aristotle. Rufus Ephesius reports, that he said of these juices, that one was sweet, another [...]. equally mix'd or tem­perate, [...] another resemosed Glass, which was a sort of flegin very penetrant, another sower, a­nother [Page 406]nitrous, another of the colour of a Leek, another salt, another bitter, another like the yolk of an Egg. He added besides these two other sorts of Juices, one which he call'd [...]. Raking, that is, which produced a sense in the part, as if it were scrap'd with a Knife or some such Instrument, the other he call'd [...]. These names, as well as those taken from the colour of a Leek and the Yo [...]k of an Egg are really new. But those of sowre; bitter, nitrous, &c. were ap­plied by Hip­pocrates, to the same things before. fix'd.Introduct cap [...] 9. Most diseases according to him depended upon these dispositions of the hu­mours, and it was his opinion, that it was in vain to look any where else, than into the hu­mours for the causes of health or sickness.De sacul­tat. Nat. l. 2. c. 9 Galen limits the number of humours, which Praxagoras distinguished to ten, with­out reckoning the blood which makes eleven, but he does not specify what they were.

There are divers specimens of the practice of Praxagoras in Caelius Aurelianus. Amongst other things we find that he was very much forCa [...]s Au [...]lian [...]out. l. 3. cap. 17. vomits. He gave them even in the Quinsey and in Convulsions, the same he did also in the Iliack Passion, as well as Hippocra­tes, but he urg'd them further, continuing them until the Excrements came up at the mouth, which is a symptom that comes in the extremity of this distemper, with­out giving a vomit. He seem'd to be a very bold practitioner; for in this distemper, if the Remedies did not operate, he ordered an incision to be made into the Belly, and even into the Gut itself, and the Excrements to be drawn out, and the wound to be sewed up again. This example, and those before cited, shews that from the beginning of Physick, they tried all means they could think of to answer their ends, how dangerous soever. As for the rest,R fus [...] ­phesius. Praxagoras followed pretty close the practice of Hippocrates. He believ [...]d the Fevers began in the Vena Cava, or that the seat of the Fever was in the Trunk of the Great Vein, between the Liver and the Kid­neys. He had several Scholars, the most [Page 407]considerable of whom were Herophilus, Phi­lotimus, and Plistonicus, of whom we shall speak in the following Book.

CHAP X. Petron.

WE must here take notice of one Petron or Petronas, who liv'd, as Celsus says, before Erasistratus, and Herophilus, and presently af­ter Hippocrates. Galen Comm [...]n in lib. 1. [...] poc. de vict [...] ­ration [...] in [...]c [...] ­tis. after having spoken of those who macerate their Patients by too long abstinence, blames this Petron for t'other extream, that is, for feeding them too much. But Celsus before-cited, tells us something of his Method, which is very singular.Celsus l. 3 cap. 9. Pe­tron, says he, covered Men in Fevers with a­bundance of Cloaths, that he might make em very hot, and very thirsty. And when the Fever began to abate a little, gave them cold water to drink; and if he moved Sweat, he thought he had freed the Patient, if not, he gave them more cold water, and forced them to Vomit. If either way the Fever was ta­ken off, he gave them Roast Pork and Wine. If it were not taken off, he gave them Water, in which Salt was boil'd, that they might cleanse their Stomachs by Vomit; and herein consisted his whole Practice.

CHAP. XI. Menecrates and Critobulus.

MEnecrates was of Syracuse, and lived in the time of Philip King of Macedonia, Father to Alexander the Great: He had so good an opinion of his profession, that he thought he might recall the times, in which Physicians past for Gods. He relished extreamly well [...]. A Man equal to a God. An Epithete which he be stows likewise upon some other of his Heroes. the Epithete, with which Homer compliments [Page 408] Machaon. He caused himself to be cal­led Jupiter, but Philip mortified him very much. This Prince having received a Letter from Menecrates which began thus. [...] To be joyful or prosperous. Menecrates Jupiter wishes all Prosperity to King Philip, made him this answer; Philip [...]; to be in health These were all common saluta­tions in the Su­perscriptions of Letters. But this latter was used equivocally on this occasion. wishes health to Menecrates; signifying thereby that he was brain-sick, and that he might not doubt of it, Philip adds, that he advised him to go to Anticyra, an Island famous for pro­ducing Hellebore, used in the cure of Mad Folks, as we have already observed. Plutarch reports the same of King Agesilaus.

Philip put also another signal affront upon Menecrates. Having invited him to a very magnificent Treat, he caused a Table to be provided for him apart upon a raised Plat­form, with a Pot of Incense upon it, and gave order, that while the rest of his Guests were plentifully treated at another Table,(e) Var. Hist. lib. 12. c. 5. they shou'd feed him with smoak.P. 469. Elian says, that Menecrates was at first very proud of the Honour that was done him, till hunger began to press him.

Deipnoso­phist. lib. 7. c. 10. Athenaeus tells us several other Circum­stances altogether as pleasant of his Conduct. Menecrates (says this Author) used to make all those that he cured of the Epilepsy enter into an obligation in Writing, that they would obey and follow him for the time to come, as Servants do their Master. Athenaeus adds, that one Nicostratus of Argos being freed from this Distemper by Menccrates, followed him by the name and in the habit of Hercules. Another called Nica­goras followed him in the habit of Mercury, Equipt with the Wings and Caduceus of that God. One Astycreon was the 3 d of his Train, with the name and equipage of Apollo, a fourth was rigg'd out like Esculapius. Mene­crates himself had on a purple Robe, with a Crown of Gold on his head, and a Scepter in his hand, with the Buskins of the Gods. [Page 409]With this Train of Gods he took a progress through the Cities of Greece. He wrote to King Philip in these Terms, You reign over Mace­donia, and can when you please destroy those that are in health, but I can restore health and preserve it to those that have it, if they be obedi­ent to me, and can secure them to old Age. Your Macedonians are your Guards and Followers, those that outlive Distempers are mine, for I Jupiter give Life.

The History of this Physician will serve to divert the Reader, if it be of no other use. There was likewise another Menecrates, of whom we shall speak of in his turn, that we may not confound him with the former,De Philo­sophia cap. 11. as Vossius has done.

There was at the same time another Phy­sician of more prudence than Menecrates, he was called Critobulus. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 37. He succeeded so happily in drawing the Arrow out of the Eye of King Philip, and in the management of the Cure, that it occasioned no deformity to his Face.

CHAP. XXII. Philip, Glaucias, Alexippus, Pausa­sanias, Alexais, and Androcydas.

AMong the Physicians of Alexander the Great, was one Philip, an Acarnanian, in whom he reposed so much confidence, that he took before his Face a Medicine which he had brought him, before his Physician could read a Letter, which Alexander put into his hands, at the same time, by which he re­ceiv'd advice, that Philip would poyson him This may very well be the same Philip, who is byLib. 3. cap. 21. Celsus called an Epirot, Acarnania being a part of Epirus. This latter Philip, says this Author, being at the Court of King Antigo­nus, and having promised to cure one of his [Page 410]Courtlers of a Dropsie of the mildest kind, had not the success he expected, through the irregularity of his Patient, who, instead of abstaining from meat and drink, as he was ordered, eat the very Cataplasms that were applied to him, and drank his own Water. 'Tis not impossible, but that the same Philip, who was Physician to Alexander, might be so also to Antigonus his Successor in Asia. This Physician followed in some measure the method of Hippocrates, who ordered his Pati­ents to eat and drink very little in a Dropsie. The Author of this History adds, that another famous Physician, who was Scholar to Chri­sippus, had before prognosticated, that the Patient would not be cured; and being told, that Philip promised to cure him, made an­swer, that Philip considered only the Disease, but he the humour of the Patient. This Physi­cian in all probability could be none but Erasi­stratus, of whom we shall speak in the following book.

Gla [...]cias, another Physician of Alexander, was more unhappy than the former. For Alexander imputing to him the Death of his favourite Hephaestion, who was his Patient in his last Sickness, caused him to be cruci­fied.

Plutarch speaks of two more Physicians to Alexander, or great men of his Court, where­of one was called Alexippus and the other Pausanias, saying that the first having cured Peucestas of a Disease, Alexander wrote him a Letter of thanks, and the latter intending to give Hellebore to Craterus, he wrote to him also partly to testifie his concern for Craterus his Illness, and partly to exhort the Physician, to proceed with all the caution necessary, to make his Medicine effectual.

Pliny mentions a Physician named Andro­cydas, who wrote to Alexander in these Term [...], When you drink Wine, remember that you drink [Page 411]the Blood of the Earth; he adds, that as Hemlock is poyson to a man, so Wine is poyson to Hem­lock.

CHAP. XIII. Syennesis, Diogenes, Clidemus, Thra­sias, and Alexias.

TO the preceeding Physician we may add, those that are cited by Aristotle and Theo­phrastus, and are not reckoned among the An­tient Physicians; as one (a) Syennesis of Cyprus, and one Diogenes Apolloniates of whom the former makes mention, reporting some frag­ments of their writing, by which it appears that they believed with Polybus, that the Veins have their Origine from the Head. One Clidemus of Plataea, cited by the latter, and one Thrasias of Montine, who bragg'd that he had a Drug of such a property, that it would kill without pain. The same Thra­sias used to say, that the same thing would purge one man and not another, which he proved by the example of a Shepherd that eat a handful of Hellebore without being moved by it. To this Shepherd, he added one of his own Scholars, who was also a famous Physi­cian, one Eudemus a seller of Medicines, and another Eudemus of Chio, who were all un­moved by Hellebore.

FINIS.

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