SINCE our Enemies, in some of their Pamphlets, and many of their Discourses, amongst se­veral other things wherewith they falsly charge those whose sole De­sign is to restore the Ancient and Here­ditary Monarchy, together with all those Securities we ever had, or are necessa­ry for the Preservation of the English Liberties and Protestant Religion; I say, Since our Enemies, amongst other things, unjustly charge us with de­signing, or, at least, unwarily helping forward, a French Conquest, I have de­termined to shew that such a Conquest is neither Desirable nor Practicable; that we are neither such Fools nor Knaves as to think of such fatal Projects a­gainst our Native Country. I shall en­deavour to make out both the One and the Other plainly, but not elabo­rately, since Brevity and Perspicuity is more proper to disabuse the honest and plain-hearted (for whose Infor­mation I particularly write, and who are most misled by these Insinuations) than long and artificial Harrangues, wherein the Authors refine too much, or interlard too much Learning.

I begin with the first Head of my Discourse, viz. That a French Con­quest is not desirable.

There is no sort of Men desire it. I know no body that would subject our Fortunes, our Liberties and Lives to the Power of France: They that urge it, don't believe we would. We lament the Taxes, the Imprisonments, the Plun­derings, and the Pillaging of England; the Torturing against Law, and the Glenco-Massacre in Scotland, toge­ther with all the other Miseries that infest this Island; We would not bring more upon it; we would not depo­pulate it; we would not make it a Golgetha: And that the World may be convinced that none of the Jaco­bites desire a French Conquest, I shall shew it contrary to the Interests and Inclinations of every Denomination of them to let the French have any foot­ing here.

It is almost a Jest to go about to prove the Whiggish Jacchites would not find their Account in a French Conquest. Can it be imagined, that Men who have been always struggling with their own Kings for more Liberty, and to have their Properties better guarded, who have been hitherto so jealous of the lowest Imitations of French Monarchy, should expect greater Securities un­der a Provincial French Government, or desire to become Subjects to a King [Page 2]whose own Natural Subjects they think are very hardly dealt with?

As to the Jacobites of the Church of England, nothing can lie more cross to their Notions and Interest, than a French Conquest. Can it be believed that those who venture All to preserve every Gradation of the Royal Line, would convey over the Tenure of the Crown to one that has no Pretence of Right to it? Did they not oppose the Bill of Exclusion upon this Principle, That it is not in the Power of King and Parliament too to alter the Succession? Can they then give up the Interest of our English Monarchs all at once? No, their Consciences will bid them oppose a French Conquest with the hazard and expence of the last Drop of their Blood: And their Interest will bid them do so too; for a French Conquest cannot be maintained here without so many Outlandish Roman Catholicks, as will be a very indifferent Guard to the Church of England; and if the French King should be King of Eng­land, he must in meer Policy set up his own Religion here, if he did not think himself obliged in Conscience to do it.

I come in the last place to the Ro­man Catholicks, (of whom our Adver­saries expect the World should believe any Figment, tho' never so monstrous and absurd;) and I must say, That those among them who, by reason of their Estates and Sence, will always govern the rest, are not so little read in our Histories, as to suppose, that, tho' such a Conquest did at present make for them, (as it really will not) it would be lasting. They are now convinced, that it is by becoming Englishmen, and not by running coun­ter to the English Interest, that they must be happy; and they profess, that if we will once give them oppor­tunity to shew how well they love our Liberties, we shall see they place their Hopes in the Indulgence, they shall gain by the moderate and in­offensive Carriage of their own Party, and not on Foreign Dependencies. They know that the Revulse of all such Pro­jects must extirpate Them and their Posterity together with the Foreigners; and they know we must be entirely rooted out, or we shall root out all Foreigners at last.

I must do that Party still more Ju­stice. I thought always they were neither Wisely nor Religiously used by us; that we ought not to punish any Man for meer Opinions, and that we ought not in good Sense to irritate Men into Treasons at Home, or Depen­dencies on Foreign Princes: This I al­ways thought; but since the Misfor­tunes of His Majesty I have had Oc­casion to converse more freely with the Roman Catholicks, and I must say, I have found amongst many of that Persuasion the same Sense of Liberty their Ancestors had, and our Old Pa­pists who have transmitted to us our Magna Charta, Charta de Forresta, &c. I have found amongst so many of that Persuasion not only all the good Im­pressions of that Happiness we enjoy by our Constitution, but so particular a Detestation of all Thoughts of a French Conquest, that as I think no Death too cruel for any body that would promote it, so I am confident whoever can be proved designing it, would be found Guilty even by any Jury of Papists that can be sum­moned.

There are possibly some Rom. Priests, that may endeavour to blow up the Laity to some unreasonable Hopes and Designs; but I am well satisfied a French Conquest is none of them, and besides the Laity of that Church begin to reflect upon the Folly of the Priests, when the King was here; and they now see, that the Priests are light Gentlemen without Families or For­tunes, and so can better shift in a Storm than the Laity can, which makes Ghostly Politicks much out of fashion even with the Roman Catho­licks, that have Sense, Quality and Estates; and they will always go­vern the rest, in what concerns the security of their Persons and Estates.

Cambden, though in many respects an excellent Historian, whether out of Bigotry to his own Church, or that he may enhaunce the Character of Queen Elizabeth, who made and promoted such severe Laws against both, never speaks favourably either of Puritan or Papist, and yet there drop from him Expressions, which shew, although the Reformation was then so newly setled, and though the Papists were then more numerous than they are now; nay, though they were not many of them satisfied of the Legitimacy of Queen Elizabeth, yet the generallity, and the most con­siderable Papists would not joyn in the Spanish Designs; and they blamed the hot-headedness of Parsons the Je­suit, &c. Read Cambden's Annals in English, Page 113, 114, and 115. and you will find that in the Rebellion of the North, (which was the first in her Reign,) though Chapine Vitelli, Marquess of Cotona, was sent over to Head Forces, which the Duke of Alva had promised the Rebels; and Nicholas Morton, a Priest, was sent at the same time by the Pope to de­nounce Queen Elizabeth a Heretick; yet most of the Papists sent the Let­ters they received from the Rebels, together with the Bearers of them, to the Queen. Page 125, 126. you may read Pope Pius's Bull against the Queen, and that the modester Papists mislik'd it, and were unwilling to bring Mischief upon themselves; nay, the beginning of the next Page tells you, they contemned it as a vain crack of Words. Page 218. the Papists ex­press such dislike of Parson's fiery zeal against the Queen, that they thought themselves to have delivered him in­to the Magistrate's hands. Page 248. the Romans Catholicks mislike the No­tions, in Politicks, of their Priests; and J. Bishop, a Man devoted to the Romish Church, writes against them, and against the Deposing Doctrine. Other passages might be quoted out of that History; but here are enough, and perhaps some will think too ma­many, for whose purpose it makes more to render the Papists errant Monsters.

Though, by reason that our Ad­versaries are likeliest to be believed against the Roman Catholicks, and pre­judice Our Cause by the general Pre­judice that is against them, I have been the more particular about that Party; yet I thank God no Man is less liable to be proselyted to their Opinions in matters of Church-wor­ship, than I am, or more loves, or will venture farther in all Times for the Characteristick Liberties of the English Subject; Liberties that I will defend, as far as in me [Page 4]lies, not only from all Foreign Powers, but from all Encroachments of our own Monarchs too; though I must say at the same time, that I can di­stinguish between Liberty and Licen­tiousness, and like our own true and ancient Hereditary and equal Monar­chy the best of all the several sorts of Government; and know also that there are many Prerogatives that are as necessary for the Protection of the People, as for the Safety and Grandeur of the Prince.

The World is much mistaken in our Notions; I wish they would hear 'em from our selves, who can best tell the Reasons of our Dissent from the present Government, and with what Designs, and how far we do, and will serve K. James; and they will find even the Non Swearers of the Church of England have in their Loyal­ty to Him a due regard to their Coun­try likewise. By this frankness all Parties might come to understand one another better, and the late Ex­periments have made all those of the several Parties, that are for K. James wiser and more temperate than for­merly; the Jacobites wish their own Disappointments had made the Wil­liamites as much so; we know in­deed they have made many of them wiser.

We are so far from wishing the King of France should Conquer us, that we don't wish King James should. We will receive Him, we will help Him, as our Father, as our King; but Conqueror is not in the Language of our Loyalty. The Church of En­gland have been ever thought to carry the Notions of Prerogative the highest; but I believe amongst the Non Swearing Clergy, there will not be found one St. As [...]ph, one Burnet; and we are heartily glad, that those who sit in the Two Houses ordered such a Stigma for such nauseous Flattery: And should the King be forced to reduce these King­doms by a high Hand, which many of the Jacobites are sure he is very un­willing to do, and we hope the Na­tion will be wiser than to put him to it; yet even then all the wise and in­fluencing Jacobites will interpose, will keep him (if he should be in­clined to do otherwise) from pur­suing Revenge, and will tell him, that the end of Civil War must be attended with Moderation in the Conqueror; or otherwise he that is one day Victor by the Sword, may be vanquished the next by Jealousies. If he should un­mercifully devour even his Rebellious Subjects, we our selves should stand affrighted at him, as at a Polyphemus, and conclude he would feast upon us at last. Our Henry the Third had like to have lost himself by an in­temperate use of his Victory over the Barons: And Edward the Second did lose himself by using extream Ri­gours after his Victory at Burton upon Trent: Other instances of this sort may be found in our own Histories; and if we rightly consider the present State of Affairs, the Defection was very general, and upon the Account of Male Administration, and there­fore the Pardon ought to be without Exceptions; and a Rectification of those Errors will restore the King to the Hearts of all his People, as well as his Kingdoms, without Effusion of Blood. They are State-Quacks, who only understand Phlebotomy. [Page 5]A good Physician will sweeten and compose the Mass of Humors, and by proper Lenitives quiet all our boy­ling Spirits, and correct the Temper­ament of the State into Obedience, without creating Faintnesses, or de­stroying our Vitals. This all the con­siderable Jacobites are now satisfied of, this is their Opinion. It is not the Title of the King that is the Dis­pute; then indeed Wise Kings have, after Victories, been severe, as our Henry VII. was; but the same Hen­ry VII. was as Merciful in Flammock's Rebellion, tho' it was occasion'd by collecting Taxes that were granted by Parliament. His Son also, Hen­ry VIII. (who was a Prince of a high mind) when 30000 were in Arms in the Yorkshire Rebellion, which was upon account of what they thought Male-administration, pardoned every Man, and after quieted their minds by send­ing down a Book amongst them to explain his Intentions. It is by Mer­cy, and letting us see clearly into his Royal Heart, that our King, King JAMES, must establish his Throne; and even they who believe Passive Obedience, would not be active in the Destruction of their Country; and tho' they think the Church of England supports the Monarchy, yet now they are satisfied nothing less will secure their Church, than what makes our Liberties safe. You know there are others in his Interest, who will claim their Rights in a bolder manner yet; I bless God there are many of them, some of whom never touched with this Government, and others who have been so disappointed by its Mi­nisters and Administration, that they no longer expect a Cure from the Prince of Orange's hands; you can­not think either the One or the Other of these desire to be a Conquered Peo­ple, nor do I know any one Man that desires it.

Indeed this Government has taken all Methods by Harrassing and Impri­sonments, and such Taxes as must un­do us, to make the Jacobites do some desperate thing: and if any thing would, such Usage would make us wish for a French Conquest, or any other Change of Torments; but nothing can make us wish for a French Con­quest. They have not yet made us Rise, that they might have the Con­fiscation of our Fortunes, and du [...] King William Conquerour without con­troul: I hope we shall never Rise, till we do it to the purpose, till the Na­tion rises with us; I hope we shall disappoint that Design of parcelling out our Inheritances amongst the sworn Vassals of the Prince of Orange, as Ireland (which could easily have been made to follow the Fortune of England at the beginning of this Re­volution, had not this Project been in their Head) has been shared amongst them. I hope we shall disappoint them here by a wise and temperate Conduct. They care not what Slaugh­ters, what Distresses, they bring upon, the Nation: but We would restore Peace and Plenty to it; and whatever our Enemies say (who have all along had a great Faculty of contriving Lies, and forming Hobgoblins) we love our Country, our Native Coun­try too well to let any Uneasiness make us have one Thought, one Wish for a French Conquest.

The Prince of Orange in his De­claration says, One of the Ends of his [Page 6]coming was to cover all Men from Persecution. He has kept that as well as the other parts; for he cannot but know that many of those who refuse the Oaths, do it out of Conscience, and how many (against whom no other Crime has been proved, but the re­fusal of those Oaths, and therefore in the sight of the Law guilty of none else) have had their Arms and Horses seized, have been hindred from fol­lowing their Lawful Business, put to find unreasonable Bail, been laid up in loathsom Prisons, and been forced to pay most part, if not all their Incomes? If this is not Persecution, I know not what is; and I think he cannot but believe it is generally for Conscience-sake. Is not that Venerable Old Man Archbishop Sancroft, and several o­ther Bishops and dignify'd Persons, who have shewn a sufficient Concern for the Protestant Religion, and whose Loy­alty was not so stupid (to use Dr. Sher­lock's Epithete) but that they stood up for the Laws. Are not many of these Excellent Persons reduc'd to great Straights and Poverty, because they have not supple time-serving-Providen­tial Consciences? How many of the Inferiour Clergy are sent to beg their Bread, who made it a point of Con­science to oppose the Irregularities of King James's Ministers, who, tho' they would have been, and are now willing to consent to Liberty of Conscience Parliamentarily settled, were not flexible to the Tricks set on foot by those designing Ministers? There has been already, I think, a sufficient Per­secution of the Jacobites; but the Judges are commanded to set a greater for­ward still: however, that shall not pro­voke us to a rash Attempt, neither to hurt our selves nor our Country, nei­ther to make King William's Hotch­potch Title a Conquest, nor to think of a French Conquest.

We cannot swear away our Allegi­ance, which we owe to King James, as his Birth right, and which most of us have sworn to him; but if it had been thought fit to contrive an Oath, which should have expressed our Love of England, and our Ab­horrence of a French Conquest, what­ever Mulct had been laid upon the Refusal of it, whoever had refused it would have been by us unpity'd, tho' you had exacted the Mulct never so severely, for we are all satisfied a French Conquest is not desirable.

That a French Conquest is contrary to the Inclinations and Interests of the several sorts of Jacobites, is a good Argument that it is not practicable. But now I fall upon my second Head, I presume I shall directly and irre­fragably make out. I hat a French Conquest is not Practicable; and that, by shewing,

• I. That a French Conquest is as little King James's Inclination as his Interest.
• II. That such a Conquest is palpably opposite to the Interest of all the Princes and States of Europe.
• And lastly, That to attempt a French Conquest of England, either for Himself or King James, is not the Interest of the King of France himself.

I omit shewing a French Conquest is against the Interest of King James, for I don't think it worth my while to prove that it is against a Man's In­terest [Page 7]to have his Estate taken from him, and his Posterity destroy'd. King James has a Child, that He be­lieves, and you believe too (notwith­standing all the pains you take to be thought to believe that useful Flam of your pretended Imposture, which was at first taken up, and industri­ously promoted (like that of the Irish cutting the Throats of all the People of England and Scotland) to help for­ward this Revolution) to be a True PRINCE OF WALES; and at least, this innocent Child has not dis­oblig'd the King; and this is enough to make him take pity of the Nation, however Rebellious and Ungrateful we have been to him: But besides, he has several times since his Exile ex­pressed himself in so pathetick and extenuating a Style concerning those Subjects that have used him so ill, that it would be almost incredible, if re­lated; And tho' the Prince of Wales was dead, he retains even for the Princess of Orange such a Fatherly Af­fection, as plainly supersedes Royal Resentment; and I have heard one that was by say, That upon a Gentle­man's mentioning, even upon occasi­on of Business, the Fault of the Prin­cess of Orange, and that with all the Modesty imaginable, (and he must touch very tenderly upon that String who will make his Court to the King, tho' such virulent Pamphlets are Li­censed here against Him), the King reply'd ‘That the Princess of Orange had Natural Foundations of Good ness that Dr. Burnet and the Bishop of London can never de­stroy▪’ And further, they who have been at S [...] Ge [...]mans k [...]ow with what Indignation the King treats althoughts of Restoring him by any other Me­thod than by a great Concurrence of his own People. The King knows how obstinately the People of Britain, nay, many that are now his own Friends, would resist any other Method; and he knows that the Riches of a Coun­try are the People of it: He would be Himself, and he would have his Son, the King of Great Britain; and he does not think it worth his while to be King of Trees, of Beasts, and a desolated Land, or to leave such a ru­in'd Kingdom to his Son. When I weigh the good Inclinations of the King, and the barbarous Persecution and Misrepresentation he has met with, I am shook with a double Ago­ny: I compassionate His Wrongs, and am astonished at our Ingratitude, and that we would not once try whether the Things we complain'd of proceed­ed from His own Nature, or from those about him, whom the Prince of Orange had corrupted. The Scene of His and our Miseries is abundantly and admirably laid open in an excellent Book printed last Summer, called, Great Britain's Just Complaint; and if I would entertain the World upon that Subject, I must either transcribe what may be found in that Book, or relate the History of the same Matter of Fact, without doing the same Ju­stice to the Cause of the King. That Great and Judicious Author has dis­cover'd the whole Mystery of Iniquity; How such Snares were laid for the King as an honest-minded Man could scarce escape; How willing the King was to redress our Grievances, when he found he had been in Mistakes, and this before he went away; How he continued in the same Mind when he [Page 8]was addressed to by some of his Sub­jects of Scotland, who had appeared most vigorously to resent those Mistakes, and this when he was under no Pressure in his Affairs. I will add no more to justifie the Inclinations of the King, but beseech every body who reads this to read Great Britain's Just Com­plaint, which puts the Nation upon the best Method for us to know the Inclinations of our King. He advises, page 48. ‘to resume that Treaty we so foolishly broke off and refused, and thereby to secure Religion and Property by those Concessions which our Sovereign is still ready to grant us. He goes on, "Let us put it home to him, and lay it at his own Door; Let him have it in his choice to return by his People, if he plea­ses. Convince him, that his Prote­stant Subjects, upon securing their Religion and Liberties, will repair their former Errors, by contribu­ting heartily towards his Restaura­tion. And, as that Author says, if he declines to return upon a Pro­testant and English Foot, there is an end of the Controversie, and of all Disputes amongst Protestants; for Religion and Liberty will never be sacrificed by true English-men.’ And I will add to what he says, If no true English-man joyn with him, what­ever Forces they can transport upon us, neither can King James come home, nor can the French conquer us: But, God be praised, a great ma­ny true English men will joyn to bring home the King, tho' I know not one so bad an English man as would join in a French Conquest.

But I come in the second place to shew, That it is not the Interest of any of the Princes or States of Europe, that the French should make us a Conquest. The excellent Author of the abovenamed Great Britain's. Just Complaint has proved, that whether this Confederate War ends successfully or unsuccessfully, in all likelihood, and according to all the Rules of Po­licy, the Restauration of King James must in a short time follow upon the Determination of it: But it is my business to make it plain, That tho' it may be, and is the Interest of all Coun­tries to have King James Restored at the conclusion of this War, yet it is not the Interest of any of them, that the French should conquer us, have our Kings their Vassals, or be Masters of our Ports. Would the Spaniard have the Chanel shut up on both sides to Flanders? Would the Dutch have the English and Irish Ports managed by such select Committees, as the French would infallibly set up for Trade? And how long would the Dutch resist Ours and the French Power, united under one Absolute Monarch? Would not the Northern Crowns, and all the Princes of Germany, soon feel the Weight of such a Confluence of Strength? The Influence that such a Conquest would have upon all the States of Europe, be they never so remote, is at first sight so evident, that there is not one of them who would be an idle Spectator of our Ruine. Every body now knows the Danger their own House is in, when their Neighbor's is on fire. Every little Politician knows how much Greatness depends upon Naval Pre­parations and Trade; therefore every body would be allarm'd, every body in an Uproar, when they saw such [Page 9] Maritime Kingdoms as ours like to be made an Accession to the numerous Land-Forces of France. They are idle Brains, that dream of Universal Mo­narchies at this day; and tho' whole Kingdoms heretofore would not join in a Common Defence, whole Europe would now. However Ambitious the King of France may be, he can never think of so unweildy a Project, in which he must not only encounter all England, all this Island, all these Three Kingdoms, but all Europe too.

I come in the last place to shew, That it is not the Interest of the K. of France to attempt to make us a Con­quest, either for Himself or K. James. I would ask but two things to be granted me, which I think will be granted by most Men: The one is, That the King of France tolerably un­derstands his own Interest; The other is, That he will follow it where he finds it. And now I shall proceed to prove, That it is not the Interest of France to attempt to make us a Con­quest. The Unweildiness of the Project is one very good Reason against it. Less than One hundred thousand of his best Men cannot make us a Con­quest, and keep us so; and he must only take Possession of the Land, and not expect to be Master of the People, by reason of our Religion; and who­ever he sends to be his Lieutenant here, will be under great Temptation to re­volt from him, and set up for himself, or become the First Subject of these Kingdoms, which we shall be willing to make him, and a greater Subject than France has, rather than not get rid of the Miseries of a Provincial, and be restored to our own Govern­ment. Consider how much danger the Absolute Power of France will run by a too free intercourse with the few surviving Britains, who will acquaint so many of his Soldiers what were the Freedoms of our Land. Consider whe­ther France can bear such an Evacu­ation as is necessary to Make and People us a Province. We believe that the Expulsion of the Hugonots let out too much of his People, too much of the Vital Blood of France: It did so doubtless, and a Plantation of our Island would endanger all he has up­on the Continent. What Neighbor that envies him, would not be glad to see him make such an Experiment, would not nick the lucky Opportunity, and pull back all those Towns and Pro­vinces, which he may now much more easily keep, than he can gain us? Would any Peace, any Leagues they can have with him, be Proof against such a promising Temptation? To at­tempt the Conquest of these Kingdoms would indeed be grasping at a pro­digious Shadow, but he would not fail to lose a great deal of real Sub­stance. The King of France is not such a Knight-Errant, he does not love to venture over much: He, like Julius Caesar, when he had attain'd the Em­pire, loves to make good what he gets, and is not like the Macedonian Rambler, greedy of difficult and bloo­dy Travels. Let the Designs of France be as vast as they will, their King is no Madman. Augustus and Tiberius (who were both skilful in Govern­ment) are thought by very sensible Men to have neglected Britain out of this wholsom State-Maxim That it was necessary to bound and moderate the Ro­man Empire. It is certain those two Emperors often thought of bounding [Page 10]the Roman Empire, and of bringing it into a tenable Compass; and it is plain, that mighty Empire was at last overthrown by its own Weight and Largeness. The Jurisdiction of France is of a prodigious growth for this Age, and if the King of France thinks of subduing such a brave and popu­lous Countrey as we are, so united as we shall be, when we find only the French King's Interest at the bot­tom of the Plot, and so assisted as we shall be by all the Potentates of Europe for their own sakes, he will miscarry in the Enterprize, and France it self will tumble from its Highth. It is a bol­der Undertaking, than what is recor­ded of Alexander the Great; and thô the King of France should overrun us, he would, like that Alexander, never be able to settle a Government a­mongst us, but his very Victories would shake his own.

Let it be farther considered, That though the French have been success­ful in Wars near home, yet they have been unsuccessful in remote Under­takings, where either the transport­ing by Sea, or the uneasiness of the passage by Land have rendred Suc­cours hard and difficult to be sent. What rendred all their Attempts up­on the Kingdom of Naples and Dut­chy of Milan ineffectual, but the difficulties they found in sending Sup­plies to Naples by Sea and to Milan over the rough Alpes? In our King John's time Lewis, the then Dauphine of France, was invited over and sworn to by many of the Barons; But did not the difficulty of getting Supplies to maintain his footing at last utterly defeat all his Hopes? Would not our present Sailers carry their Ships to any part of the World, rather than let them be carried into France? Is there not think you one Great Man left, whose Fidelity to our own right Line, and whose Courage and Vigilance is equal to Hubert de Burgh's? Think you there is no Gallant Man, who would by a Sea-fight hinder the pour­ing in of fresh French Succours, when we saw they aimed at the Distruction of the Right of our Royal Family, and our own Rights? I am not over fond of the present Age, yet there are ma­ny Brave and Loyal Men in it, that would defeat any French Design that were injurious to our own legal Mo­narchy. But to come to our own Days; What enabled Spain to reco­ver Catalonia in a great measure, and to pluck Messina in Sicily out of the present King of France's hands, when they were losing Ground in the con­fining Provinces, but the difficulty of sending Supplies to the one over the Pyrenean Mountains, and to the other by Sea? And it is remarkable, That the uncertainties alone of Wind and Weather rendred the suppling of Mes­sina impracticable, even when the French were Masters of the Seas, and had routed the Spanish and Dutch Fleets, and killed the famous de Ruy­ter; How much more will the same uncertainties of Wind and Weather, joyn'd with our brave Ships, and braver Sea-men render us safe, and all such Designs as a French Conquest im­practicable? Did not also this pre­sent King of France in our own Me­mories over-run like a violent Tor­rent the United Provinces, and possess himself of a great part of their Coun­try, and yet was obliged to throw up all his Conquests? And for what Rea­son? [Page 11]Because there was the interpo­sition of fifty or sixty Miles that was not his own, which might have hin­der'd the sending Supplies, and will not the interposition of more Miles of a tempestuous and uncertain Sea, joyned with the Rebuffs which will be given him by our Fleet, lay greater Rubs in his way, and oblige him at last to disgorge, tho' he should by surprize gain Ground upon us? What was it induced the Romans to main­tain Fourscore thousand Men in Bri­tain, and to secure their Frontiers in this Island, by the famous Walls of Adrian and Severus, as well as with such numerous Troops, against the Incursions of the Scots and Picts, who were confin'd within the little Coun­try now called Scotland; when at the same time they were able to protect their Frontiers with less numerous Troops from the Insults of the Parthi­ans and of the Germans (which then included all modern Germany to the North and East of the Danube and Rhine, the Northern Crowns, Poland, and better part of Muscovy) each of which Nations taken separately did possess Countries six times bigger than France at this day? Was it not be­cause of the difficulty of sending Troops into Britain, occasion'd by the uncertainty of Wind and Weather, tho' they were Masters of the Seas, and their Enemies had no Fleet to oppose them? What Reason then have the French to dream of the Con­quest of our Island, when all its Inha­bitants are united in one Monarchy and Government; when all Nations are now equalised as to Arms and Discipline of War, and when our Fleet, modestly speaking, is equal to any of our Neighbors? Would it be reasonable for them, with Forces less considerable than those of the Romans, with fewer Incouragements from the Advantage of Military Discipline and Arms (in which the Romans did far surpass their Enemies) and under ma­ny more Discouragements from our Fleet and otherwise, to attempt the Conquest of a People much more Great, Rich and Numerous, than the anci­ent Scots and Picts, who have the sense of Religion as well as Liberty, of all that is dear and valuable, to rouze and influence their Courages; especi­ally when from all Histories Foreign­ers may learn this Lesson: That no­thing less than an Annihilation can extinguish the sense of Religion, Honor, and Liberty in English Breasts?

I think I have already shewn, That it is not the Interest of France to at­tempt to make us a Conquest for them­selves: And it is as easie to shew, It is as little their Interest to make us Slaves to King James.

I am resolv'd I will advance what will be thought a Paradox, viz. That there is no one Countrey so much concerned as France, that we should have good Securities for our Liberties under the Restauration; and if I am challenged on this Head, I can make this Para­dox plain to every body's Under­standing. I shall touch upon it brief­ly here. France is concern'd to keep us from an Absolute Monarchy and Po­pery too, and that by reason of our Pretences upon that Kingdom. It would be the greatest Sol [...]ecism in the French Politicks to make a King, that has such a Claim, entire Master of a People, who have such natural Courage, and that love Glory rather [Page 12]too immoderately, or to remove such a Shiboleth, as are our different Creeds. It is the Interest of France to promote and head our Discontents, and not to lay the People at the King's Mercy. They thought so formerly, and of late years. Did not Lewis mention'd, in my last Paragraph, before he de­parted this Realm, take care that Hen 3. should give his Oath, nay made him give it; That he would re­store to the Barons of the Realm, and other his Subjects all their Rights and Priviledges, for which the Discord began between King John and his People; Baker's Chronicle, P. 114? Did not their great Richelieu at the beginning of our late Civil Wars send Emissaries into Scotland to stir up the Male Contents, and that though we had so lately married a Daughter of France, and so lately had had a Quar­rel with the Spaniard? Their Kings must be ready to assist the People, if their Rights are in real Danger; or, when we have lost our Rights, they may lose their Crowns. ‘The Friend­ships of Neighbouring Princes seldom last long, seldom during their own Lives, and are more sel­dom transmitted to their Posterities. Many Reasons and Jealousies of State are falling in, which occa­sion frequent and unavoidable Breaches, and a King of England who is Absolute and Master of his Subjects may be troublesome and dangerous to France, and may re­vive our Old English Pretences to the most considerable Provinces, nay to the Crown of France its self.’ So that it will be prudent in the French King to let us alone with our old Quarrels between Prerogative and Privilege, and let our Ease be a check upon the Ambition of our Princes, when a daring and enterprising Spi­rit may be upon the Throne, one who may be willing to court Difficul­ties and Dangers, and try for what his Forefathers have possessed. The King of France is so far from designing a Conquest for himself, that he desires no Retribution for what King James his Misfortunes have cost him. And this I say from good Authority. And as for Conquering for King James, he too well knows his own Interest to think it so, to make us Slaves or Papists, or either of them. Of this you may read more in Great Britain's Just Complaint.

I know how artful and indefatiga­ble our Adversaries are, and that tho' a Man beats them out of all their strong holds, yet they will at last retire and betake themselves to those Argu­ments that they in their own minds know have no real weight; and I therefore foresee they will still en­deavour to scare Men with the re­membrance of all our former pretended Conquests; and for that reason, and that there may remain no umbrage, not even the least to imagin a French Con­quest practicable, I will take every one of those Conquests into considera­tion, and handle them apart, that I may treat of them more distinctly: and I presume the Reflections I shall make upon them will shew not only a vast difference between the Conditi­on and Circumstances of those that are said to be our Conquerors, and the present French Power, and between the State of the British Affairs then, and what they are now, but also shew a great disparity between the Interests that those Invaders proposed to them­selves, [Page 13]and what the King of France can have at this day: So that whether in a genuine and strict sense they were Conquests or no, I hope to make it plain that they will in no wise over­throw the Positions I have been ad­vancing.

If any man has a mind to examin whether they were properly Conquests, he must consult our Antiquities, and those Treatises that are expresly writ­ten on that Subject, wherein he will find the Point warmly debated on both sides, and perhaps with more Heat than Judgment; I will refer this Enquirer to those Authors, and sall di­rectly to consider our several Invaders.

I will begin with Caesar's Invasion, which was the first of which we have any certain knowledge.

Julius Caesar, who was then only an Officer of the Roman State, but had laid in his own Breast the Design of seizing upon that Empire, when he had subdued most part of the ancient Gallia, (which comprehends the mo­dern France, Savoy, Switzerland, Ger­many on this side the Rhine, and the Spanish Netherlands,) and by a Potent Faction at Rome had obtained it of the Senate as his Province for many years, thought it necessary to add to the Glory of his Name some Attempt up­on Countries beyond the end of the World, (for so was Britain in those days thought at Rome,) that so his dazling Achievements might make his long intended purpose more easie: I mean, his Design of raising himself from a Servant to be Master of his Country. As to the Romans themselves, when they came first amongst us, their Power was united, entire, and so much too big for all our Neighboring Countries, that they had given Law to every one of them before they had attempted Us, and we were divided into several petty Governments, who would not joyn in a common Defence.

Give me leave now to set down, That the King of France is already at the Head of a Government, and needs not risque what he has, to make him Superior to those amongst whom he dwells. We are united under one Mo­narchy. There are many Princes con­federate against France, that are very Powerful; and Neutral Princes enough to turn at any time the Scale: Nor is there, as I said, amongst all the Jaco­bites that I know, one Man who so little loves his own King and his own Country, as that he would not hazard his Life against the French, if they de­signed any thing in prejudice of our Rightful Monarch or his Posterity, or our Constitution it self. Can any Man think we have less sense of Liberty than the Irish, who yet had not a different Religion to caution them, as the Pro­testant Jacobites have here? Indeed some of us are (like them) sometimes wheedl'd into too early and undue Suspicions of the French, even by the Emissaries of the Prince of Orange; and if any body talks of governing Eng­land by French Power, I am sure they must be the Prince of Orange's Pension­ers; and tho' the Prince of Orange himself is not good at Much, his Agents have the Art to foment Jea­lousies.

Besides all this, there is a great dis­parity between the Times in which the Romans came hither, and now, by reason of our Skill in Military Affairs. I suppose few English-men will allow the French so much superior to us in [Page 14]the Art of War, as the Romans were to the naked Britains. Our late Taxes have been very ill bestow'd, if our Fleet does not hold the same Dispro­portion; and yet in those days, tho' the Romans were so long amongst us, and tho' they govern'd us in great part by our own Laws, and many of their Lieutenants rather taught us the exercise of, than took away our Liber­ties, nevertheless they never had (if our best Historians may be credited) the whole Land at any one time in Subjection; and tho' such Multitudes of the Britains were slain, the Tribute the Romans got here cost them, in Massacres and Battels, more Men than France will ever be able to spend upon the Project of Conquering these King­doms.

Most of what is recorded of the manner of the coming, and being here of the Romans, is handed down to us by their own Writers, with a naked and sedate Narration: but Cloyster'd Clergy-men (who used themselves to write Hyperboles rather than precise Truths) being those from whom we have most of our Accounts of the Saxon Times, we must expect swelling and Legendary Reports; but that wherein I shall consider, to shew the disparity between them and the French, and ours and those days, lies in a small Compass, and will be granted on all hands.

The Quarrels of the Roman Empire had carry'd into France, under the Banners of Maximus (one of the Com­petitors for it) the Flower & Strength of Britain; and with the overthrow of Maximus by Theodosius, they either all perished, or seated themselves in Armorica. There was likewise another great Transplantation of the British Youth under Constantine; and at this time the Saxons were a very Warlike People, and so over-charg'd with Numbers, that they sent Multitudes abroad to fight for a Habitation. The Frame of their Government agreed very well with the British, and was very near what are at this day the Fundamentals of our Government: They were invited in, to preserve us from being over-run by the Scots and Picts, who were our Fellow-Islanders; and tho' I don't doubt the Saxons car­ried the Merit of their Successes against our Enemies further than became our Friends, yet I cannot imagin but that there was a more equal Incorporation of the British Stock than we can discover at this distance of time, and from such passionate Writers as are the Relators of what pass'd then. And, after all, it was want of Ships, and great Divisions amongst the Britains, occasion'd their Overthrow (for our Monarchy was not perfected, and, as Milton says very well, Vortigern was rather Chief, than sole King.) These were the Rea­sons why the Saxons so far mastered the Britains; and yet the Saxons often ran a Risque of a final Extirpation.

From this Account of the Saxon In­vasion, the disparity is very obvious. I heartily lament the Loss of so much English Blood as has been spilt unne­cessarily and unlawfully too, in these our deplorable Distractions, into which we have brought our selves, by inviting over a Foreigner to rescue those Liberties, which he has (as we might well suppose he would) more trampled upon than all the Evil Coun­cellors of King James. We would in­vite a Foreign Prince to do our own [Page 15]proper Work, instead of endeavour­ing Parliamentarily to redress our Grie­vances, or rescuing our selves our Liberties by an English Insurrection, such a one as those whereby our Ancestors obtained the Confirmations of their Charters, and which often ended (as all Insurrections ought to do) without any real Prejudice to the Successive Monarchy, and which (let it be call'd now as Whiggish as they will, and those that were formerly were Popish) is more justifiable either to Prudence or Religion, than the Nobility, Gentlemen, andTho' the Prince of Orange's Decla­ration mentions Lords Spiritual, and some have raised a Scandal upon Arch­bishop Sancroft as if his hand was to the Invitation of him; I am well assured that nei­ther that Right Re­verend Prelate, nor his Fellow Sufferers ever engaged in that design of cal­ling over the P. of Orange. Clergy, (who call themselves of the Church of Eng­land) their Invita­tion of a Foreign Prince, which (with all the Charity and Pity in the World for those who were inconsiderately mis­led, and are not so obstinate as to think with Catiline, ‘That ill Deeds must be made safe with worse) I beg leave to say was Unnatural, and in de­spight of His Relative, and their Civil Duty.’ I say, I heartily lament the Loss of so much English Blood as has been unwarrantably thrown away in Ireland, at Sea, and in Flanders; and yet, God be praised, we have still left generous Youth enough to make us the Terrour of all Ambitious Princes, if we would once again unite to take away all Disputes of Title by restoring our rightful and lawful King, and betake our selves to negotiate in the Arbitra­tion of Europe, rather than over hasti­ly engage in Wars abroad, which Wars might be evidently proved destructive to this Nation; and, would it not too much lengthen this Discourse, would be no unuseful digression here, since our own woful experience, from the time we have been hook'd into this present Quarrel of Europe, which is more the Confederates than Ours, has made it so proper a Subject to be well considered of. I hope some Per­son or other will handle it in a Paper apart.

But I must return to shew the di­sparity between the British Affairs now, and when the Saxons came a­mongst us, and that with a respect to the French Nation; and I again bless God we are not yet drain'd by this Confederate Quarrel, we have hand over head ingaged in, of all those Gallant Man, that should de­fend our Island. But farther, Have not the French a Land to live in? Is France so overstocked with People? has their Government any Affinity with ours? Have we any Fellow-Islanders, who are of a distinct Government that endeavour to destroy us? And lastly, Is not our Government resolved into a natural Monarchy, though, prais'd be God, it is a limited one?

As for the Danes, though their O­riginal is disputed, it is plain by all the Histories of those Times that they were Rovers and Robbers, that were to seek a Countrey to live in, and possibly might be another swarm of the Saxons; and it is observable that they were above Two hundred Years before they mastered this Land; and that the Reason they mastered us at last, was our want of Ships; and af­ter they had been attacking us about [Page 16]Two hundred Years, they were en­tirely Massacred, Man, Woman and Child, all in less than Four and twen­ty Hours; and when Swain the Da­nish King (which was Two hundred twenty and four Years from the first entrance of the Danes) had forced King Ethelred into Normandy; Swain dying the next Year, and the Danish Army setting up Cannte or Knute his Son, the Saxon Nobility and States were in such Heart and Power, that they sent Messengers to Ethelred, Declaring they preferred none before their own Na­tive Sovereign, If he would pro­mise to Govern better than he had done; and accordingly upon his Promise to redress their Grievan­ces, they repossessed him of his Throne, and continued it to his Son Edmond Ironsides I wish our English Nobility and Gentry would now send Messen­gers to lay before the King all the Male-Administrations of his Ministers, and what are the proper Securities a­gainst all such Male-Administrations for the future; and I am confident the King will receive such a Message very kindly, nay I know from very good Authority he would, and that he is willing to give mankind all rea­sonable Satisfaction. Here I must ob­serve also, That there still remained amongst us distinct and quarrelling petty Governments, (for the Saxon Heptarchy was not entirely wrought up into a Natural Monarchy,) and yet Edmond Ironside had totally routed Canute, had it not been for that Tray­tor Edrick, who at the Battle of Al­f [...]rd by some Wiles detained Edmond from pursuing him, which Edrick (as an Example to Traytors) was after­ward put to Death by Canute. I have another Remark that I would set down concerning the Danish Matters, which is, That the Citizens and Nobi­lity of London stuck by Edmond Iron­side, but the Sherlockian-Providential-Archbishops, Abbots, and some of the Noble-men elected the Conqueror Ca­nute; as some Bishops and too many of our Nobles have done the Prince of Orange. I am sorry that the Citi­zens of London have not more unani­mously stuck to their Natural and Rightful Monarch; but I hope they will yet have an Opportunity to redeem their Reputation, and that they will then unanimously call back their King, that they may blot out the Guilt of their too general Defection; and tho' too many have joyned with the pre­sent Usurpation, yet there are many worthy Citizens that have retained their Ancient Loyalty during all this Revolution; and the Number of those who how see their Error daily en­creaseth.

I have digressed a little by repeat­ing some Things, which are not alto­gether so pertinent to my main De­sign; and since I am turn'd Story-Tel­ler, I will put down the Reason why Canute put Edrick to Death, which was for slaying the Lord's Anointed, Edmond Ironside; and that, though Edmond was Canute's Enemy, and yet Canute himself made away the Brother and Children of Edmond, either of which had a better Right to be the Lord's Anointed in England, than Ca­nute had himself. This was such a piece of Justica, as it is now of Reli­gion for our Conquerors, William and Mary to keep with Solemnity the 30th. of Jan. and 29th. of May. But though he was guilty of this Mockery [Page 17]in point of private Justice, yet in re­lation to the Constitution of England he commanded the Observation of the Ancient Saxon Laws (which were af­terwards called the Laws of Edward the Confessor) and at a Convention of Danes at Oxford, it was agreed on between both Parties to revive and keep those Laws. I think our present Conquerors have not revived many of our good Old, or made many New advantageous Laws for us. It is by Unreasonable Fines, Arbitrary Imprison­ments, Pressing men contrary to Law, &c. (against all which Things the P. of O. his own Declaration inveighed, and our Bill of Rights provided) that they maintain their Conquest. These are their Methods, instead of granting the Judges Bill, the Bill forI have it from a good hand, That the Prince of Orange, a lit­tle before he refused the Tri­ennial Bill, had in some Discourse this Expression, I hear they think I will pass the Triennial Bill; but I promise them, the Crown shall be ne'er the worse for my wear­ing it. Triennial Parliaments, and the Bill for Mines; these are their Me­thods, instead of court­ing the Love of those they call their Subjects.

I will add no more about the Da­nish Invasion, but that their Empire here lasted not many years, and that their Kings who ruled us made this the Seat of their Dominions.

Let us now compare things with respect to the Danish Invasion, and the present posture of Affairs. I must a­gain say, the French are not a roving People, that live by Pillage, and that are destitute of a Dwelling; nor would they be willing to engage in a War of such Continuance; nor would their Monarch change the scituation of his Palace; nor can he spare from guarding his Frontiers such an A [...]my as would be necessary to keep us in quiet, tho' we were subdu'd by a sud­den Fight; nor are we unprovided with Ships, tho' I must confess I fear the Prince of Orange has not ta­ken so much care of our Fleet, as Mr. Pepys's Memoires lately put forth has proved King JAMES did; which shews King JAMES under­stood and prosecuted the True English Interest, and is a sufficient Confutati­on of that scandalous Aspersion their celebrated Dr. King casts upon His Majesty. His expressions bespeak the King's Inclinations to let the Fleet of England sink, and the Ships rot: But Mr. Pepys has prov'd the contrary with a witness, and appeals to the Books and Men that are now in the Admiral­ty and Navy Offices. By this you may guess at the Sincerity of Dr. King in other particulars. King JAMES, without Taxes repair'd and added to our Navy, and augmented its Stores: but the Vote which declares the Sense of the House of Commons to be, ‘That the Commission of the Admiralty should not be filled with Men experienc'd in Sea-Affairs, (tho' it look like a Jest) was well enough calculated for the Humour of this Prince, who is willing to put the Nation under an absolute Necessity of maintaining a vast standing Army;’ though a Pamphlet written and dis­pers'd at the beginning of the last Sessions, by the wiser Williamites themselves, called, The Interest or State of Parties, had so evidently made it out, That the Natural and only De­fence of England depended upon its [Page 18] Wooden Walls; and spake broadly of the Insufficiency of the present Lords of the Admiralty. I suppose too, that they who occasion'd our not making use last Summer of our Victory at Sea (which even those who would fright us with the French Power, say was gain'd by a part only of our Fleet inferior in Number and Quality to the French, who attack'd them) and since have got Russel discharg'd from being Admiral, instead of being rewarded with an Earldom and Garter for that Victory; which did indeed destroy many of the French Ships, tho' it was not the greatest Victory that ever the Sun saw, (as Dr. Tillotson phrased it) and yet it is the only time that we have not (by reason of our preposte­rous Management) come off with loss and shame: I say, These Men know how much better King William is plea­sed with Land-Forces than Tarpawlins; but how little Care soever has been taken of our Ships, whatever Dan­gers the Prince of Orange would ex­pose us to hereafter, that he may rule us more arbitrarily during his own Time, yet the Nation will find out his Designs, feel their own Strength, know whereon their own Safety de­pends, time enough to hinder his, or a French Conquest, tho' they will at the same time perceive it necessary to call home that Prince whose Claim is in­disputed, and whose coming home upon such Concessions as we want, and He is ready to grant, will swallow up all F [...]ctions. They will e'er long per­c [...]ive it necessary to call him home [...]pon such Securities, even to secure their own Interests. All Remains of [...] p [...]t [...] Governments are at an [...], and since Printing has been in the World, the French and all Nati­ons so well know how vindicative of their Liberties the English have always been, that they will have but little mind to make us a Province.

I have already intimated how un­safe it would be for the Absolute Power of France at home, to let their Soldiers hear from the surviving Bri­tains what were our Freedoms; and it would be yet much more unsafe for the French Lieutenants to agree to the Observation of our Laws. But I will hasten to the Norman Conquest.

Before any body takes it for grant­ed that William the First was a Conque­ror, I wish they would read the First Part of the Historical Discourse of the Ʋniformity of the Government of Eng­land, written by Mr. Nathanael Bacon, and the latter-end of the third Part of Mr. Will. Prynne's Historical Vindi­cation of the Fundamental Liberties of English Freemen, together with all those Authors these two Writers refer to. But I resolved at first to wave ex­amining whether we have ever in a proper and strict sense been conquer­ed or no; and therefore must fall di­rectly upon comparing those and our Times, and the Pretences of the Duke of Normandy, and what the French can have upon us.

I can find but one thing that has any shew of likeness with our present Circumstances; and that is, Harold was an Ʋsurper, and had broke the Prote­station he had formerly made to Duke William, as much as the P. of Orange has his Declaration to the People of England; and truly if any thing can facilitate a French Conquest, and if the Times did not exceedingly differ in other respects, the Breaches we have [Page 19]made upon the Lineal Succession, and the Impotencies, Irregularities, and Exactions of the present Government might make way for it: But those things that made a Conquest feasible then, and are not in our present Case, are very many.

The Normans came from Norway and Denmark, which Places were surchaged with People; and there was no Project so improbable, in which their Leaders could not easily engage them. The Religion of the Normans, and the Inhabitants of Bri­tain, was the same. The Conqueror had many Pretences of Title: Edward the Confessor's Will, the Donation of the Pope, who also gave him a Con­secrated Banner, an Agnus of Gold, and one of the Hairs of St. Peter. Be­sides his Titles, here were several Normans within this Land, who help­ed him; he had been here himself to view our Land, and make a Party, as his own Speech intimates; the then King of France helped him in his Acquest: So did the Emperour Henry the Fourth; he likewise came and lived among us, and stipulated at his own Coronation to defend the Holy Church of God, and the Rectors of the same; to govern the universal People subject to him justly; to establish equal Laws, and see them duly executed. ‘Nor did be (as the Judicious Sa­muel Daniel well observes) ever claim any Power by Conquest, but as a regular Prince submitted him­self to the Orders of the Kingdom, desirous rather to have his Testa­mentary Title (however weak) to make good his Succession, than his Sword; and tho' the Stile of Con­queror by the flattery of the Times was after given him, he shewed by all the Course of his Government he assumed it not, introducing none of those Alterations (which follow­ed) by Violence, but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State, and the Occasions of­fer'd, and that by way of Refor­mation.’ These are the words of Daniel, page 36.

Now I come to compare, I must once more repeat, That France has no occasion to send forth Droves of People; and the Religion of France will make the People of England resist a French Conquest to all Extre­mity: And if King James would sell his Kingdoms (as some ridiculously have suggested) the People of Eng­land would hardly be brought to make good the Bargain; and the Pope's Gift would as little influence our Minds, tho' he should send with the Arms of France all the Reliques of Rome. We have, indeed, many French amongst us; but I think no one Man fears they will assist their own King in such an Adventure; They are so far from that, that they have not been (which I am sorry to say) GRATEFUL to King James, who gave them Protection and Relief, when they came hither in Distress. And I have already proved, That it is not the Interest of any Prince a­broad to joyn our Three Kingdoms to the French Territories; And I believe, if the King of France should promise to protect the Protestant Church of God, and the Rectors of the same; to govern the universal People subject to him justly, to establish equal Laws, and to see them [Page 20]duly executed; we should not take his Word; nor would his own Subjects be well pleased. It is King William only, that is allowed to have a Re­ligion for his several Domini­ons; that may be a Synod-of-Dort-Presbyterian in Holland, an Episcopalian in England, of the Kirk in Scotland, and a downright Favourer of Popery in Ireland, as is apparent by the Lime­rick Treaty, and the Pamphlet put out by the Irish Gentlemen, concerning the Proceedings of their late Parliament, and the Depositi [...] that are before the House of Lords.

I have told over our former Conquests somewhat tediously, and will add very little about them; however, I desire the Reader will reflect, That the Neigh­boring Princes, because they did not ani­madvert how much Greatness consisted in Naval Preparations and Trade, and be­cause we had not begun to make a Fi­gure in either, never thought them­selves so much concerned, as all the Potentates of Europe will now, what be­comes of us None of our Neighbors ever help'd Us formerly, some of 'em did our Invaders. Let the Reader farther reflect, that it was not neces­sary for any of our former Invaders to make such a total Subversion of all our Laws, as it will now be for the French King, and consequently Com­position and Treaties more easily succeeded Battles. ‘The former Alterations rather meliorated, than overthrew our Constitution. They bundled up and refin'd our By-Laws into National Statutes, and introduced Forms where the Methods of Ju­stice seemed less articulate.’ And lastly, Let it be considered, though there are great Divisions amongst us; some few for keeping the Prince of Orange; others for restoring the King, and several for something that they have not yet licked into Form; yet all Persons that make the respective Par­ties of these Divisions, will all of 'em joyn together to obstruct a French Conquest.

There will be such Divisions when­ever Men will commit Violence upon the natural and ancient Constitution, and I must confess these Divisions are the most fatal Symtom that attends our distemper'd State, and may, and will certainly subject us (though not to a French Conquest) to great Cala­mities and Devastations, unless we re­store the King. I suppose I have suf­ficiently prov'd a French Conquest to be neither Desirable nor Practicable, yet God knows what infinite Mischiefs we may have brought upon our selves by reviving a sort of Quarrel which, by the Mercy of God, has been so long extinguished. A Dispute for Title, which has in the days of our Forefathers had so fatal an Effect, which has so dis­mally wounded our State, and is left bleeding in the Histories of so many Reigns. Because you shall not think I aggravate the Calamities, that were occasioned by the Contention of the Two Roses, I will only transribe some Passages out of Trussel, who is a chast and cautelous Writer, and it cannot be supposed his History was written to serve a Jacobite-Turn. Page 257. he says, ‘There were in the Quar­rel of the Two Roses, Fourscore Princes of the Blood destroyed, and twice as many Natives slain, as were lost in the Two Conquests [Page 21]of France.’ Pag. 260. he says, ‘In the Battle of Townton there were killed Thirty five thousand ninety and one English-men, and of Stran­gers One thousand seven hundred forty five, beside Two hundred and thirty slain the Day before at Ferry-bridge.’ In his last Page his Words are these: ‘The total of pri­vate Soldiers that perished in these Civil Wars, and suffered Punish­ment of immature Death for taking part of the one side or the other, was Fourscore thousand nine hun­dred ninety and eight Persons, be­sides’

• Kings 2.
• Prince 1.
• Dukes 10.
• Marquesses 2.
• Earls 21.
• Viscounts 2.
• Lords 27.
• Lord Prior 1.
• Judge 1.
• Knights 139.
• Esquires 441.

The Number of the Gentry is un­certainly reported, and therefore Trussel omits them, but says; ‘That for the most part they are included in the Number of private Soldiers set down to be slain, to which he says you must add the Number of Six hundred and thirty and eight, (the total of all the Persons not therein accounted,) and then there appeareth in all to be slain Four­score five thousand six hundred twenty eight Christians, and most of this Nation, not to be repeated (says the Historian) without grief, nor remembred without Depreca­tion, that the like may never hap­pen more.’ He concludes his Hi­story with this Saying —

The whole History of that Quarrel sets before us such apposite Lessons for our Times, that I wish all who love England would seriously read and ponder it.

It is time to draw to a Conclusion, I am not willing to prophecy the De­struction of my Countrey, and I be­seech God Almighty to incline our Hearts to the Things that belong un­to our Peace; to our Peace in this World, and to our everlasting Peace in the World to come. I beseech God to incline the Prince of Orange not to forfeit an eternal weight of Glory for a momentary Crown, which has nothing of good in it, if it is not got by the Acts of Goodness. God grant that he may consider it as a more valuable Character to be a Virtuous and a Christian Prince, than a Roman­tick Heroe; and God grant that he may be so Wise, that his Days may not end in Tragedy, I wish he would review his own Declaration and the Memorial of the States, and that he would pursue those excellent Ends, for which he came, for which the States said they lent their Ships, and which King James would have com­ply'd with, and is ready to comply with still. The King is willing to secure the Liberties of England and the Pro­testant Religion, and had not the Con­federates made their Quarrel [...]ult [Page 22]by giving way to an unnatural Am­bition in the Prince of Orange, and dispossessing King James (whilst they pretended they formed this Confede­racy to repair the Injuries done to them by the French.)— K. JAMES, the injured King JAMES, would have checked the Growth of France, and kept Namur and Mons. He was far from a French League, and would have perform'd the part of a true Guarrantee; for either the King would have prevented France coming before them, by reminding their King of the Treaty of N [...]miguen, or our Arms would have had, doubtless, success when we had Justice on our side, and the Wishes and Prayers of all En­glish-men joyned with the underta­king of our rightful indisputed King. How far he was from a French League, how unwilling to think ill of the Pr. of Orange, and how unwilling to be too much beholding to France, his dis­belief of all the Advices of d'Avaux, and of many of his Friends, his An­swer to Bonrepos, and his refusal to the last of any French Assistance suffi­ciently witness; and as much as he has been beholding to France during his Troubles, I am satisfied that even in his exil'd State he thinks himself (as King of England) so naturally the Arbiter of Europe, that he will me­diate, as soon as his Affairs a little more recover his Figure a reasonable Peace for it. But the KING needs not much solicite it, for I am satisfy'd the King of France is willing to come into such a Peace, upon Condition that the King's Restauration may be one of the Terms of it, and that he will not be brought to make Peace upon any other Terms; so that [...] Restauration of King JAMES would give a happy Issue to the Troubles of Europe, and our own, which our Expe­rience (after all the Blood and Trea­sure spilt and spent to humble France) may shew us will be the only Expedi­ent to save us from the Power we have so much envy'd; and this we may learn from King William's own Spee­ches to these two last Sessions of Par­liament; for he does not only make the obtaining an Honourable Peace from France to the Confederates (in­stead of our Conquest of France) the Bounds of his Hopes in this War, but allows the Growth of France du­ring this War so much, as to increase his Stile from the Great Power of France, (which were the words of his Speech Michaelmas was Twelve­months) to the Excessive Power of France, in his Speech of the last Ses­sions. This very Consideration should move us. But farther.

Into what Shambles are all the Parts of Flanders the Rhine, Catalonia, and Piedmont turn'd? What Slaughter-Houses may be erected in the unhappy Isle of Britain? Unhappy, because she will blind her self against her own true Interest and only Cure. Our Taxes grow heavy, but we have pay'd our Blood, but we must pour it out yet more plentifully, before this Reckoning is over; if we will not return to our Wits and our Duty, Civil Distractions will overtake us; Foreigners both on the one and the other side will be poured in upon us, and we shall be­come the Cock-Pit of the World; and though all the Jacobites abhor a French Conquest, and so does the King too, [Page 23]yet if the Nation will not come to such a Temper as to restore him without their Help, the KING's Friends cannot be blamed for being willing to admit of such a moderate Number of French, or any other For­ces, as may be necessary to cover Them, when they come to him, till they get together, and as may give them Opportunity to rise. We had ra­ther the Nation looked so directly towards Him, as that there should be no occasion for One Man in Arms to come with Him. We had rather, He had much rather, nay the King of France declares, HE had rather his Restauration should be wholly owing to his own Subjects. We will never a­gree that he should bring such a Force as may give any the least just Jealou­sie, that either He or France design to Conquer; and he is perfectly re­solv'd to come in that manner that shall be agreed to by such Friends of his, as the World must allow to be Men of Honour, regardful of the British Rights, and of the Protestant Religion. With such Men he will ad­just the Manner and Time of his com­ing. They will see, that his coming shall be safe to all those dear Concerns for which we have so often strug­gled; and the Measures and Conde­scentions such, as that they may an­swer to God and Men their engaging in his Quarrel.

Can any Man of Sense believe that the Earl of Middleton; who could never during his whole Ministry be drawn into any one irregular step, would go over upon any other Er­rand? That Great Man is known to understand his Duty to his Countrey as well as his Prince, and thinks he ought at the same time to be the Minister of both, and his Affection and Firmness to Protestancy was never once suspected: He will neither be­tray our Laws, nor his own Religion [...]; nor will he, to do the King but Justice, be tempted to either; for all that we have mislik'd in the King's Measures abroad, has proceeded from Misr [...]presentations from hence; and my Lord Middleton is so fraughted with the genuine Interest as well as Sense of these Nations that the most inveterate of our Enemies will have hereafter no Opportunities to clamor and exasperate. This is a Truth which in a short time will want no Vouchers. The future Acts of State that come from that Court will prove he has discoursed many of the Leading Men, and compromised the Grievances of all Parties. And where­as some of the Prince of Orange's Ministers have declared what great Expectations they have from the Quarrels at St. Germains, I can as­sure them they will be deceived in their Hopes; for there is so good an Understanding between my Lord Middleton and those who had before entire Credit with the King, that they don't only personally agree, but concur in Sentiments relating to the British Affairs; which is a [...]ull Evidence that what we misliked there cannot be charged upon the Disposition of the King, nor upon the depraved Tempers of those about him (as even some of his Friends were apt to suspect) but proceeded meerly from their want of a True State of these Nations, and the know­ledge [Page 24]of what would satisfie us, till the Eart of Middleton went thither Every day will make this Truth plai­ner than other.

I cannot but wish, that all Men would so avowedly own their Mi­stake, would so willingly sit down under our Ancient, Legal, Limited, and Hereditary Monarchy, would so openly tell their D [...]ssatisfactions, and what they think Proportionate Se­curities, so fairly state the Differen­ces between the Crown and People, so unanimously express their Wil­lingness to Re-establish the Old and Natural Frame of our Government, that it might be advisable that we might advise him wholly to depend upon his British Subjects. I like neither French, nor Dutch, nor Irish upon our Island, though I cannot be afraid of any such Numbers of either, or all, as will be much out-numbred by those of our Fellow-Subjects and Fellow Islanders, who resolve to repair to the King as soon as he is landed. Oh▪ [...] that we would recant our Mistakes! that we would repent of our Folly! that we would yet let our Moderation, our Civil and Christian Moderation, be known unto all Men! Oh! that a nice Security for the Church of England, as the National Church (and best Church too, as I think) as nice a Security for our (English Libe [...]ties, and Liberty of Con­science, were our only Aims! that Party and Picque Faction and Friend­sh [...]p [...] Fears and Fancies, did not pre­do [...]inate neither on the, One nor the Other Party! [...] at the Ends, and not the Forms of Things were what we [...] [...]ord that our Afflictions would make us Wise! then the King would as little need as he wishes to bring any Foreign Force. See you any end of your Troubles? Is your Deliverer a fit Instrument for so great a Work? Do his Measures hold any resem­blance with his and your Pretences? Are his ministers, G [...]r—n. and Not—m, Tr—r, Roch—r, and Sey—r, Ren—augh, G—y, Bla—t, and Convert-reconvert­ed Sund—d, (behind the Cur­tain;) together with his Creature Br—n, (that indefatigable Se­cretary to all Turns, and to the High Commission Court, that Assistant to the sour Popish Bishops, ready Evidence, and industrious Informer;) and Con—by, of whose Merits in Ireland the Parliament here took so much notice, that he is since taken into the Privy Council of England, for his undoubted Integrity, and un­heard-of Abilities; with the long Roll of such sort of Men, (though his sinking Game has forc'd him to call some lately into his Councils, who have not yet lost their Reputa­tion with the People) fit Guardians for that Liberty and Property which you so justly value? Think seriously, Ought the People of England to trust these Men, or have they reason to trust one another, even in the bu­siness of that Master they pretend to serve? Awaken out of your Dreams; Get rid of your Phantasins; Consider as Men; Act as Lovers of your Country; Rescue your Rights; Re­store you KING, who will confirm those Rights with solid Securities; Do your own Work, that After Ages may pity your Mistakes, and give [Page 25]Allowance for your Resentment; and that You and your Childrens Children may be happy. I be­seech the God of Order, That He will produce it out of our Confu­sions; That the King may have what is due to Him, and that we may have what is as much due to us; and that the King and People may both praise the Almighty for his Mercies to this Land, this miserable and sinful Land.

Let the Sense of our Miseries, our Faults, and our Duty, stir us up. Let the sad Example of former Times exhort us. Let us, I say, CALL HOME THE KING, with an exact Security to the Church of England, as the National Church, and with such solid Securities for our Liberties, as may make all other Religions harmless Opinions, tho' we allow them a fair and impartial Liberty; And yet let us not so ham­per the Crown, that it will not be able to protect us from our Ene­mies and one another; Let us not say, That the hands of the Nation are bound, and that it cannot call home the King; For if all those who plainly see that we shall be undone under this Usurpation; and likewise that it is impossible this Government should stand (though it shills about now it is in an ill taking) would up­on these Terms joyn with those who are for the Restauration of King James, as well in the English Army, as all over the Nation, from the sad pro­spect they have of the Ruin of that Liberty (the mistaken Jealousie and Care of which, was the only Motive that hurry'd them into what they did) all the Force the Prince of Orange has would soon dissolve, and he must be glad to return again, and spend all his time at the Loo (which our Eng­lish Money is making so fine a Retreat) and at the Hague; which is the very worst, I call God to witness, that I ever wished him.

I am conscious I have not, in all the parts of this Discourse, written with that brevity, which I design'd at the beginning of it, and may pos­sibly be guilty of some Redundancies, Tautologies, and Repetitions, as well in other places, as I have in my Re­marks upon our former Invasions in­serted some passages, which crossed my way, though they were rather applicable to our present times, than sutable to the Thread of my Dis­course. When a Man writes Things of this Nature, he is willing to be rid of them as fast as they are finish­ed, though they may not be so cor­rect; and notwithstanding the Cri­ticks (for whose: either praise or di­version I never scribble) may find ma­ny Faults with them, I have set down Things, as I am perswaded in my own Mind, and as I have heard them discoursed by the considerable and influencing Jacobites of the several Denominations; though I must An­swer for my unskilful and careless cloathing and ranging their Thoughts; I hope I have generally kept in sight of my Text; and I suppose also have upon the whole made good what I undertook to prove, viz. That a French Conquest is neither desirable nor practicable. If it is unsutable to the [Page 26] Interests and Inclinations of the several sorts of Jacobites, and contrary to the King's Inclinations, and the Interests of all our Neighbours; and the very Attempt of it, either for himself, or King James, contrary to the King of France's Interest; if the Condition and Circumstances of the French Power to make a Conquest and Inte­rest in such an Experiment, and that of our former Invaders and the State of the British Affairs now and what they were then, so very much differ; I think we may infer, That a French Conquest is neither desirable nor practi­cable; and that it is as weak to sup­pose France can or will conquer us, as it is to believe we shall sack Paris, and conquer France, with the Prince of Orange at the Head of the British Forces, who we see with Them, and all the Confederate-strength, has so in­differently pass'd his Campaigns in Flanders.