BRitaine, the most Famous (if not the Largest) Island of the World, is by the Curious Comparers of the Coelestial spaces placed under the Eighth Cli­mate, included within the 18th and 26th Pa­rallel. In Compass it is reckoned to be about One thousand eight hundred thirty six miles. Known it was to the Greeks before the Romans heard of it, as appears by Pytheas Massyliensis, whom Strabo quoteth about the distance of Thule from this Island, And Moschion out of whom Athenaeus telleth us, That the Main Mast of King Hiero's great Ship was found by a Swine­herd in the Mountains of Britaine, and by [Page 2] Phileas Tauromenites conveyed into Sicily. Ari­stides calls it [...], The Great Island: And Dionysius after speaking of this and Ireland, sayes,

Though Scythinus Côus in Apollonius among other strange Tales which he tells of it, bounds it within the Precinct of four hundred Stadia; the falsity whereof is sufficiently notorious, though possibly he might mean Brittia Batavica. Polybius indeed is the ancientest Author extant, that mentioneth it, thus speaking in his Third Book, Of the utmost Ocean, the Brittish Isles, the plenty of Tynne, Gold and Silver in Spain, old Writers with different Opinions have re­ported much. The first Latine Author in whom we find the name of this Countrey, is Lucretius, (who lived but a little before Caesar,) in these Verses concerning the difference of Air,

[Page 3]This spatious Island was more particularly call­ed Albion, the name of Britaine being taken in a larger sense, as comprehending Ireland too, which by Ptolemey is termed [...]. So Martianus Heracleota in periplô, [...] The Brittish Isles are two, the one called Alvion, the other Iveruia. And Dionysius Afer calls them both, [...], agreeing with Strabo in placing them over against the mouth of the Rhine. And so Enstathius commenting on that place of Dionysius, [...], The Brittish Isles are two, Vernia & Alvion, or Bernia and Albion. With these we may joyn that Book De Mundo, which goes under the name of Aristotle, though judged by the Learned not so antient as the time wherein he lived, [...]. In it (speak­ing of the Ocean) are two very great Islands called Brittish, Albium and Hierna. But Pliny extends the name of Britaine further to all about it, when speaking of this Island: Britaine, saith he, renowned in the Greek Records and ours both, lyeth betwixt North and West over against Germany, France and Spain, but with a great distance between them, they being the greatest parts by farre of all Europe. Albion it had to name, when all the Isles adjacent were al­so called Britannie's. Some will have it to have received this name from the fabulous in­vention of the Greeks, who as they called Italy Hesperia, from Hesperus the Son of Atlas, France [Page 4]Galatia from Galates the Son of Polyphemus, so would have this Land denominated from Albion the Son of Neptune, mentioned with his Brother Bergion by P [...]mponius Mela. But others derive it from [...], which, as Festus tells us, in Greek signifieth White, from which word the Alpes have their Appellation. So that Albion seems to be corrupted from Alphion; for it is environed with huge White Rocks: And Fracastorius speaking of the English Sweat, observes this Countrey to be a white plasterish Soyl. And long ago Orpheus in his Argonauticks speaking of this Island as lying next to Ireland, calls it [...], The White Land. For which very Reason Luyd fetches the name of Britaine from Prid Cain, signifying in Brittish A C [...]mely white form. Mr Hill in his Notes upon Diony­sius Afer, conceives this name of Albion to be framed by the Greeks from Allybaun, by which name the Irish Scots called the Northern part of this Island; And this way too it will be origi­nally denominated from Whiteness, for Ellan-Ban in Highland Scottish signifies a White Island.

Others will have it to be called Albion for Ol­bion, from the Greek word [...], Felicity, in respect of the Aire and Soile; Though it seems more probable, that both this Island and Olbia an antient City of Gallia Narbonensis took their names from Olbia a City of Cimmeria near the River Boristhenes, from whence the Ancestors of the Britains came.

Here it will not be impertinent to make some Inquiry how it came first to be called Britaine. Some bring it from the Brutians in Italy, who [Page 5]in Greek are written [...], and their Coun­trey [...], which being sometimes mistaken for [...], hath caused strange confusion in History. But the Antiquity of that Name and Nation reaching no higher than the Reign of the elder Dionysius, Justine lib. 23. and the taking of Rome by the Gaules, renders it very improbable; because since that time the Roman Records were safely pre­served, and some Historian or other would in all likelihood have transmitted to memory the migration of any considerable Colony from Italy to these parts. Camden saith, That from Brith a British word signifying Painted, Depainted, Dyed and Coloured, and Tania which as the Greek Glossaries tell us, betokeneth in Greek A Region, it was named Brittania; And Selden fetches its Name from Brith Inis, two British words signifying a Painted Iland, or the Iland of Paint. The Native Britains are zealous as­sertors of Brutus, and will have him to be the Author of their Stock and Name, and therefore spell it with a Y, viz. Brytaine, it being frequent with them in derivation of words to turn Ʋ. in­to Y; their National name in the plural number being written Brytaniaid, and the name of Bru­tus being usually pronounced by them as if it were spelled Brytys.

Many Learned men explode the whole Nar­ration of Brutus, and deny that ev [...] there was any such man, affirming his very [...]th to be the meer product of Geffrey of Monmouth's Brain. But hereunto I cannot reasonably assent, for though I look upon Geoffrey to have been no faithful Translator, but believe him to have in­serted [Page 6]a great many Fictions into that little Chronicle which was brought over from Armo­rica, whereby Giraldus Cambrensis was induced to term it a Fabulous History, and the Church of Rome thought fit (among other Books prohi­bited) to forbid his Writings together with Merlin's Prophesies to be published, yet I see no cause why we should reject all of it as com­mentitious, seeing Vennius who lived some Cen­turies before him, speaks of Brutus though doubt­fully, one while making him the same with Junius the first Consul; another time calling him Brito, and making him the Son of Sylvius the Son of Ascanius the Son of Aeneas; and lastly fetches his discent from Jabath the Grandson of Japheth by his Son Jovan or Javan, thus; Ja­bath, Jona, Baath, Isran, Esdra, Ra, Abirt, Oth, Ecthec, Aurthac, Ethac, Maier, Simeon, Boib, Thoi, Ogomun, Setherir, Alanius, Isacion, Brito; To Brito he adds three Brothers, Francus, Romanus, and Alemanus. To Armenon the Brother of Isicion he gives five Sons, Gothus, Valagothus, Gebidus, Burgundus, Longobardus; And to Negno another Brother, four Sons, Vandalus, Saxo, Bo­garus and Turgus. The uncertainty of this and his other Stories he excuses, because the great Masters and Doctors of Britaine had no skill in the Antiquities of their Nation, and left no memorial in writing, confessing that himself had gathered whatsoever he wrote, out of the An­nals and Chronicles of the Holy Fathers. Henry of Huntingdon speaks of Brutus or Bruto in the first and second Books of his History, and in his Epistle to Warinus a Briton concerning the Kings [Page 7]of the Brittans; And Giraldus himself in that Seventh Chapter of his Description of Wales, where he so blames Geffrey, yet acknowledgeth Brutus for Founder of the Kingdome of the Brit­tans. And both these were as antient as Geffrey. Thaliessin the chief of all the Brittish Poets living in the dayes of Malgon Guineth, styles his Coun­treymen Wedilhion Troia, the remnant of Troy; And we read in Ammianus, that some who after the destruction of Troy fled,Lib. 15. possessed themselves of Gaule at that time void and unpeopled, mean­ing, but thinly inhabited, from whence they might easily pass over hither. As Monumethensis himself confesseth, that Brutus arrived in Gaule before he came into Britaine. To this purpose it were not much amiss to alledge that Verse which goes about under the name of Sibylla, wherein they are termed [...], as it were from Brutus,

Some there are who would have the Britans to come of the Race of the Grecians, and Bri­tannia to be deduced from [...], a term given by them to their Finances and Revenues, of which opinion are Cooper and Eliot. And trulyLib. 6. de Bello Gall. Caesar sayes, that he found the Greek [Page 8]letters to be in use with them; And it is evident that their Language hath a greater affinity with the Greek, than almost any other hath. Diodo­rus Siculus saith of them,Lib. 5. cap. 8 That they used Cha­riots in fight, as the report goes of the ancient Grecians at the Trojan Warre. But all that they say to prove them sprung from Greece, may serve as well to make good their original from the Trojans; who were themselves a Colony of the Grecians transported by Teucer out of Creet into Phrygia. Certain it is out of Homer and others, that the Trojans had Greek names, and their manner of fighting was the same. Nor is it at all likely, that in so short a space as the Reign of Seven Kings, they should quite forgoe the Language and Customes of their Ancestors, though the Britans might well undergo a great alteration in both, for so long it was ere the Romans knew them. As for the Altar erected in Caledonia with an Inscription of Greek letters mentioned by Solinus, it may seem to be the work of some Grecian, that came with these Trojans from Chaonia, or some other Greek Travellers, in honour of Ʋlysses as a great Navigator, by which means Ʋlyssippo too (now Lisbon in Portu­gal) seems to have gotten its name. I confess it does not appear to me an irrefragable Argument against the so long received Tradition of Brutus, that no Roman Historian speaks of him, since we find in them but a slender account of those times wherein he must be supposed to have li­ved, and little more than the bare names of the Alban Kings which more directly appertained to them. And for those who wrote after the [Page 9]entry of the Romans into Britain, much of their Writings is lost, as of Tacitus, Suetonius, Dion Cassius and others, which might have made something for this purpose. Nor is there any great weight in the objection of some others, That the name of Brutus is not so ancient as the time of this British King; since Nennius calls him Brito, of which name Hyginus Polyhistor mentions a Centaure (or Thessalian), and other Greek Writers speak of a Nymph named Britona and Britomartis. But when the Romans came to be Lords of the World, the Britans ambitious to claim Kindred with them, and to ingratiate themselves with them, might possibly vary the Greek name of this Prince into the Roman name of Brutus, differing little from it in their pro­nuntiation. And seeing it is manifest that even the most unlearned and barbarous Nations have preserved the memory of some of their old He­roes, especially of the Founders, without Greek or Roman Authors, why may we not allow our Britans their Brito or Brutus, though we do not admit the whole Bed-roll of Kings recited in the Monmouth History? It seems the old En­glish Saxons believed him to be the Founder of the British Kingdome, as these Verses out of an old Saxon Manuscript in Trinity Colledge Libra­ry in Cambridge shew: [Page 10]

No small question is raised about his Father Sylvius, whom Monumethensis will have to be the Son of Ascanius, supposing probably that af­ter the difference between Julus and his Uncle the Son of Lavinia was reconciled, whereby Sylvius Postbumus was adjudged to succeed his deceased Brother, and the Pontificate (being the next degree of Honour to the Kingly Dignity) was assigned to Julus; He in respect to the King, and to ingratiate himself with the Al­bans among whom the name of Sylvius was in great request, (as Virgil in his Sixth Book of his Aeneads denotes, Sylvius Albanum nomen; the fair Daughter of Tyrrhus the chief Herd-master [Page 11]to King Latinus being also named Sylvia,) might assume that name for his praenomen; and for a straiter linking of their Friendship, married the Neece (as Geffrey saith) of Queen Lavinia. Some conceive Sylvius the Father of Brutus to be the same with Posthumus, and Son to Aeneas really, but to Ascanius adoptively; which opinion can­not be admitted, because he after about Nine and twenty years Reign, dyed a natural death, which our British Historians deny of the other, making him to be slain by his mistaking Son, so that their relation would better agree with Syl­vius Aeneas the Son of Posthumus, of whose im­mature death there is some shew of a conjecture out ofAen. 6. Virgil, who makes a doubt whether he ever attained to be King,

AndMet. 15. Ovid favours this, leaving him out of his Catalogue of Alban Kings, and making La­tinus the immediate Successour to Posthumus:

[Page 12]And if Sylvius Posthumus were also named Asca­nius as well as his Elder Brother, which Livy seems to hint in the beginning of hisPec. 1. History, then may Brutus be this way too the Grandson of Ascanius, and being banished for his Parri­cide leave his Brother Latinus to succeed his Grandfather in the Kingdome: Though I am not ignorant that others understand Virgil speak­ing in that place of Sylvius Aeneas, not to mean that he dyed before his Father, but that it was very long before regained his right which his usurping Guardian had withheld from him And in leed, as Livy saith, who can positively determine about things so ancient?

As concerning the Original of this People, Learned Cambden proves them to be descended from the Gauls, by solid Arguments drawn from their agreement in Religion, Customes and Lan­guage, their vicinity, & their very name. For they did most generally (as still they do) call them­selves Kumero, Cymro and Kumeri, and a British Woman Kumeraes, and their Tongue it self Kumeraeg; And hence we have the names of Cambri and Cambria, Cumbri and Cumbria, which proves them a stock of the famous Cim­brians, who were the same with the Gauls, being one Nation called by two names. SoD [...] P [...] ­co [...]sul. Cicero speaking of Marius, saith that he repres­sed the Armies of the Gaules etring in great numbers into Italy, when yet Historiographers witness that they were Cimbrians, and Lucan calls the Fellow (that was hired to kill Marius) a Cimbrian, whom Livy and others affirm to [Page 13]have been a Gaule; And out of Plutarch's Er­rours, Reinerius Reineccius averreth, That the Gauls and Cimbrians used the same Language. And hereunto Appian in his Illyricks, gives his suffrage, The Celts or Gauls, saith he, whom they call Cimbrians. And as all other Nations fetch their first Original from Asia, so do these from the Asiatick Cimmerians the posterity of Gomer the Son of Japhet, from whom also, as Josephus and Zonaras report, the ancient Gaules were cal­led Gemari Gomeraei and Gomeritae, from whence the name of Kumeri, is easily deduced. Mr. Hum­frey Lhuyd in his short Description of Britain, conceives these Kumeri or Kymri to be those ve­ry Cimbrians who so terribly endangered the state-of Rome, and finding in the Book of Triads that one Irpus of Scandia by subtlety under pre­tence of Kindred, and Honour to be atchieved, induced a great number of Britans to assist him in his Enterprise who never returned home again; he concludes it probable that the British Kymri passed over into the Danish Chersonesse, whereby it came to be termed Cimbrica, and af­ter some Exploits there, joyning with the neigh­bouring Teutons, and afterward with the Am­brens a people of Gaule, made sharp Warre upon the Romans, vanquished Papyrius, Scaurus, Man­lius, Silanus, and Caepio, and were at length with much difficulty overcome by Marius and Catulus; After which the remainders of the Cimbrians and Teutons seem to have retired to the Chersonesse. These Ambrons who aided the Cimbrians in this Warre, were a people so mis­chievously addicted to Spoyl and Rapine, that [Page 14]in Tract of time the word Ambro came to be commonly used to signifie a Devourer, as Isidore long ago hath told us; whence John Caius his mistake in thinking that Gildas joyns these Am­brons with the Picts and Scots, (when he speaks of their second vastation of his Countrey, say­ing that they came, aesi Ambrones Lupi, like Ambrones Wolves,) is very obvious; it being clear, that by Ambrones Lupi, he meant devour­ing Wolves; in which sense Geffrey of Monmouth termeth the Saxons also Ambrones. Mr. Lhuyd to strengthen his opinion, produces Plutarch's testimony in his life of Marius, that it was not known whence the Cimbrians came, onely that it was from a far Countrey, and that like clouds they issued into France and Italy with the Teu­tons; tacitely inferring a likelyhood that they might come from this Island. And to this he adds divers other Arguments, drawn from the agreement of that people with the Britans, in Language and names of their Kings, and their Customes, as, their neglecting of Gold and Sil­ver, their Reverence towards Women and Priests, their sacrificing men to Mercury, their Shields, Armour and Swords, and the very shape of their Bodies. Nor was this the first time that the Britans made Warr upon the Ro­mans, if we may believe the relation of the Bri­tish History, and the constant Tradition of that people concerning Brennus. Sir John Price in his Defence of the British History, is offended with Polydore Virgill for saying that the Insular Britans had both their Name and Original from the Britans of Armorica, and will not allow that [Page 15]any Britans were before the time of Constantine the Great. Yet Pomponius Laetus saith, That they were descended from the Armorican Cities; And Pliny, among the Maritime people over against Britain, near the County of Bullen, reck­oneth the Britans, from whom a Haven of the Neighbouring Morini was called by the name of Portus Morin [...]um Britannicus; and of them Learned Cambden understands Dionysius Afer to speak in these Verses,

For, saith he, these words [Where Britans] seem to have respect unto those other [Turning upon the Main in length.] Eustathius in his Commentary upon that Author takes it for granted that he meant the Gallick Britans, telling us, [...], Of these Britans the Isles of Britain over against [Page 16]them took their denomination. Venerable Bede is of this opinion too, At the first, said he, this Island had these Britans onely to inhabit it, (from whom also it too [...] the name) who, by report, ha­ving sailed out from the Tract of Armorica into Britaine, challenged unto themselves the South Coasts thereof, and in process of time peopled the greatest part of it. And it is not at all unlikely that the name of Armorica might extend so far, as to take in the Countrey of those Britans, as well as the Sea Coasts of Aquitaine on the other side, since the word only signifies a Countrey situate upon the Sea, and is not taken by all to be strictly a peculiar name of a particular Pro­vince. And Geffrey of Monmouth tells us, that Brutus set saile from the River Loire which be­longs to Armorica when he came hither; thereby confessing, what Bede had said, That they came from Armorica, but bringing them thither from a farther Countrey. But whether our Britans had their name from them of the Continent, or they of the Continent from our Ilanders; most credible it is that the Britans came over hither from Gaule, as Tacitus tells us; Generally, saith he, if a man consider all Circumstances, it is most likely that the Gaules being Neighbours peopled the Land of Britain next unto them. For it stands to good reason that every Countrey received the first Inhabitants from places near bordering, ra­ther than from such as were more dis-joyned, as Cyprus out of Syria and Phoenicia, Creet out of Greece, and Sicily out of Italy, especially if this Island were once conjoyned to the Continent of Gaule, as some have conceived not without pro­bable [Page 17]grounds. Who will not judge that our Belgae, Attrebatij, Parist, and Cenimagni, came from the Belgae, Atrebates, Parisij, and Ceno­manni of Gaule? Like as the Menapij of Ireland from the Belgick people of the same name. The Germans who were Cimbrians (or Gome­rians) too, and therefore of Kin to the Gaules, sent over some Colonies into both these Islands, of which Extract Tacitus reports our Caledo­nians to have been, and the very name of the Irish Causi proves them an Off-spring of the German Chauci. Druids and Bards were in great request among both the Gaules and Bri­tans; And Tacitus saith, that there is an appa­rent conformity between these two People in their Ceremonies and Superstitious perswasions; and indeed, in many other things too, as Judi­cious Cambden clearly shews. Certain it is, that those parts of the World were first peo­pled, which lay nearest to the place where the Ark did first rest after the Flood, and from whence Mankind was increased, so that all Nations must necessarily derive their first be­ginning from Asia. Japheth, Noah's eldest Son, (Ancestour to the Europaeans, whom the Greeks and Romans call Japetus) had seven Sons. Their Seats, as Josephus saith,Lib. 1. Cap. 1. beginning from the Mountains Taurus and Amanus, stretched, in Asia to the River Tanais, in Europe to Gades; And Isidore out of an ancient Authour citeth this, The Nations descended of Japheth possess from the Mountain Taurus Northward the one half of Asia and all Europe so far as to the British Ocean, leaving names to places and people both, of which [Page 18]very many afterwards were changed, the rest re­main as they were.

The Divines generally understand Moses in the Tenth of Genesis, to mean Europe, by The Isles of the Gentiles (as consisting mostly of Islands) which were planted by the Children of Japheth. And the Targumists in their Notes upon the same place, joyn with them thus, say­ing, The Sons of Japheth, Gomer, and the names of their Provinces Africa, and Germania, and Madai, and Macedonia, and Asia, and Thracia. Here, by Asia, is meant a Province of Sarmatia Astatica, Lib. 11. near Sindica, mentioned by Strabo, and inhabited by the Asaei or Asiotae; but what Re­gion they understand by Africa, whether Phry­gia, as Bochartus; or Cilicia, as Sheringham con­ceives, or Africa propria, I shall not take upon me to determine; though I rather incline to believe the last: As for the Land of Madai, Mr. Mede in his Discourse upon the Fifth Verse of the Tenth Chapter of Genesis, conceives it to be Aemathia, and will have it to be so called for [...], the Land of Madai, judging it improbable, that Madai's Off-spring should continue in Media in the midst (as it were) of Shems portion and Inheritance. But I rather think that the ancient Medi did for the greatest part remove into Sarmatia, where they were called [...], Sauromatae, for [...], Sauromadae, from [...] a Prince, and [...] Madai, as Princely Medes, and that some of Shems Issue taking up their places and mixing with the remnant which stayed behind, did also assume their name. [...] 2. cap. 12. Diodorus Siculus makes something [Page 19]for this my opinion, who speaking of the Co­lonies sent by the Scythians out of the Coun­treys which they had subdued, mentions two as the chief; the one from Assyria which settled near Pontus and Paphlagonia; the other from Media, which settled near the River Tanais, and were called Sauromatae.

And Pliny saith,Lib. 6. Cap. 7. Dein Tanain amnem gemi­no ore fluentem incolunt Sarmatae, Medorum (ut ferunt) soboles. The Sarmatians (as is reported) the Issue of the Medes inhabit upon the River Tanais which runs in two branches or chan­nels. I take Madai therefore here, to be Sar­matia Europaea; The other Countreys, namely Germany, Macedon and Thrace, are known to be Provinces of Europe.

That the Eastern parts of Asia were first Inhabited is very evident, from the two last Verses of the Third Chapter of Genesis, in the former of which Verses it appears, that Adam was sent out of Eden into the same place where he was created, and whence he was removed into Paradise; and that this place was on the East of Eden, is clear from the last Verse, where it is said, that the Cherub with the flaming Sword was placed on the East of the Garden to pro­hibit his return. In the sixteenth Verse of the Fourth Chapter it is said of Cain, That he dwelt in the Land of Nod on the East of Eden, and Eden it self was in the East, as we find in the Eighth Verse of the Second Chapter. And as the Eastern parts were first planted after the Creation, so were they likewise first replanted after the Floud.

[Page 20]Sir Walter Raleigh and others have sufficient­ly proved, that the Ark rested upon the Cau­casian Mountains near Margiana, a Countrey famous for Vines, where the people have a con­stant Tradition that Noah planted his Vineyard; where also the Mountain and River Janus, and the Mountain Nyseus, so called of Bacchus Nyseus or Noah, were found; for these Moun­tains are part of that long ledge of Hills which by Moses are called Ararat; by others Taurus. And as I said before, it stands to reason that those Countreys were first peopled, which were nearest to the place where the Ark rested; so that China, India, Persia and Scythia may well be accounted the first Lands that were inhabi­ted after the Deluge. From thence upon the multiplying of Mankind, was sent forth that Colony by whom Babel was built, as Moses testifies, telling us, Genesis 11.6. That they journeyed from the East; thereby plainly shew­ing the Errour of the common Opinion, That the Ark rested in Armenia, and that these peo­ple came from thence; whereas Armenia lyes North-west of Shinaar.

Gomer the Son of Japheth seems to have seat­ed himself in Bactriana where Ptolemey placeth the City [...], Chomara, and the people na­med [...], Chomarians, for Gomarians, who removing into Scythia Sacana, planted them­selves near the River Jaxartes, where the same Ptolemey placeth the [...], Comarians. From hence Gomers posterity spread themselves over a good part of Scythia on this side of the Moun­tain Imaus, founding the Nations of the Syevi, [Page 21]Sasones, Asaei or Asiotae, and others who after­wards passing through Sarmatia sate down in Germany and Scandia.

Some may possibly expect that I should fetch our Ancestors from the building of Babel, as if all the World had been there, whereas the con­trary is evident enough; since it cannot be imagined, that from the Floud till that time, Noah (who was then living) and all his poste­rity, should live like Vagrants without any fixed habitation, and wander so far as Shinaar; Be­sides, that such an irreligious undertaking was very disagreeable to the piety of Noah, Shem and Japheth. I conceive therefore that when Noah had by Divine Inspiration divided the World among his three Sons, and given directions for their removals as the propagation and multi­plication of Mankind should require, Cham and his Issue, whose wayes were most displeasing to the Religious Patriarch, were sent away first and farthest off, who being gotten out of the reach of Noah's authority, fell upon that un­gracious attempt, and afterwards founded the ancient Kingdoms of Egypt and Babylon; while the Eastern parts of Asia were peopled by the posterity of Shem, and the children of Japheth planted themselves North-westward. The fore­said Comarians removing into Albania, came (with a small change of their name) to be cal­led Cimmerians, and imparted their new Ap­pellation to the Mountains Cimmerini. From Albania they sent Colonies into Asia Minor, of which such as descended from Ashkenaz planted themselves in Pontus, Bithynia and the Lesser [Page 22] Phrygia, giving name to the Isles called Ascaniae before Troy, to the Bay called Ascanius, and a River and Lake of the same name in Bithynia. And likely it is that in honour of Ashkenaz, the Princes of those parts took the name of Ascanius, of which name we find the Son of Aeneas, and before him another mentioned by Homer among the Kings that ayded the Trojans. Lib. 2. The descen­dents of Rhiphath seated themselves in Paphla­gonia where they were called Riphaei and He­neti, and those of Togorma in Galatia and the Greater Phrygia. But when the posterity of Shem was so increased that Lud's Issue came in­to those parts, then (in obedience to Noah's or­der which was yet sacred with the Children of Shem and Japheth) these Ascanians, Rhiphaeans, and Togormians leaving behind them such as were unfit for Travel, crossed the Euxine, and passed up the Mouth of Ister, and from thence taking their Expedition for Germany, sate down by the Western Ocean, as Plutarch saith, of which more anon. Those few which staid in Asia mixing with Lud's Posterity, preserved the Names and Memories of their Ancestors.

In Germany the Cimmerians suffered another small alteration of their name, and were called Cimbrians, from thence planting Gaule, and from Gaule, Britain.

But Isacius Pontanus in his Description of Denmark denyes the Cimbrians to be the same Nation with the Cimmerians, contrary to the general Opinion of Ancient Authors; for Strabo in his Seventh Book tells us out of Posidonius, That the Cimbrians made Excursions as far as maeotis [Page 23]and named the Bosphorus, Cimmerian, which is the same with Cimbrian; seeing the Cimbrians are by the Greeks called Cimmerians; here Strabo consents with Posidonius in the latter clause, but rejects his opinion of the Cimbrians giving name to the Bosphorus, himself in the same Book dedu­cing it from an adjoyning Mountain named Cimmerius, which was so denominated from the ancient Cimmerians. And yet out of the Ele­venth Book of the same Strabo, it may seem that the name of the Cimbrians was famous there, for he mentions Pagus Cimbrieus near the Lake of Maeotis, where they that used to sayl in that Lake were wont to take shipping. But what Posidonius saith of the Cimbrians, being the same with the Cimmerians, is likewise averred by Dio­dorus Siculus, Lib. 5. cap. 9. where speaking of the Celts and Gauls, he thus proceeds, [...]. Their Valour and fierceness being blazed abroad, some affirm that in Old Times they over-ran all Asia, and that these People were called Cimmerians, which name was by Tract of time corrupted into the shorter Appel­lation of Cimbrians. Then he adds, That by these, Rome was taken, Apallo's Delphian Tem­ple plundered, a great part of Europe, and no small part of Asia made Tributary; hereby clearly ma­king them the same with the Gaules, and con­sequently the true Progenitors of the Britans. [Page 24]Diodore's testimony is confirmed by Plutarch in his Life of Marius; his words are these, [...], They were at first named Cim­merians, afterwards not unfitly Cimbrians. And, a little before, he sayes, Some conceive that the Cimmerians which were first known to the Gre­cians, were but a small part of the whole Nation, a band of Fugitives or seditious persons, forced by the Scythians to remove from Maeotis into Asia under the Conduct of Lygdamius; but the main Body, and most Warlike part of them had their ha­bitations in the remotest Coasts hard by the Ocean. Which description agrees very well with the dwellings of our Cimbriaus near the German Ocean: Neither is Plutarch's calling this, a Con­jecture, sufficient to invalidate the authority of more ancient Writers than himself.

In the last place we shall produce Stephanus Byzantinus in the word [...]. The Cimbrians, whom some call Cimmerians. By these Authors it is manifest, that the Cimbrians were the same with the Cim­merians, and with the Gauls; and that they were Germans none deny. Those Cimmerians which (when the rest went for Germany) stayed about Bosphorus dwelling on both sides of it, be­ing afterwards expelled with their King Lygda­mius (as is aforesaid) by the Scythians, invaded Lydia in the time of Ardys the Son of Gyges, and took Sardes, all but the Castle, maintain­ing their gettings in despight of what he or his Son Sadyattes could do against them, making Excursions as far as Phrygia, and building there [Page 25]the City Cimmeris. But Halyattes succeeding his Father, gave them a great overthrow; after which both he and they weary'd with so long a War, became more plyant and inclinable to peace, which was at last concluded between them, Galatia and part of Pontus being assigned to the Cimmerians, whereby the rest of the Ly­dian Kings Dominions was cleared of these troublesome Guests.

Herodotus writes,Lib. 4. That the Scythian Nomades (who dwelt in Coelo-Syria) being infested by the Massagetes, crossed over the River Araxes, and invading the Cimmerians forced them to take this Expedition into Asia minor; and a little af­ter he relates another Tradition, viz. That the Arimaspians expelled the Issedons their Countrey, who salling upon the Scythians forced them to seek new Seats, by whom the Cimmerians were dispossessed of their Dwellings. But it is not likely that these Disseizings and Expulsions were so soon after one another; for who will believe that the Scythians who were not able to keep their own Countrey, should so presently expel the Cimmerians, (who were not so inconsidera­ble a handful of men as Plutarch's Authors seem to make them, unless they mean it in respect of the far greater Body of the Nation inhabiting upon the German Sea) and pursuing them van­quish the Medes, and obtain the Soveraignty of Asia for Eight and twenty years. Likely it is, that the Issedons being Expelled by the Arimaspi­ans might by the help of the Massagets drive the Scythians into Cimmeria and possess their Seats; The same Herodotus telling us in another place, [Page 26]That the Massagetes dwelt [...],Lib. 1. over against the Issedons, both Nations inhabiting near the River Araxes; and that the Scythians, in a long tract of time, growing numerous and powerful, might expel the Cim­merians (weakned by dissenting Counsels a­mong themselves) and performe such great ex­ploits in Asia.

The forenamed Arimaspians and the Arim­phaeans both of them Aramite Nations, as their names shew, passing by the Massagets and Isse­dons, and following the Nomades entred Scythia and seating themselves there (a little before the Voyage of the Argonauts) were reckoned for Scythians, and grew to be of such fame, that from them, (as Pliny saith) all the Scythians were Antiently by their Neighbours called Aramaeans. Lib. 6. Cap. 17. But to return from whence we digressed, the Cimmerians were (as we see) the Ancestors of the Cimbrians, and these Cimbrians the first Plan­ters of Germany, Gaule and Britaine. They were also called Celts, as Appian witnesseth in his Illyricks, saying, that the Autarians fell into great Calamity through Apollo's anger because they Warred at Delphos, together with the Celts who are called Cimbrians. And Plutarch in his Marius termeth them Celto-Scythians, referring to their Cimmerian Original, for the Cimmerians and all the people of the North of Asia and Eu­rope being not well discovered and known by the Greeks and Romans, were by them Compre­hended under the general name of Scythians, Lib. 11. and all that vast Tract of ground by them peo­pled was termed Scythia as Strabo writes. Cim­brians [Page 27]and Celts were names of equal extent, and of ancienter date than Germans, Gauls, and Britans; concerning which three Nations, that they were of the same Celtick or Cimbrian Stock, is well Collected from their agreement in lan­guage. The Gauls which were with Brennus in Greece named in their own Language, as Pau­sanias saith,Lib. 10. that Order of Horse-fight which consisted of three horses in a rank, Trimarchia; for a Horse they called Marcha, which in that very signification is meer and pure British; for Tri, signifieth three; and March, an Horse. Many other Instances of this sort are produced by Cambden, to whom I remit the Reader.

Pliny out of Philemon affirms that the Dead Sea was in the Cimbrians Language called Mori­marusa, which is perfect British; for Mor, signi­fies the Sea, and Marus, Dead. So then the British Language agrees with the Cimbrian and Gaulish: Next let us see for the Gaulish and German; And here, Festus Pompeius tells us, Cimbri linguâ; Gallicâ Latrones dicuntur; Latrones in the Gaulish Language are called Cimbri; and Plutarch in his Marius, [...] are by the Germans named Cimbri; Now [...] in Greek, and Latro in La­tine, did antiently, as well as now, denote one and the same thing: formerly Latro signified a Souldier, in which sense it occurs in Plautus and Terence; and Latrocinari is used by them for Militare; and [...] is derived of [...], which is ex bello vivere, to live by War; and [...] and [...], were spoiles taken from the Enemy. And [Page 28] Didymus upon those words of Homer, [...], saith he, [...], was not infa­mous, but of good import among the Antients. And Eustathius upon these words, [...], saith, [...] differs from [...], for a man [...], when he gets any thing by War, [...] is more general when a man gets any thing by bargain, free gift, casual finding, or any other way. And this thall suffice to shew that [...] was one who lived by War, a Souldier, and Synonymous with Latro; whereby it appears, that Plutarch's Ger­mans spake the same Language with Festus his Gauls. Kemff or Kemp signified a Camp among the old Germans, and still retains the same signi­fication; from hence come Kemffer, Kemper, and Kimper, denoting a Martial man: And because Kimper was so near of found to Kimber, Festus and Plutarch, who had very little insight into the Cimbrian Language, were induced to think those two words imported one and the same thing: And other later Writers have stickled mainly to have this People denominated from Kimper. Lib. 1. cap. 7. But Josephus tells us, That the Grand­sons of Noah had the honour to have the Na­tions called after their names; and if Gomer did not give name to this People, I cannot find any to whom he did, and so he, though eldest Brother, must find harder measure than all the other Sons of Japheth. Kimper and Kimber [Page 29]therefore though sounding alike, are of diffe­rent originations, Kimper being corrupted from Kemper, which is derived from Kemp or Kemff; whereas Kimber or Cimbrian, comes from Kim­mer or Cimmerian, and, that, from Komer or Comarian, which is so denominated from Gomer. But these resemblances and nearnesses of words, are shelves upon which too many Writers have been wrack't. Thus the Henochij in the East have past for Heniochi, as if they had owed their original to the Charioteers of Castor and Pollux. And here at home, Caermarden in South-Wales hath been derived from Caer Merdhin the City of Merlin, instead of Caer Maridun the City of Maridunum mentioned by Ptolemey. Yet if we should grant that the name of Cimbrians came from Kimper, it would make nothing against their being the same with the Cimmerians, see­ing divers Nations when they became great and powerful, have willingly admitted a small alteration in their name, when that change car­ried in it something of August and Illustrious Import; yet so, that the track and print of the old name should still remain discernible in the new. Thus they who formerly were called Getae and Getici, came to be called Gothi and Gothici, because Got in their language signifieth Good and Divine; And our Cimmerians become­ing dreadful to the neighbouring Nations, might possibly come to be called Cimbrians, from their Warlike Courage.

That the Magogaei, Medi, Jaones, Thobeli, Moschi and Thraces were of the Posterity of Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, Mosoch and Thiras, [Page 30]no man denyeth; why then should only Gomer be robb'd of his Issue? But some there be who are infected with the old Monkish humour of labouring with all their might to derive their Nation from Shem, because of him came the holy Seed; and therefore deny the name of Cimmerians to be so ancient as to have any rela­tion at all to Gomer, telling us, that they were formerly called Gerberians.

Pliny indeed speaking of the City Cimmerium, Lib. 6. Cap. 6. adds, Quod anteà Cerberion vocabatur, which was formerly called Cerberion, which may be true of that City; but that the people were cal­led Cerberians before they had the name of Cim­merians, no ancient Author hath averred, though several have written, that they were also called Cerberians. For having conquered Cerberium, they gave it the name of Cimmerium; yet it re­tained also its old name with the new one, as the old name of Byzantium was not so abolished by the new one of Constantinople, but that the City retained both appellations, and the peo­ple were sometimes called Byzantini, as well as Constantinopolitae. And from this Cerberium they came to be sometimes termed Cerberians, as the Franci having subdued Gallia, and seated them­selves there, were thence named Galli as well as Franci. The Dores winning Lacedaemon, were thence called Lacedaemonij; and the Getae con­quering Thracia and part of Scythia, were term­ed Thraces, and Scythae. Some are of opinion, that the Greeks called this People, Cerberians, and their City, Cerberion, that is, Infernal, from their dreadful looks, and out of hatred, be­cause [Page 31]they had been shrewdly afflicted by them, and Jonia more than once grievously ransack't.Lib. 1. cap. 8. Sect. 6. And Sir Walter Raleigh conceives Pliny to be mistaken in making Cerberium to be the City of the Maeotian Cimmerians, and tells us, that it was a Town of Campania, (where the Italian Cimmerians dwelt,Pliny, lib. 3. cap. 5. where also were the River Acheron, and the Lakes Acherusia and Avernus) and that it was so called of the unhealthful Waters savouring of Brimstone, which Au­gustus caused to be cleansed by letting in the water of the Lake Lucrinus. But if Pliny were not mistaken, yet this may be further said, That those words of his, Cimmerium which was for­merly called Cerberion, are not necessarily to be understood, that it was called Cimmerium, but that it was anciently called Cerberion, as well as Cimmerium, though the name of Cerberion was then worn out of use; as the same City was cal­led Augusta & Londinum, in the time of the Roman Government, though the former name hath been quite loft long ago. So that it amounts to no more than if he had said, Lon­dinum quod antea Augusta vocabatur; Londinum which was formerly called Augusta, whereas yet it is certainly known that the name of Lon­dinum is of as great (if not greater) antiquity as that of Augusta.

As for the other Fancies of some inconsidera­ble Greek Scriblers who affecting singularity write the name of this People wrong, pur­posely to coyn as wrong a derivation of it, either from [...], Winter, in respect of the coldness, or from [...], a Mist, in regard of [Page 32]the darkness of their Bosphoran habitation, I look upon them as meer effects of the vanity of that Nation, who use all shists to draw the ori­ginal of all people and places to themselves. But in the next place they tell us out of the Thirty eighth Chapter of Ezekiel, That the Po­sterity of Gomer and Togormah were in Gog's Army against Israel, which was raised out of the Countreys which were either subject to, or confederate with, the Seleucidan Kings of Sy­ria: And out of the Fifty second Chapter of Jeremy, they shew that Ashkenaz, is joyned with Ararat and Minni the greater and lesser Arme­nia in the Warr of the Medes against Babylon, and therefore not likely to be far from them. Here we grant, that by Gomer are meant the Cimme­rians inhabiting Galatia and part of Pontus; by Togormah, part of the Phrygians; by Ashkenaz, the other part of the Phrygians, together with the Bithynians and the rest of Pontus, because in all these Countreys there had been Colonies of the Issue of Gomer, Ashkenaz and Togormah, who at their departure into Europe had, as we said be­fore, left behind them some remnants, from which the Prophets might denominate the whole Provinces, as Ezekiel doth all the Syrian Empire from Magog (which the Greeks call Hieropolis) a City of Coelo-Syria. But this doth no wayes contradict what we have said, That the main Body of Gomers Posterity planted Ger­many, Gaule and Britaine; the Britans being the undoubted off-spring of the Gauls, Lib. 1. Cap. 7. whom Jo­sephus expresly terms Gomarians, and avoucheth Gomer to be their Founder; and the Jewes and [Page 33]their Rabbines make Ashkenaz the Father of the Germans, and call Germany by no other name than the Land of Ashkenaz; and the Learned Mélanchthon, with other worthy Wri­ters, say, that the Germans are called Tuiscones for Die Ascanes. Thus Ashkenaz, as the Eldest Brother, hath the honour to give Name to the [...]ntry, though the Posterity of his Brothers, Rhiphath and Togormah, joyned with his in the planting of it. As Japheth then possessed the North of Asia, with Europe and its Isles; so his Son Gomer possessed the utmost borders of Eu­rope, which his Name significantly imports, be­ing first imposed upon no light occasion, but rather by Divine Providence and Inspiration; for Gomer in the Hebrew Tongue betokeneth Ʋtmost Bordering. The Cimbrian Gauls there­fore were Ancestors to the Britans, (not the Britans to the Cimbrians, as Humfrey Lhuyd would have it.

But to go on, the Britans were divided into many Principalities and Nations, divers of which were subdivided into smaller Septs and Tribes, Cornwall and Devonshire were possessed by a people, whom Solinus nameth Dunmonii, Ptolemy Danmonii, (and in some Copies, Damno­nii,) of these the more Western seem to be cal­led Cossini for Corini, as we read Fusii for Furii, Valesii for Valerii; the more Eastern, Ostidam­nii, Ostaei, and Ostiones, though Artemidorus, whom Stephanus follows in his Book of Cities, being a Stranger, and not throughly acquain­ted with the Affairs of Britain, confounds and mistakes them for one another. But whether [Page 34]our Ostaei, or Ostiones, gave beginning to the Nation of the same name in Livonia, or they to these, I cannot positively determine, only thus much I may observe by the way, That that people, as Tacitus saith, came near to the Bri­tains in Language. The Durotriges inhabited Dorsetshire; the Belgae Somerset, Wilishire, Hant­shire, and the Isle of Wight; These Belgae w [...] as I conceive, those Britans which, as Caesar saith,Lib. 2. de bell. Gall. were subject to Divitiacus King of Soissons, whom some have mistaken to be the same with Divitiacus the Heduan, Brother to Dumnorix, not considering that Caesar, with whom this lat­ter was contemporary and familiar, speaks of the former as dead some while before, and men­tions one Galba for his Successor; of these the Segontiaci were a Tribe, dwelling about Hole­shot and Silecester. The Attrebatii held Bark­shire, among whom Comius of Arras was of great Authority, whither he fled, after he had incurred Caesar's displeasure: Of these the Bi­broci, who dwelt about the Hundred of Bray, were a Tribe. Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire were possessed by the Dobuni, whom Dion Cas­sius calleth Bodunni, and of these the Ancalites about the Hundred of Henley were a Tribe. Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, and Hertfordshire, were possessed by a people whom Dion Cassius calls Cattuellani, Ptolemey Cattieuchlani, accor­ding to some Copies Cattidudani, and Cathiclu­dani; of these the Cassii about Caishow were a Tribe, and, as I conceive, the Cenimagni too, though I cannot define the place of their dwel­ling, unless it were about Dunstable, which was [Page 35]anciently named Magintum, Magioninium, and Magiorinium. For I cannot assent to Mr. Cam­dens's conjecture, that this people were the two puissant Nations of the Iceni and Regni; since if Caesar had brought them likewise to submit to the Empire of Rome, Detraction it self could not have set so small a value upon his perfor­mance against the Britans, as Horace, Propertius, Seneca, Lucan, and Tacitus do, telling us, that he scarce meddled with them, that he only discover'd them, but did not deliver them to the Romans. Neither is Tacitus necessarily to be understood to speak of Caesar's Transaction with the Cenimagni, where he, treating of Osto­rius, saith, that the Iceni had willingly sought the Amity of the Romans; seeing any one that shall take notice of that place, will find that it may be as well applied to the first coming of A. Plautius. And Mr. Camden himself writing of the first Inhabitants of Britain, takes it for granted, that these Cenimagni had both their Original and Name from the Cenomanni of Gaul. The forenamed Iceni had Huntingtonshire, Cambridgeshire, with the Isle of Ely, and Norfolk, and Suffolk. These were also called Igeni, and Tigeni, and by Ptolemy Simeni. The Trinobantes, or Trinoantes, enjoyed Essex and Middlesex; and the Kantii, Kent; though some Copies of Ptole­mey have [...] for [...], as that which Camden made use of, making it the name of the Country, not of the People. And if those Co­pies be the truer and more Authentick, then it is only by the name of the Place, and not of the Inhabitants, which may make way for a [Page 36]critical conjecture, That the neighbouring Regni, who in the time of the Roman Government had Surrey and Sussex for their part, did formerly possess Kent also; which if it be so, we need not go far to seek whence this people had their name, since the Greek Navigators might as rea­sonably call them [...] (as Ptolemey calls them,) from the Greek word [...], to break, because between their Coast and Picardy, by the violent force of waves, Britain was broken off from the Continent, as they did Rhegium a City of Italy, standing upon the Sicilian Straits; and Vitsan, upon the Continent oppo­site to the Kentish shore, may without any forcing or detortion be derived from Guith a British word, signifying division, or separation. Mr. John Twine, and others, are of opinion, that there was an Isthmus, or narrow neck of land, that in times past conjoyned these Regi­ons, and afterwards being broken either by the general Deluge, or continual beating and rush­ing in of the waves, or some extraordinary Earth-quake, did let in the waters to make a passage through: for the nature of the Soil in both Shores is the same, where the distance is narrowest, both Shores rising up with losty cliffs of the same kind of matter and colour, so as they may seem to have been riven asunder. Besides,Plin. lib. 2. cap. 88. ancient Writers tell us, that the force of the Sea did as much between Cyprus and Syria, Euboea and Boeatia, Atalante and Euboea, Besbicus and Bithinia, Sicily and Italy, Calpe and Abila; nor is the breadth of the Sea much greater be­tween our Island and the Continent, than ei­ther [Page 37]the Streights of Gibralter, or of Sicily, to wit, about twenty four miles over, and not a­bove twenty five fathom deep, whereas the Sea on both sides of it is much deeper. Servius Honoratus, commenting on that verse of Virgil, ‘Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos,’ ‘And Britans quite disjoyn'd from all the World,’ saith, that Britain was in times past joyned to the Main. And Claudian seems to be of this mind, ‘— Nostro diducta Britannia mundo,’ ‘Britain that's sever'd from our Roman world;’ the word, Diduco, signifying an actual severing, as being diametrically opposed to Contraho. Neither can it be doubted, but that the face of the Earth hath been much altered, partly by the Deluge, and partly by long continuance of time, and other causes; whereupon Ovid in his Metamorphosis brings in Pythagoras thus speaking:

That the Regni were so named from Regnum, a Kingdom, as some would have it, because [Page 38]the Romans permitted them to remain under the Regal Government of Cogidunus, seems to me no satisfactory reason; neither doth Tacitus say, that the Cities given to him were in this tract; and I am rather of that Gentleman's mind, who wrote the life of Nero Caesar, that both they and his Kingdom lay in the Mid­land Countreys, where his Authority and Fi­delity, commended by the same Tacitus, did certainly much advantage Suetonius Paulinus in his long March from Anglesey to London, when Boadicia had excited so great an Insurre­ction; whereby he answered the expectation of his Politick Lords, whose aim in their Kind­nesses and Donations was, to have even Kings for their instruments of Thraldom and Servi­tude. The Coritani, bordering upon the Dobu­ni or Bodunni, inhabited the Counties of North-Hampton, Leicester, Rutland, Lincoln, Nottingham, and Derby. And next to them the Cornavii, or Cornabii, possessed Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Cheshire, and of these the Cangi or Ceangi were a Tribe inhabi­ting the Sea-coasts of Cheshire. The Silures, whom Ptolemy calleth Sylires, possessed the Counties of Monmouth, Hereford, Radnor, Breck­nock, and Glamorgan. The Dimetae or Demetae (corruptly in some Copies of Ptolemey writ­ten Metae) had the Counties of Caermarden, Pembroke, and Cardigan; the Ordevices, Ordo­vices, or Ordovicae, (corruptly Ordolucae) inhabi­ted the Counties of Flint, Denbigh, Caernarvon, Merioneth, and Montgomery, containing the Principalities of North-Wales and Powis, (South-Wales [Page 39]being divided between the Silures and Dimetae;) these people were in all probability of the off-spring of the Veneti of Armorica, from whom the greatest part of their Territory seems to have received the name of Guineth and Vene­dotia, which name of Guineth Cambden conceives Pausanias to have aimed at in his Arcadia, where for Genunia he would have Genuthia to be read. Lancashire, Yorkshire, Westmorland, Cum­berland, and the Bishoprick of Durham, were possessed by the Brigantes, a stout people, and true Sons of the old Cimbrians, who, as the Germans mentioned by Coesar, accounted no Robberies infamous that were committed without the borders of their own State, and allowed the practice thereof to exercise their Youth withall, and to keep them from idleness; as in that warlike age when men reckoned that their Right, which they could win or hold by might and dint of sword, for which they were so famed, that they were from thence called Brigantes, that is, Grassatores, Robbers, or else others that followed the same courses were so named from them. Of these the Gabrantovi­ci were a Sept, as also were the Setantii, as like­wise the Parisi, and the Jugantes too, if that name be not a mistake in Tacitus for Brigantes. In this Territory of the Brigantes Nennius pla­ceth the country of Guennesi (wherein stood Caer Guortigerne) which name is in some sort preserved in Went a Riveret, and Wentworth a Town of the West-Riding of Yorkshire, and Wentsdale a Vale in Richmondshire. Northumber­land (strictly so called,) Teifidale, Twedale, [Page 40]Merch, Lauden, Liddesdale, Eusedale, Eskedale, Annandale, Nidisdal, Galloway, Carrict, Kyle, Cuningham, Cluydsdale, with part of Lennox and Sterling. Sherifldome, were peopled by the Otta­dini, Gadeni, Selgovae, (by Tacitus namedIn vita A­gricolae. Hore­sti) N [...]vantes, and Damnii, all comprehended under the general term of Maeatae, as descended from the Maeatae, a Tribe of the Cimmerians. All the country beyond these was held by the Epi­dii, Cerones, Carnonaeae, Carini, Cornabii; Smer­tae, Logi, Cantae, Caledonii, Vacomagi, Vennicones or Vernicones, and Taizali. Of these the five first made up the Nation of the Attiscoti, of whom St. Hierome speaks in his second Book against Joviman: Quid loquar de caeteris nationibus, cùm ipse adoleseentulus in Galliâ viderim Attiscotos gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus; What should I talk of other Nations (said he,) when I my self in France, being a youth, saw Attiscots, a British people, seed upon man's flesh. For so Henricus Gravius tells us it is read in those Ma­nuscript Cepies which he made use of, not, Sco­tos, as it is in the common Edition, and the Agnomination of Gentem Britannicam, is a good evidence for it. And it is not unlikely, that in the same Book of that Father, where we read, Ante hoc Autem quoties in Britanniâ humanis veseebantur carnibus, nunc jejuniis refiiciunt ant­mam suam; these words, Autem quoties, through the carelesness of the Corrector, or ignorance of the Transcriber, crept in for Attiquoti, so that the sence should be thus: Before this the Attiquots in Britain did feed on man's flesh, but now relieve their souls with fastings. And [Page 41]in St. Hierom's eighty third Epistle, written to Oceanus, we find another barbarous custome of theirs mentioned, where he speaks of some, who Scotorum & Atticotorum ritu, ac de Republia Pla­tonis, promiscuas uxeres, communes liberos babeant; After the manner of the Scots and Atticots, and according to Plato's Commonwealth, have Wives and Children in common. For so Mari­anus Victorius affirms it to be in his Copies, which is undoubtedly the genuine Reading, though in the Old Edition of Basil, Atticorum be foisted in for Atticotorum. As likewise for the first place that I cited out of St. Hierome concer­ning this people, we find in one Copy Attigot­tos, in another Cattacottos, in a third Cattitos; and in another place, where this Father speaks of them, Erasmus putteth down for them, Azo­tos. By Ammianus Marcellinus they are named Attacotti, and, in the Book called Notitia, Atte­cotti. I conceive Attis oti to be the true name of them, and that they were first so termed by the Venedotian Britans from Ʋch Y Scot, signifying in British, Above or beyond the Scots, in re­spect of their Country, situate upon the Deuca­ledonian Sea, over or beyond Dal-Raida in Ʋl­ster the Habitation of the Scots, which butts forth into the Sea between North-Wales and Cantyre; as the Ottadini of Northumberland, according to Camden, from Ʋch Tin, above or beyond the River Tine. Unless we shall think they were named Attacotti from the Attaci, Lib. 4. cap. 12. (a Cimmerian Tribe mentioned by Pliny,) as descended from them. Of the other seven Nations, or rather Tribes or Septs, whose Country lay along the [Page 42] German Sea; the Caledonii, whom the Panegy­rist calls Caledones, inhabiting from Sinus Lela­nonius, or the River Levin, to Vararis or Murray Frith, were of greatest fame: Insomuch thatIn vita Julii Agri­colae. Tacitus calls all beyond Glotta and Bodotria by the name of Caledonia, and the people, Caledoni­ans; and others extend the Name to the whole Island, calling the Sea also which environs it, Oreanus Caledonius, the Caledonian Ocean, and using the terme of Caledonian woods, for all the Woods of Britain. Hence likewise it is, that all the people beyond the Maeatae were sometimes divided into Deucaledones, (from whom the Deucaledonian Sea on the West of Scotland had its appellation) that is to say, the Caledonians of the South, or of the right hand, from the British word, Deheu, betokening the Right hand; and Vecturiones, them of the North, or of the left hand, from Chwithic, signifying the left hand; for the Britains, after the manner of the Hebrews, used to denote the South by the right hand, and the North by the left. But when the Caledonians strictly so called, with their neighbours between the mountains of Drum Albin and the German Sea became united into one Nation and Kingdom with the Picts, these two names of Vecturiones and Deucaledo­nes, (whomLib. 27. Ammianus Marcellinus, ignorant of the British Language and Etymology, terms Dicaledones) were restrained within a narrower compass, the former being taken only for the Northern men, as the latter was for the Sou­thern of that Kingdom. At which time they who dwelt on the other side of Drum Albin in a [Page 43]rougher and more defensible country, not mix­ing with the Picts, but preserving themselves a distinct State, began to be named Attiscots, and with the Picts and Scots grievously annoy­ed the Britains, that lived under the Roman Go­vernment; till at length the Scots out of Ire­land coming up Dunbritton Frith, and being re­ceived and assisted by the Picts, so far gained up­on them, that they were fain to incorporate with them, and pass into their Name, becoming members of the Scottish Kingdom, as their Neigh­bours were of the Pictish.

By these Nations was Britain peopled, which falling afterwards into the hands of the Romans, was by them had in no small estimation, as it deserved; for it enjoyes so kind and temperate an Air, that the Summers are not excessive hot, and the Winters are very mild; the Soil so ex­ceeding fruitful, that Orpheus reported it to be the very seat of Ceres, thus speaking of it: ‘— [...].—’ ‘Lo, here the stately Halls of Ceres Queen.’ And others have taken these Islands to be the Fortunate Isles, so much celebrated by the Anti­ents. From hence the Romans used to send in­to Germany yearly a Fleet of eight hundred ves­sels (bigger than Barges) laden with Corn for maintenance of their Armies. Abundantly sto­red it is with Corn, Fruits, and Cattel, full of Mines and veins of Metal; accommodated with [Page 44]brave Rivers full of divers sorts of excellent Fishes, and with secure and capacious Havens; the ambient Sea contributing a moderate warmth to it, and serving it with great variety of Fishes too; besides a kind of Pearl, mentio­ned by King Juba, Pliny, Marcellinus, and Beda, the desire of which, as Suetonius saith, was one of the inducements that made Caesar take his Voyage hither, who causing a Brest-plate to be made of them, dedicated it to Venus Genitrix, as from whom he derived his descent. And St. Origen affirms the British Pearls to be the best next to those that are bred in the Red Sea, or found among the Indians. Indeed it was the very Barn, Garner, and Store-house for victu­als of the Western Empire, which made the Oratour, in his Panegyrick to Constantius Chlorus, terme the detention of it by Carausius and Ale­ctus, so great a damage to the Commonwealth. And here I should run higher in the just praise of my Dear Country, but that I conceive it more proper for a Choragrapher than an Histo­rian.

Sextus Rufus, who lived in the beginning of the first Valentinian's Reign, tells us in his Bre­viary, that Britain (so much of it as was under the Romans) was divided into four Provinces, viz. Britannia prima, being all the South-coast, which of one side lieth between the British Sea and the River Thames, with the Severn Sea on the other side, so named, because it lay nighest to Rome. Wales, in the largest extent from the Ri­ver Severn and the Irish Sea, made up Britannia secunda, so called, because it lay remoter off. [Page 45] Maxima Casariensis, extending from Humber to Glotta and Bodetria, was so named, because it was the largest; and the middle Country be­tween Thames and Humber was called Flavia, from the Emperour Constantine's Praenomen, Flavius. But when in the time of this Valen­tinian and his Brother Valens, the Northern people had seised part of Maxima Caesariensis from Glotta and Bodotria, (now called the Friths of Dunbritton and Edenborough) to the River Tine, Theodosius (Father to the Emperour Theo­dosius) recovered it, and named it Valentia in honour of the Emperours, by whom it was made a distinct Province of it self. To which we may adde the Country inhabited by the Ca­ledonians and Attiscots, making up six Provinces in all. Septimius Severus had formerly divi­ded Britain into two parts, the Higher, which was the neerer; and the Lower, which was the remoter: and before the comming of the Ro­mans it was divided into three parts, Loegria, now England; Albania, Scotland; Cambria, Wales; at what time they were so overgrown with Idolatry, that they in a manner equalled the Egyptians for multitude of Deities, wor­shipping Andate or Andraste, Camulus, Bellotuca­drus, Viterinus, Magontus, and others; besides that it is likely, that they also adored the Idols of the Gauls, Teutates, Hesus, and Tharanis, seeing both these Nations had one and the same The­ology of the famous Druids. For these were to the Gauls and Britans Divines, Philosophers, and Lawyers, as the Bards were their Prophets, Po­ets, and Historians. These last embalmed the [Page 46]memories of the Antients in Rhiming Verses, which looked both backwards in their Relati­ons, and forward in their Predictions; so that their Confidence meeting with the Credulity of others, advanced their wild conjectures to the reputation of Prophesies. The Druids taught one Chief and Supreme Deity over all the o­ther Idols, holding also the Immortality of the Soul, yet with the Pythagorean errour of Trans­migration, (but restrained only to Humane Bo­dies;) though whther they had it from Phytha­goras or he from them, be questioned by Lipsius. Their chief Deity was Dis Pater. He that desires to know more of them, may consult Caesar, Stra­bo, Diodorus Siculus, Lucan, Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Ammianus Marcellinus, Lactantius, Euse­bius de Praeparatione Evangelicâ, and the Come­dy Aulularia of Pseudo-Plautus, with Otho Heur­nius, Camden, and Selden.

Under the Romans Britain was at first accoun­ted a Presidial Province, and appropriate to the Caesars, as being annexed to the Roman Empire after the division of Provinces ordained by Au­gustus, and had Propraetors of their own. The Emperour Septimius Severus having overcome and slain Clodius Albinus, divided it into two Prefectures mentioned before, of the Higher and the Lower. But Constantine the Great made an alteration of Government both here and throughout the Empire, which I think fit to set down out of Mr. Camden. He ordained four Prefects of the Praetorium, viz. of the East, of Illyricum, of Italy, and of Gaul; two Masters of the Souldiers, or Commanders of the Forces, [Page 47]the one of Footmen, the other of Horsemen in the West, whom they termed Praesentales. For Civil Government, there ruled Britain the Pre­fect of the Praetorium, or Grand Seneschal of Gaul, and under him the Vicar-General of Bri­tain, who was his Vice-gerent, and honoured with the Title of Spectabilis, that is, Notable, or Remarkable. Him obeyed respectively to the number of the Provinces (viz. in the time when the Book called Notitia Imperii was written) two Consular Deputies in Maxima Caesariensis and Valentia, and three Presidents in the other three Provinces, who had the hearing of Civil and Criminal causes. For Military Affairs there ruled the Commander of the Footmen in the West, at whose disposition were the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon Coast, and the Duke of Britain, each styled Spectabilis. The Count of Britain seemeth to have ruled the in­land parts of the Island, (keeping his residence in the South,) who had with him seven Com­panies of Foot, and nine Cornets or Troops of Horsemen. The Count of the Saxon Coast, who is named by Ammianus, Lib. 27. Comes maritimi Tractûs, Count of the Maritime Tract, for de­fence of the Sea-coast, had seven Companies of Footmen, two Guidons of Horsemen, the se­cond Legion, and one Cohort. The Duke of Britain, who defended the Marches or Fron­tiers against the Barbarians, (keeping his resi­dence in the North) had the command of eight and thirty Garrison Forts, wherein kept their Stations fourteen Thousand Foot, and nine Hundred Horse. So that in those dayes, if Pan­cirollus [Page 48]have kept just computation, Britain maintained nineteen Thousand two Hundred Footmen, and seventeen Hundred Horsemen, or much thereabout, in ordinary. Besides all these, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, that is, the Receiver of the Emperour's Finances or pub­lick Revenues had under him in Britain; the Rational or Auditor of the Sums and Revenues of Britain; the Provost of the Emperour's Trea­sures in Britain, (who kept his Office in Augu­sta or London, whence those Treasures were called Augustenses;) and the Procuratour of the Gynegium or Drapery in Britain, in which the Cloaths of the Prince and Souldiers were wo­ven. The Count also of Private Revenues had his Rational or Auditor of Private State in Bri­tain; to say nothing of the Sword (Fence-School) Procuratour in Britain, whereof an old Inscription maketh mention, and other Offi­cers of an inferiour degree. Having named the Count of the Saxon Coast, I think it fit here to take notice of an Errour in some Lear­ned Writers, who will have this Saxon Coast to be the hastern shore of Kent, which is well refuted by Mr. Selden in his Mare clausum; Lib. 2 c. 6.7. shewing likewise that not only the Cimbrian and Batavian shores were called Saxon, from that Nation there inhabiting, but also the Bel­gick and Armorican. Zozimus mentions their seizing of part of Batavia, near the mouth of the Rhine in Constantine's time. And in the Notitia Imperii we find under the Duke of Belgi­ca secunda, Equites Dalmatas Marcis in littore Saxonico, and under the Duke of Armorica was [Page 49] Tribunùs Cohortis primae novae Armoricae Grannona in littore Saxonico. The Saxons of Baieux oc­cur in Gregory of Tours, Lib. 27. as old Inhabitants of the Armorican Coast; besides that Ammianus re­cords, how in the time of Valentinian and Va­lens, they with the Franks did terribly infest Gaul both by Sea and Land. But their ancient Seat was in part of the Cimbrick Chersonesse near the River Elbe, from whence they at times in­vaded and denominated so large a Sea-coast, which was the Boundary of this Count's Juris­diction to the East. And here we must observe, that the Limitaneous Counts and Dukes under the Roman Empire had their Titles generally from the utmost limit of their Province; as the charge of the Rhine was committed to a Prae­fect, whose Praefecture extended to the further Shore of that River: whence Posthumus (as we find in Trebellius Pollio) is by the Emperour Va­lerian stiled, Limitis Transrhenani Dux; and Vo­piscus, in the life of Tacitus, speaks of Lime's trans Rhenum, where the Roman Empire ended, and the German Territory began. And so this Count's Government extended over all the British Sea to the Shores of Cimbria, Batavia, Belgica, and Armorica, comprised under the name of the Saxon Coast, who was therefore called Comes littoris Saxonici per Britanniam, not because any part of Britain was so termed, (the Saxons having no footing there till Hen­gist's time,) but because the Count kept his resi­dence there in any of the Sea-towns of Kent, Sussex, Suffolk, or Norfolk. Thus the Command of the Praefects of Danubius and Euphrates [Page 50]reached to the further Shores of those Rivers, and the Asian Proconsuls to the Europaean Shore of Hellessont. Nor is it strange, that he should have his Title from that Coast, which was the very part of his Province that he was to have a more especial care of, as that from whence the greatest danger was to be expected. The Britans before the coming of the Romans had no strong nor well built Cities, Woods ser­ving in stead of them; for when they had by felling of Trees mounded and fenced therewith a spatious round plot of ground, there they built for themselves Halls and Cottages, and for their Cattel set up Stalls and Folds, which ser­ved them for places of Refuge and Retreat in time of their Wars, which were very frequent, the Countrey being divided into so many pet­ty Nations, and the Confines very small. But under the Imperial Government they had eight and twenty considerable Cities as appears by Gildus, besides many Towns of good note, of which there were three Archbishopricks, York, London, and Carleon upon Ʋske, though now there be but two in England, Canterbury and York, and the Archbishop of St. Andrews Pri­mate of Scotland. And for the more commodi­ous passage of Soldiers and Travellers, the Ro­mans made several Causeys or Street-ways here, of which these four were most remarkable: Wat­ling-street, so called of one Vitellian, who is said to have had the charge of making it; Ikenild-street, so called, because it began in the countrey of the Iceni; Fosse, so named, because, as some think, it was fenced on both sides with a Ditch; [Page 51]and Ermin-street, denominated, by a German word, of Mercury, under the name of Erminsùl, that is, the Column of Mercury, who was deemed to have the charge of Wayes, whence also by the Greeks he was named [...], and had Sta­tues with four sides called in old time Hermae, set every where upon High-wayes.

But it is time now to hasten to the History of the Ancient Britans, before the Entrance of the English. And here I shall first set down what is reported by Annius of Viterbo, and Gef­frey of Monmouth, to have been transacted here before the coming of the Romans, which though generally by the Learned reputed Fabulous, may yet serve for the Readers delectation and recreation.

Britain and Gaule are said to have made up one Kingdom anciently, of which Samothes, Sirnamed Dis pater, was the first King; after whom succeeded his Son Magus, then Sarron Son to Magus, Druis Son to Sarron, Bardus Son to Druis, Longo Son to Bardus, Bardus junior Son to Longo, Lucus Brother to Bardus, Celtes Son to Bardus; this King was Sirnamed Breta­nus; and had a Daughter named Galatea, whom Hereules Lybicus married, and of her begat Ga­lates, (Parthenius Nicaeus calls the Mother Cel­tice, and the Son Celtes, after his Grandfather's name;) this Galates reigned after his Grand­father and Mother: then followed Narbon Son to Galates, Lugdus Son to Narbon, Beligius Son to Lugdus, who dying without issue Jasius King of Italy (Son of Camboblascon, who was great Grandson to Thuscus the Son of Hercules) [Page 52]succeeded him; but he being murdered by his Brother Dardanus, had for his Successor Allo­brox, a nearer Kinsman to Beligius, put by be­fore possibly for being under age. Then follow­ed Romus Son to Allobrox, Paris Son to Romus, Lemanes Son to Paris, Olbius Son to Lemanes, Galates junior Son to Olbius, Namnes Son to Galates, and Rhemus Son to Namnes. During the Reigns of these Samothean Kings hapned nothing remarkable, only that in the time of King Lucus, Osiris the great King of Egypt was slain by his Brother Typhon, with the help of Laestrigon, Antaeus, Gerion, Albion and Ber­gion the Grandsons of the murdered Heroe by his Son Neptune, after which Albion and Bergi­on with a multitude of Africans coming into Spain (where Gerion reigned) from thence in­vaded and conquered Britain and Ireland, where they ruled for some years. But in the time of Celtes, Hereules pursuing the revenge of his Father's death, kills Typhon and Antaeus, settles his Brother Orus and his mother Isis in the Kingdom of Egypt, destroyes Gerion in Spain, and marches into Gaule with intention to pass into Italy. Celtes joyfully entertains him, in requital whereof he built the City of Alexia. Albion and Bergion suspecting he would at length call them to an account, resolved to be before hand with him, and came against him with a puissant Army, who, having married Galatea, and increased his Army with Gaulish Supplies, encountred them in a place named The Stony Strond, or Stony Field, (now called by the French, Le Craux,) where after a long and [Page 53]terrible fight the two Brothers were deseated and slain. From thence Hercules departed into Italy, where he slew Laestrygon. The Samotheans in Britain, emboldned by the success of this Bat­tel, took up Arms against the residue of the Africans that were lest behind, commencing a long war, which continued till the coming of Brutus.

In this interval the fifty Daughters of Dio­clesian King of Syria, having all murdered their Husbands in one night, were for their punish­ment embarqued in a Ship well victualled, but without Pilot, Mast, or Sail, and so committed to the mercy of the Seas. At last they were cast upon the Western Coast of this Island, then in­habited by the African Progeny, to whom wo­men were very welcome, in regard the Samo­theans disdained to give their Daughters to them. The Eldest of these, named Albina, was married to the Prince of these Barbarians, and renewed to this Isle the name of Albion, which had been before imposed by Neptune's forementioned Son of that name, but now was worn out. This Fable I conceive to be foun­ded upon the Grecian Story of Danaus his Daughters. King Remus having no other chil­dren but one Daughter, gave her in marriage to Franicus, Francus, or Francion, Son to Hector King of the Germans, whose Father Brennus was lineally descended from the ancient Tuisco. He succeeded his Father and Father-in-Law, and kept his residence in a City of Pannonia which himself had built, and called Sicambria, after the name of his Son Sicamber, who [Page 54]reigned after him, and married a Lady named Galatea, having first slain his Rival Acis a Sici­lian Prince. The Greeks for his valour called him Polyphemus, which signifies, famous; and the Poets fable him to be a Cyclopian Giant, and Son of Neptune, whom they generally make the Father of Gigantick Issues. This Polyphemus Sicamder is by the Germans named Woltheim Sichinger. At his death he divided his King­dom between his three Sons; to Celtes he left Germany, who extended the name of Celts to all the people of that Land; Gaule, and so much of Britain as was held by the Samotheans, fell to Galates; and Pannonia to Illyrius, who by Conquest added to it the Countrey which of him took the name of Illyris. Francus had par­celled Gaule into twelve Provinces, and appoin­ted over each of them a Vice-roy, with orders to be aiding to his Samothean Subjects as occa­sion should require: but Ambition prompted them to other Designs, whereunto they were animated by their Princes over-large Bounty, who (it seems) had made their Prefectures He­reditary; so that after the death of Galates, whose Reign was spent in Wars abroad, they assumed to themselves the Royal Title and Power. In the Reign of Wolfheim Sichinger the famous City of Troy was taken by the Greeks, whereupon Aeneas and Antenor were forced to seek new seats, of whom the latter found means to settle himself about Padua, the other in Lati­um, whose Son and Successour Ascanius built Alba Longa. But far worse fortune had many of their Countreymen, who with their Fami­lies [Page 55]were carried away Captive into Greece by Pyrrhus, and by him kept in slavery. From him descended one Pandrasus, as Geffrey calls him, though the Greeks had another name for him, who shewed himself very cruel to the issue of these Trojans. In his time a certain Nobleman dying left two Sons, the one by a Greek wife, the other (named Assaracus) by a Trojan, who falling out about the sharing of their Father's Territory, caused the King to interest himself in the quarrel, who hating the Trojan Nation, and consequently Assaracus for his relation to them, took his Brothers part against him, and would by force have disseised him of his In­heritance, if he had not been opportunely suc­cour'd by Brutus, of whom we come now to speak.

Ascanius King of Alba dying, there arose a controversie about the succession between his Son Julus, and his Half-Brother Sylivins Posthu­mus the Son of Aeneas by Lavinia, the first being favoured by the Trojans, the other by the Latines, who being more numerous, advanced Posthu­mus to the Crown, assigning the Pontificate to Julus, who upon the reconciliation assumed his Uncles name for his Praenomen, and was called Sylvius Julus. It was made a piea against him, that he was not of years sufficient to manage the weighty affairs of a Kingdom; by which it appears that he married very young, having had two Sons before his Fathers death, from the Elder of whom the Julian Family descended. The Younger, named Brutus, proved fatal to both his Parents, for his Mother died in [Page 56]Child-bed, and at fifteen years of age he by mischance killed his Father at a hunting, for which he was banished by Posthumus, and went into Greece, where upon sundry occasions he gave such proofs of his valour, as encouraged the poor oppressed Trojans to repair to him, and request him to undertake the freeing of them from the Grecian Bondage. Brutus becomes their Prince, and entring league with Assaracus wins two victories of Pandrasus. In the first, Antigonus the King's Brother, and his friend Anacletus were taken Prisoners; in the other, the King himself. Hereupon, by the means of a Trojan named Mempricius, ensued a peace, where­by Assaracus was secured in his Right, and Brutus obtained in marriage the King's eldest Daughter Innogen, with a Fleet of three hun­dred twenty four Ships, well provided with all necessaries to transport the Trojans and their Families to another Country. The first place he arrived at, was an Island where Diana had a Temple, whose Oracle he with his Soothsayer Gerion, consults about the success of his Voyage, and receives a propitious Answer. From hence departing, he sailed along the coast of Africk, conquering by the way the Pirates of those Seas, and for a fresh supply of provision was forced to land in Mauritania, and forrage the Countrey; then passing the Straits of Gibralter came, as Geffrey of Monmouth saith, into the Tyrrhen Sea. It should seem, the old British Writers meant not by that name the Sea of Etruria, for the Straits-mouth was out of the way from the Me­diterranean thither; but they understood some [Page 57]nearer Sea by it, as appears by Nennius, who tells us, that King Belinus the Son of Minocanus subdued the Isles of the Tyrrhen Sea, whereas the Britans never used to sail so far as [...]ruria with any considerable Fleets; yet why any Sea between the Straits and Britain should be so cal­led, I cannot see. Here Brutus met with ano­ther Fleet of Trojans, commanded by Chorinaeus, who was descended from Antenor; him he ac­quaints with the Answer he had from the God­dess, and prevails with him to joyn with him in his Design. Hence they pass forward through the Gallick Sea, and cast Anchors in the River Loire, which parted Aquitaine and Armorica. Gaule was at this time governed by twelve Princes, one of whom, named Groffarius, had Pictavia, and part of these two Provinces afore­named for his share, who hearing the arrival of these Strangers in his Dominions, sent out a party to take an account of them. These found Chorinaeus with two hundred men chasing their Master's Deer, and after some angry Expostu­lations fell to blows, where Imbert Commander of the Gaules was slain by Cherinaeus, and his men put to flight. Groffarius hereat incensed, marches against the Trojans, who now were all landed, and ready for the Encounter, which was very sharp; but at last the Victory fell to the new Comers, who wasting the Country at their pleasure, loaded their Ships with spoil and pillage. In this Battel one Suardus, a great Nobleman of Gaul, lost his life by the hand of Chorinaeus. But now the other Eleven Princes hasten to the succour of their vanquished friend, [Page 58]and overbearing the Strangers with multitude, beat them to their Camp, and there beseige them. About midnight Chorinaeus gets out with three thousand men, and lodges them in an adjoyning Wood till morning, at what time Brutus marched into the field, whom the Gauls most furiously assail with assured hopes of Conquest, when on a sudden Chorinaeus from the Wood falls in desperately upon their Rear, who seeing themselves engaged both before and behind, and thinking these last had been a new supply brought by Sea, and more in num­ber than they were, began to faint; which their Enemies perceiving redoubled their cou­rages, and charged them so fiercely, that they put them to a total rout. In this fight Turnus, the Nephew of Brutus. who came from Italy with Chorinaeus, was slain, after he had perfor­med incredible exploits, from whom the people of the countrey where the Battle was fought were named Turones.

Brutus began now to consider, the numbers of his men were shrewdly diminished by these conflicts, whereas the losses of his Adversaries would easily be repaired by fresh recruits, which he could not have, and therefore enqui­ring the name of the Land, and finding that the place intended him by the Oracle lay be­yond it, he re-embarqued his Soldiers, and with a prosperous Gale sailed into Britain, arri­ving at Totnes in the Province of Danmonia, and putting to flight the Albionians who op­posed his landing. The forementioned war be­tween the Samotheans and Albionians becom­ing [Page 59]hereditary had lasted for divers Ages, the former having the better of it, and possessing the best part of the Isle, so long as their Kings kept their residence in Gaul, and assisted them in their exigencies; but when Fran [...]us remo­ved his Court into Pannonia, committing the government of Gaule to twelve Prefects, whom he likewise ordered to be aiding to his Samothean Subjects when they should need their help, they minding nothing more than to establish themselves in their Prefectures, and to secure them to their Posterity, took no care at all of Britain; whereby the Albionians, who were glad to keep themselves in the craggy and mountainous Moors, while the others were helped from beyond Sea, were emboldned to contend with them in open field. The issue was, that after many bloody Battels both Na­tions were reduced to such a paucity, that Dia­na's Oracle, when consulted by Brutus about the event of his Voyage, is said to have termed this a Desart Island, such animosity and hatred was between these two people, though there was room enough and to spare for both. The Samotheans having heard of Brutus his same, presently repaired to him, and received him for their King, who to make good the opinion his new Subjects had conceived of him, sought out the Albionians, and utterly defeated them, and then gave Danmonia to Chorinaeus, from whom the Western part of it was called Cori­nia, now Cornwall. But as they were solemni­zing a Festival for joy of their Successes, not sus­pecting any danger, on a sudden they were [Page 60]set upon, and many killed by thirty of the boldest Albionians, who since their overthrow had lurked in Caves thereabouts. Brutus and Chorinaeus with their company betake them­selves to their weapons, and surrounding these Desperadoes slue them all but their Chief, whose name was Gormagot, and is reported to have been a Giant of a prodigious height, whose strength Chorinaeus desired to try in wrestling, which he afterwards did by the Sea-side; in which contest he was so enraged with the pain of his three Ribs which had broke in the strug­ling, that heaving him up by main strength he cast him violently down a steep Rock into the Sea where he perished. After which to prevent such surprises for the future, they by degrees extirpated his whole Crue; and this was the end of the Albionians, so named from their Founder Albion, who are said to have been a Generation of Giants.

Brutus thus settled in his new Kingdom, or­dained, that all his Subjects both Samotheans and Trojans should be called Britans, and then upon the side of the River Thames he built the City Trinobant (which the Welsh will have to be more rightly named Troynovant) for a place of Residence for himself and his Successors: dy­ing, after a happy Reign of four and twenty years, he left his Kingdom to be divided be­tween his three Sons, but reserved the Superi­ority and Soveraignty to the Eldest which was Locrinus, whose part was better than both his Brothers, and was of him named Loegria, as Camber's part was named Cambria, and Alba­nactus [Page 61]his share Albania. This last was invaded and slain by Humber King of the Hunnes, whose death was soon revenged by Locrinus and Cam­ber, by whom the Hunnes were overthrown and destroyed, and their Prince drowned in his flight. Three Ladies were taken Prisoners by Humber in Germany, whom he brought with him into Britain, one of which called Estrildis was a King's Daughter. Locrinus intended her for his wife, and therefore carried them all three with him to Court. But Chorinaeus hear­ing of it, to whose only Daughter and Heiress he had been affianced while his Father lived, came to him, and by menaces compelled him to persorme his former Engagement. Yet he still retaining his affection to the Captive Lady who was very beautiful, kept her and her two Com­panions in a Cave till the death of Chorinaeus, and then repudiating Guendolena married Estrildis. But this injury was not long unpu­nished, for the rejected Queen returning into Danmonia levied an Army, wherewith she gave Battel to her wanton Husband in Worcester­shire by the River Stour, and victoriously slew him. Estrildis here taken was thrown into the River Severne, and drowned with her Daughter Habren, which she had by Locrinus. Madan, the Son of Locrinus and Guendolena, be­ing under age, his Mother governed for him as Guardian fifteen years, and then retiring to a private life, dyed within a short space, where­upon the King gave Danmonia to his Uncle Cam­ber.

After Madan reigned his Son Mempricius [Page 62]who murdered his Brother Manlius, then Ebo­racus or Ebrauc the Son of Mempricius, Brute Sirnamed Green-shield, the Son of Ebrauc, Leil the Son of Brute, Rudibras the Son of Leil, Bladud the Son of Rudibras, and Leir the Son of Bladud. This Leir had only three Daugh­ters; Gonerilla, married to Maglanus Prince of Albania, descended from Albanactus; Ragana, married to Henninus Prince of Danmonia, de­scended from Camber; and Cordella, married to Aganippus a Gaulish Prince, descended from one of those twelve with whom Brutus fought, which twelve, after the death of Galates the Son of Wolfheim Sichinger, had made themselves absolute in their several Provinces, each of them assuming the Name and Title of King, as likewise did the German Princes after the death of Celtes. Aganippus restored King Leir, who had been expelled by his other Sons in Law, and he in requital at his death left his King­dom to Cordella, which she ruled worthily while her Husband lived, but after being taken and imprisoned by her Nephews, she killed her self.

The Kingdom must now be divided into two parts, whereof the Southern is allotted to Cuneda the Son of Henninus, and all North of Humber to Morgan the Son of Maglanus, which Agreement held not long; for Morgan not satisfied with his moiety, falls out with his Cousin, who overcomes and kills him, thereby getting the whole, which he leaves to his Son R [...]a [...]. To him succeeded his two Sons, one after the other, first Gorgustus, then Sisillius, [Page 63]and after him Jago, Son or Grandson to Gor­gustus, Chinimarchus the Son of Sisillius, and Gorbodugus the Son of Chinimarchus, whose two Sons contended for the Kingdom; but Ferrea finding himself the weaker fled into Gaule, whence returning with such forces as he had procured of Suardus one of the Kings there, he was slain in battel by his Brother Por­rex, who yet enjoyed not the fruits of his victo­ry, being in revenge hereof cruelly murdered as he slept in his Tent by Queen Videnia, the Mother of them both, assisted in that bloudy de­sign by her Maids. This plunged Britain into Civil Wars, and turned the Monarchy into a Pentarchy, under the Governments of Pinnar King of Loegria, Rudaue King of Cambria, Sta­ter King of Albania, Jevan King of Northum­bria, and Cloten King of Cornwall, whose Father Chinimarchus was son to Prydain, and Grand­son to Aedhmaur the son of King Gorgustus.

Dunvallo Molmutius, the son of Cloten, redu­ced the Land to a Monarchical State again, subduing all his Competitors but Jevan, (or Owen, as some call him) who terrified by the death of the rest submitted himself; yet the ge­nerous Conquerour suffered their Sons to hold under him part of what their Fathers had en­joyed. He is said to be the first that wore a Crown of Gold here. His sons Belinus and Brennus parted the Island between them after their Fathers death, the Southern moiety with the Soveraignty being assigned to Belinus as the Elder, and the Northern to Brennus, whom Cenulphus King of the Morini invaded to his [Page 64]own hurt, being vanquished and chased home with shame. Brennus herewith puffed up, would no longer stand to the first Agreement, but by the advice of some flattering Incendia­ries, sailed to the King of Norway, and obtain­ing his Daughter in Marriage, with a strong Army to make war upon his Brother, who be­ing informed of his design, had seized his Prin­cipality into his own hands. The King of Denmark, a former lover of the Norwegian Princess, armes all his power, and meets this bold Britan upon the Sea, where in the heat of the fight a sudden Tempest severs and scatters the Fleets. The Danish King having luckily seized the Ship wherein was his beloved Lady, was with two others, making four Ships in all, cast upon the British Shore, and there taken and delivered to Belinus, while his Fleet made shift to get home; and Brennus with his Navy was driven upon the Gallick Coasts, nor was it long ere he crossed over to Northumbria, and fought with his Brother in the Forrest of Gal­tres, but losing the day, and all his Ships but one, fled to Seginus, King of the Senones and Allobroges. Belinus now treats with his Danish Prisoner, who swearing to become his Liege­man, and pay a yearly Tribute, and leaving Hostages for performance, is dismissed with his Lady. Brennus in this time had so far gained the love of Seginus, that he bestowed upon him his only Daughter, and dying shortly after, left all to him; so that he thought himself able to deal with his Brother, and getting leave of his Neighbour-Princes to conduct his Soldiers [Page 65]through their Countreys, transported them in­to Britain, where the two Brothers being ready to encounter one another, were reconciled by their mother Convenna. They therefore fall to consulting, how they should dispose of those multitudes of Warriours that were raised and brought together on both sides, and resolve to purchase Renown by conquering forreign Na­tions. Passing into Gaul they easily induced these people to joyn with them in their En­terprises, being thereto encouraged by the for­mer prosperous successes of Sigovesus in Germa­ny and Pannonia, and of Bel [...]vesus and Elitovius in Italy. Having now greatly increased their numbers and strength, it was judged sit to di­vide their Forces, and part asunder.

Brennus enters Italy, having Aruns an inha­bitant of Clusium for his Guide over the Alps, and at his instigation besiegeth that City. Aruns did this, because he could not otherwise be re­venged upon Lucumo a potent Citizen, who had abused his Wife. The Clusines crave help of the Romans, who send three Sons of Mar­cus Fabius Ambustus to Brennus, to try if fair words might avail any thing in the behalf of their Friends. But these hot-spirited Youths taking offence at the Answer they received, for­got the duties of Mediators and Ambassadors, and encouraging the besieged to make a Sally, put themselves in the head of their Troops, in which Action Quintus, one of the Brothers, slew a great Commander of the Gauls. This was a violation of the Law of Nations, for which Brennus, having in vain demanded their [Page 66]persons of the Senate, marches towards Rome, and takes the City, having first defeated their Army near the place where the River Allia runs into Tibur. They that escaped from the City and the Battel sled to the City of Veij, and afterwards under the conduct of Camillus (who before was banished to Ardea, but now made Dictator) relieved those Senators which still held out the Capitol, who compelled by fa­mine had newly bought their lives, and were paying the Gold. Brennus had received the greatest part when Camillus came upon him, and worsting him in a tumultuary skirmish forced him to quit Rome, and following the Enemy fought a pitcht battel with him eight miles off in the Gabine Way, where after a sharp dispute the Romans prevailed, and the valiant Brennus, with all his Gauls and Britans, lost their lives upon the spot, not one escaping, as Livy writes,Dec. 1. lib. 5. to carry the news. Here was most of the Gold regained, the rest being a long time after recovered by Livius Drusus, Proprae­tor of Gallia Cisalpina, Su [...]t. in Tib. which at the first appea­rance of the Dictator had been sent away for Tuscany, (where the Gauls had then divers Co­lonics) with some Troops to guard it, who hearing the loss of their Companions entred into the Service of the Tyrant Dionysius. Beli­nus had better fortune, and subdued Pannonia, where he settled the Gauls and most of his Bri­tans, married his Daughter Cambra a warlike Lady to Antenor King of the Sicambrians, and returning home with Honour died in peace. Next to him reigned his Son Gorguntius, who [Page 67]slew the Danish King, and conquered his coun­trey, because he refused to pay the promised Tribute. Then Guiteline, Son to Gorguntius, and Husband to the Learned Queen Martia, Sisillius Son to Guiteline, Chiomarus Son to Si­sillius, Danius Brother to Chiomarus, and Morin­dus Son to Danius by his Concubine Tangustel­la, by whom the King of the Morini invading this Land was overthrown, and slain. This vi­ctory he used cruelly, putting all to the Sword that were taken. Morindus is said to have aided the King of Orkney against Basanus King of the Sicambrians, but lastly adventuring to fight singly with a Sea-monster, he was devoured by it, the Monster dying presently after of the wounds he had given it. After his death the Kingdom was divided between his five Sons, Gorbonian, Archigallo, Elidurus, Eugenius, and Peridurus. Of these, Gorbonian, a just Prince, dyed peaceably, and was succeeded by his Son Regin: Archigallo for Tyranny was expelled by his Nobles, who gave his Kingdom to his Brother Elidurus, through whose intercession he was restored, and reigned afterwards very nobly, parting his Principality at his death be­tween his two Sons, Morgan and Eneon. But Elidurus found not the same kindness from his other two Brothers, who took him prisoner, and shared his Province between them, till Eu­genius dying first, and then Peridurus, he again recovered his Kingdom, and left it to his Son Gerontius. Edwal the Son of Eugenius or Owen, and Runo the Son of Peridurus, succee­ded their Fathers like wise in their Provinces.

[Page 68]Thus was Britain cantoned into sundry par­cels, besides, that the Descendents of those Princes who acknowledged the Soveraignty of Dunvallo and his Successors hitherto, now renounced all manner of Subordination. Which caused Tacitus to write of the Britans thus:In vita A­gric. Here­tofore they were governed by Kings, now they are drawn by petty Princes into Partialities and Fa­ctions.

After Gerontius, reigned his Son Cadellus, (for the British History takes no notice of the Posterity of the other Princes.) Then followed Coelus the Son of Cadellus, Porrex the Son of Coelus, Cherinus the Son of Porrex, whose three Sons shared their Father's Inheritance between them. Their names were Fulgentius, Eldadus, and Androgeus. To this last succeeded his Son Ʋrianus, after whom reigned these Kings in a direct line from Father to Son: Flind, Clida­cus, Clotenus, Gorguntius, Merianus, Bladud, Capys, Owen, and Sisillius, who made another partition between his two Sons, Bleg [...]red and Archivallo; Eldon the Son of Archivallo ruled after his Father, and then followed in a lineal Succession Redion, Rodericus, Sawyl (sirnamed Penissel,) Pyrrhus, Caporius, Gilquellus (sirnamed Minocanus,) and Belinus; he by his valour much enlarged his Hereditary Dominions, for which he was entitled The Great. For this is that B. M. Beli Maur, so famous among the Cambrian Genealogists. He had three Sons, whom in his old age (for he lived till the first coming of Caesar) he assumed as Partners in his Kingdom, assigning each of them a Province [Page 69]with Regal Authority and Title. Immanuen­tius had the Trinobantes, and was Sirnamed Lhud, that is to fay, Russet or Tawny, it being usual with the Britans, both ancient and modern, to impose Names and Sir­names from colours. Caswallan had the Cat­tieuchlani, and is by Dion Cassius called Su­ellan corruptly for Cassuellan. And indeed it is very likely, that the same causes which lost us so many Books of that excellent Author, might make some corruptions in them that were left; unless we shall think Suellan or Swallan was his true name, Cas being a Praeaddition ta­ken from the Cassii, the chief Sept of the Cattieu­chlani, as Cattimarus, Teutobochus, and Deceba­lus, had the beginnings of their Names from the Catti, Teut [...]nes, and Daci; though after­wards the name of Swallan grew out of use, and Caswallan was used in its stead in honour of this Prince. Nennius I conceive had Kent, and might be the Father of Cyngetorix, Carvili­us, Taximagulus, and Segonax.

These three Princes acknowledged a subor­dination to their Father Belinus, whom Geffrey of Monmouth will have to be dead some years before the Romans arrived here, vainly esteem­ing it a disparagement to Lhud to reign under his Father, and aiming to give Caswallan the entire honour of managing all the war from the first beginning; and therefore makes, that Belinus, which then lived, to be Caswallan's General and Counsellor, not his Father, con­trary to Nonnius, who expresly termes him, King of the Britans. And Henry of Hunting­ton [Page 70]will needs have him to be his Brother, and Cambden takes him for Caswallan himself, con­trary to the Cambrian Genealogists, who all consent that he was his Father.

Thus far have we waded through the Mae­andrian Intrigues of Antiquity from Samothes, obtruding nothing upon the Reader's belief of this that we have taken either from Annius of Viterbo, or Geffrey of Monmouth; though both those Authors have been followed and owned by some Learned men. Neither is there any thing herein more incongruous or incredible, than what the Greek and Roman Writers have delivered concerning the Originals of their Nations, which things are yet allowed a place in many Authentick Historians and Chronolo­gers. What follows, comes from the hands of more approved Authors.

In the year of the World's Creation, Three Thousand Eight Hundred Ninety five, accor­ding to the common Computation, Pompey and Crassus being Consuls the second time, Calus Julius Caesar having now by Conquests over-run Gaul, out of an innate desire of Glory, allured also, as Suetonius saith, with hope of Pearls, which as he was informed were ingen­dred and gathered in the Creeks of the British Sea, and being incensed against the Britans for sending both Naval and Land supplies to his Enemies, and entertaining such as run from him, took up a resolution to make the Puis­sance of Rome known to these Islanders; which being discovered by Merchants, some particu­lar States sent Ambassadors to him, promising [Page 71]to put in Pledges, and yeild obedience to the Roman Empire. Caesar commending their Prudence, and exherting them to continue in the same mind, sends them back with Comius in their company, whom he had made King of Artois, giving him instructions to work them to a suller submission, and prepare them to give him a quiet admission with his forces into their Countrey. Hereupon the British Princes joyn to oppose him, of whom Geffrey nameth these, Caswallan, Androgeus, and Tenerantius, with Crederus King of Albania, Guitellus of Ve­nedotia, and Britael of Demetia. Lhud, as he writes, (though falsely) was dead some years before, and therefore is not here mentioned; and King Belinus (as I said before) is only brought in to be his Son's General.

Caesar having gained what knowledge he could of the British coast from C. Volusenus, whom he had sent out to descry it, embarques two Legions in eighty Ships of burthen, and some Gallies, and endeavours to land in Kent. Here Dolobellus, General to King Belinus, (as appears by Nennius, who calls him his Procon­ful) stood ready to receive him, and performed his part so bravely, that the noble Roman con­fessed, the terror of such resolute opposition made his Veteran Soldiers forget their wonted valour. But in the end they gained the Shore, and put the Britans to flight with extraordina­ry slaughter.In Caesar [...]. Caesar is brought in by Julian attributing to himself the honour (if it be at all an honour to that person which he su [...]ained) of being the first that left his Ship, and [...] [Page 72]Land; but this were to make him not under­stand what became him; and he acknowledges it was the Eagle-bearer of the tenth Legion.Lib. 4. de bello Galli­ [...]o, Caesar marching forwards encamps upon a great Plain, supposed to be Barham-Down, where he beheld the dispersion and loss of a conside­rable part of his Flect by the violence of an un­expected storm. Comius found not such en­tertainment as he expected, being imprisoned as a Spy by the Britans, who were wise enough to perceive, that the Romans aimed at more than they should be willing to grant; yet find­ing by the late conflict that there was an appa­rent inequality in the match between the Ro­man and Britain Arms and discipline, they judged it convenient to make their best termes, and submit; to which end they dispatcht Am­bassadors to him, and with them sent back Co­mius, thinking by the one to moderate his an­ger, and by the other in consequence to pro­cure a peace; which they obtained the [...]aslier, by reason of the late Wrack, and the approach of Winter, yet were enjoyned to deliver Hosta­ges. But understanding his want of Horse­men, and the losses he had sustamed by the Tempest, they took courage again, and slew to Arms.

About a thousand Horsemen were coming after him in eighteen Ships, which being got within view of the Camp, were driven by a sudden storm, some back to the Gallick coast, others upon the Western part of the Island, from whence they had much adoe to recover the Continent again; and those Ships that [Page 73]were with him fared as ill, for the Gallies which were drawn up to the Shore were filled with the Tide, and the Ships of burden that lay at Anchor were so shaken with the Tem­pest, that they were almost rendred unserviceable. The seventh Legion being sent out to fetch in Corn, was set upon by the Britans, and in dan­ger of being cut off, if Caesar had not seasonably come to the rescue, who contenting himself with putting his Enemies to a stand, conside­ring it was not now a fit time to offer Battel, while his men were scarce recovered of so late a fear, only keeps his ground for a while, and soon after returns to his Camp. The Britans giving themselves out for Victors, sent straight to all the neigbouring States for more forces, and getting together a great multitude drew to­wards the Romans; but Caesar encouraging his Soldiers received these Guests with a battel before his Camp, put them to rout with slaugh­ter, and burnt and laid wast all round about. Daunted with this ill success they again crave peace, which he granted them, but withal se­verely reproved them for their breach of faith, and imposed a double number of Hostages to be sent after him into Gaul, whither the season of the year required him to hasten; so that (all his Ships but twelve being by this time made able to abide the Sea, by incessant labour of the Soldiers) he hoisted sail about midnight, and arrived safely with all but eleven Ships of burden upon the Continent; these not keeping their course landed at a Port of the Morini, who would have put them to the sword in [Page 74]hopes of prey, if Caesar hearing of their peril had not sent his Horsemen to fetch them off. The Senate advertised of these passages by his Letters. decreed a solemn Procession and Sup­plication of twenty dayes, and himself ordering Labienus to chastise the rebellious Morini, went to Rome, as he used to do every Winter, to look after his concernments there.

About this time died King Belinus, having reigned forty years, yet did not his death hin­der the Britans from celebrating a solemn Fe­stival in Trinovant, for joy of Caesar's departure. But here fell out an unlucky accident, which proved of very ill consequence. As the Youth were exercising themselves at Martial sports, it chanced that two young Noblemen fell out; the one, named Hireldas, is by Geffrey of Mon­mouth said to be Nophew to Caswallan; the o­ther, named Evelinus, to Mandubratius: Henry of Huntington saith they were their Sons. In this quarrel Hireldas was slain by Evelinus, whem Caswallan would therefore have had to be put to death; but Mandubratius prevailed with his Father Immanuentius to protect him. Caswallan thought it too difficult a matter to contest at that time with his Brother in his own Royal City, he departs therefore, but quickly returns with strong Forces which he had in readiness, kills Immanuentius, seizes the greatest part of his Kingdom, and compells Mandubra­tius to flee for safety of his life into Gaul. Nen­nius, who adhered so saithfully to him in his war against the Romans, may seem likely to have sided with him now, there being a grudg [Page 75]between him and Immanuentius, for going a­bout to change the name of Trinovant to Caer Lud, as theLib. 1. cap. 10. Monmouth Writer tells us.

These proceedings of Caswallan allarm'd the Neighbour-States, who thereupon took up Arms against him. And thus were the Britans embroiled in Civil wars, not fearing belike Cae­sar's return, whose hasty departure they looked upon as little better than flight, and thought he was as desirous to leave them, as they were to have him, and therefore all the States but two neglected the sending of their Hostages after him.

Here now some of those that are so earnest to derive our Britans from Troy, might argue, that the forementioned Martial Sports were for the solemnizing of King Belinus his Fune­ral, which was certainly a custom of the Trojans, as may be evinced out of Virgil's Aeneids, Lib. 5. [...] where Aeneas causeth the Obsequies of his Father An­chises to be celebrated with such Exercises: and the like appears there to have been done upon the noble Hector's account, where the Poet speaks thus of one Dares.

Caesar was now come back from Rome, and readily receives Mandubratuts into his prote­ction, resolving upon a second expedition into Britain, as not being well satisfied with the suc­cess of the former. His Lagats had spent the Winter much better and [...] than the Bri­tans, in providing a strong [...], which the others took no care to do. They had in all pro­bability sustained an irreparable loss in that fa­mous Sea-sight, wherein the Veneti with a Na­vy of two hundred and twenty good Ships of Oke engaged D. Brutas, all which were there lost but a very few, who escaped by the ben [...]t of the night. The greatest part of this [...] are judged to have been sent from hence to did the Veneti, Lib. 2. c. 2. by Mr. Seiden in his Mare cla [...]um, where he layes down solid reasons for his opi­nion. Indeed the Roman Writers make more frequent mention of a sort of Ships by this peo­ple used, of which the K [...]ls and Footstocks, or upright Standards were made of slight Tim­ber, the rest of the body framed of Osiers, and covered over with Leather. But that they had better Ships, fit for any Sea-service, appears by Gildas, who could not else have blamed them for not encountring the Romans with a war­like Navy; though afterwards the use of them was interdicted by the Conquerours, and only the other sort allowed them. Caesar spurred forward by his own inclinations, and Mandu­bratius [Page 77]his sollicitations, embarques again with a much greater power than before, in a Navy of eight hundred Ships, and lands at the same place without opposition▪ the Britans who had been there to resist him (as was afterwards known) being frighted away with the greatness of his Heat. Presently he encamped, and then leaving Q. Atrius with ten Cohorts, and three hundred Horse to guard his Ships and Baggage, mar­ches up into the Countrey about twelve Miles, and by the side of a River, supposed to be the St [...]wr, set upon the Britans, who received him couragiously, but were at last sorced to take to the Woods, where was one of their old Fortisications, whereof all the Entrances were barred up with great Trees felled for that pur­pose, and laid overthwart one another; but the seventh Legion locking all their Shields toge­ther like a Roof close over head, having raised a Mount, entred the Wood, and drove them out, whom they pursued not far, the ways being unknown to them, and the Evening approach­ing, which was better spent in pitching and for­tifying their Camp. The next day Caesar sent out three parties to pursue the Britans, of whom the hindmost were yet in sight, when intelligence was brought by Horse purposely sent from Q. Atrius, that his Navy was terribly Wrackt by a Tempest the night before, many of his Ships being utterly spoiled, and almost all of them shrewdly shattered. Hereupon he re­calls those Soldiers, and himself in person ha­stens to the Sea-side. There he sets all his Ship­wrights to work, sends for more to Labienus, who [Page 78]in his absence commanded in chief in Gaul, with orders to build more Ships, and with in­credible pains of his Legionaries who laboured day and night, brought it to this effect, that all but forty Ships were made serviceable, and be­ing haled up to land, were inclosed within one and the same Fortification with the Camp; and so leaving to their defence the same strength as before, he returns to the place from whence he came. There he found ready for him a greater Army of Britans than any that had yet come against him; for upon the news of his second arrival with so great Forces, they found a necessity for a speedy composure of their in­testine dissensions. And though Caswallan had at other times also, during his Fathers life, been at war with divers States that bordered upon him; yet in this exigence, both in regard of his power, and his ability, in Martial Affairs, they all judged him the fittest person for the ma­nagement of this War, and in a publick Coun­cil elected him their Captain-General. He therefore with his Cavalry and Charioteers en­tertains Caesar with a sharp conflict, but finding his naked Britans unable to maintain the fight long against the well-armed Veterans, retreats to the Woods, still turning upon the Pursuers, and cutting many off; and observing his op­portunity, when Caesar thought there had been an end of fighting for that day, and was em­ploying his men about entrenching, suddenly issued out upon those that kept ward before the Camp, and was in a fair way to have put them to the sword, if two Cohorts had not been [Page 79]speedily sent to their rescue, who joyning with them, were with other fresh supplies gotten behind the Britans. But such an impression of terror was upon them, that Caswallan found it no very difficult matter to charge through the midst of them, and carry off his men with safety. In this fight Nennius received his mortal wound, having first slain a Tribune, named Laberius, whom Orosius Beda, and Monumethensis through mistake call Labienus. The next morning the Britans shewed themselves here and there in small companies upon the Hills, and had some slight skirmishes with their Enemies; but at Noon they fell furiously upon C. Trebonius, who was sent out a forraging with three Le­gions, and all the Horse; these they charged even to the very Legions and their Standards, but were as stoutly received by the Romans, who repulsed them, and pressed so hard upon them, that they put them by from their former way of fighting; and giving them no time either to rally, or stand, or descend from their Cha­riots, gained a compleat victory, with much slaughter of the Assailants in the Battel and pursuit. After this the Britans never encoun­tred the Romans with their main power, for the greater part of them departed to their se­veral Provinces. Caesar then marched to the River Thames, which he was informed was no where passable but in one place. To impede his passage, under the water were stuck many sharp Stakes unseen, and others upon the fur­ther bank, where good Forces stood embattel­led to set upon them in that disorder, which [Page 80]they reasonably hoped this Device might put them in. The place retains the name of Coway Stakes, near Oatlands still. Nennius ascribes this to Dolobellus, chief Commander now un­der Caswallan, as he had been under his Father before. But all was spoiled by Traiterous Fu­gitives, and discovered to Caesar, who sending over a party of Horse first, ordered his Foot to follow, which they resolutely performed, wa­ding up to the neck with such speed and vio­lence, and fell on so boldly, that they soon put the amazed Britans to slight, whom Polyaenus falsly reports to have been frightned at the sight of an Elephant, with a Turret upon his back. Caswallan now despairing of success by open force, resolves to try if he can weary out his Enemy; and therefore retaining with him only four thousand Charioteers, he attends the motions of the Romans. By the advantage he had in the knowledge of the Countrey he sa­ved himself from being forced to fight, and as often as their Horsemen went forth, and stray­ed out in the fields for Forrage or Booty, he sent out his Chariots upon them from the Woods, who slaughtering some, and terrifying others, made them afraid to range abroad, and Caesar himself was induced to give strict com­mand, that none should part from the Legions, who in all their march had nothing left them in their way but empty Fields and Houses, which they spoil'd and burnt, the Cattel being before driven away by the Britans. In the mean time the Trinobantes submit to Caesar, re­questing him to send their Prince Mandubratius [Page 81]to them, and to protect him against Caswal­lan's violence. Of them Caesar required and re­ceived forty Hostages, and Corn for his Army, and therewith sent Mandubratius to them. The Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassij, follow their example, and yield to Caesar, who learns by the last that Caswallan's chief Town (supposed to be Vernlam) was not far off. Thither he speeds, and assaults it in two se­veral places, the Britans soon quitting it, of whom many were taken in their flight, and put to the sword. In Kent, Cyngetorix, Carrili­us, Taximagulus, and Segonax, by Caswallan's orders, assail the Roman Camp, but were re­pulsed by those that were left to guard it, who in a Sally did good execution upon them, and took Cyngetorix Prisoner.

Caswallan after so many losses finding himself basely deserted by the other States, by means of Comius of Artois, sought and obtained at Cae­sar's hands a Peace upon these termes, That he should pay a certain Tribute yearly, and no wayes molest Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes, and that Hostages should be given for the per­formance, which was accordingly done. And thus the Victor having spent almost all the Sum­mer here, with a great number of Captives re­turns into Gaul, being forced to transport his Army at two several passages, by reason of the loss of Ships, which the forementioned Storm had caused. After this Caswallan (whom Caesar calls Cassivellaunus) reigned seven years, and dyed in peace, having reigned in all nineteen years, eleven with his Father, (as likewise did [Page 82] Lhud) and eight after his death. Mandubratius is by Beda called Androgorius; by Orosius and Monumethensis, Andregeus; and is in the Book of Triads reckoned the first of the Three most infamous persons that Britain ever bred, as who was not content to have recovered his own, but also procured by his insinuating soli­citations the submission of those other Cities, which ruined all the brave endeavours of his Heroick Uncle for his Countreys liberty, who (as Caesar tells us) was Maximè permotus defe­ctione Civitatum, Most of all troubled with the Revolt of the States. The Monmouth Writer makes this Androgeus (in stead of Comius) the procurer of his Uncles peace, and the valiant Scaeva to be his Son, and one of the thirty Ho­stages (abating ten of the true number,) where­as the Traitor Bericus (of whom anon) had been a sitter Son for such a Father, and Scaeva. by better Authors appears to be a Roman, and to have been in Caesar's Service before the deli­very of those Hostages: Then he tells us, that Androgeus forsook his Principality, and went with Caesar to Rome, which is evinced to be false by the injunction laid upon Caswallan not to meddle with him. His Brother Tenevan­tius was of a more publick spirit, and would not seek to revenge the wrongs done to his Family by the enslaving of his Countrey, but joyned with his Uncle against the common Enemy, whereby he so won upon him, that dying issueless he left him his Kingdom, which was enlarged by the accession of the Province of the Trinobantes. upon the death of Mandu­bratius, [Page 83]who also had no Children. This King withheld the Tribute, whereupon Augustus, a­bout twenty years after Julius Caesar's last In­vasion, resolved upon an Expedition hither, rather than put up such a contempt from a Countrey of little note in those dayes; but be­ing come into Ganl, he there heard news of the Revolt of the Pannonians, which diverted him for that time. Seven years after he was coming again, but finding Gaul in an unsettled condi­tion he accepted the offers of the British Ambas­sadors, who promised Obedience and Satisfa­ction for the Tribute detained. But upon fail of payment he the next year prepared for a third Expedition; which to prevent, the Bri­tans again send Ambassadors to him, who coming to Rome, offered Gifts in the Capitol, and sacrificed to the Roman Gods, swore him Fealty in the Temple of Mars, agreeing to pay Tolls and Customs for all Wares which they transported into other parts, and paid him their Tribute. By this obsequious address Augustus was pacified, not being over-ambitious to catch at all opportunities of enlarging his Empire, which he thought was already great enough, as likewise did his Successor Tiberius.

To Tenevantius, after twenty three years Reign, succeded his Son Cunoheline. Augustus was now in peace with all the world, a fit time for our Saviour the Prince of Peace to be born in, at whose very Birth the Devil's Oracles be­gan to cease. For about this time that mighty Emperour, consulting the Oracle about his Successor, received this Answer, as Suidas saith. [Page 84]

Hereupon at his coming home, he in the Capi­tol erected an Altar, and ther [...]n in Captial [...] caused this Inseription to be engraven, HAEC EST AKAPKIMO-GENITI DEI, This is the Altar of the First-begetten Son of God.

In Tiberius his time the Britans kept very fair correspondence with the Romans, as may be gathered out of Tacitus, from their friendly sending back to Germanious [...] then warring in Germany such of his Soldiers as had been cast upon their Coasts.

Caligula intended to invade them, but that by his shittle head, sudden repentance, and foolish attempts against Germany, it came to nothing. Yet he came on as far as Batavia, where Adminius, the Son of Cunobeline, being for some offence banished by his Father, was, with those few that accompanied him, by this vainglorious Emperour taken into Protection. Who thereupon bragg'd in his Letters to the Senate,Anno Do. 40. that the whole Island was yielded to him. The issue of this his Expedition was, [Page 85]That he made his Army march embattelled to the Sea-shore over against Britain, and com­manded them to gather Cockles, Muscles, and other Shel-fishes into their Helmets, terming them the Spoils of the Conquered Ocean; and in memorial of this Exploit he built a high Watch-Tower, which was afterwards named Brittenhuis, and then returned to Rome, leaving his Enemies, the Britans and Germans, to laugh at his strange folly and madness. Cunobeline af­ter a long and peaceable Reign of sixty six years, dyed, leaving behind him divers Sons,42 Togodumnus, (whom the Britans call Guiderius,) Caradock, Adminius, Arviragus, and others. The first of these had reigned many years before with his Father, whom he had but newly in­terred, when suddenly he found himself necessi­tated to prepare for his defence against the Ro­mans.

Hitherto the Britans enjoyed an [...], the free use and exercise of their own Laws and Customs, only paying a Tribute. But now the Rebellion of some ambitious persons makes way for their more absolute subjection; for be­ing unable to make good their parties against their Princes, they flee to Rome, and there find favourable entertainment. Of these one Beri­cus was the principal, who incited Claudius to make war upon the Britans; who were grown so stout, that they refused to pay the Tribute, because their Fugitives were not delivered up to those that were sent to demand them. Clau­dius sends over A. Plantius with an Army, who soon after his arrival overcomes Caradock first,43 [Page 86]and then Togodumnus, upon which, part of the Dobuni, who had been subjected by the Cattieu­clani. shook off their old Masters, and submit­ted to him, receiving a Garrison. Plautius mar­ches forwards to a River, on the further side of which the Britans, who deemed it unpassa­ble without a Bridge, lay careless and secure. The Germans, whose custom was to swim ar­med through the swiftest and yiolentest Rivers, were sent over first, with orders to strike especi­ally at the Horses, whereby the Chariots might be rendred unserviceable. These were secon­ded by Vespasian and his Brother Sabinus, by whom the Britans were surprised, and many of them killed, but night coming on hindred further execution. The next morning the Bri­tans joyned Battel with them, which continued a long space with doubtful success, till Sidius Geta, at the point of being taken, so bestirred himself, that through his valour chiefly the Ro­mans obtained the victory. After this another Battel was fought neer the mouth of the River Thames, where the Britans were again over­thrown; though this victory cost the Romans dear, many of them being lost, not only in the fight, but in the pursuit too, following the Chase too rashly among the Bogs. Togodumnus retreating to Portchester, was there slain by Ves­pasian, (who subdued those parts,) which was about two years after Cunobelines death. The Britans were more enraged than daunted at the death of their King, and Caradock, who succeed­ed, carried on the War with such fiereness, that Plautius despairing of Conquest sent word [Page 87]to the Emperour of the doubtful condition of his Affairs. Claudius, glad of this occasion to get himself an Honourable Name, sets forward with strong Forces, and armed Elephants, and coming over joyns with Plautius, and marches against the Britans, who were so far from fear­ing him, that they adventured to fight a set Battel with him, but were over-power'd and vanquished. After which Claudius took Ca­malodunum, formerly the Royal City of Admi­nius, (or Etiminius, as his name is inscribed in an old Coin,) where he reigned under his Fa­ther before his Banishment. Divers Cities sub­mitted hereupon, and were committed to the Government of Plautius, the first Propraetor or Lieutenant of Britain. Claudius for these Suc­cesses was several times by his Army saluted Im­perator, and tempering his Conquests with Cle­mency, though he disarmed the Britans, yet he remitted the Confiscation of their Goods, for which they worshipped him as a God. Having atchieved these Exploits in the space of sixteen dayes, (for he staid here no longer) he depar­ted homewards, and came to Rome at the end of six months from his first setting out from thence, entring the City in Triumph.44 Plantius goes on with the relicks of the War, and speeds so well, that it was decreed he should have the less sort of Triumph, called Ovation, at his Re­turn, wherein the Emperour honoured him with his company, and gave him the right hand all the way both going and coming. And Vespasian, who had fought thirty battels here, (in one of which he had beed slain, if he had [Page 88]not been rescued by his Son Titus,) and had sudued two Nations,47 and above twenty Towns, together with the Isle of Wight, was rewarded with Triumphal Ornaments, and other great Dignities. Valerius Asiaticus, Junius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, had marks of Honour conferred upon them. P. Ostorius succeeding Plautius, 50 was entertained with troubles at his very entrance upon his Charge, for they that had leagued with the Romans, or submitted to them, were over-run by the other Britans, who encouraged themselves with a conceit of the new Propraetor's unacquaintedness with the Army. But he knowing first Successes to be of great consequence, with his readiest Cohorts advanced against them, whom he soon routed and dispersed, and then fell to disarming them that he suspected, and by placing Garrisons and Forts upon the Rivers Antona and Sabri­na, attempted to hemme in so much of the Island as he was concerned to defend. Sabrina is granted by all to be Severn, but Antona is not so well known, Camden saith it is the River Nen that runs by Northampton, but then he will have it to be transcribed amiss for Aufona, upon a supposition that the Britans called all Rivers Avon, and so Northampton should be contracted of Northafandon. But I cannnot see any neces­sity of blaming the Transcriber here, nor any reason why Northampton or Northanton may not take its name from Antona, since himself allows Southampton to be so called from a River of the very same name. The Icenians, who had sought the friendship of Plautius, disliked the [Page 89]proceedings of Ostorius, and armed against him, with their Confederates, but were overcome, whereby they that wavered were confirmed in their obedience. In this conflict M. Ostorius, the Licutenant's Son, merited a Civick Crown or Garland. The Cangi were the next who felt the anger of the Romans, by whom their Ter­ritory was wasted and harryed all over. The Lieutenant was gotten near the Sea-coast which looks towards Ireland, when some stirs among the Brigantes brought him back; but those he quickly quieted by seizing and punish­ing some great ones, who would have incited that people against him, the rest upon his wil­lingness to remit the Commotion departing peaceably to their homes.

But a War with the Silures could not be a­voided; King Caradock in person headed them, who could not be prevailed with by all the Lieutenant's endeavours to have any peace with the Romans. Against him therefore Ostorius bends all his Force, having given some Cities to a British King named Cogidunus, to engage him against those that should raise any disturbances while he was dealing with the Silures. Caradock considering how Siluria was hemm'd in between the Severn and the Sea, marched into the countrey of the Ordovices, who were confederated with him, where all the odds were to his own party; all the difficul­ties to his Enemies. Ostorius follows, and near Clun-castle in Shropshire, forced him to a Bat­tel, wherein though he and his Britans fought stoutly, yet the fortune of Rome prevailed. [Page 90]Here his Wife and Daughter were taken Pri­soners, and some Brothers of his yielded them­selves; himself escaping to Cartisinandua, Queen of the Brigantes, was by her command unworthily bound with Irons, and delivered to his Enemies,51 in the ninth year of the war, and the seventh year of his Reign. Which be­ing made known at Rome, all desired to see this Warriour, who had so long held out a­gainst their power. Thither he was sent, and at his coming the people were assembled as to a solemn spectacle, and the Emperour's Guard stood in Arms. First passed his Servants, bear­ing his Trophies won in former Wars; next, his Brothers, Wife, and Daughter; last of all, him­self, who coming to the Emperour's Tribunal, without any manner of dejectedness, thus spake to him. ‘If my moderation in prosperity had been as great as my Nobility and Fortune was, I had come rather a Friend into this City than a Captive, neither would you have disdained to receive me with Covenants of Peace, being a Prince descended of Noble Ancestors, and commanding many Nations. My present estate as it is to me dishonourable, so to you it is glorious. I had Horses, Men, Armour, Wealth, no wonder if I was unwil­ling to lose them. If you will reign over all, all must obey. If I had sooner yielded and been delivered into your hands, neither had my Fortune nor your Glory been so renown­ed, and in your severest determining of me both will be quickly buried in oblivion. But if you spare me, I shall be an Example of your [Page 91]Clemency for ever.’ Caesar moved with the bravery of his Carriage, pardoned him with his Wife and Brethren, (and most probably his Daughter too, though forgotten by Tacitus,) who being unbound did their reverence to the Emperour, and the Empress Agrippina. Then the Senators being called together dis­coursed of the Shew, and affirmed it to be no less Honourable than when Scipio shewed Sy­phax; or Aemylius, Perseus; or whosoever else exhibited conquered Kings to the people; wherefore the ornaments of a Triumph were decreed to Ostorius.

This Caradock, Sirnamed Frichfras, viz. with the strong Arm, is in the Book of Triads named First of the Three most valiant Britans; the Roman Writers call him Caratacus, Caractacus, Cataractacus, and Catacratus: what became of him afterwards, I find not, but I suppose that he did not long survive his entrance into Rome; for else it is likely he would have returned to his Kingdom, and in point of Gratitude have restrained his Silures from continuing Hostility against the Romans.

Caradock had one Brother yet at liberty, which was the brave Arviragus, who succeeding in the Kingdom soon made the Enemy know, that the Britans wanted not a General. He took old Caswallan's course, to avoid set Bat­tels, and to watch for Advantages. The Prefect of the Camp with his Legionary Cohorts (who were ordered to build Fortresses in the Coun­trey of the Silures) he surprised and killed, with eight Centurions, and many of the stoutest [Page 92]Soldiers, and had cut them all off, if speedy Suc­cours had not come from the neighbouring Villages and Castles. Shortly after he fell upon the Forragers, and routed them, and the Troops of Horse that were sent to help them; nor could Ostorius stay their flight by sending out some Cohorts lightly appointed, till the weighty Legions coming on, put a stop to the violence of the Pursuers, and made them re­treat. After this passed divers Skirmishes, the Silures omitting no opportunity, commanded or without command, to assail the Enemy from their Woods and Bogs, being strongly in­censed at a Report, that Claudius was resolved to extinguish their very Name. They in th [...]s heat intercepted two Auxiliary Cohorts, who were forraging too securely to feed the Avarice of their greedy Prefects, and by sending abroad liberal shares of the Spoils and Captives which they took, drew other Nations to joyn with them These and some other adverse Accidents so troubled Ostorius, that worn out with cares and travels he dyed, whom Avitus Didius Gal­lus succeeded in the Lieutenantship. He was dispatched hither in great hast, that the Pro­vince might not be destitute of a Governour; yet could not make such speed, but that before his coming the Legion of Manlius Valens had been defeated by the Silures, who made large ex­cursions into the Roman Pale, till the Lieutenant marching out, kept them somewhat more with­in their own Bounds.

The Brigantes would willingly have enga­ged in their Countreys cause against Ostorius at [Page 93]his first coming, if their King Venutius could have been induced to own the Quarrrel; but he reigning in right of his Wife Cartismandua, suf­fered himself to be wholly guided by her, who judging the friendship of the Romans very con­ducible to her designs, restrained the peoples forwardness, and made up the breach with Osterius to his full satisfaction. But growing weary of her Husband, and falling in love with Velocatus who was his Servant and Armour­bearer, she abused her marriage-bed, and la­boured to make the Adulterer King. Venutius nettled with these injuries, and the intercepting of his Brother, and some of his nearest Kindred, took Arms against the faithless Queen, and brought her to such Exigencies, that Didius was fain to send some Cohorts to her Aid, by whose help she won a Battel of her Husband; and in another conflict Caesius Nasica with his Legion had somewhat the better. But Venu­tius quickly recruited his Forces, the people flocking to him apace, out of indignation against the Adulteress, whose Treachery to him and Caradock had made her generally odious. And so stoutly he maintained the War against the Romans, that though they rescued Cartis­mandua from his just vengeance, yet he kept possession of the Kingdom in despight of them; so that Didius being aged had enough to do to keep up a Defensive War, which he was fain to manage by Deputies, only building here and there a Fortress further into the Countrey, that he might seem to enlarge his Province. Nero was now Emperour, who but for very shame [Page 94]would have withdrawn his Forces out of Bri­tain.

To Didius succeeded Verannius, who dyed in the first year of his Government, having only made a few Inrodes upon the Silures, and left a great Boast behind him, That if he had lived but two years more, he would have conquered all; thereby at his death manifesting his vanity, though while he lived he had carried a great name of precise Severity.

Suetonius Paulinus followed him, a Comman­der of as high a reputation as any of his time; whose beginnings proved so successful, that they emboldned him to attempt the Conquest of Anglesey, which was a very populous Isle, and the primary Seat of the Druids, who en­couraged the people to make a stout resistance: notwithstanding which the Romans prevailed, but before they could settle their new Conquest, they were necessitated to return for suppression of a dangerous Insurrection. Prasutagus, King of the Iceni, dying about this time, according to the flattering custom of that Age, left Caesar his Heir with his own two Daughters, thinking it a very politick course to secure his Family from future injuries, but his intendment was basely frustrated; for under colour to oversee and take possession of the Emperours new In­heritance, his Kingdom, House, and Wealth, which was very great, became a prey to Cen­turions and greedy Officers, the chief of the people were disseised of their Estates, his Kins­men reputed as Slaves, his Daughters deflou­red, and his Wife Boadicia whipt. Hereupon [Page 95]the Iceni solicit the other Britans (who had matter enough of complaint too, especially the Trinobantes, who had suffered the like indigni­ties from the Colony of Camalodunum) to joyn with them for redress of their common wrongs, and to lay hold on the present oppor­tunity of the Lieutenant's absence in the Isle of Anglesey. Thus all on a sudden they flee to arms, under the conduct of Queen Boadicia, whom Tacitus calls, a Lady of the Royal Blood; whereby it should seem, that Prasutagus attai­ned the Kingdom by marrying her. The Ro­mans were warned of the approaching danger by sundry Prodigies, yet were not able to pre­vent it. The angry Virago having amassed a numerous Army, hastens to her Revenge; which they of Camalodunum fearing, sent to the Procurator Catus Decianus for aid, who would not or could not spare them above two hundred men, and those ill armed, who stood the Colony in little stead; for the Britans took the Town, and sackt it, putting all to the sword, and destroyed the Temple that had been ere­cted in honour of Divus Claudius, together with the Priests named Sodales Augustales. Pe­tilius Cerealis hastning to the rescue with the ninth Legion, was met by the way and defea­ted, the Foot all cut off, himself with the Horse escaped to the Camp, and saved themselves within the Fortifications. Suetonius hearing of these things marched straight to London, which he intended to make the Seat of War. But considering the paucity of his numbers, and the disastrous rashness of Cerealis, he chan­ged [Page 96]his resolution, and notwithstanding the cryes and prayers of the Inhabitants, quitted the place, which was presently taken and sackt by the Britans, as also was Verolamium, above seventy thousand Roman Citizens and Associ­ates perishing in this Commotion. Decianus (whose Exactions had been a grand incentive to these stirs) was fled into Gaul as a place of greater safety. But the Lientenant having got­ten together about ten thousand men, and cho­sen a very advantageous place for his purpose, resolved now to try the issue of a Battel, where­in the Britans were overthrown, with the loss of eighty thousand men. Cerealis and his Horse­men had their share in the honour of this Vi­ctory,61 which made some amends for their for­mer miscarriage. But Paenius Posthumus, Camp-Master of the second Legion, having contrary to the discipline of War disobeyed, when he was sent for, and thereby defrauded his Sol­diers of their parts of Glory in this success, for very grief and shame slew himself. The Britans intended, as Dion saith, to give another Bat­tel, if they had not been hindred by the death of Boadicia, who made her self away by poy­son. Yet Caesar thought fit to augment his Forces by sending Recruits out of Germany, whereby the ninth Legion was again supplied. Virtue never wants Detractors, and so Sueto­nius, having done such eminent Services for the Emperour, was yet, through the calumnies of Julius Classicianus, who succeeded Decianus in the Procuratorship, and upon the loss of some few Gallies upon the Shore, and the [Page 97]Gally-slaves in them, discharged from his Lieu­tenantship; though Polycletus, Nero's Freed­man, who was sent to take an account of the business, could find nothing of any consequence against him, but that he was too severe to the Conquered, which his Accusers said obstru­cted the Settlement of the Province.

Petronius Turpilianus succeeded him,62 who on­ly kept things as he found them, whom Trebel­lius Maximus followed. Against him Roscius Caelius, Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, raised such a Mutiny, that finding his interest in the Army too weak to master him, he repair­ed with his Friends and Followers to Vitellius in Germany, and followed him in his Enterpri­ses, having obliged him formerly by fending over eight thousand men to Hordeonius Flaccus for his Service. In the mean time Britain was governed by the Lieutenants of the Legions, among whom Roscius Caelius, as the boldest, bore the greatest sway.

Vectius Bolanus was sent by Vitellius to suc­ceed Trebellius, 69 in whose time nothing memora­ble passed. All this while Venutius with his Brigantes, and the Silures, held out, who had not joyned with Boadicia, as either looking up­on himself as slighted by her, or else disliking her womanish and impotent way of manage­ment. Him I conceive to be the same whom others call Arviragus, and his intercepted Bro­ther to be Caradock, and Cartismandua to be Ge­nissa, whom Geffrey of Monmouth will have to be the Daughter of Claudius, possibly by Adop­tion.

[Page 98]But Vespasian coming to the Empire,70 sent hi­ther Petilius Cerealis in the room of Bolanus, who sought many Battels with Venutius, and some bloody, conquering or wasting the grea­test part of the Brigantes; 74 and his Successour Julius Frontinus was so successful against the Silures, that he forced them to acknowledge the Sovereignty of the Roman Empire.

About this time Roderick, 75 King of the Picts, came from Scandia to Ireland, and by the Scots there inhabiting was directed to Albania, where he and his men were willingly received by the Caledonians, who then expected to be invaded by the Romans, and therefore looked upon these new-come Guests as a seasonable Succour, and found their Assistance very useful in the ensuing War.

Julius Agricola followed Frontinus, 79 who at his first arrival was entertained with unwel­come Tidings; for the Ordovices had defeated a Squadron of Horse which lay in their Bor­ders, with such a slaughter, that very few esca­ped. But this was cruelly revenged by the new Lieutenant, who marching thither massacred the greatest part of the Nation; then invaded and conquered the Isle of Mona, or Anglesey. After which Agricola turning his Forces North­ward, made the rest of the Brigantes (who re­mained unvanquished by Cerealis) give Hosta­ges, and admit Garrisons; as likewise did the Maeatae, to which they were induced by the ge­nerosity of his Demeanour, as well as the power of his Arms. That narrow partition of ground from Glotta to Bodotria, (now the Friths of Dun­britton [Page 99]and Edenborough) which divides the Mae­atae from the Caledonians and Attiscots, he for­tified with Garrisons and Castles; and furni­shed that part of Britain which lyeth against Ire­land with Forces, in hope of atchieving some­thing upon that Island when he had done with this, to which end he gladly received a certain Irish Prince expelled by civil dissension, and under colour of kindness retained him, till a fit occasion should serve. These his proceed­ings caused the people beyond Glotta and Bo­dotria to look about them, especially the sight of his Navy, which he had manned out to search the Creeks and Harbours of their Coun­trey, allarmed them, as though now the Secret of their Sea were disclosed, and no refuge re­mained if they were overcome. The Caledoni­ans therefore assault his Castles, for whose re­lief the Lieutenant advances, dividing his Ar­my into three parts; which advantage the Bri­tans quickly spying united their Forces, and in the dead of night set upon the ninth Legion, which they were likely to have cut off, if Agri­cola had not come seasonably to their assistance, notwithstanding which the Caledonians fought valiantly for a good while, but were at length overpower'd, and driven out of the field. A­bout this time a Cohort of the Ʋsipians, levied in Germany, and sent over into Britain, having slain a Centurion and certain Soldiers among their Maniples, and set over them for direction in discipline, fled and embarqued themselves in three Galleys, compelling the Masters of the Vessels to execute their charge, and only one [Page 100]doing his Office, the other two being suspe­cted were slain; so putting off to Sea, they were driven uncertainly hither and thither, sometimes landing and skirmishing with the Britans for Booty, and were at last reduced to such misery, that they were fain to eat one another, first the weakest, then as the lot lighted. Thus having been carried round about Britain, and lost their Galleys for want of Pilots, they were seized by the Suevians and Frisians for Pirats and Rovers, and being sold for Slaves fom Master to Master, some of them happened into the hands of Romans, among whom they grew into a Name by relating their so strange Adventure. Agricola increa­sing his Army with the addition of many Bri­tans, more faithful to him than to their Coun­trey, marches up further into Caledonia, and on the declining of the Hill Grampius (now Grantzbain) finds his Enemies lodged to the number of thirty thousand, to whom the cou­ragious Youth, and even the Old men that were yet vigorous, and had gained Renown in former Services, daily flocked. Galgacus, the Son of Liennacus, Prince of the Caledonians, reckoned in the Book of Triads for the second of the three Illustrious British Heroes, was Commander in chief. Agricola having sent his Fleet before to distract the Britans by fre­quent and uncertain Landings, and to do them what other mischief they could, charged vali­antly upon them, and was received with equal courage, whilst the one side fought for life and liberty, the other for honour and conquest. The [Page 101]manner of the Fight is excellently described by Tacitus; the success in short was this, That the Britans after a stout resistance were van­quished with the loss often thousand men, and on the Roman part were slain three hundred and forty, and among them Aulus Atticus Cap­tain of a Cohort. The poor Caledonians after this Overthrow forsake and burn their Habi­tations, and the Roman Scouts meet with no­thing but Silence and Desolation. The Sum­mer was almost at an end, and therefore the Lieutenant brings his victorious Army into the borders of the Horrestians, (so called for Hores­kians, or Areskians, because dwelling upon the River Eske,) and receives of them Hostages, and commands the Admiral of his Navy to sail about Britain, by whom it was first found to be an Island, and the Isles of Orkney disco­vered and sudued. Himself with slow Marches to awe the new conquered Nations with the very stay of his Passage, disposes his Army into Winter-quarters, and the Fleet having finished their Voyage, return to the Port, which in Ta­citus is, through frequent Transcriptions, cor­ruptly written Trutulensis, as Beatus Rhenanus saith, for Rhutupensis. As Agricola was one of the best Generals of his time in the world, so was he also a Prudent and Politick Governour; first, he reformed his own Family, not permit­ting his Attendants or Followers to sway or meddle in Publick Affairs; then the Army, by electing Officers, not for Bribes or Affection, but for Virtue and Merit; next he took care for the observing of Equity, and corrected all [Page 102]those petty Abuses in the collecting of Tributes, and Exactions, which are usually more grie­vous than the Burden it self; the people rude and scattered, and therefore prone upon every occasion to War, he so perswaded, as to build Temples, Houses, and places of publick resort, the principal men's children he caused to be edu­cated in the way of Learning; and by commen­ding the wits of the Britans above the Gauls, made them affect the comptness of the Roman Language; then he brought them to imitate the Roman fashions for Attire, and so by little and little the incitements and materials of Lu­xury, stately Edifices, Baths, and sumptuous Banquets, grew to be in request among them. By these means the Nation was softned, and in a manner pleased with their Servitude.

In all probability, if Agricola had continued in his Government,86 he had subdued the whole Island; but the Emperour Domitian envying his Glory recalled him, sending in his place Sa­lustius Lucullus, whom he afterwards put to death, because having devised certain Spears or Lances of a new fashion, he had called them after his own name, Luculleans. Soon after, as is collected from a Preface of Tacitus to the first of his Histories, the Britans freed from the fear of Agricola, who was poysoned with the Emperour's privity, again betook themselves to Arms, at what time the Name of Arviragus was famous at Rome, as appears from Juvenal, who brings in Fabricius Veiento thus flattering Domitian.

This valiant King, after a long Reign, from the time of Claudius to the latter end of Domi­tian, (whom Juvenal and Ausonius style, Bald Nero) dying, left his Kingdom to his Son Ma­rius, whom the Britans call Meurig.

By this time the Christian Religion was planted in sundry parts of Britain. In the Chro­nicle attributed to Flavius Dexter, and in the Epistle of Hugh, a Portugal Bishop, to Maurice Archbishop of Bracara, we read, that St. James the Son of Zebedee came hither; and the Frag­ments ascribed to Helecas Caesar Augustanus tell us, that his Mother Salôme, and his Father Ze­bedee (whom they confound with Aristobulus) were here also. This St. James at his return to Jerusalem was put to death by Herod Agrippa. Nicephorus Callistus writes, that Simon Zelotes (called also the Cananite, from his Birth-place,Eccles. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 48. Cana of Galilee) came into Britain, where he was crucified and buried, as Doretheus in his Synopsis, and the Greek Menologies have it, which latter assign the tenth day of May for his Mar­tyrdome. Thomas Dempster, a Scotch Historian,Hist. Eccles. Scot. lib. 2. num. 159. saith, that St. Barnabas came into the North part of Britain, now called Scotland, and there Baptized Beatus, the Apostle of the Helvetians. [Page 104]Aristobulus, Brother to St. Barnabas, (mentioned by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans) is by the same Dorothaeus recorded to have been Bi­shop of Britain; which is confirmed by the Suffrage of the Greek Menologies, who assign the fifteenth day of March for his Martyrdom, which here he suffered, in the second year of Nero, according to the Fragment of Helecas Cae­sar Augustanus. Venantius Fortunatus, and So­phronius Patriarch of Jerusalem, Comment. de Petro & Paulo, ad diem Jun. 39. say, that St Paul was in Britain; and Simeon Metaphrastes affirms as much of St. Peter, adding, that he tarried here a long time, and converted many Nations, settled their Churches, and ordained Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. Isidore and Freeulphus say, that St. Philip the Apostle came into Gaul and preached there, from whence he sent over hither, in the year Sixty three, twelve Disciples, of whom Joseph of Arimathea was of greatest note, to whom Arviragus gave a certain place named Inis witrin, called also Avalon, and Gla­stonbury, where they are said to have led an Eremitical life, and to have built a Church in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and to have had other Lands bestowed upon them by Marius and Coelus. This is accounted the an­cientest Church of Britain, and was afterwards much reverenced and enriched by many Kings and Princes, as appears by William of Malmes­burie's History of the Antiquities of Glastonbury, and by King Henry the Second's Charter gran­ted to the new Church there, in the year one Thousand one Hundred and eighty five, (which was termed Magnum Privilegium, and is to be [Page 105]seen among the Archiva in the Tower of Lon­don,) and by many other Writers. Pudens and Claudia, mentioned by St. Paul in the end of his second Epistle to Timothy, are credibly thought to be the same with Aulus Pudens, and Claudia Rufina, whom the Poet Martial cele­brates, (which Claudia was a British Lady, and by some Writers thought to be King Caradock's Daughter, mentioned by Tacitus;) and Linus, the first Bishop of Rome, mentioned also in the same Epistle, is by Clemens, in his seventh book of the Apostles Constitutions, said to be their Son;Chap. 47. and Petrus Equilinus gives them two other Sons, Timotheus and Novatus, and to Pu­dens by another wife named Sabinella he gives two Daughters, Potentiana (or Pudentiana) and Praxedis. This Timotheus converted Lucius a Brit­tish Prince, and suffered Martyrdom when the first Antoninus was Emperour, and Pius Bishop of Rome. Lucius being Baptized by Timotheus about the end of Evaristus his Papacy, leaving his Principality, and taking with him his Sister Emerita preached to the Rhaetians and Bavari­ans, became Bishop of Chur, where he was Martyred under Aurelius Antoninus, as his Si­ster was at a neighbouring place called Trimon­tium.

In Hartmannus Schedelius his Chronicle, we find (among those that flourished under Tra­jan) Taurinus Episcopus Eboracensis, and Eutro­pius Episcopus Cantu: which some of the Hagio­cleptae, or Steal-Saints taking hold of, have en­deavoured to perswade the world that the one was Bishop of York, and the other of Can­terbury; [Page 106]whereas it is evident from other Au­thors, that Eboracensis is through mistake put for Ebroicensis, and Cantu: for Santu: the one being Bishop of Eureux in Normandy, the other of Sainctes in Xaintoigne. But Britain was not so barren of Saints that it should need to steal any from other Countreys, and it is justly famous for receiving and preserving the Christian Faith from the very times of the Apostles. Eusebius Pamphilus, in his third Book [...], affirms, that some of the Apostles went beyond the Ocean to the Isles that are called British. Theodoret likewise, in his Ninth Book [...], reckons the Britans express [...] among those Nations to whom the Apostles themselves had preached. Before these, Tertullian tells us, That those places among the Britans which yielded the Romans no access, were now subdued unto Christ.Lib. ad­versus Ju­daeos, c. 7. And Origen in his Fourth Homily upon Ezekiel, and in his Sixth Homily upon the first Chapter of St. Luke, confirms the Antiquity of Christianity in Bri­tain. Gildas, after reciting Boadicia's insurre­ction, (whom he calls the Deceitful Lioness,) and the quelling of it by the Romans, informs us, That between the latter end of the Reign of the Emperour Tiberius, and the victory of Suetonius Paulinus, which was obtained about the year of Christ Sixty one, the Christian Reli­gion began to take footing in Britain; in the mean time (saith he) Christ the true Sun spread­ing forth, not from the Temporal Firmament, but from the Castle and Court of Heaven, (which exceedeth all Times) throughout the [Page 107]whole world, his most glorious Light, in the latter end as we know of Tiberius Caesar's Reign, (whereas in regard that the Emperour against the will of the Senate threatned death to the Disturbers thereof, Religion was largely propagated without any hinderance,) did first cast on this Island (starving with frozen Cold, and in a far remote Climate from the visible Sun) his gladsome Beams, to wit, his most holy Laws; which although they were received of the inhabitants but with Luke-warm minds, remained notwithstanding fully and entirely in the minds of some, and in others less, untill the nine years Persecution of the Tyrant Dioclesian.

What he saith of Caesar's threatning death to the Disturbers or Accusers of the Christians, we also find in the fifth Chapter of Tertullian's Apo­logeticus, and in the Chronicle of Eusebius, at the last year, or last but one of the Reign of Ti­berius. Thus early did Christianity enter into this Land, where it was never since totally ex­tinct, though sometimes shrewdly eclipsed.

Some stirs there were in Britain in Trajan's time,105 who being engaged in war with the Da­cians, and other remote Nations, the Northern people, with the help of the Picts and their King Roderick, hoped to recover their ancient Bounds, and revenge the overthrows they had received from Agricola. Hereupon they invade the Pro­vince, but with ill success, for the Caledonians are beaten by the Romans, and driven to their old Shelters; and the Picts are at Stanmore in Westmorland vanquished by Marius (who was now leagued with the Romans,) and Roderick [Page 108]slain; in memory of which victory the British King erected Rerecross, as some conceive.

Berenchus is said to have succeeded Roderick, who finding himself unable to cope with Mari­us, retired into Cathnesse, and there seated him­self and his followers. The Scottish Writers pre­tend, that both their own Nation and the Picts were settled in Britain long before, and that these people were Moravians of Germany; but how falsely, is known to any one that is never so little versed in History, seeing those Moravi­ans were never heard of before the dayes of the Emperour Lewis the Debonaire. Neither did Moravia in Scotland take name from that remote Nation, but from Mor, which in British signifies the Sea, as being a Maritime Province; as Mo­ravia in Germany took its Name from the Ri­ver Mora, which passes through it. Some reject this Story of Marius his Victory; but that which William of Malmesbury relates in the Pro­logue of his third Book De Gestis Pontificum, seems no contemptible Evidence for it. There is (saith he) in the City of Lugubalia (now Car­lile) a Dining-Chamber built of Stone, and arched with Vaults, so that no spiteful force of Tempests, nor furioun flame of Fire could ever shake or hurt it, (the Country is called Cumberland, and the peo­ple Cumbrians,) in the forefront thereof this In­scription is to be read, MARII VICTORIAE, that is, To the Victory of MARIƲS.

Here Camden thinks fit to acquaint us, how he had learned, that another, making mention of this Stone, saith, it was not inscribed, Marii Victoriae, but Marti Victori, that is, To Victorious [Page 109]MARS. But that this is clearly contrary to Malmesburie's mind, his words immediately following shew. What is meant by it, I am at a stand for, unless part of the Cimbrians haply plan­ted themselves here, after they had been driven out of Italy by Marius. Here,Lib. 4. cap. 9. saith Ranulphus Ce­strensis in his Polychronicon, William of Malmes­bury was deceived, in thinking the Inscription upon this Stone appertained to Marius the Ro­man Consul, but it is no wonder, seeing he had not read the British Book where it is written of King Marius. Neither indeed could he have read it in Geffrey's History, which was not pub­lished when Mulmesbury wrote.

Cneus Trebellius was the next Lieutenant of Britain, that we read of, after Salustius Lucul­lus; and after him Julius Severus, who being called hence by Adrian to suppress the Jewish Rebellion, the Northern Britans, with the Picts, again entred the Province, and so fiercely assai­led the Romans and Southern Britans, that the Emperour was fain to come in person to their relief, by whom the Enemies were repulsed, and again forced to betake themselves to their sculking holes, and Adrian approving the po­licy of Tiberius for girding the Empire within moderate bounds, withdrew the Limit from Agricola's Fence an hundred Italian Miles, (as he had done in the East further, from Tygris to Euphrates,) and erected a Wall of Turf for four­score Italian Miles in length from Gabrosentuns, Spartianus in vita A­driani. 122. now Gateshead, to Carlile, (which should di­vide the Barbarians and the Romans asunder) strengthned with great Stakes or Piles pitched [Page 110]deep in the ground, and fastned together in manner of a Mural or Military mound for de­fence. And then having reformed many things throughout the Island, triumphantly returned to Rome, and upon his Coin entituled himself The Restorer of Britain.

The next Lieutenant here was Priscus Lici­nius, whom Adrian afterwards employed in an Expedition against the Jews, as appears by an old Inscription.

In the year of Christ,125 one hundred twenty five, dyed Marius the British King, to whom succeeded his Son Coelus, who kept peace with the Ro­mans, and paid them their Tribute as his Father had done. In his time the Brigantes confede­rating with the Northern people made Inrodes into Genunia, Paus. in Arcad. a Neighbour-Province, (which Camden thinks should be written Genuthia, tak­ing it to be the same with Guinethia, or North-Wales,) against whom the Emperour Antoni­nus Pius (by whose Ordinance as many as were in the Roman world became Citizens of Rome) sent Lollius Ʋrbicus Lieutenant into Bri­tain, who subdued them, and fined them with the loss of a good part of their Territory, and driving the Northern Enemies further back, enlarged the Bounds of the Roman Province again as far as Agricola's Frontier-Fence between Glotta and Bodotria, In vita An­torini Pij. building there (as Julius Ca­pitolinus saith) another Wall of Turfs, viz. be­yond that of Adrian. Seius Saturninus was now Archigubernus of the Navy in Britain, 144 as we find in the Digests; Lib. 36. but whether by that Ti­tle be meant Admiral, or Arch-Pilot, is questio­nable.

[Page 111]In the beginning of the Reign of the Empe­rour Aurelius, 162 the Picts and Caledonians raising new Commotions, were quelled by Calpurnius Agricola, who succeeded Lollius in the Lieute­nantship.

Coelus having reigned forty years, dyed in the Year,165 one Hundred sixty five, leaving his King­dom to his Son Lucius, whom the Britans call Lhes, and Sirname him Lever Maur, that is, Great Light, because he was the first Christian King of their Nation. For having heard of the Miracles wrought by Christ and Christians, and particularly of the Emperour's Victory over the Germans, obtained by the Prayers of the Chri­stian Legion, and observing the Piety and San­ctity of the Lives of those who in Britain pro­fessed that Religion, he begain to entertain a high and honourable opinion of it. Theonus, Elvanus, and Meduinus, lived at this time; of whom the first was the first Archbishop of Lon­don, the other two were employed by the King to Eleutherus or Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, to request him to send some able Teachers hither to instruct and Baptize him and his people. Ra­dulphus de Baldock and Gisburnensis say, that at the receipt of this Message the good Bishop for joy sung the Angels Hymn, Gloria in Excelsis. The time of this Embassy is much controverted. Beda, Marianus, and Florentius, though dissen­ting in the computation of Years, yet agree in this, that they refer it to the beginning of Eleu­therus, which, according to Eusebius, was in the year, one Hundred seventy six, in the six­teenth year of the Emperour Aurelius, 176 when [Page 112] Aper and Pollio were Consuls. Hereupon Faga­nus and Duvianus are dispatched into Britain, who the same year baptized the King, and ma­ny of his Subjects. The Names of these two are strangely varied by Authors, the former be­ing called Fugatius, Fagatius, Fagaunus, Foga­nus, Fuganus, Euganus, and Figinus, and Pha­ganus; the other, Damianus, Dumianus, Duna­nus, Dunianus, Dimianus, Dimanus, Dinnamus, Diwanus, Divianus, Divinianus, Derwianus, and Donatianus. The Britans called them Fa­gan, and Dwywan. With these was also Mar­cellus (or Marcellinus) afterwards Bishop of Tri­ers and Tongres. King Lucius having now re­ceived the Faith, is reported to have requested the Bishop of Rome to send him a Copy of the Roman Laws; whereupon Eleutherus sent him this Letter.

This Letter was written in the year, one Hundred seventy nine, when the Emperour Commodus was Consul with Vespronius; 179 and is to be seen in Lambard's Archaeonomia, (Printed at London in the years 1560, and 1644,) among Edward the Confessor's Laws, and in a Copy of our old Laws written in Edward the fourths time, now kept in Sr. John Cotton's famous Li­brary; and likewise in an Ancient Manuscript Chronicle, called Brutus and Breton. William Harrison hath inserted it into his description of Britain, Lib. 1. c. 9. having translated it into English out of sundry ancient Copies.

Theon Bishop of London is said to have built St. Peter's Church in Cornhil, London, with the help of Ciranus the King's Cup-bearer, which Lucius liberally endowed, and made it to be the Episcopal Sea for the Diocess of London. But Fagan and Dwywan not confining their endeavours only to Lucius his Kingdom, con­verted the greatest part of Britain, with the assi­stance of Elvan and Medwin, of whom the for­mer had been made a Bishop at Rome, the other a Doctor, as Johannes Tinmuthensis, and Cap­grave in the life of Dubricius, and an old Tract concerning the first state of the Church of Lan­daffe, assirm; meaning Presbyter, or Priest, as I [Page 115]suppose, by Doctor; for the title of Doctor, doth not appear to have been so ancient in the Church, in the sence wherein it hath been since used. Divers other Bishopricks are reported to have been erected about this time as York, Car­leon upon Ʋske, Winchester, Gloucester, Congres­bury, Landaffe, and other places. Philippus Ber­terius, and Archbishop Ʋsher of Armagh, take York to have been the Metropolis of Britain at that time, as being a Roman Colony, and ho­noured with the Emperour's Palace, and the Praetorium of Britain, in regard whereof Spar­tianus terms it by way of Excellency,In vita Se­veri. The City. And in the Council of Arles, Eborius of York subscribed before Restitutus of London. He that in the year, one Thousand four hundred and sixty, wrote the History of the Archbishops of York, makes Fagan the first Archbishop of that Sea; but Harrison, in his description of Britain, saith,Lib. 1. cap. 7. that one Theodosius was Bishop there in the time of Lucius, who might be so in­deed in the latter end of Lucius his Reign, after Fagan's death. The Church of Winchester being finished in the fifth year of Lucius his Conver­sion, viz. in the year, one Hundred and eighty, was then Dedicated by Fagan and Dwywan, 180 at which time also one Devotus was made Abbot of the Monastery which the King had founded for certain Monks professing the Egyptian Rule of St. Mark. And about the same time was also founded the renowned Abbey of Bangor. And now the Northern men are up in arms again, and passing Lollius his Fence, were come as far as Adri­an's Wall, which they broke down, putting most [Page 116]of the Soldiers that defended it with their com­mander to the sword, and entring the Province wasted and spoiled it at their pleasure; against whom Ʋlpius Marcelius was sent, who valiantly beat them back to their own homes, and gover­ned the country with such same and reputation, that the Emperour Commodus, whose Vices were as notorious as his Lieutenant's Virtues, fearing the growth of his Credit with the Romans, in an envious mood sent him Letters of Discharge. After his departure the Army, which he had kept in excellent Discipline, fell to mutinying and civil Dissensions, the Officers abusing and defrauding the common Soldiers; whereupon fifteen Hundred of them went to Rome, and complained against the Emperour's grand Fa­vourite, Perennis, as the cause of those and ma­ny other distempers in the State, for which he was put to death. Yet did not this compliance so appease the British Army, but that they would have set up another Emperour; and Helvins Pertinax, who here succeeded in the Lieute­nancy, endeavouring to suppress their insolency by severe means, provoked them to an Insur­rection, in which divers were slain, and himself left for dead, whereupon he was glad for his own safety to get himself revoked.

In his place came Clodius Albinus, who so worthily demeaned himself, that Commodus ei­ther for fear or favour honoured him with the Title of Caesar, which yet he accepted not; but upon a false report of the Emperour's death, having in a set speech discovered himself to be better affected to the old Government, of the [Page 117]Senate and Consuls, than to Monarchical Empire, he was commanded to resign to Junius Severus. But Pertinax suceeding Commodus was not long after murdered by the Praetorian Guards, who sold the Em­pire to Didius Julianus, who enjoyed his Purchase but a very little time, being soon af­ter slain by Septimius Severus. This Empe­rour, to keep Albinus. (who during the late Broils had made bold to keep his place) from attempting any thing against him during his Wars with Pescennius Niger, created him his Caesar, which he now accepted, as having a greater esteem for him than for Commodus. But Niger being defeated and slain, Severus falls to practising the death of his new Caesar, and therein failing proclaims him Traitour and pub­lick Enemy, and comes in person against him with the strength of the Empire. Albinus here­upon bestirs himself, and encreasing his Army with the Flower of the British Youth, crosses over into Gaul, where near Lyons a Battel was fought between them, in which at first Albinus had the better, but was at last overthrown and killed, his Head being sent to Rome by the Conquerour as a token of the Victory. After which Severus divided the Roman Province here into two Prefectures, of which the Sou­thern part was termed the Higher, and the Nor­thern was termed the Lower.

About the beginning of Albinus his Go­vernment here, Fagan and Dwywan went to Glastonbury, where they found nothing but ru­ine and desolation, for the Hermits who took [Page 118]care of the Church were all dead long ago. This Church they repaired, and placed there twelve of their Associates, procuring King Lucius to confirm to them and their Successors by Char­ter, the Donation of such Lands as had been given by his three Predecessors to Joseph and his Companions. Nine years they are said to have spent in this place, and then having visi­ted their Converts, and confirmed them in the Faith, to have deceased in Britain, where divers Churches were afterwards erected and conse­crated to their memory. After Theon's death Elvan was Bishop of London, and is said to have built a Library adjoyning to his Cathedral, and to have converted many of the Druids to Chri­stianity.

King Lucius having built St. Peter's Church at Westminster, St. Maries at Dover, and a Church at Canterbury, which was afterwards called St. Martins, dyed, and was buried in the Cathe­dral of Gloucester, 208 as Geffrey saith, in the year two Hundred and eight, as Hollinshed out of an­cient Writers tells us, having reigned three and forty years, according to the Author of the Genealogicon de Gestis Anglorum. I know there is great difference in Writers about the time of his Reign and Conversion, which I conceive was partly occasioned through the variety of Computations of the years both of Christ's Na­tivity and Passion. As for his Reign, some al­lot him but twelve years, as Caxton, Bale, Graf­ton, Stow, and Basing stochius, too short a space by far for the many memorable works done in his time; others allow him seventy seven years, [Page 119]as Matthew Westminster, the Chronicle of Sa­lisbury, and the Pensile-Table of St. Peter's Church in London; but these then take from the years of his Predecessors, and make his Great Grandfather Arviragus, and his Grand­father Marius, to be dead before Domitian's time. They generally give him the Character of a Religious and Munificent Prince, and say, that he did very liberally give Possessions and Territories to Churches and Church-men, which he confirmed to them by Charters, and that he priviledged Churches and Churchyards to be Sanctuaries, and places of Refuge for such Offenders as fled to them. He was the first Eu­ropaean King that we read of, who received the Christian Faith, and Britain the first Land in which it was by Publick Authority professed. A high and singular Honour for our Country, and which (next to Divine Providence) is in a great measure to be ascribed to the clemency of the Emperour Aurelius to the Christians, upon his miraculous victory over the Germans. Some with a manifest Antichronisme confound this King with Lucius the Apostle of the Rheti­ans and Bavarians; but Achilles Cassarus, in his description of Augspurg, (as we have him in Munster's Cosmography,) and Archbishop Ʋsher of Armagh, Cap. 6. in his Treatise De Britannicarum Ec­clesiarum Primordiis, do judiciously distinguish the one from the other. Again others, in oppo­sition to a whole cloud of Eminent Witnesses, make him a meer Larva, denying that ever there was any such King, because Britain was then subject to the Romans. But these do not consi­der, [Page 120]that it was customary with the Romans to permit Kings to reign in several Countreys which they had subdued, as in Judaea Herod, in Cilicia Tarcondemus, in Cappadocia Archelaus, in Pontus Polemon, in Mauritania Juba, and here in Britain Cogidunus; and that even at this time the Emperour Lucius Verus having fi­nished the Parthian War, did, as Julius Capi­tolinus saith, distribute Kingdoms to Kings, and Provincial Governments to his Counts. I do not fondly suppose that he was King of all Britain, (as Geffrey would perswade us) nor yet of the greater part of it; but I rather think, that after Arviragus was driven out of Siluria by Frontinus, and out of Ordovicia by Agricola, the Province of the Belgae, with part of the Province of the Dobuni, might upon his sub­mission be granted to him, as places not so dif­ficult to be reconquered, if he or his Successors should revolt, being an open Champaine Coun­trey, of easie access, and surrounded in a man­ner with Roman Garrisons. That Arviragus, Marius, Coelus, and Lucius, bore some sway in this part of the Island I am the rather inclined to believe, because I read of their Sepulture at Gloucester, and their Bounty to Glastonbury, be­sides the last King's Liberality to Winchester and Congresbury, all which places stand within this Territory. Neither did Lucius restrain his Be­neficence within the limits of his own King­dom, but piously extended it to several other parts of Britain, where Christianity had taken any footing. This we find written of him by Bale; Lucium pium, Coeli filium unicum, Roma­norum [Page 121]fautorem, Caesaris Marci Antonini Veri tum benevolentiâ tum autoritate Britannis post patrem imperâsse; That Lucius the Godly, the onely Son of Coelus, a friend to the Romans by the fa­vour ‘and authority of the Emperour Marcus Antoninus Verus, reigned over the Britains.’ And Archbishop Ʋsher in his Primordia saith,Cap. 3. that there were found here in England two ancient pieces of Coin; one of Silver, which was in the keeping of M. Josephus Hollandus; the other of Gold, which himself saw among the Cimelia in Sr. Robert Cotton's Library, stamped with the effigies of a Christian King, as appeared by the Cross, upon which these three Letters, LƲC, were inscribed.

In the mean time Virius Lupus was so over­matched by the Maeatae and Caledonians, that he was constrained to buy his Peace and the liberty of some Prisoners with great Sums of Money; but understanding that Severus had now ended his other Wars, he sends him an account of the British Affairs, who thereupon taking with him his two Sons Bassianus and Geta, sets forward with a mighty Army to revenge his Lieute­nant's disgrace: he arrives in Britain in the same year that Lucius dyed, and finding divers Com­petitors striving to succeed him, puts an end to the Conquest, by laying the Kingdom to the Higher Province. The Northern people terri­fied with his coming crave peace, but in vain; whereupon the Prince of the Caledonians, whom Fordon Boetius and Lesley call Fulgentius, (though Geffrey names him Fulgenius, and saith, that he was Brother to Martia the first wife of Severus) [Page 122]sails over to Scandia, to procure a fresh Supply of Picts; with which, and his own Subjects and Confederates, by the advantage of Loughs, Bogs, Mears, Mountains, and Woods, better known to him than to the Romans, he made such stout resistance, that the Emperour in this Caledonian War lost no less than sifty thousand men. Yet did not Severus desist (though for age and weakness he was fain to be carried in a Litter) till he had marched to the furthest part of the Island. In which Expedition he worsted his Enemies in all conflicts, and at last flew Fulgentius, whose Successor Argetocoxus such for peace, and obtained it upon conditi­on, That all the Countrey between the two Fences of Adrian and Lollius should be yielded back to the Romans, from whom it had been lately gained. During this peace the Empress Julia discoursing with the wife of Argetocoxus, Sarcastically scoffed at the loosness of the British Ladies; who thereat incensed made her this brisk Reply: Much better do we British women fulfil the work of Nature than you Romans, we with the best men accustom openly, you with the ba­sest commit private Adulteries.

Severus having thus tamed the Northern men, builds a strong Wall, where Adrian had formerly made his of Turf, fortified, as Orosius saith, with a deep Trench, and between certain spaces many Towers or Battlements. This Wall was from his Name called by the Britans, Guall Sever, and Mur Sever, stretching in length eigh­ty two Italian Miles, which Number being set down in Figures bysome Italian Writers thus, [Page 123]LXXXII, hath been variously corrupted and altered through the negligence of Transcribers, while some for L. the Quinquagenary nu­meral, have put down C. the Centenary, mak­ing CXXXII Miles, whereas the Land is no­thing near so broad in that place; and others have wholly left out the L. shrinking this place of Ground to XXXII Miles, which num­ber agrees neither with this place, nor that of Lollius his Fence, being far too short for this, and too large for the other. Severus now assumes the Title of Britannicus Maximus, and at York (where that Oracle of the Law Papinianus sat to minister Justice) he and Bassianus being con­suked in a case or question of Right, gave forth their Imperial Constitution, De Rei Vindicatio­ne. But the Northern people, ever impatient and unquiet, soon took occasion to break the Peace, against whom the Emperour sent out his Army, with command to spare neither Sex nor Age, but to put all to the sword, and so ha­ving in some sort repressed this Commotion, worn out with the toils and labours of War, and with trouble and grief for the unreclaima­ble misdemeanour of his Sons, especially the Elder, who had attempted to kill him, he ended his life at York, in the year two Hundred and Eleven,211 whose Body was bestowed in a Funeral Fire at a place beneath that City west­ward, near to Ackham, where is to be seen a great Mount of Earth raised up, which of him is named SEVER's Hill.

His Eldest Son Bassianus (whom he had by his first wife Martia) succeeded in the Empire, [Page 124]who concluding peace with the Northern peo­ple, took Hostages of them, and departed out of Britain. His Step-mother Julia he incestu­ously married, and having cruelly murdered his Brother Geta, and many of the Noblest Ro­mans, was himself,217 after a Tyrannical Reign of six years, slain in Mesopotamia, by the conspira­cy of his Successor Ma rinus.

In the out-land parts which lay beyond the Wall, the Roman Soldiers built themselves Sta­tions, which they fortified and furnished with all necessaries, and when Alexander Severus came to be Emperour, he gave (as Lampridius saith) to the Captains and Soldiers of the Marches, as well in Britain as in the other parts of the Empire, these Grounds and Lands which were won from the Enemies, so that they should be their propriety, if their Heirs served as Soldiers, and that they should never return to any private men; concluding, that they would go to the Wars more willingly, and take the better care if they should defend their own peculiar Possessions. And this Mr. Camden looks upon as the beginning of Feuds. This good Emperour Alexander was after­wards slain in his Pavilion at Sicila, a Suburbial Village to the City of Mentz, by Julius Maxi­minus, who succeeded him. Under the Empe­rour Gordianus, we find by the Inscription of an Altar-stone, dedicated to the Honour of that Emperour, and his wife Furia Sabina Tranquilla, that Nonius Philippus governed here as Pro-Praetor.

In the time of Valerianas, we read that [Page 125] Mello a Britan (whom some call Mallonius, Mela­nius, and Meloninus) going to Rome to pay the British Tribute, was there converted by Pope Steven the First,256 and in the year two Hundred filty six, made Bishop of Roan in Normandy, which Church he governed for many years. Of the thirty Tyrants which usurped the Impe­rial Title against Galienus, five took upon them that Style and Power in Gaul, which were Post­humus, Lollianus, Victorinus, Marius, and Tetri­cus. These likewise bore sway in Britain, as their Coins here found do testifie.262 The first of these, to tye Coelus to his interest and party, per­mitted him to assume the name of King. This Caelus, Sirnamed Godebog, was the Son of Tegu­anus, and was lineally descended from Aflech, one of the Sons of King Lhud. He was a man of great power and repute among the Britans, and began his Reign, in the year two Hundred sixty two, as Hollinshed, Cooper, Powel, and Isac­son tell us, and reigned twenty seven years. Some will have his Kingdom to have been in that part of the Land which is now called Essex, and Colchester to be denominated from him; others place it in Ordovicia, where he had great possessions by his wife Stradwen, Daughter and Heiress to Cadwan, a potent man in those parts. Tetricus, the last of the sore­named Usurpers, not enduring the insolency of his mutinous Army, and warned by the vio­lent deaths of his Predecessors, submitted him­self to the Emperour Aurelianus, by whom he was made Corrector of Italy.

Britain then returned to the obedience of the [Page 126] Roman Empire,273 at what time Constantius Chlo­rus, serving here under Aurelianus, mar­ried Helena the Daughter of King Coelus, and of her begat the Famous Constantine.

In the time of Probus, those two Monsters of Drunkenness and Leachery, Bonosus and Procu­lus (of whom the former was a Britan by de­scent) seized this Island,282 together with Gaul and Spain, but being overcome, paid their lives for their Ambition. Then Victorinus Maurus, the Emperour's Favourite, procured the Go­vernment of Britain for a Friend of his; who was no sooner come hither, but he rebelled; whereupon the same Victorinus, to free himself from suspicion of Treachery, came over to him, pretending that he fled from the Emperour, and being entertained by the Usurper, slew him in the night, and returned, which put an end to that Revolt. This Tyrant is by some conceived to be that Claudius Cornelius Laelia­nus, whose Coins are found in this Island, and no where else. About this time Probus gave leave to the Spaniards, Gauls, and Britans to plant Vines, or make Wine; and to keep the people in better subjection sent over some Companies of Vandals hither, who seem to have kept their station upon those Hills near Cam­bridge, which Henry of Huntington terms, The most pleasant Mountains of Balsham, from a lit­tle Village of that Name standing beneath them, but the Students call them, Gogmagog Hills. On the top of which there is to be seen a Fort entrenched, and the same very large, strength­ned with a threefold Rampire, which Gervase [Page 127]of Tilbury calleth Vandelbiria. Beneath Cam­bridge, saith he, there was a place named Vandelbiria, for that the Vandals wasting the parts of Britain with cruel slaughter of Chri­stians, there encamped themselves; where upon the very top of the Hill they pitched their Tents, there is a Plain inclosed round with a Trench and Rampire, which hath Entrance into it but in one place as it were at a gate.

Carus Manlius coming to the Empire,283 made his two Sons, Carinus and Marianus, Caesar's, allotting by decree to the former, Britain, Spain, Gaul, and Illyricum, who seems to have exploi­ted something here against the Northern peo­ple, from these Verses of Nemesianus:

But after the death of his Father and Brother, Diocletian being saluted Emperour by the Ea­stern Armies, vanquished and slew Carinus at Murgum or Murtium, 284 in the confines of Maesia and Pannonia.

Diocletian associated with him in the Empire his old Companion in Arms, Maximian, com­mitting the Western parts to his Government, by whom Caius Caransius, a Menapian, who had [Page 128]given good proof of his Abilities in the late War against the Gallick Rusticks called Bagaudae, was intrusted with the charge of Admiral of the Roman Fleet for scouring the Seas, and guard­ing the Maritim Coasts, then terribly infested by the Saxons and Franks. But he designing to enrich himself, and oblige his Complices, suffer­ed some of those Pirats to pass under Composi­tions, and others he would not seize till they had first robbed and spoiled the true Subjects, and what he did intercept, he neither restored to the Provincials, nor accounted to the Pub­lick. These courses made him suspected of in­tentions to rebell, whereupon Maximian sent some Forces against him, with orders to put him to death. To prevent this danger, having made sure of the Navy, he crossed over into Britain, where he drew to his side the Roman Legion that was lest here in Garrison, and de­tained other outlandish Cohorts which he [...]ound here, listed the very Merchants and Fa­ctors of Gaul, and procured great Aids from the German Nations, especially the Franks, and putting on the Purple Robe sent out his Ships to Sea, who did more mischief to the Roman Subjects of Gaul, Spain, Italy, and other places, than ever the Germans had done, whence this was called the Piratick War.285 By these means he so strengthned himself, that Maximian, not able to come any nearer to him than the Sea­shore, and having his hands full enough at that time of other Enemies, thought fit to make a feigned Peace with him for the present, yielding Britain to him, with Gessoriacum (now Boloign,) [Page 129]and some other Sea-towns neigbouring to it. And now Carausius, to gratifie his new Sub­jects, turned his Forces against his Northern Enemies, whom he defeated, and then, as Nen­nius informs us, he reedified the Wall between Glotta and Bodotria, and fortified it with seven Castles, and built a round House of polished Stone upon the bank of the River Carun, which took name of him, (now commonly called Car­ron,) erecting therewith a Triumphal Arch in remembrance of his victory. This House is by some called Arthur's oven, by others Julius hoff, and the Temple of Terminus. After, ensued a peace, which Carausius the more willingly granted, because he conceived these people might be useful to him, if the Roman Empe­rours should break their Agreement with him, and invade him.

In the year two hundred eighty nine,289 Coelus the British King dyed, and was buried at Glaston­bury, to whom succeeded his Brother Trahern. Diocletian and Maximian had now conferred the Title and honour of Caesars upon Constan­tius and Galerius, whom, as Eutropius saith, they made to put away their former Wives, and so Diocletian married his Daughter Valeria to Ga­lerius, and Maximian gave his Emperesses Daughter Theodora (whom she had by a former Husband) to Constantius.

The detention of Britain could now no longer be endured, and therefore in the year two Hun­dred ninety two, Constantius Caesar, Sirnamed Chlorus, is sent against the Usurper, who be­sieged Bolóigne, 292 and with Stones and Timber [Page 130]obstructing the Port, kept out all Relief, where­by the Garrison was forced to surrender; after which followed the yielding of all on that side of the Sea, and the Soldiers were pardoned, and taken into Caesar's Service. These Losses much impaired the reputation of Carausius with his own party, who the same year was slain, after seven years Reign, by Caius Allectus, Captain of his own Guard; who was the more embold­ned to this Treason, because he presumed the Romans would never be able to provide a Navy sufficient for the recovery of the Island. Having therefore murdered his Master, and assumed the Title of Emperour, he sent out his Ships to rob and spoil the Subjects of Rome, and thinking himself secure enough, became a most luxuri­ous Tyrant.293 The year following, Constantius leaving orders for the preparing of a strong Fleet, transfers the War into Batavia, which the Franks had seised by the help of Carausius, and the revolt of that people. Cleve was besieged by them, and reduced to great extremity, when Constantius with invincible courage surmount­ing all the difficulties of a tedious march through Woods and Bogs where the Enemy had planted themselves to impede his passage, came seasonably to the relief, and overthrow­ing the Assailants freed the City, and follow­ing his fortune recovered the Province, forcing Assaricus and Gaiso Princes of the Franks to sue for peace, which with much adoe they obtained, but so, that he transplanted many of their Na­tion into Gaul, to till the wast and desert pla­ces there.

[Page 131]In the year two Hundred ninety four,294 Con­stantius having gotten his Armada now in rea­diness, set sail with a mighty Army though in a very Tempestuous Scason, and by the bene­fit of a Mist passing by the British Fleet unseen, which was placed near the Isle of Wight to dis­cover and intercept him, arrived happily in Britain to the great joy of the oppressed Inha­bitants, who ran out with their Wives and Children to meet their Deliverer, whom they lookt upon as sent them immediately from Heaven, and adored the very Sails and Oars of the Ship that brought him. Presently he set all his Ships on fire, to take from his followers all hopes of escaping otherwise than by conque­ring. Allectus, who relyed chiefly upon his Naval strength, and thought Constantius had given over all hopes of regaining this Coun­trey, when he saw him engaged in war with the Franks and Batavians, was hereat so surpri­sed, that flying up and down like a mad-man, he lighted upon Marcus Aurelius Asclepiodo­tus, Grand Seneschal of the Praetorium, and not staying for the coming up of all his Forces, only with the Accessaries of his Treason and his mer­cenary Germans, and those not marshalled in good order, desperately began the Battel, in which his Army was routed, and himself slain, having first cast off his Purple Robe, his body being hardly found among the dead Carcasses. The slaughter fell heavy upon the Barbarians, of whom such as escaped hasted to London, de­signing to sack it, and so take their flight; but part of the Roman Army, which in the Mist had [Page 132]been sever'd at Sea from the rest, coming thither at the same time, put them to the Sword, with their Commander Livius Gallus at a place near a Rivulet, which from him was called Gallbrook, now Wallbrook.

Thus was Britain restored to the Romans, af­ter it had been withheld for ten years space by the two Usurpers. And because so many Ty­rants had from the time of the Emperour Gali­enus born sway in Britain, therefore Porphy­rius the Philosopher, who lived in those dayes, termed it, A fertile Province of Tyrants. And here by the way it will not be amiss to observe, that this Porophyrius is the first and ancientest Writer that makes mention of the Scots, which he doth in his very next words; as his contemporary the Oratour Eumenius is the first that mentions the Pictis. As for Geffrey's narra­tion of Bassianus, Carausius, Allectus, Asclepiodo­tus, and Coelus, I do not hold it worth the re­citing, as being contrary to the truth of all Hi­story and Chronology. This Asclepiodotus had been Consul with Afranius Hannibalianus, in the year two hundred ninety two, of whom Vopiscus speaks with Honour in his Lives of Aurelianus and Probus. Constantius leaving him to govern Britain, departed hence to war against the Almans, whom he overcame with the slaughter of sixty thousand of their men.

In the year three Hundred and three,303 while Asclepiodotus ruled here, the tenth Persecution began in the month of March, wherein this Land, which had escaped all the former, bore a great share. Here, on the two and twentieth [Page 133]day of June, suffered Alban the Protomartyr of this Island, and the Soldier Heraclius, who being appointed for his Executioner, preferred death before the employment. This Alban was by Birth a Britan, by Descent a Roman, of a No­ble Family, and of great Authority, whose dwelling at Verulam, and dying near it, did much ennoble that City. The place where he dyed was called Derswold, and Holmhurst, where now stands a noted Mercate Town, which bears his Name. His Death is said to have been accompanied with divers Miracles, and particularly Gildas tells us, That by his Prayers he made a way through the River for himself, and a thousand others to pass over dry­footed. This River, now named Colne, passing by Colnebroke a Mercate Town, runneth into Thames, of which Gildas therefore accounted it an Arm, and called it by the name of Tamisis. The men which followed Alban through the River soon after laid down their lives for the same cause, among those that suffered with Amphibalus.

On the first of July suffered Aaron and Ju­lius, Citizens of Caerleon upon Ʋske; and on the sixteenth of September the forementioned Amphibalus, a famous Doctor of the Mona­stery of Caermarden, but born at Caerleon, by whom Alban was converted; after whose death he fled to the borders of Wales, whither he was followed by a great many Christian Ve­rulamians, to the number of nine hundred ninety nine. But a party of Soldiers were sent to bring them and their Instructor back, who [Page 134]quickly seizing their prey, in their return put the Verulamians to death by the way at Lich­field, and bringing Amphibalus with nine o­thers of his Companions to a place called Red­burn, (about three Miles from St. Albans,) there cruelly slew them; at which time about a Thousand more of the same City of Verulam declaring themselves to be Christians, were like­wise Martyred with them. On the next day, being the seventeenth of September, here suffer­ed Socrates and Steven, of whom the latter is conceived to be that Steven, whose name we meet with in the Catalogue of the Archbi­shops of London; which if we take for grant­ed, we may then suppose that Socrates might be Archbishop of York, seeing we find his Name placed before Stevens in the Roman Martyro­logy, and others. But if Steven was Archbi­shop of London, there can be then but little time allotted to his Successor Augulius, whom some call Augurius, Augulus, and Agulinus. For we find, that he also suffered Martyrdom here on the seventh day of February following. About the same time Nicolas, a British Bishop, suffered, and was buried at Peblis in Lauden, near the Monastery of Meilros, where, in the Reign of King Alexander the Third, was sound an Urn of Stone, with Ashes and Bones of a man's body, which seemed to have been torn piece­meal. Some three or four paces off was found a stately Cross in a certain Coffer of Stone, on which Coffer was engraven this Inscription, Locus sancii Nicholai Episcopi, The place of St. Nicholas a Bishop. In this place King Alexan­der [Page 135]built a Church, and gave it to the Monks of the Holy Trinity. Dempster would have this Nicholas to be a Scot, but alledgeth no Au­thority for his opinion, and it is as well known for evidence of the contrary, that Lauden in the time of this Persecution was in the possessi­on of the Britans, as that Dempster is a notori­ous Hagiocleptes. Melior, or Melorus, and many others, were then invested with the Crown of Martyrdom in this Island.304 But in the year three Hundred and four, the Emperours Dio­cletian and Maximian freely resigned to Gale­rius and Constantius, which latter presently put an end to the Persecution in Britain, Gaul, and Spain, though in the other parts of the Empire, under Galerius and his Caesars, it lasted eight years longer.

In the East that renowned Soldier St. George was martyred about the beginning of this Per­secution. He was born in Cappadocia of Chri­stian Parents, and after the death of his Father was carried by his Mother into Palestine, where­of she was a Native, and Heiress to a great E­state there, which upon her decease fell to him. For his valour and good Service in the Persian War, he was first made a Military Tribune, and afterwards a Count Imperial, and was in high esteem with Dioclesian and Galerius, till they set up their Edict at Nicomedia against the Chri­stians. For then our George coming thither, could not contain himself, but moved with Zeal and pious Courage tore it down, and put­ting off his Military Habiliments, and making Doal of all his Substance to the Poor, on the [Page 136]third Session of the Senate, when the Imperial Decree was to be confirmed, he boldly avouch­ed himself to be a Christian. And when nei­ther by allurements nor threatnings he could be drawn to renounce his Religion, after sun­dry cruel Torments which he endured with undaunted resolution, Sentence was pronoun­ced against him, That he should be drawn through the City and beheaded; which was accordingly performed upon the three and twentieth of April, in the year three Hundred and three; in which year; as I said before out of Eusebius, the Persecution began, and there­fore I cannot assent to them who place his death in the year, two Hundred and ninety. Of this George I understand Eusebius to speak,Hist. Eccl. lib. 8. cap. 5. where he saith: Presently one of those who were not obscure, but most glorious, as they are reputed according to the excellencies of this world, as soon as the Edict against the Churches was published at Nicomedia, moved with zeal and fervent faith, took down and rent the Writing as profane and impious, which was set up in an open and publick place, when two Emperours (meaning the Em­perour, and his Caesar) were in the City, and even he who of all the rest was most honoured and chief of the Four. But he who first behaved him­self thus worthily, suffered likewise those punish­ments, which in all likelihood attended one that had dared to do such an Action, and manifested an un­dejected and undaunted Spirit to the very last. Thus far Eusebius. His Body was afterwards by his Servant conveyed back to Palestine, and interred at a City called Lydda and Diospolii, [Page 137]now St. Georges, near Ramah. He is reported, by his constancy at his suffering, and by pri­vate Reasonings and Conferences, to have con­verted many, and among the rest, Vincentius, who was Martyred in Spain. That George suf­fered where the Emperour kept his Court, is agreed by all, which sufficiently proves, that nei­ther Lydda nor Ramah was the place, as some, deceived by his Burial at the former, have writ­ten; but Nicomediae, where all the Histories of those times aver that Diocletian usually resided.

The Arians, to procure the reputation of Saintship to their George the Alexandrian Bishop, confounded him and our Martyr into one, composing a mixt Legend of their Acts and Sufferings, stuffed with such sottish forgeries of Saint Athanasius, whom they make a Magician, and Alexandra the wife of Dacianus, and such like, that Pope Gelasius though fit to reject it with others of the same nature as Apocryphal; but that he might not be misinterpreted, to deny the being of those Saints whose Legends he condemned, he thus concludes his Canon: Yet notwithstanding this, we with the Church de­voutly reverence all those Martyrs, and their glori­ous sufferings' which are better known to God than men. Yet did not this Censure, though past with the advice of above seventy Prelates, hin­der succeeding Writers from inserting those Fopperies into their Relations of this Saint, whereby some, as Calvin, Chemnitius, &c. have been induced to think that there was never such a man. Others,De Idol. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 5. of whom Dr. Reynolds is the most considerable, have really believed him to [Page 138]be the same with George of Alexandria, though he confesseth, that in his opinion, Ge­lasius did believe him to be a Holy Martyr; which he could not surely think of the Arian George, whose death was but an hundred and thirty years or thereabouts before his Papacy, too scant a time to have his impieties and vil­lanies forgotten.Amm. Mar­cel. lib. 22. Neither was the Arian George a Cappadocian, (as this Martyr was,) which Dr. Reynolds goes about to prove, but a Cilician, born at a Town of that Province, called Epi­phania, in a Fullers House, but dwelling in Cappadocia, when the Emperour Constantius the Younger appointed him to be Bishop of Alexan­dria, many years after the other George's Mar­tyrdom. By Dacianus, the Legendaries mean Galerius Caesar, a Native of Dacia, who had that Denomination from his Countrey, as the Emperour Adrianus had his Name from Adria, a Town of Italy whence his Family came, and Diocletian from Dioclea in Dalmatia, where he was born. They call him King of the Persians, in regard of his great victories over that people, from whom he won five Provinces, and was in a fair way, as we find in Aurelius Victor, to have subdued the whole Kingdom, if Diocletian had not recalled him. The Fable of George kil­ling a Dragon to save a Virgin's life, seems to be taken from the Poetical Fiction of Persens and Andromeda; though it may not unfitly be judged Emblematical, if by the Virgin we un­derstand his Soul, and by the Dragon the De­vil; the one preserved, the other conquered by his Christian Magnanimity, and constant [Page 139]perseverance. His name is commemorated in the Martyrologies of Greece and Rome, and ma­ny ancient Authors; his Relicks reverenced, and Churches erected and dedicated to his me­mory in several Lands.

I have spoken the more of this Martyr, that it may appear to the world, that the Kings and the Nation of England, who for some Ages have had a peculiar respect for this Saint, whom they chose for Patron of the most Noble Order of the Garter, have not bestowed all this Ho­nour either upon a Heretick, or a meer Chi­moera.

Bouchet, in his Annals of Aquitain, writes, That Helena the Daughter of King Cloel (so he calls Coel) brought Constantius two other Sons besides Constantine, and that the youngest na­med Lucius having slain the Elder, was by his Father banished out of Britain, and condemned to a Monastical life. Embarking therefore with divers Priests and Religious men, he cros­sed over to Poictou, where at a place from him called Lucionum, now Lusson, he founded an Abbey and a Church in honour of the Virgin Mary. This he relates out of an old Hymn of that Church. But seeing no Ancient approved Author mentions any other Son of Helena's besides Constantine, I rather think this Lucius to be the same with him who preached to the Rhaetians and Bavarians, since all the Writers of his Acts agree, that he preached in Gaul be­fore he entred into Germany.

Gaul had been much depopulated by the fre­quent irruptions of the Barbarous people; [Page 140]whereupon Constantius, as he had translated many of the Franks to manure the Grounds about Langres, Rad. Niger. & Lib. Tri­edum. Rheimes, Troyes, and Amiens, thought fit to draw a Colony of Britans into Armorica; which was transported thither un­der the command of Conan, the Son of King Coel, whom his Sister, the Divorced Princess Helena, accompanied.

In the year,305 three Hundred and five, the Picts raised some Commotions here, which brought the Emperour over, who gave them an Overthrow, but was constrained by sickness to return to York, where he dyed, in the year three Hundred and six, and was buried at Caer Seiont near Caernarvon, 306 which place was in ho­nour of him called also Caer Custeint: Nenn. whose Body being found there in the year, one Thou­sand two hundred and eighty,Mat. Westm. was by King Edward's command Honourably interred in the Church of Caernar [...].

To him succeeded the Noble Constantine, worthily Sirnamed, The Great; who happily came Post from Rome to Boloigne, just as his Fa­ther was setting Sail his last time hither, as we find in Eumenius, and an old Historian publish­ed with Ammianus Marcellinus, by Henricus Va­lesius. His Father when he was made Caesar, to assure Galerius of his fraternal love, had put this his Son to him to be trained up in Martial Discipline, out of his Stepmother Theodora's sight. But he discerning him to be of a great a spiring soul, exposed him to continual perils, wherein he so behaved himself, that he always came off with Honour. This made his envi­ous [Page 141]Guardian cause him to be the more nar­rowly observed, resolving either by policy or force ever to detain him in his power. Constan­tine perceiving himself to be in some sort a prisoner, determined to take the first oppor­tunity for his Escape, so that when Maximinus and Severus were made Caesars by Galerius, which was according to Eusebius his Chroni­cle in the year preceding the death of Constan­tius; he knowing himself as worthy of that Dignity as they, procured a feigned permission to return to his Father. And coming to Rome took Post there, and maimed all the Post-hor­ses by the way, till he got out of Italy, to pre­vent the pursuit of Severus Caesar, whom he un­derstood to have private Instructions from Ga­lerius to apprehend him. Coming safe to Con­stantius, he was by him before his Embarquing declared Caesar, the same year, as Aurelius Victor saith. He staid behind to govern Gaul in his Fathers absence, but hearing that he lay sick at York, he hasted thither to see him, who upon his death-bed appointed him to succeed him, not without the envy of his Brothers, who c­steemed him as the Son of a British Princess not so nobly born as themselves, whose Mother was a Roman Emperour's Daughter-in-law. Which stuck so deep in the stomach of his ungracious Nephew Julian, that he was not ashamed to style the Empress Helena, [...], Anaughty and mean woman; and Zo­simus terms her, [...] A shameful Mo­ther, and [...], An unworthy woman, who was not [Page 142]the lawful wife of Constantius; the falseness of which appears, in that he was forced to put her away, in order to his marriage with Theodora. And both Jews and Gentiles by way of re­proach called her Stabularia, or Hostess, (because she so devoutly sought out that Inn and Sta­ble at Bethlehem where Christ was born, and there founded a Church,) which gave occasion to that fabulous report of her keeping an Host­elry at Drepanum in Bithynia. But her Heroick Son was so far from being ashamed of his Mo­ther, that he declared her Augusta, and at Tri­ers she had a stately Palace for her residence, while he kept his Imperial Court there, which retaining her Name long time after, caused the Abbot Berengosius and others to imagine her a Native of that City.

Constantine pursuing the Relicks of the Pict­ish War, soon brought the Enemy to terms of Submission, and then crossed the Sea to Gaul, where the next year he married Fausta, 307 the Daughter of the late Emperour Maximian, by whom he was then declared Augustus, which Title he had forborn till that time. Octavius, Lord of the Evissaei, people inhabiting part of the Counties of Monmouth and Hereford, which from them took the name of Ewias, leaguing himself with the Northern men, rose up in Re­bellion here; against whom the Emperour sent back his Uncle Traherne, (who happened at that time to be with him upon some business,) between whom, near Winchester, was sought a Battel, in which the British King was put to the worst, and compelled to flee into the Coun­trey [Page 143]of the Brigantes, where the greatest part of the Roman Army lay, to oppose the Picts, and their Allies. The Rebel following him thither (presuming much upon the strength and power of his Confederates) where another Battel was fought, in which Traherne and the Romans pre­vailed; who pursued Octavius so eagerly, that they forced him to quit the Land, and sail to Scandia, leaving orders with his Friends to con­trive some means for dispatching the King; which was quickly effected: for Traherne think­ing himself secure, rode out of London with a small Retinue, and was intercepted by the Lord of Verulam, who with an hundred men lay in Ambush for him, and slew him, in the year three hundred and eleven,311 when he had reigned two and twenty years. Hereof Octavius was im­mediately advertised, who hastning his return, and getting his Complices together, became ve­ry strong; but Constantine coming against him in person, the same year subdued him, and up­on his submission suffered him to hold some part of Cambria, with the Title of King under him. Eusebius speaks of this Exploit, saying, That Constantine, after he had furnished his Ar­my with mild and modest Instructions of piety, Euseb. de vita Con­stantin. lib. 1. cap. 4. in­vaded Britain, that he might likewise reform those who dwell environed round about with the waves of the Ocean, bounding the Sun's setting as it were with his Coasts. And in another place,Cap. 19. He passed over to the Britans, enclosed on every side within the Banks of the Ocean; whom when he had overcome, he began to compass in his mind other parts of the world, that he might come in time to [Page 144]succour those that wanted his help.

After this he overcame and killed Maxentius and Licinius, and established Christian Religion throughout the Roman Empire. He caused the Council of Arles to be assembled, in the year three hundred and fourteen,314 about the Donatists, to which Eborius Bishop of York, Resti­tutus Bishop of London, Adelphius Bishop of Col­chester, Sacerdos a Presbyter, and Arminius a Deacon, repaired out of Britain, and subscri­bed. He also called the Famous Nicene Council against the Arians, 325 in the year three hundred twenty five, whereat some of the British Clergy were present, and held with the Orthodox men. In his time the Government of Proprae­tors or Lieutenants ceased in Britain, in stead whereof succeeded Vice-gerents, or Vicars Ge­neral, of whom Pacatianus was the first.

In the year three hundred thirty seven,337 dyed the Emperour Constantine, the Great and Sin­gular Ornament of this his Native Countrey, in respect whereof the Panegyrist crieth out,Panegyric. 3. O Fortunate Britain, and more happy now than all other Lands, that hadst the first sight of Con­stantinus Caesar.

But Livineius will not allow this Honour to Britain, and tells us, That this passage only im­ports, that he was here made Caesar; whereas we have already shewed out of Aurelius Victor, that he was made Caesar the same year with Maximinus and Severus when he came to his Father in Gaul, just as he was embarquing for Britain, Lib. 7. c. 19. which is acknowledged by Nicephorus. Ad that those two were made Caesars the year [Page 145]before the death of Constantius, is expresly af­firmed by Eusebius in his Chronicle:Lib. 4. c. 53. who likewise in his life of this Emperour, deduceth his Reign from that year, saying, that he reign­ed two and thirty years wanting some odd months and dayes. For if he had computed his Reign from his Fathers death, which was on the twenty fifth of July, in the year three hun­dred and six, he could have reckoned but thir­ty years nine months and twenty eight dayes, to the twenty second day of May, in the year three hundred thirty seven, at which time Con­stantine died. Besides, the Panegyrist speaks of his ennobling this Land by his Birth, where he saith to him of his Father, Liberavit ille Britan­nias servitute, tu etiam nobiles illic oriendo fecisti; He freed Britain from Servitude, Thou madest it also Noble by being Born there. For I know not how to render Oriendo, better than by, Being Born; and the Grammarians will tell us, that Orior, and Oriundus which comes from it, im­port Birth and Descent. Yet others, from the mistaken words of Julius Firmicus, Julius Fir mic. mathes. lib. cap. 4. conceive him to be born at Naisus in Illyricum, not con­sidering, that Firmicus speaks of Constantius the Son of Constantine, who was also styled Maxi­mus, and born in Illyricum, as appears by Juli­an, his Cousin and Successor. And Lipsius, mis­led by a corrupted Copy of Firmicus, in stead of Naisus reads Tarsus, and placeth it in Bithy­nia, Orat. 1. i [...] laudem Co [...] ­stantii. near Drepanum, where Nicephorus reports this Emperour to be born in the time of Dio­cletian; whereas the Age of Constantine, accor­ding to all approved Writers, proves him to be [Page 146]born in the Reign of Aurelianus. Britain was his Birth-place, in Gaul he was made Caesar, in Britain he was invested with the Purple Robe, and the Imperial Dignity, though he modestly abstained from the Title of Augustus, till at his Marriage in Gaul it was conferred upon him by his Father-in-Law. He re-edified Byzantium in Thrace for the conveniency of its situation, and Drepanum in Bithynia in honour of the Mar­tyr Latcianus there buried; calling the former from his own name Constantinopolis, and the lat­ter from his Mothers, Helenopolis. And, as Wil­liam of Malmesbury saith, he planted a Colony of Britans (which had served him in his Wars) in Armarica, which I conceive to be that Army mentioned in the Book of Triads, that went forth under the conduct of Caswallan the youn­ger, and Gueno and Guavar, and sate down in Aquitain, whereof the Britans accounted Armo­rica to be a part: both this, and Conan's fore­mentioned Army, are said to have consisted of one and twenty thousand men apiece.

By his Concubine Minervina he had a Son named Crispus, whom he put to death; and by his wise Fansta he had three Sons, Constantinus, Constantius, and Constans, among whom he di­vided his Empire.

In this division, Britain with Gaul and Spain fell to Constantinus, who as Eldest Brother ex­pected a larger share, and finding himself dis­appointed, invaded the Territories of his Bro­ther Constans, by whose Captains he was train­ed into an Ambush,340 and slain near Aquileia, when he had reigned three years. His Provin­ces [Page 147]were presently seized by Constans, who ha­ving overcome the Franks in a great Battel,Liban. in Basilico. crossed over into Britain, as Libanius writes, with his Brother Constantius in the Winter­time, and quieted some stirs here.343. Julius Fir­mic. de Er­ror. profan. Releg. c. 29. Whereupon Julius Firmicus (not the Pagan Astrologer, but the Christian speaks thus to them: Ye have in Winter-time subdued under your Oars the swelling and raging Billows of the British Ocean; the waves now of the Sea, unto this time hardly known to us, have trembled, and the Britains were afraid to see the unexpected face of the Emperour. What would ye more? the very Elements, as van­quished, have given place to your Virtues. This Voyage was in the year four Hundred forty three; and four years after,347 Constans caused a Council to convene at Sardica, at which some British Bishops were present, and gave their suf­frages for Paulus and Athanasius against the Arians. At this time Gratianus, Father to the Emperours Valentinian and Valens, was Ge­neral of all the Military Forces in Britain, who was Sirnamed Funarius, because in his youth going about with a Rope to sell, five Soldiers that set upon him were not able to wrest it from him.

In the year, three hundred and fifty,350 Constans was slain by the Traiterous Conspiracy of Mag­nentius (Sirnamed Taporus,) the Son of a Bri­tain, but born in Gaul among the Laeti, who usurped the Western Empire, and after three years inauspicious Reign, being vanquished by Constantius, 352 he slew himself to avoid the Con­queror's Justice.

[Page 148]After this victory strict Enquiry is made for his Abettors, and among the rest that suffered, Gratianus Funarius, who had now quitted all publick employment, and betook himself to a private life, was sined in the confiscation and loss of his Goods, because he was reported to have lodged the Tyrant, and given him enter­tainment. For the like purpose Paulus a No­tary, Sirnamed Catena, from his craft in linking matters together,Amm. Mar­cel. lib. 14. was sent into Britain to dis­cover and apprehend the Favourers of Magnen­tius, who violently seized upon the Fortunes and Estates of many, spoiling and undoing a great number, imprisoning such as were free­born, and grieving their bodies with Bonds, and bruising some of them with Manacles, and all by patching together many false Accri­minations against them. Which gave such dis­taste to Martinus the Vice-gerent here, an honest upright man, that having in vain entreated him not to ruine such innocent persons, he threat­ned to depart the Land, hoping this malicious Inquisitor might for fear thereof be induced to surcease his cruel proceedings. But Paulus sup­posing that hereby his Trade was empaired, converted his spight against the Vice-gerent himself, whom he drew in, to have his part in the common perils, and went very near to bring him also prisoner bound, with Tribunes, and se­veral others, to the Emperours Privy Counsel. Whereat Martinus was so incensed, that he as­sailed him with his Dagger, but failing to wound him mortally, stabbed himself; and Paulus fearing to stay any longer in an en­raged [Page 149]Province, now destitute of a Governour, hasted away, carrying over with him a great company in chains, of whom some were dragg'd and tortured, some proscribed and outlawed, some banished, and others suffered punishment by the sword.

And now Constantius being sole Monarch, resolves to promote the interest of Arianism, and to that end, in the year three hundred fifty nine,359 summons a Council to meet at Ariminum upon the Emperour's charges, which was re­sused by the Gaulish and British Bishops; only three of the British for meer poverty accepted it, judging it not so blameable to live upon the Prince's Cost, as to burden any private Purse, though the other Bishops had offered to contri­bute to them. Here though the Arians got some advantage by the Emperour's power, and the violence of his Prefect Taurus, and the subtle Policies of the two Heretical Bishops, Valens and Ʋrsacius, yet did the Western Pro­vinces, and particularly Britain, continue free from that Herefie long after, as Athanasius, and the other Bishops of Egypt and Lybia testi­sie, in their Letter to the Emperour Jovianus concerning the Nicene Creed.

In the year three Hundred and sixty,360. Amm. Mare. lib. 20. the Savage Nations of the Scots and Picts broke the Peace, and by sundry Inrodes wasted the Fron­tiers in dreadful manner. Julianus Caesar therefore sent over Lupicinus to repress their boldness, who with a power of light-armed Herulians, Batavians, and Maesians, set sail from Boloigne in the midst of Winter, and landed at [Page 150] Rutupiae (now Richborough,) and marched to London, to take order there for the manage­ment of the War. In the mean time Julia­nus Caesar is by his Army saluted Augustus; whereupon he makes preparations against Con­stantius, and mistrusting the turbulent humour of Lupicinus, Whom he knew to be an arro­gant and haughty man, he sends a Notary to Boloigne to look that none should pass from those Coasts to Britain; so that returning be­fore he had any information of what had hap­pened in his absence, he was able to make no Disturbance. In his room came Alypius, whom Julian after the death of Constantius recalled, and employed in that vain attempt of re-edify­ing the Temple of Jerusalem.

In the year three hundred sixty four,364. Amm. Mar­cel. lib. 26. Valen­tinianus and Valeus were made Emperours, in the beginning of whose Reign the Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Attiscots assailed the Britans, and vexed them with continual turmoils for some years. Nectaridius, Count of the Maritime Tract (or the Saxon Shore) was slain, and Bul­chobaudes Duke of Britain circumvented by the enemies Ambuscadoes.Amm. Mar­cel. lib. 27. Upon these News Va­lentinian sent hither Severus, Lord High Stew­ard of his Houshold, and presently revoking him sent over Jovinus a famous Commander, who perceiving his own Forces too weak to perform any great matters, dispatcht Proventu­sides back for a greater supply. But the Em­perour, who could not well spare him, ordered his return, and sent Theodosins to succeed him in his Charge here; 367 who being a man of great [Page 151]Experience in Martial Affairs, having with him the Batavians, Herulians, Jovij, and Victores, fell upon the spoiling Bands and Companies of Robbers, routed and stripped them of their Prey and Prisoners, and after a full restitution of all, save only some small parcels bestowed upon his wearied Soldiers, he triumphantly entred the Ancient Town of London, which Posterity called Augusta, where he got what intelligence he could from Captives and Fu­gitives, of the condition of the Enemies; who being of disserent Nations, and the war scat­tered, secret Wiles and sudden Excursions would be most available against them. Many Deserters and Runnagates he brought back to the Roman Service, by Proclamation of Impu­nity. Then he requests, that Civilis, a man of noted Integrity, might be sent him to govern the Land as Deputy, and with him Duleitius, a renowned Captain. And now he marches out from London against the Barbarous people,Amm. Mar. cel. lib. 28. 368. and gaining all places of advantage to forelay them, discomsited and put to slight divers Nations, whom a long unchastised Insolence had em­boldned to invade the Roman Empire, and laid the foundation of a lasting Tranquillity, restoring every where the decayed Cities and Castles. In the mean time Valentinus a Panno­nian, banished hither for a crime of a high na­ture, sollicited the Exiles and Soldiers with large promises of Rewards, to allure and draw them to an Insurrection, but was seasonably prevented by the wary General, who delivered him, and some sew of his inward Complices, [Page 152]to Dulcitius to be put to death; yet politickly forebore any further inquisition into the Con­spiracy, as knowing that too many were en­gaged in it. And having now recovered the Province between the two Walls, he fortified the Frontiers with standing Watches and strong Fore-fences, and so brought it to the former ancient Estate, that upon his motion it had a lawful Governour to rule it, and was, in ho­nour of the Emperours, named Valentia. The Areans, a kind of people formerly instituted on purpose to run to and fro, by long journeys, to find out the designs of the neigbour Nati­ons, being convicted of holding traiterous cor­respondence with them, were displaced by him from their Stations. So having quieted and settled all things here, he was sent for by Valentinian, of whom he was Honourably re­ceived, and made General of the Horse. In this war, his Son named also Theodosius, and Mag­aus Clemens Maximus, gave good proofs of their valours, which came afterwards to be Em­perours.

About this time lived Chebius, or Keby the Son of Salomon, a Cornish Prince, brought up by Hilarius Bishop of Po [...]ctiers, by whom made a Bishop; returning into Brit [...] he passed some time at Menevia, from whence he sailed into Ireland; and building a Church in a certain Island stayed there four years, and lastly com­ing back to Mona, now Anglesey, there spent the remainder of his dayes with his disciples at a place called from him Caer Guby, for Caer Keby; as Hilary-point, a Promontory of the [Page 153]same Isle, had its name from his Master, whom the Britans highly honoured.

Valentinian having mastred part of the Al­mans, Amm. Mar­cel. 29. 373. made Fraomarius King of the Bucinoban­tes, (an Alman Tribe dwelling near Memz,) whom soon after, in regard his Territory had been shrewdly harassed in the German Wars, he translated into this Island, with Authority of a Tribune over his own Countrey-forces, which for number and valour were very con­siderable.

In the year three hundred seventy five,375 dyed the British King Octavius, (whom the Cambro-Britans call Eucta, and Euciha) after a long Reign of sixty four years, leaving behind only one Daughter named Helena, who, as Geoffrey saith, was, by the means of Caradoc Prince of Cornwall, and his Son Maurice, married to Ma­ximus, probably when he came hither under the Noble General Theodosius. Geoffrey makes him to be near of kin to Constantine the Great, whose Grandfather King Coel, as he tells us, had three Brothers, T [...]rne, Leoline, and Ma­rius; of whom Leoline married a Roman Lady, and by her was Father to Maximus, who was brought up in Spain, where (by what means soever it came to pass) he fell into such despica­ble Poverty, that Latinus Paratus the Panegy­rist terms him Patris incertum, a man whose Father was unknown, Ft mensularum servilium Statarium lixam, A standing Drudge to Servants Tables, and Ausmius calls him, Armigerum li­xam, An Army-Drudge: yet afterwards by his valour he rose to great preferment, and wan­ted [Page 154]not the sprit to challenge Kindred with the Emperour Theodesius, which in all likeli­hood he could not have had the impudence to have done, if his Parentage had been so very base as some would imply. The Panegyrist calls him, an Exile from the world, not because he was banished hither, but for the same reason that he calls all the Britans so, because they were secluded by the Sea from the greater World. It seems he commanded here in chief, after Civi­lis, and Dulcitius, and Fraomarius, and overcame Conan Mertadoc, forcing him and his partakers to sly to the Scots, who had newly seized up­on part of Albania. They by entertaining the vanquished Britans drew upon themselves a dangerous War, in which part of the Picts with their King sided with Maximus, and part of them under the conduct of one Melga aided Conan and the Scots. But Maximus being for his former victory proclaimed Emperour by his Army in the year three hundred eighty two,382 gave his Enemies the same year a notable Overthrow, upon which Conan and his Bri­tans submitted. Tiro Prosper in his Chronicle makes mention of this last victory briesly thus. Maximus in Britanniâ à militibus Imperator em­stitutus, incursantes Picios & Scotos strenuè supe­ravit; Maximus being made Emperour in Bri­tain by the Soldiers, valiantly overcame the inva­ding Picts and Scots. And in respect of his former Battel, Gregorius Turenensis saith of him:Lib. 1. cap. 38. al. 43. C [...]m per Tyrannidem oppressis Britannis sumpsisset victoriam, à militibus Imperatorem cre­atum fuisse; When having oppressed the Britans [Page 155] by Tyranny had gotten the victory, he was made Emperour by the Soldiers. In the year three hundred eighty three he crossed the Sea,383 taking with him the flower of the British Youth to in­crease his Army, and entred the mouth of the River Rhine, and conquered Brittia a Batavian Island, where he placed a Colony from Britain, over whom he appointed Conan Meriadoc to rule as Prince. Gratian had some years before set forth a Law, That every one should be per­mitted freely to follow what Religion he plea­sed, and all Sects indisserently to assemble in Churches, (except Manchces, Photinians, and Eunomians,) which made way for the Arian Heresie into Britain. And as hereby he gave distast to the Orthodox Christians, so by his extraordinary favour to the Alans, and other Barbarous Mercenaries, he incurred the hatred of the Roman Soldiery, who deserting him be­took themselves to the Service of Maximus. Gratian at first contemned this Adversary, but finding his Error too late, after some unsucces­ful skirmishes sled to Lions, whither Maximus follows, and by the Stratagem of his General Andragathius, circumvented and slew him. Hereupon he creates his Son Victor, Caesar; puts to death Ballio and Merobaudes, two great Com­manders under the late Emperour, settles his Imperial Seat at Triers, sends an Army into Spain, which soon brought that Countrey un­der his obedience, and makes a feigned Peace with Theodosius, and the younger Valentinian; of whom, the former acknowledging him for his Associate in the Empire, ordered Cynegius [Page 156]Prefect of the Praetorium, then going into Egypt, to exhibit his Image publickly to the Alexan­drians; the other, to remove all cause of suspi­cions and jealousies, dismissed the Hunns and Alans, whom he had hired to his Assistance. In the mean time Conan concluded a Marriage with Ʋrsula, Daughter to Deonotus Prince of Cornwall, who had there succeeded his Brother Caradoc; but this unfortunate Lady, with ma­ny others who were sent over to be matched with Conan's Britans, being driven up the Rhine by Tempest, were seized and inhumanely slaughtered by the Soldiers of Gramus the Scot, and Melga the Pict, and the Hunnes whom Va­lentinian dismissed, but were buried at Celein, and in tract of time came to be reputed Martyrs and Saints. Their deaths are supposed to have happened about the year three hundred eighty three.

I know Trithemius, and Geoffrey of Monmouth say, that Maximus presently after his landing, settled Conan in Armorica, but considering that the German Shore had been strangely out of Ʋr­sula's way from Cornwall, if her Voyage had been designed for that Countrey: It seems to me more probable, that Conan governed first in Brittia Batavi [...]a; especially seeing all Writers af­firm, that Maximus arrived at the mouth of the Rhine, and that Procopius speaks of a King­dom of Britans in that Island. [...]. I shall here set down his own words.

[...]. [Page 157] The Isle of Brittia lyeth in this Ocean, not a­bove two hundred Stadia from the Shore, over a­gunst the Mouths of the Rhine, and in the midst between Britain and Thule. For Britain lyeth to the West, over against the furthest part of Spain, distant from the Continent no less than four thou­sand Stadia; but Brittia lyeth behind those Coasts of Gaul which are upon the Ocean, North from Spain and Britain. And Thule (as far forth as is yet known) is situate in the remote parts of the Ocean Northwards. But I have already spoken of Britain and Thule before. This Island Brittia three most populous Nations de inhabit, which have every [Page 158]one their several King to rule them; and these Na­tions be called Angili, Frisones, and (after the name of the very Island) Brittones. Note they seem to be so vast a multitude of people, that every year a great number of them, with their wives and children, flit from thence to the Franks; and they give them entertainment, and plant them in that part of their Countrey which seemeth most desert above the rest. And hereupon men say, they chal­lenge to themselves the very Island. And truly not long since, when the King of the Franks sent cer­tain of his people in Embassage to Constantinople to the Emperour Justinian, he sent withall some of the Angili, pretending ambitiously that this Island was under his Dominion.

Had Mr. Camden seen this passage of Proco­pius entire,Camd. in Anglo-Sax. he had not then mistaken this Brittia for our Britain; but he had only the latter part of it transmitted to him by Franciseus Pithaeus, and was likewise in all probability misled by John Tzetzes, and his Brother Isaac; of whom the former in his Notes upon Hesiod, the other in his upon Lycophron, calls it [...] Britain, for Brittia, and both of them relate Poetical Fi­ctions of dead mens Souls carried thither. This Island lay near Caligula's Watch-Tower, cal­led Brittenburg, and Huis de Britten, but hath been long ago, with many others thereabouts, swallowed up by the Sea: unless we should rather think it to be Valachria, which Levinus Lemnius conjectureth to have taken its name from our Welchmen.

About this time Priscillian a Spaniard, of No­ble Birth, revived the Heresie of the Gnosticks, [Page 159]wherein he was countenanced by some Bishops, especially by Instantius, and Salvianus, (who laboured to make himself Bishop of Abila;) up­on which a Council was assembled at Bur­deaux, from which the Heresiarch appealed to Maximus, by whom he was put to death, being also convicted of Sorcery and Obscenity; though Martin Bishop of Tours had interceded for the sparing of his life, desiring that he might be left to the Desinitive Sentence of the Bishops, it being an unexampled hainous En­croachment, for a Secular Judge to determine Causes of the Church. Divers others suffered with him, and Instantius (whom the Council had declared unworthy of his Bishoprick) was banished with Tiberianus to the Isle of Silly.

In the year three hundred eighty seven, Ma­ximus quarrels with Valentinian for molesting the Orthodox Bishops, and committing Gaul to the care of his Son Flavius Victor, whom he had lately declared Augustus, enters Italy with such terror, that the young Emperour, and his Mother Justina, were constrained to flee to Theodosius for succour. After whose flight his Enemy was received with all honour by the Cities of Italy; and Africk readily submitted to him, so that he was now sole Monarch of the Western Empire. But Theodosius first check­ing Valentinian for favouring Auxentius and the Arians, and laying down before him the ju­stice of God's Judgments upon him, at last pre­pares to restore him, and levies a mighty Army, which he encreases with numerous Aids of Goths, Hunnes, and Alans. Maximus nothing [Page 160]daunted hereat, resolves to be on the assailing hand, and advancing into Pannonia superior, takes in Petovio, (now Petow in Stiria) seated upon the River Dravus, and leaving in it a strong Garrison, marches to Syscia, (now Sysseg upon the River Savus, in Windischland,) and takes that too, meaning to make it the Seat of the War. And hearing that Theodosius inten­ded to send Valentinian and his Mother by Sea into Italy, being now consident of his strength in field, he commands Andragathius (whom he had ordered to guard the Alps) to embarque his Forces, and intercept them, which yet he failed of performing, they being landed, and joyfully received by their friends before his coming. Yet he continued out at Sea, by rea­son of a report that Thodesius designed to fol­low them with his whole Army. In the mean time some of the Barbarous people who served under the Eastern Emperour, were by his Fne­mies bribed into a Conspiracy against him, which being discovered, they withdrew them­selves, and fled towards Maccedon to the Boggs and Lakes, but were found out by the Pursu­ers, and almost all of them put to the sword. Having thus prevented that danger,I atinus Pa­catus in Pa­neg. he marches up to Syseia in Pannonia, where Maximus abode his coming; between whom was fought a cruel Battel, in which Maximus was over­thrown with great slaughter, and forced to fly to Petovio, where his Brother Marcellinus meets him with brave Recruits. Theodosius follows, and sights another Battel with him there, where after a sharp contest he again defeats him, but [Page 161]night drawing on gave him opportunity to escape. The Conquerour pursues, and by the way receives into his service some Squadrons of his Enemies Forces which submitted to him. At his entrance into Italy he is triumphantly re­ceived by the Inhabitants and Soldiers of Hae­mona, (a City situated at the Foot of the Alps,) and passing forward sate down before Aqui­leia, whither Maximus was fled; who appear­ing too much dejected at the late change of his fortune, made his followers despair of all possi­bility of standing out. Whereupon to make their own peace, they seized him as he was dealing money to the Soldiers, and stripping him of his Imperial Robes delivered the City and him to Theodosius, in which extremity he recollected his Spirits, and behaved himself un­dauntedly before his Adversaries. But when the victorious Emperour discovered some incli­nations to pi [...]y and commiseration of his condi­tion,388 his Officers drew this unhappy Prince out of his sight, and three miles off from the City beheaded him. Andragathius, who was scouring the Ionian Sea with his Fleet, hearing of his Master's death, and knowing that he must now expect the utmost severity upon the Emperour Gratian's account, threw himself headlong into the Sea, and there perished. This Victory was thence forward, as Pr [...]cipius saith, celebrated by the Romans with an Anniversary Festival. St. Ambrose taxeth this Maximus of favouring the Jews too much, and saith of him, Idcirco Syscia & Petovione, atque ubique terra­rum victus est; Therefore was he overcome at Sy­scia [Page 162] and Petovio, and every where else. In the mean time Nannienus and Quintinus, Greg. Tu­ron. whom he left in Gaul to assist his Son Victor, vanquished the Franks at a place called Carbonaria; after which Armorica was given to Conan, who had done good Service in the fight: whereupon he with a considerable number of his Britans, quit­ting Brittia, settles himself among the other Bri­tans, who had been formerly planted there by Constantius and Constantine. The aforesaid vi­ctory so encouraged Quintinus, that he would fain have perswaded his companion to carry the War into their countrey, who warily refused, and returned to Mentz. But Quintinus reso­lute in his way, passes on by Nuys, and falls in­to the Ambushes which Genebald, Marcomer and Sunnon had laid for him, by whom he is sound­ly beaten, and Heraclius Tribune of the Jovij, and the greatest part of the Army cut off, the rest escaping by the benefit of the night and shelter of the Woods. But Arbogastes is now dispatched into Gaul by Valentinian, who van­quishes and takes Victor, and puts him to death, and places Carietto and Syrus in the rooms of Nannienus and Quintinus. This end had the Empire of Maximus, in the year three hundred eighty eight, when he had reigned six years, whom Sulpitius Severus, Orosius, and Bede, af­firme to have been a worthy man, and fit to be Emperour, if he had attained it lawfully; and so this Island returned to the obedience of Rome.

Soon after this we find our Britans going in Pilgrimage to Palestine and Syria to visit Jeru­salem, [Page 163]and Simeon Stylites; but others of them we meet with not so well employed. For now Pelagius contries his Heresie, which some few years after he vents, with his two Disciples, Ce­lestius an Irish Scot, and Julianus an Italian of Campania. This Pelagius was a Britan, and asPolychron. lib. 4. c. 31. Ranulphus Cestrensis andTinm. in vita Sancti Albani. Joannes Tinmuthen­sis say, was Abbot of Bangor; and some will have him to be called Morgan in his own coun­trey language, for Morgan in British signifies the same with Pelagius. His Heresie shrewdly di­sturbed the Church for many years, of which I shall say nothing here, because so many have written largely of it. Chrysanthus, the Son of a Bishop named Martian, governed Britain as Vicar at this time with great reputation, having formerly been a Consular Deputy of Italy under Theodosius, and was afterwards for his integrity, against his will, made Bishop of the N [...]vatian Churches about Constantinople, and was so cha­ritable, that of all Ecclesiastical Revenues and Profits he reserved nothing to himself but two loaves of Bread on the Lord's day.

In the year three hundred ninety three,393 the Emperour Theodosius being then Consul with Abundantius, the S [...]ots from the North-west,Florent. Vi gorn. and the Picts from the North wasted this Isle of Britain: and three years after,Joannes Major. lib. 2. ca [...] [...]. 1. the Scots a­gain joyning with the Picts invaded the Roman Province; to repress whom, Stilico, Guardian to the Emperour Honorius, sent over a Legion under the command of Victorinus of Tolosa, who drove them home, and new fortified the Wall, placing a Legion there against all occa­sions. [Page 164]The Scotish Writers say that he went near to have reduced the Picts into absolute subjection. It should seem the Saxons also did then infest this Land, and were repulsed by him,Claud. lib. 2. de laud. Stilic. from these words of Claudian, in which Britain is brought in speaking to Stilico.

And in another place:Lib. 2. in Butrop. Ex­nuch.

[Page 165]And in his Epithalamium to Palladius and Cele­rina, speaking of the Roman Forces, among the rest he mentions;

‘The Legion which both Scot and Saxon awes.’ Where we see the Poet attributes to Stilico the performances of his Licutenant, as formerly Fronto ascribed to the Emperour Antoninus the Exploits of his Propraetor here. But about the year four hundred and two,402 Alarick the Goth made his first irruption into Italy, and besieged the Emperour Honorius in Asta of Piedmont, to whose relief the Roman Armies hasted from all parts, and among others Victorinus with his Legion, with whose help Stilico forced Alarick to raise his Siege, and overcoming him in two other Battels at Pollentia and Verrona, Sigon. de Occid. Imp. lib. 10. chased him out of the Countrey, though in the former he lost a great part of his Horse, together with their Commander, whose name was Saul. By the departure of Victorinus the Britans were again exposed to the fury of the Scots and Picts, who in the year four hundred and five,405 sorely infested them, as the Annals of Connaught re­port. And the year following,406 the Vandals, Alans, Quades, Marcomanns, Herules, Turcilirgs, Suevians, Saxons, Almans, and Burgundians, breaking into Gaul, struck such a terrour into those Roman Forces which remained here in [Page 166] Britain, that fearing lest the flame of their neigh­bours fire might flash out and catch hold of them, and despairing of Protection from Ho­norius, they in the year four hundred and se­ven,407 with the consent of the Britans, set up their Commander Marcus for Emperour; but soon after upon some dislike slew him, and in his room set up Gratianus Municeps a British Roman, who, as Geoffrey of Monmouth saith, overthrew the Scots and Picts in the time of Maximus; and probably some such success might create in him that insolent humour, which rendred him hateful to his Soldiers, who therefore deprived him of his Empire and life, when he had reigned four months. They then conferr the Sovereignty upon one Constantine, whose Name they deemed auspicious and an Osse of good luck, whom though some Wri­ters speak contemptibly of, yet Procopius terms him [...],Lib. 1. de bello Vand. A man not obscure, or ignoble. Geoffrey makes him the Brother of Aldroenus the British King of Armorica, and saith, that he likewise defeated the Scots and Picts, and mar­ried a Roman Lady of Noble Bloud. His reign he places much later than in truth it was, (as he likewise doth the Reigns of his Sons, Aurelian, Ambrose, and the famous Arthus,) assigning contrary to all Chronology, ten years to his Government, between the refusal of Aetius to help the Britans, and the entrance of the English Saxons; and makes his Son Constans to reign not with him, but after his death, telling strange stories of the murders of both these Princes by Picts. And Hector Boëtius makes [Page 167]two Constantines of this one, and hath a long Narration of the Battel between the later and the Scotish King Dongard, who yet was not born when Cinstantine died, nor had his Fa­ther Fergusius then any thing to do in Britain, as I shall shew hereafter. But leaving these Triflers to their Fables and falshood, I shall proceed to what I find in approved Historians.

Constantine being thus made Emperour, makes Justinian and Neviogastes Commanders of the Celtick Bands,Zosim. lib. 6. Sigon. de Occid. Im­per. lib. 10. and gathering all the Ro­man Soldiers here that were fit for service, and all the strength of Britan that Maximus had left, transported them into Gaul, landing at Bo­loign, where he stayed some few dayes, and in that short space was so fortunate, as to draw all the Roman Forces as far as to the Alps to take part with him. Limenius Prefect of the Praetorium, and Cariobaudes a great Comman­der, finding themselves unable to resist him, fled into Italy, from whence Sarus is sent with an Army against him, by whom Justinian is vanquished and slain, with the loss of the great­est part of his Army; and Neviogastes treating of Articles of Agreement with him, was by him put to death, contrary to his Oath. After this he layes Siege to Valentia, whither Constan­tine was retreated as to a place of strength, ex­pecting there the coming of his two Generals, Edobichus a Frank, and Gerontius a Britan. Up­on whose approach Sarus raises his Siege, seven dayes after his first sitting down before the Town; yet had much ado to escape out of the hands of those valiant and experienced Cap­tains, [Page 168]being fain to part with all the Spoil he had gotten in this War to the Bacaudae or armed Rusticks, who met him at the Alps, to procure of them free passage into Italy. Con­stantine encouraged with this success builds For­tresses upon the Alps, as well Cottiae and Peni­nae, as those towards the Maritime Coasts, wherever there was any passage. The Rhene, which ever since Julian's time had been negle­cted, he fortified with a Garrison, and sent his Son Constans (whom of a Winchester Monk he had made Caesar) with an Army into Spain against Didymius and Verenianus, the Kinsmen of Honorius. In this Expedition Constans made Terentius General, and Apollinaris Prefect of the Praetorium. Against whom, Didymius and his Brother, with the Lusitanian Armies, made stout resistance, but finding themselves overpower'd, armed the Countrey people and Slaves against him, and brought him to hard straits; but notwithstanding all their brave endeavours, they were at last overcome, and taken Priso­ners with their wives: upon which their Bro­thers, Theodosius and Lagodius, giving all for lost, quitted Spain, the former sleeing to Honori­us, the other to the Eastern Emperour. Con­stans having thus reduced Spain, places the Ho­noriaci, and other Celtick Forces in Garrison upon the Pyrenaean Hills, (though the Spanish Armies had desired that themselves and not Strangers might be entrusted to guard the Passa­ges and Entrances into their own Countrey, as anciently they were,) and leaving the Furni­ture of his Court and his wife at Saragosa, and [Page 169] Gerontius to command in his absence, returns to his Father, carrying with him the two Captive Princes, whom Constantine forthwith command­ed to be put to death. And now he sends an Ambassador to Honorius, requesting to be held excused for suffering the Purple to be forcibly put upon him by the Soldiers, who knowing nothing as yet of the death of his Kinsmen, in hopes of saving their lives sent him of free gift the Imperial Robe. To confirm this Agree­ment, and to excuse the deaths of Didymius and Verenianus, Constantine dispatches another Ambassador, named Jovius, who told the Em­perour, that they were slain by the Soldiers, without the privity of Constantine, and against his will. But finding Honorius highly incensed at it, he advised him, that considering the pre­sent posture of Assairs, he should remit his an­ger against Constantine for what was past reme­dy, promising that if he would give him leave to repair to his Master, and inform him of the state of Italy, he would return to his assi­stance with the Forces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and upon this assurance he was safely disinist. For Strlico's design to make away the young Theod sius, and thereby to get the Eastern Empire for his Son Eucherius, being discover­ed, he was put to death by the command of Honorius; whereupon Alarick the Goth, who feared none but him, entred Italy again, which Expedition proved so much the more pros­perous to him than the former, that he took and spoiled Rome, and many other Cities; so that the Emperour stood in great need of help a­gainst [Page 170]him. In Gaul, Constantine, holding his condition now secure, becomes supine and ne­gligent, giving himself over to Gluttony and Belly-chear. His Son Constans he sends back in­to Spain, who taking with him one Justus to be General of his Army there, gave thereby such offence to Gerontius, that he set up one of his friends named Maximus for Emperour at Tarracon, and excited the Vandals, and other Barbarous people in Gaul, to break their league with Constantine, who was too weak for them in this conjuncture, the greatest part of his Forces being in Spain, and siding with his Ene­mies. This advantage was espyed and taken by the Nations beyond the Rhine, who here­upon cruelly afflicted several parts of Gaul with their incursions, and the Maritime Cities of Britain with their Piracies. Which when Constantine could not redress, the Britans ad­dressed themselves to Honorius, and craved aid of him. But he having his hands full of the Gothick War, advises them to take courage, and defend themselves, and by his Letter acquits them of their subjection to the Roman Empire.

They therefore thus discharged, took Arms, and defended themselves as well as they could; whose example was quickly followed by the Britans of Armorica. At the same time the Franks crossing the Rhine, took the Imperial City of Triers, and the Vandals, Sueves, and A­lans passed over the Pirenaean Hills, and joyning with the Forces which Constans had left there in Garrison, entred Spain. Constantine now de­clares his Son Constans, Augustus and Associate [Page 171]in the Empire, and displacing Apollinaris from his Praetorian Prefecture bestows it upon ano­ther. Ellobichus or Allobichus, a man of great power and trust with Honorius, upon some dis­taste, privily invites Constantine into Italy, who passing the Alps marched to Verona, and was ready to cross the Po, when news was brought him of the sudden death of Ellobichus, upon which he returned back to Arles where he kept his residence, having caused that City to be called after his own name Constantina, and ordained, that the Assemblies for Assizes of seven Provinces should be there held. Honorius being hereof advertised as he returned from a journey, immediately alighted to give God thanks for so great a deliverance from an un­suspected Domestick Conspiratour. And now he had leisure to think of revenge against Con­stantine, since his greatest Enemy Alarick King of the Goths, was also lately dead at Consentia. In the mean time Gerontius leaving Maximus in Spain, marches for Gaul; whereupon Constan­tine orders his Son Constans to stay at Vienna, while he sends Edobichus to the Franks and Al­mans for aid. But Gerontius takes Vienna by Assault, and kills Constans, and from thence conducts his Forces against Constantine himself, and layes Siege to Arles. Thither comes Con­stantius, General for the Emperour Honorius, and sits down before the City too. At whose coming Gerontius finding that many of his Sol­diers deserted him, and fearing a general Re­volt in case of longer stay there, broke up his Leaguer, and hasted for Spain (with those [Page 172]that would follow him,) in such sort as little differed from plain flight. The remainder of his Army went over to Constantius, who hear­ing that Edobichus was advancing against him, sent his Lieutenant General Ʋlphilas, and part of his Army before, with orders to conceal themselves in some convenient place, while their Enemy passed by; himself follows, march­ing directly against Edobichus, between whom was fought a cruel Battel: but in the end Edo­bichus being charged by Constantius before, and by Ʋlphilas behind, was with great slaughter defeated, and in this distress flees to an ancient friend of his named Ecdicius, whom he had ma­ny ways obliged formerly. Ecdicius receives him with a feigned kindness, and in the night cuts off his head, which he presents to Constan­tius, in hopes of being well rewarded for it. But when he would have stayed in the Camp, the worthy General commanded him to de­part, as detesting the sight of him who had been perfidious to a deserving friend. This success so discouraged Constantine, that to save his life he turn'd Priest, when he had reigned four years; and so Arles, after a Siege of four months, was surrendred. Constantine being taken with his Son Julian, whom he had named Nobilissimus, was sent into Italy, and near the River Mincius beheaded by the order of Honorius, 411 in the year four hundred and ele­ven.

In the mean time Jovinus, who commanded in Gaul under Constantine, drawing together all the Forces of that Countrey, with strong sup­plies [Page 173]of Franks, Burgundians, and Alans, in stead of endeavouring the relief of his Master sets up for himself, and puts on the Imperial Robes at Auverne, which added to the dejecti­on of the Besieged in Arles, and hastened their yielding.

In Spain, Gerontius, after his shameful re­turn, grew into such contempt with the Soldi­ers, that they beset his house in the night, where, with the help of his friend Alanus and a few Servants, he defended himself stoutly, and slew above three hundred of them, and when his Darts and other weapons were spent, he might at last have escaped at a private door as his Servants did; but not enduring to leave his wife Nonnichia, whom he entirely loved, to the violence of enraged Mutineers, he first cut off the head of his dear friend Alanus, then of his own Wife Nonnichia, at the earnest en­treaty of them both, who loved him so affe­ctionately, that they would not survive him. Last of all, he turns his sword against himself, but missing the mortal place finishes his work with his Poniard, more fortunate in his friend than Edobichus, though less deserving it for his Disloyalty.

Of the death of this Gerontius, Mr. Humfrey Lhoyd saith in his brief Commentaries, there were extant in his time very ancient British Rhymes, if he mistake him not for another Ge­rontius that was Prince of Danmonia, many years after this man's time.

Upon the surrendry of Arles, Constantius goes against Jovinus, whom he overcomes and [Page 174]drives out of the countrey. In his room up starts his Brother Sebastian, whom Constantius soon defeated and slew, together with his Com­plices, Salustius and Rusticus. Next he con­ducts his Forces into Spain against Maximus, whom with like success he vanquishes and takes Prisoner; but after a short time dismisses him, as one who had not aspired to that usur­pation through his own ambition, but was on­ly made a Stale to the Politick ends of his Ad­vancers.

Those Britans that came over with Constan­tine, when the War was ended, never went home, but joyned themselves with their Bre­thren in Armorica: Procop. de bello Vand. lib. 1. Bed. lib. 1. cap. 11. yet did not the Romans at all look after the recovery of Britain, as Proco­pius and Bede with others tell us, having still work enough nearer home. And for some time indeed the Britans defended themselves pretty well:418 but in the year four hundred and eighteen, their old Enemies assailed them so fiercely, doing so much mischief both by Sea and Land, and threatning more, that the residue of those Romans who had planted themselves here, thought it their wisest and safest course to remove into Gaul, Annal. Sa­xon. & A­thelward. lib. 1. hiding for hast under ground great part of their Treasure, which was never after found. Gildas stiles this Invasion, which lasted some years, A Trampling under foot, a most cruell Infestation and Depression, and calls it the First, accounting all their former Hostilities as nothing in comparison of this, and those that ensued: the Picts he terms here a Trans­marine Nation, because parted from the rest of [Page 175] Britain in a manner, by two Armes of the Sea, now named the Friths of Edenborough and Dun­britton.

The Britans thus overpower'd and oppres­sed, send Ambassadors to the Emperour Ho­norius, and humbly beseech him, with pittious prayers and promises of perpetual Subjection and Loyal Obedience for the future, to succour them in this their distress: whereupon in the year four hundred twenty two,422 a Legion strong­ly provided for the War was by Aetius, Gene­ral of the Forces in Gaul, dispatched hither, who encountring with the Enemies, and kil­ling a huge number of them, drove them out of the Province, and by so bloody a victory de­livered their Friends and Subjects from immi­nent peril. Then they ordered them to build across the Island, between the aforesaid Friths of Edenborough and Dunbritton, from Abercorne to Kirk Patrick, as Lollius and Cerausius had done before, a Wall, which being made with Garrisons of Soldiers, might be a terror to their Foes, and a safeguard to themselves. But the Romans being recalled to be employed a­gainst other Enemies, could not stay to see the work done; so that it being made without fit Directors by the common people and unreaso­nable Rout, not so much of Stone as of Turs, proved to little purpose.

This year the two forementioned Usurpers, Maximus and Jovinus, going about to raise new Stirs with the assistance of the Barbarous Nations, were taken in Spain by Castinus and Boniface, who sent them into Italy, where [Page 176]they served to adorn the Trinmph of the Em­perour Honorius.

About this time flourished two famous Bri­tish Bishops, Fastidius, and Ninianus, of whom the former wrote to one Fatalis a worthy Book, concerning Christian Life, (as some Copies of Gennadius have it, or as others, concerning Christian Faith,) and another, of continuing in the state of Widowhood; the other converted the Southern Picts, inhabiting between Forth and Grantzbain, and was the first Bishop of Candida Casa, (now Whitleerne in Galloway,) where he built a Church of Stone, which, as Joannes Tinmuthensis saith, was the first Church of Stone in Britain; and in Ireland he founded a large Monastery at a place called Cluayn Co­ner, both he and his Brother Plebeias were Ca­nonized for Saints.

In the year four hundred twenty five,425 the Picts and Scots knowing that the Romans were returned home, again invaded the Britans, breaking down the Rampire, and all other Fen­ces, committing all sorts of cruelty, and send­ing out their Piratick Vessels robbed and ran­sackt their Coasts in a miserable manner. The Britans therefore again send suppliant Ambassa­dors to entreat the Romans, in meer commise­ration of their case, and for their own Honour, once more to relieve them. Whereupon Ae­tius, by the Emperour Valentinian's command,426 in the year four hundred twenty six, sends o­ver another Legion under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna, wo forthwith marched against those spoiling Enemies, and giving them a no­table [Page 177]Overthrow, chased them home with a terrible slaughter.

After this Exploit the Romans declare to the Britans, That the present condition of the Em­pire would not permit them to take any more such troublesome Journeys, and therefore they must resolve to defend themselves, and not be afraid of Nations no wayes more valiant than they, if by sloth and idleness they did not weaken themselves. So giving Manful Ex­hortations to a Fearful People, and teaching them to make and handle Arms, they together with the Inhabitants, at the common charge of all, and with the private additional helps of many, built a Wall of Stone from Sea to Sea, in the same place, where, as Bede and others say,Bed. lib. 5. cap. 12. Severus built his Wall; and on those Shores which used to be most infested with Pirats they erected Watch-Towers in divers places at con­venient distances, and beyond the Wall they fortified up and down Stations for Soldiers as was done in Severus his time. And so the Ro­mans (never to return again) bid adieu to the Britans; and the year following, Gallio, 427 (who had done this Service,) Mavortius, and Sinnox, were sent into Africk against Boniface, in which War the two former lost their lives the same year by the treachery of their companion Sin­nox, who himself received the just reward of a Traitor from the hands of Boniface, being by him put to death.

In the year four hundred twenty nine,Presp. Flo­rentius and Dionysius being then Consuls,429 Agri­cola the Pelagian, the Son of Severianus a Pela­gian [Page 178]Bishop, comes into Britain, and here dif­fuses the contagion of his pestilent opinion; a­gainst whom the British Clergy, more Pious than Learned in those calamitous times, know­ing his Doctrine to be Heretical, and yet not able to confute him, crave aid of the Gallick Bi­shops, whom Pope Celestine, at the Suit of Pal­ladius a Deacon of Rome, excites to help their British Brethren in this exigence. Whereupon a Council is assembled, wherein German Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus Bishop of Troyes, men famous for their Learning and Sanctity, are as­signed to the work. These crossing the Sea in the dead of Winter, had a very stormy passage, which was attributed to Evil Spirits, and at their arrival found a great deal of hurt had been done here in a short space. However by continual preaching, not only in Churches, but also in Streets and fields, and by Miracles ac­companying their Doctrine, they confirmed many that wavered, regained others, and con­vening a Council at Verulam in the year four hundred and thirty,430 did there in publick Dis­putation put to silence their chief Adversaries. From thence the Bishops went for Wales, where, as Nennius saith, one Banlius King of Powis, infected (as it seems) with Pelagianism, and therefore refusing to entertain German, and hear his Preaching, was destroyed with his Pa­lace by Lightning; and Cadel a Swineherd, who had lodged and treated the Bishop to his best ability, was therefore advanced to the Heaven-burnt Tyrant's Throne.

In the year four hundred thirty one,431 being [Page 179]the eighth year of Theodosius, reckoning from the death of his Uncle Honorius, the Picts and Scots understanding the resolution of the Ro­mans to come back no more, assail the Britans again, and with greater considence than ever before drive the dismaied Soldiers from their Stations, and seize into their hands all the Countrey which lay on that side of the Wall. There was placed along this Wall, upon an high Fort, a Garrison, consisting of such as lack­ed both Military skill and courage, who ward­ing and watching there day and night, became lazy with doing nothing. The Enemies com­ing on, with their hooked weapons easily pul­led down these unwarlike Wretches, and dash­ed them to the ground, and making a great Breach in the Wall, at a place thence called Thirlwall, (which is as much as a Wall pierced through,) they went forward taking several wayes, and committing horrible spoils and bloody slaughters every where as they went. The Picts in their way meet with the Saxons, who were come upon the same design of spoil and slaughter; with them they joyn, and all together march into Northwales. The Britans had there an Army to oppose them, and hear­ing of their Enemies approach, applyed them­selves to the two Bishops, bemoaning their past and present miseries to them, who bid them be of courage, and promised them their assistance. The decay of the State had wrought a strange decay of Religion, the greatest part of this Army was yet unbaptized; they there­fore first list them under Christ's Banner by [Page 180]the initiating Sacrament of Baptism, and then German, who in his younger dayes had been a Soldier, undertakes to be their General. It was then the time of Lent, and in the Camp there was a place set a part and drest up with Boughs for Easter-day. The Enemies judging the Britans more taken up with acts of Reli­gion than the exercise of Arms, hasten against them after the Paschal Feast as to an assured victory. German draws up his Army in a val­ley compassed about with Hills, by which the Enemy was to pass, and having laid an Am­bush in a convenient place, gives order that what word they heard him pronounce aloud, the same they should repeat with an universal Shout. The Saxons and Picts pass on securely, and German thrice aloud cryes Halleluiah, which answered by the Soldiers with a sudden burst of clamour, is from the hills and valley redou­bled, and presently they that were in Ambush shew themselves. The Enemies were hereat strangely astonished, and searing that some un­expected Succours were come to the Britans, were seized with such a general consternation, that breaking their Ranks, and throwing down their Arms, they ran away in a miserable con­susion, leaving their Pillage to the Pursuers, many of them in their hasty flight being drown­ed in the River. This victory was gained in Flintshire, hard by a Town called by the Welch, Guiderue, by the English, Mold, and hence the place of Fight was named Maes Garmon, Usser. de primord. that is to say, German's field, near which runs the Ri­ver Alen, wherein so many of the Britans were [Page 181]baptized, and of the Enemies drowned. The same year the two Bishops returned home, having overcome both Spiritual and worldly Adversaries, and acted many memorable things here which we may read in Constantius, Beda, Nennius, and others. And this very year the forementioned Palladius was by Pope Celestine sent into Ireland to be Bishop of the Scots there, who had received the Christian Faith, and to spread Christianity in those parts; who took with him twelve of his Disciples; to four of whom, namely Augustine, Benedict, Silvester, and Solonius, he committed the care and charge of three Churches which he built in the Pro­vince of Lemster, whither he was come, after he had been with the Scots in Ʋlster. But Na­thius the Son of Garcon King of Lemster oppo­sing and disturbing him, and those wild people not willing to entertain his Doctrine, he de­parted thence into Albania, and spent some time in preaching to the Picts, among whom he died at Fordon in Mernis, where the common people call him St. Pad. Antonius Possevinus saith, he was a Britan, and we find the same of him in an old Marginal Note to St. Patrick's Charter (in William of Malmesbury's M. S. Hi­story of the Antiquity of Glastonbury, in the Li­brary of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge,) speak­ing of Celestine's sending him to Ireland, Eodem anno vel praecedente misit idem Papa ad praedican­dum ibidem virum nomine Palladium, Britanni­cum genere, sed idem citò repatriavit sine effectu. The same year, or the year before, the same Pope sent a man named Palladius, a Britan by Nation, [Page 182]to preach there, but he soon returned without effect.

Upon the death of Paliadius, 432 Pope Celestine sent over Patrick, in the year four hundred thir­ty two, to convert the Irish; and soon after himself dyed,Prosp. con­tra Collat. cap. 41. of whose Endeavours for Britain and Ireland, Pr [...]sper gives this Testimony; Nec segniore curâ ab hoc eodem morbo Britannias libe­ravit, quando quosdam inimicos gratiae solum suae originis occupantes etiam ab illo secreto exclus [...]t Oce­ani, & [...]rdinato Scotis Episcopo dum Romanam Insulam studet strvare Catholicam, fecit etiam Barbaram Christianam.

The Emperess Placidia, Idacius & Marcellinus comes. Mother to the Em­perour Valentinian, being reconciled to Boni­face, resolved to make him Magister Militum, Chief Commander of the Forces of the Empire in the place of Aetius, which yet she thought could not casily be done, while Aetius conti­nued in the head of the Gal [...]ick Army; she therefore had contrived to have him elected Consul for this year with Valerius, and thereby drawing him to Rome to look after his Charge there, sends for Boniface out of Africk, and at his coming bestows upon him the Command she had designed for him. Aetius not brook­ing to see himself so supplanted, and his utter Enemy put over his head, stood out in opposi­tion, with such of his friends and followers as he could get together, and came to a conflict with him; wherein these two famous Gene­rals met, and fought hand to hand, and Aetius with his Javelin gave Boniface his mortal wound, whereof he dyed about three months after, (charging his wife Pelagia, whom he left very [Page 183]rich, to accept of no other Husband but Aetius, as judging none but him a fit Match for his Relict.) Aetius himself received no hurt in this combat, yet loth to hazard his friends too far against the whole Army of Italy, retired, and dismissing them betook himself to a private life in the Countrey; but understanding that one who owed him an old grudge plotted to mur­der him, he privately speeded to Rome, and from thence by Dalmatia to Pannonia, then pos­sessed by the Hunnes, with whose help he re­covered the Emperour's favour and his former Command, displacing Sebastian Boniface's Son­in-Law who then held it, and being advanced to the Dignity of a Patrician returned into Gaul.

The Britans did not make a right improve­ment of Germans victory, but lost both Cou­rage and Virtue when they lost the sight of the two Bishops, relapsing to their old courses of Debauchery and Dissension, being, as Gildas describes them, as eager and prompt to Civil Broils, as they were backward and heartless against Foreigners. This encouraged their Enemies to prosecute the War more furiously, in which after some variable successes, they so prevailed at length, that they forced the Bri­tans in many places to quit their Towns and Cities, and flee to the Woods, not daring to till their Grounds, because they durst not hope to reap; and then arose a cruel Famine (both here and in divers other parts of Europe) so that these people had nothing to keep them alive, but what they got by robbing one another, and by Hunting.

[Page 184]And here,De Gest. Scot. lib. [...], cap. 1. because John Maior and others wonder, that the Britans should be unable to deal with the Picts and Scots, it will not be amiss to consider the sundry Drainings and numerous Levies made of them, for the service of the Emperours in their Wars abroad. Learn­ed Camden hath observed out of Ancient In­scriptions, and the Book called Notitia Provin­ciarum, That these Companies underwritten served the Romans in their Wars, and were here and there dispersed over their Provinces, which also were from time to time evermore supplied out of Britain: Ala Britannica Millia­ria, Ala quarta Britonum in Aegypto, Cohors prima Aelia Britonum, Cohors tertia Britonum, Cohors septima Britonum, Cohors vigesima sexta Britonum in Armenia, Britanniciani sub magistro peditum, Invicti Juniores Britanniciani, & Ex­culcatores Jun: Britan: inter auxilia Palatina, Britones cum magistro Equitum Galliarum, Invicti Juniores Britones intra Hispanias, Britones Seni­ores in Illyrico; besides, the several forementio­ned Colonies transported by Constantius Chlo­rus, Constantine the Great, Maximus, and the Last Constantine, who settled in Armorica, and are by Procopius called Arboricans for Armoricans, and are commended by him and Zosamus for valiantly asserting and maintaining their Li­berty, when the rest of Gaul was overrun by Barbarians. Nor were the Provincials only thus exhausted, but sometimes too the Nor­thern Britans were drawn into the Roman Ser­vice. For among the Palatine Aids within Caul, were reckoned Attecotti juniores Galiicani, [Page 185]and Attecotti Honoriani seniores; and within Ita­ly, Attecotti Honoriani juniores. Which people so weakning themselves to pleasure the Empe­rours, became an easier prey to the intruding Scots,

It appears then, that the loss of this Island was a great damage to the Romans, who bore sway here above four hundred and sixty years, from Julius Caesar's Conquest to the last Con­stantine, and so highly esteemed, that they cal­led it the Roman Isle, and Romania, and the Ro­man Language was grown so familiar among them, that Gildas calls the Latin Tongue his own Language. In all which time the Britans had Kings of their own, reigning in some part of the Land, which no other European Province of the Empire had. And this may be further said for the credit of our Britans, That when the Barbarous Nations like an inundation broke into the Roman Empire, all the other Provinces never endeavoured to assert, in the way of war or opposition, either their ancient repu­tation, or their Native Liberties, but suffered themselves to be won, lost, fought for, and a­gain recovered by their quarrelsome Masters, as if they had no Title to their own Countrey, but were born to follow the fortunes of all Pretenders: only this people stood up for themselves, and when stored with a new stock of vigorous Youth, contested bravely, not only with the Picts and Scots, but with the Saxons too, though much more potent Ene­mies. But at this time, as I said, the Britans were in a very low condition, which William [Page 186]of Malmes bury, Lib. 1. de Reg. having spoken of Maximus and Constantine, thus describes. When the Tyrants had left none in the Countrey but half Barbarians, none in the Cities and Towns but such as wholly gave themseves to Belly-cheer, Britain destitute of all Protection by her vigorous young men, bereaved of all exercise and practice of good Arts, became ex­posed for a long time to the greedy and gaping jaws of the hordering Nations.

Aetius was at this time Captain General of the Forces of the Empire, and Consul the third time with Symmachus, 446 in the year four hun­dred forty six, to whom the Distressed Britans send their Ambassadors with a pitious mourn­ful Letter, superscribed, To Aetius thrice Consul, the Groans of the Britans: and after a few words, thus: ‘The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea puts us back to the Bar­barians, between these two sorts of Death we either have our Throats cut, or are drown­ed.’ The Brave Roman affords them pity, but can spare no Succours, not daring to diminish his Forces, because Attila the Hunne, that Scourge and Terrour of the World, then threat­ned the Empire with a terrible Invasion.

The Britans therefore thus disappointed of their last hopes, oppressed with War and Fa­mine, were many of them fain to yield them­selves Slaves to the raging Foes, meerly to get some food, were it never so little, to comfort and refresh their poor hungry Souls. But there were some Nobler Spirits left, who betaking themselves to the Mountains, Grots, and desert woody Forrests, made from thence a worthy [Page 187]resistance. Some fortunate Successes brought them more companions, so that having their numbers pretty well increased, with such as meer Despair made valiant, they adventured to sight their Enemies in plain field, and giving them sundry overthrows chased them out of the Countrey.

Having thus happily disburthened the Land of those Spoilers, they enter into consultation about preserving it for the future; and know­ing that it would not be long before their Enemies returned again, they resolved to choose among themselves one supreme King for man­agement of their succeeding Affairs both mili­tary and civil, to whom all the other Roytelets should be subordinate. Hereupon they elect Vortigern (Prince of Ewias,) not the best but the greatest man among them, one whose vi­ces were in some sort compensated by the vir­tues of his Sons, who in all probability were the chief Instruments of their so late Deliver­ance. By this surcease of Hostility the desolate peoples sore of Famine was perfectly healed, and in the stead of it there ensued in the year four hundred forty seven such a fertility,447 and abundant plenty, as had never been remembred in any age before, which was abused to all kinds of riot and luxury, which was attended with exorbitant licentiousness, and all manner of vice, not only among the Latty, but among many of the Clergy too. And to fill up the mea­sure of their Guilt, Pelagianisme enters upon the Stage again; to repell which, those of the British Clergy, who retained their integrity [Page 188]and care of the Church, once more implored Bishop German's help, who (though Lupus was yet alive, and lived long after,) taking with him Severus Bishop of Triers, a man eminent for his piety,448 who had been Lupus his Disciple, came over hither in the year for hundred forty eight, and assembling a Council in Siluria, there confuted the Heretical Teachers, who were straight adjudged to Banishment, and delivered up into the hands of German. In the next place he sharply reproved Vortigern for his in­cestuous marriage with his own Daughter, by whom he had a Son named Faustus, whom the impudent Mother her self was not ashamed to present to the grave Bishop, in the face of the whole Convention. Vortigerne taking of­fence at the Bishop's plain dealing with him, left the Council in a rage, having let flee slan­derous speeches against that holy man; but his Eldest Son Vortimer, a Prince of another tem­per, stayed behind, and gave the Land for ever to German, wherein he had suffered so reproach­ful an abuse; whereupon that part of the coun­trey was named Guarthenion, which in English signifies, A Slander justly retorted: and retorted it was, for here was the Tyrant for his Enor­mities Excommunicated. The place is now called Gurthrenion, in Radnorshire. In this Council it is said, that the Son of one Elaphius, who was seized with a strange lameness in the very flower of his youth, was miraculously cured and restored to the use of his limbs by German; who taking with him the forementi­oned Pelagian Sticklers returned into Gaul, and [Page 189]there disposed of them in such place where they could not infect others, and were themselves under cure of better instruction. At his return the Armorican Britans made an address to him upon this occasion. The Britans, as I said be­fore, were settled in Armorica, whereof they possessed the greater part, the rest lying to the River Loire, being still held by the Romans, and a little before this time governed by one Exupe­rantius: at first they lived under the govern­ment of the Empire, though Conan Meriadoc, and his Son Grallon, did by permission carry some shew of Authority among them. But in the last Constantine's time, they, as I said before, cast off all subjection to the Romans, and Salo­mon, Conan's Grandson, governed them as an absolute King. Aetius, desirous to reduce them, employes Eucharicus King of the Almans against them, whereupon they request German to medi­ate for them, and procure a peace; which he undertakes, and treats with Eucharicus, who refers the matter to Aetius, and Aetius to the Emperour Valentinian, then residing at Raven­na. The good Bishop, though very aged, takes a journey thither, where he is honourably re­ceived by the Emperour and his Mother Pla­cidia, and had certainly prevailed in his suit, if the Armoricans had not upon some occasion or advantage raised new stirs, and thereby made the difference wider. Here German dies, and his body being embalmed, was with a no­ble Attendance carried back into Gaul, and with great solemnity enterred at Auxerre.

In the mean time the Britans here proceed­ing [Page 190]in their courses of Impiety, are allarmed with a dreadful report of their old Enemies coming on afresh with full purpose to seize and possess the whole Island from one end to the other. And to add to the terrour, at the same time the Pestilence breaks out so violently, and destroys such multitudes, that there were scarce­ly enough living left to bury the dead. All this while King Vortigern (whom Blandus calls Vertigerius; Paulus Diaconus, Vertegernus, Pom­ponius Laetus, and Stephanus Pighius, Vertigoma­rus; and Wernerus Laerius, Vortigonus,) lay buried in voluptuousness and sensuality, till at length excited by the peoples clamours, he sum­mons a Council, by whose advice this Proud unlucky Tyrant (as Gildas terms him) resolves upon a desperate Remedy for a desperate Dis­ease; and decrees, That the English Saxons shall be invited to accept of Seats in some part of the Island, and to sight for them; which made Gildas cry out: Oh the most palpable darkness of their Senses! Oh desperate and blockish dulness of their Minds! Those whom in their absence they dreaded more than Death it self, were now freely and willingly invited to inhabit with them under the roof (as I may call it) of one self same House, by the foolish Princes of Taneos, giving indiscreet counsel unto Pharaoh! Yet there are some, who look upon this Design as not so very unpolitick, however it proved unsuccessful, since by this means at one time the Northern Enemies might be kept out, and the British Shores eased of the Saxons frequent depredations, and preserved from the inroads of others of the same coun­trey [Page 191]of Germany, and the same Piratick Trade. Besides which, Vortigern might have another reason in reference to his own particular, name­ly, that he might be sure of their assistance, in case the Britans at any time disliking his Go­vernment, should go about to bring in and en­throne Aurelianus Ambrosius, Constantine's Son, then living with great reputation in Armorica, of whom (as Nennius saith) he stood in conti­nual fear.

Upon this invitation,449 in the year four hun­dred forty nine, which was the fourth year of Vortigern's Reign, Theodosius the younger and Valentinian the third being then Emperours, Asterius and Protogenes Consuls, the English Saxons entred this Land, who laid the Foun­dation of the Famous English Monarchy, which hath here flourished by Gods mercy ever since its first erecting, and may, I trust, by the same mercy continue flourishing to the end of the World.