The loyal martyr vindicated

The loyal martyr vindicated

Table of contents

THE Loyal Martyr VINDICATED.

An Humble Petition to the Present Government.

THE Loyal Martyr VINDICATED.

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AFTER Mr. Ashton's Paper had been shewn by the Sheriff to those that sit at the Helm, and that it was known there were more Copies of it given abroad, so that it was impossible to sham or disguise it, it raised in them (as I am informed) very sollicitous Apprehensions what Effects it was likely to work in the Minds of all the true Sons of the Church of England, to see a genuine Member of that Communion, with his last Breath, admonish his prevaricating Brethren of the enormous Crimes of Perjury and Rebellion, in which they they had of late so deeply plunged themselves; denounce Prophetically to them the Judgments attending their Apostacy, if not timely repented of; profess so stoutly his Allegiance to his much injured and unjustly Dispossessed Prince; seal our Church's Doctrine of Non-resistance with his dearest Blood, and dye so resignedly, chearfully, nay joyfully, in Testimony of that Christian Principle; could not but be apprehended to our Statis's to be the most powerful Motives imaginable, to reclaim those who had been misled by false Information, or seduced by Interest into a Repentance of their Errors; and to establish the rest in the Loyal Principles to which they had hitherto adhered. Besides, the honest unaffected Reason, which appears in the Account he gives of his Tenets, and Conscientious Proceedings, and the Christian Moderation and sincere Piety, which he observed throughout his whole Paper, Praying heartily for his very Enemies, though unjustly thirsting after his Blood, (the proper Temper [Page] of a dying Martyr,) could not but recommend the Contents of it to the esteem of every indifferent Reader, and even be able to shock all such as were not resolutely byass'd.

Nor can I blame them for being so highly concerned, that such a Legacy was left to the Loyal Party. Those politick Men were well aware of the successful Methods by which Christianity was Propagated at first, and that The Blood of the Martyrs was the Seed of the Church; and therefore they judged it very Expedient, that some speedy and effectual Means should be taken to stop the prejudicial Effects, which it would otherwise produce. It was then thought the best way to seem to slight and undervalue the Paper, by Printing it themselves, and at the same time to endeavour to baffle and confute it by an Answer going along with it, penned with as much plausibleness as the Cause could bear: But Truth is not easily trampled down. His Christian Constancy has made too great an Impression in the Hearts of his Admirers, to permit his Meritorious Sufferings to lie under the Scandal of a Treasonable Guilt; and has given Courage to some of the meanest of them to vindicate his Cause, and Credit, against the wicked Slanders and weak Reasons of this mercenary Writer; though he foresees that if they be discovered, they can expect no other Reward but the same fatal End. The Holland Lyon has begun to taste English Blood, and finds it so sweet that it draws on an Appetite of shedding still more.

To fall then to our Reply—

His First Sham (for the whole Piece is a continu'd fardle of such Stuff) is, That the Paper is none of Mr. Ashton's. This, if made good, would (they hoped) take off the Authority and Influence of it, as no [...] being the proper Act of the Martyr, but of some other of that Party [...] it required therefore his best skill to make this Credible. Let us then examine his Arguments: His First Proof is, Because [...] with too much Art and Care to be the Work of one, who professes he thought it better to employ his last minutes in Devotion, (p. 8.) What a ridiculous Cavil is this! His last minutes were at the place of Execution which the Martyr professeth he thought it better to employ in Devotion and holy Communion with his God, than in making Speeches; which if they were Loyal, and delivered his Thoughts fully, were likely to be interrupted, and so not attended with the designed Success; and therefore he chose rather to deliver what he had to say in Writing. Now comes this Gentleman, and pretends (if his Words have any Tenour or Sense in them) that he must have compos'd this Paper of his a [...] his last minutes, that is, at the Gallows; which, he says, he could not do with so much Art and Care, those minutes being taken up otherwise, viz. In Devotion; and therefore (forsooth) the Paper is none of his: As if he had not time enough between his Sentence and the Execution of it to compose a Paper, both larger, and more full of Art and Care (had he minded such Advantages) than this was: Or, as if good Men, whose Piety enclines them to spend their last minutes in holy Thoughts, could not in the time anteceding use both their best Art and Care to pen a true Account of their Principles, and the Cause for which they Suffered; but indeed there is little Art or Care in the Master, or Sense of the Paper, but a plain and candid Discovery of his Thoughts and Affections [Page] both towards God, and the World; and as for the manner of Writing it (if it were indeed such as this Man exhibits it) there was neither any the least Art or Care shewn in it, but perfect Negligence, or rather great Ignorance and Folly throughout the whole, as will be seen shortly.

His Second Reason to prove the Paper was not the Martyr's, is, Because Mr. Ashton, says he, was illiterate and unskilled in the Law, and yet uses such Bug-words, as Impending, Prevaricating, Premisses, and Consequence; and gives such a peremptory Iudgment about the Laws of the Realm, in a Case acknowledged by all ingenious Men of his own Party to have a great deal of difficulty in it; this Man will say any thing, though never so openly false: Not one M [...]n of his Party ever thought there was the least difficulty in this, That it was Treason by our Laws to resist a legal Prince, or acknowledge any other for King while he lives. No not this Writer himself, as appears by his not thinking it his best play to alledge the Laws of the Realm, bu [...] flying off and recurring to the Law of Nations: And as for the Law as it relates to his own Case, he was far from Peremptory, as is manifest from his saying—I am told I am the First Man that ever was condemned for High-Treason upon bare Presumption or Suspicion: Do not these Words [I am told] sound as modestly as is possible, and bar all shew of his passing such a peremptory Iudgment about the Laws of the Realm, as he puts upon him p. 8? What will not this Caviller say? But 'tis pleasant to observe what Prancks he uses all along. 'Tis plain Mr. Ashton meant no more but that he was illiterate (that is, unlearned) and unskilful in the Law, as appears by his desiring the Iudges to observe for him what might be for his Advantage. And sure a Man who has not made the Law his Study, (for the Word reaches no farther,) may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words, none of them being artificial Law Terms; but such honest English as every Gentleman, that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank, is capable of understanding and using. But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks, (for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy,) disjoyns by his Discourse [illiterate] from [unskill'd in the Law] and refers the Four cramp Words to the former, and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter; and when he has done, he tells us very sadly, one may justly wonder at it; and indeed it is very wonderful: For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room, wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked; and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie, is altogether Monstrous.

He tells us, p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things. To assert his Principles, and to testifie his Innocency; and he sets himself to prove that he did neither. As for the former, he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience; and then confutes him most learnedly, by telling us, That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it, and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it. Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly? The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King; and he [Page] is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government, who has Title to it by immediate Succession. Now comes this acute Gentleman, and pretends, without Shame or Wit, that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King, whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such, in their clear, unb [...]ass'd, and [...] in us Thoughts, but to ano [...]her, who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom, and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws, nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so, or who dare not do otherwise. And then after he had preva [...]icated thus eg egiously, he te [...]ls us very gravely, That certainly there must be some g [...]ea [...] mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church: Whereas if there be any 'tis manifestly on his side; but to say the plain Truth, there is no mistake at all, even on his side, but an open Prevarication, and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet, making our Passi [...]e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object, which is to make the Principles of our Church face ab [...]ut with the Times, and point (as a Weather-cock does to the Wind) to a Dispossessour of the true Prince; so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party, and keep under, or Murther, by his new Laws, and new Judges, those who dare be Loyal.

He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it. If he means that only some of them are found there, it reaches not home to his purpose. But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there, he shews himself to be very weak. Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word, and it only, is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith; and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow, is the most unanimous Exposition of it, avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men, and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church. If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience, and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith, that is, does not hold it part of her Faith; he should have produced such, and so many genuine, grave, and eminent Members of one Church, as are beyond Exception, who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense, and upon that ground held the contrary. I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock, who is so flexible a Complier with every side, that, I fear, he is of no side, and ready to be of any, as God-M [...]mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry, or some such irresistible Temptation. As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith, it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector's days, who had Abdicated twi [...]e, (if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating,) and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands, and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense; yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days, when honest Principles, as yet unantiquated, made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution, but all adher'd to their legal [Page] King, though all of them suffered in their Estates, and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty.

But as our Author told us formerly, that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds, so he tells us here, that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince, (whatever his Principles were, or his Practices might be,) as God's Vicegerent, and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power: All this (says he) he might have done, and have been alive still, because, as he contends, King William was his rightful lawful Prince. So that it se [...]ms let King William be of what Principles he will, even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames; or let his Practices be what they will, even to the Subverting all our Liberties, Properties, nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land, still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only, and consequently to obey him as such. Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book, and makes all the Deserters, and fi [...]st Adherers to the Prince of Orange, and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King, and the Consent of the Nation, he talks of, to be Irreligious and Wicked. For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King, nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned, which comes within the compass of his, [whatever his Principles are, or his Practices might be,] and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent; it follows unavoidably, that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion, in the highest Degree, who deserted him, opposed him, turned him out, and set up a Stranger in his stead. Yet this Action of theirs, confest by himself to be Irreligious, is the true Foundation of our new Government.

Hitherto he has begged the whole Question, and supposed the present Governours to be rightful and lawful King and Queen; and now after he has done this, he sets himself to prove it: Certainly this Man's Logick is very extraordinary. If it might be supposed, it needed not to be proved; and if it could be well proved, it needed not have been supposed. Yet this Gentleman, to make this sure Work, will needs do both, though the Method he takes to do this be very preposterous, his special Gift of Reasoning, by a neat Figure called Hysteron Proteron, sets the Cart before the Horse; and first supposes it, and then goes about to prove it: The Question, says he, (p. 9.) is not whether rightful lawful Kings are to be obeyed, but w [...]o in our Circumstances is our rightful lawful Sovereign? And so he addresses himself to settle King William's Title, and put it beyond all disp [...]te, which being so rare a Sight, and so great a Novelty and Curiosity, it may deservedly challenge our best Attention; especially it being withal our real-Interest: For I cannot think that any Man of the least degree of Wit, would undergo outward Disquiets, Dangers, and Inconveniences, in not submitting heartily to this present Government, if his Conscience would let him be quiet within: Let us see then what we in Reason and Conscience think of this new Title to what was most evidently, by G [...]d's and Man's Law too, another Man's Right.

[Page]That Party that stickled to make the Prince of Orange King, do hold that the People have the Power to make and unmake the supreme Magistrate; and so they fix his Title upon the Creation of the People, and make account the same People by virtue of the same Power can limit his Authority, and annihilate it again, as one of them profest openly in the House of Commons: Nay, this was the only Reason and Interest they had, or could have to make him King; for the Commonalty, of whom they pretend to be the best Patrons, were not at all burthened with Taxes under King Iames; and withall themselves enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience; and, lastly, had more than should have fallen to their share in Places and Offices; And what could they wish more, except the pulling down Monarchy ten Pegs lower, and dwindling it into a Duke of Venice? Which could not be while the legal King governed; but might, they hop'd, be easily brought about when themselves had the making, and consequently the modelling of their new Magistrate: For 'tis but reasonable that they who give and bestow a Thing, should give as much and as little of it as they please. But this Plot was carried too openly, which obliged the House of Lords, fearing their Ruine by a Commonwealth, rather to vote any new King at a venture, than become Slaves to the People: Nor would a precarious Authority satisfie a Genius, that naturally aimed at being Absolute. So when they had given all the Money that they thought could well be raised, without an extreme Wrong to the common Good of the People, they were packs away; and home they went gnashing their Teeth, that they should be so Silly as to bring themselves into a Noose they could not untie; and which in time might come to hang their Liberty, Property, and (if they should dare to mutter too rudely) their Persons too. Thus that First Title fell, which served well enough while the Young Government was yet in its Swaddling-clouts, but when it became bigger it out-grow it, as Children do their Cloaths.

After this our Church of England Men, who all this while stood Trembling left this new King, being in his Inclination a perfect Presbyterian, and the Creature of their Adversaries, should come to ever-power them, and trample on them, finding that Things did not co [...]on well between the ungrateful Sovereign, and these his disgusted Subjects, but that they grew weary of one another, judged it was now their time to strike in: Wherefore they offered him their most humble Ser [...]ice; which being accepted, they laught in their Sleeves at the poor baffled Presbyterians, telling them after an upbraiding and scornful Manner, You would needs give us a King whether we would or no, and now we will keep him up whether you will or no. So all this was done, not out of Love to him, (for he has the ill luck to have few Personal Lovers,) but for fear of the opposite Party, and to secure themselves against their emulous Competitours, or revenge themselves upon them. If then Title (as it ought) be that which gives and upholds Authority; his best Title after he had now got rid of the hanck the Presbyterians had upon him, next to that of the Confederacy owning him for his Money and Assistance, (which now begins to knock off) was in reality, The Feud between our Church and Dissenters: Which Two made up a Second and a Third Title to prop up by turns this feeble Authority. Money then they voted him, and [Page] (to engratiate themselves by out-bidding the others) full thrice as much as the Dissenters had done; so that the Nation was half begger'd by his Transporting it beyond Sea, to hire Foreign Soldiers, and bribe the Confederates; and yet though they thus pleasured him by lavishing away the Money and Riches of the Nation, all the Title he could obtain of them unanimously, was to be only King de Facto, and not de Iure. Which encouraged Dr. Sherlock, who stood watching, his Advantage, to face about and build: this New and Fourth Title upon the Events of Providence, or (to use an Expression less blasphemous and more proper for a Rueling Authority) on the Wheel of Fortune. But the poor Man was so baffled for this new Notion of his, particularly by the Author of the Trimming Court Divine, and more largely and unanswerably by those two learned and acute Treatises, Entituled, [The Duty of Allegiance settled upon its true Grounds, according to Scripture, Reason, and the Opinion of the Church, and by Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance considered with some Remarks upon his Vindication;] that 'tis his best play to sit down with silence, and be content to lull his Conscience with his Deanry, without awaking or disquieting it by thinking how to answer them, lest it start up in his Face, and disturb his peaceful and comfortable Enjoyments of his new Acquisitions; for I dare challenge him, particularly in the behalf of the two latter of those three Treatises; that he is so shamefully, confuted that he has not one starting-hole left for his Credit to escape by. And yet I must tell him, That unless he answers them fully, he Cheats the Government, and is bound in Conscience to make Restitution of his Deanry; For why should he be so bountifully paid for weaving a Piece, which, when it comes to be well lookt into, is so full of Bracks, Stains, and Holes, that 'tis useless and good for nothing?

Thus the Fourth Title of a King de Facto, by the Wheel of Fortune, was laid flat, and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar, and could find no Foundation to fix upon, nor any Basis that would fit it. None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason, that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen: Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine, relying, I suppose, on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation, had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest; which was formerly ready to be published, but upon the taking of Mons some s [...]op was put to it at that time. If this be as true as it is told me, with much assurance, we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King, as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time; for had that Project been heartily encouraged, our Countrey-men had been all Slaves, and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion, it being indeed, in that Case, his own; so that when Parliaments would give no more, he might, by setting up his Title, when he pleased, take all; and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot.

At length comes this Gentleman, and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts, and not at all likely to take, he will needs strain a Note above Ela, and settle it on a higher Foundation; viz. on the Law of Nations, which allows Independent Governments to right themselves[Page]by Force, or by making War on him that injures them: But, because he saw no War was made, no Army fought, nor a Stroke struck [...] so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England; he very politickly twists with it— and with the Success of this Iust War, (p. 11.) the Consent of the People too. This, I must confess, is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other, 'tis made of Contradictions, and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous. We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus (a Goat-Stag) or some such whimsical Conceit, that imports two or more different Natures clapt together. But this new fangled Notion of Right, he has invented, consists not of merely different, but opposite Natures; War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon, and Consent signifies Voluntariness. Again, the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters, and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all. So that to come in by Force of War, and at the same time by Consent, is to be beaten voluntarily, to be forced willingly, to resist yieldingly, to submit withall our Hearts, yet against our Will, or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us. But, to say the Truth, there was neither a fair War, subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent, nor a clear, free, and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation; but (as will shortly appear) a mere Trick, manag'd by an Ambitious Invader, and his Confederates, seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters, and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences, and Forgeries, to bubble and fool the Common People, and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under.

We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on, and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it, and how prettily the Baby will look.

There is besides the Laws of the Land (says he, p. 11.) a Law of Nations, by which Sovereign Independent-Governments, when injured, may Right themselves by a Iust War. Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession, and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation, and this War had Success; therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred, and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due. This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together, as he told us (p. 10.) to clear this whole Matter. Let us now take it gently to pieces, and lay each part of it down easily, lest it fall asunder of it self, and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely.

'Tis deny'd then, that there were in our Case two Nations, or several Independent Governments. 'Tis deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned. 'Tis deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends. 'Tis deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War, or that he righted himself by Force, or came by the Consent of the People; and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means, or foul Means, 'tis deny'd he has any Right at all; what he has, how he came by it, or how he still keeps it, shall be declared hereafter.

[Page]First then, That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew [...]efore; so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged; but 'tis becoming his small Politicks to amp [...]fie mightily, and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies: But to be short and slight, or rather perfectly silent in those p [...]rticul [...]rs, on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends; we grant him then that Independent Governments may, when injured, have a Right to demand, and if it be deny'd them, take Satisfaction by force of Arms, for 'tis no more than every Man knows, and yields to; but 'tis deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose, or does his Cause the least service. For—

Secondly, 'Tis deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments, and so his Discourse falls to the g [...]ound. The S [...]ates of Holland indeed make a Government, but those good Men, who never told lye in their Lives, disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador; and, like wise Men, lest it should not succeed, would not be seen in it, but made use of F [...]ot of W [...]elp to do their own Jobbs, 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them, and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily, and took our Money very readily: Besides they were Allies to King Iames, which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations, to which he recurrs. And, lastly, if they made this War, and had Success in it, (I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them,) it would follow, by this Discourse that They, and not He, are our Lords and Masters; a Title which the Hollanders do not qu [...]t, but still assert on due occasions, That their State-holder manages England for their behoof, as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey, where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects, by pretending that England was now under Holland, and that they had sent one of their own Officers to govern it on their stead. As for the Prince of Orange, taken in his own single Capacity, he was far from being a Separate Nation, or Independent Government, which this Gentlemen's Discourse proceeds upon, or indeed Supreme Governour of any Nation at all, not of the Principality of Orange; for this was by Dr. Sherlock's Event of Providence, and by Conquest taken from him long ago: Nor was the Prince of Orange a Sovereign Independent Prince in Holland, for he was there under the Government of the States: Nor was it ever heard there was a Prince of Breda: So that this Gentleman's Discourse faulters in that which should have been the very subject of it. He should have said that any great Man who had received W [...]ong, might in true Reason right himself by the best means that he or his Friends could make against any Man, who was not his Sovereign or fellow Subject, and this by the Law of Reason, or Nature, not by the Law of Nations; For what had the Law of Nations to do in the business, when there was no Nation Injured, or that demanded Satisfaction? For surely he will not say that King Iames had done Wrong to the Principality of Orange, or that the Person of King William alone, or of his Queen either, is a Nation: Yet one of the two he must say, [...]o make his Discourse hang together.

[Page]Thirdly, 'Tis deny'd there were great and violent [...] of an injury to the Right of Succession: This, if made good, might do his Cause some service; let us see then what strong Proofs he brings to evince it. Two sorts of Arguments he alledges to prove it. The fi [...]st is the Prince of Orange's Declaration; certainly this Man is infatuated. Our English Proverb [Ask my Master if I be a Thief] contains as good a Plea as this; yet the poor Man triumphs mightily, and thinks his Work is done when he has barely repeated it. But what says the Declaration? Why, it says, That all the good Subjects of these Kingdoms do vehemently suspect, that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the [...]ueen, and that many doubted of the Queen's Bigness, and of the Birth of the Child; and yet there was not any one Thing done to satisfie their Doubts: So says the Declaration indeed; and if a Man may be believ'd in his own Cause, (against our own knowledge,) when he might hope to get Three Kingdoms by saying so, all is as true as Gospel, and as clear as Demonstration; otherwise our Reason will, I hope, give us leave to suspect at least Misinformation in the Case, if not Self-partiality. And I do not like either the Sincerity, or the Care of him that penned it, in saying, first that [All good Subjects vehemently suspected, &c.] and then dwindling afterwards into [Many doubted, &c.] A sober Man would not have quoted the Declaration, unless to defend it; but this Gentleman builds on it as on his Principle.

But how will he justifie the Declaration when it says, that not any one thing was done to satisfie Doubters, or himself for hinting so impudently, (p. 14.) That the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them? Was not the Testimony of near Fifty sworn Witnesses of Credit, enough to satisfie reasonable Men in a matter of Fact? No, says he, (p. 13.) No private Depositions of such as are dependents, or otherwise liable to suspicion, can in reason be taken for satisfactory Evidence. Does this Man consider how many Protestants, how many Persons of unblemish'd Honour he taints with suspicion of Perjury, and Treason against the Nation, by hinting they are so sworn in attesting the Bigness of the Q [...]een, and the Birth of the Prince of Wales? Unhappy Mr. Ashron, who had such Judges, and such Jury-men, as though fit to condemn him without any one Witness, or any one Proof, but merely upon Suspicion or Presumption; yet such multitudes of legal Witnesses are held insufficient to satisfie those of the [...]ame Party of the Truth of a matter of Fact far more evident. Certainly this pretended Scrupulosity of theirs, which is so loose at some time; and so straitlac'd at another, is more lodged in their W [...]d than in their Reason: But on how he bussles, and runs about the World to pretend a flaw in this most sample Atte [...]tation! The Old Roman Laws are ha [...]ed in by Head and Shoulders, (p. 13.) though he knows well they are generally no where observed, especially those he mentions; they being indeed such extravagant N [...]ceties, that it would look like perfect Madness, now a days; to offer to bring them into play. Then comes in our Old Common Law, (p. 14.) Allowing a Writ of Inspection, and the Old Law Books giving directions to prevent and discover Subernation: Now if there were any Thing done contrary to our Laws, that makes for his purpose, Why [Page] does he not produce it, and urge it? Especially why did not the Contention, when they were so vehemently press'd to it by the Loyal Party go about to Discover this pretended Subordination? Why did not they, or any other since this Government came in, make us of his Writs of Inspection, and his Chapter in the Old Law Books? Did none of them know Old Laws, W [...]its and Chapters, but this learned Setler of the Royal Succession? This I can assure him, that durst the Convention have attempted it they should have sound, even at that, time, very many other Witnesses of Credit, able both to satisfie the nicest Scrupulosity, con [...]ute the Calumny, and confou [...]d the Authors and Abet [...]ers of it. But they were aff [...]aid such an important Truth should be made too evident to the whole World, because it would at once have spoiled the Prince of Orange's Declaration, and have shamed their own Rebellions Resolution of deposing King Iames, and setting up another in h [...]s Head: A Pretence which was so necessary to be started and upheld, must not be Discovered by, the Framers and Abetters of it to be a manifest Impestuce, as they knew well it would have been, had they gone about to examine it. I omit to give a fuller Answer to his Citations out of the Old Roman Laws, and our Old Common Laws because they have been considered very particularly, in a Discourse pu [...]posely made upon those [...] subjects, Entituled, De Ventre I [...]spiciendo, or Remarks on Mr Ashron's Answerer; which shews clearly from those Laws themselves, in the places he cites, and from those Oracles of the Law, B [...]acton and my Lord Coke, that neither the one, nor the other are at all to his purpose.

His other P [...]oofs of this injury justifying the War, are a company of [Its] as (pag. 13) I [...] there was no reasonable Care taken to prevous and remove these Suspicions; and (pag. 14.) If no such Care was taken, &c. If the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them. If the whole Thing was managed with Secrecy, and suspicious Circumstances, &c. But he no where affirms, that all the particular [Ifs] or any one of them was positively true; and consequently he attempts not to make good, nor [...]ffers the least Proof, that the War upon this Score was Iust; nor that the Law of Nations, he so much talks of, gives the Invader any Right or Title to the Crown; nor, lustly, that there were great, and (as he only phrases it) violent Presumptions of this Injury to the Right of Succession: Whence follows, that he has not even said one single Word in ju [...]fication of this New Government, or of the Swearing Party; and so he is infinitely short of clearing the whole Matter, as he, in big Words, pretended at the beginning of this Discourse. Certainly our Governours were either very unwise in clinsing no better a W [...]iter to defend their Cause, or else (which is the very Truth) their Cause it self can bear no better a Defence.

Since then this stout Champion of our new Government is so mightily in love with [I [...]s.] it were not amiss to ans [...]er him with more Ifs than he brings, which more [...]ver (a thing he [...]o where does, for fear of a Confute,) we dare vouch to be true. We affirm then, That if this Invasion was intended above three quarters of a Year before it was [Page] executed, or more, the French King sending King Iames word of it half a Year before: If it was long befo [...]e concerted between the Prince of Orange and the Confederates, to dethrone King Iames, without any Respect to the Prince of Wales, (as yet but a young Embrio, if so much,) or to the maintaining our Religion or Liberties, or to any of those other specious Pretences taken up afterwards, but on the Confederates parts at least) merely for fear he might be brought to [...] with France, or stand Neuter, and to make the silly English lose their Lives, and beggar themselves to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners: If the main thing that encouraged the Confederates to that U [...]dertaking was the Kn [...]wn Hatred of the English Men in general [...]o King Iames's Religion, that King's Zeal to make those of his Persuasi [...]n [...]s free is the rest of their Fell [...]w Subjects, (which they hop'd would highly disgust very many [...]) and the [...]r Assurance that they had a Factions, Lying, and Discontented Party here, who would make way for his Ejectment, by giving about and countenancing such Stories and Libels as would encline great part of the Nation to a Revolt: If, among the rest, this Flam of a supposititious Prince of Wales, nor dream'd on by any till then, w [...]s comed [...] the Politick Mint at the Hague, sent over into England to be made current here by their Party, and then the Dissatisfaction which themselves had raised h [...]re was taken up for a Pretence, and inserted in the Prince of Orange's Declaration, to give the idle Story a greater Authority, and to gloss over such an unnatural and so unjust an Invasion: If ample Satisfaction was given by the Oaths of Multitudes of Credible and Honourable Witnesses, when the Dissatisfaction came to some height; it being highly unwise for a King to humor every idle Report, or honor it with such a solemn Examination: If the Queen's Delive [...]y was far from being carried secretly and suspitiously, (as one of his Ifs shame [...]y [...]ints,) but in op [...]n Day-light, before a Multitude of People of All sorts indifferently, no Person of Honor being denied Entrance, who had the Curiosity to be present: If the Prince and Princess of Orange, who were Two of the Persons chiefly concern'd, being absent far off in Holland, and not denied coming over, if they would, might have sent some whom they could trust to be present, or at least had press'd their Sister who was here, and whose Joint Concern it was to be exactly curious in a Business so highly importing [...]h [...]m all; and yet none of them, though so hugely obliged by then Interest to doe this, did ever make any kind of Means or Applica [...]ion, in order to their so just Satisfaction, which it had been a Madness not to have done, had they indeed had any real Doubt. Nay more, If (to carry on the politick Sham) the Princess of Denmark, who was the Third Person so nearly concerned, after having avoided with all the Industry imaginable to be present at the Queen's rising and going to Bed, (left she should be forced to see what she was loth to know, and resolved not to w [...]tn [...]ss, viz. the Queen's Pregnancy,) would needs, co [...]trary to the Will of her Father, who express'd some Trouble that she should then [...]e absent, because she being satisfied in the Thing her self, might be the better able to satisfie her Relations, run out of the way to the Bath, and to be purposely absent just at the time the Queen reckoned to be delivered, though she had most pressing reasons of Interest to be here at that time, nor could, without most manifest Injustice, [Page] be denied all the Liberty allowable [...]o one of the same Sex, both to satisfie her s [...]lf and others; though at the same time it was given out, that she was sent away by her F [...]ther, lest she should discover the pretended Cheat: I [...] none of the Three nearly conc [...]r [...]ed, nor any other, made the least Scruple, nor pretended the least Dissatisfaction in the World, when the Queen was [...]elivered of other Chi [...]ren formerly, though not half the number was presen [...], untill a Male Child was born, which to th [...]i [...] R [...]gret, put them by the Hopes and Expecta [...]ion of succeeding in th [...]ir turns [...]he Next: If instead of offering any Proof at all, or any one Witness of the contrary, to invalidate or counte [...]bala [...]ce in the least degree this consonant Testimony of so many Persons of untai [...]ted Honour and Sincerity; this Farce, to gull [...]nd mad the silly credulous People, was carried on and abe [...]ed with nothing but Multitudes of Lyes, printed and baw'd about to serve a present Turn; as that the Woman whose Child it was, was come out of Holland, and would appear to justifie it; that it was brought to St Iames's, sometimes in a Coach, some [...]imes in a Warming-p [...]n, that the Midwife had co [...]fessed the Cheat, &c. All which are e [...]i [...]ced to be Falshoods by this, that they wer [...] never prov'd, or attempted to be prov'd, th [...]ugh it was so highly necessary: If the factious Members in the Conventi [...]n, that voted up this new King, were p [...]est by the loyal Party to call this matter into Examination, yet could never be brought to doe it, though it were in it self of the highest Concern imaginable to our Nation, and withall most absolutely necessary to justifie this otherwise barbarous Invasi [...]n of the Prince of Orange, and their own Treasonable Abdication of King Iames: Lastly, If this heavy Charge against the Ki [...]g and Queen, of trumping up a Sham Prince of Wales, was indu [...]riously spread throughout the Three Kingdoms, not out of any real Zeal of pres [...]rving the [...]ue Succession, but onely as a fit occasion to throw off That, and the Mona [...]chy too, as hereditary by Lineal Descent, by changing it into an Elective, as frankly acknowledged by one of the greatest Abdicating P [...]ers of the Realm, who owned to a Person of known Integrity, that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body, as his own Son of his Wife's; and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch; which in other words is to change the Government: If, I say, all these Particulars be true, as we dare affirm them to be, and are ready to p [...]ove by unquestio [...]able Testimonies; and as most of them are most notorious, then we may safely conclude, that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War, nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion, as this Gentleman pretends.

I pity his Weakness in compa [...]ing (p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince, before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Jugg [...]e between Three, (the pretended Father and Mother and a M [...]dwife,) to subo [...]n a false Chi [...]d: He thinks it too of great Weight, That the Ju [...]y upon hearing the whole Evidence, gave Iudgment that t [...]at Child was supposititious: What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking? But why does he not tell us, what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon? Because it would shame his [Page] alleadging it. 'Tis this, as I have been informed: The Hereford [...] Woman was held Incapable of Children, which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born: A crafty Lawyer, who undertook to discover it, first made Enqui [...]y what poor Women the midwife 'had delivered about that time, and found that [...]ne of them had her Child missing; having discovered this, he f [...]ights the Woman, by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child, and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead. Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife, and the p [...]etended Parents, and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case? None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately con [...]erned, who hoped to enjoy the Estate, and a Countrey Midwife, who was to have a share in it for her Project, at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe. So that here wa [...] in really but One Witness, the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own C [...]use: Coun [...] now the Number of our Witnesses, and weigh their Worth, and how that they were not Persons [...] out, but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Co [...]ition, and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation. Again: The Queen was never held to be barren; She had had formerly divers Daughters, and a Son; and it was likely, and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected, that She should at another time have a second Male-Child: 'Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it, as the Lying Parts a go [...]d w [...]e pretended she would; all those kind of Romances serv'd like Butt [...]esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height, and build up our New Govern [...]ent; and therefore when things were better settled, and could stand without them, they were taken down again, and laid aside as useless. In a word, let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire J [...]ry had, and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natio [...], and to the R [...]yal Family, and grant the War (had there been any) just: Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders, let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated, nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof, and s [...]ch heavy C [...]arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence, to ju [...]ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable, much less (as he mouths it) great and violent Presumptions, and least of all (what they ought to have been) absolutely certain Truths.

Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions, &c. Next follows (for though he be a very slender Prover, yet he is still a very big Pretender) his Too g [...]eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion, and Civil Liberties of the Nation. I supp [...]se he calls it Too great Evidence, because 'tis so great that it dazles the Night, as the Sun does at Noon-day; so that no Man can see it, or b [...]hold it, else why is it too great? Now when a Man has too much of a thing, 'tis very unkind, and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted, not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it, and who both want it, and expect it from him. But we mistake his Genius, he is a Pra [...]ing not a Proving [Page] Writer: Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise, than by referring us again to his Alcoran, the Prince of Orange's Declaration: Whatever he finds there, he makes account is a First Principle, and so bring of too great Evidence, it can need no Proof.

An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England, will give us a true Light to judge of this Point. King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it, made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions, and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did, in favour of Papists: Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction, who stood watching all Opportunities to b [...]eed him Vexation, and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations. Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal, did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief: They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks, were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it, should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all. The making one of the Iesuits (Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish M [...]sties) a Privy-Counsellor, could, they fear'd, have no other likely Effect, but to exasperate all England to the highest degree. They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test, and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military, might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated; which would certainly have been more easily obtained, had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour, and made them more warily stand upon their Guard, and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them: But that which most Startled our Church, was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters; they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time, and in Oliver's Days, how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot, and they feared that this setling them by Law, on an even level with themselves, might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again. In a Word, they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands, and therefore they combined—Veleus Testindine factâ— to link themselves unanimously against the universally D [...]pensing Power, and in Maintenance of the Test.

On the other side, King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law. It had ever been his Tenet, that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian: Besides, he judged it would enrich the Nation, as it had done Holland, by inviteing Strangers hither, and encouraging Trade; the conveniency of our Ports, above those of our Neighbours, being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us. He judged too that this universal Toleration, if wisely setled and managed, might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion, which had so often distracted the Nation, and, within our Memory, turned the Government topsie-turvy▪ Nor was it one of his least Motives (though not the only one, as some apprehended) to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters; a thing (to speak impartially) [Page] to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him. These Conveniences meeting in one, took such full hold of his Judgment, that he was exceedingly fond of a Project, which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation. Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about▪ but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament, which was his main design: Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient, but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions, and (for the present) to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful, and by that means to compass such a Parliament, as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law. He hop'd it would not much displease our Church, since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the State-Religion established by Law, to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices, and by that means to have vast Priviledges a [...] Advantages over any others whatsoever: But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future. And hence, as it happens, when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Pre [...]ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another, which ill meaning Men laid hold on, and made use of to disaffect the Nation; and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader.

Now all this while, What had K [...]ng Iames done to make his Son in Law, and his own Nephew, nay his own Daughter, turn their Father out of his Kingdoms? There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution, our Principles he meddled not with, nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings; whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals, and ou [...] Parish Churches; so that we may expect shortly, without God's special and undeserved Mercy, our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions: Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as D [...]m [...]able as they will, or can be. Had our Governour (for to call him Head of such a d [...]fferent natured Church, were to call it a Monster) taken away our [...]xternal Grandure, or our Revenues, it had been less pernice us [...]o our Church, than what it now suffers. For not outward Splendor or R [...]b [...]s, but True Principles of Fai [...]b are that which make a Church ▪ The C [...]i [...]tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions, was still a most perfect and pure Church, h [...] keeping her Principles untainted▪ and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets, though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries: So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on n [...]w corrupting every Day; and her Revenues too, in great part, are given away to Aliens: Whereas King Iames never injured us, in the least, either in the one of those respects, or the other, (nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it) though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition, or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones, which was a trifle in Comparison: Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion, was a meer Pretence, being so far from maintaining, or upholding our Principles of Faith, or assisting our Church; that, as appears [Page] by the Event, he has taken Care to corrupt the One, and is making haste to destroy the Other; the War therefore (if any) cannot be said to be just upon that Account.

As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties, which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them: He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative; and suppose he had something extended that, why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father? Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes, it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it. But to magnifie the Ro [...]al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them, especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-weal [...]hish Principles, and ought to have been esteemed meritorions. Again: The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected, was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters, whence it was inferred, he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law, or suspend the Execution of it, and then adieu to our Civil Liberties. But it ought to be remembred, that when he did this, he declared his Judgment at the same time, what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation, (which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever,) and he judged himself to be by his Office, as indeed he was, Ove [...]seer of the Common Good. It may be remembred, that it enrich'd not himself, but rather impoverished him; for he l [...]st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles: So that 'tis manife [...] he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People, and not at his own private Interest; and therefore if he had erred, it ought to have been very pardonable, and not have been made such a heinous Fault, as deserv'd an Invasion, and the Loss of his Crown.

Again: If King Iames over-reach'd, it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law, which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not, to a Dutch Prince, be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel; especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion; which being the Religion that Prince had espoused, and been bred up in, it ought rather to have obliged him, than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father. This Prete [...]ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties, and of Justifying the War upon that score, is so open a Sham past upon us poor English Gulls, that it gives it self the Lye, even from the Principles of our New Governours themselves.

Fourthly, It is denied there was any War at all, either intended, or proclaimed, or acted. Princes that conceive themselves aggrieved, use to be so generous, as first to complain and demand Satisfaction; and if this be denied, then to d [...]ounce War, and pr [...]se [...]ute it. Thi [...] is the Law of Nations, and the common Custom of the World: But here was no Complaint, no Demand of Sati [...]f [...]ction, no [...] any War proclaim'd, but denied to the very time of their Larding; nor was any battel inten [...]d, That Warlike and Noble Prince (witness his false-hearted Declaration) came over to wheedle, not [...] fight. Some Th [...]sa [...] of Souldiers he did indeed bring over with him, and they might cr [...]mp, and perhaps muster; but for coming forwards within the Lists, till the [Page] King's Army had voluntarily dispersed it self, or offer to join B [...]ttel with them, you must pardon them. Alas! They were so far from the least Thought of taking upon them that Boldness, that 'tis we [...]l known how upon the Delay of our Renegadoes coming over to them, they had called a Council, not of War, or of Fight, but of Flight; for it was there in a Panick Fear resolved to be gone most valiantly the next day, had not one of them unexpectedly arrived, who brought the reviving Tidings of more chief Officers to follow; whose shamefull Deserting, as it gave them the Courage to stay, so it amused the King, that he durst not venture to trust the rest, not knowing the Number of his firm Friends, since those who had the greatest Obligations in the world to be so, had so dishonourably run to his Enemy, and turned Traitors. War implies some kind of Bravery in its Notion, but in this case there was nothing but a sneaking Treachery, and a more Trick to f [...]ight [...]some with the apprehension of an unive [...]sal Defection of the King's Army, and to debauch the rest with Shams and Lyes. This was the War, this the Success of War, which (p. 11) this idle Talker so much braggs of, and on which he builds the Prince of Orange's Right to the Government. A strange War without doubt, where never a Stroke was struck! and as strange a Success of War, which depended not on the Battled Courage of the Dutch, but on the Treachery of the English. Till now all Ma [...]kind verily judged, that Success in War imposed Victory or Conquests ▪ and Can it be called a Victory, [...]here none fought? Besides, a Victor signifies a Conquerour; and then England should be his by Conquest, notwithstanding the Consent of the People afterwards, unless the People compounded it with the Conquerours before hand, as the Kentish-Men did with William I. otherwise all is his.

L [...]ly, 'Tis denied there was an unanimous Consent of the People. He distinguishes (p. 23) between a Right to the Government, and the Manner of assuming it. The Right, she says, was founded on the [...] Causes of the War, and the Success in it: But the Assuming it was not by any way of Forc [...] or Violence, but by a free Co [...]ent of the People. It see us then the Government originally was [...] his, even while he was in Holland, if he could but catch it; and so, if he were but so wise as to know his own Right, and his own lot [...], of which none can doubt, [...]he came over with a Design and full Intention to get it. Yet himself in his De [...]la [...]ati [...]n disclaimed any such Intention; and continued to doe so all along, till the very time of ch [...]sing him, even after King Iames was gone, and his Army dispersed; and consequ [...]ntly after the Success of the War (such as it was) was acquired: So that this acute Gentleman gives us a New and Sixth Title to the Crown, which was never known to that Prince himself, nor ever owned by him, nor hinted in any of his Proclamations; nor (which is strange) acknowledged or intimated by the Convention; when they voted him King, and were at an utter Loss on what Ground to settle his Title, while the true King was yet living; nor, lastly, thought on, d [...]eam'd on, or heard on by any Man in the World, till himself writ; and one would think, that had not his bad Cause suspended his Use of Common Sense, he could not but see that the very Word [Acceptance of the Government,] which he here uses, (pag. 23.) is clearly relative to their Giving him the same [Page] Government, and (unless we will wrong the Use and signification of Words) giving it as a Kindness too, since no man can be said to accept that as a Gift which was his own before. But give it they did, and accordingly he left his hand, and thanked them for the Favour. And I wonder to what end, if this Dis [...]ourse of his be true, was all that mad Clutter about the Abdication Vote, to make room for a new King, and give him a Title: For if K. William had Right even then to the Government, upon the score of a successfull War, King Iames had no Right at all, but was absolutely outed, whether he had abdicated or not abdicated. But it seems they were all Fools to this Gentleman, whose quick sight could descry a Title which was hid from the dim Eyes of the whole Consenting Nation.

But was there indeed a free Consent of the People? Let us see. A Consent is said then to be free, when there is neither Force over [...]awing Men, nor Fraud either circumventing them with false Motives, or frightening them with false Fears. Now the Common People were bubbled at that time with a Thousand Lyes about the Prince of Wales, Smithfield-Fares, a League made with France to enslave us all; nay, that we were all sold to the French King, and in Danger to have all our Throats cut by him: They conserted then upon such Suppositions, not absolutely; and so these Suppositions being found to be false, their true Reason consented not, but they were surprized, terrified, and ama [...]ed into a false grounded Passion, which made them in a hurry doe they knew not what; whereas the most sedate Deliberation, and most true Rep [...]esentation of things is requisite to such a Free Consent, as submits all the Subjects Lives and Fortun [...]s to the maintaining this New Governour in the Throne, as they must do, whoever own their Allegiance due to him.

At least he will say the Convention represented the Nation, and [...]e consented, and that's enough. I deny all Three. It was neither a Legal Representative, and so let it Vote what it will it binds no Man, nor consequently is it enough for his Purpose: Nor did the People who chose the Commons intend to empower them to alter the most fundamental Law of the Land, and make a New King as they pleased. Besides, if they would needs do it, they ought to have first repealed the Laws for the Royal Succession, and all those other Laws too which make it Treason to obey or acknowledge any other but the immediate Successour for their King; otherwise those Laws, yet standing, whatever was done against them was beyond all Excuse illegal and treasonable in the highest Degree. Nor, lastly, did the Convention unanunorisly and freely consent. The Common-wealth [...]sh Party could not [...] to bring in a New King, while the Old one was Alive, and had not resigned. Being thus at a loss, when they had computed the Number of their Faction, who they knew would vote any thing, they put the King's Abdication to vote: It was carried, though it was such a Piece of bold Impudence as was, at another time, (and will be for all future Ages) enough to make all the Convention held Madmen. The King was commanded out of his Palace to a Prison, and all Treaty with him refused, and so, being made justly apprehensive by his Father's Fate, he had retired for his Safety; but well foreseeing [Page] the ambitious Drift of the Prince of Orange, He, both by his Letter from Rochester, and divers others afterwards, particularly in that to the Lords, both claimed the Government, challenged their Allegiance, desired them to prepare things for his safe Return, and signified he would be within Convenient distance, to receive and answer their Proposals: He told them the Right was His, and bid them remember, that none but Himself was or could be their Sovereign.

Besides: It was fresh in every Man's Memory, how his Royal Brother King Charles had retired also for his Safety, continued many Years out of England; yet no Man living ever thought, nor were his very Enemies so senseless and shameless as to object, that he had Abdicated his Crown: Yet notwithstanding all this, and in despight of common Sense, Claiming was called Abdicating, and the Challenging their Allegiance was voted Renouncing it: They might better have voted; that the Huntington Colt, driven down to the Bridge at Cambridge, was a Sturgeon; that an Apple is an Oyster; or that Chalk is Cheese; for th [...]se are onely different Things, not directly Opposites, as a [...]e the other. No Wonder then it cost the Factious Party such Sweat and Toil to get such a damnable Contradiction enacted: Such a Solliciting, Cajolling, Frighting! Such Hurry and Clamour, [Make him King, make him King,] enough to put sober Mankind out of its Senses! Besides; a Dutch Army over-awing them, and the Fear of being accused afterwards to the New King as disaffected to him, which considering his Humour, impatient of Opposition in a pretence he was violently bent upon, might either prove their Ruine, or at least make them live very uneasie under him.

Take one short but very significant Instance, how things were carried in those Mad Days, as it was related by a Noble Pee [...] (who was himself very forward for the Abdication) to his Friends upon occasion. There being no Judges yet appointed, there was a Debate in the Convention, what Gentlemen of the long Robe should be made choi [...]e of to assist in the House: Some named Sir Francis Pemberton, Sir Robert Sawyer, and Mr. Finch; but the Lords Mordant, Delamere, and some others, took Fire suddenly, and brake out into big and boisterous Language, telling the House flatly and plainly, [We will have none of those who have been Instruments in the late Reign:] Upon which a sudden Damp seized all the Lords, as if they had been attackt in Flank and Rear with Canons and Mortars, or the Thunder from Mount Sinai: For we lookt on them, said that Lord, as on so many Princes of Orange, or such as might not be contradicted for fear of his Displeasure; and in the same Manner most Votes were forced, till we had the Grace to be pliable to what the Military Lords and their Complices proposed. Is not this a strange kind of free Consent, when the Heads of the Faction did All at their Pleasure, and the rest, who made up the Generality, durst do Nothing at all, but what was agreeable to the Arbitrary Will of the Prince of Orange, and his insolent Adherents?

And yet though their own Party was so great, and had all those Advantages to back them, they were able to carry it but by a very few Votes, as appears by the Catalogues of each. And which gives a greater Blemish in the House of Lords, than it had Advantage in the House [Page] of Commons, Six Dukes, and Thirty Lords protested solemnly against it, and their Protestations stand yet upon Record: And the Generality of the others admitted it, because they judged it would be a Ruine to themselves, and withall worse for King Iames, if the Government should settle into a Common-wealth, than if they should keep up Monarchy, by setting up a King de Facto at present, which is all they intended at first, as divers of them have declared privately to those Friends they durst trust; though now they are carried down by the Current of the Times into many Treasonable Actions, contrary to their first Intentions. So dangerous is it to recede from Principles, in Compliance with any present Circumstances whatever.

Seeing then all this whole Turn of our State depends upon the Abdication Vote, as on its Bottom and sole Foundation, and no King was chosen, but in Supposition of King Iames's Relinquishing, and voluntary divesting himself of his Crown, it follows, that the True Ground of King William's Right to the Government, is a piece of m [...]re Nonsense, which we English Men call a Bull: And therefore since none of the many minded Writ [...]rs, who have gone about to settle his Authority, have light on this Seventh and truest Title of his, I thought it fit to let them know it, that all his Friends may adore this mysterious Monster, this Bull; and in their Devotions cry aloud, These are the Gods that brought our Israel out of the Land of Aegypt, out of the House of Bondage; i.e. from under the Government of King James. And for not thinking this Bull to be rational, and falling down and adoring it, our Loyal Martyr suffered.

But to put an upshot to this whole Business: Let any Man who has but Eyes, and common Sense, peruse these following Letters of King Iames's to the Lords of the Council, and the House of Lords and Commons, and he must, whether he will or no, plainly see how prodigiously senseless this pretence is of that King's Abdication, on which, (and which onely) the Convocation grounded their Dethroning him, and Setting up the Prince of Orange in his stead.

[Page]

His Majesties Letter to the Lords; and others of his Privy-Council.

JAMES R.

My Lords,

WHen We saw that it was no longer Safe for Us to remain within Our Kingdom of England, and that thereupon We had taken Our Resolutions to withdraw for some time. We left to be Communicated to You and to all Our Subjects, the Reasons of Our withdrawing: And were likewise resolved, at the same time, to leave such O [...]ders behind Us to You of Our Privy-Council, as might best suit with the present State of Affairs: But that being altogether Unsafe for Us at that time; We now think fit to let you know, that though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown, to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation, as to give, if possible, no occasion of Complaint; yet more particularly upon the late Invasion, seeing how the Design was laid, and fearing that Our People, who could not be destroy'd but by themselves, might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine. To prevent so great Mischief, and to take away, not only all just Causes, but even pretences of Discontent, We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion: And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves, which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction, We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament; and in order to it, We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament, in restoring the City of London, and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges; and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out, for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary: But the Prince of Orange [...]eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered, the People beginning to be undeceiv'd, and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance, and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed, such a Settlement, in all probability, would he made both in Church and State, as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs, resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament. And to do this the most effectual way, he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person, for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament, where there is any force on either of the Houses, so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely wh [...]re the Sovereign, by whose Authority they meet and sit, and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction, is under actual Confinement. The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London, whose returning Loyalty We could no longer [Page] Trust, and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham, when sent to him by Us; and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat, because they are, We doubt not, by this time very well known, and may, We hope, if enough considered and refl [...]cted upon, together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England, which by this Invasion he pretended to restore, be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects, and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect, and what Treatment they shall find from him, if at any time it may serve his Purpose, from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince, an Uncle, and a Father, could meet with no better Entertainment. However, the Sense of these Indignities, and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person, by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies, (as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales,) which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self; together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father, of blessed Memory, when he was in the like Circumstances, That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes, (which afterwards proved too true in his Case,) could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects, of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Co [...]fi [...]ment and Restraint. And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person, than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing, that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms: For, as on the one hand, No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves, so far as to cond sc [...]nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station, in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs: So on the other hand, neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects, nor any other Consideration whatsoever, shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the t [...]e l [...]erest of the English N [...]io [...]; Which we ever did, and ever must lo [...]k upon as Our own. Our Wall and P [...]sure, therefore is, That You of Our Privy-Council, take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in and about our Cities of London and Westminster, to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general. And to assure them, That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament, wherein We may hav [...] the best Opportunity of undeceiving O [...]r People, and shewing the Sincerity of those Prote [...]ations, We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects, and the Protestant Religion, more especially the Church of England as by Law established, with such Indulgence for those that d [...]ssent from her, as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peop [...]e bound to procure for them. And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council, (who can Judge better by being upon the Place,) are to send Us Your Advice, what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning, and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name, and by Our Authority, to endeavour [Page] so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders, that the Nation in general, and every one of Our Subjects in particular, may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible. So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands, We bid You heartily Farewell.

Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th. of Ianuary, 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year.

By Hiis Majesties Command, MELFORT.

Directed thus—To the Lords, and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England.

His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons, Writ from St. Germains the Third of February, 1688.

JAMES R.

My Lords,

WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes, that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture; and therefore We think fit to let you know, that finding We could no longer stay with Safety, nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People, We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand, in the following Terms.

THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time; I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange, by my Lord Feversham, and the Instructions I gave him; but instead of an Answer, such as I might have hop'd for, what was I to expect after the Usage I received, by his making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations; The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall, without Advertising Me in the least manner of it; The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight, when I was in Bed, a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning. After all this, How could I hope to be Safe, so long as I was in the Power of one, who had not only done this to Me, and Invaded My Kingdoms, without any just occasion given him for it, but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest [Page] Aspersion on Me, that Malice could invent, in that Clause of it which concerns My Son? I appeal to all that know Me, nay, even to himself, that in their Consciences, neither he nor they, can believe Me, in the least, capable of so Vnnatural a Villany, nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon, in a Thing of such a nature as that: What had I then to expect from one, who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People, as well as to all the World besides? What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen, by so general a Defection in My Army, as well as in the Nation, amongst all sorts of People.

I was born Free, and desire to continue so; and though I have ventured My Life very frankly, on several occasions, for the Good and Honor of My Countrey, and am as free to do it again, (and which I hope I shall yet do, as Old as I am, to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under,) yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured, as not to be at Liberty to effect it; and for that Reason do withdraw, but so as to be within Call, whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened, so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property. I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts, out of his infinite Mercy, and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in, and bring them to such a Temper, That a legal Parliament may be called; and that amongst other Things, which may be necessary to be done, they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters; and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered, and have such a share of it, as they may live Peaceably and Quietly, as English-men and Christians ought to do, and not to be obliged to transplant themselves, which would be very grievous, especially to such as love their own Countrey: And I appeal to all Men, who are Considering Men, and have had Experience, Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing, as Liberty of Conscience? Some of Our Neighbours dread it.

I could add much more to confirm all I have said, but now is not the proper time.

Rochester, Decemb. 22d. 1688.

But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some, and that the Prince of Orange, and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same, We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council, and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm, believing that none durst take upon them to intercept, or open any of Your Letters: But of all these We have no Account.

But We wonder not, that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments, since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham, and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace, than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us, or hearing what We had to propose to him, well knowing that what We had to offer, would content all Honest and Reasonable Men, and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of.

[Page]Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs, relating to the FrenchLeague, and to Our Son the Prince of Wales, We require You to examine into, and thereby satisfie Your Selves, and all other Our Subjects, where the Imposture lies; We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince, whose Education shall be such, as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter.

We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part (whenever We can with Safety return) that can contribute towards the red [...]ess of all former Errors, or present Disorders, or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion, or the Property of every individual Subject, intending to refer the whole to a Parliament, Legally Called, Freely Elected, and held without Constraint, wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England, as by Law Established; but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters, as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of, not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion, than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families.

And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects, whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion, and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs (which they did not sufficiently see into time enough) have been Fatally led, beyond what they first intended, (viz. the Preservation of their Religion, &c.) to the Breach of all Laws, and even to the total Dissolution of the An [...]ient Government it self; and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious, may despair of Our Mercy: We do therefore declare, on the Word of a King, That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them, but to all Our Subjects, to the worst, even those that Betrayed Us, (some few Excepted,) Resolving in that Parliament, by an Act of Oblivion, to cover all Faults, heal all Divisions, and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects, which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power.

Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part, whatsoever Crimes are omitted, whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes, We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You, expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof; and so we bid You heartily Farewell.

Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February, 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year.

The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same.

To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army.

JAMES R.

THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen, and Souldiers, obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage, Loyalty, &c. which has till now been inseparable from English men, [Page] which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince (whose particular Care you ever were) is now become Contemptible, even to those you joyned with against Us, nor can any thing restore you to your former Character, but a sudden and hearty return to that Duty, which you have so unduly quitted, which We doubt not of, being verily persuaded, that even those that first left Our Service, had no just Prejudice against Our Person, but were Betray'd and Decoy'd by Persons employ'd by, or in Confederacy with the Prince of Orange, who by most wicked and malicious Lyes, had represented Us as black as Hell to Our Subj [...]cts, who, We hope, do now see into their evil Designs, which they c [...]uld never have thus far accomplished, but by deluding you into a belief of the Imposture of Our Son the Prince of Wales, the French-League, the Death of Our Brother the late King, &c. of all which they well know Vs Innocent, and da [...]e not therefore bring on the Stage to be Examined and Searched into, according to their former Promises.

And can you then without Indignation, Serve th [...]se who have thus Villanously Betrayed, Deluded, and made a Property of you? And now having obtained their Ends by your Assistance, Neglect, D [...]spise, and Evilly Intreat you: For to the eternal Shame of all English men [...]one but Foreigners are now trusted in the most Honourable P [...]sts in and about White-hall and London, whilst you are sent ab [...]oad as Mercenaries, and made subservient to them; cast back your Thoughts on the Villanies of their Actions, who sate in Our Councils and Betray'd Vs, adding Treachery to the blackest of Ingratitude; enquire into the Morals of those General Officers that Deserted Vs, and Misled You, and indeed into the Principles of most of these, in their present New Government, and you will soon be convinced, That 'twas not Religion (though that was made the specious Pretence) that influenced their Actings, but Interest and Ambition; We charge not these Crimes but on some particular Persons, well knowing that the greatest part both of Officers and Souldiers in Our Army, were not faulty in their Allegiance: And therefore We shall only look forward, and resolve to reward all according to their Demerits, and prefer those first who continue untainted, and shall be quickest in returning to their Duty; which We doubt not, but that e'er long, by God's Blessing, We shall by appearing in Our own Kingdoms, give them an opportunity to do, and consequently to retrieve their own Honours, as becomes true hearted English-men, and Lovers of their King and Countrey.

Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th. of February, 1688 And in the Fifth Year of Our Reign.

But to return to our Discours [...]— Such a free Consent, as suffices in this Case of transferring a Kingdom and the All [...]giances of all their fellow Subjects, ought to have been General of the whole Nation, unanimous, hearty, and most deliberate, not done in a sudden heat, not check'd nor overaw'd, not protested against; especially it ought to have been grounded, at least, upon good tolerable Sense; all which were here wanting. This in case their free Cons [...]nt could do the Work: But let their Consent be the best qualified in the World, it can never be sufficient for this purpose; for no Consent of those who have no R [...]ght to [Page] a Thing, though it were never so free, is able to give away another Man's Title, who is known to have had a true and undoubted Right to it. Well, May a Conspiracy of my Servants, Tenants, and of my Children joyned with them, have the Power to d [...]ive or fright me out of my House? But not all these together, though never so many, can give away that Right, which the Laws of the Land, and in our Case God's Law too, have made my Property.

Thus much for his new Coined Notion of Right by the Law of Nations, own'd by none but this singular Writer, who seeing all other Titles of this upstart Government baffled, was forc'd, for a shift, to recurr to this Whimsie. But since he was pleased to decline the Law of the Land, and run to a Superior Law, (viz.) that of Nations, we shall take leave to mind him (for He and his Party seem to have quite forgot it, or rather indeed to out-brave, and laugh at it) of the Supreme Law of all, the Law of God, which commands us to Honour our, Father and Mother, and not to covet, much less to rob or cheat another; and least of all so near, and so Revered a Relation, of what is rightfully his. Let us consider then what Good and Conscientious Christians would have done in the Case of the Prince, and Princess of Orange. For, First, If their Party, with their Consent or Connivance, invented those Stories, which he makes the just Occasion of the War, on purpose to turn out their Father, it was in many regards the most hideous, and the most villanous Injustice that can be imagin'd. Secondly, If those Falshoods were suggested to them by others, they knew the Genius of the English Subjects was apt to raise and believe the most Senseless Falshoods of him out of hatred to his Religion; and so they ought to have considered, that there was no kind of Evidence of this Story, nor so much as one Witness, that the Prince of Wales was a Counterfeit, nor (as appears by their not producing it in their Justification when it was so necessary) any one tolerable Reason, able to persuade a prudent Man, the Thing was true: Whereas, on the other side there were, as was said, near Fifty Sworn Witnesses of clear Honour and Reputation testifying the contrary, any Two or Three of whom were sufficient to carry the greatest Estate, or take away the Life of any Man in England. They knew too, that if the pretended Injury done to them were not really true, they must incurr the dreadful Indignation of a just God, for breaking divers of his Commandments, in that one Action, by Dishonouring, Injuring, and Slandering their Innocent and near Related Neighbour; And who would hazard their Soul upon such odds? Thirdly, If they did indeed doubt of it before the Birth, they ought (as was said) to have sent some trusty Persons, or have signified their desire, that some here, whom they could confide in, should be present. If they only doubted of it after the Prince was Born, they might have demanded that the same Persons might have Counter-interrogated, and Examin'd the Witnesses; now they were bound in Conscience to use all such honest and wary Means before they proceded thus to the highest Extremities. Fourthly, If greatest Proof against no Proof could not satisfie them, Why did they not, to clear their Honour that they had not acted Unjustly, Undutifully, or Unchristianly since the time they came hither, bring the Matter into a new Examination? Since nothing [Page] could more contribute to settle them in the Throne, had it been prov'd an Imposture, nor have more ob [...]iged all England to them, nor have more taken off the Scandal of the World, and have satisfied every Man of the Iustice of their Proceedings. Lastly, If it had been done for the good of Europe, and to bring the French King lower, (though this could not justifie this Invasion,) yet Why was not at least the wisest Course taken for this? Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration, and obliged King Iames, as he might easily have done, to redress Abuses here, and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad; it had, in all likelihood, by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition: For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy: Whereas now our Men (and Money too) are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland; nor only so, but England it self, whose free Consent he so much brags of, is so Distracted, that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes; some out of Conscience, not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one, whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on, nor themselves are satisfied with; and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners, and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch; so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France, though I doubt not, but it was the Intention of the Confederates, was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange. He could then have no other Motive of Invading England, Driving out his Father, and Usurping his Throne, but mere Ambition, seconded by Dutch Policy, making use of our Rebelliousness, silly Credulity, and our addictedness to Lying, that they might cheat us of our Money, make us defend their Quarrel, and impoverish us to that degree, that we should not dare to resent it, when they get our Trade, and c [...]zen us of our Plantations, (as they have done often,) and then (to crown the Dutch Jest) laugh at us for a Company of dullheaded block headedly Fools when they have done.

But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine, and vouch'd by the Law of Nations; and those are these Three.

First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain, (p. 16.) Now this hath been so well answered already, in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration, that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it; and, methinks, this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there, before he ventured on this Instance; but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over, though they have been answered sufficiently, and yet never take notice of the Answers. However, it is sufficient here to observe, that this is nothing at all to his purpose; he tells us but four lines before, That what he is to make out, is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown, had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties, and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England, p. 15. And, [Page] I pray, good Sir, Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries? And if not, how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out, that the Prince of Orange, by virtue of his Relation to the Crown, had a just Right to concern himself; and his Instance proves that any Prince, whether they have any such Relation or not, have a just Right to concern themselves. And what, I pray, is all this to a Title by Conquest? Let it be admitted, but not granted, and which I suppose will not be easily proved, that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince, for Invading the Liberty, and Religion of his own Subjects; hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People, whose Liberties he pretends to defend, and to set himself King over them? Or had Queen Elizabeth, upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties, a just Right to make her self Queen over them? In my Opinion it is a pre [...]ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties, to make a Conquest of them; and if this be the Case, Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People, but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People, but a Crown to themselves; and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown.

His next Instance is in King Iames's time, When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia. And how does this prove his Point? Why, he sent to King James for Advice, and he had no mind he should engage in it. And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself, and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England. I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences, for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it. Well, But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary, and said, that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the B [...]bemians had a just Cause, and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel, rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous [...] Cause. And that may be too; but without Reflection on that Princess, that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause; for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel, rather than not to take away, and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father, and which is neither a Religious, nor a Righteous Cause.

His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First, When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace, and Liberty of the Germans, and was Defeated; and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him; and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger, and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain, &c. Now it does not appear whether th [...] King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just, or unjust, (for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random, and never stating them, and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute.) But let that be as it will, it makes no difference in the present Dispute; for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will, I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run, thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom. And this [Page] was plainly the Case: The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire, and was defeated; and it [...] had [...]een [...]e [...]t without Assi [...]ence, the Emperour might have wholly subdued him, which would not [...]ely have ruined Denmark, but have endangered all the Northern Princes, and especially England, as the Declaration it self speaks, there will be an open way for Spain left, to do what they pleased. And what is this to our Authour's purpose? Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War with another, to prevent his utter Overthrow and Destruction, and in such a case for wise and politick Ends to stop the exorbitant and dangerous Growth of a potent Neighbour; and for the same Prince to take away another Prince's Crown, because he is uneasie and ungratefull to his Subjects? Yet after such fallacious Inferences, our Author with his wonted Modesty adds, Let those who now with as much Ignorance as Confidence upbraid Men with Renouncing the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England, read and consider these Passages, and if any thing will make them more wise and humble, this will.

He contends all along to prove from those Instances, which are of several Independent Governours, and so relate to the Law of Nations, that this Proceeding of the Prince of Orange is not repugnant to the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England, p. 15. and more particularly afterwards from the Homilies, p. 21, 22. which say, we are bound to obey a Heathen Tyrant, and to pray for him; from the Jews who were commended to pray for the King of Babylon, and for obeying Augustus; lastly, from our Saviour's acknowledging the Roman President's Power and Authority, as given him from God. Nay, he argues a fortiori, p. 21. from the Homilies, thus: If they (and consequently the Church of England) declare we are bound by God's Word to obey a Heathen Tyrant, much more ought we, by the Doctrines and Principles of our Church, to pay Allegiance to good and religious Princes, &c. This is the full force of his Argument why we ought to pay Allegiance to the present Governours. But first, We cannot think th [...]m good and religious, whilst we see they have wilfully broken, and obstinately continue to break God's holy Commandments, the Observing of which is the best Test of Goodness and Religion. Next he le [...]ves the main Point, which Dr. Sherlock mentions out of his Convocations that are better Declarers of the Church of England's Doctrine than the Homilies,) That the Authority of all those Conquerours was to be thoroughly settled; so that there was no mor [...]l. Possibility the former Governour (in case he had been alive) could ev [...]r by himself, or his Friends, be restored; and therefore we seldom or never hear that any of such ejected or subdued Sovereigns did ever struggle for their Kingdoms, or went about to recover them. H [...]w this suits with our prese [...]t C [...]se, where the former supreme Governour is living, did ever, and does still claim it, pursues the Recovery of it, has a most potent Monarch abroad for his Friend, who espouses his Quarrel has engaged his Honour he will either restore him to his Crown, or lose his own, is easie to be discerned. But moreover, which is n [...]ess material in this Business, King Iames has great Parties in each of the three Nations, who do not acknowledge th [...] present Governours▪ and look upon them as unjust Vsurpers of their Father's Right. Besides, (which alters the Case extremely,) here was no Conquest, or subduing England by Force; nay, [Page] no War at all exercised upon it: His bad Cause forces this mercenary Writer to shuffle to and fro, and pretend now one Thing, now another; but all of them, when they come to be scann'd and applied, equally to no purpose. Conquest he dares not call it in down right Terms, for fear of disgusting all England, by making us all Slaves; yet those Instances of Rightfall Power which he brings, and would have us think to be parallel to this New Government, and proper to a [...]et it, were all true Successes in War, and by consequence perfect Conquests. 'Tis easie to discern by these Hints what he would be at, and not hard to conjecture what Title, though they have agreed of none hitherto, they intend at length to pitch upon finally, unless the Patriots of the Subjects Liberty do in time restrain such audacious Attempts.

Thus far in Answer to his settling King William's Title, which being shown to be incoherent and ill grounded, in every Regard, it follows, that Mr. Ashton suffered for a Righteous Cause, and for his due Allegiance to his true Sovereign, which entitles him to the Honour of a glorious Martyr, and this in case he had endeavoured to make way for his Master's Restauration. It remains to vindicate his Paper from those other petty Exceptions this G [...]ntleman makes against it.

He denies p. 24. that King Iames's Usage, after the Prince of Orange's Arrival, was very hard, severe, and unjust. Let the World judge. A Council was held at Windsor, upon Notice of the King's being in hold at Feversham, where it was debated, whether or no he should be sent to the Tower▪ And 'tis well known who they were that voted in the Affirmative. But the Prince having laid his Design, feared that if the King staid here, some Accommodation would be made; so he sent Monsieur Zuylisten to tell him, he would have him to stay at Rochester, which being a Port Town, and towards the Sea, might afford him opportunity to escape out of England. The Message mist him; so he returned to White-hall. The next Night the Prince of Orange sent three Lords to him at Midnight, to tell him he would have him remove by Ten the next Morning to Ham, a place very unlikely to be approved of, there being (as the King objected) neither Furniture nor Provisions for him; and therefore as he expected he moved, for his Return to Rochester, which after his sitting an hour in his Barge, waiting his Pleasure, was granted: And thither he was pack'd away in great State with Dutch Myrmidons; now (to the eternal Shame of English Su [...]jects) their King's Gaolers, under whom he suffered Hardship enough; but he was not allowed out of his own Exchequer one Farthing to bear his Charges. The King had before this sent him a Message by the Earl of Feversham, offering to settle all things in Parliament to His and the Kingdom's Satisfaction: Now had the Prince of Orange meant sincerely in what he pretended, and come onely for the Good of the Nation, what could he have wished more? But what would have obliged and sweetened another, did highly exasperate him; for he relish'd this Condescendence of his so [...]ll, being indeed unsuitable to the ambitious Aim he proposed to himself, that, first, contrary to the Law of Nations, he made his Ambassadour Prisoner, and th [...]n sent his Worshipfull Command at Midnight to his Father, to be gone out of his own Palace to a Prison; for they told him a Guard was appointed for [Page] him at Ham-house, whither the Prince of Orange ordered him to go the next Morning; enough to let the King see what he was to expect. He tells the Prince of Orange could have prevented his going away; true: But then he feared the Nation would only reduce King Iames, not depose him, much less chuse another, their own King being present; it was therefore thought more Politick to fright him away, and then pretend Abdication, and the Necessity of a new Government, which he knew well (as he and his Faction would handle it) could light on none but himself: So that it was out of kindness to himself, not to King Iames, or the Nation, that he let him escape. Yet he Magnifies this Indulgence of the Prince of Orange exceedingly; but I would ask him, in what this Civility differs from that of Robbers, who first strip the poor Travellers of all they have, and then turn them a Grazing without a Penny in their Purse, or as this pretty Gentleman phrases it, (p. 24.) Allow them great Freedom to go where they please. I would ask him too what one Thing was done by the Prince, which look'd either Generous, Civil, or in the least degree Respectful towards a King and a Father, and not rather most Barbarous and Rude? Or what one Action of his gives us Reason to think, he intended to accommodate Things with the true King, and not rather to set up for himself?

The Martyr, out of Love to his Native Countrey, resented, that All the new Methods of settling the Nation, have hitherto made it more miserable, poor, and exposed to Foreign Enemies. What says he to this▪ Can Impudence it self deny this to be true? Is not the Interest of England torn piece-meal, and every Nation has a Limb of us? Is not the Charge of securing Scotland, reducing of Ireland, the hiring Souldier [...] from Denmark, and other Places, the Bribing of Holland, the Suiss-Cantons, Savoy, and other poor Confederates, the keeping and paying two great Armies in Flanders and Ireland, and the setting out a vast Fleet at Sea, gone all out of our Pockets? Has not the driving out King Iames, and the Protecting our new Governor (and his only) put us upon such an expensive War, that we are upon our last Legs; it being absolutely impossible to squeeze Five Millions more out of our drain'd Purses to keep the War on foot another Year, which is the least Summ that can now be expected: For if Five Millions this Year have done nothing at all, 'tis to be fear'd that Seven Millions will scarce enable us to do much the next. A certain Person employ'd in the Treasury, who has the opportunity to know exactly the Incomes and Issues of the Exchequer, assured a worthy Friend of mine, that this Michaelmas there will have been paid out of it, since this Revolution, Fifteen Millions; and that there is still an Arrear behind, to the Army, to the Navy, and for Stores, of Five Millions more: And this besides many Thousands (perhaps a Hundred of Thousands) owing for the Wages of transport Ships; and that for want of ready Money the Creditors are paid with Tallies, so that those who have them can raise no Money, without abating Four or Five Shillings in the Pound, until the next Parliament gives Money to pay off all these Back-reckonings. The insuperable Difficulty of doing which, and withall of raising Seven Millions more to carry on the War the next Campaign, (not to mention the repaying the Money we have borrowed,) will make the great [Page] Work of Conquering France go but slowly on: Every wise Man, even of our State-Party, clearly seeing, and with regret complaining, that in all appearance the War is as far from an End, as it was at the Beginning.

Now where is all this Money to be had, or whence to be raised? Are not our Ships taken in great Multitudes, our Traffick decay'd abroad, our Trade at home, the Tenants unable to pay their Landlords; so that sometimes instead of bringing in their Rents, they are forc'd to send to them for Money to pay their Taxes, or else they must throw up their Farms? Are not they already forced, in many Places for want of Money, to exchange one Commodity for another in the Markets? Is not half our Cash gone out of the Nation, so that in Holland alone our Guineas and M [...]ll'd Money have been as frequent as their own Coin? Is not Clipp'd Money, which is not worth Transporting, now, in a manner, the only currant Coin left in the Nation? And to prevent the possibility our good Money should ever return again, it is melted down in Holland into the drossie Alloy of their Sebellings and Stuyvers. But the Transporting our Coin'd Money is not all: They have invented more Expedients than One or Two open ones to impoverish England; the Decus & Th [...]amen, inscribed on the Edges of our new Coin, was Judg'd an eff [...]ctual Preservative from Clipping and Fyling. But now the Clippers (who by the Law are to suffer as Felows) are become the best Friends to the Trafficking part of the Nation; and if they be not conniv'd at, and the Melters down of our M [...]ll'd and Vncircumcised Money into Bullion, transported in vast quantities every Year into Holland, (as appears by the Entries in the Custom-house,) be not severely punish'd, we must in a short time be contented with onely Copper and Tin Farebings, or else be forc'd to debase our Money to the Dutch Standard. If Captain Guy and several other Masters of Yatches, and other Vessels both Dutch and English, were strictly [...], they could tell them what prodigious Number of Chests of Money in Specie, or in Bullion have been transported these Three last Years into Holland and Flanders. We have indeed some Returns from thence, for they bring us prohibited Goods; so that both in Exporting and Importing our English Laws are still Dispensed with, without any permission from the Parliament, and no Man (though our Ruin depends upon it) dares complain. There is yet another odd Commodity imported, which would much encrease the Revenue, if it did but pay Custom; and that is Shoals of Caterpillars, that come over to devour the Fruits of our Labours, the Dutch, I mean, and other Foreigners with their Wives and Children, of which scarce a Ship or Hoy comes hither that brings not from Ten to Sixty, &c. These and the French Hugenots are transported hither to make up several new Colonies, and compose a Secret Militia, to be ready at a dead lift to enslave our Countrey, if, our Eyes being at length opened to see our impending Ruine, we grow Headstrong, and refuse to wear the Yoke which is preparing for us.

Again, Have we felt nothing from the Insolencies of the Dutch, Danes, and other Foreigners wherever they come. Lastly, What are all those Losses put together, in Comparison to the loss of so many English-men's Lives, who have perish'd either by War, o [...] through [Page] want of Necessaries, or else by strange Diseases in Ireland and at Sea. A Thousand or Two are swept away at a clap in this late prodigious Storm: The loss of the Coronation, and the other Ships that perish'd, and the damage done to all the rest that suffered in their Rigging, and otherwise in that Hurricane, is not worth the mention by those who are so inur'd to continual losses of sundry kinds as we are; though I'm told by a knowing Person, that the Repairing of that one M [...]sfortune will require some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds to be added to the former large Audit of the Nation's Accounts. And will this Man persuade us that all this, and many other such, are no Miseries? He runs from the M [...]tter to talk of the French King; but the true point, to which he ought to have spoken, is, Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes, or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames? Had we any concern with France, either by abetting or opposing it in his Days? Had the Prince of Orange, or our selves used the King Dutifully, as we ought, we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery (which we pretended to dread) being forc'd upon us, we might have enjoy'd Peace, Plenty, Trade, and Riches, and have reapt incomparable Benefits, and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us. This we might have done; and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us, when we medled not with it, (which that King is too Politick to do,) we might, by joyning with other Disinterested Princes, have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure, and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War, whilst we stept into their Assistance; whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us, to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it: All this we might then have done, had we been wise; but a Rebellious Spirit, which had possess'd and infatuated us, hurried us inconsiderately into a War, for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin, which we ought to have repented of. And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice, will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine.

He seems [...]ma [...]'d, p. 25. (for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say,) that Mr. Ashton should say, That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving, is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd. Nor do I wonder at his Amazement; for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks, and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will: This I told him of formerly, and here he makes my Words good; for (p. 25, 26, 27, &c.) he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger; (viz.) The same Laws, the same Protection, the same Encouragement: But Principles which are the Main, and Essential to a Church, are the least part of his Thought. Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her B [...]shops and Pastors, and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God, and all good Men, in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men, or Hell it self, can do, though she had neither Laws, Protection, nor the least Encouragement to befriend her; nay, though the Laws, [Page] and the State were bent against her. As for our new Principles then; let him but open his Eyes, and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion. He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons, whose Title to the Government (as appears by what has been amply prov'd above) not one Man in England certainly knows, and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in, forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom, as far as lies in their Power, a Nation of Knaves, and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars. He may see the Commandments laugh'd a [...]; and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors, and put to death as the worst of Malefactors. Besides the foremention'd Miseries, there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity, who for themselves, and the Reputation of the Nation, would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright, Loyal and Pious, Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man; these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues, with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People, it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages. In former days we were reputed Valiant, Hospitable, inviolable Observers of our Compacts, Faith, and Honesty.

But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain; yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity: That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War, 'wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd, disarm'd, and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party, yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome, who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries, and the Succession of Usurpers, at last happily effected it.

Now what shall we say for our selves, who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood, or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence? All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies, must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths, the most ungrateful of all Mankind, a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors, the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels.

Yea, we are still so much worse than those of the last Age, in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy, who should, and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, which every single Man of them took to their lawful King, have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King, and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences, and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right; no, not so much as Cromewell the Wicked: These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion. Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum, was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old: What would he have said, if he had liv'd in our Age, to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church, in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance? By the Conduct of these Men, one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat, [Page] and to believe that they themselves own'd no God. Whether they do or not, I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire; but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell, by Teaching Men, that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent, of everlasting Fire, everlasting Punishment, &c, he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them, since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand, and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned, any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require, &c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen, March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings, &c. do not restrain God from doing what he pleases, though they cut off from the Sinner all reasonable Hopes of the Relaxation or Mitigation of them. p. 16.

Of what comfortable Importance this Doctrine may be to some, and how necessary under our present Circumstances, let any one judge: 'Tis impossible Men should have perpetrated such abominable Villanies as have been lately transacted, to the Amazement of all that have the least Sense of Piety or Honour left, unless their Minds had been first debauched with these or the like Principles. He that will audaciously violate the sacred Commands of God, acknowledged such by the Church of England, his own Subscriptions, Oaths, and Preaching, must necessarily fansie some secret Reserves of Mercy in the Breast of the Almighty for the Authors and Abetters of such horrid Crimes, upon some Occasions, which will not suffer his Justice to pass upon them in another World, or some extraordinary Relaxations or Mitigations of future Torments. The first seems to be despaired of, because there is small Hopes of Repentance left, the Scriptures for that very Reason, perhaps, amongst many others, comparing Rebellion to the Sin of Witchcraft; the latter therefore is pitch'd upon as most congruous to carnal-minded Men, who to enjoy the Pleasures of Sin for a Season, and not willing to go to Heaven through Tribulations and Afflictions, do rather chuse to undergo a future Pu [...]ishment, especially if it consists onely as to its Perpetuity in a bare Exclusion from Eternal Happiness. Serm. p. 15.

Now, I say, such a Series of Villany as has been hitherto, and shall be farther exposed, being altogether inconsistent with the Principles of Christianity, which this accursed Generation of Monsters had not long since most zealously professed, they found it as necessary to Abdicate their Saviour and his Precepts, as well as their King and his Rights, as far as they durst. The first thing they did was to ridicule and blasphemously expose the Doctrine of the Cross, and if they could have drawn over the Majority of the Convocation to their Party, the next thing they design'd was to have expunged out of the Liturgie the Athanasian Creed, which was in effect to have denied the Divinity of our Saviour, le [...]t they, should have been charged with Rebellion against God, as well as their King, if all Power be derived from the second Person of the Trinity as Mediator, and all lawful Kings, whether Christians, Heathens, or Mahometans, be his Vicegerents, and he hath the Disp [...]sal of their Crowns, and the Command of their Power, and doth actually employ, and makes use of it in the Prosecution of the righteous Ends of [...]is Government, [Page] as Doctor Scot has learnedly proved in his Christian Life. Part. 3.

As it appeared necessary to reform the Doctrines of Christianity, to make them square the better with their late Practice; so likewise to procure an Alteration amongst our Ecclesiastical Governours too, it being as much for the Interest of this upstart Government the Metropolitan should be an Vsurper, as the supreme Governour in the Civil State; Like Bishop like King, being as true a Maxim now, a No Bishop no King heretofore. If the Metropolitical See had been real [...]y void, this present nominal Archbishop was unqualified for it, being esteem'd an Heretick, and by the 84th Canon of the Apostles, as being an actual Rebel, who ought to be deposed, or degraded from his Priesthood and though in the present juncture he cannot be convicted and sentenced; yet his Crimes being so notorious, all that understand them ought not in Conscience to own him as a Christian Bishop, or hold Communion with him, according to the 33d Canon of the Laodicean Council, that we ought not to pray, or communicate with Schismaticks, or Hereticks.

Of what grand Concern these particulars are let every good Christian seriously consider, and lay to heart. Now it is that Poison is poured out into our Church; therefore it's high time for us to avoid the Contagion, according to that excellent Advice of St. Cyprian, Keep at a Distance from the Infection of such Men by fleeing from them; and shun their Conversation as you would the Cancer or Plague, according to the Premonition of our Lord, Mat. 15.14. They be blind Leaders of the blind, and if the blind lead the blind, &c.— Let them perish by themselves who are willing to perish, let them alone remain without the Church, who have forsaken the Church. Epist. 40. ad Plebem, &c. How can these Men pretend to be Guides to others, who keep to no certain Path themselves? What certainty can there be in their Doctrines, when they vary th [...]m with their Interest, and ever calculate them to serve a turn? Therefore none ought to communicate with them, who value the Salvation of their Souls, and are not willing to partake of their Guilt and Punishment.

The Doctrines and Duties of our holy Religion have the Spirit of Truth and Holiness for their Author, and like him are always the same, without any shadow of Change: But from what Spirit must these bold Attempts upon Common Christianity proceed? Holloixius in his Defence of Origen, lib. 3. cap. 6. cites several Passages out of his Writings, wherein he assigns a different evil Spirit to every Vice or Sin, which he calls inimicas, & adversarias Virtutes, and delivers this Notion among the rest: There seems to me, says he, to be an infinite number of contrary Powers, or Spirits; because in almost every Man there are certain Spirits, which incite and provoke him to the Commission of divers Sins: E.g. There is a Spirit of Fornication, and a Spirit of Anger, a Spirit of Avarice, and a Spirit of Pride; and if it happens that any Man be acted by all these, or more Sins, he is to be look'd upon as possessed by so many or more Enemies, or evil Spirits. Surely then, according to this Opinion of Origen. Legion must have taken Possession in some of the Grandees of this new schisinatical Church of England. How obvious is it for any but those who are infatuated, and spiritually blind, to discern the Spirit [Page] of Rebellion, Ambition, and Emulation; the Spirit of Heresie, Schism, and Persecution; the Spirit of Blasphemy, Lying, Slandering, and Apostacy, reigning and triumphing among them.

This word Apostacy I am very sensible will found very harsh in their Ears; but let any sober and unprejudiced Person seriously consult the several Acceptations of the Word among sacred and prophane Authors, and he will soon be convinced, that it will be no easie Task for these Gentlemen to purge themselves from the imputation of it. Grotius, in his Appendix to his Commentaries de Antichristo, tell us, th [...]t by Apostacy is understood all kinds of Hostility or Con [...]umacy against a Superiour, who has the Right of Commanding, and proves it from several Texts of Scripture. Sometimes it signifies a Defection, or a Revolt; see Suidas and Stephanus. In its common acceptation amongst Christian Writers, a Departure from the Faith, by going over to Heresie, &c. Maimonides, as he is cited by Hottinger, in his Thesaur. Phil log. l. 1. c. 1. s. 3. amongst the several Distinctions of Apostates among the Iews, reckons those who taught or sollicited others to sin. I shall not make a particular Application of these significations of the word Apostacy to the forementioned Persons, I onely refer the Reader to their Sermons and other Discourses, their very Prayers and Practices, it being so easie to be observed by the meanest Capacity; but shall onely add this following Remark, as an Illustration of what has been just now charged upon them. If the Abrenunciation, and the solemn Stipulation to keep God's holy Will and Commandments, &c. before Baptism were the real Tests of the Faith and Sincerity of the Candidate, by which he was obliged to deny himself, and to take up his Cross; i.e. to forsake Father and Mother, Wife and Children, Lands and Possessions, and to lay down even his very Life, when ever they should come in competition with his Duty; and we cannot ordinarily be called to the Performance of this our Vow and Covenant, but under unrighteous and persecuting Princes, then it follows clearly, that by our entring into Christianity we have tied up our hands (by our own solemn Act) from making any forcible Resistence against our supreme Governours, upon any pretence whatsoever, and that the Doctrine of the Cross, or Passive Obedience, is a fundamental Doctrine, or Principle of the Christian Religion; and, lastly, that whosoever teach or practice otherwise, are Renegadoes and Apostates from Christianity it self. This was very near the Assertion of Dr. Burnet himself, in his Sermon on Rom. 13. v. 5. p. 36. ‘But, blessed be God, our Church hates and condemns this Doctrine, (viz. of deposing and resisting of Kings,) from what hand soever it come, and hath established the Rights and Authority of Princes on sure and unalterable Foundations, enjoining an entire Obedience to all the lawful Commands of Authority, and an absolute Submission to that supreme Power which God hath put in our Sovereigns Hands. This Doctrine we justly glory in, and if any that had their Education in our Church, have turned Renegadoes from this, they proved no less Enemies to the Church her self, than to the Civil Authority; so that their Apostacy leaves no blame on our Church.’

If this be the Case (as we have all the Reason in the World to think so) it's plain and evident to any ordinary Understanding, That these [Page] Men are not true Church of England Divines, as they would have all the World believe; neither is the Church in Possession any more to be esteemed the True, Legal, Ancient Church of England, than the Donatists of Old were to be accounted the only Catholick Church. Their Priesthood is now become Schismatical, having erected Altar against Altar; their Liturgy Blasphemous and Diabolical, wherein they address themselves to God as the Author and Fountain of all unjust Power, the Patron of Injustice, and the grand Protector, and Encourager of the Notorious Violators of his most sacred Laws. What is this, but with the most impudent and horrid Blasphemy that ever was heard of, to beseech the Almighty to divest himself of his most glorious Attributes, and to enter into a League with Hell it self, for the support and maintenance of all their detestable Impieties.

What have they now to say? Confusion and Shame must cover them, who are the Scandal and Reproach of the Pure and Undefiled Religion they should profess. Thousands of these could not say (though in reality the well known pretence of most) that they swore for Bread; God forgive them they durst not trust Providence, wanted the Courage to give a good Example, or to teach their Flocks the danger of Perjury: They sinned against God, and his Anointed, and their own Souls, and knew they did so.

In the preceeding Age we can scarce name a Dignifi'd Clergy-man, or any Person Eminent for Piety and Learning, in either of the Universities, in City or Country, who were not outed their Benefices for refusing to take the Covenant or Engagement; but now the great Body of the Clergy have been observed to renounce their Allegiance, and worship the Idol of the Hogans: Indeed out of this Number we must except the Most Reverend the Metropolitan, and Seven of his Right Reverend Brethren, and the other Clergy and Loyal Fellows in the Universities, who have not defiled themselves with the Abominations of their Apostate Brethren, whose Virtue and Piety is the only Thing left to attone [...] for these loud and crying Sins of our Clergy; and, who incessantly like Abraham intercede with Almighty God to avert his Judgments from this sinful Nation, and which the Perjury and Apostacy, and the general Defection gives but too sad an occasion to fear hangs over our Heads.

In short, whatever hopes we may conceive of ever seeing the true Church of England flourish in its true Lustre and Purity, we must owe it (next to the infinite Mercy of God) to those never enough applauded Heroes of our Church, the true Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and those ejected Bishops, &c. who have stood in the Gap of Schism, and bor [...] up Loyally against the all over-bearing Torrent of the prevaricating Party, who have preferred the Peace and Comfort of a good Conscience, before all wordly Honour and Interest, and fear'd the offending their good God more than their own certain Ruine from ill natured Men. How will these glorious Lights of our Church, and true Servants of the living God shine after their Tryal is over past, when the Adorer's of Mammon (those interloping Arch bishops, Bishops, and those other mean spiritted Worldlings, who preferred their Profit before their Honesty) shrink, look dim and pale with Guilt; and at length their Candlesticks [Page] being removed from them, come to be utterly extinguish'd and go out like an ill scenting Snuff.

Some Instances he brings (p. 26.) to shew we are not singular in Perjury and Rebellion. He tells us that the Law of the Land and of Nations, require us to swear Allegiance to him who is in Possession: Which lame Pretence is answered fully over and over, in the forenamed Books against Dr. Sherlock; only this Gentleman's Assertion is more raw than his, for he proceeds upon quiet Possession (as do also our Lawyers, whom he speaks of, and would have quoted if he durst.) But this Man makes account that bare Possession, however qualified, gives Title to our Allegiance, nay obliges us to swear it too, which we cannot do unless we can safely swear, that this Discourse of his is Convictive; which, I [...]le be sworn, is most pernicious Nonsense, and would, if followed, pervert all the settled Order of Mankind, and all Right in the World. To assert that mere Possession of a Thing gives a Man Right to it, is enough to encourage all Men to be Rebels, Vsurpers, Robbers, Thieves, and Cheats. It cries aloud to them all, Catch that catch may, my Masters; all that you get is your own, by the Law of the Land, and of Nations, of once you get but Possession. It makes the saying of the Th [...]eves [This is mine, I stole it] very strong Reason and good Sense. He'll say these Cases are not parallel to his: But why are they not, if a true Prince has as good Right to his Crown, as a Subject has to his Money or his Goods? For if he has, then a Possession transfers the Right of a Crown; so it must transfer the Right of a Purse, a Cloak, &c. And with so much the more Reason as the Right of the Crown (on which the common Good of the Nation depends.) ought to be more fixt and unalienable, than the Right of private Men to their Goods, which are of an inferior Concern. Now if the Law of the Land require us to swear Allegiance as due to any present Possessor, the same Law declares that Allegiance, and consequently the Crown is his Right; otherwise the Law would oblige me to swear false. And if the Law of the Land declares the Prince of Orange has Right; To what end did this Gentleman all this while run about to the Law of Nations to patch him up a Title? It must be a pitiful Cause that makes a Man, who otherwise has wit enough, still interfere thus with himself.

But he says, That if an Oath of Allegiance should not follow Possession, there would be infinite Snares to the Consciences of all such who are requir'd to obey, but are not bound to enquire into the Right of War. Note, by the way, one of those shuffling Tricks, of which his Book is full. He begins with Oaths, but proceeds as if only Obedience were required: As if a Man could not live quietly under a Government, without Swearing and calling God to witness that the Governor has Right to the Kingdom, (and consequently to our Allegiance,) whether we know he has or no. But let us apply our selves to his Discourse. All the play of these Men, is to persuade the World that this business of Allegiance due to King Iames only, is a Kind of dubious Case; and then if they can but get their Judgment to bover, they hope that Interest or Fear may turn the Ballance, and make them swear to King William: Whereas we maintain that 'tis a most plain Case, which none but byass'd Men can doubt of. Is it not evident to all, that King Iames was Three Years [Page] agoe the undoubted Supreme Governor, and that all the World held that none but he had Right to the Crown, and consequently that Allegiance would then be lawfully sworn to none but him? Is it not evident that he is living, and has not given up his Right; and so, by the common course of the World, 'tis evidently his still? Is it not evident even to themselves that the new Right of the Prince of Orange is obscure, that Men are in several Minds about the Ground and Reason of it; some alledging one Thing, others another, which shews that England it self is not satisfied with the Truth of his Title, but is led on by Fear or Interest? Is it not evident that very many conscientious and good Men, amongst whom are the Primate, and some Bishops, and many reverend and worthy Pastors of our Church do refuse to take the New Oath; whose Authority far outweighs all the others, in regard they have no Motive but pure Conscience, since they are ruin'd for refusing; whereas the Complying Party find Interest, and the Favour of great Men, by their mercenary Submission? Is it not manifestly evident to every sincere Christian's Conscience, even of the most ordinary Capacity, that Oaths are most Sacred Things; and that those Oaths which were due, or have been sworn upon certain Grounds to an undoubted and indisputable Authority, ought not to be unsworn again, by swearing Allegiance upon uncertain Grounds to a dubious (at least) and disputable Authority? So that here is no moot Case in the Business, as he would pretend, but plain Sense, which every sincere and conscientious Christian is capable of comprehending: There is no danger then of infinite Snares, (as he madly calls them,) not of any at all, but those of weak Fears, or base Interest, which have already ensnared many Consciences, and are spread every where, as the Devil's Nets to entangle and ensnare the unwary, unstable, and worldly minded Men.

He asks, p. 26. If it be Perjury and Rebellion in the now French King's Conquests, for the Inhabitants to take Oaths of Fidelity to the French King? Now this is a very pleasant Gentleman; and for all his objecting, p. 19. The admiring the French Conduct to this sort of Mai [...] [Mr. Ashton's Friends.] He hath said more for the French King than any Iacobite in England will say, and the rankest French Man in the World can say no more; and that is, that he hath a Right to all the Places he has over-run with his Arms, in Flanders, Savoy, yea, and the Principality of Orange too. But then, Where is that independant Sovereignty which our Author talks of, as necessary and essential to make a Title by Conquest? For he is possess'd of the Principality of Orange; and therefore according to our Author, the King of France is Prince of Orange, and no body else. And not to meddle with what Right Conquest conveys, (as being foreign to the present Question;) here is this vast difference in the two Cases: The King of France actually Conquered these Places and People; the Prince of Orange did not Conquer England, and none but a Mad-man will say he did: And therefore if the Author would have made the Case parallel, he should thus have put his Question, Whether it would not have been Perjury for the Inhabitants of those Places, to have put the Government into the French King's Hands, to transfer their Allegiance, and to take an Oath of Fidelity to him, when it was in their Power to resist; nay, [Page] when he could not do it otherwise but by themselves, and by their own Contrivance, and Assistance: In that Case, which is plainly ours, I stick not to affirm that it is Perjury and Rebellion with a witness; and no Man who hath not his Ear bored, and is became a Slave to Interest, can have the Face to deny it: And yet for all that he goes on. If it be not Perjury and Rebellion in those Conquer'd Provinces, How comes it to be so here? By which we say again, he is ready to maintain, (for he does here manifestly suggest it already,) That England is the Prince of Orange's by Conquest, and all our Lives and Estates are at his Disposal. And there wants nothing but one of his infinite Snares, a good rich Deanry, or Bishoprick, to make him perfectly hold and openly maintain that Opinion. Parliaments had best look to such Libels in time, left the pretended Conqueror come to abdicate them too as Vseless, or Obstacles to the pretence of Conquest, and make all our Countrey-men become Slaves to his Ambition.

But what meant he by his instancing, p. 26, 27. in the Portugueze's swearing Allegiance to the Duke of Braganza, though the King of Spain had enjoyed the Crown for Three Generations? The Case was this. There were Three Pretenders to that Crown, and most of the Universities in Europe were emploied to determine which of them had Right; when Philip the Second, while the Thing was yet under debate, seeing them encline most to the Duke of Braganza, sends the Duke d' Alva with an Army, and very unfairly Surprizes and Oppresses the Headless Nation, and decided the Controversie by the Sword: This was no Conquest, but a manifest Vsurpation, for no Battle was fought, nor Resistance made; Was this parallel to the Case of us in England? Was our Nation Headless at the time of the Prince of Orange's Invasion? Was it under dispute whether King Iames, or he had Right to the Crown? Or had King Iames usurp'd it, as King Philip had done? Was he not in quiet Possession of England, which King Philip never was? The Portugueze still grumbling and resenting, that they were enslav'd to a Foreigner, when a King of their own Nation had a Title to it. Again, their swearing Allegiance to King Philip, was too, in many regards, more justifiable than ours; they were kept under by a Foreign Force, whereas we do it voluntarily: Besides, the Spanish King had been one of the Pretenders, and the Question was not decided. Had the Prince of Orange, or his Princess, any kind of pretence to England while their Father liv'd? Lastly, They rose against a Foreign King to introduce one of their own Nation, whereas we rose against our own to introduce a Foreigner. How shallow then is it to huddle together many Instances, and not bring one of them home to his purpose? How ridiculous to argue all along from Matters of Fact to Matter of Right? Which is just as wise as to pretend, that whatever has been done, must be well done; and is the same, as if he would set himself to prove, that we were not the first, nor the only Rebels, Traytors, or Perjured Persons, that have been in the World; but that there have been others, both of our own and other Nations before us, which we never denied.

He has not done with his Plot, to prove the Paper none of Mr. Ashton's; but (take which you will) tells you p. 28. That either 'tis not his, or else that he contradicted himself. In what I beseech him? Why. [Page] Mr. Ashton, at his Tryal said He could not but own he had a fair Tryall for his Life, and yet in his Paper he complains of the severe Charge of the Iudges, and hard Measure: And where lies the Contradiction? Every Man knows that the Tryall is over before the Charge is given, or the Verdict brought in by the Jury: So that nothing hinders but the Tryall may be fair, and seemingly kind, though the Charge which came after did aggravate, and made the worse Misconstruction (as indeed it did) of every thing, and so was very hard and severe. But does Mr. Ashton mention no hard Measures besides? Does he not object his close Imprisonment, the hasty and violent Proceedings against him, and the Industry used in the Return of fi [...]ting Persons to pass upon him, the denying of him a Copy of the Panel, with an &c. at the end of them? Were not these hard Measures, and some of them villanously unjust, and indeed plainly shewed, that since they saw him so heartily honest, that he would not be warpt, the Resolution was taken beforehand by the Party to have his Life, per Fas aut Nefas? Does he deny these were hard Measures, or that Mr. Ashton said true, when he told us he had receiv'd such hard Measures? He confesses both, by his Silence in such main Businesses. Is it not a rare piece of Justice, to cull out a select Company of Court Pick-thanks, who they were sure would hang him; and yet deny a Copy of the Panel, that he might except against some chief Boute-feus, (and particularly that malicious Jury Man he so complains of,) who would never leave pressing and solliciting the rest, till they brought them (let the Cause be never so ugly) into the same Guilt of Murther with themselves? Yet a Man who loses his Life by such Tricks, is (according to this Caviller) confident, uncharitable, or whatever other Character his time-serving Spite thinks fit to put upon him, if he do but barely speak of what they did to take away his Life.

Now after all this Outcry and heavy Charges, to lay Load upon the Martyr's Credit, what was it he said: Though I have, I think, just reason to complain of the severe Charge given by the Iudges, and the hard measure, &c. Yet as I hope for Pardon at the Hands of my God, I do most heartily pray for and forgive them, &c. Could any thing be said more sweetly, or more modestly? He onely spoke it in Transcursu, and as a Transition to the declaring his Charitable Forgiving of his Enemies: He onely said [he thought] he had received ill Usage, and why might not he think so, when his Lawyers told him the Law did not reach him, there being onely Presumption, which was incompetent in that Case? Yet this uncharitable Ca [...]iller charges him with Confidence, and want of Common Charity, and employs all his little Tricks of Rhetorick to have it thought he dyed an ill Man, and (which is the worse Sin of the two) to murther as far as he could, his Soul, and his Credit as a good Christian, after the Judges and Jury had murthered his Body.

But how does he clear the Jury? He cites my Lord Coke, p. 29. that the Intent is to be discovered by Circumstances, &c. But does he or any Man say, that those Circumstances must not be evidently connected with the Intention; that is, such as could not have light or could not have been put, had there not been such an Intention? Otherwise the Evidence rises not above Presumption, which that Lawyer declares to be insufficient; and therefore he requires Good and Manifest Proof; and [Page] the Proof of a Man's Intention cannot be said to be manifest, unless the Over-act was manifestly connected with it. Was it so here? Ashton clear'd the occasion of his going over to France to have been upon a quite different Account. But the Papers, says he, were found about him. What then? Might not another who was in the Company, and who onely was conscious of their Contents, give them to him to keep? Nay, would not that Person who was concerned judge it best in Reason, rather to give them to a Person which was not at all concerned in them, than to another of his own Gang? Certainly he would. Nothing more frequent in Oliver's Days, than for loyal Gentlemen going in Coach, to give such Papers which were Treasonable in those days to the Coachman, or some Gentlewomen in Company; and must such Persons who carried them be concluded guilty of Treason? This Circumstance then of having the Papers found upon him, which were evidently another Man's Concern, as being writ in his hand, was so far from being manifestly connected with his being concerned in them, or knowing their Contents; that, of the two it rather signifies the contrary. Besides, this Circumstance is not rightly represented. Had they been found upon him when first search'd, it might have born a sleight Suspition, that he was the Bearer of them; but when he was first forc'd out of the hiding Place, he was search'd, and nothing found about him; but going down afterwards to the Hold of the Ship, and finding those Papers left, (which he might suspect my Lord Preston would not have had found,) he put them in his Bosome, with design to throw them over-board, which being observed, they were found there. Well; but he had a mind to have these Papers thrown over-board: What then? Would not any Friend do the same, if his Friend and Fellow-Traveller, who by leaving his Letters behind him where he lay, had by so doing signified, that he would not have them seen, though at the same time he knew nothing of the Contents. Did not Captain Billop at the Tryal declare upon Oath, that Mr. Elliot was much more concerned than he was, and yet no Presumptive Evidence was grounded thereupon against him, of knowing their Contents? Again, Are there no Secrets, and important Ones too, but Treason? What Man who is versed in the World would have made such a rash Conclusion of his knowing the Contents of the Letters from a Carriage, as was lately shew'd has sometimes, and may often be used in other Occasions, where he that destroys or conceals any Papers of another's, is yet utterly ignorant of what's in them, or what is his Friend's Design? My self in the Protector's Days lodged near the Pall-Mall, when a Civil Gentleman came to take a Room in the same Hou'e; it seems he came over to England about King Charles his Business, though he kept it to himself, and never in the least had acquainted me with it; upon a fright he came running from the Yard into the House, and feating a Search, retired into a safe hiding Place, giving me some Papers (which it seems he would not have found with him) to secure them if I could, or else to burn them. I did not much fear, knowing the Constable; so I lock'd them in a small Trunk of Mine, and put them under the Beds-head. They search'd but found nothing. Here is a Case parallel exactly, or rather far more obnoxious than was that of Mr. Ashton's, [Page] and more significant, that I was privy to the Design of them. Now I would ask this inconsiderate Jury, whether, had those Papers (which I understood afterwards to be Commissions) been found in my Trunk, they would have brought me in guilty? Doubtless such a Jury as this would have done it; and yet I can safely be deposed, That I was then utterly ignorant, both of the Business of that Gentleman, and of the Contents of the Papers. I desire those Gentlemen of the Iury to lay their Hands on their Hearts, and tell us seriously, whether they durst have ventured their own Lives, (could it have been brought to the Tryall,) that Mr. Ashton intended to go into France with such a Design? I doubt their Hearts would quail at such a dubious Wager: And could they think fit to take away another Man's Life, and hazard to damn their own Souls too, on an Evidence that they durst not stake their own Lives upon. Let them reflect how often even very great Likelihoods deceive us every day; nay, sometimes so great, that we should have judged it almost impossible it should have missed; and yet no wise or good Man would venture his Life or his Salvation upon those highest Likelihoods, or think fit to swear the Truth of them; and dare Iuror [...] then hazard to forswear themselves, and to commit Murther in to the Bargain, by bringing in an illegal Verdict, which takes away a Man's Life upon Likelihoods or Presumptions? The Law he confesses requires manifest Proof; What says this Patron of Injustice to the Law? Yet this Proof (says he, page 29.) must still be such as the thing will bear. Let us examine the sense of these Words. Either he means by the Word [Thing,] a Fact of such a Nature as Mr. Ashton's is pretended to be, and that such a Fact, abstractedly speaking, cannot bear a more manifest Proof than this had: Or he means that this individual pretended Fact, as standing under the Circumstances it really had, can bear no better Proof than it did, or be made more manifest. He cannot without extreme Folly mean the former of these: For it is evident and confessed here, p. 30. by himself, That had the Papers been produced writ in his own hand, it would have been a plain Proof of his knowing what was in those Papers, (which by the way, is a plain Confession, that (that Proof wanting) there was no plain or manifest Proof at all,) He must mean then, that this Fact, no better circumstanc'd, can bear no better Proof: Which is in less candid Terms to say; We were resolved to hang him, and could have been glad of a plain or manifest Proof, but the Evidence we could get from all the Circumstances, not bearing or affording as such a Proof, we were forced to condemn him upon this unmanifest Proof, or else (which would have vexed us) we must have acqui [...]ted him. This is what he would say, had he the Gift of Ingenuity. Well then, since there was (as he confesses) no plain or manifest Proof, what Proof will he afford us instead of it? Why, he tells us, there was sufficient Proof of his Privity to the Contents of those Papers. Sufficient! What does he mean by that indeterminate and insignificant Expression? No Proof is sufficient by the Law but what is manifest: But he as good as confesses here, that the Proof was not manifest. He can onely mean then by that lukewarm word [sufficient,] that the Proof was sufficient to take away his Life, if such Judges and such a Jury had the managing of it, who were resolved to sacrifice their Consciences and Honesty to the Fear or [Page] Favour of Men, and blindly submit them; without Scruple, to the Pleasure of the State.

Next he tells us, there can be no direct and plain Proofs of a secret Intention. How many Tricks are coucht in these few words? What does the word [direct] here? Did any Man ever pretend he could see a Soul directly, or receive Impressions from it in a streight Line, as Light and visible Objects come to the bodily Eye? Again: What does the word [secret] here? Had it not been enough to say, None can have a plain Proof of an Intention? But to confound the weak Reader, and colour over the Paradox, he must add [secret] to it. Indeed while an Intention is secret, 'tis undoubtedly secret; but why can there be no plain Proof of an Intention, making it become not secret? Certainly the denying this would destroy all humane Negotiation, in all its mainest Concerns, and make all our chief Actions floating and uncertain: It makes all the Execution of the Law comfortless to the Judges and Jury, and wickedly injurious to the Persons accused; for by this Man's Discourse the former can never tell whether or not they condemn an Innocent, and the latter sees his Life and Honor exposed to Hap-hazard. 'Tis the Intention, and that onely, which the Law regards, nor is any Action reputed by it to be Felony, Murther, Treason, &c. unless it be done Animo Felonico, &c. with a Felonious Intention, &c. and this Intention, according to him, can never be made plain; so no Man [...] ving knows, or can know, who dies deservedly, who innocently. Let him reflect, that all that the Witnesses can do is to atrest the Overt-act, or the Words spoken imprinted on their Senses; but 'tis the Duty of the Judges and Jury, when once they are satisfied of the Witnesses Integrity, to see that those Actions are necessarily connected with such an Intention as with its Cause, and proceeded from it; and if they be not satisfied, but that possibly it might spring from another Cause, they must be judged not to value how pretious a Man's Life is, nor to regard much whether they legally condemn an innocent or no, if they bring him in guilty; and so they incurr the Guilt themselves of careless Murtherers: Nor do the Judges deserve a better Character, if they fail in the Duty of instructing them, that the Law requires manifest Proof, and that they ought not to proceed upon even high Likelihoods or Presumptions, which we do experience do often deceive us: But especially if they aggravate and enhance those Likelihoods to make the Jury proceed upon them as Certainties: All which was but too visible in the Charge to this easily byast Jury. Did this Gentleman, who denies that Intentions can admit of plain Proof, never hear of those Sayings, That out of the abundance of the Heart the Mouth speaketh, or that the Tree is known by its Fruit; i.e. a Man's Interiour by his Outward Actions? Can we not know very manifestly, that if a Man way-lay his Enemy, and out of an Ambush assaults and runs him through, he had an Intention to do him a Mischief? Does not himself confess, that had the Papers been in Mr. Ashton's own hand, it had been a plain or manifest Proof of his knowing their Contents; which Knowledge is of its own Nature altogether as secret as is an Intention: Lastly, Does he not tell us out of my Lord Coke, that no Proof is sufficient but a manifest one; and yet he sets himself to prove, that there can be no plain or [Page] manifest Proof of an Intention, which makes the Law require Impossibilities? What Stuff is this to be vented by a Man chosen out to support the State, vindicate the Judges, and confute the solid Paper bequeath'd us by our dying Martyr!

After this he pretends, that, in his Iudgment, one of the Papers was writ in the very same Hand in which this Speech was written; that is, it was writ by Mr. Ashton. But he must pardon us if we dare not believe his Judgement, which (as has been abundantly shewn) has scarcely judg'd right in one single Line of his whole Book: But how frivolous is this Pretence of his! Had the Judges, or the Managers of the Tryal found the least Ground for such a Suspition, it had been the easiest thing in the World to have compared that Paper with Hundreds of Accomp [...]s, Acquittances, and Letters, which were all seized in his House by Order from the State: Nor could they have wanted Witnesses to have sworn, that they believed such a Paper was writ by him, as well as they did in the Tryal of my Lord Preston, which is a very great Presumption that they found no such Paper under his Hand, or so near resembling it as might induce any to swear it. They found indeed another Paper of his, which more vext them and hastened his Death, than had they found any such other as this Gentleman pretends: Concerning which take the Martyr's own Words out of part of that Paper left by him in a Friend's hands; which are as followeth.

[Being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts, I think it a Duty incumbent upon me to impart some Things farther, which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will, I conclude, willingly bear the publication of, and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper.

Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here, when it was expected, that, pursuant to his own Declaration, and the King's Letter to the Convention, an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales, there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter, and of the Proofs that were then (and are still) ready to be produced, to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy; but no publick Examination being ever had, and the Violence of the Times, as well as Interest of the present Government, not permitting any private Person to move in it, those Papers have ever since lain by: But it being now thought advisable by some, to have them printed and published, and (as at first they were designed) addressed, at their next Meeting, to the Lords and Commons, entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair, and to call forth, examine, and protect (for who else dares to appear) the many Witnesses to the several Particulars therein offered to be legally proved, &c.

I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King, my Master, for his view, that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here; and they being taken with me, with some other Papers of Accounts, &c. in a small Trunck, amongst my Linen, and other private Things of my own, and not in the Packet, (my Lord Pre [...]ton being altogether a stranger to the whole [Page] proceeding,) by this means fell into the hands of our present Governours, who, though they wisely waved the producing them as Evidence at my Tryal, yet have I just Reason to believe my greatest Crimes were contained in them; and I do therefore conclude and hope, that I only am designed to be sacrificed, who only knew of them: Nor am I surprised at it, since nothing, I think, can be more prejudical to some Persons present Interest, than the exposing of those Papers to the Publick, which will set that pretended Mystery of Darkness in so clear a Light, that all Mankind must be convinced of his Highness's being Born of the Queen, and of their Wickedness, who have malitiously and designedly asserted that innocent Prince to be an Impostor. The Love and Compassion that I have for my native Countrey, as well as Charity, obliges me humbly to implore Almighty God to be merciful to it, and not to charge this great Sin to the publick Account, and that we may not farther provoke his Justice by our wilfully continuing in Errour and Mistake, I beseech him to put it into the Hearts of the Lords, &c. at their next Meeting, to examine into that whole Matter, and (if before that time this be published) to enquire after, call for, and, if possible, retrieve those Papers that were taken with me; whereby the Obstinate will most certainly be convinced, the Ignorant informed, the Doubtful confirmed, the Eyes of all opened, and a sacred most important Truth made apparent to the whole World.]

And may we not now with good Reason challenge those of the other Party to give an Answer to those Papers, which were the true occasion of his Suffering; and in behalf of Justice, Truth, and the good of the Nation, to demand that the said Papers, which are now stiffled, may be produced, and (if possible) confuted: For since never greater fedulity was used by any other to set that Business in a manifest Light; the Answering them must consequently be the surest Means to keep the Nation from being imposed upon in so weighty a Matter. And if this be not done, Will not all sincere Persons conclude hence that the Proofs of the Prince of Wales's Legitimacy, contained in those Papers of Mr. Ashton, are even in the Opinion of our Stat [...]sts themselves, absolutely unanswerable, and all England be convinced that the Pretence of his being Supposititious, was set up for no other End but to bring, by that detestable Forgery, the King and Queen into Odium and Disgrace, and to make way for the Prince of Orange to seize on his Crown; and reflect, that from this one villa [...]ous Cheat, all the Calamities that have befallen our deluded Nation, have had their true Source and Origin. I know the Observator upon Mr. Ashton's Papers denies there were any such; but could it be done with our Security, we do undertake to prove Circumstantially, that they were in his Trunck when taken by the Government's Order; and farther that we will clear that whole Matter, far more fully than has been done hitherto, by many other Witnesses of unquestionable Credit, and by most convincing Proofs; and to satisfie all I terrogatories that can be offered by the most inquisitive Scrupler. But to return to our Juries; What matters it what was brought to light about those Papers afterwards? The [Page] Question is, what Evidence the Jury then had, when they brought in their lawless Verdict: If they had at that time no such Evidence as the Law requires; i.e. if they had then no manifest Proof, he died Innocent in the Eye of the Law; and nothing can acquit his Condemners from being, according to the same Law, and God's Law too, unconscientious Murderers. And 'tis of this kind of Innocence only the Martyr speaks, when he declares himself Innocent; about which P [...]ssage this Gentleman, who can neither understand another Man, nor many times himself very well, is very Gay and Pleasant: Though, 'tis true, the Martyr by owning his Duty to his lawful Sovereign, does withall, by consequence profess, that, though he had been legally Convicted of an intention to restore him, and of acting too, in order to that good End, he had notwithstanding been Innocent also before God.

The Result of all the whole foregoing Discourse is this, That our blessed Martyr is clearly vindicated from any Treasonable Guilt, and proved to have died doubly Innocent; in the sight of Heaven, in dying for his Allegiance, which provok'd this unreasonable Malice against him; and in the Eye of the Law, by being adjudg'd to die without manifest Proof, or legal Evidence. May his Noble Christian Fortitude, and his Pious Example, so influence his Prevaricating Brethren, that they may repent them of their Perjury and Rebellion, imitate his Constant Loyalty, and be partakers of that Eternal Crown of Glory which he now enjoys, for undauntedly owning, and even to Death persevering in his Duty of Allegiance to his only Lawful, and only Rightful Sovereign.

An Humble Petition to the Present Government.

SInce Nature does generally encline every Man to avoid his own Ruine, and to do that which is apparently best for his own worldly Interest and Conveniency; it cannot in common Reason and Prudence be imagined, but that the generality of those, who do adhere to King IAMES his Title, would be glad to live at Ease, and out of Danger, by submitting freely to the present Government, did not some Consideration that is of a Superior Nature, and concerns their well-being in another World, over-awe them and deter them from owning it. Wherefore as we who write this, do in our Names, so we justly presume we may in the Names of those others, protest in the presence of Almighty God, who sees their Hearts, that our refusing to take the Oath, and pay a voluntary Allegiance to the present Governours, does not spring from any inclination to Faction, nor from Obstinacy, nor yet from any Disaffection to their Persons; but purely from this, That we cannot be satisfied, either by our own Reason, or any Thing that has been hitherto writ upon that Subject, that they have any Title to the Crown, either by the Law of God or Man; but, on the contrary, that both Divine and Humane Laws are against their wresting it, by a Trick, out of the Hands of their Father, who was the undoubted rightful Owner of it; and that their still Possessing and Detaining it from him, is no less against the same Laws, and consequently a doubly-unjust Vsurpation: And therefore our Conscience tells [Page] us, That we shall incurr the just Indignation of Almighty God; and withal, become Obnoxious, by our English Laws, to the Punishments due to Traitors, should we yield to such illegal Compliances. Wherefore we humbly Petition, That for satisfaction to our Consciences, our Governours would please to give Order, that some grave and learned Man may compile a Treatise, shewing their true Title to the Crown, and manifesting how King Iames's legal Title, by Succession, comes to be annull'd: And let him evince these Two main Points from any solid Principles, of what nature soever, acknowledg'd for such by the indifferent part of the World; and so that it may appear by their giving Authority to that Treatise, by such their Order, that that is the true Ground of their Claim, and the Title they will stand by. Those who have writ in Justification of their Government, are in so many Minds about the Ground of their pretended Right, that instead of clearing it they have, by their Disagreement, satisfied all understanding Men, that 'tis very obscure, even to their own Party; whereas yet it ought to be of it self, or else be made most Evident, e'er it can in any Reason be held able to overthrow a Tenure so incontestibly Evident and Legal, as was that of King Iames, it being built on a long continued H [...]reditary Succession, abetted by the most Fundamental Laws of the Land, and approved by the universal acknowledgement of the whole World. We humbly request then to be inform'd which of those many Grounds, advanc'd by their Writers, themselves will think fit to make choice of, and esteem thus Evident, which we have not hitherto any Light to guess at. Their Carriage by carressing and advancing Dr. Sherlock, seems to hint that they most approve of his new Notion; but that Flash of his has been so perfectly and so manifoldly baffled, and laid flat beyond all possibility of setting it up again, or supporting it, that (next to the Abdication Title) no Tenet in the World was ever so notoriously convicted of Folly and Inconsistency. We are told that Mr. Johnson is about publishing something upon that Subject, with a disclaim of any other Title but that he is setting up: But as we are well assured that the Principles that Gentleman will proceed upon, (however he may pretend to wrest our Laws to his Fancy,) are purely Commonwealthish, and no less confident that our Governours will never think it Honourable for them to own such a precarious Authority; so we cannot think it safe in Conscience for us to acquiesce in such a Title, which they themselves will not think fit to acknowledge and abide by.

This Request is for another Regard the more Reasonable, because the granting it is clearly the best for the Interest even of our Governours themselves: For nothing can be more Prevalent to unite all England in a hearty Subjection to their Government, than the making out Evidently, and Inconfutably (in Case they judge it fecible) upon what Ground we may justly hold the former Prince's rightful Title is Extinguished, and their own rightfully Introduced and Established. Nor can an [...] Thing more acquit them from the heavy Imputation of Cruelty and Murder, (which Odium they will otherwise lie under,) than will shewing their Right to be thus Evident: I say Evident; for plain Reason very sensibly informs every honest Christian, that a Title which was never doubted or controverted, nor had the least flaw in it, by any one pretender [Page] in the whole World, ought not to be held abolish'd by a Title which is controverted and dubious; and also that O [...]t [...]s of Allegiance ought not to be sworn to those whose Right to our Allegiance is doubtful and uncertain. Wherefore let them but take away this doubtfulness, by making their Title Clear and Evident; and then the same Reason which makes us yet retain our Allegiance to King Iames, will oblige us in Conscience to become Faithful and Obedient Subjects to the Prince and Princess of Orange; and will shew, moreover, that we enjoy under them a State of Liberty and Reason, and are not purely under the slavish Condition of Force and Fear.

The granting then this Humble Petition of ours being every way so Reasonable and Advantagious to their own Honour and Interest; so satisfactory to those who have Scruples, which hinder their Complying; so agreeable to the Prince of Orange's Declaration, which promises not to persecute for Conscience sake; so conducive to the Peace and Union of the Kingdom in general; and, lastly, so necessary to clear the Honour of all their own Party, now lying under the Scandal of Complying they know not why, and of Sacrificing their Consciences to servile Fear or base Interest: If this be refused by the State, and yet Oaths be still press'd upon the Iacobites, and they be still Persecuted, Imprisoned, and put to Death, for performing their conscientious Duties to him whom they cannot but judge as yet to be their rightful Prince, then they do call Heaven and Earth to witness that they suffer for Conscience sake; and that the pretended Governours are resolved to ruine them, for no other Reason but that they will not, to second and uphold their unaccountable Authority, break God's holy Commands, and our own Laws; which all good Christians and true English-men are bound to observe.

On the other side, their not yielding to this Humble Request cannot but redound highly to their Dishonour; for all thinking Man will easily make this Inference from their refusal, that either they do not judge they have any Title at all, which will bear the Test, or which they will stand to; or else, that they are most cruel and most unchristian Persecuters: While, on the one hand, they refuse, when humbly Supplicated, to take Order to give satisfaction to Men's Consciences, in a Case which the many Controversies about it, and the former long settled and legal Title shews to be (at least) Dubious; and on the other side, they go on to punish and put Men to Death, who are desirous to be satisfied, merely for acting according to their Consciences; which those Men themselves are not able to satisfie, that they ought to submit voluntarily to the Present Government; and those who should be most able are most concern'd, nay absolutely, in many regards, bound to do it, refuse them that Christian Charity.

In a word, Let the Present Governours either satisfie our Consciences, or leave off to persecute us for being Conscientious; or, else (which is only left) let them speak out, and tell the World in plain Terms, what this refusal of theirs will sufficiently intimate, that they will do neither; but that they are resolved we shall be punish'd as Traitors, if we will not be Knaves; and that they will only allow us this sad Choice, to be either Hang'd or Damn'd.

FINIS.

Information about this book

Title statement

The loyal martyr vindicated

Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester, 1632-1714.

Edition statement

1691

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A49353

ID [STC]

Wing L3353A

ID [STC]

ESTC R41032

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

19579111

ID [OCLC]

ocm 19579111

ID [VID]

109147

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Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49353)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109147)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1691:17)

Source

— The loyal martyr vindicated, Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester, 1632-1714..

Extent

52 p.

s.n.,. [London :: 1691?]. (Caption title.) (Place and date of publication suggested by Wing.) (Attributed to Fowler by NUC pre-1956 imprints.) (Reproduction of original in the British Library.)

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