The states-men and favourites of England since the reformation their prudence and policies, successes and miscarriages, advancements and falls; during the reigns of King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. Queen Mary. Queen Elizabeth King James. King Charles I.

THE STATES-MEN And FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND Since the Reformation Their PRUDENCE and POLICIES, SUCCESSES and MISCARRIAGES, ADVANCEMENTS and FALLS; During the Reigns of

King HENRY VIII. King EDWARD VI. Queen MARY. Queen ELIZABETH King JAMES. King CHARLES I.

LONDON: Printed by J. C. for SAMUEL SPEED, at the Rainbow neer the Inner Temple-gate in Fleet-ſtreet. 1665.

TO The HOPE of ENGLAND, Its Young Gentry, Is moſt humbly dedicated The HONOUR of it, Its Ancient States-men: A Renowned Aunceſtry TO An Honourable Poſterity.

Whitehall.

BY permiſſion and Licenſe of the Right Honourable Mr Secretary Morice. this book may be printed and publiſhed.

Jo: Cook.

TO THE READER. Courteous Reader,

FOr beſtowing ſome, vacant hour. (by that excellent Perſonages direction, to whom I am equally obliged for my Employment and my Leaſure) in an attempt ſo agreeable to the Lord Verulam's judgement, which may be ſeen in the next page; and ſo purſuant of Sir Robert Naunton's deſigne, which may be traced in the following Book; Another perſon's abilities might have gained applauſe, and my weakneſſe may deſerve an excuſe, notwithſtanding my years, (if yet any man be too young to read and obſerve) or my profeſſion (if yet a Divine ſhould not (as times go) be as well read in Men, as Books:) Eſpecially ſince I gratifie no man's' fondneſs, writing not a Panegyrick, but an Hiſtory: Nor pleaſure any perſons malice; deſigning Obſervations, rather than Invectives: Nor tyre any man's patience; ſetting downe rather the remarkes of mens publick capacities, than the minute paſſages of their private lives: but innocently diſcourſe the moſt choice inſtances our ENGLISH Hiſtories afford for the three great Qualifications of men (1. Nobleneſſe in behaviour: 2. Dexterity in buſineſs; and 3. Wiſdome in Government) among which are twenty eight Secretaries of State, eight Chancellours, eighteen Lord-Treaſurers, ſixteen Chamberlains, who entertain Gentlemen with Obſervations becoming their Extraction, and their hopes, touching,

1. The riſe of States-men. 2. The beginning of Families. 3. The method of Greatneſſe. 4. The conduct of Courtiers. 5. The miſcarriages of Favourites, and what-ever may make them either wiſe or wary.

The Chancellour of France had a Picture, that to a common eye ſhewed many little heads, and they were his Anceſtors; but to the more curious repreſented onely one great one, and that was his own.

It's intended that this Book ſhould to the vulgar Reader expreſſe ſeveral particulars, i. e. all this laſt Ages Heroes; but to every Gentleman it ſhould intimate onely one, and that is himſelf.

It's eaſily imaginable how unconcerned I am in the fate of this Book, either in the Hiſtory, or the Obſervation: ſince I have been ſo faithful in the firſt, that is not my own, but the Hiſtorians; and ſo careful in the ſecond, that they are not mine, but the Hiſtories.

DAVID LlOYD.

The Lord Bacon's Judgement of a Work of this nature.

HIſtory, which may be called juſt and perfect Hiſtory, is of three kings, according to the object it propoundeth, or pretendeth to repreſent; for it either repreſenteth a Time, a Perſon, or an Action. The firſt we call Chronicles, the ſecond Lives, and the third Narrations, or Relations.

Of theſe; although the firſt be the moſt compleat and abſolute kind of Hiſtory, and hath moſt eſtimation and glory; yet the ſecond excelleth it in profit & uſe; & the third in verity and ſincerity. For hiſtory of Times repreſenteth the magnitude of Actions, and the publick faces or deportments of perſons, and paſſeth over in ſilence the ſmaller paſſages and motions of Men and Matters.

But ſuch being the work manſhip of God, as he doth hang the greateſt weight upon the ſmalleſt wyars, Maxima è minimis ſuſpendens; it comes therefore to paſs, that ſuch Hiſtories do rather ſet forth the pomp of buſineſs, than the true and inward reſorts thereof. But Lives, if they be well written, propounding to themſelves a perſon to 〈…〉 preſent, in whom actions both greater a 〈…〉 ſmaller, publick and private, have a commixture, muſt of neceſſity contain a mo 〈…〉 true, native, and lively repreſentation.

I do much admire that theſe times have ſo little eſteemed the vertues of the Times, a 〈…〉 that the writing of Lives ſhould be no mo 〈…〉 frequent. For although there be not man 〈…〉 Soveraign Princes, or abſolute Commanders, and that States are moſt collected into Monarchies; yet are there many worthy perſonages that deſerve better then diſperſed Report, or barren Elogies: For herein the invention of one of the late Poets is proper, and doth well inrich the ancient fiction. For he feigneth, that at the end of the thread or web of every mans Life, there was a little Medal containing the perſon's name; and that Time waiteth upon the Sheers, and as ſoon as the Thread was cut, caught the Medals and carried them to the River Lethe; and about the bank there were many Birds flying up and down, that would get the Medals, and carry them in their beak a little while, and then let them fall into the River. Onely there were a few Swans, which if they got a Name, would carry it to a Temple where it was conſecrate.

THE TABLE. A SIr Thomas Audly Pag. 39 Fitz-Allan Earl of Arundel 232 Maſter Aſcham 429 Arch-Riſhop Abbot 522 Sir Edward Anderſon 577 Biſhop Andrews 796 Sir Walter Aſton 702 Sir R: Armſtroder 723 Philip Earl of Arundel 725 B CHarles Brandon 11 Sir Thomas Bollen 102 Sir Anthony Brown 128 Sir David Brook 205 Sir John Baker 277 Arch-Biſhop Bancroſt 539 Sir Nieh: Bacon 287 Sir Francis Bacon 600 Thomas Lord Burgh 401 Sir Thomas Bromley 425 Sir Richard Bingham 426 Thomas Lord Buckhurſt 493 Sir Thomas Bodly 578 G. V. Duke of Buckingh. 613 Sir John Bramſton 696 Lord Chief-Juſtice Banks 732 C ARch-Biſhop Cranmer 15 Cromwel 32-138 Sir William Compton 110 Sir Thomas Cheyney 283 Sir John Cheek 160 Sir William Cordel 195 Sir Anthony Cook 199 Sir W Cecil L. Burleigh 290 Sir Thomas Challoner 343 Sir James Crofts 379 The Cliffords Earls of Cumberland 497 Sir R: Cecil Ea: of Salisb. 56 Sir Giles Calvert 526 Sir Arthur Chicheſter 529 Sir Lionel Cranfield E. M. 553 Sir R: Cary 568 Doctor Coſin 589 The Lord Cook 592 The Lord Cottington 676 Sir Dudly Carleton 680 The Lord Conway 689 Sir Julius Caeſar 704 The Earl of Carnarvan 786 The Lord Capel 793 Sir John Culpeper 814 Sir George Crook 721 〈◊〉 Thomas Coventry 750 Secretary Cook 716 D SIr Thomas Darcy 95 Dudly Duke of Northumberland 237 Edward Earl of Derby 358 Sir William Drury 368 Doctor Dale 374 Sir James Dier 404 Secretary Daviſon 437 Sir R. Dudley 537 John Lord Digby E. B: 607 The Digges 691 The Earl of Danby 719 E SIr Ralph Ewers 275 W: Earl of Eſſex 303 Robert Earl of Eſſex 449 Sir Thomas Edmonds 734 The L. Chancellor Egerton 531 Sir Clement Edmonds 547 Sir John Ereskin E. K. 557 F SIr Jeffery Fenton 441, 476 Sir John Fineux 48 Biſhop Fox 53 Sir Edward Fines 225 Sir John Forteſcue 367 Doctor Fletcher 477 Sir H. Sir Lucius, Sir Henry Lords Viſe: Falkland 708 Sir John Finch 742 G SIr Thomas Grey Marqueſs of Dorſet 116 Gardiner Biſh. of Winch. 268 John Grey of Pyrgo 379 L. Grey of Wilton 381, 398 Sir Henry Gates 379 Sir Humphrey Gilbert 441 Sir Fulk Grevil L. Brook 503 Oliver Lord Grandiſon 542 H SIr Will: Herbert 274 Sir Walter Haddon 442 Sir Th. Howard 96 Sir Ed: Howard 105 Sir Th. Howard 107 of Surry & Norfolk.

Wil: Howard L. Effingh. 218 Sir G. Hume E: of Dunb. 516 James Hay E: of Carliſle 549 Henry Howard Earl of Northampton. 555 Judge Hyde 701 Chriſtopher Lord Hatton 333 419 The Lord Hunſdon 335 Sir Richard Hutton 739 Wil: M: Hertford 741 The Earl of Holland 759 The Marqueſs Hamilton 776 The Lord Hopton 780 The Lord Herbert 789 Arch-Biſhop Heath 337 I SIr John Fitz-James 80 Sir John Jefferies 189 Arthur Ingram 572 Arch-Biſhop Juxon 810 K SIr William Kingſtone 279 Sir Henry Killegrew 395 〈…〉 Knowls 433 L SIr Anthony St. Lieger 56 The Earl of Lieceſter 330 〈…〉 Thomas Lake 552, 562 〈…〉 Ja: Ley E: of Marlb. 713 〈…〉 Earl of Lindſey 747 Arch-Biſhop Laud 763 〈…〉 Lord-Keeper Littleton 775 M 〈…〉 Thomas Moor 21 Sir Rich: Moriſon 68 〈…〉 Will: Molineux 84 〈…〉 Henry Marney 111 〈…〉 John Maſon 177 〈…〉 Edward Mountague 221 〈…〉 Thomas Mannors 275 〈…〉 Walter Mildmay 365 〈…〉 Roger Manwood 386 〈…〉 Lord Mountjoy 479 〈…〉 op Mountague 575 〈…〉 Henry Martin 695 〈…〉 Earl of Mancheſter 799 N 〈…〉 He Duke of Norfolk 351 The Lord North 374 〈…〉 rls Ea: of Nottingh. 511 〈…〉 Norrices 433 〈…〉 Rob: Naunton 569 Sir Francis Netherſole 569 Sir William Noy 662 Judge Nichols 699 O SIr Thomas Overbury 544 P ED: Plowden 383 Sir William Paget 65 Sir Ed: Poynings 112 The Parrs 156 Sir Clement Paſton 171 Sir John Portman 214 Sir Amias Pawlet 378 William Lord Pawlet 403 Sir William Pelham 408 Sir Barnab. Fitz-Patrick 229 Sir William Peter 247 Cardinal Pool 252 Sir John Perrot 322 Sir William Pickering 339 G: Earl of Pembrook 363 Sir John Puckering 422 The Lord Chief-Juſtice Popham 535 Will: Earl of Pembrook 687 Sir Paul Pindar 735 R THe Lord Rich 1 E. W. 173 Sir Tho: Randolph 347 Sir John Ruſſel 1 E. B. 259 Sir William Ruſſel 444 Sir Thomas Roper 445 Sir Walter Rawleigh 485 Sir John Ramſey E: H: 557 Doctor Ridley 693 Eſme Duke of Richmond 728 Edw: Earl of Rutland 482 Sir Thomas Roe 807 S SIr Ralph Sadler 61 Sir Ed: Stanly 101 Sir Charles Somerſet 1 E. W. 114 Sir Thomas Smith 370 R: Earl of Somerſet 518 Stafford Duke of Bucks 122 The Seymours 142 Sir Will: Stamford 185 The Earl of Suſſex 307-416 Sir Philip Sidney 313 Sir Henry Sidney 412 Sir Thomas Smith 483 The Earl of Suffolk 567 The Lord Spencer 610 Sir John Savil 665 The Lord Say 744 The Earl of Strafford 752 T BIſhop Tonſtal 340 Francis Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury 342 Sir Nicholas Throgmorton 354 Ʋ SIr H: Umpton 447 H: Vere Earl of Oxford 583-714 The Veres 5 〈…〉 Sir Henry Vane Senor 7 〈…〉 W CArdinal Wolſey 1, 1 〈…〉 Sir Thomas Wyat 〈◊〉 Sir Tho: Wriothſly 1 Ear 〈…〉 Southampton Sir Will: Fitz-Williams 〈◊〉 Sir Robert Wingfield 1 〈…〉 Sir Thom: Wentworth 1 〈…〉 Doctor Wilſon 2 〈…〉 Lord Willoughby 311-3 〈…〉 Sir Francis Walſingham 3 〈…〉 Sir Edw: Waterhouſe 3 〈…〉 Sir Will: Fitz-Williams 3 〈…〉 Sir Chriſtopher Wray 3 〈…〉 The Earl of Worceſter 3 〈…〉 Sir William Waad 4 〈…〉 Sir Ralph Winwood 5 〈…〉 Biſhop Williams 6 〈…〉 Sir Iſaac Wake 6 〈…〉 Sir R: & Sir J: Weſton E 〈…〉 of Portland 6 〈…〉 Sir Henry Wotton 8 〈…〉 The Lord Wilmot 8 〈…〉 Y SIr Henry Yelverton 5 ••

THE Henry 8. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND IN The Reign of King Henry the VIII.

Obſervations on the Life of Cardinal WOLSEY.

CArdinal Wolſey was not ſo great in his Fortune, as he was mean in his Original: his honeſt and induſtrious Parents helped him to a good Conſtitution, and a great Spirit, (two hopeful ſteps to Greatneſſe;) and his Ambition gave the opportunity to encreaſe it: he was as pregnant at Ipſwich-School, as he was promiſing in Canterbury-Colledge; where his Induſtry & parts advanced him to a command over Noble-men in the Earl of Dorſet's Family, as a School-maſter; as his Policy had promoted him to an Imperiouſneſſe over Kings in the quality of States-man. The firſt ſtep to Greatneſſe in a Scholar, is Relation to a Nobleman: The beſt Education for the Court, is in the Palace: Nature made him capable, the School and Univerſity made him a Scholar; but his Noble Employment made him a Man: At Oxford he read Books, at my Lord's he read Men, and obſerved Things: His Patrons two Parſonages beſtowed upon him, was not ſo great a Favour as the excellent Principles inſtilled into him; he being not more careful to inſtruct the young Men, then their Father was to tutor him: his Bounty makes him rich, and his Recommendation potent: His Intereſt went far, his Money farther. Biſhop Fox was Secretary to K. Henry the ſeventh, and he to Biſhop Fox; the One was not a greater Favourite of the King's, then the other was his; as one that brought him a Head capacious of all Obſervations, and a Spirit above all Difficulties: Others managed the Affairs of England, Wolſey underſtood its Intereſt: His Correſpondence was good abroad; his Obſervations cloſe, deep, and continued at home: He improved what he knew, and bought what he knew not He could make any thing he read or heard his own and could improve any thing that was his own to the uttermoſt.

No ſooner was he in with the Biſhop of Wincheſter, but the Biſhop was out with the Earl of Surrey, to whom he muſt have ſtooped, as he did unto Nature and Age, had not he raiſed his Servant equal to himſelf in the Kings Favour, and above Howard: He was forbid by the Canon, Heirs of his Body; he was enjoyned by his Prudence to make an Heir of his Favour, equally to ſupport and comfort his old Age, and maintain his Intereſt. Children in point of Policy, as in point of Nature, are a Bleſſing, and as Arrows in the hand of a mighty man; and happy is that old Courtier that hath his Quiver full of them, he ſhall not be aſhamed when he ſpeaks with his enemies in the gate. The old man commends Wolſey to Henry the Seventh for one fit to ſerve a King, and command Others: Forreign Employment is the Stateſmans firſt School; to France therefore he is ſent, to poiſe his Engliſh Gravity with French Debonairneſs: A well-poiſed Quickneſs is the excellent temper. From Forreign Employment under an Old King, he is called home to ſome Domeſtick Services under the Young One: He as quickly found the length of His Foot, as he fitted him with an eaſie Shoo; the King followed his Pleaſures, and the Cardinal enjoyeth His Power: The One purſued his Sports while Youth, the other his Buſineſs while Time ſerved him: (Give me to Day, and take thou to Morrow, is both the Courtier and the Chriſtian's Language:) The Favourite took in the Council-Table Debates and other State-affairs in the Maſs and whole Bulk of them by Day, and the King had the Quinteſſence of them extracted, and the ſum of them repreſented to him at Night: All State-Buſineſs was diſpoſed of by him, and moſt Church-Preferments beſtowed upon him; the Biſhopricks of Durham, Wincheſter and York were in his poſſeſſon, and all other Promotions in his Gift: He was inſtalled in the Kingdom (during King Henry's youthfulneſs) and had the Church in Commendam: His great Services indeed could not be managed without a great Revenue, nor his greater Power ſupported, but by an able Purſe, which may buy off Expedients as readily as his Greatneſs may command them.

Two Corrivals he had, Edward Stafford Duke of Buckingham, Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk: Brandon he deſpiſed, as rather beſides, ſaith my Author, then againſt him; he being the Kings Companion in Pleaſure, and Wolſey his Counſellour in Policy; the Duke great with young Henry, the Biſhop with the King: Buckingham he feared, as popular; and undermined, as proud: (that Tower muſt fall, whoſe Foundation is hollow) Buckingham was high in Birth, Honour and Eſtate; Wolſey higher in Prudence, whoſe Malice did the brave Duke much miſchief, and his own Folly more: (Vain-glory (writes Tho. Ful. Holy State. p. 251. my Friend) ever lieth at an open guard, and gives much advantage of play to her Enemies:) A deboyſt King is jealous, and a weak Nobleman ambitious. In fine, he is attainted of High Treaſon, (though rather Corrival to the King in his Cloaths then his Crown, in his Vanities then his Authority:) but a cunning Upſtart quickly blows off a young Noblemans Cap and Feather, and his Head too, when it ſtands in his way.

His power againſt Buckingham was his Shield againſt all others: One Defence well managed, one Adverſary throughly ſuppreſſed, is a Security at Court, where two men ſeldom fall the ſame way.

Many envied the Archbiſhop, the Cardinal, the Legate de latere, the Lord Chancellour; but all feared the Favourite: moſt were diſcontented, but none durſt ſhake their Heads, leſt they fell off with Buckingham's: the Biſhops diſpleaſure was more fatal then the Kings, whoſe wrath was violent, but not laſting; as the Others anger was of leſs fury, but more malice: his Power was great, and his Juſtice equal; for he was too proud to be bribed, and too powerful to be over-born. But England was too narrow a Theatre for this great Spirit, and he aſpires to Rome; and having been theſe many years Pope of this other world, would have been of that beyond the waters: his leap was great from York to Rome, and his riſe as good: Charles the Fifth was his Client, and his Maſters Servant; the Cardinals were his Penfioners; and when they failed (as he is no Fox whoſe Den hath but one hole, and he no Stateſman who when one way is ſtopped, cuts not out another) he falls off from the German Emperour to the French King; where, if he could not carry his own Deſign, he would hinder the Emperours; (and Revenge is an Advancement) (ſo great was he, that his Friendſhip balanced Europe, overawed Emperours, threatned Kings, and was fatal to Queens) if he cannot be Pope of Rome, he will ſhew he is as good as King of England; for finding that the King wanted a meet Yoak-Fellow for his Bed, and a lawful Heir-Male to his Crown, and obſerving Queen Katharines Age above her Husbands, and her Gravity above her Age, being more Pious then Pleaſant, a better Woman then Wife, and a better Wife for any Prince then King Henry; he promotes a Divorce (upon ſome Scruples intimated by the Spaniard ſome years before in a Treaty about the Princeſſe Mary's Marriage, which others had forgot, but the Cardinal laid up) between the King and Queen: but that was not all; but knowing that King Henry could not have a Wife to his minde, until he had a Pope of his own chuſing, he would help him to a young Wife, but he muſt raiſe him to a new power; Wolſey muſt be Pope, or King Henry could not be divorced: and to make all ſure, he was no ſooner to be parted from a Daughter of Spain, then he was to be joyned to a Princeſs of France; whoſe Nuptial Ring ſhould wed King Henry to Her, and King Francis to Himſelf.

Miſſing of Power, he meditates Honour; and inſtead of laviſhing his infinite Treaſure upon airy Expectations, he beſtoweth it on real Monuments, which make his Memory as Renowned as his Life. That Stateſman lives to ſmall purpoſe, whoſe Actions are as ſhort as his Life, and his Exploits of no longer duration then his Age.

At this time, though King Henry bore the Sword, yet Cardinal Wolſey (as I am told) bore the ſtroke all over the Land, being Legate à latere, by vertue whereof he viſited all Churches and Religious Houſes, even the Friers Obſervants themſelves, notwithſtanding their ſtoutneſſe and ſtubbornneſs, that firſt oppoſed him. Papal and Royal Power met in him, being the Chancellour of the Land, and keeping ſo many Biſhopricks in Commendam, that his yearly Income is ſaid to equal, if not to exceed the Revenues of the Crown: He gave the firſt blow to Religious Houſes, by making one great Colledge of forty ſmall Monaſteries; to make way, as ſome thought, upon the Popes conſent, procured by him, to the overthrow of all.

He called all Captains and Officers to an account, who bought off their own ſmall corruption with his great one, and paid him the Penalties of their Cheats with the Gains of it; the Richeſt of them eſcaping, and the Pooreſt onely made exemplary. Several Courts of pretended Equity he erected; to redreſs the poor, that was the Colour; to inrich himſelf, that was the Reality: at whoſe conſtitution the Law-Courts were unfrequented, ſo ſpecious was their ſeeming Integrity; at the laſt they are deſerted, ſo manifeſt were their real Grievances; the people not flocking ſo faſt after the Novelty, as they ran away from the Cheat.

What he did to reform the Courtiers, as a Favourite, he did to reform the Clergy as Legate; erecting a Court Legantine (not without danger of a Praemunire) wherein all Clergy were viſited; the Rich in their Purſes, that excuſed them, the Poor in their Reputation, that compounded for them. Neither did his profits ariſe from the Living onely, but the Dead; he engroſſing the Probation of all Wills and Teſtaments within his own Court.

And not long after, he hath a Patent under the Great Seal of England, to do what he pleaſed in the French Court, in order to the Kings Progreſſe thither; as he hath likewiſe after, with his Maſters leave, under the great ſeal of France: After which honour, he was with the Kings order, by the Engliſh Subjects, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, &c. honoured at no leſſe rate then that of a Prince; and by the Clergy (who kept cloſe to the publick temper) with Proceſſions, &c. at the ſame rate with a Pope. Great he was in England; greater in Germany, where all the Nobility attended him, the Great Seal of England was carried before him; and the Emperour obſerving his Commiſſion and Honour, met him with his whole Train, and harangued it with him no leſs then two days. He that over-ruled Empires might well preſume on Subjects; and no ſooner therefore doth he return, then by his own Authority he levieth four ſhillings in the pound of every man that was worth fifty pound per annum; and when that would not do (pretending to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen that he had been upon his Knees to revoke thoſe Commiſſions) other Letters for a Benevolence, which loſt him as much in the Countrey, as his Reformation of the Houſhold did him at Court: But the King employeth him to France, as his Second, and takes his leave of him as his intimate Friend; 1200 Horſe attended him: Calice, Bullein, Amiens honour him with the name of The Peaceable Cardinal; and the Statue of a Cardinal Reſcuing a Church and a Pope from danger.

Cardinal Wolſey going over to France upon an extraordinary Embaſſy, had for his Attendance Tonſtal Biſhop of London, the Lord Sands, late Chamberlain, the Earl of Derby, Sir Tho. More, Sir H. Guilford, and 200 Horſe; and was met two days journey from Paris by King Francis and his mother, carrying with him 140000 l. though ſilver was but 20 d. an ounce, to aſſiſt that King in the War againſt Charles the fifth; and furniſhed with ſuch a Plenipotentiary Commiſſion, that he gave Law to France and the Popedome: and he comported himſelf with ſuch dexterity and high wiſdome, that all the Princes of Chriſtendom, who had their eyes fixed upon him, admired him.

The King gave him many places, and he beſtowed on him his magnificent Palaces; fitting his humour with pleaſant habitations, and he ſuited his ambition with power and authority.

But the King broke with him at laſt about the divorce, being vexed with ſo many delays, defers, retardings, and prorogations between two Popes, Clement that was, and Wolſey that would be: yet rather eaſed him of his burdens, then deprived him of his preferments; continuing him Biſhop of York and Durham, (when he turned him out of his Chancellourſhip of England) where he lived rather like a Prince then a Prieſt, providing as magnificently for his Inſtallation, as a King ſhould for his Coronation: which unſeaſonable ambition was improved by his enemies malice and the Kings jealouſie to his ruine: for in the midſt of his ſolemnities he is arreſted by the Kings order, whoſe wrath was the Meſſenger of Death; and in his way to London, being diſtracted between hope and fear, died at Leiceſter, giving his ſervants large rewards, upon condition they ſerved none but the King; and breathing out his ſoul in words to this purpoſe, viz. If I had ſerved the God of heaven as faithfully as I did my Maſter on earth, he had not forſaken me in my old age, as the other hath done, he died, ſwelling in his body as he had done in his mind. When good men die ſuddainly, it is ſaid they are poyſoned; and when the bad fall unexpectedly, as he did, it is ſaid they poyſon themſelves. He died unpitied, becauſe he had lived feared; being the great Bias of the Chriſtian world.

Too ſuddain proſperity in the beginning, undoeth us in the end: while we expect all things flowing upon us as at firſt, we remit our care, and periſh by neglecting. Every head cannot bear wine, nor every ſpirit a fortune: Succeſs eats up Circumſpection. How many a man had ended better, if he had not begun ſo well? It's the Emphaſis of miſery, to be too ſoon happy: Proſperity growing up with experience, takes a man in a firm ſettlement, inured to all events. I will ever ſuſpect the ſmooth waters for deepneſs: in my worſt eſtate I will hope, in the beſt I will fear; in all, I will be circumſpect and ſtill. Rufiling Ambition reacheth great Honours, a Sedate Humility ſupports it: the Lower the Baſis, the higher and ſtronger the Pyramide. Love, the Iſſue of Humility, guardeth the weakeſt; Hatred, the Daughter of Pride, ruines the ſtrongeſt. Ego & Rex meus, was good Grammar for Wolſey a School-maſter, but not for the Cardina a States-man: to be humble to Superiours, is duty; to Equals, is courteſies to Inferiours, nobleneſs and to all, ſafety; it being a vertue that for a her lowlineſs commandeth thoſe ſouls it ſtoop to. In a word, as I love Vertue, ſo I hate Vice for her inſide and her end. Cardinal Wolſey 〈◊〉 famous for two things; that he never ſpoke a word too much, and but one too little.

Obſervations on the Life of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.

SIr William Brandon dying in King Henry the ſeventh's ſervice, no wonder if his ſon lived in his favour; it being as prudent to continue his Loyal ſpirit in his ſon, as it was juſt to reward it. He was as intimate with Henry the eighth in his pleaſures when a childe, as in his counſels when a man. There was a ſympathy between their active ſpirits, which improved the familiarity of their tender years to a firm friendſhip in their age: at a Tilting in Paris, to which many young Noble-men were licenſed to go, Brandon overcame others every day, and one day himſelf, (againſt a Gyant Almain) where the Lords looked not on him with more envious, then the Ladies with gracious eyes; who (ſaith my Author) darted more glances in love, then the other did ſpears in anger againſt him. He is the compleat Courtier, in whom Beauty and Valour, Mars and Venus, are joyned in one happy conſtitution, which awes and allures Beholders.

Being employed to bring over Queen Mary, King Lewis the twelfth's Relict, to her Brother, he won her to himſelf: whether his affections were ſo ambitious as to climb up to her, or hers ſo humble as to condeſcend to him, may be the ſubject of a more amorous diſcourſe: and conſidering with himſelf that matters of this nature are never ſure till finiſhed, that ſo Royal an opportunity happened but ſeldome, and that leave for ſuch an enterprize was eaſier gained when it's done, then when doing; he humbly requeſted his Majeſty to give way to that Match, which was indeed already concluded: who after ſome Statediſcontent, was quickly pleaſed; the Duke being no leſs eſteemed by him for many years, then he was beloved by the people. His Genius was more Martial then Mercurial; and we hear of him oftner in the French Wars, then in the Engliſh Councils.

Being vexed with the delays at Rome, and the deluſions at Bridewel, (where the Cardinals proceeded according to their inſtructions at Rome) one day he knocks on the Table in the preſence of the two Cardinals, and binds it with an Oath, That it was never well in England ſince Cardinals had any thing to do therein: and from that time forward, as an active Inſtrument, he endeavoured the aboliſhing of the Popes power in England; againſt whom he was not more active in the Parliament 1534, then he was vigilant in the Committee 1535: in the one, cutting off the head; in the other, weakening the members of that Church. He made provident, yet moderate uſe of his Maſters favours; thereby obliging others, and ſecuring himſelf; being above Mercenary inclinations as much in his thoughts, as in his fortune: he was neither too near the King, leſt he were weary of him; nor too far off, leſt he forgot him, or thought himſelf neglected by him. His intermiſſions of attendance gave others no advantage, but rendred him more gracious: he neither engroſſed nor confined his Maſters affection. It was eaſie for him to riſe, being deſcended of Noble Blood, (which is never envied for its advancement) and as eaſie to keep high, being well ſtudied in his Princes diſpoſition, whoſe inclination when found is half fitted; ever pleaſing his Maſters Natural humour, never his Vicious. Having attained a competent heighth, he choſe rather to grow ſtronger by relation, then higher by advancements. Some Favourites whoſe heels have been tripped up by their adverſaries, have with their hands held on their Allies till they could recover their feet again. His familiarity, and the eaſie acceſs to him, made him popular: his pliant temper kept him a Favourite, until he died in the full favour of his Prince, though (as Cardinal Pool obſerved) They who were higheſt in this Kings favour, had their heads neareſt danger. He had a becoming Bluntneſs not unlike his Maſters, which we call Free-heartedneſs in Courtiers; Conſcience and Chriſtian ſimplicity in Clergie-men; Valour in Souldiers. He died anno 1544. much beloved and lamented of all, for his Bounty, Humility, Valour, and all Noble Vertues ſince the heat of his Youth was tamed by his reduced Age: whoſe two ſons Henry and Charles died within twelve hours one of the other, 155 • .

1. A Calm Greatneſs is next the happineſs of Heaven: Give me the man that by a fair and calm courſe is ſtill riſing to an higher ſtate, yet content with his preſent fortune.

2. Integrity out-laſts Power, and Plainneſs ſurvives Policy: An honeſt heart keeps the head on the ſhoulders; a Noble and clear Vertue is laſting.

3. It's likeneſs that makes the True-love-knot of friendſhip: When a Prince finds another of his own diſpoſition, what is it but the ſame ſoul in a divided body? what findes he but himſelf intermutually tranſpoſed? And Nature that makes us love our ſelves, makes us with the ſame reaſon love thoſe that are like us: for this is a Friend, a more ſacred Name then a Brother.

4. He that hath a minde contentedly good, enjoyeth in it boundleſs poſſeſſions. He is great indeed, that is great in a brave ſoul.

Vitam quae faciunt beatiorem, Jucundiſſime Martialis, haec ſunt: Res non porta Labore ſed relicta; Non ingratus Ager, focus perennis, Lis nunquam, toga rara, mens quieta: Viris Ingenuae, ſalubre Corpus: Prudens ſimplicitas, pares amici, Convictus facilis, ſine arte Menſa; Nox non ebria ſed ſoluta curis: Non triſtis torus, attamen pudicus: Somnus, qui faciat breves tenebras; Quod ſis eſſe vetis, nihilque malis; Summum ne metuos diem nec optes.

Obſervations on Thomas Cranmer, Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury.

CRanmer had a Noble Blood, quickning and raiſing his ſpirit, as he had an indefatigable induſtry to improve it. He was a Gentleman born in Arſelecton in Nottinghamſhire, and a Noble-man bred in Jeſus-Colledge in Cambridge. His Anceſtors were no leſs eminent at Cranmers-hall in Lincolnſhire, then he was at Lambeth in Surrey. They came in with the Conqueſt, (as one Cranmer a French Ambaſſadour in Henry the eighth's time, at the Archbiſhops Table, made it evident) and he with the Reformation. His Education was as Gentile as his Birth, onely his mild ſpirit meeting with a ſevere Maſter, his memory was weakened, and his ſpritefulneſs allayed: but the auſterity of the School was ſweetned with the exerciſes of the Country, which his Father indulged him when young, and he indulged himſelf when aged; handling his great Horſe as nimbly, his Bow and Net as dexterouſly as any man in his family. His Marriage withdrew him from the Colledge, and conſequent Church-preferment, as the Kings did him from the Church it ſelf. He whoſe marriage forbid him a Fellowſhip in Jeſus-Colledge, had a Lecture in Buckingham-houſe for his Parts and Reputation, where at once he prepared others for publick Employments, and himſelf alſo. He lived as ſoberly at the Dolphine-tavern with his wife, (whatever the Papiſts have ſurmized) as he did ſtudiouſly at Buckingham-houſe with his Scholars. His Name was ſo famous, that Wolſey was not more ſollicitous to tranſplant him as an Ornament to Oxford, then Fiſher was to retain him in Cambridge; where he was eminent for the Arts, more for Divinity, which (when as one of the three Cenfors he examined Candidates) he ſaid he expected not in the difficult trifles of Lumbard, but in the ſacred ſenſe of Scriptures, the ancient Doctrine of Fathers, the grave Canons of Councils, the ſolid Politeneſs of the Greek and Hebrew Learning; and which he lived as well as he taught, in his ſober temperance, his mild meekneſs, (ſo placable, ſo courteous, that to offend him, was the way to ingratiate with him) his diſcreet moderation, his grave reſolution equally above the frowns and ſmiles of fortune. Thus qualified, he was by a Providence commended to his Majeſty: for there being a Plague in Cambridge, as there was all over England, Dr. Cranmer retired to Waltham with two of his Pupils, the ſons of one Mr. Creſſy: where upon the Kings Progreſs thither, he met with his Chaplain and Almoner Dr. Foxe, (afterwards Biſhop of Hereford) who lodging with him at Mr. Creſſy's, diſcourſed the Kings Divorce. Cranmer conceived that the ſpeedieſt courſe were to prove the unlawfulneſs of the Match by Scripture; whence it would follow, that the Pope at firſt had no power to diſpenſe therewith; and that the Univerſities of Chriſtendome would ſooner and truer decide the caſe then the Court of Rome. This paſſage Foxe reports to the King, who wellpleaſed thereat, profeſſeth that this man had the Sow by the right Ear: Glad was the King to ſee him, (indeed he had a comely Perſon, and a pleaſing Countenance;) more to hear him inlarge himſelf on the former Subject, That it was above the Popes power to diſpence with Gods Word in the Kings Caſe: What he ſaid to the King, he was ſent to make it good to the Pope; whither, inveſted with the Arch-Deaconry of Taunton, he went with Thomas Bullen Earl of Wil • ſhire; whoſe firſt Addreſs to the Pope, was to preſent a Book of Cranmers, proving Gods Law indiſpenſible with by the Pope: the Author is preferred to the great Title of Supreme Poenitentiary, and the Treatiſe is promiſed a Conſideration and Debate: But the Pope delaying, and according to Cranmer's Advice ten Univerſities declaring againſt him; the Embaſſador returns to England, and the Diſputant goes to Vienna, where in Oſianders Houſe (whoſe Kinſwoman he had married) he confirmed thoſe that wavered, ſatisfied thoſe that doubted, and won thoſe that contradicted in King Henry's Cauſe. But he ſerved not King Henry more faithfully in Germany, then he provided for him honourably in England; where the Kings Cauſe waited for his Aſſiſtance, and the See of Canterbury for his Acceptance: He was willing to promote Religion, he was unwilling (for ſome Formalities he ſcrupled) to advance himſelf: but after ſeven Weeks delay, it being as fatal to refuſe King Henry's Favours, as to offer him Injuries, he is Archbiſhop in his own Defence; in which capacity, to ſerve the King, and ſalve his own Conſcience, he uſed the Expedient of a Proteſtation to this purpoſe: In nomine, &c. Non eſt nec erit meae voluntatis aut intentionis per hujuſmodi Juramentum & juramenta, qualiter verba in ipſis poſita ſonare videbuntur, me obligare ad aliquid; ratione eorundem poſt hac dicendum, faciendum aut atteſtandum, quod erit aut eſſe videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra Regem, aut Rempublicam, legeſve, aut Praerogativa ejus: & quod non intendo per hujuſmodi juramentum quovis modo me obligare quò minùs liberò loqui, conſulere, & conſentire valeam in omnibus & ſingulis Reformationem Eccleſiae, prerogativam Coronae, concernentibus, & ea exequi & reformare quae in Eccleſia Anglicana reformanda videbuntur. This Proteſtation he made three times; once at the Charter-Houſe, another time at the Altar, and a third time at the receiving of his Pall. In his place he was moderate, between the Superſtition of Rome, and the Phrenſies of Munſter. As he was chief Inſtrument in beginning the Reformation, ſo he was in continuing it: He withſtood the Six Articles, and (though the King ſent five prime Miniſters of State to comfort him) would not be ſatisfied, until he ſaw them mitigated in King Henry's time, and repealed in King Edward's.

Gardiner would have queſtioned him for entertaining forreign Hereticks, and promoting Domeſtick Schiſms; the Northern Rebells accuſed him for ſubverting the Church: but the King upheld him againſt both; ſuppreſſing the One, and checking the Other; and adviſing the good Man, whom he called Fool, for his meek diſpoſition, to appeal to him: Whereupon Ruſſel cried The King will never ſuffer him to be impriſoned, until you finde Him guilty of High Treaſon. He is to be pitied for his intermediate failings, but renowned for his final conſtancy.

The King having declared before all his Servants, that Cranmer was his beſt Servant, he employeth him in his beſt ſervice, the Reformation of Religion, wherein all others failed; but the King, Cromwel and Brandon backed him ſo far, that he had the Bible and the neceſſary Offices of the Church tranſlated into Engliſh: He had both Univerſities at his command: He brought the Lords Houſe and Convocation to his Lure; and was inveſted with a Power, 1. To grant Diſpenſations in all things not repugnant to Gods Law, nor the Kings ſafety: 2. To determine Eccleſiaſtical Cauſes, He as charitably as politickly adviſed the King to accept of Biſhop Fiſher's partial Subſcription, conſidering his Learning and Reputation. As he is King Henry's Inſtrument at Dunſtable, to divorce him from Queen Katharine; ſo he is at Lambeth, to divorce him from Anna Bullen. He promoted in the Convocation all Primitive Doctrines, and condemned all new-fangled Opinions. He was ſo charitable, that he interceded with the King for his Enemies; ſo munificent, that he made the Church and his own Houſe a Refuge for Strangers; particularly for P. Fagius, P. Martyr, Martin Bucer, &c. The King loved him for his Integrity, the People for his Moderation: He was called the Kings Father, and was Queen Elizabeth's Godfather: His Piety reduced the Church, and his Policy the State: He ſpake little to others, he conferred much with himſelf: Three words of His could do more then three hours diſcourſe of Others: He wouſd ſay, as Victorinus, There is a time to ſay nothing, there is a time to ſay ſomething, but there is never a time to ſay all things. That King who awed all Others, feared Him. A Second to the Eternal Power, is the Wiſe Man uncorrupt in his Life. He was the Executor of God's Will in King Henry's Life-time, and the firſt of His, after his Death.

As He ſpurred King Henry to a Reformation, ſo King Edward did Him; whoſe Prudence was not ſo forward as the Others Zeal, who looked at what was Lawful, as He did at what was Convenient. He maintained the Churches Power as reſolutely againſt Biſhop Hooper's Scruples, notwithſtanding potent Interceſſion; as he reformed its Corruptions againſt the Popes Intereſt, notwithſtanding a general Oppoſition. He allowed not the leaſt Errour in, not the leaſt contempt of the Church: He reſtored its primitive Doctrine and Diſcipline, leſt it ſhould be an impure Church; he upheld them, leſt it ſhould be none: He was one of fourteen that compiled the Common-Prayer: He was One of Two that ſet out the Homilies; and the onely man that publiſhed the Inſtitution of a Chriſtian man, and other good Books. With his Advice King Edward did much, and deſigned more: He was the chief Author of King Edward's Injunctions, and the firſt Commiſſioner in them: He was Preſident of the Aſſembly at Windſor, (for Reformation) and of the Council at London: His Articles were ſtrict and ſevere; as much grounded on the Canon of Scripture, as on the Canons of the Church: He convinced more Papiſts with his Reaſon and Moderation, then others by their Power: His Heart never failed him in his Life, and it was not burned at his Death. He did ſo much for the Proteſtant Religion in King Henry's Days, that he foreſaw he ſhould ſuffer for it in Queen Mary's: He was unwilling to wrong Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, therefore he refuſed at firſt to ſign King Edward's Teſtament, but Duke Dudley's Will: He was willing to continue the Proteſtant Religion, therefore he ſigned it at laſt. It was a Biſhop that was one of the firſt that aboliſhed Popery in England, and one of the laſt that died for Proteſtantiſme: It was a Biſhop that maintained the Proteſtant Cauſe with Arguments while he lived, and with his Blood when he died.

Obſervations on Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellour of England.

HE riſe up high, becauſe he ſtept out well: Sir Thomas More was half way Chancellour, when born to Sir John More Chief Juſtice: The Father's Prudence, Wit and Nobleneſſe flowed with his Blood to the Sons Veins: Much Honour he received from his Family, more he gave to it: His Mother ſaw his Face ſhining in & Dream, on her Wedding Night; and his Father ſaw his Life ſo really: A quick City-Spirit made him capable of great State-Employments.

He was ſaved by a Miracle, and was One: For his Nurſe riding with him over a Water, and being in ſome danger, threw him over a Hedge, where ſhe found him not hurt, but ſweetly ſmiling St. Anthonies under New-Hall. upon her.

A Free-ſchool ſeaſoned his forward Childhood; and the grave, wiſe and excellent Cardinal Mortons Houſe his Youth: The One with Learning, to make him a Scholar; the Other with Prudence, to make him a Man: But the Diſtractions of that Houſe were not ſo proper for his promiſing Ingenuity, as the Retirements of the Univerſity; where in two years time he ſhewed what Wonders Wit and Diligence could do in Rhetorick, Logick and Philoſophy: The Chriſt-Church. Colledge kept him ſtrict, and his Father ſhort, ſo that (as he bleſſed God afterward) He had neither the leiſure nor the means to be vicious: The Cardinal ſaid he would be Great, and his excellent Genius ſaid he would be Humble: The Lord Chancellour would give place to, and ask bleſſing of the Lord Chief Juſtice: The Father being not more happy in his Son, then the Son in his Father. At 17 his wit was eminent for his Epigrams: His Antilucian Oration commended by all men but Brixius, for pure, genuine and flowing: At 18 his wiſdom in overcoming his Antagoniſt Brixius with kindneſs, and Himſelf with Mortifications. His faſtings were frequent, his watchings on the hard ground revere; his Hair-cloath even in his Chancellourſhip courſe, his exerciſes among the Cartbuſians in the Charterhouſe for four years auſtere; his deſign for the Franciſcan Hood, and a Prieſthood with his Friend Lilly, ſolemn; His prayers uninterrupted: When the King ſent for him once at Maſs, he anſwered, That when be bad done with God, he would wait on his Majeſty: He imitated Picus Mirandula's Life, and writ it: He heard Dr. Collet his Confeſſours Sermons, and followed his life; whoſe experience was his counſel, whoſe converſation was his life. He could not away with the good Sermon of a bad man: Collet was his Father; Linacre, Lilly, Grocine, were his Friends. He learned more by prayer, then he did by ſtudy: his Poems were acute, his Speeches pure and copious, his Latine elegant; yet his head was knotty and Logical: his Diet was temperate, his Apparel plain, his Nature tractable and condenſcending (though very diſcerning) to the meaneſt mens counſel; his Vertues ſolid, not boaſted. In a word, the foundation of his Life was as low as the building was to be high.

He married himſelf to He married Mr. Colts daughter of New-Hall. Vertue, and not to an Eſtate: he likes a younger ſiſter, yet out of civility he embraceth the elder. Happy he was in his modeſt Wives, happier in his hopeful Children. His Government of his Family was exact, enjoyning all his Children to take Vertue for their meat, and Play for their ſawce. His proficiency in the whereby he was double Reader. Law was admirable, his Practice ſucceſsful, his Judgement ſolid, his Integrity eminent; his Determinations in the Sheriffs Court, his Activity for the Stilyard, his Practice in the Courts of Juſtice, raiſed him to a place in Parliament: where he was ſo good a Patriot, that he diſpleaſed King Henry the ſeventh; and ſo wiſe a man, that he awed King Henry the eighth: the one by Foxe demands one Subſidie and three Fifteens, and the beardleſs Boy (as the Courtiers called Sir Thomas) diſappointed him; the other made a motion by Wolſey, which he overthrew, ſo that the Cardinal wiſhed him at Rome.

He retires to his ſtudies to avoid Henry the ſeventh's diſpleaſure, and improves them to gain his ſons favour, who by his Cardinal invited him to Court, and employed him abroad to France to recover his debts; to Flanders, to confirm the peace. Employments he avoided a while, to keep his Cityintereſt: and in caſe of controverſie with the King, to prevent their jealouſie: his buſineſs was ſo urgent, that you would think he had no leaſure; and his writings ſo exact, that you would think he had no buſineſs. Not a minute of his time eſcaped employment. His Hiſtory of Richard the third is faithful, his Ʋtopia is judicious and elegant, his On St. Aug. de Civit. Dei. Lectures at St. Laurence were learned and pious.

His Popularity in Parliament commended him to his Majeſty: his ſtrong Arguments for the Popeſhip in Star-chamber, brought him to him againſt his modeſt inclination, as much as againſt Wolſey's intereſt. His ability ſet him on the Council-table, his integrity placed him in the Exchequer: His He was made Chancellour of that Duchy. Services promoted him to the Dutchy of Lancaſter, his Dexterity and Prudence made him the Kings boſome-friend, and his familiar all his ſpare hours; whoſe Queſtions in every Art and Science were not more uſeful, then Sir Thomas his Anſwers were ſatisfactory. His advice was his Majeſties and his Queens Oracles in Counſel; his diſcourſe was their recreation at Table. He was not more delightful to the King at Court, then he was ſerviceable to him in appeaſing tumults, &c. in the City. He was the Kings Favourite at White-hall, and the Peoples Darling at Weſtminſter, where he was Speaker as well with the unanimous conſent of the one, as with the approbation of the other: and between both, impartial, equally careful of Prerogative and Priviledges; neither awed from right by power, nor flattered with popularity. He declined Forreign ſervices with as much Dexterity as he managed Domeſtick ones. He ſerved th 〈…〉 faithfully, but truſted him not, as one that enjoyed and ſuſpected Fortune, ſaying, If his Head could win King Henry a Caſtle in Wales, it would off.

The King and Kingdome truſted him, who Queen Katherine ſaid ſo. was that one ſound Counſellour the King had. The Cardinal told him he was the verieſt Fool in the Council: he replied, God be thanked my Maſter hath but one fool there.

His Honour was ſet off by a grave condeſcention, and a grave humility. Did he argue? he was very moderate, civil and modeſt. Did he reprove? he was pitiful, grave and prudent. Was he with the King at the Univerſity? he was ready and eloquent. Was he abroad? he heard the Lectures attentively, and diſputed A fellow at Bruges would undertake to anſwer any queſtion: Sir Thomas put up this, Whether Averia capta in Withernamia ſint irreplegiabilia, to that Thraſoes great amazement. accurately. To his Friend, as Dr. Tunſtal, none more faithful: to learned men, as Eraſmus, none more civil: to devout men, ſuch as Biſhop Fiſher, none more firm: to hopeful men, ſuch as Powle, there was none more encouraging: to painful men, ſuch as Grocinus, Linacer, Crocus, Lupſel, Lilly, Cocklee, Budlera, Dorpin, Bewald, Luſcar, Grannould, Vines, Groclenius, Buſ • idian, Aegidius, Rhenanus, none more familiar, conſtant or liberal: in his conſcience, none more ſatisfied and ſedate: in his diſcourſe, none more innocent and pleaſant: in his heart, none more devout and ſincere.

His meditations were frequent; his retirements to a Chappel built of purpoſe, dayly; his Prayers conſtant and zealous; his converſation with his Wives, loving and debonnair, taking them off their cares to reading and muſick. His Servants were always employed either in his, or Gods ſervice, ſuffering them not by idleneſs to be at leiſure for ſinnor by wanton converſe to be tempted to it. H 〈…〉 Table-talk after the Chapter was pleaſing and uſeful, his counſels uſeful, his converſe exemplary his family-inſtructions to bear afflictions patiently to withſtand temptations reſolvedly, to mind heavenly matters devoutly, to go plainly and ſoberly, to recreate themſelves moderately and vertuouſly, were effectual. There went a bleſſing along with all his Servants, and happineſs with his whole Family.

His Apophthegms were grounded on experience and judgement. He would ſay, 1. He was not always merry that laughed. 2. The world is undone by looking on things at diſtance. 3. To aim at Honour here, is to ſet up a Court of Arms over a Priſongate. 4. If I would employ my Goods well, I may be contented to looſe them; if ill, I ſhould be glad. 5. He that is covetous when he is old, is as a Thief that ſteals when he is going to the Gallows. 6. Bags of Gold to us when Saints, will be but as a bag of pebble-ſtones when men. 7 The greateſt puniſhment in the world were to have our wiſhes. 8. Puſillanimity is a great temptation. 9. Affliction undoes many; Pleaſure moſt. 10. We go to Hell with more pain then we might go to Heaven with. Of Hereſie he ſaid, Like as before a great ſtorm the Sea ſwelleth, and hath unwonted motions without any wind ſtirring; ſo may we ſee here many of our Engliſh-men, which a few years ago could not endure to hear the name of an Heretick or Schiſmatick, now to be contented both to ſuffer them, and to praiſe them ſomewhat, yea, to learn by little and little, as much as they can be ſuffered, to finde fault, and to tax willingly the Church, the Clergy, and the Ceremonies. 11. The more of any thing elſe we have, but Riches, the more good we are. 12. Who would not ſend his Alms to heaven? who would not ſend his Eſtate whither he is to be baniſhed? 13. Some men hate Hypocriſie, and love Impudence. 14. When any detracted others at his Table, he ſaid, Let any man think as he pleaſeth, I like this room well. 15. It's eaſier to to prevent, then redreſs.

Indeed throughout his Works he argueth ſharply, he reaſoneth profoundly, he urgeth aptly, ſtateeth exactly, expreſſeth himſelf elegantly, and diſcourſeth learnedly. He would rather convince, then puniſh; yet he would rather puniſh then indulge them: his Epitaph beſpeaking him grievous to Hereticks, Thieves and Murtherers.

When King Henry ſcrupled his firſt marriage, Sir Thomas told him, That neither he nor my Lord of Durham were ſo fit to adviſe him in that caſe, as St. Auguſtine, St. Jerome, and the other Fathers. His advice was ſo unſeaſonable, that it oppoſed the King; yet ſo grave and honeſt, that it pleaſed him. His Experience and Prudence had a fore-ſight next door to Prophecy; and from the unquiet times of King Henry, did he gueſs the ruine of King Charles. He converted many with his Arguments, more with his Prayers, which workt wonders of reformation on the erroneous, as they did of recovery on the weak. He wiſhed three things to Chriſtendome: 1. An Univerſal Peace: 2. An Uniform Religion: 3. A Reformation rather of Lives then Religion. He never asked any thing of his Majeſty but Employment, and never took any thing more acceptable then Service. His Alms were liberal to his Neighbours, and good works numerous He built a Chappel at Chelſey, and hired an Alms-houſe there. towards God. He would take no Fees from the Poor, and but moderate ones from the Rich. All London was obliged to him for his Counſel at home, and all England for his Peace at Cambray, where he out-did expectation.

The King raiſed him to the Chancellourſhip, but not to his own opinion: he profeſſed he would ſerve his Majeſty, but he muſt obey his God: he would keep the Kings conſcience and his own. His Wiſdome and Parts advanced him, his Innocence and Integrity ruined him: his Wit pleaſed the King, but his Reſolution croſſed him. Wolſey was not ſo proud and reſerved, as Sir Thomas was open and free to the meaneſt: his minde was not ſo dazled with honour, but he could foreſee his fall. When his ſons complained how little they gained under him, I will do juſtice (ſaid he) for your ſakes to any man, and I will leave you a bleſſing; decreeing one day againſt his own ſon that would not hear reaſon. Firſt, he offered the Judges the Reformation of Grievances; and when they refuſed, he did it himſelf.—No Subpoena was granted but what he With the cauſe atteſted by the Attorney, in token whereof when one Tubbe brought him a Subpoena to ſubſcribe, finding it frivolous, he writ under it a tale of a tub. ſaw, no Order but what he peruſed; nothing paſſed from him towards the ſubject, but what became a good Magiſtrate; nothing towards his Maſter, but what became a faithful ſervant. Neither King nor Queen could corrupt, neither could the whole Church in Convocation faſten any thing upon him. To one who told him of his Detractors, he ſaid, Would you have me puniſh thoſe by whom I reap more benefit then by all you my friends? Perfect Patience is the Companion of true Perfection.

But he managed not his truſt with more integrity and dexterity, then he left it with honour; leaving not one cauſe undecided in the Chancery: foreſeeing that he could not at once content his Majeſty and his own heart. His Servants upon his fall he diſpoſed of as well as his children; and his Children he taught to live ſoberly in a great Eſtate, and nobly in a mean one. He never put an Heretick to death when Chancellour, neither would he ſuffer Hereſies to live when a private man. When my Lord Cromwel came to him in his retirement, he adviſed him to tell the King what he ought, not what he can do; ſo ſhall you ſhew your ſelf a true and faithful ſervant, and a right worthy Councellour: for if a Lyon knew his own ſtrength, hard were it for any man to rule him. The King feared him when he could not gain him, and therefore he was ſifted in his former carriage and preſent temper, which continued conſtant to his duty, and even under his changes. He was open-hearted to all that came, yet ſo wary in his diſcourſe with the Maid of Kent, that his enemies confeſſed he deſerved rather honour then a check for that matter. When the Duke of Norfolk told him, that the wrath of a Prince is death; he ſaid, Nay, if that be all, you muſt die to morrow, and I today. He behaved himſelf at all Examinations at once wiſely and honeſtly. When Archbiſhop Cranmer told him, he muſt obey the King which was certain, rather then follow his conſcience which was uncertain; he replyed, It's as certain that I muſt not obey the King in evil, as that I muſt follow my conſcience in good. When the Abbot of Weſtminſter told him, his conſcience ſhould yeild to the wiſdome of the Kingdome, he ſaid, He would not conform his conſcience to one Kingdome, but to the whole Church. He underwent his ſufferings with as much cheerfulneſs as his preferment; pleaſing himſelf with his misfortunes, and enjoying his miſery; reſolving to obey God rather then man, to leave others to their own conſciences; to cloſe with the Catholick Church rather then the Church of England, and to ſubmit to general Councils rather then to Parliaments.

Mr. Rich put to him this Queſtion, Whether if the Parliament made a Law that he were Pope, would he not ſubmit to it? and he replyed, If the Parliament made another that God ſhould not be God, would you obey it? Though he could not own the Kings Supremacy, yet he would not meddle with it either in his Writings or diſcourſe; ſhewing himſelf at once a civil man, a good Chriſtian, and a noble Confeſſour. His ſoul was well ſetled; his ſtature was mean, but well proportioned; his complexion phlegmatiqne; his countenance amiable and cheerful; his voice plain and diſtinct; and his temper ſound and healthful.

WHo is the honeſt man? He that doth ſtill and ſtrongly good purſue, Herbert. To God, his Neighbour and Himſelf moſt true: Whom neither force nor fawning can Ʋnpin or wrench from giving all their due. Whoſe honeſty is not So looſe and eaſie, that a ruffling winde Can blow away, or glitt'ring look it blinde: Who rides his ſure and even trot While the world now rides by, now lags behinde. Who, when great trials come, Nor ſeeks, nor ſhuns them; but doth calmly ſtay, Till he the Thing and the Example weigh: All being brought into a ſum, What Place or Perſon calls for, he doth pay. Whom none can work or wooe To uſe in any thing a trick or ſleight; For above all things be abhors deceit: His words and works and faſhion too All of a piece, and all are clear and ſtraight. Who never melts or thaws At cloſe tentations: when the day is done, His goodneſs ſets not, but in dark can run: The Sun to others writeth Laws, And is their vertue; Vertue is his Sun. Who, when he is to treat With ſick Folks, Women, thoſe whom paſſions ſway, Allows for that, and keeps his conſtant way; Whom others faults do not defeat, But though men fail him, yet his part doth play. Whom nothing can procure, When the wide world runs Bias, from his will To writhe his limbs, and ſhare, not mend the ill. This is the Mark-man, ſafe and ſure, Who ſtill is right, and prays to be ſo ſtill.

Obſervations on the Life of Thoma • Cromwel Earl of Eſſex.

PƲtney ſaw his Cradle in a Cottage, and England ſaw his Coffin in a Ditch: His Original was mean, his End meaner: A ſuddai • height in an unſettled time ruined him: A mode rate and leaſurely Greatneſs is ſafe. His Bloo • ran low, but pure, ennobling the veins it flowed i • with a Spirit that was to raiſe a Family, and Deſerve that Honour that others Inherit. His hone 〈…〉 Parents conveyed him a ſtrong Conſtitution tha • could ſupport ſtronger Parts: The poor man good Temper is an Inheritance, and the Rich hi 〈…〉 Effeminacie his Diſeaſe.

A private School civilized his Parts; Trave • and Employment improved them: His Neceſſity when at home, made him a Soldier abroad; and hi • Obſervations abroad made him a Man at Home The Experience of Travel enlarged his Soul, an • the Hardſhip of War knitted and conſolidated it 〈…〉 His hard Fortune at Cambray was the occaſion o 〈…〉 his good One in England; and had he not been un 〈…〉 done, he had been undone: For his promiſing look 〈…〉 commended him to Freſcobald the Merchant fo 〈…〉 Relief, and to Cardinal Wolſey for Service; in whoſ • private Service of Secretary for his Embaſſie i • France, he prepared himſelf for that more public of Secretary of State in England. Great Scholar h 〈…〉 was none, (the Latine Teſtament gotten by hea •• being his Maſter-piece) nor ſtudied Lawyer: neve • admitted to the Innes of Court; nor experienced Souldier, though Neceſſity caſt Him upon it, when the Duke of Burbon befieged Rome; nor Courtier (till bred up in Cardinal Wolſey' • Court:) yet that of the Lawyer in him ſo helped the Scholar, that of the Souldier the Lawyer, that of the Courtier the Souldier, and that of the Traveller all the reſt; being no Stranger to Germany, well acquainted with France, moſt familiar with Italy; ſo that the reſult of all together made him for Endowments eminent, not to ſay admirable. His Apprehenſion was quick and clear; his Judgement methodical and ſolid; his Memory ſtrong and rational; his Tongue fluent and pertinent; his Preſence ſtately and obliging; his Heart large and noble; his Temper patient and cautious; his Way induſtrious and indefatigable; his Correſpondence well laid, and conſtant; his Converſe inſinuating and cloſe: None more dexterous to finde out, none more reſerved to keep a Secret. He was equal (ſaith my Author) to the French Politicians, when under his Maſter; he over-reached them when alone; doing more in one month with his ſubtle Head, then the other in twelve months with his ſtately Train: The King of France would have penſioned up his parts, but the Vice-Roy of England advanced them. His Maſter brought him firſt to ſerve his Country in Parliament (that great School of Experience) and then his King at Court; where defending his Maſters great actions, he made it evident he could perform greater: ſuch was his Wit, ſuch his Eloquence, that they who hated the Client, admired the Advocate: And thoug • he could not keep his Patron from falling, yet he raiſed himſelf; that being the firſt time his Eminent Parts were obſerved: An advantagious ſtarting is more then half way in the Race of Preferment: For hereupon he is firſt Maſter of the Kings Jewels, and then of what was more precious, his Secrets. His conſcience inclined him to the Churches Reformation, his Intereſt complied with the Kings; he unlocked the ſecrets of Monaſteries by his Spies, and put the King upon deſtroying them by his Power: The Univerſity of Cambridge made him Chancellour, to ſave it ſelf; where though he did no great good, yet his Greatneſs kept others from doing harm, in an Age wherein Covetouſneſs could quarrel a Colledge, as well as an Abbey, into ſuperſtition. He was truſted by the King with the Rolls and Records of England; and by the Scholars, with the Charters and Statutes of their Univerſities: He reforms the Univerſity, in order to the Reformation of the Church; enjoyning the ſtudy of the Scripture and the Tongues, inſtead of School-Divinity and Barbariſm; recommending Ariſtotle, Agricola, Melancthon, to their reading; and the Doctrine which is in Spirit and in Truth to their Faith: and razing the Popes Bulls, to make way for the Kings Favour.

He was an eminent Miniſter of State, and chief Governour of the Church; proceeding in Convocation very diſcreetly, modelling the Church-Laws very prudently and moderately: looking into Monaſtical Abuſes very narrowly and induſtriouſly; mawling Religious Houſes, violently pulling down thoſe Neſts, that the Rooks might not return: His Maſter had diſobliged the Pope, and he weakeneth him: It was not ſafe to diſown his Supremacy, and entertain thouſands of his Creatures. If a Kingdom be divided againſt it ſelf, it cannot ſtand; and if one part of the Engliſh pay their devotion to a ſupream Head at Rome, and another to a ſupream Governour in England, they muſt both fall. If the perſons might diſturb the Government, it is fit their Eſtates ſhould ſecure it; and if the Papiſts ſhould foment a War, their Lands ſhould maintain it: But Cromwel contrives that the Pope ſhould confirm Alienations in Wolſey, before he ſhould practiſe it for the King. As the King knew whom he employed, when he truſted him: ſo he knew whom he truſted, when he employed Doctor Lee (an able ſervant to an abler Maſter) He firſt decoyed Religious Men out of their Covents by the allurement of Liberty, and then forced them out by Power and Authority. As the Abbeys improved his Eſtate, ſo his Maſter advanced his Honour: he had one Privy Seal always to act by, and was Keeper of another: He had no ſooner attained an Earldom for himſelf, but foreſeeing the alteration of Affairs, he ſecured a Barony for his Son, not forfeitable by the Attainder of the Father: Within five years he was Maſter of the Jewelhouſe, Secretary of State, Baron, Vicar-General, Maſter of the Rolls, Knight of the Garter, Keeper of the Privy-Seal, Lord High Chamberlain, and Earl of Eſſex: within five months he quitted place, and in five minutes loſt all. He muſt needs be envied, whoſe Birth was ſo much beneath all others, and his Preferment above them: eſpecially when the King in preferring him injured others; as, the Citizens, in managing the Jewels; the Courtiers, in undertaking State-affairs; the Lawyers, in the Rolls When Maſter thereof.; the Nobly Deſcended, at When Knight of the Garter. Windſor; the Clergy, in the When Vi 〈◊〉 . General Convocation; the Earl of Oxford, and the Family of the Bourchiers, in the great Chamberlainſhip and Earldom of Eſſex. But he cares not whom he diſpleaſeth, if he can oblige his Maſter; whoſe power he advanceth in the Parliament and Synod, as he improveth his Revenue in the Office of firſt-Fruits, and the Court of Augmentation. His Greatneſs was allayed with his Goodneſs; and the Envy of the One, mitigated by the Liberality of the Other: He had not more Suiters at his door then Alms, (two hundred at a time:) Sir Thomas was a Name of Awe and Reverence to the Rich, and bleſſed by the Poor: That Name Stow Sur. London. levelled the proudeſt Citizens Houſe for his conveniency, and bowed the pooreſt mans Knee to his Honour. He could at pleaſure work upon the Lords by the Commons, and on the Commons by the Lords; as Cardinal Wolſey perſwaded the Commons to four ſhillings in the pound upon the Lords preſident; and the Lords to as much upon the Commons: and he kept up the Cardinals way of Anticipation, that the people ſhould be always one Subſidy beforehand: He ſet up the old Taxation of Knighthood at Queen Anne's Coronation, and levied it.

He confirms the Kings Supremacy by a Law, and eſtabliſheth his Daughter Elizabeth's Succeſſion by an Oath, firſt taken by the Parliament, and then by the Kingdom; for whoſe ſupport he contrives the leſſer Monaſteries ſhould be firſt eſcheated, and then the greater. He was ſo honeſt, that he acquits Queen Anne in his Letter to the Queen; yet ſo much a Stateſman, that he condemn'd her upon the Bench.

But to ſecure the Intereſt of England, he improved its Religion; that as ſome few late Acts had diſobliged the Pope, a new frame of Chriſtianity might exclude him: The differences between Us and Rome, were to be widened, leſt they ſhould cloſe; and he judged it prudence to engage the conſcience and the eſtate in one bottom, that he might hold the One out of the tenderneſs of the Other. The Kings Supremacy cut off the Papiſts, and the Six Articles the Proteſtants: Reformation muſt be managed leaſurely, and alteration of Religion by juſt degrees; Inſtruction preceding execution, and the peoples capacity growing up with their Governours Regulation.

The times are troubleſome, but Cromwel calm and quiet, and watchful over Occurrences; Inſurrection giving him an advantage of a new Settlement. He takes down the Occaſions and Ornaments of Idolatry, Images, Shrines, Pilgrimages, &c. and then the Thing it ſelf: Take off the paint of Rome, and you undo her: As the Laws and Injunctions, ſo the Alliance of England muſt ſecure its Intereſt: A Proteſtant Queen muſt be married to the Reformed King; the Duke of Cleve's Siſter muſt woo the King, that Eſſex might have that whiſpered in the Kings Boſom abed, where he was beſt diſpoſed, which he inſinuated into his Ear at the Council-Table where he was worſt: But the King was not ſo well pleaſed with her Beauty, as Cromwel was with her Religion; which Stephen Gardiner (who hated her for her Religion, and Cromwel for his Greatneſs) obſerving, ſhewed the Kings looſe Affections, at once how to be rid of his Match, and, which he was as weary of, his Match-Maker. The Queen is divorced (being never known by Henry, who diſliked her at firſt view, and kept her rather in Policy, to oblige the German Princes, then of pleaſure to fill his own Bed.) Cromwel is arreſted for preſuming to act in ſome matters of State, without the Kings privity or Commiſſion, and attainted by a procedure he had invented; dying as cunningly as he had lived, for ſome As when one ſaid he was accuſed for diſloyalty to the King, he ſaid, He would ſtab him with his dagger if he were. ambiguous words which Power interpreted to his Ruine.

His laſt words were ſo wary, that they might become Bellarmine and Luther at once; that the Proteſtants call them his Confeſſion of Faith, and the Papiſts his old Religion: for confeſſing his Offences againſt God and the King, in his many Employments, he ſaid he died in the Catholique Faith: Some will ſay the Proteſtants think no great gain to have him, and the Papiſts no loſs to part with him; yet we muſt needs confeſs that he was a Wiſe Man, becauſe he always conſulted the Learned in the Laws a out all his proceedings: He was a Good man, witneſs Freſcobald, whoſe mean Perſon he took notice of, whoſe ſmall Kindeneſs he acknowledged, whoſe Services he condeſcended to, whoſe Wants he relieved, and whoſe Debts he recovered: He was a Noble man, becauſe he refuſed another mans Coat of Arms who was of his Name, ſaying, What ſhall I do with it? for he may pull it off my back at pleaſure. In a word, He was ſo Mean before he riſe, ſo Worthy afterwards, that no Times had Raiſed but thoſe more troubleſome, none Ruined him but thoſe moſt looſe of Henry the VIII.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Audley.

SIr Thomas Audley's Birth was Generous, his Education more: Eſſex bred him to that Honour which his Anceſtors loſt: His Soul ennobled his Body, and his Body graced his Soul: The one quick, ſolid, apprehenſive and judicious; the other tall and majeſtick: King Henry loved a Man; and here was one whoſe Auſterity was allayed with Debonairneſs, whoſe Gravity was ſweetened with Pleaſantneſs; whoſe Knowledge was as large as his Authority, whoſe Wit was equal with his Wiſdom; whoſe Memory was ſtrong, and Judgment ſolid. His fair Eſtate brought him to the Temple; his proficiency in the Law, to the Court: His reading upon the Statute of Priviledges commended him to the Kings Service, his ſpeaking for the Prerogative in Parliament brought him to the Kings Favour. Although the Liberties of the People can never be ſecured without the Prerogative of the Soveraign (who cannot do the good they would, if he wants a power to do the evil they fear;) yet his firſt Preferment was to withdraw him from Popularity, and the ſecond onely to confirm him to Soveraignty. Noble Service is the way to a Royal One: His Stewardſhip to the Dutchy of Suffolk, raiſed him to the Attorneyſhip of that of Lancaſter. But in troubleſome and deſigning times a popular Orator is a good Courtier; and leading Parts in Parliament or Convocation are great Merits: In the black Parliament he was a Member by his own Intereſt, and a Speaker by his Majeſties Choice: Sir Tho. More was to ſerve the Crown in the Lords Houſe, and Sir Tho. Audley was to ſucceed him in the Houſe of Commons. When Abbey-Lands were beſtowed on the King in grofs, and returned by him to the leading Lords and Commons in the Retayl, moſt of that Parliament looked for ſhares; Sir Thomas for the firſt cut, to ſecure himſelf with the King: He was always in favour with the Queens, who had no leſs Intereſt in the Kings Heart, then the Kingdom had in his Head. The. Age was uncertain, Intereſt nor ſo; Sir Thomas was fixed on the One, above the alterations of the Other: underſtanding what was moſt convenient at a time when there was nothing lawful. He was well ſeen in the flexures and windings of Affairs, at the depth whereof other Heads not ſo ſteady turned giddy: He had the Arts of a Stateſman, and the cloſeneſs of a Politicion: Reſerved he was, but no Diſſembler: For if a man have that penetration of judgment, as he can diſcern what things are to be laid open, and what to be kept ſecret, and what to be ſhewed with half ſights, and to whom and when, (which indeed are Arts of States and Arts of Life) to him an Habit of Diſſimulation is a hinderance and a poorneſs. He (as an able man) was always frank and open, but wary; knowing how to ſtop and turn within the compaſs of Equity and Honeſty. He underſtood buſineſs well, and men better; and knew King Henry's Temper better then Himſelf, whom he ſurprized always to his own bent, never moving any of his ſuits to him, but when in haſte, and moſt commonly amuſing him with other matter until he paſſed his Requeſt. His Actions were managed for applauſe as well as ſervice: for when made Sergeant, he was the firſt of eleven; his Entertaining-Day was the laſt of ſix: The King, who paid for his Dinner, was invited to it. He watched the Circumſtances of his Actions, that they might be Taking, as well as their Iſſue, that they might be Uſeful; and contrived that the leaſt of his publick Actions ſhould come off with Reputation. He followed the moſt paſſable rather then the moſt able men living, in a time when active men were more uſeful then the vertuous. Sir Thomas at once gratified the preſent Humour of the King, and the conſtant Temper of the People, in ſix Bills againſt the Clergy: 1. Againſt the Extortions of their Courts. 2. The Exaction of their Corps and Morturies. 3. Their worldly Occupations, as Grazing, Tanning, &c. 4 Merchandize. 5. Their Non-Reſidencies. 6. The Pluralities of the Ignorant, and the mean Salaries of the Learned. When in ſome Debates between the Lords and Commons, Cuſtome was urged; Sir Thomas replied, The uſage hath ever been for Thieves to rob at Shooters Hill, is it therefore lawful? He brought the Clergy within a Praemunire, to awe them; and afterwards in their pardon, he and other Members included their own; which the knowing King would not paſs, when it was demanded as of Right; yet afterwards granted it of his own accord, when it was received as of Grace. When Sir Thomas More could not act with the times, Sir Thomas Audley could; the One being weary of the Seal, the other takes it; being made Lord Keeper in Sir Thomas his life-time, and Lord Chancellour after his death: owning no Opinion againſt the Government of England, nor any Deſign againſt its Intereſt. The King might well truſt him with his Conſcience, when he truſted the King with his, owning no Doctrine but what was eſtabliſhed, ever judging the Church and State wiſer then himſelf. He was forced to take Q. Anne, but he would not condemn her; rather eſcaping then refuſing unwelcome Employments, wherein he muſt either diſpleaſe his Maſter or himſelf. He was tender, but not wilful; waving ſuch ſervices dexterouſly, wherein he muſt oppoſe his Maſter dangerouſly. Thoſe Inſurrections which others Rigor had raiſed, his Moderation allayed; breaking the Factions with Indulgence, which might be ſtrengthened with Oppoſition: Cromwel pulled down Popery with his Power, Audley kept it down with his Policy, enjoyning the Preachers to detect the follies of that way, which is reckoned the wiſdom of this World, He had a moderate way to ſecure the Priviledges of Parliament, by freedom from Arreſts; and the good will of the Citizens, by an Order about debts.

By theſe courſes he died as much in the Kings Favour as he lived: Patience can weather out the moſt turbulent Age, and a ſolid Judgement the moſt intricate times: The reſerved and quiet man is the moſt ſecure. Activity may raiſe a man, Warineſſ keep him up. If he had done nothing, he had no • been ſeen; if he had done much, he had not been ſuffered. Between two extreams Audley could do well.

Treaſure of Arms and Arts, in whom were ſet The Mace and Books, the Court and Colledge met, Yet both ſo wove, that in that mingled throng They both comply, and neither neither wrong. But pois'd and temper'd, each reſerv'd its ſeat; Nor did the Learning quench, but guide the Heat. The Courtier was not of the furious ſtrain, The hand that acts, doth firſt conſult the brain. Hence grew commerce betwixt Advice and Might, The Scholar did direct the Courtier right. And as our Perfumes mixt, do all conſpire, And twiſt their Curles above the hallowed fire, Till in that Harmony of Sweets combin'd, We can nor Musk nor ſingle Amber finde; But Gums meet Gums, and their delights ſo crowd, That they create one undiſtinguiſh'd cloud: So to thy minde theſe rich Ingredients preſt, And were the Mould and Fabrick of thy breſt. Learning and Courage mixt, and temper'd ſo, The Stream could not decay nor overflow. And in that equal Tide, thou didſt not bear From Courage, Raſhneſs; nor from Learning, Fear.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Wiat.

SIr Thomas Wiat was born at Allington-caſtle in the County of Kent, which afterwards he repaired with beautiful Buildings. He fell out of his Maſter King Henry the eighth his favour, about the buſineſs of Queen Anna Bullen, till his induſtry, care, diſcretion and innocence freed him. Very ingenious he was; or, as his Anagram tells us, he was [A Wiat. Wit] in the abſtract. Cambden ſaith he was, Eques auratus ſplendide doctus.

Holy he was and heavenly minded, and that appears by his tranſlation of David's Pſalms into Engliſh Metre; and Leland gives him this great Commendation:

Bella ſuum merito jactet Florentia Dantem, Regia Petrarchae Carmina Roma probat, His non inferior Patria Sermone Viatus, Eloquii ſecum qui decui omne tulit. Let Florence fair her Dantes juſtly boaſt, And Royal Rome her Petrarchs numbred feet, In Engliſh Wiat both of them doth coaſt, In whom all graceful Eloquence doth meet.

This Knight being ſent Ambaſſador by King Henry the eighth, to Charles the fifth Emperour, then reſiding in Spain, before he took Shipping, died of the Peſtilence in the Weſt-Country, Anno 1541.

Queen Anne's favour towards him, raiſed this man; and his faithfulneſs to her, ruined him: So fickle is that mans ſtation that depends onely on humour, or holds of love and hatred! Let my friend (ſaith Malvezzi) bring me in, but let my merit and ſervice keep me there.

Four things a man went to Dine with Sir Thoms Wiat for: 1. For his Generous Entertainment 2. For his free and knowing diſcourſe of Spain and Germany; an inſight in whoſe intereſt was his Maſter-piece, ſtudied by him as well for the exigen 〈…〉 of that preſent juncture, as for his own ſatisfaction. 3. For his quickneſs in obſerving, his civility in entertaining, his dexterity in employing, and his readineſs in encouraging every mans peculiar party and inclinations. 4. For the notice and favour the King had for him. So ready was he to befriend worthy men, and ſo ready was the King to entertain his friend, that when a man was newly preferred, they ſaid, He had been in Sir Thomas Wiat's Cloſet. Happy is the Prince that hath a faithful Favourite, to look him out ſerviceable men! and happy thoſe uſeful perſons, that have a familiar and hhoneſt Favourite, by whom they may have acceſs to the Prince! a Favourite that ſerves not his Country ſo much by employing and pleaſing its active members, as he ſecures his King, who hath • o leſs need of Counſel in reference to men, then things.

His Wit pleaſed the King, and his Wiſdome ſerved him: He could not be without his Advice at the Council-table, nor without his Jeſts in his Preſence-chamber: where yet he obſerved his decorum to exactly, that his Majeſty could by no means win him one night to dancing; this being his grave reſolution, That he who thought himſelf a wiſe man in the day-time, would not be a fool at night: otherwiſe one carryed himſelf more handſomely, none converſed more ingeniouſly and freely, none diſcourſed more facetiouſly or ſolidly; in a word, it was his peculiar happineſs, that his deportment was neither too ſevere for King Henry the eighth's time, nor too looſe for Henry the ſeventh's, neither all honey nor all gall, but a ſweet mixture and temperament of affability and gravity, carrying an equal meaſure of Sir Thomas More's ingenuity in his head, and Sir Thomas Cromwel's wiſdome in his heart; equally faſhioned for diſcourſe and buſineſs: in the •• ſt whereof, he was active, but not troubleſome; 〈◊〉 the firſt, merry, but innocent.

A Jeſt if it hit right, may do more good then ſo ber Counſels. Archee made King James ſenſible of the danger the Prince was in, in Spain, by telling him that he came to change Caps with him: Why ſaid the King. Becauſe thou haſt ſent the Prince in: Spain, from whence he is never like to return. B 〈…〉 (ſaid the King) what wilt thou ſay when thou ſee him come back again? Marry (ſaith he) I will ta 〈…〉 off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy head f 〈…〉 ſending him thither, and put it on the King of Spain for letting him return.

A Jeſt of Sir Thomas Wiat's began that Reformation, which the ſeriouſneſs of all Chriſtendome cou 〈…〉 not commence. King Henry was at a loſs concening the Divorce, which he no leſs paſſionately dered, then the Pope warily delayed: Lord, ſaith he that a man cannot repent him of his ſin but by 〈◊〉 Popes leave! Sir Thomus hinted, Doctor Gran 〈…〉 opened, and the Univerſities of Europe made to way to Reformation.

His Majeſty was another time diſpleaſed with Wolſey, and Sir Thomas ups with a ſtory of the C 〈…〉 baiting of the Butchers Dog, which contained 〈◊〉 whole method of that great mans ruine.

The Pope was incenſed, Chriſtian Princes we 〈…〉 enraged, and the numerous Clergy diſcontented and King Henry afraid of a Revolution: Better 〈…〉 Rooks Neſts, (that is, ſell and beſtow the Pa 〈…〉 Clergies Habitations and Lands among the Nobils and Gentry) ſaid Sir Thomas, and they will ne 〈…〉 trouble you. One day he told his Maſter he his found out a Living of an hundred pounds the year more then enough, and prayed him beſtow it on him: Why? ſaid the King, we 〈◊〉 no ſuch in England. Yes, Sir, ſaid Sir Thomas, the Provoſtſhip of Eaton, where a man hath his Diet, his Lodging, his Horſe-meat, his Servants wages, his Riding-charge, and an 100 l. per annum beſides. What Lewis the eleventh ſaid of one Kingdome, i. e. France, may be true of all, That they want one thing, i. e. Truth. Few Kings have ſuch diſcreet Courtiers as Cardinal Wolſey, to look into things deeply; fewer ſo faithful Servants as Sir Thomas Wiat, to report things as they ſee them, honeſtly.

His Jeſts were always confined to theſe Rules:

1. He never played upon a mans unhappineſs or deformity; it being inhumane.

2. Not on Superiours: for that is ſawcie and undutiful.

3. Nor on ſerious or holy matters: for that's irreligious.

4. He had much Salt, but no Gall; often jeſting, but never jearing.

5. He obſerved times, perſons and circumſtances; knowing when to ſpeak, and knowing too when to hold his peace.

6. His apt and handſome Reparties were rather natural then affected; ſubtle and acute, prompt and eaſie, yet not careleſs; never rendring himſelf contemptible to pleaſe others.

7. Not an inſipid changing of words was his gift, but a ſmart retort of matters, which every body was better pleaſed with than himſelf.

8. He always told a ſtory well; and was as good at a neat continued diſcourſe, as at a quick ſentence; contriving it in an handſome method, cloathing it with ſuitable expreſſions, without any Parentheſis or impertinencies, and repreſenting perſons and actions ſo to the life, that you would think you ſaw what you buchear: A notable way, that argued the man of a ready apprehenſion, an ingenious ſins fancy, a tenacious memory, a graceful Elocution, a 〈…〉 exact judgment and diſcretion, and perfect acquaintance with things and circumſtances. His phraſi was clean and clear, the picture of his thoughts and language, (even in an argument) not harſh or ſevere, but gentle and obliging; never contradicting but with an Ʋnder favour Sir; always ſubjoyning to his adverſaries diſcourſe, what the Dutch do the all Ambaſſadors Propoſals, It may be ſo.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Fineux.

SIr John Fineux born at Swink field in the County of Kent, a place beſtowed on h 〈…〉 Anceſtors by a great Lord in Kent, called 〈◊〉 Criol, about the reign of King Edward the ſecond He followed the Law twenty eight years before he was made a Judge; in which Office he continued twenty eight years, and was twenty eight years of Age before he betook himſelf to this ſtudy: when 〈…〉 it neceſſarily follows, that he was four-ſcore and four when he died. He was a great Benefactor t •• St. Auguſtines in Canterbury; the Prior whereof William Mallaham thus highly commendeth him 〈◊〉 (good deeds deſerve good words.)

Vir prudentiſſimus, Genere inſignis, Juſtitia praeclarus, Pietate refertus, Humanitate ſplenditus, & charitate foecundus.

He died in 1526. and lies buried in Chriſt-church in Canterbury, having had a fair habitation in this City, and another in Herne in this County, where his Motto ſtill remaineth in each Window: Miſericordias Domini cantabo in Aeternum.

Nile's original is hidden, but his ſtream is famous. This Judge's Anceſtors were not ſo obſcure, as he was illuſtrious. His Device upon his Sergeants Ring was, Suae quiſ que fortuna faber; and his was always to this purpoſe, That no man thrived but he that lived as if he were the firſt man in the world, and his father were not born before him.

Forty years he ſaid he lived by his induſtry; Twenty by his reputation; and Ten by favour. King Henry the ſeventh knew not how well this Gentleman could ſerve him, until he ſaw how effectually he did oppoſe him about the Tenth Peny raiſed for the War in Britain, which raiſed another in York, where though the Rabble (that murthered Henry Earl of Northumberland, who was to levy the Tax) had not his Countenance for their Practice, yet had they his Principle for their Rule, which was this, Before we pay any thing, let us ſee whether we have any thing we can call our own to pay. So able, though reſerved a Patriot, thought the wiſe King, would be an uſeful Courtier, and he that could do ſo well at the Bar, might do more at the Bench. Cardinal Morton was againſt his advancement, as an encouragement to the Factious: (whoſe Hydra-heads grow the faſter by being taken off by Preferment, and not by an Ax) the King was for it, as the moſt probable way of weakening of them, as who when the moſt ſober and wiſe part of them draweth off, are but a rude multitude, and a rope of ſand: when a Commoner, none ſo ſtiff for the ſubjects priviledge; when a Judge, none ſo firm to the Princes Prerogative: two things however, (they fatally claſhed of late) that are ſolid felicities together, and but empty notions aſunder: for what is Prerogative but a great Name, when not exerciſed over a free people? and what is Priviledge but a fond imagination, when not ſecured under a powerful King, that may keep us from being ſlaves one to another by Anarchy, while we ſtrive to be free from his Tyranny? That People is beyond preſident free, and beyond compariſon happy, who reſtrain not their Soveraigns power to do them harm ſo far, as that he hath none left him to do them good. Careful he was of the Law; for he was a Judge: and as careful of his Soveraigns Right; for he was a Subject. No ominous claſhing between Courts in his time; nor ſetting the Kings Conſcience in Chancery againſt his Will in the Kings Bench. A man tells Ariſtides, to make him party in his cauſe, that his Adverſary had abuſed him: I ſit not here (ſaith that Impartial Judge) to right you, but my ſelf. When a notorious enemy of Judge Fineux had a cauſe depending before him, It might have gone againſt you, my friend, (ſaid he) had you been my Enemy.

Ten things, which are indeed ten of the moſt remarkable particulars of his life, raiſed him.

1. An indefatigable induſtry, 1. In his reading, leaving behinde him 23 Folio's of Notes. 2. In his practice, bequeathing 3502 Caſes he managed himſelf to his Executor.

2. A freedome of converſe, as about his buſineſs, none more cloſe; ſo in company, none more open; having ſo compleat a command of himſelf, that he knew to a minute when to indulge, and to a minute too when to reſtrain himſelf. A gay and cheerful humour, a ſprightful converſation, and cleanly manners, are an exceeding uſeful accompliſhment for every one that intends not to wind himſelf into a ſolitary retirement, or be mewed in a Cloyſter.

3. A rich and a well-contrived marriage, that at once brought him a large Eſtate, and a larger Intereſt: the ſame tie that allied him to his Wives Family, engaged him to many.

4. A great acquaintance with Noble Families, with whoſe dependants he got in firſt, devoting an hour a day for their company; and at laſt with themſelves, laying aſide his vacation-leiſure for their ſervice. He was Steward of 129 Mannors at once, and of Counſel to 16 Noble-men.

5. His Hoſpitality and Entertainments: None more cloſe then he abroad, none more noble at home; where many were tied to his Table, more obliged by his company and diſcourſe.

6. His care and integrity in managing, his Repute in promoting, his Reaſon and Eloquence in pleading, and his Succeſs in carrying his cauſes.

7. His eminence and activity in the two profitable Parliaments of Henry the ſeventh, where he had the hearts and purſes of the people at his command, and the eye of his Soveraign upon his perſon. It was thought a reward adequate to the greateſt merit and adventure in the Grecian Wars, to have leave to play the Prizes at Olympus before Kings. It was judged the moſt ambition could be aimed at in King Henry the ſeventh's time, to ſhew a mans parts before his judicious and diſcerning Majeſty; then whom none underſtood Worth better, none valued it higher.

8. His Oppoſition to Empſon and Dudley's too ſevere Proſecution of Poenal Laws, while Henry the ſeventh was living; and his laying of it before him ſo faithfully, that he repented of it when he was a dying. He is high a while, that ſerves a Princes private intereſt; he is always ſo, that is careful of his publick good.

9. His entire Devotion to that ſacred thing called Friendſhip, that Bliſs on this ſide Heaven, made up of Peace and Love. None a worſe Enemy, none a better Friend. Choice he was in commencing, but conſtant in continuing Friends: Many Acquaintance, but few Friends, was his Obſervation; ſaying, He had been undone by his Acquaintance, had he not been raiſed by his Friends.

10. His care of time. To day I have not reigned, ſaid the Emperour when he had done no good: To day I have not lived, ſaid the Judge when he had done nothing. So much he prayed Morning, Evening, and at Noon, according to the way of thoſe times, as if he never ſtudied; ſo much he ſtudied, as if he never practiſed; ſo great his practice, as if he never converſed; and ſo free his converſe with others, as if he lived not at all to himſelf: Time (of which others are ſo prodigally expenſive) was the onely thing he could be honeſtly covetous of: full whereof he died, leaving this inſtruction to poſterity, That we ſhould not complain we have little time, but that we ſpend much either in doing nothing, or in doing evil, or in doing nothing to the purpoſe.

Obſervations on the Life of Edward Fox, Biſhop of Hereford.

EDward Fox born in Durſley in Glouceſterſhire, was firſt brought up in Eaton, then in Kings Colledge in Cambridge, and died Provoſt thereof. He was Almoner to King Henry the eighth, and was the firſt that brought Doctor Cranmer to the knowledge of the King, as he brought the King to the knowledge of himſelf. Being after wards Biſhop of Hereford, was a great Inſtigator of the Politick and Prudential part of the Reformation, and was not leſs able, but more active then Cranmer himſelf: yea, ſo famous was he, that Martin Bucer dedicated unto him his Comment upon the Goſpel: ſo painful, that he wrote many Books, whereof that, de Differentia utriuſ que poteſtatis, was the chief: ſo worthy he was, that the King employed him on ſeveral Embaſſies into France and Germany. He died May 8. 1538.

In his firſt years, none more wild; in his his laſt, none more ſtayed. The untoward Youth makes the able Man. He that hath mettle to be extravagant when he cannot govern himſelf, hath a ſpirit to be eminent when he can. His friends devotion to the Church, and relation to the Biſhop of Wincheſter, made him a Scholar; his own Inclination, a Politician: an Inclination that brake through all the ignoble reſtraints of pedantique ſtudies and coertions, (wherewith many a great Soul in England, (enjoying not the freedome of forreign parts, but tied to ſuch employments, though never ſo unſuitable, as their friends put them to) are debaſed and loſt) to an eminencie (more by obſervation and travel, then by reading and ſtudy) that made him the Wonder of the Univerſity, and the Darling of the Court. When he was called to the Pulpit, or Chair, he came off not ill; ſo prudential were his parts for Divinity! when advanced to any Office of Truſt in the Univerſity, he came off very well; ſo incomparable were his parts for Government!

His Policy was obſerved equally in the ſubject, and in the contrivance of his Sermons and diſcourſe; where though all knew he read but little, yet all ſaw that (by a Scheme and method his ſtrong head had drawn up of all Books and Diſcourſes) he commanded all Learning: his Explications of the Text were ſo genuine, ſo exact, as if he had ſpent his time in nothing elſe but Criticks and Commentators. His Diviſions ſo Analytical, as if he had been nothing but Logick: His Enlargements ſo copious and genuine, as if he had ſeen nothing but Fathers and Schoolmen. The curious and pertinent mixture of Moral Sentences, ſo various, as if he had been but a Humaniſt: the drift and deſigne of all, ſo cloſe, that it argued him but (what indeed he was) a pure Pate-Politician. His Parts commended him to Cardinal Wolſey as his ſupport: the Cardinal brings him to his Maſter as his ſecond, and he thruſts out Wolſey as his Rival; but yet pretended to advance that ambitious Man more highly, that he might fall more irrecoverably. He ſets him upon his deſignes of being Pope in Rome, and thoſe make him none in England. He caught the Cardinal by his ſubmiſſion, as he would have done Sir Thomas More by his Interrogations; at which he was ſo good, that he would run up any man either to a Confeſſion or a Praemunire. Fox was his name, and Cunning his nature. He ſaid, His Fathers money helped him to his Parſonage, meaning his ſmall Preferments; and his Mothers wit to his Biſhoprick, meaning his greater.

Diſcourſing one day when Ambaſſador, of terms of Peace, he ſaid, Honourable ones laſt long, but the diſhonourable no longer then till Kings have power to break them: the ſureſt way therefore, ſaid he, to Peace, is a conſtant preparedneſs for War. Two things he would ſay muſt ſupport a Government; Gold and Iron: Gold, to reward its Friends; and Iron, to keep under its Enemies. Themiſtocles after a Battel fought with the Perſians, eſpying a Prize lying on the ground, Take up theſe things, (ſaith he to his Companion) for thou art not Themiſtocles. Take the Emperours Money, ſaid Fox to his Followers, (that were afraid to accept what he had refuſed) for you are not all the King of England's Ambaſſadors.

Often was this ſaying in our Biſhops mouth, before ever it was in Philip the ſecond's, Time and I will challenge any two in the world.

Portugal being revolted, the Conde d' Olivares came ſmiling to King Philip the fourth, ſaying, Sir, I pray give me las Albricius to hanſel the good news: for now you are more abſolute King of Portugal then ever: for the people have forfeited all their priviledges by the Rebellion, and the Nobility their Eſtates; and now you may confirm your old Friends with their money, and make you new ones with their eſtates. When the Clergy began to ruffle with the King, I tell you News, ſaid this Biſhop, we are all run into a Praemunire: you ſhall have Money enough to make your own Courtiers, and Places enough to advance your own Clergie.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Anthony St. Lieger.

WE may ſay of him, he was born in Kent, and bred in Chriſtendome: for when twelve years of Age, he was ſent for his Grammar-Learning with his Tutor into France, for his Carriage into Italy, for his Philoſophy to Cambridge, for his Law to Grays-Inne; and for that which compleated all, the government of himſelf, to Court; where his Debonnairneſs and Freedome took with the King, as his Solidity and Wiſdome with the Cardinal. His Maſter-piece was his Agency between King Henry the eighth and Queen Anne, during the agitation of that great buſineſs of the Divorce between the ſaid King and his Queen Katherine. His Policy was ſeen in catching the Cardinal in that fatal word, The King may ruine me if be pleaſe! but that ruined him. His ſervice was to be Cromwel's Inſtrument in demoliſhing Abbeys, as he was the Kings. Caeſar was the firſt that came to undo the Commonwealth, ſober; Sir Anthony St. Lieger was the firſt that ſaved this Kingdome drunk: for in being abroad one night very late, and much diſtempered, he muſt needs fancy an extraordinary light in the Cardinal's Cloſet; with which Fancy he ran to the King, and although much in drink, prevailed with him ſo far, that he ſends to the Cardinal, and there findes that Juncto that threatned his Kingdome.

He was the firſt Vice-Roy, becauſe Henry the eighth was the firſt King of Ireland. King Henry's affection would promote him any where, but his own reſolution and ſpirit commended him to Ireland.

He was a man whom all Ireland could not rule; therefore (as the Jeſt goes) he ſhould rule all England. Three times had the Iriſh Rebels made their ſoremn ſubmiſſion to other Deputies: the fourth time now they make it to him, throwing down their Girdles, Skins and Caps. So great a man was the Lieutenant, ſo great his Maſter! No ſooner was be poſſeſſed of the Government, but he thought of Laws, thoſe Ligaments of it: The moſt rational and equitable Laws were thoſe of England, but too rational to be impoſed on the Brutiſh Iriſh: therefore our Knight conſidering (as he ſaith in the Preface of his Conſtitution) that they (poor ſouls) could not reliſh thoſe exact Laws, to live or be ruled by them, immediately enacted ſuch as agreed with their capacity, rather then ſuch were dictated by his ability; his Wiſdome (as all mens muſt) doing what was moſt fit and convenient, rather then what was moſt exact; what they could bear, more then what he could do: as remembring he had to do with Faeces Romuli, rather then Reſpublica Platonis; a rude, rather then a reduced people. What he could, he ordained according to the incomparable Rule of the Engliſh Laws; what he could not, he eſtabliſhed according to his preſent judgement of the Iriſh capacity. He ſaw the Kingdome could never be ſubject to his Maſters power, while the Church was obedient to the Popes: therefore as he perſwaded the Nobility to ſurrender their Eſtates to his Majeſty at London, ſo he compelled the Clergy to make over theirs at Dublin: There remains but little of the firſt in his Majeſties hands, ſo honourable was he in reſtoring it; and as little in his Succeſſors, ſo religious and juſt were they in reſigning it to the ſame uſe for ſubſtance to which it was at firſt deſigned. But in vain it is to reform Laws, unleſs we reform perſons too: therefore as he ſent Orders to reduce the Iriſh Nobility in their ſeveral Countries, ſo he ſent for themſelves (to the reſpective Houſes built for them by his Majeſty near Dublin) to be civilized in the Court. Caeſar came, ſaw, and overcame; Sir Anthony came, ſaw, and ſetled: A man had thought there had not been ſo much corruption in the Romiſh Church, as to admit Children to Church-Livings, (for which Men are hardly ſufficient!) but that Sir Anthony St. Leiger was forced to make this Law, That no Children ſhould be admitted to Benefices. We had not known this ſin, had not the Law ſaid, You ſhall not inveſt any under ſixteen years of age in Benefices. The Clergy he found there too many, and the Nobility too few; he leſſened the number of the one to weaken the Pope, and improved the other to ſtrengthen his Maſter, of whom they held not onely their Eſtates, but their Baronies too, as obliged to duty in point of Honour as well as in point of Intereſt. But in vain doth he civilize the preſent Generation, and neglect the future: as therefore he provided Cities for the Parents, ſo he erected Schools for the Children, that the one might forget their Barbariſm, and the other never know it. Three things he ſaid would ſettle a State: 1. Good God-fathers and God-mothers performing their Vows: 2. Good Houſholders overlooking their Families: 3. And good School-maſters educating Youth; this laſt, the moſt uſeful, though the moſt contemptible profeſſion.

An Athenian being asked what God was, ſaid, He was neither Bow-man, nor Horſe-man, nor Pike-man, nor Foot-man, but one that knew how to command [all theſe.] Sir Anthony St. Leiger was neither Souldier, nor Scholar, nor Stateſman, yet he underſtood the way how to diſpoſe of all theſe to his Countries ſervice, and his Maſters honour; being all of them eminently, though none of them pedantickly and formally in himſelf.

The Athenians (as Anaximander ſaid) had good Laws, but uſed them ill; our Deputy had bad Laws, but governed by good.

It was thought by many wiſe men, that the prepoſterous rigour and unreaſonable ſeverity which ſome men carried there before him, was not the leaſt incentive that kindled and blew up into horrid flames the ſparks of diſcontent, which wanted not pre-diſpoſed fuel in that place; where deſpair being added to their former diſcontents, and the fears of utter extirpation to their wonted oppreſſions. It is too eaſie to provoke a people too prone to break out to all exorbitant violence, both by ſome principles of their Religion, and their natural deſires of Liberty; both to exempt themſelves from their preſent reſtraints, and prevent after-rigours: wherefore he was inclined to that charitable connivence and Chriſtian indulgence which often diſſipates their ſtrength whom rougher oppoſition fortifieth, and puts the oppreſſed Parties into ſuch Combinations as may moſt enable them to get a full revenge on thoſe they count their Perſecutors; who are commonly aſſiſted by that vulgar commiſeration which attends all that are ſaid to ſuffer for Religion or Liberty.

To conclude this: Four things Sir Anthony St. Leiger was eminent for:

1. That there was none more grave in Counſe then he, in the morning: none more free at Table, at noon: none more active in the after-noon: none more merry at night.

2. That his Orders were made but ſlowly, ſo wary he was; but executed quickly, ſo reſolute he was too.

3. That he contrived all his Deſigns ſo well beforehand, that in the courſe of affairs they were done to his hand; and he was the Deputy that made no noiſe.

4. That as the Souldier (finding his firſt admiſſion to Alexander to be difficult) danced about the Court in an Antique faſhion, until the ſtrangeneſs of the ſhew made the King himſelf Spectator, and then throwing off his diſguiſe, he ſaid, Sir, thus I firſt arrive at the notice of your Majeſty in the faſhion of a fool, but can do you ſervice in the place of a wiſe man, if you pleaſe to employ me: So this Gentleman came to Court a Swaggerer, but went off a Stateſman. All Prudence is not lodged under a demure look and an auſtere carriage: There are thoſe that can be merry and wiſe; whoſe Spirit is as lively, as their Judgement ſolid.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Ralph Sadler.

Sir Ralph Sadler was born at Hackney in Middleſex, where he was Heir to a fair Inheritance, and ſervant to the Lord Cromwel, and by him advanced into the ſervice of King Henry the VIII, who made him chief Secretary of State. He was one that had much knowledge, therefore much imployed in all, but eſpecially in the Intrigues of the Scots affairs: In the Battel of Muſcleborow he ordered & brought up our ſcattered Troops, inviting them to fight by his own Example; and for his Valour was made There were two ſorts of theſe Knights, the firſt made by way of encouragement, the ſecond by way of Reward: Sir Ralph was of the ſecond ſort, and the laſt that ſurvived of that ſort. Knight-Banneret. Queen Elizabeth made him Chancellour of the Dutchy. During his laſt Embaſſie in Scotland, his houſe at Standon in Hertfordſhire was built by his Steward in his abſence, far greater then himſelf deſired, ſo that he never joyed therein; and died ſoon after, Anno 1587, in the 80 year of his Age.

King Henry underſtood two things: 1. A Man: 2. A Diſh of Meat; and was ſeldom deceived in either: For a Man, none more compleat then Sir Ralph, who was at once a moſt exquiſite Writer, and a moſt valiant and experienced Souldier; qualifications that ſeldom meet, (ſo great is the diſtance between the Sword and the Pen, the Coat of Mail and the Gown) yet divided this man and his time; his nights being devoted to contemplation, and his days to action. Little was his Body, but great his Soul; the more vigorous, the more contracted. Quick and clear were his thoughts, ſpeedy and reſolute his performances. It was he that could not endure the ſpending of that time in deſigning one action, which might perform two or that delay in performing two, that might have deſigned twenty. A great Eſtate he got honeſtly and ſpent nobly; knowing that Princes honour them moſt, that have moſt; and the People them onely that employ moſt: A Prince hath more reaſon to fear mony that is ſpent, than that which is hoorded becauſe it is eaſier for Subjects to oppoſe a Prince by Applauſe then by Armies. Reward (ſaid Sin Ralph when he was offered a ſum of money) ſhould not empty the Kings Coffers; neither ſhould Riches he the Pay of Worth, which are meerly the Wages of Labour: He that gives it, embaſeth a Man; he that takes it, vilifieth himſelf: who is ſo moſt Rewarded, is leaſt. Since Honour hath loſt the Value of a Reward, Men have loſt the Merit of Vertue, and both become mercenary; Men luſting rather after the Wealth that buyeth, then after the Qualities that deſerve it.

Two things he obſerved broke Treaties; Jealouſie, when Princes are ſucceſsful; and Fear, when they are unfortunate. Power that hath need of none, makes all confederacies, either when it is felt, or when it is feared, or when it is envied.

Three things Cato repented of: 1. That he went by water when he might go by land. 2. That he truſted a Woman with a ſecret. 3. That he loſt Time. Two things Sir Ralph relented for: 1. That he had communicated a ſecret to two. 2. That he had loſt any hour of the morning, between four a clock and ten.

He learned in King Henry the Eighth's time, as Cromwel's Inſtrument, what he muſt adviſe (in point of Religion) in Queen Elizabeth's time, as an emiment Counſellour: His Maxime being this, That Zeal was the Duty of a private Breſt, and Moderation the Intereſt of a publick State. The Proteſtants Sir Ralph's Conſcience would have in the commencement of Queen Elizabeth, kept in hope; the Papiſts his Prudence would not have caſt into Deſpair. It was a Maxime at that time in That of the Queens Marriage. another caſe, That France ſhould not preſume, nor Spain be deſperate.

He ſaw the Intereſt of this State altered ſix times, and died an honeſt Man: The Crown put upon four Heads, yet he continued a Faithful Subject: Religion changed, as to the publick conſtitution of it, five times, yet he kept the Faith.

A Spartan one day boaſted that his Countrey-men had been often buried in Athens; The Athenian replied, But we are moſt of us buried at home. So great was Sir Ralph's ſucceſs in the Northern Wars, that many a Scotch man found his Grave in England; ſo exact his conduct and warineſs, that few Engliſh men had theirs in Scotland; the ſame ground giving them their Coffin, that did their Cradle; and their Birth that did their Death. Our Knights two incomparable Qualities were Diſcipline and Intelligence; the laſt diſcovered him all the Enemies advantages, and the firſt gave them none.

His two main deſigns were, 1. An Intereſt in hi 〈…〉 Prince, by ſervice. 2. An Alliance with the Nobility by Marriage: upon which two Bottoms he raiſed himſelf to that pitch of Honour and Eſtate, that time could not wear out, nor any alterations embezle; he bequeathing to his Worſhipful Poſterity the bleſſing of Heaven upon his Integrity; the lov 〈…〉 of Mankinde for his Worth; and (as Mr. Full 〈…〉 ſaith) a Pardon granted him when he attended my Lord Cromwel at Rome, for the ſins of his Family for three immediate Generations, (expiring 〈…〉 R. Sadler Eſquire, lately dead.) His laſt Negotiation was that in Scotland, during the trouble there about Queen Mary: ſo ſearching and pier 〈…〉 cing he was, that no Letter or Adviſo paſſed whereof he had not a Copy; ſo civil and obliging that there was no Party that had not a Kindneſs for him. So grave and ſolid, that he was preſent at all counſels; ſo cloſe and induſtrious, that his hand though unſeen was in every motion of that State 〈…〉 and ſo ſucceſsful, that he left the Nobility ſo divided that they could not deſign any thing upon the King 〈…〉 and the King ſo weak, that he could not caſt off the Queen; and all ſo tottering, that they muſt depend on Queen Elizabeth.

Three things he bequeathed ſuch as may have the honour to ſucced him, 1. All Letters that concerned him ſince of years, filed: 2. All Occurrences, ſince he was capable of Obſervation, regiſtered 〈…〉 3. All Expences, ſince he lived of himſelf, booked 〈…〉 Epaminondas was the laſt Grecian, and Sir Ralph Sadler was one of the laſt Engliſh men.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Paget.

SIr William Paget was born in the City of London, of honeſt Parents. He was ſo able and truſty a Miniſter of State, that he was privy Counſellour to four ſucceſſive Princes: He was Secretary to King Henry the Eighth; who employed him Embaſſador to Charles the Emperour and Francis King of France. King Edward the Sixth made him Chancellour of the Dutchy, Comptroller of his Houſhold, and created him Baron of Beaudefert. Queen Mary made him Keeper of the Privy-Seal. Queen Elizabeth highly reſpected him, diſpencing with his Attendance at Court, in favour to his great Age. Duke Dudley in the days of King Edward, ignominiouſly took from him the Garter of the Order, ſaying, He was not Originally qualified for the ſame: But this was reſtored unto him by Queen Mary. He died very old, Anno 1563. and was buried in Lichfield. His Education was better then his Birth, his Knowledge higher then his Education: His Parts above his Knowledge, and his Experience beyond his Parts: A general Learning furniſhed him for Travel, and Travel ſeaſoned that Learning for Employment. His Maſter-piece was an inward Obſervation of other Men, and an exact knowledge of Himſelf. His Addreſs was with ſtate, yet inſinuating: His Diſcourſe free, but weighed; his apprehenſion quick, but ſtaid: His ready and preſent mind keeping its pauſes of thoughts and expreſſions even with the occaſion and the emergency: neither was his carriage more ſtiff and uncompliant, then his ſoul. Gundamore could not fit King James ſo well as Sir William did Charles the Fifth, who in a rapture once cried, He deſerved to B E a King, as well as to REPRESENT One: and one day as he came to Court, Yonder is the Man I can deny nothing to.

Apollonius coming to Veſpatian's Gate betimes in the morning, and finding him up, ſaid, Surely this man will be Emperour, he is up ſo early. This Stateſman muſt needs be eminent, who was up 〈…〉 the earlieſt of all the Engliſh Agents in diſcovering Affairs, and lateſt in following thoſe Diſcoveries. Three ſorts of Embaſſadors the Emperour Charles obſerved were ſent him from England 〈…〉 the firſt was Wolſey, whoſe great Train promiſed much, as his great Deſign did nothing: The ſecond was Moriſin, who promiſed and did much: The third Paget, who promiſed nothing, and did all 〈…〉 What Scholars obſerved then of Luther, Melancthon, Caroloſtadius. three Divines 〈…〉 that a Stateſman hath ſet down of our three Agents: the firſt was words without matter; the ſecond was matter without words; the third was words and matter. Quick and regular were hi 〈…〉 Diſpatches when Secretary, pleaſing all with his proceedings, even when he could not but diſpleaſe many with his Deciſion. It was much none went away ever ſad from Auguſtus an Emperour, it was more none was diſmiſſed ever in diſcontent from Sir William Paget a Secretary of State. The King was not happier in his abilities to ſerve him, then he was i 〈…〉 their dexterity who waited upon him: Theſe are my eyes, (ſaith the diſcreet man) theſe are my right hands. For his ſervice he would chuſe a Man before a Scholar, a Traveller before a Home-bred: Parts he preſerred in his Office, a Preſence in his Chamber; Parts and Preſence in his Cloſet.

Beecber was King Henry the Eighth his Map of England, (ſo well skilled he was in our Engliſh Cuſtoms, Trade, Improvements, Situation, Intereſt and Inclination) Paget was his Table of Germany, France, and Rome, ſo exact an account could he give of their Situation, Havens, Forts, Paſſages, Proviſion, Policies, Revenue and Strength: ſecured he was, in King Henry's changeable times, by his forraign Travels and Employments. Eſcape he did King Edward's Reformation, by his Moderation and peaceableneſs: He complied with Queen Mary's Zeal, out of conſcience; and ſubmitted to Queen Elizabeth's Authority, out of Duty and Allegiance: being one of thoſe moderate men that looked upon the Proteſtants primitive Foundations of The Creed, The Lords Prayer, and the Commandments. Faith, Duty and Devotion, as ſafe; and on the Papiſts ſuperſtructures, as not damnable: Whoſe Life was Grotius and 〈…〉 ſſander's Wiſh, An Accommodation to the Chriſtian World. Privacy is the Favourites Intereſt, and concealment his care: Sir William wiſhed for ſucceſs for his Maſters ſake, but diſſembled it for his own: He is the man, that loſeth neither his Privacy nor his Reputation. Quiet was his temper, though noble his reſolution: Troubleſome is a witty man on a ſtage, as a Monkey in a cupboard of glaſs. Placed, ſweet and compoſed is the prudent Man, like an Intelligence in the Heavens, or a god in the World. Up he went, but by juſt degrees; that if down he muſt, he might do ſo with the ſame leaſure and ſafety.

When he had managed the Secrets and Negotiations of Henry the Eighth, with Dexterity and Faithfulneſs; the Lands of King Edward the Sixth, with Skill and Improvement; the Purſes of Queen Mary & Queen Elizabeth, with good Husbandry and Care: When he had lived enough to his Countries, to his Soveraigns, to his Friends, and the Publique Good; he retired to live to Himſelf firſt, and then to his GOD.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Richard Moriſin.

SIr Richard Moriſin born in Eſſex (or in Oxford-ſhire Saith Sir Richard Baker.) was brought up Per celebriora Anglorum Gymnaſia artes excoluit. at Eaton, Cambridge, and Inns of Court. He was ſo skilful in Latine and Greek, and in the Common and Civil Law, that he was often employed Embaſſador by King Henry the VIII, and Edward the VI, unto Charles the Fifth Emperour, and other Princes of Germany; which he diſcharged with all honeſty and ability. After the death of King Edward the VI, he was forced to fly beyond the ſeas; and returning out of Italy, died at Strasburgh, on the 17 of March 1556.

Three things made a compleat man in thoſe days▪ 1. A publick School, where their School-fellows Genius's inſtruct much more then their School-maſters pains; where a man attains at once to Learning, Prudence, and a Spirit: 2. A comprehenſive inſight into Tongues and Sciences; by the firſt whereof they unlocked Men, and by the ſecond, Things:

3. Travel, where they ſaw what they read, and made that a ſolid apprehenſion and obſervation, which was before but a fluid notion and a floating imagination: Our Knight was happy in all Three, but ſo compleat in the laſt, that he had the Vertues and Port of a German, as if he had been a Native of that place; and loathed the Vices, as if he had never ſeen it: Thereby he could get ſo far within that people, that he ſaw all their Intrigues; and be yet ſo reſerved, that they could ſee nothing: The ableſt German Divines guided his conſcience, and the greateſt Stateſmen his Negotiation. He kept under the Emperour by the Princes, the French by the Emperour, and the Pope by them all. So much ſervice did the good Knight to King Henry the Eighth, in his Wife Katharine's Caſe; and ſo much the whole Kingdom, in that of Religion; that he equally fled Queen Mary's wrath, and her Religions Perſecutions. His ſtrong parts ſet off his comprehenſive knowledge; his reſolute ſpirit, his parts; and his preſence and meen, all: King Henry always chuſing an Embaſſador that might repreſent his Perſon as well as his Power: And Sir Richard had his Hogh in Germany, as well as Henry in England.

His knack was his foreſight, which made that an Adviſo in England, which was hardly a known deſign there: ſaying uſually, His Maſter maintained not Embaſſadors ſo much to write Hiſtories as Prophecies. The Trojans ſent to condole with Caeſar for his Son that was dead two year ago; he thanked them, and condoled with them for Hector, that was ſlain as many hundred years. Our Embaſſador in France adviſeth Sir Richard of a Battel fought a Week before, and he in anſwer makes a large diſcourſe of the Battel of Spurs fought many years before; and adds, I and You are not here to tell old ſtories.

Two things, he ſaid, he was troubled with, Envy and Malice; and two Remedies he had againſt them, Patience and Reſolution. Always he wheeled with the firſt Mover, yet he had private motions of his own: Singular, but modeſt: So faithful he was, that he would declare his Opinion; yet ſo wary, that he would not ſtand in it againſt his Prince; knowing, that if he did it out of prudence, he rendered the Princes Ability ſuſpected; if out of his own ſagacity, it blemiſhed his Integrity: Both equal inconveniencies, to intimate the Maſter Unable, or the Servant Corrupt.

When others preſſed for an over-ſtrict Reformation, this Gentleman urged, That Diſtempers in the Body and State are reduced by Phyſicians and Politicians not to what they ſhould be, but to what they can be: Freedom, Moderation and Impartiality are the beſt tempers of Reforming Counſels and Endeavours: What is acted ſingularly, muſt offend more then it pleaſeth; a ſtudy to gratifie ſome men, being a likely way to injure all: The novelty of exceſſive and immoderate undertakings giving not ſo much content to the vulgar of a preſent Age, as the miſchiefs of them give offence to the Generations of • utu • e times.

And Melancthon's diſcourſe to him was to this purpoſe: That the Reformation of hearts ſhould go before that of Churches; and men ſhould try that on their own hearts which they deſign upon the Church: For Deformities within, will ſoon betray the Pretenders of publique Reformation to ſuch private deſigns as muſt needs hinder the publique Good. It would be an eaſie matter for Favourites to reform Kings Palaces (ſaith Malvezzi) if it were not a hard thing to reform their own houſes.

One asked him, Why his Embaſſie tended ſo much more to preſerve his Maſters Dominions, then to augment them? And he replied what is fathered on Henry the Fourth, That Getting is a Chance, but Keeping is a Wit.

After a long reſidence abroad, he thought of an Habitation at home; which he no ſooner began at Caſhobery in Hertfordſhire, but King Edward going out of the World, the good Knight was forced out of his houſe and the Kingdom.

He was the firſt that ſaid, Policy is not the learning of ſome Rules, but the Obſervation of Circumſtances, with a preſent minde in all junctures of affairs; which (he would ſay) was their happineſs onely, that had good memories: For when one ſaid he had ſeen much, heard more, and read moſt: You were (ſaid he) a more compleat man, could you ſay, I remembered as much. Secretary Walſingham would ſay, My Lord, ſtay a little, and we ſhall have done the ſooner: Secretary Cecil ſaid, It ſhall never be ſaid of me, That I will defer till to morrow what I can do to day: And Sir Richard Moriſin, Give me this day, and take the next your ſelf. Noble was his Reſolution, when he ſaid, He ſcorned to take penſions from an Emperour of Germany, ſince an Emperour of Germany took pay of the King of England.

His ſtatute was ſomething tall, and procured him reverence; his temper reſerved, and commanding ſecurity to his perſon and his buſineſs. He that knoweth to ſpeak well, knoweth alſo where he muſt hold his peace, ſaid the old Graecian: Think an hour before you ſpeak, and a day before you promiſe, ſaid this Engliſh-Roman. With Ferdinand the Emperour he prevailed for the Popes aſſiſtance, and with Maximilian for his Maſters againſt the French.

Never was his Maſter Henry ſo high, as to ſet him above treating; nor his Soveraign Edward ſo low, as to make him afraid of War; although he looked upon the way of Treaties, as a retiring from fighting like Beaſts, to arguing like men; whoſe ſtrength ſhould be more in their Underſtandings, then in their Limbs. I have (ſaid a great Prince) greater confidence in my Reaſon then in my Sword; and am ſo reſolved to yeild to the firſt, that I thought neither my ſelf nor others ſhould uſe the ſecond, if once we rightly underſtood one another. It's humane to uſe Reaſon rather than Force, and Chriſtian to ſeek peace and enſue it.

Chriſtian was his Temper, and Religious his carriage; ſo charitable, that he relieved the Confeſſors, as though he had been none himſelf; and ſo conſtant, that he continued his ſufferings, as if there were no other. Much good did his Countenance do the Exiles in the Courts of Forreign Princes; and more his Authority at the Troubles of Frankford, where his Motive to love, was the hatred of the Enemy.

Obſervations on the Life of Doctor Nicholas Wotton.

NIcholas Wotton, ſon to Sir Robert, born at Bockton-malherb in the County of Kent, (a place ſo named, from ſome noxious and malignant herbs growing therein) was bred in Oxon, Doctor of the Civil Laws; and was the firſt Dean • f the two Metropolitan Churches of Ganterbury and York. He was Privy-Counſellour to four ſucceſſive Soveraigns, viz.

〈…〉 ing Henry the VIII. Edward the VI. Queen Mary. Elizabeth.

He was employed thirteen ſeveral times in Emaſſies to Forreign Princes.

Five times to Charles the Fifth Emperour.

Once to Philip his ſon, King of Spain.

Once to Francis the Firſt, King of France.

Once to Mary Queen of Hungary, Governeſs of he Netherlands.

Twice to William Duke of Cleve.

Once to renew the peace between England, France and Scotland, Anno 1540.

Again to the ſame purpoſe at Cambray, Anno 1549.

Once ſent Commiſſioner with others to Edenburgh in Scotland, 1560.

He refuſed the Archbiſhoprick of Canterbury, proferred him in the firſt of Queen Elizabeth. He died January 26. in 1566. being about ſeventy years of Age, and was buried in Canterbury.

Juſtinian reduced the Law of Nations to one Body, and Doctor Wotton comprehended them in one Soul: Publick was his ſpirit, and ſuch his thoughts: That profeſſion that was deſigned for the ſettlement of the worlds commerce, was now confined to a Biſhops Court, a Churchwardens Oath, or a rich mans Will; when this excellent Perſon firſt enlarged it as far as the ſea, in the Caſes of the Admiralty; and as wide as the world, in the Negotiations of Embaſſie. Others were truſted with the Intereſt of Princes, He with that of Nations. He that ſaw him, would think he could deny nothing ſo modeſt Scholar-like his looks! He that heard him would judge he would grant nothing, ſo undeniable his Reaſon! ſo irrefragable his Arguments▪ His ſpeech was as ready as his reſolution was preſent▪ His apprehenſion quick and clear: his method exact: his reading vaſt and indefatigable: his memory (ſtrong as to things, though not to words) tenacious: his elocution copious and flowing. What 〈…〉 Henry Wotton ſaid of ſir Philip Sidney, I may ſay 〈◊〉 Nicholas Wotton, That he was the very meaſure of congruity. What that Counſellour writ to the Frence King in a great ſheet (when he required his Advice) that our Doctor adviſed our Princes in ſeveral Diſcourſes, viz. Madus, A Mean. Sir, (ſaid King Henry to him, now not forty years old) I have ſent a Head by Cromwel, a Purſe by Wolſey, a Sword by Brandon, and I muſt now ſend the Law by You, to treat with my Enemies.

Auguſtus lamented for Varrus his death, becauſe, he ſaid, Now I have none in my Countrey to tell me the truth: With Wotton went off that faithfulneſs that Peaſants have, and Princes want: None more reſolute abroad, none more bold and downright at home. His plain dealing ſaved King Henry ſome Treaſure, King Edward the North, Queen Mary Calice for a while, and Queen Elizabeth her Faith and Crown: A Vertue that made him the Overſeer of moſt Forreign Miniſters Actions abroad, and one of the ſixteen Executors of King Henry's Will and Teſtament at home. Gardiner was ſly and cloſe, but Wotton prudent and wiſe. In the Treaty at Calice there are two things remarkable of our Doctor, 1. That he firſt inſiſted on the peace with France, before that of Scotland: 2. He would ſay, Rather give away Calice, then reſerve a Right in it fifteen years hence: for never was the Intereſt of any Nation ſo conſtant, as to keep a promiſe half ſo many years.

Indeed Sir William Cecil's reach went no further for a Layman, then Doctor Wotton for a Churchman: Therefore they two were pitched upon for the management of the Intrigues and Affairs of Scotland.

Many envied this happy man, but none could be without him, who was the Oracle of both Laws at Councels; who could ſum up the merit of any Cauſe, recollect the circumſtances of any Affair; and ſhew Tables of Trade, Commerce, Situations, Counſels, Revenue, Intereſt, &c. the readieſt and exacteſt any in England.

But all theſe Qualifications muſt die, and he with them: leaving it as his Advice,

Firſt, To Church-men: To underſtand well the Common and Canon-Law, as well as the Divine; by the firſt whereof, they might underſtand their right as by the ſecond, they informed themſelves and others • their duty.

Secondly, To Stateſmen: Travel and Hiſtory.

Thirdly, To Embaſſadors: 1. A good Purſe: 2. A noble and ſober Train: 3. Conſtant correſpondent and obſervation: 4. A happy medley of Debonai • neſs and Complacency, Reſervedneſs and Gravity with the firſt he had taken Princes, and with the l 〈…〉 Stateſmen; the one diſcovers others, while the other conceals you. 5. Reſolution: I made often (ſaid he as if I would fight, when they knew my calling allowe me onely to ſpeak: 6. Civility: That man (ſaid the Prince of Orange) is a great bargain, who is bought with a bare ſalutation.

Fourthly, To Privy-Counſellours: That excellent caution, Always to ſpeak laſt, and be Maſters 〈◊〉 others ſtrength before they diſplayed their own.

This was that rare man that was made for all but ſineſs, ſo dexterous! This was he that was made for all times, ſo complying! This was he who live Doctor of both Laws, and died Doctor of both Goſpels; the Proteſtant, which had the Stateſmans parts of this man; and the Popiſh, who had the Chriſtiat Noah Being called Bifrons Janus, had two faces, becauſe he was a ſon of the old world before the flood, and a father of the ne 〈…〉 one after: Wotton ſure had four faiths, who was Favourite in King Henry's days, of the Counſel is King Edward's, of the Juncto in Queen Mary's, and the Cecil was the firſt. ſecond Stateſman in Queen Elizabeth's.

With theſe two things of this perſon, I ſhall conclude:

1. His refuſal of the Archbiſhoprick of Canterbury, which argued his extraordinary humility of warineſs.

2. His admiſſion of Doctor Parker, as Dean of Canterbury, to that See; which argueth the legality of his calling, there being no circumſtance with any likelihood omitted, by ſo exquiſite a Civilian as Doctor Wotton; or forgotten, by ſo great an Antiquary as Doctor Parker.

Obſervations on the Life of Thomas Wriotheſly, the firſt Earl of Southampton.

THomas Wriotheſly Knight of the Garter, was born in Barbican, Son to William Wriotheſly (deſcended from an Heir general of the antient Family of the Dunſterviles) King of Arms. He was bred in the Univerſity of Cambridge, as it appears by Mr. Aſcam's Letter unto him, writing in the behalf of the Univerſity, when he was Lord Chancellour.

Quamobrem Academia cum omni literarum ratione, ad te unum converſa (cui uni quam univerſis aliis • ſe chariorem intelligit) partim tibi ut alumno ſuo, cum authoritate imperat: partim, ut patrono ſummo, demiſſe & bumiliter ſupplicat, &c.

His Univerſity-Learning prepared him for the Law, and his indefatigable ſtudy of the Law promoted him to the Court; where, for his Honour, he was created Baron of Tichbourn, Jan. 1. 1543. and for his Profit, the next year, May 3. Lord Chancellour; a place he diſcharged with more Applauſe then any before him, and with as much Integrity as any ſince him: Force (he ſaid) awed, b • Juſtice governed the world.

It is given to that Family to be Generous are Reſolute: This incomparable Perſon was under cloud in King Edward's time, for being a rigidly conſcientious Papiſt; and his great Granchild ſuffered in King Charles his time, for being a ſincere honeſt Proteſtant: Yet ſo reverenced was the firſt of this Family by his Adverſaries, that he was made Earl of Southampton; and ſo honoured was the other by his Enemies, that they courted him to the party. Integrity hath a Majeſty in its full, and Glory in its loweſt Eſtate; that is, always feared though not always loved.

No Nobleman underſtood the Roman Religion better then the firſt Earl of Southampton; and non the Proteſtant better then the laſt, the Right Honourable and truly Excellent Thomas Earl of Southampton, and Treaſurer of England.

His Court, he ſaid, gave Law to the Kingdom His conſtant and exact Rules, to the Court; and h • Conſcience guided by the Law of the Kingdom, 〈◊〉 his Rules. Affable and acceptable he was, as More quick and ready, as Wolſey; incorrupt, as Egerton apprehenſive and knowing, as Bacon. Twice were all Caſes depending in Chancery diſpatched; in Sir Thomas Wriotheſley's time, 1538. and in Sir Thomas More's, 1532. Truly did he judge intra Cancellos, deciding Caſes with that Uprightneſs, that he wiſhed a Window to his Actions, yea and his Heart too. King Philip was not at leaſure to hear a poor Womans Cauſe; Then, ſaid ſhe, ceaſe to be King. My Lord over-hearing a ſervant putting off a Petitioner, becauſe his Maſter was not at leaſure, takes him up roundly, and replies, You had as good ſay, I am not at leaſure to be Lord Chancellour. Two things he would not have his ſervants gain by, his Livings and his Decrees; The firſt, he ſaid, were Gods, the ſecond the Kings, (whom every man, he ſaid, ſold, that ſold Juſtice:) To honeſt men, your places, ſaid he, are enough; to Knaves, too much. Every Week he had a Schedule of his own Accounts, and every Month of his Servants. Cato's greateſt Treaſure was his Account-Book of Sicily; and my Lord of Southampton's was his Table of the Chancellours place. A great Eſtate was conferred upon him, which he took not in his own name, to avoid the odium of Sacriledge; as great an Inheritance he bought, but in others names, to eſcape the malice of Envy.

He loved a Biſhop, he ſaid, to ſatisfie his conſcience; a Lawyer, to guide his Judgement; a good Family, to keep up his Intereſt; and an Univerſity, to preſerve his name.

Full of Years and Worth, he died 1550. at Lincoln-place, and was buried at St. Andrews Church in Holborn, where his Poſterity have a Dioceſs for their Pariſh, and a Court for their Habitation.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Fitz-James.

JOhn Fitz-James Knight, was born at Redlinch 〈◊〉 Somerſetſhire, of Right Antient and Wort 〈…〉 Parentage, bred in the ſtudy of our Municip 〈…〉 Laws; wherein he proved ſo great a Proficie 〈…〉 that by King Henry the Eighth he was advanced 〈◊〉 be Chief Juſtice of the Kings Bench. There needs 〈◊〉 more to be ſaid of his Merit, ſave that King He 〈…〉 the Eighth preferred him; who never uſed eith 〈…〉 Dunce or Drone in Church or State, but Men 〈◊〉 Ability and Activity. He ſat thirteen years in 〈◊〉 place, demeaning himſelf ſo, that he lived and di 〈…〉 in the Kings Favour. He ſat one of the Aſſiſta 〈…〉 when Sir Thomas More was arraigned for refu 〈…〉 the Oath of Supremacy, and was ſhrewdly put 〈◊〉 it, to ſave his own Conſcience, and not incur 〈◊〉 Kings Diſpleaſure: For Chancellour Audley, 〈◊〉 preme Judge in that place, (being loth that 〈◊〉 whole burthen of More's condemnation ſho 〈…〉 lie on his ſhoulders alone) openly in the Court a 〈…〉 ed the Advice of the Lord Chief Juſtice Fi 〈…〉 James, Whether the Indictment were ſufficient 〈◊〉 no? To whom our Judge warily returned, 〈…〉 Lords all, by St. Gillian, (which was ever his Oat 〈…〉 I muſt Mr. More in the printted Life of his Grand-father Sir Tho. More, page 334. needs confeſs, That if the Act of Parliam 〈…〉 be not unlawful, then the Indictment is not in my co 〈…〉 ſcience inſufficient.

He died in the Thirtieth Year of King Henry the Eighth; and although now there be none left 〈◊〉 Redlinch of his Name and Family, they flouriſh ſtill at Lewſon in Dorſetſhire, deſcended from Allured Fitz-James brother to this Judge, and to Richard Biſhop of London.

The two main Principles that guide humane Nature (ſaith Judge Dodderidge) are Conſcience and Law: By the former we are obliged in reference to another world, by the latter in relation to this. Prieſts and Judges are the Diſpenſers of theſe Principles: No Prince more unhappy in his Prieſts then King Henry (whoſe unhappineſs it was, that all the juggle, prevarication and impoſture of his time was in the Pulpit,) none more happy in his Judges, (to whoſe Reaſon his People were more willing to ſubmit, then they were to hearken to his Clergy's Inſtruction) among whom none more renowned then Sir John Fiz-James, who was ſo fearful of the very ſhadow & appearance of corruption, that it coſt his chief Clerk his place but for taking a Tankard, after a ſignal Cauſe of 1500 l. a year, wherein he had been ſerviceable, though not as a Bribe, but as a Civility. Caeſar would have his Wife without ſuſpicion of lewdneſs, and Fitz-James his ſervants without the appearance of corruption. What was Law alwayes, was then a Reſolution, Neither to deny, nor defer, nor ſell Juſtice. When our Judge came upon the Bench, he knew no more then Melchiſedech or Levi, Father or Mother, neither Friend nor Intereſt: for when his Couſin urged for a kindeneſs, Come to my Houſe (ſaith the Judge) I will deny you nothing; come to the Kings Court and I muſt do you juſtice? And when the Attorney-General beſpake his favour in a publick Cauſe; Trouble not your ſelf, (ſaid he) I'll do the King right: The King is caſt, the Attorney expoſtulates; the Judge ſatisfieth him, That he could not do his Majeſty Right, if he had not done juſtice.

His Prudence ſo tempered his zeal for his Soveraign, that he over-ſtrained not the Prerogative to bring in fears and jealouſies of Tyranny on the one hand; and his Integrity ſo balanced his Popularity, that he never depreſſed it to broach bold opinions and attempts of Liberty, on the other: complying with none of thoſe humours that an imaginary dread of oppreſſion, or a dangerous preſumption of freedom may tranſport to irregular exceſſes either for the one, or againſt the other.

As his Majeſty was ſecured by his Loyalty, ſo his Subjects were by his Patience, a Vertue he carried with him to the Bench, to attend each circumſtance of an Evidence, each allegation of a Plea, each plea in a Cauſe; hearing what was impertinent, and obſerving what was proper. His uſual ſaying (as Sergeant Mandevil reports it) being, We muſt have two ſouls, as two ſieves, one for the Bran, the other for the flour; the one for the Groſs of a Diſcourſe, the other for the Quinteſſence.

The ſame day that there was no Cauſe to be tried in the Chancery in Sir Tho. More's time, there were but three in the Kings Bench, in Sir John Fitz-James his time: the reaſon whereof ſome imagine was Cardinal Wolſey's extraordinary power (that engroſſed all Cauſes to his Legantine Court;) others know it was the Judges Integrity, who was too honeſt to allow, as that Age was too plain to contrive delays and obſtructions.

Lewis the Eleventh of France would ſay, when he was adviſed to take Revenge of thoſe that had affronted him before he came to the Crown, That it became not the King of France to revenge the Injuries done to the Duke of Orleans. A Perſon that had notoriouſly wronged Sir John when a Templer, in the caſe of his Chamber, was to be tried before him for his whole Eſtate when a Judge; the Adverſaries among other ſhifts made uſe of this old Quarrel; whereupon Sir John ſaid, It doth not become a Judge upon the Bench to revenge a wrong done in his chamber.

Two things upheld him in thoſe boyſterous times: 1. Silence, 2. Patience: both wary Vertues that ſeldom endanger their Owner, or diſpleaſe their Superiours. The People of thoſe times would live and die with the Pope and Councel; and this Judge, with the King and Parliament: The grand Article of his Faith was, I believe as the Church believes: and the great Rule of his Practice was, I will live as the Law directs.

He was a tried Man, whoſe Faith and Honour was above his Life and Fortune; whoſe Generoſity was above that firſt temptation of Money, as his Spirit was above the ſecond of Danger: No fear here of delivering up Priviledges to day, for fear of the King; or Prerogative to morrow, for fear of the Subject: No, an unbiaſs'd Temper between both, make up this honeſt man; who came on to preferment with great Expectations, and went off with great Applauſe: being one of the three men of whom it is ſaid, That becauſe they never pleaſed their Maſter in doing any thing unworthy, they never diſpleaſed him in doing any thing that is juſt. When baſe compliance goeth off with the contempt of thoſe it hath humoured, a Noble Reſolution comes off with the Reverence of thoſe it hath diſcontented.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Molineux,

SIr William Molineux Junior, Deſcendent from from the former That is, from Will. Molineux Knight, of Sefton in Lancaſhire , flouriſhed under King Henry the Eighth, being a man of great command in Lancaſhire; bringing the conſide able ſtrength thereof to the ſeaſonable ſuccour of the Duke of Norfolk, with whom he performed ſignal ſervice in Flodden Field.

It is confeſſed on all ſides that the Scots loſt the day, by not keeping their Ranks, but not agreed on the cauſe thereof. Buchanan (who commonly makes the too much Courage of his Countrymen, the cauſe of their being conquered) imputes it to their indiſcreet purſuing of the Engliſh routed at the firſt: Others ſay, They did not break their Ranks, but were broken, unable to endure the Lancaſhire Archers, and ſo forced to ſunder themſelves. In this Bittel the Scotch King and chiefeſt Gentry were ſlain, the Engliſh loſing ſcarce any; of the Scots ſcarce any but of prime note. The King afward wrote his Gratulatory Letter to Sir William Molineux, in form following.

TRuſty and Well-Beloved, We greet you well: And underſtand as well by the Report of Our Right Truſty Couſin and Counſellour, the Duke of Norfolk, as otherwiſe, what acceptable ſervice You amongſt Others lately did Ʋs by your valiant Towardneſs in the aſſiſting of Our ſaid Couſin againſt Our Enemy, late King of Scots; and how couragiouſly you, as a very hearty loving Servant acquitted your ſelf for the overthrow of the ſaid late King, and diſtreſſing of his Malice and Power, to Our great Honour, and the advancing of your no little Fame and Praiſe; for which We have good cauſe to favour and thank you, and ſo We full heartily do; and aſſured may you be, that We ſhall in ſuch effectual wiſe remember your ſaid Service in any your reaſonable purſuits, as you ſhall have cauſe to think the ſame right well imployed to Our comfor and weal hereafter. Given under Our Signet, at Our Caſtle at Windſor, the ſeven and twentieth of November.

It appears by our Author, that the like Letters, mutatis mutandis, were ſent unto Sir Edward Stanley, and ſome other men of principal note in Lancaſhire and Cheſhire.

There is more in the Education then the Birth (though that be Noble too) of this Gentleman: much Generous Blood ſparkled in his Veins, more Arts and Sciences thronged in his Soul: A learned Prince brought up a learned Gentry, the moſt hopeful of whom think themſelves as much obliged to imitate his Vertues, as the moſt degenerate were inclined to practiſe his Vices. Four excellent Artiſts were at once entertained in his Fathers Houſe: 1. A compleat Grammarian and Linguiſt, Parker: 2. An exact Mathematician and Hiſtorian, Calvius: 3. A skilful Muſitian, Pallevicino; and 4. An active Dancing-maſter and Souldier.

The Latine Tongue then wearing out its Barbariſm, he ſpake and writ elegantly: Cicero's Works he kenned particularly: Plutarch's Lives and Morrals (that Book which, as Gaza ſaid, would furniſh the World, if Learning were loſt) he epitomized punctually: The active and practical part of Geometry, he ſtudied intently. And, as the complaiſance of his Nature, and ſweetneſs of his Temper, he added to theſe ſeverer ſtudies, thoſe more airy of Muſick, Poetry and Heraldry.

Si ad naturam eximium cruditio acceſſerit tum demum Cic. pro Archiâ Poetâ ſingulare quoddam exiſtere ſolet. This Noble Nature advanced by this Heroick Education, muſt needs do Wonders, as it did: firſt, In the Univerſity: where his Company was choice, his Carriage even and ſtaid, his time exactly obſerved and prudently ſpent: ſecondly, abroad: where his Converſe was wary, his Conduct Noble and Plauſible, his obſervations and exerciſes manlike and knowing: thirdly, at Court: where his preſence was graceful, his diſcourſe ſolid, digeſted, diſtinct and clear; much improved by reading, more by travelling, moſt by conference with thoſe that ſpeak well: fourthly, in the Country: where his Hoſpitality was renowned, his Equity and Prudence beloved, and his Intereſt large and commanding. None pleaſed the King at Court more, ſuch his Learning to ſatisfie him, ſuch his Debonairneſs to delight him; (for, as Cardinal Wolſey, ſo Sir William Molineux got in with King Henry the Eighth by a Diſcourſe out of Aquinas in the morning, and a Dance at night:) None ſerved him better in the Country; ſuch his obligations upon Tenants and Neighbours, that he had ſix thouſand men at command: ſuch his prudence and juſtice, that there were more differences ended in his Parlour, then in Weſtminſter-Hall: ſuch his care and watchfulneſs, that no Treaſon ſtirred, but his Agents diſcovered, and his Militia was at an hours warning to ſuppreſs it: The Idea of an Engliſh Gentleman! In Favour at Court! In Repute in the Country! At once Loved and Feared!

Four things he took ſpecial care of: 1. That the Poor might have their ſtated Alms. 2. That the Prieſts might enjoy their known Dues. And 3. That his Tenant might be ſo well uſed, that he might thrive; and but ſo well, that he ſhould not be idle. 4. That every Body ſhould be employed: ſaying, He had rather they ſhould be buſie, though doing nothing to the purpoſe, at the charge of his Purſe; then that they ſhould be idle, doing nothing at all, at the charge of their own pretious time. In a world, he lived in all Capacities a publick Good, and died a common Loſs: Leaving in his Family that beſt Legacie, A good Example; and his Country that laſting Monument, A good Name, for two things that he hated; 1. Depopulating Incloſures: 2. Unworthy Inhancements of Rents: For he died with this Advice to his Son, Let the Ʋnderwoods grow. The Tenants are the ſupports of a Family, and the Commonalty are the ſtrength of the Kingdom. Improve thriftily, but force not violently either your Bounds or Rents above your fore-Fathers. His Popularity never failed of being called to the Parliament, nor his Activity of being uſeful there: None underſtood better how to move, to preſs, to quit, to divert, to eſcape, to watch and mould a buſineſs: None knew better the confederacie of Contrivers, Speakers, Sticklers, Dividers, Moderators, and the I and No-Men, their Method and Correſpondence: None more patient and induſtrious, when a lower Faction was firmer in conjunction, and a few that were ſtiff, tired out many more moderate: He had no eaſineſs to be impoſed upon, no weakneſs to be deluded no low Intereſt to be corrupted by fond hopes or fair promiſes of Preferment, to wave the very pinch of a diſpute; no pleaſure or vanity to be debauched, while the vigilant Faction ſteals a Vote worth a Kingdom; no ſloath nor neglect, to be ſurprized; no vanity of diſcourſe, to loſe his Maſter, no partiality to be biaſſed, no diſcontent to ſatisfie, no paſſion to miſguide: As one that hated nothing, but what was Diſhoneſt; feared nothing, but what was Ignoble; and loved nothing, but was Juſt and Honourable.

Obſervations on the Life of William Fitz-Williams.

HIs Judgement in Parliament brought him to the notice, and his Activity in the Wars recommended him to the ſervice of King Henry. The Biſhops pleaded for the Catholique Religion, the People for a Reformation; Sir William offered his Opinion for a mean between both; That ſince it was unreaſonable to tie up Mankind in blind obedience one toward another, and impoſſible to run through all Difficulties and Controverſies our own ſelves, (ſo much Time and Money muſt be ſpent in ſuch an Undertaking, ſo many Languages learned, ſo many Authors read, ſo many Ages looked into, ſo many Faiths examined, ſo many Expoſitors conferred, ſo many Contradictions reconciled, ſo many Countries travelled, for any conſiderable ſatisfaction) to believe all, is inconſiſtent; to neglect all, is impious: There remains no other way for the Laicks, but to recollect and ſtick to the moſt Common, Authentick and Univerſal Truths, tending to Vertue and Godlineſs; apart from what is doubtful and controverted, and tending onely to ſtrife and perplexity; and by theſe to live our ſelves, and examine all other pretenſions whatever; there being no part of Religion but what hath Vertue and Grace as its Foundation and Deſign: A way that would keep men from Atheiſm, under a ſence of Religion; from endleſs controverſies, in the ſolid practice of Vertue; from fatal Diviſions, in peace and concord. Let us (ſaid he) eſtabliſh and fix theſe Catholique and Univerſal Notions, and they will ſettle our Souls, and not hinder us to believe whatſoever is faithfully taught by the Church, or ſubmit to what is authoritatively enjoyned by the State. So that whether the Eaſtern, Weſtern, Northern or Southern Teachers, &c. and particularly whether my Lord of Rocheſter, or Luther, &c. be in the Right, we Laicks may ſo build upon thoſe Catholick and infa • lible Grounds of Religion, as whatſoever ſuperſtructures of Faith be raiſed, theſe Foundations may ſupport them.

This Diſcourſe opened a Door to the Refor • ation intended, and ſhut out all thoſe prejudi • es it might lie under from the State, and Religion 〈…〉 f Fore-fathers, &c.

Hereupon Sir William is invited to Court; and then the air and ſoftneſs of that place ſuited not his more ſevere and ſtirring Temper, he is promoted to • Authority firſt by Land, and then by Sea; where • none was more watchful in the Wars between Us and France, none ſo active in thoſe between Us and Scotland: With thirty ſix Ships he gave Law to the narrow Seas, as Poynz with forty more did to the Main: There was not a ſerviceable man belonging to him, but he knew by name; not a Week but he paid his Navy; not a Prize but his Souldiers ſhare • in as well as himſelf: It being his Rule, That now fought well, but thoſe that did it for a fortune.

While he watched the Coaſt of France, he diſcovered twelve French Ships, in which the Archbiſhop of Glaſco, and divers others of Quality were, (who 〈…〉 the Duke of Albany had ſent before him into Scotland;) theſe he chaſed to a ſhipwrack: and leaving a Squadron to ſhut up the French Heaven • went along the French Coaſts, landing in dive • places, waſting the Countrey, till at laſt he came 〈◊〉 Treport, a Town ſtrongly ſituated, and gariſon • with three thouſand men, which yet he took; an • finding it not his Intereſt to dwell there, pill • ged and burned it, going off with Succeſs an • Glory: Inſomuch that King Henry joyned hi • with the Biſhop of Bath in the Commiſſion for th • Treaty at Paris, where ſuch Articles were agree • on touching a Marriage with the Princeſs Mary, an • the joynt Embaſſie to the Emperour, as ſpake S 〈…〉 William as well ſeen in the ſtate of Europe, as any particular Perſon in the ſeven Kingdoms of it whereof one was, That they ſhould unite by all 〈◊〉 Ties of Alliance, Friendſhip and Intereſt, againſt the growing Power of Auſtria, ſo far as that there ſhould be no League, Correſpondence, War or Peace, wherein they both ſhould not be concerned.

From his forreign Negotiations he returns to his home-Services: and the next view we have of him • s in the Parliament, bringing up with Sir Anthony Fitz-Herbert, a Bill againſt the Cardinal:

1. For encroaching upon his Soveraigns power by his Legantine Authority.

2. For treating between the Pope and the King of France, without his Maſters privity and conſent; as likewiſe between Himſelf and the Duke of Fer • ara.

3. For joyning Himſelf with his Majeſty; ſaying, The King and I.

4. For ſwearing his Houſhold-ſervants onely to himſelf.

5. For ſpeaking with the King, when infected with the pox, pretending it was onely an Impoſt • ume.

6. For giving by prevention divers Benefices away, • s Legate.

7. For receiving Embaſſadors before they came to the King: As alſo for opening all the Kings Letters, and taking an account of all Eſpials, concealing what he pleaſed.

8. For carrying things with an high hand in the Privy Council.

9. For tranſporting Grain, and ſending advertiſements of the Kings Affairs abroad.

10. For taxing or alienating Religious mens lands, to the great decay of hoſpitality and charity.

11. For controuling the Nobility, and engroſſing all Cauſes in his Juriſdiction.

12. For taking all Ordinarie Juriſdiction from them by prevention, and ſeizing their Eſtates, as he did all other Eccleſiaſtical perſons upon their death.

13. For perſwading the Pope by indirect practices to ſuppreſs Monaſteries.

14. For paſſing judgements without hearing, and reverſing ſuch judgements as had duely paſſed.

15. For ſuſpending the Popes pardons until he was fee'd.

16. For turning out his old Tenants.

17. For his general encroachments upon the Rights of Religious Houſes, and the encroachments of Courts of Juſtice.

18. For ſaying to the Pope, in order to the obtaining of a Legantine power, to the indelible ſhame of the Church of England, That the Clergy of England were given in reprobum ſenſum.

19. For embezling the Goods of the moſt wealthy Prelates that died in his time.

20. For bringing off his ſervants from the Law againſt extortion, at York.

21. For dividing the Nobility.

22. For keeping as great ſtate at Court, and exerciſing as great authority in the Country for purveyance, &c. as the King.

23. For forbidding petitions and purveyances within his Juriſdictions.

24. For engroſſing all Copy-holds within his power, to his Lemans, Procurers, &c.

25. For altering the Market-prices ſet under His Majeſties Hand and Seal.

26. For impreſſing his Hat under the Kings Crown, in the Coyn at York.

27. For Hindering the due courſe intended by viſiting the Ʋniverſities to ſuppreſs hereſies.

28. For diſpoſing of mens Eſtates and Proprieties at his pleaſure.

This Bill was aggravated moſt effectually, by three moſt pinching conſiderations: Viz. That the Kings Honour was by him diminiſhed: That the ſtate of the Realm was by him decayed and diſcontented: That the courſe of Juſtice was by him obſtructed. A great Undertaking, this! To bring down this lofty Prelate! (whom his Maſter created the When Cardinal. Kings Fellow, and his own pride made his Superiour) But as Wiſe as Great, if we regard the five Politick circumſtances:

1. The Queen was engaged.

2. The People were oppreſſed.

3. The King was needy and covetous.

4. The Nobility were kept under.

5. The Clergy were harraſſed: And all by this proud man: And at that juncture is he convened before the Parliament, and charged home by this excellent Knight, who never left him till he was humbled, as Juſtice Fitz-Herbert did not his ſervants, until they were reformed.

Neither did the Pope eſcape him abroad, better then the Cardinal at home: For his next action we finde is a Declaration drawn by him, Jo. Fitz-Warren, Tho. Audley and Others, to Pope Clement the Seventh, expoſtulating his Delays, and conjuring his Diſpatch in the Buſineſs of the Kings Marriage.

Very ſerviceable he was to his Maſter in time of Peace, more in time of War; and particularly at the Inſurrection 1536. where he cut off the Rebels Paſſes, diſtreſſed their Arms, and when they refuſed 〈◊〉 Treaty but upon condition that Aſhe their Leader was pledged, adviſed an engagement with them out of hand; ſaying, No Engliſh man ſhould be undervalued ſo far as to be an Hoſtage for a Villain: and adding further (ſo good was his Intelligence) That if they were not defeated ſpeedily, the Scots and Germans would diſcover that they had but too much hand • in this plot.

For which his ſervices, his Maſter raiſed him to the Admiralſhip of England, and the Earldom of Southampton; in which Quality he was one of the three Noblemen that managed the Buſineſs of Divorce between the King and Anne of Cleve, with that applanſe that made him Lord Privy-Seal, Nov. 14. Anno 1541. and the grand Examinant of the particulars in the Lady Katharin Howard's Caſe, matter of great truſt and ſecrecy; which he performed with a ſearching and deep Judgement, beyond that Ladies fear, and the Kings expectation; as appears from the exact Account given under Sir Tho. Audley and his own hands, touching that matter.

Having provided for the Kings Safety at Home he is One of Four that treat for his Intereſt Abroad I mean upon the Borders of Scotland; where our excellent Perſons dexterity was obſerved, in gaining that time by various Propoſals for Peace, tha • ſerved his Maſter to provide againſt the War; in the beginning whereof, the brave Lord died 〈◊〉 York: ſo much eſteemed, that for the Honour of his Memory his Standard was born in the Fore-ward all this Expedition. A Perſon in whom Prudence was even with Activity, Reſolution with Prudence 〈◊〉 Succeſs with Reſolution, Moderation with Succeſs Honour and Favour with All.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Darcy.

SIr Thomas Darcy was one of King Henry the Eighth's firſt Counſellours, ſo advanced (as moſt of his Fellows) not for Affection, but Intereſt; owing his Promotion to his own ſufficiency, rather then his Maſters favour. His Counſel was weighty at Home, his Aſſiſtance neceſſary Abroad; where in behalf of Pope Julius the ſecond and the Emperour, he did more with 1500 Archers in a year for the ballancing of Europe, then had been done before in an Age.

No Employment ſo dangerous at that time as that of the Warden of the Weſt Marches of Scotland, none ſo able for that Employment as my Lord, who was equally knowing and ſtout, and at once moſt feared, and moſt loved.

The Earl of Shrewsbury made ſome Inroads into Scotland, the Lord Darcy ſeconds him: But being ſurprized by the Duke of Albany's preparations, he had as much Wit to make Peace, as he had Reſolution to carry on the War. None knew better when to yeild, none better when to conquer; ſo great a command had he over himſelf! ſo great over the Enemy, that he brought them to requeſt his Wiſh, and offer what was his Intereſt! With the Duke of Surrey's aſſiſtance by Land, and Fitz-Williams his by Sea, he reduced that Nation to a good Inteligence with Us that year, and a Peace the next; a Peace (as he obſerved) that would be no longer kept, then we had a Sword in our Hands, and an Army on their Borders: For Conſcience guided other parts of the World, (he ſaid) and Fear Scotland: Whence he invaded them duely once a year.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Howard.

SIr Edward's Brother in Worth, as well as Blood: His Fathers Intereſt ſet him up, and his own Induſtry kept him ſo: All the Children were brought up for Sea-Services, this Gentleman for Sea-Commands. He immediately ſucceeds his younger Brother in the Admiralty; and wiſely conſidering the advantage of the French Gallies in a calm, the number of their ſhips, the danger of their windes for us, if they blew Southweſt, deſired of the King ſo many Souldiers a • might man the ſhips, and make good the landing, wherewith he ſcoured the ſeas, and ſecured the Kings paſſage, with ſo much Honour, that he was able to aſſiſt his Father at Court, as much as Wel 〈…〉 did Fox: his Gallantry being no leſs pleaſing to his Maſter, then the other young Favourites Compliance; and both theſe young men had no leſs Art to govern this Prince, then he had to govern his Kingdom: Theſe Arts, which all other Favourites uſe, being Hopes and Fears, which as Doors and Paſſages to the heart, are ſo guarded by their vigilancy, that they can both let themſelves in, and keep all others out: the two Ends upon which the Thread of Government depends: His Father is made Duke of Norfolk, and he Earl of Surrey; both are an eye-ſore to the Cardinal, whoſe Fortune had no Superior in the Kings Favour, whoſe Ambition would endure no Equal. The Old Mans years and cares are fitted with a Retirement in the Country; the Young Mans ambition and activity, with a Government in Ireland, which he reduced as ſpeedily to obedience (notwithſtanding Deſmond's Rebellion) as he had to civility, had it not been for Wolſey's Underminings, who endured no publick ſervice but what he did himſelf; and would chuſe rather that the Kingdom ſhould periſh by a Traytor, then be ſaved by a Nobleman. Beloved he was by that Countrey (where he left a Peace and a Parliament, Anno 1521.) ſo that they were loth to part with him: Wanted he was by the King, to ſcour the narrow ſeas for the French War; ſo that he muſt have him. The King had made him formerly His Admiral, the Emperour upon his return from England makes him his; and with both their Commiſſions he lands in Normandy, waſtes the adjacent Countries, (ſparing onely Religious Houſes) takes and ſacks Morlais in Bretaign (which he entered under the ſmoak) burns their ſhips, commands the ſea, and ſets the Emperour ſafe in Spain; adviſing his Majeſty from thence to make a general Muſter of his Subjects for his own ſatisfaction and others terrour, March 27, 1522. The troubles in Scotland required an able Head and a ſtout Heart, two Endowments that no man was more Maſter of then the Earl of Surrey, now Duke of Norfolk (upon his beloved Fathers deceaſe) whoſe Prudence toyled the Scots to deliver up their King, as his Proweſs frighted them to yeild up themſelves, as they did in that moſt exquiſite Treaty, where the Earl of Worceſter beat the Buſh, ſaith my noble Author, and our Duke catched the Hare.

A while after he is Earl Marſhal, and Embaſſador to King Francis about thoſe two grand points:

1. That the French King ſhould ſet up a Patriarch: 2. That he ſhould ſtop up all the payments made to Rome, with fair promiſes of that ſupply of men and money he then moſt wanted.

When the Pope ſtuck to Queen Katharine, three things he adviſed the King to:

1. To teach the people that a general Council was above the Pope, and proclaim that he did appeal to it.

2. To fix upon every Church-Door the Dowagers Appeal to Rome, and the late Statute againſt it.

3. To conſederate with the Kings of Hungary and Poland, the Eſtates of the Empire and the Hanſe Towns. Three things that would ſettle his People at home, and ſtrengthen his Intereſt abroad: To which he added the Statute of Succeſſion, the Oath of Supremacy, ſir William Howard's Embaſſy to the Scotch King, the ſuppreſſion of Religious Houſes, the War in Ireland under ſir William Sheffington, and a thorow ſearch into the bottom of the Rebellion in the North, by a connivance and delay.

But all his ſervices could not quit him from ſuſpicion, nor his popularity from envy: The Lord Darcy accuſeth him to excuſe himſelf, and Cromwel ſeconds him to ſecure himſelf: and (as unhappineſſes follow one another in the ſame order as one wave floweth after another) his Nieces miſcarriages threatned his fall; but that the honeſt man (as appears from a Letter the whole Council ſent to ſir William Paget then reſident in France) was the firſt that declared againſt her, and put the King upon the moſt ſafe and honourable ways of trying her; which ſatisfied his Majeſty ſo far, that he employed him as chief in the Treaty upon the Borders, and General in the War when that Treaty failed; Sir Anthony Brown, upon his Recommendation, being added to the Commiſſioners in Scotland, and to the Privy-Council in England, as Maſter of the Kings Horſe, as Sir John Gages was Comptroller of his Houſe.

Several Perſons came to London for a Reward of their Scotch ſervices; this Duke gave the King a wary and grave counſel, to beſtow upon them as much Land as they could win in Scotland.

But Greatneſs is fatal: The King is old and teſty, the Government diſordered and irregular, the Duke too ſtifly honeſt to comply, the Council envy him; and in this Juncture his Wives paſſion diſcovereth his Minions, and they, to ſave themſelves, his privacies and ſecrets: His ſon, a man of a deep underſtanding, of a ſharp wit and great valour, bred up with Henry-Fitzroy at Windſor, and afterwards at Paris, was beheaded before his face. His Favourite Mrs. Holland depoſed, That he ſaid many looked for the Protectorſhip (when the King, who lived and moved by Engines and Art, rather then by Nature, ſhould die) but he would carry it: That the King did not love him becauſe he was loved by his Country; but he would follow his Fathers Leſſon, which was, That the leſs others ſet by him, the more he would ſet by himſelf: That he had a Daughter for the King as well as others, &c. His Eſtate was great, his power greater; the Kings occaſions had ſwallowed up the one, and his Enemies ambition the other, notwithſtanding his humble ſubmiſſion before the Council, and his many ſervices to the King; had not his Majeſties death ſaved his Life.

As the deepeſt Hate is that which ſprings from violent Love, ſo the greateſt Diſcourteſies oft ariſe from the largeſt Favours. It is indiſcreet to oppreſs any, dangerous a Prince with Kindeneſſes; which being Fetters, are Treaſon on that Perſon: But Suſpicion! Ah ſad Suſpicion! The Companion of the Weak or Guilty! The Cloud of the Minde! The Forfeiture of Friends! The check of Buſineſs! Thou that diſpoſeſt Kings to Tyranny! Husbands to Jealouſie! Wiſe men to Irreſolution and Melancholy! Truſt, and you need never ſuſpect: But Policy and Friendſhip are incompatible, I ſee; where Norfolk begs that Life from the Block at laſt, which he had ventured two and thirty times for his Soveraign. Who knows the Cares that go to Bed with Stateſmen! Enemies Abroad, Treacheries at Home, Emulations of Neighbours, Diſſatisfaction of Friends; Jealouſies of moſt, Fear of all: unwelcome Inventions to palliate unjuſt Courſes: fears of Miſcarriage and Diſgrace; with Projects of Honour and Plauſibility, with reſtleſs thoughts how to diſcover, prevent, conceal, accommodate the Adverſaries, or his own Affairs. Let us live, and love, and ſay, God help poor Kings!

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edward Stanley.

THe Stanley's ſervice to Henry the ſeventh, was a ſufficient pledge of their faithfulneſs to Henry the eighth. Honour floated in Sir Edward's blood, and Valour danced in his ſpirits: His ſtirring childhood brought him to Henry the eighth's company, and his active manhood to his ſervice. The Camp was his School, and his Learning was a Pike and Sword; therefore his Maſters Greeting to him was when they met, Hob, my Souldier! In many places did he ſhew himſelf, but no where more then at Flodden, where his Archers fetched down the Scots from their faſtneſs, and relieved the Engliſh from their diſtreſs; the Earl of Surrey beginning the Conqueſt, and Sir Edward crowning it: for which the King immediately ſet him high in his favour, and not long after, as high in the world, being made Baron Stanley, and Lord Mounteagle. Twice did he and Sir John Wallop land with onely 800 men in the heart of France, and four times did he and Sir Tho. Lovell ſave Callis; the firſt time, by intelligence; the ſecond, by a ſtratagem; the third, by valour and reſolution; and the fourth, by hardſhip, patience and induſtry.

In the dangerous inſurrection by Aſhe and Captain Cobler, his Zeal for the States welfare was above ſcruples, and his Army was with him before his Commiſſion: for which dangerous piece of Loyalty, he asked pardon, and received thanks. Two things he did towards the diſcomfiture of the Rebels, (whoſe skill in Arms exceeded his Followers, as much as his policy did their Leaders) firſt, he cut off their proviſions, and then ſecondly, ſowed ſedition among them, whilſt his Majeſty gained time by pretended Treaties to be even with them, drawing off the moſt eminent of the factions every day, and confounding the reſt.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Bolen.

THe City enriched this Family, their Parts raiſed them: His Activity was as taking with King Henry, as his Daughters Beauty. He was the Picklock of Princes: upon his word onely would the King model his Deſignes, and upon his alter them. He diſcovered Ferdinand's underhand-treaty with Lewis, and his Deſigne upon Navarre; and writ to his Maſter to preſs the ambiguous man to a concluſion, and to ſend over ſome treaſure: for, ſaid he, the whole World is now to be ſold; adding, the neceſſity of a peace, or at leaſt a truce with Scotland. Sir Tho. Bolen was againſt the Kings going to France in perſon before he had ſome more iſſue, or One of the houſe of York. Edmund de la Pool were diſpatched out of the way. Sir Tho. Howard was for it, it being dangerous to entruſt ſo Noble an Army, or ſo renowned an Action with any ſubject, eſpecially when Maximilian the Emperour offered to ſerve under his Majeſty as Lieutenant, and the Pope to attend him as Chaplain. There is nothing more remarkable of Sir Thomas Bolen, then, 1. The Education of his Children; his eldeſt ſon being bred at the Emperours Court, his youngeſt with the Pope at Rome, and his Daughter with Q. Mary in France. 2. His Negotiation with the Lord St. Johns in Germany, where he over-reached the Emperour no leſs then the Earl of Worceſter did the French King: ſo cunningly binding him, that he underſtood nothing of our Affairs; and yet ſo narrowly ſifting him, that we knew all his Intrigues. Viſible was all the world to our State then, and inviſible our State to all the world.

From Germany he is ſent with Richard Sampſon, D. H. to Spain, to ſet Charles as forward againſt the French, as he had done Maximilian. His ſervice advanced him to the honour of a Barony and a He is made Viſcount Rochford. Viſcountſhip, and the profit of the Treaſureſhip of the Houſhold; and his ſucceſs upon the Malecontent Duke of Bourbon by Sir Jo. Ruſſel, who treated with him in Diſguiſe, ſet him as high in the Kings favour, as his Wife was; a vertuous Lady, that was the Kings Friend, but not his Miſtreſs; his delight, and not his ſin.

In Spain ſo earneſtly did our Sir Thomas mediate for the delivering up of the French Hoſtages, that (as Sandoval ſaith) Charles proteſted to him, that for his ſake onely he would relinquiſh his Demand for the reſtitution of Burgundy, in which the difficulty of the peace conſiſted: adding further, That for the ſame reaſon he would accept as well for Francis his two ſons ranſome, as his charge, what was freely offered, viz. 2000000 Crowns: and he with Sir Robert Poyntz make up that treaty, the great Arbitrators of Europe! at whoſe diſpoſal Kings ſet their Crowns, and Kingdomes their Peace; in whoſe breaſt fate the fate of Chriſtendome, by their voices to ſtand or fall.

As faithful is he to the King at home, though to his own prejudice, as he is ſerviceable abroad, to his honour: for when the people talked oddly out of envy to his Daughter, (now viſibly in favour) and pity to Queen Katharine, Sir Thomas adviſeth his Majeſty to forbid his Daughter the Court, and declare that thoſe proceedings were more to ſatiſfie his Conſcience, and ſecure Succeſſion, then to gratifie any other more private reſpect: ſo far to his Daughters diſcontent, that ſhe would not come near the King until her Father was commanded (not without threats) to bring her thither; who by repreſenting the common danger to them both, obtained at length (ſaith my Lord Herbert) though not without much difficulty, the conſent of his unwilling Daughter to return: where yet ſhe kept that diſtance, that the King might eaſily perceive how ſenſible ſhe was of her late diſmiſſion. Sir Thomas would have married her to the Lord Percy, but the King and Cardinal forbad it; deterring old Northumberland from it, and he his ſon. Many Love-Letters between King Henry and Anne Bolen are ſent to Rome: one Letter between the Cardinal and his Confederates is fetched thence by Sir Thomas his Dexterity; who adviſed Sir Francis Bryan, then Reſident, to get in with the Popes Cloſetkeepers Courtezan, and ſhew her the Cardinals hand, by which ſhe might finde out and copy his Expreſſes; as ſhe did to his ruine, and our Kings great ſatisfaction. To which Letter is annexed a Declaration under his hand, and the Lords Darcy, Mountjoy, Dorſet and Norfolk, of 44 Articles againſt the great Cardinal. His hand being now in, he muſt through: He adviſeth the King to conſult the Univerſities of Chriſtendome: He goeth in perſon when made Earl of Wiltſhire to the Pope, and contrives that a Declaration of the whole Kingdome in Parliament ſhould follow him: which ſo amuſed his Holineſs with our Earls ſtratagems, that he was aſleep as it were until the ſtate of England was quite altered. To this he addes, the peace with France, and the interview with King Francis, where his Daughter is married privately, and her Brother made Viſcount Rochford. Convening a Parliament to his mind at Black-fryers, and advancing an Arch-biſhop to his purpoſe in Canterbury, he is ſecure of the Church and of the Kingdom; whereof the firſt hallowed the action, and the ſecond confirmed it.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edward Howard.

HE ſet out with his Fathers Reputation, and came home with his own: Britain feels his Arm to this day, and the French his ſucceſs. Deſperate were his Undertakings, yet happy; raſh his Engagements, yet honourable: it being his Maxime, That never did Sea-man good, that was not reſolute to a degree of madneſs. The French Fleet he purſueth to the Haven under their own Forts cloſely. Sir Edward conſidering the order wherein the French lay, thought fit to advertiſe his King and Maſter thereof; adviſing him withal, (ſaith my Author) to come in perſon, and have the glory of this Action: but the Kings Council taking this Meſſage into conſideration, and conceiving that it was not altogether fear, (as was thought) but ſtratagem and cunning that made the French thus attend their advantage, thought the King was not invited ſo much to the honour, as to the danger of this Action; therefore they write ſharply to him again, commanding him to do his duty: whereof that brave perſon was ſo ſenſible, that he landed 1500 men in the ſight of 10000, and waſted the Country, until being too confident, he fell a while after into his enemies hands; the Lord Ferrers, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Sir Richard Cornwal, and Sir John Wallop looking on, but not able to relieve him. Four Reaſons he would uſually give againſt a War with the Low-Countries: 1. The decay of Trade, 2. The diminution of Cuſtomes: 3. The ſtrengthening of France: 4. The loſs of their induſtry and inventions, and ſo of the improvement of our Commodities and Manufactures. In the youth of this State, as of all others, Arms did flouriſh 〈…〉 in the Middle-age of it, Learning; and in the Declining, (as Covetouſneſs and Thrift attend Old Age) Mechanick Arts and Merchandize: and this Gentleman was made for each part, being not ſo much a Souldier as a Scholar, not ſo much a Scholar as a Merchant But a private ſpirit is moſt unfortunate; and (as my Oracle aſſures me) whereof men of that temper all their time ſacrifice to themſelves, they become in the end themſelves ſacrifices unfortune, whoſe wings they thought by their wiſdome to have pinioned.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey.

SIr Thomas Howard was this Kings prime Counſellour; a brave and an underſtanding man: who was obliged to be faithful to his Maſter, becauſe an Enemy to Wincheſter: (emulation among Favourites is the ſecurity of Princes.)

Four motives he offered for a Marriage with the Princeſs Katharine:

1. A League with Spain, againſt the growing power of our dangerous Neighbour France.

2. The ſaving of much time and expence in Marriage, by her being here.

3. The conſideration of that vaſt ſum of Money that muſt be exported if ſhe goeth away. And

4. The great Obligation laid on the Pope by that Diſpenſation, which would ſecure to him the King and his Poſterity, not otherwiſe Legitimate but by his Authority.

His Eſtate was much waſted in the ſervice of Henry the ſeventh, and as much improved by the treaſures of Henry the eighth, which amounted in the beginning of his Reign to 11800000 l. i. e. at the rate of money now adays, ſix millions and an half; which he diſpenſed ſo thriftily, that old Wincheſter could not trapan him; and yet ſo nobly, that young Henry was pleaſed with him. Sir William Compton ſet up the Kings They were 50, with an Archer, a Demilance and a Conſtillier apiece: They and their horſes being veſted in Cloth of Gold. Rich Life-guards, (under Bourchier Earl of Eſſex as Captain, and the valiant Sir Jo. Peachy who kept Calais in ſo good order with 300 men, as Lieutenant) but this wary Earl put them down again. When News was brought that Empſon and Dudley were ſlain, it was this Earls opinion that his Majeſty had done more like a good King then a good Maſter. When the narrow Seas (whereof the Kings of England have been very tender) were infeſted, this old Treaſurer and Earl-Marſhal cleared it by his two ſons Edward and Thomas, ſaying, The King of England ſhould not be impriſoned in his Kingdome, while either he had an Eſtate to ſet up a Ship, or a ſon to command it. In three weeks did he ſettle the North againſt the Invaſions of James the fourth, now inclining to the French; and in a fortnight did he raiſe 40000 l. to pay the Army, now ready to mutiny: inſomuch, that when King James denounced War againſt King Henry, he ſaid, He had an Earl in the North that would ſecure his Kingdome; as he did with much reſolution, prudence and ſucceſs at Flodden-Field, where he ſaw a King at his feet, and a whole Kingdome at his mercy; where he was forced to fight, ſo barren the Country! where yet he pitched upon the moſt advantagious place and time; ſo great his Command of himſelf, and ſo noble his Conduct!

He ſends Rouge Croix to the Scotch King, to tell him, That though he ſaw no Enemy at Sea, he hoped to finde ſome upon the Land: That he came to juſtifie Bretons death, which it was as much below a King to revenge, as it was below a Privy Counſellour to have deſerved: That he expected as little mercy as he intended; his ſword being commiſſioned to ſpare none but the King, whom no hand muſt touch. To this Defiance, he added a Caution to the Herauld, That he ſhould bring no meſſenger from the Enemy nearer then two miles of the Camp. So well were the Scots incamped, that when neither Arguments nor Stratagems would draw them out, the Earl cuts off their proviſion there; and under the covert of a ſmoak got the Earl under the hill, and under another of miſt got they atop: The Scots played the men, until Stanley and Darcy did more then men: and the old mans Reſerve concluded the doubtful day in ſo compleat a Conqueſt, as brought 12000 Arms, 16 Cannons, 4000 Priſoners, and a Peace to the Engliſh Borders. Upon which, the General retires to thoſe more neceſſary exerciſes of Juſtice and Government, until his Maſters return: When all his Services advanced him (at that time, when it was a Maxime of State, That Honours are the Luſtre and Security of Crowns) to his Fathers Dukedom of Norfolk, as his Sons Merits promoted him to his of the Earldom of Surrey.

The Kings Coffers decay, and his Occaſions grow: The old man retires to his Country-houſe, having enjoyed his Honour Thirty years, to enjoy Himſelf Three: One of his laſt Undertakings being the appeaſing of the London-Tumult, May 1. 1517. when he left this behind him, A potent and wanton City, is a ſhrewd Enemy.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Compton.

HE was chief Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Henry the Eighth, and next to the chief in the affections of the ſame Prince: If his ſpirit had been as even with his favour, as his favour was with his Merits, he had been the moſt uſeful as well as the moſt eminent man in England: but he was too narrow for his Fortune, and more attentive to his private advantage, then to the publick affairs: This Saying is at once his Hiſtory and Monument; Kings muſt hear all, but believe onely one: for none can give a ſolid advice but he that knoweth all, and he muſt not be every body. As to the affairs of Europe, Sir William was cleerly for the League againſt France, as an opportunity to regain our Right in France, and ſtrengthen our Intereſt in the Church and the Empire. My Lord Darcy was againſt it; becauſe France was too hard for us before it ſwallowed up our a Confederates, and much more ſince: adviſing * Of Bretany and Normandy ſome more noble attempts for our juſt Empire upon the Indies. The young King is for a War with France, as an Engagement upon the Pope to advance England above all other Kingdoms; and declares himſelf as much Sir William's in opinion as he was his in affection.

This Gentleman had a deep inſight in any thing he undertook, becauſe he had a great patience to conſider, an advantageous ſlowneſs to recollect, a ſtrong memory to graſp, and an indifferent temper to judge: but when a matter exceeded his capacity, or out-reached his ſphere and orb, he had either a peremptory and great word to urge it, or a ſleight to wave it, or a ſubtlety to perplex it, (that his amazed fellow-Commiſſioners ſhould as little unſtand it) or a countenance and geſture to overbear it. However, in general he was cloſe and reſerved, (he had need go ſoftly that cannot well ſee) leaving himſelf without obſervation or hold to be taken what he was. He ſtudied the Kings nature, rather then his buſineſs; and humoured rather then adviſed him. The referring of all to a man, becomes a Prince, whoſe ſelf is not himſelf, but the community, (their good and evil being (as my Lord Bacon writes) at the peril of a publick fortune) but not a ſubject, whoſe private advantage may be a publick ruine; not a Favourite; whoſe benefit by that ſelfiſhneſs may be narrow as his own Fortune, but the hurt done by it is as large as his Maſter, who muſt needs be undone, when his ſervants ſtudy to pleaſe Him, and to profit Themſelves.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Marney.

SIr Henry Marney was one of young Henry's firſt Council, who loved his Perſon well, and his Proſperity better; and impartially adviſed him for his good, and modeſtly conteſted with him againſt his harm; that Council that was hand as well as head, and could perform as well as adviſe: This was the ſearching Judgement that diſcovered Buonviſo the Luccheſs his Letters to the French King, betraying our deſigns as ſoon as thought on, and inſtructing him for prevention, before our King was ready for the attempt. Induſtry and Thrift over-rules Princes: This Perſonage had no time to tranſcribe Intelligence, but what he borrowed from his ſleep; nor money to buy it, but what he ſaved out of his allowance: yet he underſtood more then any one Prince in Europe, and was more conſulted then any one Stateſman. His Judgement was much valued, his Integrity more; ever offering what was ſolidly ſafe, rather then what was ſuperficially plauſible: as one who was a ſtranger to the wiſdom of the latter Age, (as Sir Francis Bacon deſcribes it, which is rather fine Deliveries and ſhifts from Inconveniences, then ſolid and grounded courſes for advantage. His foreſight was large, and his ſpirit larger: he conſidered all Circumſtances that occurre • to him; judged what he conſidered, and ſpo 〈…〉 what he judged with that reſolution as to his opinion, that argued he underſtood the matter in queſtion; with that modeſty as to his Superiours, th 〈…〉 ſhewed he underſtood himſelf.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edward Poynings.

SIr Edward Poynings was the third of eighteen Counſellours bequeathed by Henry the V 〈…〉 to his Son, with his Kingdom; a Pri 〈…〉 Council wherein there was not one Lawyer! an • a Cabal that never condeſcended for advice to an • below themſelves, or for performance of any of their Decrees to any beſides themſelves; being a compleat Body of active and knowing men in their own Orb. Who more prudent then Surrey? who more reſolved then Poynings? whoſe Vigilancy made him Maſter of the Cincue Ports, as his Valour advanced him General of the Low-Countrey Forces, whom he led on to ſeveral ſervices with ſucceſs, and brought off (with the loſs of not above an hundred men) with Honour from the Lady Margaret, and Applauſe from the whole Countrey.

No leſs happy was he in his Government of Tournay, until the Council at home (now grown thin by the ſeceſſion of Warbam, Fox and Norfolk) had more need of him then Gariſons abroad: Vainly is that ſpirit penned within a City, that was equal to a Kingdom. It is the unhappineſs of other Monarchies, that they have not Men anſwerable to their Employments; it was the unhappineſs of this, that it had not Employment ſuitable to its Men.

He liv'd and di'd in Arms: Bulioign ſaw him firſt a Souldier, and Bulloign ſaw him laſt the beſt Camp-Maſter in all Chriſtendom: always obſerving three things:

1. The Situation of his Camp, to ſecure his Army.

2. The Accommodation of it, to ſupply it.

3. His Retreat, to draw off: the Avenues, to be guarded with Souldiers, and ſtrengthened with Redoubts; which he made Triangular, that more men might engage the Enemy at once; during erection whereof, the Army was palliſado'd in the Front with ſtakes headed with iron on both Ends five foot long, and ſtuck ſlope-wiſe into the ground, to keep off both Horſe and Foot: the Foot-Sentinels were without the Redoubts, the Horſe-Guards beyond them, at diſtance enough to deſcry the Enemy, and not too much, to retire to their works. A ſerious and plodding brow beſpoke this Noble Knights deep Prudence, and a ſmart look his reſolved Valour.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Charles Somerſet.

SIr Charles Somerſet, afterward Lord Herbert of Gower, &c. endeared himſelf to King Henry as much for his Maxime, That Reaſon of State was Reaſon of Law; as for his Advice, That the King ſhould never ſtick at Law, in caſe of Publique God; and yet that all his Acts for publique Good ſhould come as near as poſſible to the Law. So Popular was this Gentleman, that he received all the Petitions againſt Empſon and Dudley; yet ſo loyal, that he adviſed his Maſter neither to ſpare thoſe Leeches, leſt any ſhould preſume to alienat • his Peoples affections from him by Extortions for the future; nor yet too ſeverely to puniſh them, left any ſhould be diſcouraged to ſerve the Crow • for the preſent: (for indeed Empſon and Dud 〈…〉 ſuffered for that which others were advanced for • the Parliament puniſhed them for putting their Laws in execution, and the King deſerted them for improving his Exchequer to a Treaſury.)

Two things this Lord adviſed his Maſter to, before he put the Crown upon his head.

1. To redreſs the Peoples Grievances under his Father.

2. To marry not in France, where he had a Title: A Kingdom ſo near us, that by reaſon of mutual jealouſies we may have peace with it ſometimes, but Friendſhip never.

In the Houſhold he was Lord Chamberlain, ſo diſcreet his Carriage! In the French Expedition, Anno 1513. he was General, ſo noble his Conduct! His Aſſiſtants were the Earls of Northumberland, Shrewsbury, Kent and Wiltſhire; his Followers, the Lord Audley, De la Ware, Maſter of the Ordnance, who was killed the firſt night before Therouene. Carew and Curſon, &c.

Therouene he beſiegeth in good Order, and with Welſey's advice, who had lived long in that Town; underſtands all the Avenues of it; and with Sir

Oughtred, Sir Henry Guilford, Sir Edward Poynings, Sir Charles Branden and Sir Alexander Baynam's aſſiſtance, ſprung ſeveral Mines, repulſed the French Relief and the City-Aſſailants, ſo that the Town was yeilded Auguſt 22. 1513. and upon Maximilian's Intreaty razed, as he did Tournay, September 22. Herbert was for razing this place, as farther from us than Therouene; but Wolſey for the Biſhopricks ſake, is for the gariſoning of it, as a Trophy. The King recollecting his former occaſions, Febr. 3. 1514. thought he could not do a more juſt or a more prudent Act, then recompence his Noble Servants (but the cheapeſt way, I mean that of Honour) as he did old Somerſet with the Earldom of Worceſter.

With this Honour at home, is joyned another abroad, viz. That of Embaſſie to Maximilian, where he reached that Germans depths, and clearly demonſtrated that thoſe fond and impoſſible Offers of the Empire, were but Artifices rather then Kindneſſes; to drain the Kings Treaſure, rather than enlarge his Dominions: Adviſing him to raiſe a Citadel at Tournay, and an Army in Normandy: He finiſhed the Eſpouſals between the Princeſs Mary and the Dolphin; and delivered Tournay, by the ſame token that he would not let the Mareſchal de Chaſtilion to enter with Banner diſplayed, but rolled up, it being (as he ſaid, who when Lord Herbert was at the taking of it) voluntarily yeilded up, and not gotten by Conqueſt: and then beſtowed himſelf with Sir Richard Wingfield for the great enterview between King Francis and King Henry; an interview I know not whether more ſolemn or more dangerous: Kings cannot meet without great ſtate, and they ſeldom part without much envy; who never are further aſunder, then when they meet. His moſt eminent Action here, was the Device of that Motto, Cui adhaereo praeeſt; a Motto that ſpeaks the Honour of England, and the Intereſt of Europe.

Obſervations on the Life of Thomas Grey Marqueſs of Dorſet.

THe Kings Wars called for Souldiers, and his Peace for Stateſmen; and here is a Perſon ex utroque magnus: When the whole deſign for the Invaſion of France was ripened, this Marqueſs is made General, and attended by the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lords Brook, Willoughby and Ferrers, with divers Knights, Gentlemen, and others, to the number of ten thouſand men, armed not onely with Bows but Halberts: He diſtreſſeth Navar to a ſubmiſſion to his Maſter; forceth his way to Bayon, and with Sir John Styles aſſiſtance, kept up the Engliſh Honour above that of France and the Empire, keeping cloſe to his Commiſſion, and not ſtirring a foot without expreſs Orders from Ireland: although his preſence countenanced ſome actions his hands could not perform.

Three things he was very careful of:

1. Of Good pay, leſt his Souldiers mutined. 2. Of Good Diet and Quarters, leſt they failed. 3. Of Order, Diſcipline and Temperance, eſpecially in ſtrange Climates, leſt they ſhould be diſtempered.

Two things he was unſucceſsful for:

1. The narrowneſs of his Commiſſion. 2. The reach of Ferdinand, who deſigned the conqueſt of Navar, rather than of France.

Yet what reputation he loſt by Land, Sir Edward Howard gained by Sea, commanding the French ſhips to their Harbours: over-running Britaign, and with Sir Tho. Knevet the Maſter of the Horſe, Sir Jo. Carew and Sir Henry Guilford's aſſiſtance, gave Law in the Mediterranean, until he awed the Neighbour-Princes to terms as honourable for his Maſter, as diſhonourable for themſelves: now we finde him valiant in earneſt at Sea, anon ſo in jeſt at Court (at the ſolemn Juſts proclaimed by Francis de Valois, Duke of Angouleſm in France) his Nature being not ſtinted, but equally free to debonair and ſerious Enterprizes of Pleaſure or of Honour; where ſix Germans were at his mercy, and four Frenchmen at his feet. His ſpirit equalled thoſe active times, and his temper his ſpirit.

Three things ſet him up:

1. His large expences for ſhew at Court. 2. His ſtrength and manhood at Juſts. 3. His skill and experience in the Field.

He was the beſt for embatteling an Army in thoſe times: obſerving,

1. The number, ſtrength and experience of his Camp.

2. The nature and extent of the place, whether champaign or incloſed, hilly or plain, wooddy or mooriſh, ſtraight or large; that he might accordingly diſpoſe of diſtances and ſtands.

3. Incloſures he aimed at for his Foot, and Champaign for his Horſe, together with the advantages of winde and ſun.

4. He impales the Flank and Reer with Muskets, Pikes and Carriages.

5. His Diviſions were ſundry, but well ordered to relieve one another: His main Battels three: the largeſt in the front, the next in the middle, with ſome ſpaces between for the firſt to rally it ſelf, or embody with the ſecond; the third and ſtrongeſt in the Rear, ſo divided that the two firſt Battels may retreat into it, and draw up in its Rear, to watch the Enemies diſorder in purſuit.

It's obſerved of the Turks, that they never put their Janizaries (their beſt Souldiers) in the Front, but make uſe of them for Reſerves, by which they have been very ſucceſsful: This Noble Marqueſs went not by rote or fore-conceived Rules, but by preſent Prudence, obſerving time, place and perſons; neither would he lie open to an Enemies deſign by a conſtant Method, but alter his Stratagems, and contradict all the Rules of Diſcipline, to diſorder the Enemy, and diſappoint his expectation.

He hath ſometimes compounded the wings of his Battel of the ableſt men, and the Battel it ſelf of the meaneſt; ordering them, if over-powered, to make their retreat to the Rear of the other Diviſions, through the ſpaces appointed for that end; which the Enemy perceiving, followeth (not ſmelling the drift) not without diſorder, (as in all purſuits) between the two ſtrong wings, who cruſh them in pieces: his field-Pieces after once or twice diſcharging, were drawn within the Diviſions of the main Battel, to fire the Enemy at his next approaches, if the front were diſordered: and to avoid the execution of his Enemies, his files were thin, and his Dragoons ready to ſeize theirs, whereby at leaſt they were hindered from ſhooting; his Forlorn retired to the main Battel, and out of the Flanks thereof iſſued with Fire-pots and Granadoes upon the engaged Enemy.

His Horſe were in four Battalia's, whereof the firſt was the greateſt, lined with ſhot, placed on each wing of the main Army; always opening upon the opening of the Enemy.

The greateſt truſt between man and man, is the truſt of giving Counſel: For in other confidences (ſaith my Lord Bacon) men commit the parts of life, their Lands, their Goods, their Children, their Credit, ſome particular affair; but to ſuch as they make their Counſellours, they commit the whole, by how much the more they are obliged to faithfulneſs and integrity. None was more truſted then the Marqueſs, none more truſty: none underſtood clearer what was fit, noneſpoke plainer what he underſtood. What wants a Soveraign? (ſaid a flattering Courtier:) Truth; (ſaid a ſerious King.) Never had King more need of it then Henry, never leſs of it then he; whom it was leſs fatal to Ruine, then to Diſpleaſe. But this Souldier was as much above Fear as Flattery, that told him when penſive, That never was that man merry, that had more then one Woman in his Bed, more then one Friend in his Boſom, more then one Faith in his Heart.

So wary was this Gentleman, that he was not raſh, and ſo loſt his advantage: ſo valiant, that he was not contemptible, and ſo loſt his command: He led others by the ſtrongeſt authority of his own forwardneſs, his own Example; he was led himſelf by the beſt Guide, his own Obſervation, his own Experience: His Book limited not his Deſign, nor his Paper-plot his Undertakings.

Land-ſervice was his Exerciſe, but the Sea his Delight: the Compaſs his Study, the Stars his Care, Trade his Thoughts, our own and forreign Havens his Diſcourſe, a Sea-man his Familiar, and three Seafights his Triumph: His converſe and ſpeech was Souldier-like, plain, ſhort, ſmart and material: there was a time when he would ſay nothing, and a time when he would ſay ſomething; but never a time when he would ſay all.

He was, in a word, the happy man, who notwithſtanding that the times could not endure his Vertues, nor he their Vices, died at once full of honour at Court, and applauſe in the Country, with this Monument from the King, That Honeſt and Good Man.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Robert Wingfield.

HIs Parts and Perſon endeared him to the Engliſh Court, his Travel and Experience recommended him to Forreign Negotiations; particularly in the Emperour Maximilians Court, whom his arguments and his own Intereſt drew off from France; Sir Robert helping him to ſome Obſervation touching the breach of the Articles of Cambray, as his pretence to this alteration, and offering him what men and money he pleaſed, as his encouragement to this undertaking: ſending in the mean time one Nicholas Weſt, D. L. and Dean of Windſor, to feel the Pulſe of all the Princes in Chriſtendom; and adviſing, upon an intire reflection on their ſeveral Intereſts, the repair of our frontier Towns and Forts, an Army ready in the North, and a conſtant Parliament. He is Deputy of Calice, and Viceroy of France: What the French loſt in the Field, they got by Treaty, until Sir Richard's time, whoſe Policy went as far as his Maſters Power, in that Accord, Which tied up (they ſaid) the French Kings bands behinde his back, and the Scotch between his legs. Yea, he almoſt perſwaded Maximilian out of his Empire, 1516. though he wiſhed the King not to accept of it until the French were out of Italy. Some do better by Friends or Letters, Sir Robert beſt by himſelf; obſerving that he never failed, but when he intruſted others with what he could do himſelf; his perſon breeding regard, and his eye ſeeing more then any he could employ; and his preſent minde being more ready in his own affairs upon any alteration to come on, draw back, o • otherwiſe accommodate matters, then any Subſtitute, who ſeeth not the bottom of things, nor turn to occaſions. He had about him his Blades and Gallants, to expoſtulate; his Orators and fair ſpoken men, to perſwade; his cloſe and ſubtle ones, to enquire and obſerve; his froward men, to perplex; and his plain Agents, to report: Attendants for all ſervices, whoſe experience made them knowing and confident. Doctor Weſt, Pace, Lee and Gardener's way was the Circuit afar off; Sir Robert's was the Surprize, quick and nicked: no man obſerving time more cloſely; no man watching Natures tempers, intereſt, advantages and ends, more indefatigably. It was the obſervation of thoſe days, That Sir Robert Wingfield was the beſt to prepare and ripen Deſignes, and Sir Thomas Bolen to execute them: But that Age was too boyſterous, and he too wary to advance beyond the reputation of 〈◊〉 knowing Agent, in which capacity he lived; or 〈◊〉 a reſolved Patriot, with which honour he dieth.

Obſervations on the Life of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham.

HIs Blood was high, his Revenue large; and he was born to adorn the Court, rather then to ſerve it. He vied with the King in Gallantry, and with the Cardinal in Pride: of the one he ſpeaks irreverently, That women governed him more then he did the Kingdome; of the other • nd ſcreetly, That Francis governed France, and Harry England, and Wolſey both; adding, That the Commonalty might well complain, when we had two Kings to maintain. That which ruineth the world, ruineth him, his Tongue. Fate never undid a man without. his own indiſcretion; and her firſt ſtroke is at the Head. Abroad, none more Gorgeous; at Home, none more Noble: at Court, ſplendid; among his Tenants, Prince-like; to his Relations, impartial. A Servant always pulled down the houſe of the Staffords; and now one Knevet his Steward, whom he had diſcharged for oppreſſing his Tenants, undoeth him: for his Father-in-law the Earl of Northumberland is ſet under a Cloud, and his Son-in-law the Earl of Surrey is removed, on pretence of honourable employment, out of the way; and Wolſey's malice at the Duke hath its full ſcope, who now deals with Knevets diſcontent to diſcover his Maſters life, and ſuggeſt that the Duke by way of diſcourſe was wont to ſay how he meant to uſe the matter, that if King Henry died without iſſue, he would attain the Crown, and puniſh the Cardinal. George Nevil Lord Abergavenny his Son-in-law, impeached him, to ſave himſelf. His Title to the Crown was, his Deſcent from Anne Platagenet, Daughter of Thomas of Woodſtock, Son to Edward the third. His Accuſation was,

1. That he had conferred with a Cunning-Man, (Hopkins, Monk of Henton) concerning the future ſtate of this Realm; who adviſed him to Popularity: for he ſhould have all, if he had but the love of the People: the Wizard confirming this by Revolutions, and the Duke rewarding it with great encouragements.

2. That he diſparaged the preſent Government and uſed Arts to ſecure the ſucceſſion.

3. That he had threatned King Henry with the ſame Dagger that ſhould have murthered Richa 〈…〉 the third.

He denied the Charge very eloquently, and diſclaimed his Life very raſhly; his fooliſh words, rather then any deſigned malice, deſerving rather pity then judgement. Much lamented was he by the People, and as much was the Cardinal maliced, being now called by the whole multitude, The Butchers Son. When Buckingham fell, three things f 〈…〉 with him:

1. The Splendour of the Court. 2. Hoſpitality, and good Landlords in the Country. And, 3. The High-Conſtableſhip of England.

All Greatneſs is ſubject to Envy; but none more then that which is infolent and affected, being never its ſelf without its pomp and ſhew. Plain and modeſt Greatneſs is onely ſafe: A Witch then blaſts a man when moſt proſperous, and the Envious (the onely Wizard in the world) when moſt glorious Wiſe-men therefore have eclipſed themſelves, than they might not be gazed on; and great Ones have ſhrunk, and ſuffered themſelves to be over-born to be ſecure. Vain-glorious men are the ſcorn of the Wiſe, the admiration of Fools, the Idols of Paraſites, and the envy of the Unworthy, the Buſie, the Unfortunate, the Ambitious, and the Rivals. He lives well, that lives in peace; and he is ſafely great, that is great in his Conſcience. Anger • ure is but a weakneſs in any man, (it belongeth ſo much to the Aged and the Childiſh) and an indecency in a Noble-man: yet it might have been a Gallantry in this Duke, had it not, 1. Revealed ſecrets, and ſo betrayed him; 2. Broke off his Deſignes, and ſo confounded him; And, 3. Spoke bitterly and dangerouſly, and ſo abuſed him. So far will Diſcontent carry Nature, that it eaſily believes what it wiſheth: So much doth a Prophetick Vanity ſway Engliſh-men, (that have the moſt of men of any in the world in Divinations, and an itch to know things to come) that the wittieſt Sir Thomas More, the moſt devout Biſhop Fiſher, the wiſeſt Cardinal Wolſey, and the moſt Noble the Duke of Buckingham, have been undone by hearkning after Predictions; the two firſt, of Elizabeth Barton; the third, of John Sacheverel; and the fourth, Monk Hopkins. Always are theſe Divinations (like the Aſtrologers in Rome) by ſevere Laws forbidden; yet always are they by vain perſons obtruded. Many Wives, wo England, hardned many a Male-content to his ruine in King Henry the eighth's time: When HEMPE is ſpun, England is done, encouraged many a Papiſt to his undoing in Queen Elizabeths time: Leo, Nulius, confirmed many a deluded ſoul to his downfal in our days.

It was as fatal to this great man to truſt his Steward, as his Wizard; the one deluded, the other betrayed him. It undoeth a man to be too cloſe; therefore we have friends to eaſe our ſelves: it ruineth a man to be too open; therefore there is a ſecret not to be communicated to a friend. When the Duke of Buckingham made Knevet his Confeſſour, he made him his Maſter. He that is Maſter of my Heart, is Maſter of my Life: If my Shi 〈…〉 ſaid Metellus, knew my minde, I would burn it. 〈◊〉 my Servant or Friend knows my intentions, I mu 〈…〉 either undo him, or be undone by him, unleſs 〈◊〉 be ſo much above a man, as not out of weakneſs 〈◊〉 diſcover me; or ſo much above a ſinner, as not o 〈…〉 of corruption to betray me. Wild Beaſts dwell 〈…〉 Dens, Fiſhes bed in Mud, and Birds in Neſts, and 〈…〉 Wiſe Man is wrapped up in ſecrecy. Gyges his Ring was his wiſdome, whereby he underſtood others and was reſerved himſelf. It's pity he ever learned to ſpeak, that knoweth not how to be ſilent. 〈◊〉 would firſt be ſo wiſe, (faith a Wit and Wiſdome 〈◊〉 our Age) as to be my own counſellour, and next ſo ſecret as to be my own counſel-keeper. Some of my ſervants may be of my Bed-chamber, but none ſhall be of my cloſet. Before I told you of this, (ſaith Charles the Fifth of a Deſigne diſcovered upon the ſeventeen Provinces to his Favourite Lunembergh) I was Emperour, but now you an • ſo.

But the heighth of the Dukes ſpirit was equally unfortunate with the openneſs of it; and he fell no • leſs becauſe he deſpiſed Knevet, then becauſe he truſted him.

Contemned Dangers ruine ſurely, while they ſurprize us at once naked, and careleſs; as ill prepared to offend the ſlighted Adverſary, as to defend our miſunderſtood Selves. The leaſt Beings have their ſpleen, and command our caution: No creature too mean to be miſchievous; none too inconſiderate to be feared. As long as Weakneſs can cling to Power, and Power to Malice, what Kn • vet would, but could not, that Wolſey could and would. If my Enemy be ſtrong, he ſhall awe; if weak, he ſhall guard my Life. Two things are neceſſary in this Life, Faithful Friends, or Severe Enemies: The fewer of the former men of the Dukes fortune have, the more uſe they ſhould make of the latter. The greateſt Enemy when obſerved, may do me a great kindneſs; the leaſt neglected, can do no little miſchief: Security is the onely misfortune, and Careleſsneſs the onely fate that diſtreſſeth the World.

But the Duke threw away his life in a fatal word that could not be recalled, (I'll not ask the King for my Life.) Great need have we to guard that Tongue, whence flow the iſſues of Life and Death; and weigh thoſe words that go abroad for the meaſure of our Weal or Wo; our words being given us to treat with the World about either, diſcreetly to our happineſs, or weakly to our ruine. It hath repented men that they have ſpoken at all times; it repented none to have been ſilent in King Henry's, when there was no ſecurity but to the Reſerved, and the Pliable.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Anthony Brown.

HE was always one of the Council to King Henry at home, and of his Commiſſioners abroad: no Treaty paſſing without his preſence no Negotiation without his advice; the firſt carrying as much Majeſty with it, as the ſecond did Authority: the Court having bred the one to a noble Mein, as Experience had done the other to an Oracle; Experience, I ſay, whereby he ſaw more, as Alexander boaſted, with his eye, then others comprehended in their thoughts; that being knowledge in him, that was but conjecture in others.

He was the beſt Compound in the World; a learned, an honeſt, and a travelled man; a good Nature, a large Soul, and a ſettled Minde, made up of Notes and Obſervations upon the moſt material points of State he could learn at Courts; of Religion, among the Clergy; of Diſcipline, among Souldiers; of Trade, among Merchants; or of the ſituation, intereſt, avenues and ſtrong holds, by his own eyes. It's a pleaſure to ſtand upon the ſhore, and to ſee ſhips toſt upon the ſea; it's pleaſure to ſtand in the window of a Caſtle, and to ſee a Battel, with the adventures thereof below: but no pleaſure is comparable to the ſtanding upon the Vantground of Truth: (An Hi 〈…〉 (ſaith my Noble Author) not to be commanded, and where the air is always clear and ſerene;) and to ſee the Errors and Wandrings, the Miſts and Tempeſts in the Vale below: That content is better felt then expreſſed that this Noble Perſon took in his own clear thoughts, when it was Miſt all round about him; and King Henry cried, What ſay Cromwel and Brown?

Veſpaſian asked Apollonius, What was Nero's overthrow? and he anſwered him, Nero could tune the H • rp well; but in Government ſometimes he wound the pins too high, and ſometimes he let them down too low. Sir Anthony told Henry the Eighth, That his Government had been more eaſie, if he had either ſet it not ſo looſe at firſt, or not ſo ſtrict at laſt: (as there was indeed no King ſo various as his Maſter, no State ſo changeable as his Government.) An even temper begets aw and reverence; whilſt the wide extreams create either on the one hand contempt and inſolence, or on the other diſcontent and murmuring. Haughty and violent Courts never bleſs the Owners with a ſettled Peace.

This deep man was Leiger in Rome ſix years, and Agent in France ten: A Perſon of great diſpatch, becauſe of an orderly method and procedure; which he obſerved to a ſuperſtition, ſaying, Time and Method are my Maſters. There are (ſaith my Oracle) three parts of buſineſs; Preparation, Debate and Perfection: The middle King Henry communicated to the whole Council, the firſt and laſt to few, viz. to my Lord Cromwel and Sir Anthony Brown.

The higheſt matters were his care; as the Interview in France, 1533. the moſt eminent Stateſmen his fellows, as the Duke of Norfolke, the Lord Rochfort and the Lord Paulet; thoſe Noble Perſons bearing the ſtate, and he managing the buſineſs of the Embaſſies.

The wiſe man of Florence took care that Ferdinando of Naples, Medices of Florence, Sforza of Millain ſhould gain nothing of one another, to the great ſecurity of Italy: Sir Anthony watched our Neighbours Conqueſts, Trade, Approaches, &c. ſo cloſely, that none of thoſe Potentates, Charles the Fifth or King Francis, could win a ſpot of Ground, but his Maſter would balance it, and ſo ſecure Europe.

The Interviews between Princes he diſallowed; yet to ſatisfie his Maſter, he provided for that in France ſo ſumptuouſly, as one that underſtood the formality of a Pageant was a real advantage to a Government whoſe Intereſt is as much to gain a reputation by pomp and ſhew, as ſupport a welfare by prudence and ſtrength: others apprehenſion of our greatneſs, contributing as much to our welfare, as our welfare it ſelf: Opinion governs the World: Princes with their Majeſty, may be oft envied and hated; without it, they are always ſcorned and contemned: Circumſtances are often more then the main, and ſhadows are not always ſhadows: Outward Eſteem to a great Perſon, is as skin to Fruit, which though a thin cover, preſerveth it: King Henry's Perſon and State did England more Right in a Year, then his Predeceſſors Arms in an Age; while they onely impreſſed a reſolution in the Neighbours, he a reverence.

As Princes govern the People, ſo Reaſon of State the Princes: Spain at that time would command the Sea, to keep us from the Indies; and our Religion, to keep us from a Settlement: France ſuſpected our Neighbourhood, and engaged Scotland; the Pope undermined our Deſigns, and obliged the French. Sir Anthony at Rome, in reſpectful terms, and under Proteſtation that his Majeſty intended no contempt of the See Apoſtolick, or Holy Church, intimated his Maſters Appeal to the next General Council lawfully aſſembled; exhibiting alſo the Authentick Inſtruments of the ſame, and the Archbiſhop of Canterbury's at the Conſiſtory, where, though the Pope made forty French Cardinals, yet our Agent and his money made twelve Engliſh, and taught Francis to aſſume the power of diſpoſing Monaſteries and Benefices, as King Henry had done; adviſing him to inform his Subjects clearly of his proceedings, and unite with the Princes of the Reformation, taking his Parliament and People along with him, and by their advice cutting off the Appeals to and Revenues of Rome, by viſitations, &c. with a Praemunire, together with the Oath of Supremacy, and the publication of the prohibited Degrees of Marriage: He added in his Expreſſes, That his Majeſty ſhould by diſguiſed Envoys divide between the Princes and the Empire.

The next ſight we have of him is in Scotland; the French Kings paſſage to England, (as he calls it:) Where in joynt Commiſſion with the Earl of Southampton, and the Biſhop of Durham, he with his variety of Inſtructions gained time until the French King was embroyled at home, the ſeaſon of Action was over there, and the Duke of Norfolk ready to force that with a War, which could not be gained by Treaty. Fortune is like the Market, where many times if you can ſtay a little, the Price will fall: The ripeneſs and unripeneſs of the Occaſion muſt be well weighed: Watch the beginning of an Action, and then ſpeed! Two things make a compleat Polititian, Secreſie in Counſel, and Celerity in Execution.

But our Knights Prudence was not a heavy Warineſs, or a dull caution, as appears by his preferment at Court, where he is Maſter of the Horſe; and his ſervice in the North, where he and the Comptroller Sir Anthony Gage, are in the head of 10000 men: In both theſe places his excellence was more in chuſing his Officers and Followers, then in acting himſelf: His ſervants were modeſt and ſober, troubling him with nothing but his buſineſs, and expecting no higher conditions, then countenance, protection and recommendation; and his Retayners peaceable, reſerved, cloſe, plain and hopeful: the deſerving Souldier and the promiſing were ſeen often at his gate, not in throngs, to avoid popularity: equal was his favour, that none might be inſolent, and none diſcontented; yet ſo diſcreetly diſpenced, as made the Preferred faithful, and the Expectants officious. To be ruled by one, is ſoft and obnoxious; by many, troubleſome: to be adviſed by few, as he was, is ſafe: becauſe (as he ſaid in ſome things out of his element) the Vale beſt diſcovereth the Hill.

Although he underſtood not the main matter of War, yet he knew many of its falls and incidents; his prudence being as able to lay a ſtratagem, as others experience was to embattail an Army. Sir Thomas W • arton Warden of the Marches he commands with 300 men behind an Ambuſh, whither he draws the raſh Scots, and overthroweth them more with the ſurprize then his power, taking the Lord Admiral Maxwel, &c. who was committed to his cuſtody; and putting that King to ſo deep a melancholy, that he died upon it. His death ſuggeſts new counſels, and Sir Anthony watcheth in Scotland to gain his Daughter for our Prince, or at leaſt to prevent the French, whom Sir William Paget watcheth there, as Sir Ralph Sadler did in Rome, and Sir John Wallop at Calais: and when that Kings deſigne was diſcovered, we finde our Knight with Charles Duke of Suffolk, Lieutenant-General; Henry Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel, Lord General; Will. Pawlet, Lord St. John, Stephen Biſhop of Wincheſter, with a rich and ſtrong Army, expecting the King before Montrevil, (which they took with Bo • logn) and forcing the French to a Peace and Submiſſion that ſecured England, and ſetled Europe.

Three things facilitate all things: 1. Knowledge, 2. Temper, 3. Time. Knowledge our Knight had either of his own or others, whom he commanded in what ever he went about, laying the ground of matters always down in writing, and debating them with his friends, before he declared himſelf in Council. A temperance he had, that kept him out of the reach of others, and brought others within his. Time he took, always driving, never being driven by his buſineſs; which is rather a huddle, then a performance, when in haſte: there was ſomething that all admired, and which was more, ſomething that all were pleaſed with, in this mans actions. The times were dark, his carriage ſo too: the Waves were boyſterous, but he the ſolid Rock, or the well-guided Ship that could go with the Tide. He maſtered his own paſſion, and others too, and both by Time and Opportunity; therefore he died with that peace the State wanted, and with that univerſal repute the States-men of thoſe troubleſome times enjoyed not.

By King Henry's Will he got a Legacy of 300 l. for his former Service; and the Honour to be of Prince EDWARD's ſpecial Council for the future.

By his Order he had, as his ſhare of Abbey-Lands, Battle-Abbey in Suſſex, enjoyed by his Heirs Males in a direct Line to this day: And by his Authority he had the Honourable Garter.

He was the firſt man that durſt bring his Maſter the ſad news, That He muſt die: And no wonder he durſt it, for the next news is, That he is dead himſelf. How dareſt thou to be ſo plain? ſaid Heliogabalus to the Courtier: Becauſe I dare die, ſaid he: I can but die, if I am Faithful; and I muſt die, though I Flatter.

The Lord Herbert's Character of Cardinal Wolſey, in his Life of Henry the Eighth, pag. 314.

ANd thus concluded that great Cardinal: A man in whom ability of parts and Induſtry were equally eminent; though, for being employed wholly in ambitious ways, they became dangerous Inſtruments of power, in active and mutable times. By theſe arts yet he found means to govern not onely the chief affairs of this Kingdom, but of Europe; there being no Potentate, which, in his turn did not ſeek to him: and as this procured him divers Penſions, ſo, when he acquainted the King therewith, his manner was, ſo cunningly to diſoblige that Prince who did fee him last, as he made way thereby oftentimes to receive as much on the other ſide. But not of ſecular Princes alone, but even of the Pope and Clergy of Rome he was no little courted; of which therefore he made eſpecial uſe, while he drew them to ſecond him on moſt occaſions. His birth being otherwiſe ſo obſcure and mean, as no man had ever ſtood ſo ſingle: for which reaſon alſo his chief indeavour was not to diſpleaſe any great Perſon; which yet could not ſecure him againſt the divers Pretenders of that time. For as all things paſſed through his hands, ſo they who failed in their ſuits, generally hated him: All which, though it did but exaſperate his ill nature, yet this good reſultance followed, that it made him take the more care to be Just; whereof alſo he obtained the reputation in his publick hearing of Cauſes: For as he loved no body, ſo his Reaſon carried him. And thus he was an uſeful Miniſter of his King, in all points, where there was no queſtion of deſerving the Roman Church; of which (at what price ſoever) I finde he was a zealous Servant; as hoping thereby to aſpire to the Papacy, whereof (as the factious times then were) he ſeemed more capable then any, had he not ſo immoderately affected it. Whereby alſo it was not hard to judge of his Inclination; that Prince, who was ableſt to help him to this Dignity, being ever preferred by him; which therefore was the ordinary Bait by which the Emperour and the French King, one after the other did catch him. And, upon theſe terms, he doubted not to convey vaſt treaſures out of this Kingdom, eſpecially unto Rome, where he had not a few Cardinals at his devotion; by whoſe help, though he could not attain that Supreme Dignity he ſo paſsionately deſired, yet he prevailed himſelf ſo much of their favour, as he got a kinde of abſolute power in Spiritual Matters at Home: Wherewith again be ſo ſerved the Kings turn, as it made him think the leſs of uſing his own Authority. One error ſeemed common to both, which was, That ſuch a multiplicity of Offices and Places were inveſted in him. For as it drew much envy upon the Cardinal in particular, ſo it derogated no little from the Regal Authority, while one man alone ſeemed to exhauſt all: Since it becometh Princes to do like good Husband-men, when they ſow their Grounds, which is, to ſcatter, and not to throw all in one place. He was no great Diſſembler, for ſo qualified a Perſon; as ordering his buſineſſes (for the moſt part) ſo cautiouſly, as he got more by keeping his word then by breaking it. As for his Learning, (which was far from exact) it conſiſted chiefly in the ſubtilties of the Thomiſts, wherewith the King and himſelf did more often weary then ſatisfie each other. His ſtile, in Miſſives, was rather copious then eloquent, yet ever tending to the point. Briefly, if it be true (as Polydore obſerves) that no man ever did riſe with fewer vertues, it is true that few that ever fell from ſo high a place had leſſer crimes objected againſt him: Though yet Polydore (for being at his firſt coming into England committed to Priſon by him, as we have ſaid) may be ſuſpected as a partial Author. So that in all probability he might have ſubſiſted longer, when either his pride and immenſe wealth had not made him obnoxious, and ſuſpected to the King, or that other than Women had oppoſed him: Who, as they are vigilant and cloſe Enemies, ſo for the moſt part they carry their buſineſſes in that manner as they leave fewer advantages againſt themſelves then men do. In concluſion, As 〈…〉 cannot aſſent to thoſe who thought him happy for enjoying the untimely compaſſion of the People 〈…〉 little before his end, ſo I cannot but account it 〈…〉 principal Felicity, that during his favour with the King, all things ſucceeded better then afterwards; though yet it may be doubted whether the Impreſſions he gave, did not occaſion dives Irregularities which were obſerved to follow.

The Lord Herbert's Character of Cromwel, in his Life of Henry the Eighth, pag. 462.

AND to this end came Cromwel, wh • from being but a Blackſmiths Son, found means to travel into forraign Countries, to learn their Languages, and to ſee the Wars (being a Souldier of Bourbon at the ſacking of Rome;) whence returning, he was received into Cardinal Wolſey's ſervice: To whom he ſo approued himſelf by his fidelity and diligence, that the King after his fall, voluntarily took him for his ſervant; in which place he became a ſpecial Inſtrument for diſſolving the Abbeys and other Religious Houſes, and keeping down the Clergy; whom, in regard of their Oath to the Pope, he uſually termed the Kings half Subjects: And for expelling the Monks, he ſaid it was no more then a reſtoring them to the firſt Inſtitution, of being lay and labouring perſons: Neither did 〈…〉 t move him that ſo much ſtrictneſs and austerity of Life was enjoyned them in their ſeveral Orders, ſince, he ſaid, they might keep it in any condition: But as theſe Reaſons again were not admitted by divers learned and able Perſons, ſo he got him many Enemies, who at last procured his fall; but not before he had obtained ſucceſſively the Dignities of Maſter of the Rolls, Baron, Lord Privy Seal, Vicegerent to the King in Spirituali • ies, Knight of the Garter, Earl of Eſſex, Great Chamberlane of England, &c. He was much noted in the exerciſes of his Places of Judicature, • o have uſed much Moderation; and in his greateſt pomp to have taken notice and been thankful to mean perſons of his old acquaintance; and wherein had a Vertue which his Maſter the Cardinal wanted.

As for his other deſcriptions, I leave them to be taken out of Cranmers Letter formerly mentioned, with ſome deduction; For it ſeems written to the King in more then Ordinary Favour of his entient Service.

Archbiſhop Cranmer's Character of Cromwel, in a Letter to King Henry the Eighth.

WHo cannot be ſorrowful and amazed that he ſhould be a Traytor againſt your Majeſty? He that was ſo advanced by your Majeſty, He whoſe Surety was onely by your Majeſty, He who loved your Majeſt (as I ever thought) no leſs then God; He who ſtadied always to ſet forwards whatſoever was you Majeſties will and pleaſure; He that cared for 〈…〉 mans á ſpleaſure to ſerve your Majeſty; He the was ſuch a Servant in my judgement, in wiſdom diligence, faithfulneſs & experience, as no Prine in this Realm ever had: He that was ſo vigilant 〈◊〉 preſerve your Majeſty from all Treaſons, that f 〈…〉 could be ſo ſecretly conceived, but he detected the ſame in the beginning. If the Noble Princes of memory, King John, Henry II. and Richard Il • had had ſuch a Counſellour about them, I ſuppoſed they ſhould never have been ſo Traiterouſly abandoned and overthrown as thoſe good Princes were. After which, he ſays again, I loved him as my Friend, for ſo I took him to be; but I chiefly loved him for the love which I thought I ſaw him bear ever towards your Grace, ſingularly above all other: But now, if he be a Traitor, I am ſorry that ever I loved him or truſted him; and I am very glad that his Treaſon is diſcovered in time: But yet egain I am very ſorrowful; for who ſhall your Grace truſt hereafter, if you might not truſt him? Alas! I bewail and lament your Graces chance herein! I wot not whom your Grace may truſt. But I pray God continually night and day to ſend ſuch a Counſellour in his place whom your Grace may truſt, and who for all his Qualities can and will ſerve your Grace like to him; and that will have ſo much ſollicitude and care to preſerve your Grace from all dangers, as I ever thought he had.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth.

THE Edw. 6. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of King Edward the VI.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Seymours.

EDward Seymour and Thomas Seymour both ſons of Sir John Seymour of Wolful in Wiltſhire. I joyn them together, becauſe whilſt they were united in affection, they were invincible; but when divided, eaſily overthrown by their enemies.

EDward Duke of Somerſet, Lord Protector and Treaſurer of England, being the elder THomas Seymour the younger brother, was made Baron of Sudley; brother, ſucceeded to a fair Paternal inheritance. He was a valiant Souldier for Land-ſervice, fortunate, and generally beloved by Martial men. He was of an open nature, free from jealouſie and diſſembling, affable to all people. He married Anne, Daughter to Sir Edward Stanhop, a Lady of a high minde, and haughty undaunted ſpirit. and by Offices and the favours of his Nephew, King Edward the ſixth, obtained a great Eſtate. He was well experienced in Sea-affairs, and made Lord Admiral of England. He lay at a cloſe poſture, being of a reſerved nature, and more cunning in his carriage. He married Queen Katherine Parr, the Widow of King Henry 8.

Very great the Animoſities betwixt their Wives; the Dutcheſs refuſing to bear the Queens Train, and in effect juſtled with her for precedence: ſo that what betwixt the Train of the Queen, and long Gown of the Dutcheſs, they raiſed ſo much duſt at the Court, as at laſt put out the eyes of both their Husbands, and occaſioned their Executions.

Their Siſters Beauty commended them to the Kings favours; (but a frail ſupport that! which is as laſting onely as a Phancy, and onely as certain as Paſſion:) therefore their Parts recommended them to his ſervice. Affection ſhall lead me to Court, but I'll take care that Intereſt keeps me there.

Sir Edward Seymours temper ſuited with the Kings Inclinations, and his ſpirit with his times; both high, both ſtirring. In the throng of Courtiers, there are but three ſteps to raiſe a man to obſervation: 1. Some peculiar ſufficiency; 2. Some particular exploit; and, 3. An eſpecial Friend: This Noble Perſon ſhewed the firſt with advantage, in that draught of Military Diſcipline preſented to Henry the eighth, wherein the embattling is moſt remarkable, viz. Twenty two compleat Companies make up four Squadrons; every Squadron of Pikes and Muſquets being drawn up apart, the Pikes and Colours on the left hand, and the Muſqueteers on the right. Theſe Squadrons makeup a Brigade, to be drawn up as followeth, viz. Ten Corporalſhips of Muſqueteers being 34 Rots divided into five Plattons, every Platton being nine or ſo in front, led by a Major, and even diviſion by a ſufficient Commander. Next after theſe, 36 Rats of Pikes are to follow, (being twelve Corporalſhips) with their Colours following them, till they are drawn up even in from with the 32 Rots of Muſqueteers: This make the Right Wing of the Brigade. 2. The Batter of Pikes moveth forwards in diviſion, doing in a • reſpects as the former, till they range even in front with the Pikes of the Right Wing: Then the other 32 Rots of Muſqueteers belonging to the middle Squadron, (who are appointed to make the Battel of the Brigade) are led up as the firſt Muſqueteers in all points, but at a reaſonable diſtance behind the Pikes of their own Squadrons. Then the laſt Squadron of Pikes marcheth up, in all reſpects obſerving the ſame order, until they have attained to range in front even with other Pikes.

This being done, the Battel or middle Squadron of Pikes and Muſquets advanceth in one body, until it's clear of the Wings. Laſtly, the Surplus of the three Squadrons being 48 Rots of Muſqueteers, are drawn up behind the Brigade, where they are to attend the Commands of their Officers, to guard the Baggage or Cannon, to be Convoys for Ammunition or Victuals to the reſt, or continue a reſerve to wait upon all occaſions.

2. Eminent was his ability for this Draught, more eminent for his performance agreeable to it in Bretaign; where he ſate before a Town ſix weeks to no purpoſe, while it expected relief from Italy: but at laſt he inſinuates a jealouſie between the Pope and the French King touching that City, that obſtructed all relief: He with as much ſpeed as policy ſets upon the two main Sconces for defence of the Town, and took them both; battering the Town and Caſtle with that violence and noiſe, that they ſay it was heard 100 miles off. A Train of Powder is laid to blow them up when they ſhould enter; but this ſucceeded not: for the French in paſſing the Ditch had ſo wet their cloaths, that dropping upon the Train, the Powder would not take fire; and ſo all things conſpiring to crown his Valour with ſucceſs, he takes the Caſtle firſt; and then dividing the Town, and weakning it by ſeveral aſſaults at once, brought it to his own terms. Here his Valour had been eminent, but that his Conduct was more; and his Conduct renowned, but that his nobleneſs towards the Conquerour, his civility and obligingneſs towards the Souldiery, and his integrity towards all perſons, had out-done that.

There are but two things that a ſubject can honeſtly oblige his Prince in: 1. Keeping his ſubjects in peace at home, 2. Keeping his enemies under abroad: 1. Thoſe ſoft, but prudent Acts of Peace; 2. Thoſe reſolved, but well-managed ways of War: Sir Thomas wanted neither a reſolution for the one, nor a temper for the other.

But ſufficiency and merits are neglected things when not befriended: (Princes are too reſerved to be taken with the firſt appearances of worth, unleſs recommended by tryed judgements: it's fit, as well as common, that they have their Counſellours for perſons as well as things:) his Siſter therefore was married on Whitſunday, and he is on the Tueſday following created Viſcount Beauchamp. But ne 〈…〉 year his. Nephew is born; the hope and ſtay of his Majeſty and his Realms, and he is made Earl 〈◊〉 Hertford.

King Henry underſtanding that the Pope upon his own and Cardinal Pool's account ſtirred up all the Princes of Europe againſt him, as a provident Prince, rode himſelf to the Sea-coaſts to ſee then fortified. Admiral Fitz-Williams is old, Sir Thomas Seymour aſſiſts him to rig the Navy to be in redineſs in ſix days time: Sir Edward is to muſter the Land-forces, and particularly the City of London, where were 15000 Armed men ready, May 8. in St. Jameſes, at which place the City ſeemed 〈◊〉 Camp, and the Citizens men not of the Gown, but of the Armour. Great this Lords intereſt in, and reſpect with the people; as great his brothers with the Sea-men: the Multitude would leave all for their good Lord of Hertford, and the Sea-men would die with their noble Lord Seymour. When the King of Scots had deluded King Henry in his correſpondencies with France beyond all patience, and had been forborn beyond all ſafety or prudence, Sir Edward Seymour is firſt ſent to treat, and then to ſight; which he did with that ſucceſs, that 300 of his men, and a ſtratagem, (to poſſeſs the Scots with an apprehenſion that the whole Engliſh Army was upon them) took and killed 30000 Scots, had more priſoners then they could keep, more booty then they could diſpoſe of; and adding this to their Victory, That they broke the Kings heart.

There was no end to be expected of a War with Seotland, but by marrying that Kings Daughter to our Soveraigns Son. This Match was my Lord Seymour's intereſt as well as the Kings: his prudence and experience is therefore employed firſt to perſwade it; and when that would not do, (ſo great and ſo croſs the Papal power there by Cardinal Betons means) his Valour and Reſolution is ſent with 10000 to compel it: in order whereunto, May 4. landing at Granther Gray, he marcheth in order towards Leith, which (after a defeat given the Cardinal, the Earls of Arran, Huntley, &c. by his Harquebuſiers) they entred, and thence proceeded to Edinburgh: (my Lord Dudley leading the Front, our Earl the Battle, and the Earl of Shrewsbury the Rereward:) there the Keys are offered them upon conditions; which they refuſing, (and ſo making the Enemy deſperate, who reſolveth rather to periſh nobly, then be undone by ſubmiſſion) the Town holds out, and they are able to do no more, with ſome conſiderable loſs, then burn the ſuburbs, waſte the Country to an utter deſolation for ſeven miles compaſs, demoliſh Leith, Dunbar, &c. take all their Ships and Ammunition, returning to Berwick with the loſs onely of 14 men.

Two things he was eminent for:

1. His Advice, that not the leaſt Punctilio of the Law ſhould be neglected: whereupon the Earl of Surrey and other Nobility were impriſoned for eating Fleſh in Lent. A ſecret and unobſerved contempt of the Law, is a cloſe undermining of Authority; which muſt be either its ſelf in indulging nothing, or be nothing in allowing all. Liberty knows no reſtraint, no limit, when winked at.

2. For his Popularity, in advancing the Benevolence 52000 l. beyond expectation.

The Scots muſt have War as long as there is Poverty in their Country, and Intereſt in France: This Noble Earl cutteth off the Invaders, layeth waſte the Country, and (that the ſource of thoſe troubles might be damned up) entreth France with 80000 men; and after ſome skirmiſhes, brought the King thereof to a peace and ſubmiſſion.

In purſuance whereof, while King Henry was in Bologn, he made his Will, wherein the Earl of Hertford Lord High Chamberlain is appointed Principal Counſellour to his Nephew: and not long after he dieth, and leaves the Kingdome to his ſon, and his ſon to his Uncle, whom the common Vote made Protector, and Intereſt a Moderator of the Council, which the times required able, but their humours made factious. The peace with King Francis and the Emperour was but uncertain, the Scots were irreconcileable, the Pope implacable, Religion unſetled, the Clergy out of frame, the People diſtracted, and the Nobility at variance. A great Counſellour King Henry leaves his ſon, and a greater his Uncle makes him: In Bacons Eſſ. 116. counſel is ſtability: things will have their firſt or ſecond agitation: if they be not toſſed upon the Arguments of Counſel, they will be toſſed upon the Waves of Fortune. But yet this Lord miſcarried, in that the Council underſtood him better then he did them: And he adviſed with them rather in publick, where men ſpeak warily, and in compliance with others humour; then in private, where they deliver themſelves more freely, and agreeably to their own humours. (The Rule is, Ask an inferiour mans advice in private, that he may be free; and a ſuperiours in publick, that he may be reſpectful.) But he did well, 1. In that the ſame matter if weighed, was never propounded and reſolved the ſame day. 2. In that he had fixed days of petitions, for the peoples and his own eaſe. 3. In that he poyzed his Committees of contrary Inclinations; that watched and balanced each other to a moderation moſt ſafe for the Kingdome and himſelf. 4. That he had of all Profeſſions ſuch at his command as opened the ſtate of a buſineſs before any Commiſſioners debated it. 5. That he ſeldome diſcovered his own inclination, left it byaſſed his Counſel. 6. That to prevent a Combination in the Council, he weakned their power and priviledges, their credit, their dependencies, either by office or expectation, their opportunities and correſpondencies, ſo that he could eaſily remove any when faulty, diſcover any when dangerous, diſgrace any when bold, and not fit to be entruſted with the Counſels, Reſolves, Deliberations and Neceſſities of the State. In order to which, he had two uſeful Reſolutions, 1. To ſuppreſs Calumnies, 2. To encourage Accuſations. His firſt Acts were Shew and Pomp, (neceſſary for Greatneſs) viz. The Knighting of the King, and making himſelf Duke. His next are Realities: as, 1. His modelling the Country for a Parliament, conſidering the temper of the people, and the pulſe of the laſt Parliament; redreſſing Grievances, ſetling Elections by ſuch Legal Rules, as that the people ſhould not be corrupted with money, overborn by importunity, tranſported by fear or favour to an unworthy or an unſuitable choice; and taking a juſt time to prepare the people for the deſigned ſettlement, by his grave and ſober Injunctions, by godly and good Books of Inſtructions, by a wholſome form of Prayer, (compoſed at Windſor) by a more exact tranſlation of the Bible, by ſeveral Proclamations for moderation and order on all hands, by inhibiting all Preachers but ſuch learned, ſober, grave and diſcreet men as were Licenſed thereunto under the Lord Protector's and my Lord of Canterbury's hand.

2. His promoting the Match with Scotland firſt by Ambaſſadours, and then by an Army, whoſe order was this: viz. The avant-guard of 3 or 4000 The Duke of Somerfet's march. foot-men at Arms, and 600 light-horſe led by the Earl of Warwick; the main Battle of 6000 foot, and 600 men at Arms, and 1000 light-horſe, led by the Protector; and the Rear of half ſo many, led by the Lord Dacres; the Artillery of 16 Pieces of Ordnance making one Wing, the men at Arms and Demilances the other. For the Avant-guard and half of the Battel riding about two flight-ſhot from their ſide, the other half of the Battel: and the whole Flank of the Rear was cloſed by the Carriages, being 12000 Carts and Waggons; the reſt of the men at Arms and Demilances marching behind. A few skirmiſhes and ſtratagems paſſed, when a Trumpeter is ſent by Huntley to challenge the Protector; to whom the Protector replying like a wiſe man, That it was not for a perſon of his truſt to duel it with a private man; The Earl of Warwick ſaid, Trumpeter, bring me word that thy Maſter will perform the Combat with me, and I'll give thee 100 Crowns. Nay, rather, ſaid our Duke, bring me word that he will give us Battle, and I will give thee 1000 l. But in 25 days he gains a greater The ſame day that 30 years ago they were beaten at Flodden. Battle, over-runs the Country with the loſs of no more then 65 men, to that of 25000 Scots.

3. His third Exploit was, Diſpenſing He made the firſt and laſt Bannerets. Honours ſo nobly, that they were due encouragements to Vertue; though yet ſo warily, that they ſhould not be either a burden or a danger to the Crown.

4. He gave the Commonalty great content, in pulling down Encloſures by Proclamations; and the Nobility no leſs, by ſetting up Land-improvements by Rule.

5. He engaged both, by a good bargain of Church-lands, confirmed by this Parliament.

6. He weakneth the Papiſts, 1. By conniving at them until they broke out to ſuch outrages as made them lyable. 2. By dividing them when engaged, with hope of mercy on the one hand, and fear of his Army on the other.

7. The French taking the advantage of our ſeditions to break off their Treaty, and proclaim a War, he confiſcates their Eſtates, and ſecures the perſons of as many of them as lived in England.

But Greatneſs is fatal; and his Brother that ſhould have ſupported this great man, ruines himſelf and him. He had married a Lady high in ſpirit; his Brother the Queen-Dowager, higher in place: The Lady Stanhope, the Ladies quarrel firſt, and then (as it muſt needs follow) the Lords. Thomas the Admiral is queſtioned for aiming at the Crown, 1. By marrying the Lady Elizabeth, and then by ſeizing the Kings perſon and the Government: ſo honeſt this Protector, (a plain man, and of no over-deep inſight into Practices) that he gave way to his Tryal, ſaying, (though ſomewhat ominous as it happened) I'll do and ſuffer Juſtice: ſo Uxorious, that he ſealed his death. And now he ſtands alone, wanting his Brothers cunning to reach Warwick, or his reſolution to check Norfolk. The people are troubled at that one weak and unjuſtifiable Act of his, The pulling down of ſo many of Gods Churches in the City, to build one Someſet-houſe in the Strand.

The Earl takes notice of their diſcontent, and aſſembleth eighteen diſcontented Counſellours, who arm themſelves and their Whom they put in new Liveries. followers, calling the City and the Kingdome to their aſſiſtance by a Proclamation. The Protector fleeth with the King and a Guard to Hampton-Court: the City ſometimes reſolved to aſſiſt the Lords, out of malice to the Protector; ſometimes to forbear out of ſuch conſideration of its many misfortunes in oppoſing Kings, ſet forth not with more Integrity by George Stadlow, then Eloquence and Life by John Ayliffe. They delay: Sir Anthony Wingfield Captain of the Guard perſwardes the King of the Lords moderation and and Loyalty; the Duke is to anſwer for himſelf: the Laywers charge him with removing Weſtminſter-hall to Somerſet-houſe, where he kept a Court of Requeſts, and determined Title of Lands; the Souldiers with the detaining of their pay, and betraying our-French Gariſons; the States-men with the engroſſing of all Authority. The Earl of Warwick vigilantly but cloſely manageth all diſcontents to his deſigne with this great advantage, that he was ſubtle, cloſe, and implacable, while the other was free-ſpirited, open-hearted, humble, hard to diſtruſt, eaſie to forgive. His friend the Lord Ruſſel is abſent: he is firſt tryed and acquitted, but with the loſs of his Protectorſhip, Treaſurerſhip, Marſhalſhip, and 2000 l. of Land more.

But Warwick's deſigne for the Crown ripening, and Somerſet being the moſt eminent obſtruction in his way, having weakned, before he ruines him, now he chargeth him with Treaſon, to make a noiſe; and with Felony, to do execution: the Council is packed, he looſeth his life (for a ſmall crime, and that on a For contriving the death of a Privy 〈…〉 Counſellour. nice point, ſubtilly deviſed and packed by his enemies) forgetting to ask the benefit of the Clergy, that had ſaved it. This Perſon, as Mr. Fuller charactereth him, was religious himſelf, a lover of all ſuch as were ſo, and a great promoter of the Reformation: Valiant and ſucceſsful, generally beloved by Souldiers, envied by States-men, though the moſt conſcientious of them all; doing nothing irregularly, but in complyance with the neceſſities of Government; open to dangers, as one that could not be jealous; better to act, then deſigne; to perform, then plot. When he was diſcharged of Treaſon, there was ſo loud a ſhout in Weſtminſterhall, as was heard to Long-acre; when condemned of Felony, there was a ſilence and amazement for three hours. Beheaded he was on Tower-hill, with no leſs praiſe for his piety and patience, then pity and grief of the ſpectators. His Death was attended with many ſignes and wonders, and his Name with an indelible character, his houſe being called Somerſet-houſe to this day, though ſolemnly proclaimed by King James Denmark-houſe, becauſe inhabited by the King of Denmark and his Siſter. Surely (ſaith my Author) this Duke was well beloved ſince his Name made ſuch indelible impreſſion on 〈…〉 houſe, whereof he was not five years in poſſeſſion Death hath this alſo, That it openeth the Gate 〈◊〉 good Fame, and extinguiſheth Envy. Philip asked Demetrius if he did not fear to loſe his head; He anſwered, No: for if he did, the Athenians would give him one immortal; He ſhould be ſtatued in the Temple of Eternal Fame.

Nil non Mortale tenemus, Pectoris exceptis ingenii que bonis: En ego, cum Patria caream vobis que domo que Rapta que ſint, adimi quae potuere mibi, Virtute attamen ipſe mea comitor que fruor que Caeſar in hoc potuit juris habere nibil. Quilibet hanc ſaevo vitam mihi, finiat enſe, M • tamen extincto fama perennis erit. All that we hold will die, But our brave Thoughts and Ingenuity: Even I that want my Country, Houſe and Friend, From whom is raviſhed all that Fate can rend, Poſſeſs yet my own Genius, and enjoy That which is more then Caeſar can deſtroy. Each Groom may kill me: but whenſoe'er I die, My Fame ſhall live to mate eternity.

Brave men never die: Worth begets in weak and • aſe minds, Envy: in the Magnanimous, Emulation; in Poſterity, Renown: A Renown, that is as the beams about the Sun, or the glory about an holy picture, that ſhews it to be a Saint, though it be no eſſential part: it riſeth from the body of that Vertue, which cannot chuſe but ſhine, and give a light through all the clouds of errour and deſtruction. And though ſometimes the miſts and vapours of the lower earth impede the light it gives, yet there will be apparent Rays, that ſhew there is Deſert unſeen, which yeilds thoſe • leams of brightneſs to the whole Horizon, that it moves and ſhines in, which ſurvive to a glorious kind of immortality, when the Good Man is dead and gone; a Good Name being the embalming of the Vertuous to an eternity of love and gratitude among poſterity. For my own Honour (ſaith the Royal Martyr) I am well aſſured, that as mine Innocence is clear before God in point of any calumnies they object; ſo my Reputation ſhall like the Sun (after Owls and Bats have had their freedome in the night) riſe and recover its ſelf to ſuch a degree of ſplendour, as thoſe feral birds ſhall be grieved to behold, nd unable to bear.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Pars.

SIr William Par Uncle and Lord Chamberlain There was another of his name Sheriff, Nephew to this Knight, in 25 of H 8. to Queen Katharine Par, was by King Henry the Eighth created Baron Par of Horton: he left two Daughters onely, married into the Families of Treſſam and Lane. His Relation called him to Court, but his Age forbid him the pleaſures, and his own Reſervedneſs the freedom of that place▪ before which he preferred the pious, peaceable, and hoſpitable way of the Countrey, where Popularity affected him, more then he affected it; No man being more beloved by the vulgar, no man leſs in love with them: It being his Obſervation 〈…〉 ther then his Countrey-man Sir Edward Mou 〈…〉 gue's ſaying, That if you do the common ſort of people nineteen courteſies together, yet you may loſe th 〈…〉 love, if you go but over the ſtile before them.

His Couſin Sir William was brought by his Siſter to Court, and advanced by his Brother to Honour; being for his Majeſties ſake as well as his own, made Lord Far of Kendal, Earl of Eſſex, by King Henry the Eighth, and Marqueſs of Northampton by King Edward: Queen Mary deprived him of his Eſtate and Honour for ſiding with the Lady Jane, and Queen Elizabeth reſtored him to both, for favouring the Proteſtant Religion.

His Delight was Muſick and Poetry, and his Exerciſe War; being a happy compoſure of the hardeſt and ſofteſt Diſcipline, equally made for Court and Camp, for Delight or Horrour: But his skill in the Field anſwered not his induſtry, nor his ſucceſs his skill: Yet King Edward called him, His Honeſt Uncle; and King Henry, His Integrity. The whole Family was made by a Marriage, but died Iſſueleſs.

The common Rule of Favourites is, to bring in all their Relations about them, to adorn and ſupport them: but this Marqueſs would ſay, A wall that hath a firm Bottom, had need of no Buttreſs; and that which wants it, is often rather thruſt down then upheld by it. The Antiquaries crouch, as though they upheld the Church, when they are upheld by it: Clients are more a burden then a ſtrength: and when the chief Favourite dares not diſpleaſe his Soveraign becauſe he is ſo near him, they dare, becauſe he is between them and Majeſty. His Followers were not gaudy, to render him ſuſpitious; nor diſcontented, to breed ill blood, and a miſunderſtanding; nor too open, to diſcover him: but deſerving, to honour him; and hopeful, to be advanced by him. Active men were recommended by him to King Henry's buſie Occaſions, and Vertuous to King Edward's pious Inclinations.

In his laſt years he found that there was little love in the World, and leaſt of all among Equals; and that that which was, is between Superiour and Inferiour, whoſe fortune may comprehend the one the other. To eaſe his minde therefore, to ſatisfie his Judgement, to obſerve his overſight, he adopted Sir William Cholmley, bringing him firſt to his Houſe, and then to his Heart, to ſhew him that impartially, which he could not diſcern in himſelf. There is no ſuch Flatterer as a mans ſelf; and there is no ſuch Remedy againſt Flattery of a mans ſelf as the liberty of a Friend: Counſel is of two ſorts; (to go on in my Authors words) the one concerning manners, the other concerning buſineſs: for the firſt, the beſt preſervative to keep the minde in health, is the faithful admonition of a Friend: The calling of a mans ſelf to a ſtri 〈…〉 account, is a medicine ſometime too piercing and corr 〈…〉 ding; reading good Books of Morality is a little flat and Lord Bacon's Eſſayes. dead; obſerving our faults in others is ſometimes improper for our caſe: but the beſt receipt (beſt I ſay; 〈◊〉 work, and beſt to take) is the Admonition of a Friend.

So much ſolid Worth he had, that he had no uſe of Ambition; ſo much Modeſty, that he made little uſe of his Worth: Mean thoughts he entertained of himſelf, and as mean thoughts did he by his down-caſt though grave look, his ſparing though pertinent diſcourſe, and his ſubmiſſive though regardful carriage, ſuggeſt of himſelf. But 〈◊〉 well-manag'd boldneſs is the Vertue of Monarchick Courts, and a diſcreet ſubmiſſion that of a Republican; no advantagious admiſſion into the one, without the firſt, nor ſafety in the other, without the ſecond: Here, if you are bold, you muſt look for an Oſtraciſm: there, if you are modeſt, for Neglect: Yet a ſober and moderate man may be in faſhion once in an Age. The Souldier and the Gentleman are the Warlike Princes Darlings; Church-men, the Religious; Phyſicians, the Sickly and Old; Scholars, the Learned; Exchequerers, the Poor, Covetous, or Prodigal; Lawyers, the Juſt; and They of a Healing, Soft and Pliable Temper, (King James his character and commendation of my Lord Bacon) the Settling and the Peaceable, ſuch as Edward the VI, in whoſe Reign he was advanced, and Queen Elizabeth, in whoſe Reign he was reſtored.

It was in purſuance of King Henry's Statute, that he cloſed with King Edward's Will: For this Clauſe he produced for himſelf:

Provided, That if the Lady Mary do not keep nor perform ſuch Conditions, which ſhall be limited and appointed, as aforeſaid, that then and from thenceforth, for lack of Heirs of the Kings Body, and the ſaid Lord Prince, lawfully begotten, the ſaid Imperial Crown, and other the Premiſes, ſhall be, come and remain to ſuch Perſon and Perſons, and of ſuch Eſtate and Eſtates as the Kings Highneſs by his Letters Patents ſealed under His Great Seal, or by His laſt Will in Writing, ſigned with His Hand, ſhall limit and appoint.

Iſocrates was a man of an excellent Wit, but finding himſelf deſtitute of countenance, geſture and confidence, he never durſt ſpeak in publick, contenting himſelf to teach, even to his decrepit days; and commonly ſaying, He taught Rhetorique for a thouſand Ryals, but would give more then ten thouſand to him that would teach him confidence: This Marqueſs brought up many a Courtier, yet had not the face to be One himſelf, until Queen Elizabeth, who balanced her Council in point of Religion in the beginning of her Reign, as ſhe did her Court in point of Intereſt throughout, threatned him to the Council-Board firſt, and then to her Cabinet; where none more ſecret, to keep counſel; none more faithful, to give it; and more modeſt, to ſubmit. A ſincere, plain, direct man; not cra • ty nor involved.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Cheek.

SIr John Cheeke, born over againſt the Market. Croſs in Cambridge, became Tutor to King Edward the Sixth, and Secretary of State: Not ſo meanly deſcended as Sir John Heyward pretends, (who writes him, The Son of his own Deſerts) being a Branch of the Cheeks of Moſton in the I 〈…〉 of Wight, (where their Eſtate was three hundred pound a year, three hundred years ago, and no more within this thirty years:) happy in his Father, Mr. Peter Cheeke, whoſe firſt tuition ſeaſoned him; happier in his good A Duffeild. Mother, (that grave Matron) whoſe good Recommending to him the care of three thrings: 1. His God. 2. His Soul. 3. His Company. counſel and Chriſtian charge when he was going to Court, ſettled him; and happieſt of all in the place of his birth, where he fell from his Mothers Womb to the Muſes Lap, and learned as ſoon as he lived, being a Scholar ſooner then he was a man. A German had the care of his younger ſtudies, and a Frenchman of his carriage; his parts being too large to be confined to the narrowneſs of Engliſh Rules, and too ſprightly to attend the tediouſneſs, and creep by the compaſs of an Engliſh method. The ſame day was he and Mr. Aſcham admitted to St. Johns, and the ſame week to Court, the one to the T • ition of Edward the Sixth, the other of Queen Elizabeth: there they Both happy in their Maſter Doctor Metcalf, who though he could not (as The • iſtocles ſaid) fiddle, yet he could make a little Colledge a great one, and breed Scholars, though he was none: His advice deterred them from the rough Learning of the Modern Schoolmen, and their own Genius led them to the more polite ſtudies of the antient Orators and Hiſtorians; wherein they profited ſo well, that the one was the copious Orator, the other the Greek Profeſſor of that Univerſity.

A conteſt began now, between the Introducers Full. Hiſt. Cambr. p. 119 of the New, and the Defenders of the Old Pronunciation of the Greek: the former endeavoured to give each Letter, Vowel and Dip • thong its full ſound: whilſt Doctor Caius and others of the Old ſtamp, cried out againſt this Project, and the Promoters of it; taxing It for novelty, and Them for want of experience, and affirming Greek it ſelf to be barbarous, ſo clowniſhly uttered; and that neither France, Germany nor Italy owned any ſuch Pronunciation. John Cheeke and Thomas Smith maintained that this was no Innovation, but the antient utterance of Greek, moſt clear, and moſt full. Chancellour Gardiner then interpoſed againſt the Pronunciation, and the Authors of it: But cuſtom hath ſince prevailed for the uſe of the one, and the due commendation of the other.

Sir John Cheeke's Authors were Iſocrates and Thucydides; his Auditors the youngeſt that came thither, for Language; and the oldeſt that heard him, for his Diſcourſe and Policy: The one preferred him to the ample Provo 〈…〉 ſhip of Kings, the other to the great Truſt of Secretary of State: Prince Edward ſtudied not his Book more ſedulouſlouſly, then he ſtudied him, that his Rules might comply with his Inclination, and his Lectures with his temper: Lectures, that were rather Diſcourſes inſtilled to him Majeſtically, as a Prince; then Leſſons beaten into him pedantiquely, as a School-boy. The wiſe man would not be debaſing his Royal Pupils minde with the nauſeated and low crumbs of a Pedant, but ennobling it with the free and high Maximes of a States-man; ſugaring the more auſtere parts of Learning with the pleaſures of Poetry, Diſcourſe, Apologues; and ſo deceiving the Royal Youth to an improvement before his own years, and others comprehenſion. His very Recreations were uſeful, and his Series of lighter exerciſes (for he obſerved a method in them too) a conſtant ſtudy; his Table, his School; his Meat, his Diſcipline: the induſtrious Tutour filling up each ſpace of his time with its ſuitable inſtruction; it being his Maxime, That time and Obſervation were the beſt Maſters, and Exerciſe the beſt Tutor. While others doated over their Rules, his Pupils practiſed them; no day paſſing without his Letters to the King, as that, Literae meae unum ſemper babet Argumentum Vid. Full. Eccl. Hiſt. Edw. 6. (Rex Nobiliſſime & Pater Illuſtriſſime) hoc eſt, in omnibus Epiſtolis ago tibi gratias, &c. or to the Queen, as that, Quod non ad ſe jamdiu ſcriberem in cauſa fuit non negligentia, ſed ſtudium; non enim hoc feci ut nunquam omnino ſcriberem, ſed accuratius ſcriberem, &c. I have two Tutors, (ſaid King Edward to Cardan) Diligence and Moderation, Sir Jo. Cheeke and Doctor Coxe. So exact an account he gave Prince Edward of his Fathers Kingdome, and its Intereſt, that King Henry deſigned him for Secretary, and King Edward made him one.

Three years he had that place; and in that three years did England more ſervice, ſo great his Parts, Learning and Religion! more kindneſs, ſuch his eminency in both! and gave the people more ſatiſfaction, ſuch his Integrity and Dexterity! then all that went before him, and moſt that came after him. He was the firſt that brought in the uſe of a Diary, and his Pupil the next that practiſed it: His Aphoriſm it was, That a dark and imperfect reflexion upon Affairs floating in the memory, was like words diſperſed and inſignificant; whereas a compleat view of them in a Book, was like the ſame words pointed in a period, and made ſignificant.

Much did the Kingdome value him, but more the King: for being once deſperately ſick, the King carefully enquired of him every day; at laſt his Phyſitian told him there was no hope for his life, being given over by him for a dead man: No, ſaid the King, he will not die at this time; for this morning I begged his life from God in my Prayers, and obtained it. Which accordingly came to paſs; and he ſoon after, againſt all expectation, wonderfully recovered. This (ſaith Doctor Fuller) was atteſted by the old Earl of Huntington, (bred up in his child-hood with King Edward) to Sir Tho. Cheeke, who anno 1654. was alive, and 80 years of Age.

But though his Prayers ſaved his Tutors life, none could ſave his; who died with the Proteſtant Religion in his heart and arms: and Sir John had died with him, but that being outed of all his preſerments, he outed himſelf from the Kingdome: loving to all the Engliſh Exiles at Strasburgh, and well beloved all over Germany; until truſting to the Stars too much, (would he had either not gone ſo high, or gone a little higher for advice) and his friends too little, he went to meet his dear Wife in Brabant; where neither my Lord Paget's promiſe, nor Sir John Maſon's pledges, nor Abbot Fecknam's interceſſion, could excuſe him from being unhorſed and carted, impriſoned and tortured, vexed with all the arts of power, and perplexed, until his hard uſage meeting with ſome fair promiſes, brought him to a Recantation that broke his heart; and after much melancholick ſighing and ſilence, brought him to his Grave; The great example of Parts and Ingenuity, of frailty and infirmity, of repentance and piety. Forced he was to ſit with Bonner in his Courts, but forced he would not be to joyn with him in his Judgement: look on he did, but weep and groan too.

A good Chriſtian he was, witneſs his pious Epiſtles; an excellent States-man, as appears by his True Subject to the Rebel; a Book as ſeaſonably republiſhed (by Doctor Langbaine of Queens Colledge in Oxford) in the excellent King Charles his troubles, as it was at firſt written in the good King Edward's commotions.

Veſpaſian ſaid of Apollonius, That his gate was open to all Philoſophers, but his Heart to Him: And Sir John Cheeke would ſay to Father Latimer, I ha • e an Ear for other Divines, but I have an Heart for You.

A Country-man in Spain coming to an Image enſhrined, the extruction and firſt making whereof he could well remember, and not finding from the ſame that reſpectful uſage which he expected, You need not (quoth he) be ſo proud; for we have kn • wn you from a Plum-tree. Sir John Cheeke one day diſcourſing of the Popes Threats, ſaid, He need not be ſo high; for we have known him a Chaplain. He took much delight in that ſaying of Herod the Sophiſt, when he was pained with the Gout in his hands and feet: When I would eat, (ſaid he) I have no hands; when I would go, I have no feet: but when I muſt be pained, I have both hands and feet. Applying it thus: When we would ſerve God, we have no ſoul; when we would ſerve our Neighbours, we have no body: but when we ſuffer for neglecting both, we ſhall finde we have both a body and a ſoul.

Guſtavus Adolphus ſome three days before his death, ſaid, Our affairs anſwer our deſires: but I doubt God will puniſh me for the folly of my people, who attribute too much to me, and eſteem me as it were their God; and therefore he will make them ſhortly know and ſee I am but a man: I ſubmit to his will, and I know he will not leave this great Enterpriſe of mine imperfect. Three things Sir John Cheeke obſerved of Edward the ſixth: 1. That the peoples eſteem of him would looſe him. 2. That his Reformation ſhould be overthrown. 3. That yet it ſhould recover, and be finiſhed.

As to Publick Counſels: 1. Sir John was againſt the War with Scotland, which he ſaid was rather to be united to England, then ſeparated from it. 2. He was againſt King Edwards Will, ſaying, He would never diſtruſt God ſo far in the preſervation of his true Religion, as to diſinherit Orphans, to keep up Proteſtantiſm. 3. He laid a Platform of a War with Spain. 4. He kept Neuter in the Court-factions. 5. Biſhop Ridley, Doctor Coxe, ſeconded; and Sir John Cheeke contrived all King Edward's Acts of Charity.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Wentworth.

SIr Tho. Wentworth of Nettleſted in Suffolk, ſo a younger Family, (confeſſed by the Creſcent in his Coat) deſcended from the Wentworths of Wentworth-wood-houſe in York-ſhire, and was created Baron Wentworth by King Henry 8. He was a ſtout and valiant Gentleman, a cordial Proteſtant, and his Family a Sanctuary of ſuch Profeſſors; John Bale comparing him to the good Centurion in the Goſpel, and gratefully acknowledging him the cauſe of his converſion from a Carmelite. The memory of this good Lord is much (but unjuſtly) blemiſhed, becauſe Calis was loſt the laſt of Queen Mary under his Government: The manner was huddled up in our Chronicles, (leaſt is beſt of bad buſineſs) whereof this is the effect: The Engliſh being ſecure by reaſon of the laſt Conqueſt at St. Quintin, and the Duke of Guiſe having notice thereof, he ſate down before the Town at the time (not when Kings go forth to, but return from battle) of mid-winter, even upon New-years-day. Next day he took the two Forts of Riſebank and Newman-bridge, (wherein the ſtrength of the City conſiſted) but whether they were undermined or undermoneyed, it is not decided, and the laſt left moſt ſuſpitious. Within three days the Caſtle of Calis, which commanded the City, and was under the command of Sir Ralph Chamberlain, was taken, the French wading through the Ditches, (made ſhallower by their artificial cut) and then entring the Town, were repulſed back by Sir Anthony Ager Marſhal of Calis, the onely man, ſaith Stow, who was killed in the fight, (underſtand him, of note) others, for the credit of the buſineſs, accounting fourſcore loſt in that ſervice. The French re-entring the City the next day, being Twelfth-day, the Lord Wentworth Deputy thereof made but vain reſiſtance, which (alas) was like the wrigling of a Worms tayl after the head thereof is cut off; ſo that he was forced to take what terms he could get, viz. That the Towns-men ſhould depart (though plundered to a Groat) with their lives, and himſelf with 49 more, ſuch as the Duke of Guiſe ſhould chuſe, ſhould remain priſoners to be put to ranſome.

This was the beſt news brought to Paris, and worſt to London for many years before: It not onely abated the Queens chear the remnant of Chriſtmas, but her mirth all the days of her life. Yet might ſhe thank her ſelf for looſing this Key of France, becauſe ſhe hung it by her ſide with ſo ſlender a ſtring, there being but five hundred Souldiers effectually in the Gariſon; too few to manage ſuch a piece of importance. The Lord Wentworth the ſecond of June following, was ſolemnly condemned for Treaſon, though unheard, as abſent in France: which was not onely againſt Chriſtian charity, but Roman juſtice; Feſtus confeſſing it was not faſhionable amongſt them to deliver any man to die, before he which is accuſed have the accuſers face to face, and have licence to anſwer for himſelf concerning the crime laid againſt him. It was well for this Lord that he was detained in France till his ranſome was paid, and Queen Mary dead, who otherwiſe probably had loſt his life, if he had had his liberty. But Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, he found the favour, or rather had the juſtice to be tryed again, and was acquitted by his Peers; finding it no treachery, cowardiſe or careleſsneſs in him, but in Sir John Harlſton and Sir Ralph Chamberlain, the one Governour of Riſebank, the other of Calis-Caſtle: for which they were both condemned to die, though their judgement was remitted. This Lord was the onely perſon I have read of, who thus in a manner played Rubbers when his head lay at ſtake; and having loſt the fore, recovered the after-game. He died a very aged man, 1594. Thus far Mr. Fuller.

Two ways a Courtier advanceth himſelf: the firſt, that more leiſurely, ſlow, though ſure, of watching Offices, Preferments and Dignities that may by ſteps bring them to the Kings preſence: The ſecond, that more quick and ſhort, but moſt practiſed, of following the Court for ſuch extraordinary Commiſſions and particular ſervices to the Empire, as may (without the danger of delays that muſt be fatal amidſt ſo many Competitors) recommend him to his favour. It was below Sir Thomas his Eſtate to ſtoop to that firſt method; it ſuited more with his activity to embrace the ſecond. Two uſually-inconſiſtent qualities he had, The cloſeneſs of an Agent, and The Valour of a Souldier. To Rome he was ſent in diſguiſe, and to Treport with an Army: ſo graceful his carriage, ſo inſinuating his affability, ſo clear and well-weighed his diſcourſe, ſo ſearching and comprehenſive his judgement; ſo gravely Aiery, ſo Majeſtically pleaſant his countenance, ſo becoming his gate and apparel, ſo watchful his Negotiations, ſo winning his Addreſſes, ſo diſcreetly ſmart his Reparties, (darting a ſuddain luſtre and vigour to the darkneſs and heavineſs of his graver Diſcourſes, neither common nor unſavoury; neither affected nor far-fetched, neither abuſive of others, nor miſ-becoming himſelf) ſo diſcreet and well-managed his complaiſance, (with reference to circumſtances, perſon, place, time, matter and cauſe) that he had Cardinal Senhault's Secretary, to bring him to the Popes Cloſet; the Emperours Agent Randolphus, to introduce him to Court; that he won Fryar paul, to ſhew him the myſteries of the Church; Engineer Palvino, to repreſent the Popes Cities, Towns, Fortifications, Havens, Harbours, Antiquities, Seminaries, Exerciſes, Ships, Treaſure, Armories, Arſenals, Maga • ines, (having always by him a Card of the Territories) and the Popes Bedchamber-man, to ſhew him all the Papers and Tranſactions that concerned Henry the eighth. So well experienced his Conduct, ſo well diſciplined his Army, ſo watchful and induſtrious his Nature, ſo good his pay, (though he pawned, as once in Normandy, his own Eſtate to ſatisfie his Souldiers) ſo noble his rewards of valour and ſervice, (it being his rule, That every man ſhould enjoy as much as he could conquer) ſo prevalent his example, that he did more with 2000 men in three moneths, then the Duke of Suffolk had done with 8000 in three years. The Duncery and idleneſs of the Monks in his time, (as he writes himſelf) made Eraſmus a Student: the ſloth and careleſneſs of Commanders in Sir Thomas his time, made him a Souldier.

Edward the third of England having ſent to France to demand the Crown by Maternal Right, the Council there ſent him word, That the Crowe of France was not tied to a Diſtaff. To which he replyed, That then be would tie it to his Sword. Sir Thomas Wentworth demanding Normandy in right of the Dukes thereof, Kings of England, was told, That Dukedomes were never given away in France by the Wills of the Dead: Nay then, replyed he, we will have them againſt the Wills of the Living.

It's written of our Henry the fifth, that he had ſomething of Caeſar in him, which Alexander the Great had not, That he would not be Drunk; and ſomething of Alexander the Great, which Caeſ 〈…〉 had not, That he would not be Flattered: Sir Th 〈…〉 was had both their Vertues, none of their Vices; Non tam extra Vitia, quam cum ſummis Virtutibu 〈…〉 Though he could not avoid misfortune, and p 〈…〉 ſper; yet he could yeild to it, and retire: (that 〈◊〉 perienced File that could not withſtand the enemi 〈…〉 ſhot, could fall down and eſcape it.) Privacy at once ſecured and ſupported this unfortunate Gentleman. It is much to know how to lead and bring on ſucceſsfully; it's more to retreat, and come off handſomely, and give over a bad game.

Since he heard ill, I hear no more of him but this: One being deſigned an Agent, waited upon this knowing and experienced Lord for ſome Directions for his conduct and carriage; he delivereth himſelf (ſaith my Author) thus: To ſecure your ſelf, T. F. p. 9. and ſerve your Country, you muſt at all times, and upon all occaſions, ſpeak truth: for (as he added) you will never be believed; and by this means your truth will ſecure your ſelf if you be queſtioned, and put thoſe you deal with (who will ſtill hunt counter) to a loſs in all their diſquiſitions and undertakings.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Clement Paſton.

SIr Clement Paſton was a Souldier, and a Souldiers Son; Valour running in the Blood for three Generations, and maturated by Noble and Heroick Actions for Glory and Succeſs. Deſigned he was by his Friends for the Gown, but by his own Nature for Armour: Born for Action rather then Contemplation. When his Father asked him what he would deſire of him, he deſired a Horſe and a Sword. He was tried in the King of France his ſervice in Henry the Seventh's time, for his overthrow in Henry the Eighths. He was the firſt that made the Engliſh Navy terrible, and the laſt that made our Army ſo: He took the Admiral of France, and ſaved him of England: 30000 Crowns he received by way of Ranſome from the firſt, and 1000 l. by way of Gratitude from the other: A Cup he would ſhew that the firſt gave him every Holy-day, and a Ring of the ſeconds every Chriſtmas.

Two Kings made uſe of his Perſon, and two Queens of his counſel, which he gave even on his death-Bed. His advice was ſhort, but reſolute; his words few, but pertinent; his diſcourſe commanding, and Souldier-like: his word, the Decr 〈…〉 of the Medes. King Henry the Eighth called him His Champion; the Protector, in Edward the Sixth time, His Souldier; Queen Mary, Her Seaman • and Queen Elizabeth, Her Father. When W 〈…〉 was overthrown, he would deliver himſelf up to Gentleman, and therefore onely to Sir Clement P 〈…〉 ſton.

The two great Intereſts of Souldiers is Pay and Honour: He mortgaged his Eſtate twice, to ſatisfie them for the one; and pawn'd his Credit 〈◊〉 Court often, to encourage them for the other getting his Commanders always power and authority enough to do their Maſters buſineſs, but never enough to do their own.

There being always a conteſt between the Po 〈…〉 lacy and the Souldiers, (whom nothing reco 〈…〉 ciles but downright force and neceſſity) it Wa • death to his Followers to be irregular, becauſe one of their miſcarriages exaſperates a million, and d 〈…〉 ſtaſtes a Kingdom; ſo neceſſary is a ſtrict Diſcip 〈…〉 in the Camp, and an impartial Juſtice in the Countrey.

Outward occaſions help fortune, a mans own temper makes it, when there be, as my Lord Ba 〈…〉 writes, no ſtops or reſtiveneſs in a mans minde, but that the wheels of that keeps even with thoſe of fortune. Sir Clement and Cato Major were both of 〈◊〉 make, both having tantum robur corporis & ani 〈…〉 ut quocunque loco nati eſſet fortunam ſibi facturi videbantur.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Rich.

HE muſt needs be preferred, who was ſo richly deſcended and nobly allied, as to ſhew at Court upon his firſt appearance ſixty Noblemen and Knights of his Relation, and a hundred and fifty thouſand pound a year revenue among his Friends. He was more beholding to the Temple for his Law, then to the Univerſities for his Learning. His ſevere and active Nature aſpiring above the pedantiqueneſs of a Scholar, to the uſefulneſs of a Stateſman: I could never endure (ſaith he) thoſe ſtudies that furniſh me onely with unactive thoughts and uſeleſs diſcourſe, that teach me onely to think and ſpeak.

His ſtaid and ſolid parts commended him to Cromwel, and Cromwel recommended him to King Henry the Eighth: He was Solicitor-General to His Majeſty, and Steward to his Maſter: Cromwel was the Mawl and Rich the Hammer of Abbeys: He laid open to the Monks their faults, and his Maſter made uſe of it to force them to a ſurrendry: For as he ſaid, when thoſe religious Societies ſaw they had faults enough diſcovered to take away their Lands, they had wit enough to give them up. His Counſels overthrew Popery, and his Depoſition cut off Sir Thomas More: for being ſent to Sir Thomas, after much diſcourſe with him, he asked him this ſubtle Queſtion, Whether be would acknowledge the King ſupreme Head if it were enjoyned by an Act of Parliament? Sir Thomas asked him 〈◊〉 again, If the Parliament enacted that God ſhould 〈◊〉 be Lord, whether he ſhould conſent to it? And thoſe words undid him. He ſaw that the Proteſtant Religion was the intereſt of England, as well as the Doctrine of Scripture; and therefore he carried it on in point of policy, as Archbiſhop Cranmer di • in point of conſcience. King Henry the eighth admired his diſtinct reaſoning, and ſtayed judgement and Queen Anne Bullen was taken with his grace 〈…〉 cloquence, and ingenious diſcourſes: In the morning his plyant ſoul, that could anſwer all the turnings and windings of buſineſs, was as reſerved and ſolid as that of a demure States-man; in the evening, as cheerful and merry as that of a Debona 〈…〉 Courtier. He was the wiſdome of the Court in the Preſence, and its wit in the Cloſet; its Oracle there, and its pleaſure here.

King Henry the eighth made him one of his L • gators, and King Edward the ſixth one of his Council: Under him he carried on the Proteſtant Religion in point of conſcience, which others managed in point of intereſt. He deſigned the degrees of the Reformation, and he ſet out its method, then whom none more zealous in things neceſſary, none more moderate in things indifferent. Active he was, but wary; ſtirring, but cautious. To him the Reformers reſorted in point of Law, as to Cranmer and Ridley in point of Religion. Such his Prudence, that the Protector made him his Friend; ſuch his Integrity, that the King made him Chancellour: where his Decrees were juſt, his Diſpatches quick, his Judgements ſpeedy, his Sums of Debates full and ſatisfactory, his Sentences irreverſible; his Aſſiſtants in the Rolls, and other Courts, able and honeſt. None more complyant to Reaſon, none more ſtiff in things againſt Reaſon: He would do any thing for King Edward the ſixth's intereſt, nothing for Duke Dudley's ambition; therefore he obſerving the courſe of Affairs, would rather reſigne his Place, then his Integrity: when he could not with a ſafe conſcience keep it, he with a contented minde parted with it; being honoured with the Barony of Leez, and enriched with the Weſtern Abbies; it being the Prudence of that time to intereſt the Nobility in the Papal Revenues, that ſo they might be engaged againſt the Authority.

R. Rich Lord Chancellour, (ſaith my Author) then living in Great St. Bartholomews, though outwardly concurring with the reſt, began now ſecretly to favour the Duke of Somerſet, and ſent him a Letter, therein acquainting him with all paſſages at the Council-board, ſubſcribing the ſame (either out of haſte or familiarity) with no other Direction ſave To the Duke; enjoyning his ſervant, a new Attendant, as newly entred into his Family, ſafely to deliver it. The man made more haſte then good ſpeed; and his Lord wondring at his quick return, demanded of him where the Duke was when he delivered him the Letter: In the Charter-houſe, (ſaid the ſervant) on the ſame token that he read it at the Window, and ſmiled thereat. But the Lord Rich ſmiled not at the Relation, as ſadly ſenſible of the miſtake, and delivery of the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the Duke of Somerſet.

Wonder not if this Lord roſe early up the next morning, who may be preſumed not to have ſlept all night: He hieth to the Court; and having gotten admittance into the Bedchamber before the This ſtory is related from the mouth of his Grandchild the Earl of Warwick that laſt was. King was up, fell down on his knees, and deſired that his Old Age might be eaſed of this burthen▪ ſome Office; pleading that there ought to be ſome preparatory intervals in States-men between their temporal buſineſs and their death: in order to which, he deſired to retire to Eſſex, there to attend his own Devotions. Nor would he riſe from the ground till the King had granted his Requeſt. And thus he ſaved himſelf from being ſtripped by others, by firſt pulling off his own cloaths, who otherwiſe had loſt his Chancellours place for revealing the ſecrets of the Council-board.

There are few places ſo impregnable, but Nature hath left in them ſome place or other by which they may be taken: none being armed at all points ſo well, but there is ſome way left whereby he may be ſurprized. He is the ſtrongeſt that hath feweſt acceſſes. He was a wiſe man that ſaid, Delay hath undone many for the other world, Haſte hath undone more for this, Time well managed ſaves all in both.

But there is a Wheel in things, which undoeth all thoſe that have not a Wheel that anſwereth it in their Souls; I mean a great capacity to comply and cloſe with thoſe grand Viciſſitudes that with ſmall and unobſerved circumſtances turn round the World, which this great Man was Maſter of, who had his eye upon the turns, flexures and poynts of things and buſineſs, and his ſtate and intereſt ready to correſpond: He knew when to proceed, when to make a ſtand, and when to retire. It's ſaid of Grandees, That they are the firſt that finde their own Griefs, and the laſt that finde their faults: Our Lord was quick in both, and hath taught us this, That certainly men of great fortunes are ſtrangers to themſelves; and while they are in the puzzle of buſineſs have no time to tend the welfare either of Body or Soul; and that they muſt withdraw from this world, before they retire into another: For, Illi mors gravis incubat, qui notus nimis omnibus, ignotus moritur ſibi.

There are no more Remarques of this Noble Perſonage, than that he was the Father of this Apophthegme, Well done, if warily; and Great Grand-father to the preſent Earl of Warwick.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Maſon.

HE had his Birth at Abingdon, and his Education at Oxford: His Birth commended him to All-Souls, and his Breeding to the Court: His Study was like his Inclination, rather active then contemplative, his preſent thoughts foreſeeing and providing for his future Employments. But Induſtry and Parts may prepare a man, it is opportunity and occaſion that muſt advance him; and never had a man fairer opportunity, never made a man better uſe of it.

None but Mr. Maſon would the Univerſity pitch upon, to complement Henry the Eighth; none but Mr. Maſon could pleaſe him, although he was as great a Scholar as he was a King, and as much an Humoriſt as both: as he was inclined, ſo he ſtudied; as he ſtudied, ſo he writ; not with a Pedants impertinence, but a Stateſmans prudence: ſo elegant was his Latine, that a Critick would have advanced him Profeſſor; ſo various his Learning, that Cranmer would have preferred him Prebend; and yet ſo grave and wiſe the matter and compoſure of his ſpeech, that the King deſigned him a Stateſman.

When King Henry the Eighth came to Oxford, Sir John is deputed to congratulate his coming: who conſidering that a man cannot every day ſpeak to Kings, contrived (ſaith my Author) the matter of his ſpeech moſt manlike, politick and pertinent, the phraſe of it polite and majeſtick; ſo that what with his comely preſence, his becoming carriage, his flowing expreſſion, his graceful elocution, he gained that applauſe from the Court and Univerſity, that the one was as eager to have him, as the other was loth to part with him: the Univerſity was proud of him, but King Henry commanded him, and diſpoſeth of him in forreign parts, to adde practi 〈…〉 experience to his ſpeculative ſtudies: It was the excellent way of that time, to pick out the choice youths of both Univerſities, and maintain then ſome years abroad, to make ſuch Obſervations as might render them ſerviceable at home.

Dwelt with Books he had long enough, now he muſt converſe with men, and open his recluſe and retired ſoul, to a practicable and ſocial temper, by debonairneſs and freedom, too long mewed up with ſtudy and melancholy: Think and ſpeak he could very well already, now he muſt learn to act and live: Books furniſhed, Travel muſt enlarge and ſettle his ſoul.

Four things made a Stateſman in thoſe dayes:

1. The Univerſity and good Letters. 2. The City and Converſe. 3. The Court and Freedom of ſpirit. 4. Travel and Obſervation.

It was the politick Diſcipline of thoſe days to ſelect (ſaith mine Author) the pregnancies of either Ʋniverſity, and breed them in forreign parts for publick Employments. Agreeable whereunto, Mr. Maſon is ſent beyond ſea with Inſtructions to guide him, and a Penſion to ſupport him: With Order,

1. To keep exact correſpondence with the Secretary at home.

2. To entertain 1. the moſt eminent Scholar, who might repreſent the Church: 2. the ripeſt Underſecretary, who might decipher to him the • tate: 3. the ableſt Souldier and Seaman, that might open to him the Intereſt of both Nations.

3. To take an exact account of the Havens, Forts, Cities, Avenues, Paſſages, Ways, Treaſure and Intereſt of the place he lives in.

4. To follow the reſpective Embaſſadors Directions in every Court.

5. To appear in each place upon any ſolemnity, Civil or Military, ſuitable to the occaſion, all charges to be defrayed from the Engliſh Exchequer.

His Penſion was two hundred and twenty pounds a year; his Circuit wa • France, the Netherlands and Italy; his Commiſſion was to engage any knowing perſon of thoſe reſpective Courts that could tranſcribe their Edicts or Orders, give exact Intelligence, make any Intereſt, or had any influence upon their reſpective Governments: His Rules were,

1. To correſpond with his Majeſties Agents.

2. To have few and choice Acquaintance.

3. To make Collections of, and Obſervations upon the Hiſtories, the Laws, Cuſtoms, and the moſt conſiderable Stateſmen, Governours, and Great men, with their Relations and Dependencies in thoſe Courts.

4. To give a monthly account of ſuch Remarques as occurred, at large to the Secretary, and in brief to the King and Cardinal.

His firſt undertaking was in France, where his Gravity was too ſevere, beyond the dalliances of that place. His next was to Italy, where he ſhewed as great a reach in countermining, as the inhabitants of that place do in managing their plot: None deſigns (ſaith the Character) further off then the Italian: None ſeeth (ſaid Sir Tho. Audley) further off then Sir John Maſon. His laſt voyage was to Spain, where he out-grav'd the Don Himſelf, and then returned with the Italians quickneſs, the Spaniards ſtaidneſs, the Frenchmans Ayr, the Germans Reſolution, and the Dutchmans Induſtry: Qualities that demonſtrated he underſtood other Countreys, and could ſerve his own.

There this pregnant Gentleman being at ſome diſtance, could look more inwardly into the Conſtitution, Situation, Intereſt, State and Complexion of his own Countrey; and being near, could diſcern thoſe of other parts with the mutual aſpect of England upon them, and theirs upon it. They that lived in thoſe times ſay that none underſtood the affairs of England and France, together with their mutual advantages or diſadvantages, better than Sir John Maſon.

He that had ſeen the myſteries of four Courts, might be truſted with thoſe of one, as he was in King Henry the Eighth's time, in the capacity of a Privy Counſellour; and in Edward the Sixth's, in the Truſt of chief Secretary. At the Board, none clearer in his Propoſals; in his Office, none quicker for Diſpatch: Let me hear Sir John Maſon, ſaid the King; Let us to Sir John Maſon, ſaid the Subjects: ſo much the reputation of his prudent integrity with the one, and of his familiar acceſs with the other!

Four things he ſaid kept him in, under all the Revolutions, during the four Princes Reigns whom he ſerved:

1. That he thought few Things would ſave a man. 2. That he was always intimate with the exacteſt Lawyer, and ableſt Favourite. 3. That he ſpake little, and writ leſs. 4. That he had attained to ſomething which each party eſteemed ſerviceable to them, and was ſo moderate, that all thought him their own.

When a compleat man, he was called home, to be firſt Clerk of the Council, a place of great Truſt; ſecondly, Secretary of State, a place of great Employment; thirdly, Maſter of the Requeſts, an Office of great Diſpatch and Buſineſs; and fourthly, Treaſurer of the Houſhold, an Employment of conſtant care.

No Age wanted an able man more, no Age had one more willing to ſecure the Univerſities, than that which choſe him to be Chancellour of Oxford, at the ſame time that his Prince made him Treaſurer of the Houſhold. Sacriledge it ſelf then gaping after the Univerſity-Lands, durſt not tempt ſo honeſt a Man, nor perſwade ſo great a Scholar, nor fright ſo reſolute a Stateſman to betray or yeild up thoſe ancient Encouragements of Learning and Vertue. Loth was Oxford to part with him when a Scholar, glad to entertain him a Stateſman, with a power to protect her, well tempered with Obligations to love her; he who is now the Father being lately the Son; maintained by a part of it, as he now maintained the whole. That was a ſcrambling time, when it was catch who catch can. I finde not any particular favour conferred, or benefaction beſtowed by him in perſon on the Univerſity; but this great good he did, That his Greatneſs kept others from doing any harm. Many hungry Courtiers had hopes to catch Fiſh, (and Fiſh it would be, whatever came into their Nets) on this turning of the tide, and alteration of Religion: How eaſie was it for covetouſneſs in thoſe times to quarrel the Colledge-Lands into ſuperſtition! Sacriledge ſtood ready to knock at their Gates; and alas! 'twas paſt their Porter's power to forbid it enterance, had not Sir John Maſon vigorouſly oppoſed it, and aſſiſted the Univerſity on all occaſions.

He inciteth them to the ſtudy of the Tongues; becauſe ſenſum alicujus rei non poteſt ille aſſequi qui rudis eſt Idiomatis quo traditur: and directed the reading of Ariſtotle, Agricola, Melanc • bon, &c. inſtead of Scotus, Burleus, Bricot: calling for all their Charters, Donations, Satutes, Popes Bulls, with an exact Rental of their Lands, and Inventory of their Goods, which were reſtored intire and ſafe.

The Univerſity, that could not enjoy his preſence, craves his protection; and foreſeeing in the fall of Abbeys, their danger, eſpecially when Foundations erected for ſuperſtition were given by ſtatute to the King, choſe Sir John Maſon their Chancellour, who was at once a Favourite of Power and of Learning; the greateſt Lay-Stateſman that was a Scholar, and the greateſt Scholar that was a Lay-Stateſ-man: He was not contented to ſecure, but he muſt improve Oxford, gaining it New Priviledges, when it feared the loſs of its old ones.

A grave and reſerved man he was, who underſtood the Intrigues and Motions of thoſe dark and uncertain times, and his nimble and preſent Prudence could accommodate them. His Maxime was, Do, and ſay nothing: Commending the active and cloſe man, whoſe performances were as private, coherent, continued and ſuddain as his counſels; who would not ſpend that time in adviſing, that would ſerve for executing: Many were his penſions to Scholars at home, more to Agents abroad that aſſiſted either his ſtudies or employments, whom he deſigned an honour to his middle, and a ſupport to his old age. He had a peculiar way of ſatisfying ſuiters by plain dealing and diſpatch: he would divide all ſuits either into matter of Equity, or a ſuit of Controverſie; or into matter of Deſert, or a ſuit of Petition: In the firſt he had his Referrendaries, to ſee the matter compounded between both Parties, rather then carried by either: In the ſecond, he preferred all ſuitably to their Abilities. No man underſtood better the nature of Court-places than he, and none ſaw further into Court-Perſons.

Two things, he ſaid, always promoted a matter:

1. Secreſie: (Boaſting, which is the way of ſome Courtiers, though it diſcourageth ſome Competitors, yet it awakeneth Others.) 2. Timing of it, with an Eye to thoſe about us.

He would adviſe a Man to begin with a little and mean ſuit: For though (as my Lord Bacon obſerves) iniquum petas & aquum feras, is a good Rule, where a man hath ſtrength of favour; yet otherwiſe a man had better riſe in his ſuit: For he that would have ventured at firſt to have loſt his Suitor, will not in the concluſion loſe both the Suitor and his own former Favour.

It's from him, while he lived, that we learned Celerity is the beſt Secreſie; Prudence and Reſolution is the onely Fortune; Converſe is the great Education; Boldneſs a mans ſureſt Succeſs; Good Nature is the eminent Nobility; and a well-weighed Honeſty the onely Favourite.

It's by him, when he died, we are taught that Moderation out-laſts Violence, Modeſty Ambition, a Publique Spirit a Private One: That to act alone may be as Profitable as Honourable, but to joyn with others, moſt ſafe: That to ſtudy the nature of a Prince, may for the preſent advance; but to underſtand the Intereſt of his Kingdom, is always ſecure: The one way being as uncertain as the frail Perſon it depends upon, the other as ſure as the laſting State it ſerves.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Stamford.

SIr William Stamford was of Straffordian extraction; Robert his Grandfather living at Rowley in that County: but William his Father was a Merchant in London, and purchaſed Lands at Hadley in Middleſex, where Sir William was born Auguſt 22. 1509. He was bred to the ſtudy of our Municipal Laws; attaining ſo much eminence therein, that he was preferred one of the Judges of the Common Pleas. His moſt learned Book of The Pleas of the Crown, hath made him for ever famous amongſt men of his own Profeſſion. There is a ſpirit of retraction of one to his Native County, which made him purchaſe Lands, and his ſon ſettle himſelf in Straffordſhire. This worthy Judge died Aug. 28. and was buried at Hadley in this Shire, in the laſt year of the reign of Queen Mary, 1558.

King Iames had a Judge that would give no money, and King Henry had one that would take none. There have been thoſe Lawyers that turned the point of Law upon the Law it ſelf; that wounded the Eagle with a feather from his own Wing, and ſtabbed the perſon of Princes with their Authority; that dethroned Kings with a moot-point, and overthrowed a Government at a Reading. This Judge underſtood, that as the Law is the ſecurity of the people, ſo Prerogative is the ſtrength of the Law; and that that is the beſt temper of Government where Kings have ſo much power to do evil, that they may be able to do good.

Miſerable experience hath taught us, that ſince power hath been wreſted from Princes, that neither they nor their people can be ſafe, if both be not in ſuch a way as the Law hath intruſted the publick ſafety and welfare; which conſiſts in a full power belonging to the King, to ſecure Liberties, preſerve Property, and protect their People in the enjoyment of the fruits of their induſtry, and the benefit of thoſe Laws to which themſelves have conſented. He ſets himſelf good Rules, as well to create good preſidents, as to follow them; reducing things to their firſt inſtitution, and obſerving wherein and how they have degenerated: yet ſtill taking counſel of both times; of the ancienter time, what is beſt; and of the latter, what is fitteſt. He made his courſe regular, that men might know what to expect; but not peremptory, that Knaves might not know how to impoſe upon him: always expreſſing himſelf well, when he digreſſed from his Rule. Preſerve the right of his place he would, but not ſtir Queſtions of Juriſdictions; rather aſſuming his right in ſilence, and de facto, then voice it with claims and challenges. He directed in moſt Affairs, but was buſie in none: none readier to give, none readier to take helps and advices. His ſpeech was more diſcreet then eloquent; rather particularly ſuitable to the preſent things and perſons, then generally orderly and artificial. He could ſpeak quick and deep too, never uſing many circumſtances, leſt he were tedious; ever ſome, leſt he were blunt: ſo warily did he deliver what he knew, that he was ſometimes thought to know what he did not. He knew what might be ſaid, ſo good his fancy; and he knew what ſhould be thought, ſo great his judgement: commanding the diſcourſe where-ever he was, by that prudence that could bring it on and off; and that variety that happily intermingled Arguments with Tales, Reaſons with Opinions, and earneſt with jeſt. His Decrees were the Hedges of Propriety, his Diſpatches cool, his Caſes rightly ſtated; his Reports ſavour of Integrity and Prudence, of Books and Men. How diſcreetly would he moderate the rigorous circumſtances of Petty and Poenal Laws! how exactly obſerve the deſigne and drift of the more fundamental and reaſonable! Here no Intrigues to perplex, no Attendance to tire, no Hazards to diſcourage, no Checks or Delays to vex, no ſurreptitious advantages to ſurprize; no defeats of hopes, or falſeneſs of friends to diſappoint; no negligence of Agents, or intereſt of Parties to betray; no Oratory or Sophiſm to varniſh or hide a matter: all things clear as Juſtice, and ſmooth as Integrity.

By diligence and moderation, with their gentle degrees and augmentations, and his own watchful obſervance, he climbed to Excellency. A man is neither good, nor rich, nor wiſe at once; it being a double work to be great: 1. To remove Obſtruction, and accommodate Adverſaries: 2. To watch and aſſume the advantage. What is longeſt in proving, is longeſt declining: the Roſe that buds one day, withereth the next: The Oak that is an Age a growing, is five ſtanding. He had thoſe lower Vertues that drew praiſe from the Vulgar, which he neglected, (knowing that they were more taken with appearances then realities) he had middle that they admired, and good men obſerved; he had his higheſt Vertues, which they perceived, and great men honoured: In a word, a fragrant fume he had, that filled all round about, and would not eaſily away. Although he deſpiſed the Flatterer praiſe, as baſe; and avoided the Cunnings, as dangerous; yet he would ſay of a deſerved Fame, That being nothing, or but ayr at beſt, it doth all: for it's ſufficient to breed Opinion, and Opinion brings on ſubſtance.

He obſerved of himſelf, that he came very hardly to little Riches, and very eaſily to great Riches: For when a mans Stock is come to that, as my Lord Verulam obſerves, that he can expect the prime of the Markets, and overcome thoſe Bargains which for their greatneſs are few mens money, and be Partners in the Induſtries of younger men, he cannot but mainly increaſe with thoſe two Advancers of Gain, 1. Diligence; and, 2. A good Name.

He hath left theſe two Principles behind him for See Ep. ad Lect. Lees Plees des Coron. thoſe of his own profeſſion:

1. That that they ſhould reduce every Statute to the Common Law and Cuſtome whereon it is grounded.

2. That they ſhould as well look into the Hiſtory of former times for the Reaſons and Circumſtances of our Laws, as into their Law-books for the matter of them.

Some Lawyers aſſert the Subjects Liberty, and retrench the Prerogative (as too much power to be truſted for a mortal man) within the known Limits of Law, that ſo Subjects may be at a certainty how to ſquare their Loyalty and Obedience. He always upheld that Prerogative, ſaying, That the diſcretion of the Scepter as Guardian for the general good of the Commonwealth, muſt be truſted againſt all Emergencies, with the management of its own might: concluding always thus; Submiſſion is our Duty, and Confidence our Prudence. Biſhop Bancroft of Oxford ſaid in King Charles the firſt his time, E • • empore occubui quo mallem Epiſcopatus rationem coram Deo dare, quam Epiſcopatum coram bominibus exercere. Judge Stamford ſaid in Q. Mary's time, In quae reſervamur tempora! det Deus ut Magiſtratus rationem coram eo reddam potius quam Magiſtratum coram hominibus exerceam.

His Book containeth two parts; One of The Pleas of the Crown, the other of The Kings Prerogative. In him (ſaith Mr. Fulbeck) there is force and weight, and no common kinde of ſtile; in matter very few have gone beyond him, in method none have overtaken him: in the order of his writing he is ſmooth, yet ſharp; pleaſant, yet grave: and ſurely his method may be a Law to the Writers that ſucceed him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Jeffrey.

SIr Iohn Ieffrey was born in Suſſex, where he left behind him a fair Eſtate to his Daughter. He ſo profited in the Study of our Municipal Law, that he was preferred ſecondary Judge of the Common Pleas, and thence advanced by Queen Elizabeth, in Michaelmas-Term, the nineteenth of her Reign, to be Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer: which place he diſcharged for the Term of two years, to his great commendation. He le 〈…〉 one Daughter and Heir, married to Sir Edward Montague, (ſince Baron of Boughton) by whom he had but one Daughter, Elizabeth, married to Robert Barty Earl of Lindſey, Mother to the truly honourable Montague Earl of Lindſey, and Lord great Chamberlain of England. This worthy Judge died in the 21 of Queen Elizabeth.

This was he who was called the Plodding Student, whoſe induſtry perfected Nature, and was perfected by experience. He read not to argue onely; for that is vanity: nor to believe and truſt for that is eaſineſs: nor to diſcourſe; for that is idle: but to weigh and conſider; for that is prudence. He had his Studies for pleaſure and privacy, for ornament and converſe, and for judgement and buſineſs. To ſpend too much time on his Book, was ſloth; to talk by Book, was affected; and to act by it, was humourſome and Scholar-like

Four things he would ſay helped him.

1. His Inclination: (It's a great happineſs to a Eth. l. 10. c. 7. man (ſaith Ariſtotle) when his Calling is one of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of thoſe things that agree with his nature)

2. Method.

3. Religion, with that juſt and compoſed mind that attends it.

4. A great happineſs in all the four faculties that make a Lawyer: 1. A ſharp invention, and clear apprehenſion to ſearch all the circumſtances of a caſe propounded. 2. Judgement to examine and weigh the particulars invented and apprehended: for truth lieth in things, as Gold in Mines. 3. Memory to retain what is judged and examined. 4. A prompt and ready delivery of what is conceived and retained, ſet out with ingenuity and gravity. Oratio praeſta non audax. What he ſaid, was cloſe and pinching, and not confident and earneſt; allowing paſſion not to diſturb either the method or delivery of his diſcourſe, but to quicken it. To ſpeak well and much, he ſaid, was not the work of one man: yet if a Philoſopher be eloquent, ſaid Cicero, we muſt not deſpiſe him; if he be not, he muſt not affect it, ſo that he can comprehend in words what he conceiveth, and ſpeak them plainly, that he may be underſtood. His Latine and French were Grammatical, his Rhetorick Natural, his Logick Reaſon: The firſt, opened the terms; the ſecond, preſſed the vigour; the laſt, collected and diſpoſed of the Axiomes, Grounds and Rules of the Law, and all prepared him for that comprehenſive Profeſſion; in the aſhes whereof, the ſparks of all other Sciences were raked up.

His geſture and habit was grave, but not affected; ſpeaking as much to the eye, as his tongue did to the ear: (the geſture being a great diſcoverer of the conſtitution, and a great direction to buſineſs: what a man miſſeth in the ſpeech, he may ſometimes find in the looks) His temper was moderate and ſober; a Vertue, and a ſeaſoning of all others, attended with the Lawyers gift, and that is Patience. Modeſt he was, but not fondly baſhful; his prudence, and not his ſoftneſs. His humility begat affableneſs; his affableneſs, ſociety; that, conference; conference, parts, and they acquaintance; and that, practice; and practice, experience; experience, renown; and that, preferment.

Sir John's inclination was ſtudious; his minde, conſtant, ſolid, and ſetled, and able to dive into the whirl-pools of that intricate and perplexed Faculty; his thoughts being orderly, and his conceptions methodical: his ſearch comprehenſive, avoiding Epitomes, as the banes of Learning. Nullus illi per otiam dies exit, partem noctium ſtudiis vindicat non vacat ſemno, ſed ſuccumbit, & oculos vigilia fatigatos cadente que in opere detinet.

Conſiderable were the Parts he had, but more ſo the making up of thoſe he had not: his covering of his defects being of no leſs importance then the valuing of good Parts, which he did three ways:

1. By caution, ingeniouſly and diſcreetly waving and putting off things improper. 2. By colour, making his Defects his Vertues, and his Faults his Endowments. And 3. By that freedom of Spirit that daunts the weakeſt, and prevaileth with the wiſeſt.

He propoſed to himſelf five things to enquire into, Vid. Waterhouſe in Forteſc. de laud. Leg. Angl. in order to that compleatneſs he arrived unto:

1. The ancient Maximes and Principles, or the more ancient Cuſtoms that make up the Common Law of England.

2. The Acts and Conſtitutions that make up its Statute-Law.

3. The particular Priviledges, Liberties, Immunities and Uſages of Counties, Burroughs, Cities, &c. that doe ſwerve from this Law.

4. The ancient Grounds and Reaſons (as far as Hiſtory can direct) of all theſe: our Law being an exact Reaſon.

5. The moſt ſatisfactory explanations of the Law: 1. From Commentaries, as Bractons: 2. Abridgements, as Stathams: 3. Hiſtory, as the years and terms of the Common Law: And 4. From more particular Tracts, that handled their peculiar ſubjects, as Forteſcue, Glanvil, Britton, Fleta, Littleton, which he thought not unprofitable to read, though dangerous to rely upon: (with the Lord Cooke, not liking thoſe that ſtuff their mindes with wandering and maſterleſs reports: For, as he ſaid, they ſhall find them too ſoon to lead them to error:) Beginning with the terms of Art; and then to the matter; peruſing what is antiquated, and obſerving what is ſuitable to the preſent conſtitution and complexion. It's my Lord Cook's Rule, That for the moſt part the latter Judgements and Reſolutions are the ſureſt, and therefore fitteſt to ſeaſon a man withal in the beginning; both for ſettling of his Judgement, and retaining them in memory; yet as he goeth on, out of the old field • muſt ſpring and grow the new Corn.

Our Lawyers courſe was ſlow and leiſurely, his reading digeſted and deliberate: His conſiderations wary, and diſtruſt his way to knowledge. He that begins with certainties, ends in doubts; and he that begins with doubts, ends in certainties, and looketh into the bottom of things.

Upon ſerious and ſolid Books he beſtowed a double reading; the one curſorily, by way of preparation; and the other exact, by way of digeſtion.

Three things made him a Pleader:

1. Reading. 2. Obſervation. 3. Exerciſe.

And indeed, in ancient times, the Sergeants and Vid. Cok. in Littl. Prefat. Apprentices of Law did draw their own pleadings, which made them good Pleaders.

He obſerved the affections, the intent, the analogy, the validity of the Law, putting all his reading to writing; having the places he was moſt to handle in all the variety that could be, with his Rules and Maximes, as far as reading, hearing, meditation, conference and memory could help him.

Thus his firſt thoughts were upon his Profeſſion, until that advanced him to the higheſt Eminence; and his laſt upon his Intereſt, until that was improved to as much fortune as lieth in a well-laid Eſtate and Alliance.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of King Edward the Sixth.

THE Q. Mary. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of Queen MARY.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Cordel.

SIr William Cordel, where-ever he was born, had a fair Eſtate at Long-Melford in Suffolk, and lieth buried in that fair Church, under a decent Monument: We will tranſlate his Epitaph, which will perfectly acquaint us with the great Offices he had, and good Offices he did to Poſterity.

Hic Gulielmus babet requiem, Cordelliae avito, Stemmate qui clarius, clarior ingenio: Hic Studiis primos conſumpſit fortiter annos, Mox & cauſarum ſtrenuus actor erat. Tanta illi doctrina inerat facundia tanta, Ʋt Parlamenta publica lingua foret: Poſtea factus Eques, Reginae arcana Mariae Conſilia, & Fatriae grande ſubibat opus. Factus & eſt Cuſtos Rotulorum; urgente ſenecta, In Chriſto moriens caepit ad aſtra viam. Pauperibus largus victum veſtemque miniſtrans, In ſuper Hoſpitii condidit ille domum. "Here William Cordel doth in reſt remain; "Great by his Birth, but greater by his Brain: "Plying his ſtudies hard, his Youth throughout, "Of Cauſes he became a Pleader ſtout. "His Learning deep ſuch Eloquence did vent, "He was choſe Speaker to the Parliament: "Afterwards Knight Queen Mary did him make, "And Counſellour, State-Work to undertake; "And Maſter of the Rolls: Well worn with Age, "Dying in Chriſt, Heaven was his utmoſt Stage. "Diet and Clothes to poor he gave at large, "And a fair Alms-Houſe founded on his charge.

He was made Maſter of the Rolls November the fifth, in the fifth of Queen Mary, continuing therein till the day of his death, the 23 of Queen Elizabeth. Eight weeks and upwards paſſed between the Proclaiming of Queen Mary, and the firſt Parliament by her aſſembled; during which time, two Religions were together ſet on foot, Proteſtantiſm and Popery; the former hoping to be continued, the latter labouring to be reſtored: And as the Jews Children after the Captivity ſpake a middle Language, betwixt Hebrew and Aſhdod; ſo during the foreſaid Interim, the Churches and Chappels in England had a mixt celebration of their Divine Service between Reformation and Superſtition: The ſame day there was a Maſs ſung for Edward the Sixth's ſoul in the Tower, and the Engliſh Service for his Burial in Weſtminſter. No ſmall juſtling was there between the zealous Promoters of theſe contrary Perſwaſions: The Proteſtants had the Law on their ſide, and the Papiſts the Prerogative: Theſe the Queens Opinion, the other her Promiſe. Beſides, ſeeing by the Fidelity of the Suffolk and Norfolk Proteſtant Gentry, the Queen was much advantaged Fuller Eccleſ. Hiſt. B. 8. Cent. 15. for the Recovery of her Right; they conceived it but reaſon that as ſhe by them regained the Crown, ſo they under her ſhould enjoy their Conſciences: Thus it is in the Evening Twilight, wherein Light and Darkneſs at firſt may ſeem very equally matched, but the later in a little time doth wholly prevail. The Catholick canvaſs for the next Parliament upon the Queens credit and authority, the Reformed upon the Nations Inclination.

The Body of the Kingdom meets, and chuſeth our Knight for Speaker, whoſe temper was a Repreſentative of the Parliament, as that is of the Kingdom: A temper made up of an equal mixture of Loyalty and Piety, that could at once ſtand to their Religion, and ſubmit to their Soveraign; Render to Caeſar what was Caeſars, and to God, what was Gods: Long did he expect that the Queen would comply with the Parliament, and as long did ſhe ſtay for their compliance with her: Unite they could not unanimouſly among themſelves, diſſolved they are therefore peaceably by her.

But Cordel was too Popular to be neglected, and too honeſt to be corrupted: Uſeful Parts will finde Preferment, even when the Diſſenting Judgement findes not Favour. The Speaker of the unhappily healing Parliament was made Maſter of the Rolls in Queen Maries days, and of a more happily healing one was made ſo in Charles the Second's Reign: The one was of that Primitive Faith that was before the Modern names of Papiſts and Proteſtants; the other of a Moderation that was elder then the new Heat • of Diſciplinarians and Anti-Diſciplinarians.

The miſcarriages of Authority are chiefly ſix:

1. Del • y. 2. Faction. 3. Roughneſs. 4. Corruption. 5. Ambition. And 6. Private Deſigns.

No delay hindered: where ſet times of hearing were obſerved, acceſs was eaſie, the order and method of buſineſs uninterrupted. No corruption, where there durſt be no ſuſpition of it; inſomuch as that it was as 〈…〉 einous to offer a Bribe to him, as to 〈◊〉 it in another. Here was ſeverity that awed men to a diſcontent, but no auſterity that ſowred them to diſcontent; all was ſmooth and grave, pleaſing and becoming, yet nothing eaſie or ſoft; it being worſe to yeild to importunities that are dayly, then to be bought with money, which comes but ſeldom.

Vertue in Ambition is violent, but in Authority, is here, it was calm and ſettled. He ſided with no Faction in his riſe, but balanced himſelf by all: He had no deſign when he lived, but to be ſpent in the • ublique Service; and none when he died, but to ſpend himſelf in publick charity, a charity that is at once the continued bleſſing and grace of that worſhipful Family. Cato Major would ſay, That wiſe men learn more of f •• ls, then fools do of wiſe men: And King Charles the firſt would ſay, That it was wiſdome in fools to jeſt with wiſe men, but madneſs for wiſe men to jeſt with fools: • nd Sir William Cordel bequeathed us this Obſervation, There is no man that talks, but I may gain by him; and none that holds his tongue, but I may looſe by him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Anthony Cooke.

SIr Anthony Cooke, great Grandchilde to Sir Thomas Cooke Lord Mayor of London, was born at Giddy-Hall in Eſſex, where he finiſhed a fair Houſe begun by his great Grandfather, as appeareth by this Inſcription on the Frontiſpice thereof: Aedibus his frontem Proavus Thomas dedit olim, Addidit Antoni caetera ſera manus.

He was one of the Governours to King Edward the ſixth when Prince, and is charactered by Mr. Cambden, Vir antiqua ſerenitate. He obſerveth Cambd. Eliz. an▪ 1576. him alſo to be happy in his Daughters, learned above their Sex in Greek and Latine: namely,

1. Mildred 2. Anne 3. Kathering married unto William Cecill, Lord Treaſurer of England. Nicholas Bacon, Lord Chancellour of England. Henry Killigrew, Thomas Hobby, Knights. Ralph Rowlet, 4. Elizabeth 5.

Sir Anthony Cooke died in the year of our Lord 1576. leaving a fair Eſtate unto his Son, in whoſe name it continued till our time. Gravity was the Ballaſt of his Soul, and General Learning its Leading. In him met the three things that ſet up a Family:

1. An Eſtate honeſtly gotten in the City. 2. An Education well managed in the Univerſity. And, 3. Honour well beſtowed at Court.

Yet he was ſome-body in every Art, and eminent in all the whole circle of Arts lodging in his ſoul. His Latine, fluent and proper; his Greek, critical and exact; his Philology, and Obſervations upon each of theſe Languages, deep, curious, various and pertinent: His Logick, rational; his Hiſtory and Experience, general; his Rhetorick and Poetry, copious and genuine; his Mathematiques, practicable and uſeful. Knowing that ſouls were equal, and that Women are as capable of Learning as Men, he inſtilled that to his Daughters at night, which he had taught the Prince in the day; being reſolved to have Sons by Education, 〈…〉 or fear he ſhould have none by birth; and leſt he wanted an Heir of his body, he made five of his minde, for whom he had at once a Gavel-kind of 〈…〉 ffection and of Eſtate.

His Childrens maintenance was always according 〈…〉 o their quality, and their employment according 〈…〉 o their diſpoſition; neither allowing them to live 〈…〉 bove their fortunes, nor forcing them againſt their 〈…〉 atures. It is the happineſs of Forreigners, that 〈…〉 heir Vocations are ſuited to their Natures, and 〈…〉 hat their Education ſeconds their Inclination; and 〈…〉 oth byaſs and ground do wonders. It's the un 〈…〉 appineſs of Engliſh-men, that they are bred ra 〈…〉 her according to their Eſtates, then their temper; 〈…〉 nd Great Parts have been loſt, while their Calling 〈…〉 rew one way, and their Genius another; and 〈…〉 hey ſadly ſay, Multum incolae fuere animae noſtrae, 〈…〉 e have dwelt from home. Force makes Nature 〈…〉 ore violent in the return; Doctrine and Diſcourſe 〈…〉 ay make it leſs importune; Cuſtome may hide 〈…〉 r ſuppreſs it, nothing can extinguiſh it: Nature 〈…〉 en in the ſofter Sex runs either to Weeds or 〈…〉 erbs: careful was this good Father therefore, ſea 〈…〉 onably to water the one, and deſtroy the other. 〈…〉 ch was done by his grave Rules, more by his 〈…〉 raver life, that Map of Precepts. Precepts teach, 〈…〉 ut Examples draw. Maxima debetur pueris reve 〈…〉 ntia, was Cato's Maxime. Three things there 〈…〉 e before whom (was Sir Anthony's ſaying) I can 〈…〉 ot do amiſs: 1. My Prince; 2. My Conſcience; 〈…〉 . My Children. Seneca told his Siſter, That 〈…〉 ough be could not leave her a great portion, be would 〈…〉 ve her a good pattern. Sir Anthony would write 〈…〉 o his Daughter Mildred, My example is your inberitance, and my life is your portion. His firſt car 〈…〉 was to embue their tender ſouls with a knowing▪ ſerious, and ſober Religion, which went with the 〈…〉 to their graves. His next buſineſs was to in 〈…〉 their younger years to ſubmiſſion; modeſty and obedience; and to let their inſtructions grow wi 〈…〉 their years. Their Book and Pen was their Recreation; the Muſick and Dancing School, the Cou 〈…〉 and City, their accompliſhment; the Needle i 〈…〉 the Cloſet, and Houſe-wifry in the Hall and Kitching, their buſineſs. They were reproved, b 〈…〉 with reaſon that convinced and checked, th 〈…〉 wrought as well an ingenious ſhame, as an unfeigned ſorrow, and a dutiful fear. Fondneſs never loved his Children, and Paſſion never chaſtiſed the 〈…〉 but all was managed with that prudence and diſcr •• tion, that my Lord Seymour ſtanding by one da • when this Gentleman chid his Son, ſaid, Some 〈◊〉 govern Families with more skill then others do Kingdomes; and thereupon commended him to the Government, of his Nephew Edward the ſixth. Su 〈…〉 the Majeſty of his looks and gate, that Awe governed; ſuch the reaſon and ſweetneſs, that love obliged all his Family: a Family equally afraid 〈…〉 diſpleaſe ſo good a Head, and to offend ſo great. 〈…〉 their marriage they were guided by his Reaſ 〈…〉 more then his Will; and rather directed by 〈…〉 Counſel, then led by his Authority. They we 〈…〉 their own portion: Parts, Beauty and Breedi 〈…〉 beſtow themſelves. His care was, that his Daughters might have compleat Men, and that their Huſbands might be happy in compleat Women: nev 〈…〉 promiſing, yet always paying a great Dowry. Their ſpirit and buſineſs kept them from that weak paſſ 〈…〉 of love that embaſeth Mankind; their Noble con 〈…〉 ſe improved that friendly love that perfecteth 〈…〉 ; and their marriage compleated that Nuptial 〈…〉 ve that makes it. He ſaid firſt, and his Grand-childe my Lord Bacon after him, That the Joys of Parents are Secrets, and ſo are their Griefs and Fears. Children ſweeten Labours, but they embitter Miſfortunes: they encreaſe the care of Life, and m 〈…〉 gate the remembrance of Death. Very providently did he ſecure his Eternity, by leaving the 〈…〉 age of his nature in his Children, and of his 〈…〉 ind in his Pupil. The Recreations he indulged were moderate, lawful, ſober, becoming, uſeful, • nd ſeaſonable: the Expences he allowed, not ſo il • iberal as to acquaint them with ſhifts, make them 〈…〉 ort with mean company, nor ſurfeit when they came to plenty; nor yet ſo prodigal, but that they were taught how to live in the world. The Books he adviſed were not many, but choice: the buſineſs • e preſſed was not reading, but digeſting. The King of Sweden's men were but ſix deep; and Sir Anthony's exerciſes were not thick, but methodical and armed: the Diet he preſcribed, moderate: in Apparel he allowed for neceſſity, for decency, and in ſome caſes for magnificence, provided that it were neither too coſtly, nor too vain; neither above the Purſe, nor beyond the Calling, nor beſides the Eſtate.

Sir Anthony took more pleaſure to breed up States-men, then to be one. Contemplation was his Soul, Privacy his Life, and Diſcourſe his Element. Buſineſs was his Purgatory, and Publickneſs his torment: yet ſo ſerviceable was he in Edward the ſixth's time, that he was an Exile in Queen Mary's: An Exile, whoſe exemplary reſolution ſupported Religion, whoſe obliging Authority maintained Peace, and whoſe inexhauſtible charity provided for the Poor at Zuricke and Frankford. A Suſſex (and not a Kentiſh) Knight having ſpent a great Eſtate at Court, and brought himſelf to on 〈…〉 Park, and a fine Houſe in it, was yet ambitious to entertain not the Queen, but her Brother at it▪ and to that purpoſe had new-painted his Gates with a Coat of Arms, and a Motto overwritten, thus, OIA VANITAS, in great Golden Letters▪ Sir Anthony Cooke (and not his Son Cecil) offering to read it, deſired to know of the Gentleman what he meant by OIA? who told him, it ſtood for O • nia. Sir Anthony replyed, Sir, I wonder having made your Omnia ſo little as you have, you notwithſtanding make your Vanitas ſo large. King Edw 〈…〉 would ſay of his Tutors, That Rodolph the Germ 〈…〉 ſpake honeſtly, Sir John Cheeke talked merrily, D 〈…〉 Coxe ſolidly, and Sir Anthony Cooke weighingly: A faculty that was derived with his blood to his Grandchilde Bacon, which informs the world of this great truth, That Education doth much towards Parts; Induſtry more; Converſe, Encouragement and Exerciſe, more yet; but a ſound temper and nature, an wholſome blood and ſpirit, derived from healthful and well-conſtitutioned Parents, doth all.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir David Brooke.

DAvid Brooke Knight, born at Glaſſenbury, Son to John Brooke Eſq who was Sergeant at Law to King Henry the Eighth. Our David was alſo bred in the Study of our Laws, and in the firſt of Queen Mary was made chief Baron of the Exchequer: but whether dying in, or quitting the place in the firſt of Queen Elizabeth, I am not informed. He married Katharine Daughter of John Lord Chandois, but died without iſſue.

A Lawyer, and a Lawyers ſon: yet one whoſe Zeal for the Religion of that time advanced, rather then his Law; to ſerve rather his Princes intereſt, then his Court: that being the happy, ſhall I ſay? or unhappy time when the Soveraign and the State did often conſult with Judges, and the Judges more often conſult with the Soveraign and State. Yet although a particular reſpect raiſed, a general fair carriage kept him up; He obſerved not onely things, but times; not onely times, but perſons: therefore when old Poenal Laws came before him, he confined them in the execution, that that which was made for terrour, ſhould not be for rigour; and the Inſtrument of Government ſhould not be the ſnare of the People. When Informers of that Court were too buſie, he checked them: when violent proſecution, cunning advantages, combinations, power, or great counſel balanced an honeſt cauſe, he ſet all things even. His invention was good to improve his Miſtreſſes Revenue, his conſcience was as tender to diminiſh it. Q. Mary w 〈…〉 ready of her own inclination, but readier upon S 〈…〉 David Brookes motion, to part with the Church Profits. Patient and grave he was in hearing, ſparing and weighty in ſpeaking: None would direct an Evidence more orderly, none moderated the length or impertinency of Pleaders more diſcreetly: None would recapitulate, ſelect, collate the material points of what had been ſaid, more exactly; none gave judgement more ſatisfactorily; always commending a good Lawyer that miſcarried; a good way to uphold in the Client the reputation of his counſel, and beat down in him the conceit of his cauſe. He died with ſome projects in his breaſt for the Revenue, and ſome for the Law; whereof one was a compoſition for the Purveyances, and another a regulation of the Wards: both at that time thought, till regulated, as unprofitable for the Crown, as they ſeemed to be burthenſome to the ſubject. He had a cloſe way of diſcovering Concealments, as he had a ſevere one of puniſhing frauds. His word was, One Law executed, is worth twenty made. None more auſtere in caſe of others wrong, none more mild in that of his own; and he would ſay, What is done, is done. Weak men concern themſelves in what is paſt, while the wiſe take care of what is preſent and to come. If a man wrongeth me once, God forgive him, (ſaith the Italian:) if he wrongeth me the ſecond time, God forgive me. Others may be even with their enemies in revenge, he would be above them in forgiveneſs. An enemy, I ſay, though otherwiſe to a perfidious and an unworthy friend, he was much of Coſmus Duke of Florence his temper, who ſaid, You ſhall read that we are commanded to forgive our • nemies, but you never read that we are commanded 〈…〉 o forgive our friends.

Many have inveighed againſt Uſury, none have done more againſt it then this Knight; who if he • ad lived, was reſolved to reduce it to theſe Rules.

1. That it ſhould be declared unlawful.

2. Being declared ſo, if any practiſed it, (as men muſt do, or Traffick will fall) that there ſhould be a penalty upon the Uſurer, which might amount to an Exciſe or Cuſtome that would ariſe from that money if employed in merchandize.

3. That yet if any exacted above five in the hundred, they ſhould looſe the Principal. A rate that on the one hand would keep up the neceſſary Commerce of Lending and Borrowing among the Old • nd the Idle, and yet direct men to that more ne 〈…〉 ſſary of buying and improving Land, and other Commodities that are more induſtrious and inge • ious.

4. That none yet preſume this, but in ſome principal places of Merchandizing: for then (as my Lord Bacon hath projected it) they will hardly be able to colour other mens moneys in the Country: for no man will lend his money far off, or put it into unknown hands.

Or, Laſtly, That there be no money lent out upon terms but to the State, which may make its advantage of it.

Indeed, conſidering on the one hand that Uſury decayeth the Kings Cuſtome, bringeth money to few hands, damps Induſtry and Invention, beats down the price of the Land, and by eating up private Eſtates breeds a publick Poverty: It were to be wiſhed it were forbidden. And on the other, That Borrowers trade moſt; that, No Uſury, no young Merchants; that, Without Uſury men muſt ſell their Eſtates at under-Rates, more ſad then Uſury; that, No borrowing, no living; no Uſury, no borrowing: It were wiſhed it were regulated, ſo that the inconveniences of it were avoided, and the advantages retained, and Extortion be checked, as Traffick is encouraged.

Thus he that hath no private care, advanceth the publick Good, and the childeleſs man is moſt thoughtful for Poſterity: Certainly the beſt Works and of greateſt Merit for the Publique, have proceeded from the unmarried, or the childleſs man; who both in Affection and Means have married and endowed the Publique: He that hath Wife and Children hath given Hoſtages to Fortune: For they are Impediments either to Vertue or Miſchief.

A fat man in Rome riding always upon a very lean Horſe, being asked the Reaſon thereof, anſwered, That he fed himſelf, but he truſted others to feed his Horſe. Our Judge being asked what was the beſt way to thrive; ſaid, Never do any thing by another, that you can do by your ſelf.

Obſervations on the Life of Doctor Thomas Wilſon.

THomas Wilſon born in Lincolnſhire, was Doctor of Laws, bred Fellow of Kings Colledge in Cambridge, and afterwards was Tutor in the ſame Univerſity to Henry and Charles Brandon, ſucceſſively Dukes of Suff • lk. Under Queen Elizabeth he was made Maſter of the Hoſpital of St. Katharine's nigh the Tower of London. At laſt he became Secretary of State to the Queen for four years together. He died Anno 15

He had the breeding of Courtiers ſo long, until he was one himſelf: At once reading Machiavel for my Lord Burleigh's Inſtruction, and obſerving it for his own uſe. His Parents deſigned him for ſtudy, his Nature for buſineſs. His preſence aſſiſted his inclination, and his complaiſance his preſence; and his good Nature, both: A good Nature that would have ſpoiled a Politician in any other but Doctor Wilſon, whoſe Wiſdom was the largeneſs of his Soul, not the narrowneſs of a ſhift. He had that comprehenſive and penetrating judgement, that he could at once ſhew the greateſt prudence in laying his deſign, and the greateſt Integrity in managing it, as rather ſecurely knowing than warily cloſe. But he that is onely real, had need have exceeding great Parts of Vertue; as the Stone had need be rich; that is ſet without foil: Therefore He was ſomething a Courtier: There are ſmall matters that win great commendation, becauſe they are continually in uſe; whereas the occaſion of any great action cometh but on feſtivals, and it is enough to attain ſo much ceremony and courtſhip not to deſpiſe it. He had a way of conveying effectual and imprinting paſſions among complements, ſuitable to perſons and buſineſs: He had his familiarity to Inferiours, that made him not cheap: his ſtate among Equals, that made him not envied: and his obſervance to Superiours, that made him no Flatterer: His Behaviour like a well-made ſuit, not too ſtreight, or point deviſe, but juſtly meaſured, and free for exerciſe or motion. He had a ſlow but a ſure way to honour, which was nothing elſe in him but a diſcovery of his Vertues and Worth upon any occaſion without any diſadvantage.

It was his Intereſt as well as his Gift, to be more learned then witty, more reverend then plauſible, more conſiderate then active. His thoughts were as his inclination, grave; his diſcourſe as his reading, ſubtle; his action as his Education, well weighed, regular as his temper, even and ſmooth as cuſtom, and reſolved as a habit gotten in that advancement of Vertue, A well-diſciplined Society; where Example teacheth, Company comforteth, Emulation quickneth, Glory raiſeth. None had a more skilful method to ſway Nature in others, none more prudent minutes and ſeaſonable degrees to check it in himſelf: His Rule being, Never to practiſe any thing until perfect: for ſo he might exerciſe his weakneſs as well as his abilities, and induce one habit of both.

Three things he aimed at:

1. The ſearch of Truth by Induſtry. 2. The attainment of it by Apprehenſion. 3. The enjoyment of it by Aſſent.

He is a happy man that is above the troubled and confuſed Regions of Opinions, Fancies, Prepoſſeſſions, in that clear and undiſturbed one of Truth and Reality: Though yet my Lord Verulam obſerveth, That if there were taken out of mens mindes vain opinion, flattering hope, falſe valuations and imaginations, as one would, and the like, &c. it would leave the mindes of a number of poor men poor ſhrunken things, full of melancholy and indiſpoſition, and unpleaſing to themſelves.

Neither took he greater pleaſure in knowing than in relating and doing what is true, ſound and plain, without thoſe crooked courſes that ſhew a creeping rather then a raiſed nature; and, as Mr. Mount aigne obſerves, is a bravery and facing of God, and a ſhrinking from and being coward before man.

He ſaid, what all great men know, That he was ſix times a Slave:

1. To Himſelf and his Inclination, till he had advanced Reaſon. 2. To the World and its Inſolence, till he had improved his Fortune. 3. To his Pupils and their Tempers, till he underſtood their Genius. 4. To Fame and its Reports, till he was known in the World. 5. To his Soveraigns and their Humours, till he found their Intereſt. And 6. To his Buſineſs, till he had attained Experience.

Thus it is with all Grandees, who exchange their power over themſelves for that over others, and with great pains come to greater.

Two things he wiſhed when called to the world, Power and Reſolution. A naked Man is contemptible, (for it's Power that begets Fear, it's Fear that makes Gods, and rules the world) an eaſie Man is uſeleſs: a facile-natured man may be a good Companion for a private perſon, but no Servant to a Prince: Remiſsneſs and Connivance are the ruines of unſetled Governments. The Game of Authority will not admit of too open a play.

In a word, he was one that knew the reſorts and falls of buſineſs, though he could not ſink into the main of a matter; being one that packed the Cards better then he played them.

Three things compleated this Secretary:

1. Quick diſpatch and induſtry. 2. Conſtant intelligence and correſpondence. 3. A large and ſtrong memory.

Queen Elizabeth would needs at firſt favour my Lord of Leiceſter againſt the Earl of Suſſex, which this Doctor and my Lord Burleigh diſſwaded upon this account, Becauſe if ſhe who ſhould be the common Mother of all, inclined to one party, and leaned to a ſide, the Ship of the Commonwealth would be as a Boat overturned by too much weight on the one ſide, and too little on the other. Take heed (ſaid the Royal Martyr to his Son our Soveraign) of abetting any Faction, or applying to any publick Diſcrimination: your partial adhering as head to any one ſide, gains you not ſo great advantages in ſome mens hearts, (who are prone to go on in the Kings way) as it looſeth you in others, who think themſelves firſt deſpiſed, and then perſecuted by you. Take ſuch a courſe as may either with calmneſs and charity quite remove the ſeeming differences and offences by impartiality; or ſo order affairs in point of power, that you ſhall not need to fear or flatter any faction: for if ever you ſtand in need of them, or ſtand to their courteſie, you are undone.

His Place called upon him to ſuppreſs with ſeveverity ſuch ſeditious reflexions upon the State, as came to his knowledge: but his inclination was to diſſipate them with connivance and contempt. To be oppoſed, renders a Faction conſiderable; to he deſpiſed, (and watched) ridiculous: To go about to ſtop the firſt appearances of ſedition, is (ſaith my Lord Bacon) but to make a wonder long-lived.

His knack was a politick and artificial nouriſhing and entertaining of hopes; and keeping men in ſuſpenſe is one of the beſt Antidotes againſt the poyſon of diſcontent: it being obſerved by the foreſaid States-man, to be a certain ſigne of a wiſe Government & Proceedings, to hold mens hearts by hopes, when it cannot by ſatisfaction; and when it can handle things in ſuch manner, as no evil ſhall appear ſo peremptory, but that it hath ſome out-let of hope: which is the eaſier done, becauſe both particular perſons and factions are apt enough to fiatter themſelves, or at leaſt to boaſt what they believe not.

In a word, although he made not ſo much noyſe as other men, yet he as effectually promoted the three main Supporters of this Nation, 1. Its Native Commodities, 2. Its Artificial Manufactures, 3. Its Vecture and Carriage; and ſo died with that content and reſolution, that they do who are overtaken by Fate in the purſuit of great Actions, and publick Deſignes.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Portman.

JOhn Portman Knight, was born of wealthy and worſhipful Extraction at Portman's Orchard in Somerſetſhire, a fair Mannor, which deſcended to him by inheritance, the Heir of the Orchard being match'd into his Family. He was bred in the ſtudy of the Common Law; attaining to ſuch eminency therein, that June 11. 2 of Queen Mary, he was made Chief Juſtice of the Kings Bench, continuing two years in the place, and dying therein for ought I finde to the contrary; and a Baronet of his Name and Linage flouriſheth at this day with a great and plentiful Eſtate. No doubt but he died in his place, there being none of thoſe things that carry diſgrace and downfal with them, incident to him.

For the firſt thing that ruines a Courtier, is a boaſting of his own ſervice; and then our Knight, The things that overthrow a Favourite. none more modeſt.

The ſecond, is an undutiful obſervation of our Princes actions; and none more faithful and meek.

The third, is the revealing or abuſing of ſecrets; and none more reſerved and civil.

The fourth thing, is either provoking the Nobility againſt himſelf, or dividing them among themſelves: he was too wiſe for the one, his deſigne being rather alliance then quarrel, to adde intereſt to his Eſtate, and honour to his Riches; and too quiet for the other. Many have an Opinion not wiſe, (ſaith that Oracle) that for a Prince to govern his Eſtate, or for a great Perſon to guide his Proceedings, according to the reſpect of factions, is a principal part of policy: whereas contrarywiſe, the chiefeſt wiſdome is either in ordering thoſe things that are general, and wherein men of ſeveral factions do nevertheleſs agree; or in dealing with, or correſpondence to particular perſons one by one. Mean men in their riſing muſt adhere; but Great men that have ſtrength in themſelves, were better to maintain themſelves indifferent and neutral.

The fifth particular that pulleth down a man, is a miſunderſtanding of his own intereſt, or the Princes: Our Judge underſtood both, being equally made up of The firſt of theſe loved Alexanders intereſt, the other his perſon. Craterus and Haepheſtion, faithfulneſs and compliance.

The ſixth, is the hatred of the many, (whom this perſons integrity always obliged, there being no herd more feral then an enraged multitude) or the envy of the great, whom his warineſs diſobliged not; it being more fatal to incenſe a Favourite who would be above all affronts by his greatneſs, then a Prince who is ſo by Law.

The ſeventh misfortune, is to be too much concerned in the ſecrets of Princes; wherewith Sir William never meddled without aſſiſtants, never acted without a Warrant.

The eighth, is unſucceſsful Counſel; and our Knight went the ſafe and middle way, neither to be feared nor envied, which he was always preſent to ſecond, proſecute or correct, as he ſaw moſt cauſe.

His ſharp and ſound judgement to diſtinguiſh Perſons, Affairs, and other Circumſtances, and accordingly how to order the manner of his Proceedings, was much; his well-weighed and wary, though quick apprehenſion and experience from Men and Books, more; his particular memory, and its minute obſervation for his conduct and buſineſs, moſt of all. His care of vain and idle Prepoſſeſſions balanced his ſoul, his temper managed it: his love was choice and cautious; his hope moderate and knowing; his confidence ſlow, but certain; his deſires and joys allayed and checked, or quickened by the edge of his anger, or the caution of his fear; and all ſedate with his foreſight.

Nature did this perſon ſome wrong in his Body, but made him amends in his Soul: the fails of the One, are foils to ſet off the Other: the firſt comes off with more Glory, by the pully and defect of the ſecond: Beſides that the unkindneſs of Nature puts men often upon being eminent in Art; that the happineſs of this, may divert men from obſerving the unhappineſs of that.

But of all the Vertues his conſtant and growing Soul raiſed him to, this was one, That he durſt not entertain a Gift, which (as he ſaid) conquers both the fooliſh and the wiſe: which in publick places it is a Vice to accept, and not a Vertue to offer: It being a ſnare rather then a favour.

His next was Diligence: Neglect waſtes a man as inſenſibly as Induſtry improves him: We need no more but ſit ſtill, and Diſeaſes will ariſe onely for want of exerciſe. Man's a Watch that muſt be looked to and wound up every day: the leaſt incuriouſneſs ſteals to improficiency or offence, which degreeingly weighs us down to extremity: Diligence alone is a fair Fortune, and Induſtry a good Eſtate.

There are five mens Activities that raiſe to Eſtates:

1. The Divine to a ſmall, but an honeſt one. 2. The Phyſitian to a competency, but uncertain. 3. The Courtier to a great one, and an honourable. 4. The Citizen to a large one, but not laſting. And 5. The Lawyer to one large, and firm too.

Seldome doth his Family fail, who is ſure to tye his Eſtate to his Childe by an Entayl, and his Childe to his Eſtate by an Education and an Employment. When we obſerve the ſeveral alterations in Gentry, we finde four principal Actors on the Theatres of great Families▪ the Beginner, the Advancer, the Continuer, and the Ruiner.

1. The Beginner, who by his Vertues refineth himſelf from the droſs of the Vulgar, and layeth the foundation of his houſe.

2. The Advancer, who improveth it.

3. The Continuer, who conveyeth it to his Poſterity as he received it from his Anceſtors.

4. The Ruiner, that degenerates from his Fathers. Our Judge began not, but advanced that excellent Family, whoſe original I cannot finde, ſo ancient it is; and whoſe end I hope none will ſee, it is ſo noble.

Obſervations on the Life of William Howard.

WIlliam Howard, ſon to Thomas Howard, ſecond of that Surname Duke of Norfolk, was by Queen Mary created Baron of Effingham in Surrey, and by her made Lord Admiral of England; which place he diſcharged with credit. He was one of the firſt Favourers and Furtherers with his Purſe and Countenance of the ſtrange and wonderful diſcovery of Ruſſia. He died anno Don • . 1554.

This Noble Perſon had his plainneſs from his Father, his ingenuity from his Mother, his experience by Travel and Navigation: his Blood endeared him to his Soveraign, and his Abilities advanced him to her ſervice: He promiſed no leſs to his Miſtreſs, then his Father and Uncle had performed to her Father. The Anceſtors merit is ſecurity for Poſterities, who will hardly forfeit that favour with one act of their own unworthineſs, that was gained by ſo many of their Predeceſſors ſervice. Like a well-drawn picture this Lord had his eye on all round: on his Queen, to be faithful; on his Country, to be publick-ſpirited; on his Family, to be honourable; on the preſent Age, to be active; and on the future, to be renowned.

The old Lord Burleigh, ſometime Treaſurer of England, coming to Cambridge with Queen Elizabeth when he was led into the publick Schools, and had much commended their convenience, beauty and greatneſs, together with their Founder Humphrey the good Duke of Gloceſter; Yea, marry, (ſaid he) but I finde one School wanting in our Ʋniverſities, and that is the School of Diſcretion When Private Tutors had initiated, Publick Schools had ſeaſoned, and the Univerſity had improved this Gentlemans ſprightly and noble Parts; yet did his Father obſerve one great defect in his Education, and that i • Diſcretion; Diſcretion in Carriage, for which he ſent him to Court; Diſcretion in buſineſs, for which he ſent him to travel and fight. Not long had he been abroad to furniſh himſelf with experience, but he is called home to e • noble himſelf with action. The Alvaes of Spain were for four Generations together Commanders by Land, and the Howards of England for as many, Admirals at Sea. None ever had more Power, none uſed leſs then he: The more Authority he had allowed him over others, the more Command he obtained over himſelf.

Twice did he mortgage his Eſtate for his followers Pay; many times did he venture his Life for their encouragement. None directed more skilfully and yet none acted more reſolutely. Equally did he divide the profit, equally ſhare the honour with his followers, who under him never dared, and never feared a danger. Manners make a man, ſaith the Courtier; Money makes a man, ſaith the Citizen; Learning makes a man, ſaith the Scholar: but Conduct makes a man, ſaith the Souldier. This Lords ſpirit never put him on ſo forwardly, but his warineſs took care how to come off as ſafely. He that fights ſhould deſpair, but he that commands ſhould hope. The Souldier among the Perſians is drawn with his eyes before him, and the General with his behinde him. Young men in the manage of Affairs embrace more then they can hold, ſtir more then they can quiet, flee to the end without conſideration of the means and degrees; purſue ſome few principles, and extream remedies they have chanced upon raſhly, which they will neither confeſs nor reform. Old men object too much, conſult too long, adventure too little, repent too ſoon, and ſeldome purſue things home to their full period. My Lord was an happy compoſition of both himſelf, and had of either about him, that the coldneſs and warineſs of Age might correct the heat of Youth, and the Activity of Younger might be directed by the Experience of Riper Ones: The one gave Authority, and the other Life to his Actions. He himſelf was better to invent then to judge, fitter for Action then Counſel, and readier for new Projects then for ſetled buſineſs. The Lord Clinton's Prudence ſerved him in old and uſual matters, but in new things abuſed him: My Lord Howard's was quick for preſent Emergencies, but not comprehenſive of ordinary tranſactions. Of the three Admirals of thoſe times, we may ſay as they did of the France, Spain and England. three Kingdomes, Liſle was wiſe before the Action, my Lord Howard in it, my Lord Clinton after it.

England without a freedome of commerce, was but a larger Priſon: others opened the Trade to the Indies, to Aſia, and other parts of the world; but we wanted the Hemp, the Flax, the Pitch, the Fur, and the other uſeful Commodities of Ruſſia, ſerviceable to our ſelves, and more to our Ships. His Purſe in this caſe did much, his Direction more, his ſervant Jenkinſon moſt of all, who made curious obſerva • ions of Ruſſia, ſet forth a Geographical deſcription of it, and was the firſt of the Engliſh, that ſailed through the Caſpian Sea. With his aſſiſtance the Muſcovia Company was ſet up in Queen. Maries days; and with his ſervants it obtained the Priviledge of ſole Traffick into the Northern Parts of Ruſſia in Elizabeth's.

Nihil habet fortuna magna majus, nec natura bona Cicero. melius quam ut • elit bene-facere quam plurimis.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edward Mountague.

EDward Mountague, Son of Thomas Mountague, born at Brigſtock in Northampton-ſhire, was bred in the Inner Temple in the ſtudy of the Laws, until his ability and integrity advanced him Lord Chief Juſtice of the Kings Bench, in the Thirtieth of Henry the Eighth. He gave for his Motto, Aequitas Juſtitiae Norma: And although Equity ſeemeth rather to reſent of the Chancery than the Kings Bench, yet the beſt Juſtice will be Wormwood without a mixture thereof.

In his times though the golden ſhowers of Abbey-Lands rained amongſt greatmen, it was long before he would open his lap, (ſcrupling the acception of ſuch Gifts) and at laſt received but little, in proportion to Others of that Age.

In the thirty ſeventh of King Henry the Eighth he was made Chief Juſtice of the Common Pleas, a deſcent in Honour, but aſcent in Profit; it being given to old Age, rather to be thrifty then ambitious: Whereupon he ſaid, I am now an old man, and love the Kitchin before the Hall; the warmeſt place beſt ſuiting with my Age.

In drawing up the Will of King Edward the Sixth, and ſettling the Crown on the Lady Jane, for a time he ſwam againſt the tide and torrent of Duke Dudley, till at laſt he was carried away with the ſtream.

Outed of his Judges Office in the firſt of Queen Mary, he returned into Northampton-ſhire; and what contentment he could not finde in Weſtminſter-hall, his Hoſpital-hall at Bough 〈…〉 afforded him. He died Anno 1556. and lieth buried in the Pariſh Church of Weekely.

His well-managed Argument in Dodderidge his Caſe, brought him to Cromwel's knowledge, who was vexed with his Reaſon, but well pleaſed with his Parts. Cromwel's recommendation and his own modeſt nature ſet him up with Henry the Eighth, who could not endure two things: 1. A Lawyer that would not be guided: 2. A Divine that would not be taught. Yet as modeſt as he was, he was honeſt; and though he would ſubmit to the Kings Power, yet would he act by his Law: For his Apophthegm was, Meum eſt Jus dicere, potius quam Jus dare: It's my duty to interpret rather then give Law.

He never denied or delayed Juſtice; always diſcouraging thoſe cunning Laws that perplexed a Cauſe, thoſe contentious Clients that delayed a ſuit, and thoſe nice Cummin- • eed men that ſtrained inferences, and wreſted conſtructions.

Patient, ſtayed and equal he was in hearing, grave in ſpeaking, pertinent in interrogating, wary in obſerving, happy in remembring, ſeaſonable and civil in interpoſing. The Counſel durſt not chop with him, neither would he chop with the Counſel, unleſs he defended his cauſe over-boldly, urged indiſcreetly, informed ſlightly, neglected gro • ly, renewed the debate unſeaſonably, or enſnared his Adverſaries cunningly; in thoſe and other the like caſes, he would do the Publique Right by a check, and the Perſon by an admonition.

Six ſorts of perſons he diſcountenanced in his Courts:

1. The ſcandalous Exactors.

2. The ſlie ſhifters, that, as that Chancellour obſerved, pervert the plain and direſt courſes of Courts, and bring Juſtice into oblique Lines and Labyrinths.

3. Thoſe that engaged Courts in quarrels of Juriſdiction.

4. Thoſe that made ſuits.

5. Thoſe that hunted men upon Poenal Statutes.

6. Thoſe that appeared in moſt Teſtimonies and Juries.

His Darling was, The honeſt Clerk, who was experienced in his place, obliging in his carriage, knowing in Preſidents, cautious in Proceedings, and skilful in the affairs of the Court.

Two things he promoted in King Henry's days:

1. The Law againſt Gaming. And 2. The Order againſt Stews.

And two in King Edward's:

1. That Act againſt ſpreading of Prophecies. 2. That Statute againſt embaſing of Coyn.

But King Edward's Teſtament and the Duke 〈◊〉 Northumberland's Will is to be made: The piou 〈…〉 Intentions of that King wiſhing well to the Reformation, the Religion of Queen Mary obnoxious to exception, the ambition of Northumberland who would do what he lifted, the weakneſs of Suffol 〈…〉 who would be done with as the other pleaſed, the flattery of the Courtiers moſt willing to comply▪ deſigned the Crown for the Lady Jane Grey. Mr. Cecil is ſent for to London, to furniſh that Will with Reaſon of State; and Sir Edward to Sergeants In • , to make it up with Law. He according to the Letter ſent him, went with Sir Jo. Baker, Juſtice Bromley, the Attorney and Solicitor-General to Greenwich, where his Majeſty before the Marqueſs of Northampton declaring himſelf for the ſettlement of Religion, and againſt the ſucceſſion of Queen Mary, offered them a Bill of Articles to make a Book of; which they, notwithſtanding the Kings Charge, and the reiteration of it by Sir William Peter, declared upon mature conſideration, they could not do, without involving themſelves and the Lords of the Council in High I reaſon, becauſe of the Statutes of Succeſſion.

The Duke of Northumberland hearing of their Declaration by the Lord Admiral, comes to the Council-Chamber all in a rage, trembling for anger; calling Sir Edward Traytor, and ſaying, He would fight in his ſhirt with any man in that Quarrel.

The old man is charged by the King upon his Allegiance, and the Council upon his Life, to make the Book; which he did, when they promiſed it ſhould be ratified in Parliament. Here was his obedience, not his invention; not to deviſe, but draw things up according to the Articles tendred unto him. Since ſhame is that which ambitious Nature abhorreth, and danger is that which timorous Nature declineth; the honeſt man muſt be reſolute. Sir Nathaniel Brent would ſay, A Coward cannot be an honeſt man; and it ſeems by this Action, that modeſty and fear are great temptations. Give me thoſe four great Vertues that make a man:

1. A clear Innocence. 2. A comprehenſive Knowledge. 3. A well-weighed experience. And 4. The product of all theſe, A ſteady Reſolution.

What a Skein of Ruffled Silk (ſaith the ingenious Reſolver) is the incompoſed man!

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edward Fines.

EDward Fines Lord Clinton, Knight of the Garter, was Lord Admiral of England for more then thirty years. He was wiſe, valiant, and very fortunate, as appears by his Maſter-piece in Muſeleborough-field, in the reign of King Edward the ſixth, and the Battle againſt the Scots. He was afterwards created Earl of Lincoln, where he was born, May 4. 1474. and where he had a proportionable Eſtate to ſupport his Dignity, which he much increaſed, beſide his Paternal Inheritance. He died January 16. 1558. and lieth buried at Windſor, in a private Chappel, under a ſtately Monument, which Elizabeth his third Wiſe, Daughter to the Earl of Kildare, erected in his remembrance. His Fortune made him a younger Brother, and his Induſtry an Heir; coming to Court, where they that have Eſtates, ſpend them; and they that have none, gain them. His recreation was at Court, but his buſineſs in the Country; where notwithſtanding the Statute in Henry the ſevenths time againſt Paſturage for Tillage, he Grazed 11000 Acres of Ground: then a noble and gaining Employment, that advanced many a Family in one Generation; and now a ſaving one, that hath kept up as many ten.

The beſt tempered Swords will bend any way, and the beſt metalled men will comply with any occaſion. At White-hall, none more affable and courteous then our Lord; at Sea, none more skilful; in the field, none more reſolute; in the Country, none more thriſty and hoſpitable. His Entertainments were orderly and ſuitable, made up of ſolid particulars, all growing upon his own Eſtate. King Charles would ſay, Every man hath his vanity, and mine (ſpeaking of the Soveraign) is Building: Every man hath his humour, and mine (ſaid he, ſpeaking of the Fens) is Drayning. Adding withal, He that would be merry for a day, let him be trimmed; he that would be merry for a week, let him marry; he that would be merry for a year, let him build; he that would be merry for Ages, let him He meant land. improve. Now you would have him among his Workmen and Stewards in Lincoln, anon among the Commiſſioners either in France or Scotland; by and by before Bulloign or Calice, and a while after at Spieres or Muſcleborough, and on a ſuddain at a Mask in Court. Neither was his Soul leſs pliable to perſons, then things: as boyſterouſly active as King Henry could expect, as piouſly meek as King Edward could wiſh, as warily zealous as Queen Mary's times required, and as piercingly obſervant as Queen Elizabeths perplexed occaſions demanded. It was by him and my Lord Bacon ſaid of buſineſs, That it was in buſineſs as it is in ways, that the next and the neareſt way is commonly the fouleſt; and that if a man will go the faireſt way, he muſt go ſomewhat about.

Sitting in a Committee about invading Scotland, whereof Sir Anthony Brown then Viſcount Mountacute preſented a Draught, there aroſe as great a debate between him and my Lord in Council, as afterwards in the Field, about the point of Entrance; Nay, ſaid my Lord in the heat of the Diſcourſe, with as much power on others paſſions, as command over his own, We ſtand quarrelling here how we ſhall get in, but here is no diſcourſe how we ſhall get out.

It's a Rule, Whoſoever hath any thing fixed in his perſon that doth induce contempt, hath alſo a perpetual ſpur in himſelf to reſcue and deliver himſelf from ſcorn, either by vertue or malice; And my Lord having ſome diſadvantage from Nature, made it up by Art: None more bold, none more induſtrious and more ſucceſsful, becauſe that diſadvantage took off envy on the one hand, and jealouſie on the other: ſo that upon the matter, in a great Wit, Contempt is a great advantage to riſing.

Judge Brooke had a Project againſt Uſury, which came up to the Lords Houſe: this rich Peer upon the firſt motion of it, ſtands up, and ſaith, Shew me a State without Uſury, and I'll ſhew you a State without Men and Trade.

Rich he was for expence, and expend he did upon honour and good Action: his ordinary expences were the third of his Eſtate, and his extraordinary none of it; his Rule being, Extraordinary diſadvantages muſt be balanced with extraordinary advantages. He would not ſtoop to petty gains, but he would abridge petty charges: but his occaſions calling him often from his Eſtate, he turned it all to certainties; often changing his Servants, who being unacquainted with him and his Eſtate, were leſs ſubtle, and more timorous. Much behindhand he was when he came to the Eſtate, and as much before when he left it. Neither was he too ſuddain or too ſlow in paying his Debts; equally avoiding a diſadvantageous ſale on the one hand, and devouring intereſt on the other: and ſo inuring himſelf by degrees into an habit of frugality, he gained as well upon his Minde, as upon his Eſtate. For husbanding the Engliſh Treaſure in Scotland, he was Knighted in the Field May 11. 34 H. 8. by the Earl of Hertford: for the Clauſe concerning Scotland he put in at the Treaty of Guiſnes, 35 H. 8. he was made Baron by Patent: for his diſcreet Conduct in demanding the young Queen of Scots, together with the performance of the Articles made in Henry the eighth's time, with 60 ſayl of Ships before the battle of Muſcleburgh, he had 600 l. a year aſſigned him by the Protector: for his great experience at Sea, his intereſt in Sea-men, and his nown among the Neighbour-States, he was made Earl of Lincoln.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Barnaby Fitz-Patrick.

BArnaby Fitz-Patrick had the honour of being King Edward the ſixth his Proxy at School, and one of his Bed-chamber at Court. In King Henry the eighth's time he was ſent to School, in King Edward the ſixth's to travel, where he had theſe Directions following from that King, how he might learn faſhions there, and ſend intelligence hither.

EDWARD.

WE underſtand by your Letters received the eighth of this preſent month, your good entertainment, being glad thereof; and alſo how you have been once to go on Pilgrimage: Wherefore we think fit to advertiſe you to deſire leave to go to Mr. Pickering, or to Paris, in caſe hereafter any ſuch chance happen. And if that will not ſerve, to declare to ſome perſon of eſtimation, with whom you are beſt acquainted, that as you are loath to offend the French King by reaſon of his kinde uſage of you; ſo with ſafe conſcience you cannot do any ſuch thing, being brought up with me, and bound to obey my Laws; alſo, that you had commandment from me to the contrary. Yet if you be vehemently procured, you may go as waiting upon the King, not as intending to the abuſe, nor willingly ſ • e the Ceremonies: and ſo you look on the Maſs, but in the mean time regard the Scripture, or ſome good Book, and give no reverence to the Maſs at all.

Furthermore, remember when you may conveniently be abſent from the Court, to tarry with Sir William Pickering, to be inſtructed by him how to uſe your ſelf. For Women, as far forth as you can, avoid their company; yet if the French King command you, you may ſometime dance, ſo meaſure be your mean: elſe apply your ſelf to Riding, Shooting, Tennis, or ſuch honeſt Games; not forgetting ſometimes (when you have leiſure) your Learning, chiefly reading of the Scriptures. We would not have you live too ſumptuouſly as an Ambaſſador, but ſo as your proportion of living may ſerve you; we mean, becauſe we know many will reſort to you, and deſire to ſerve you. I told you how many I thought convenient you ſhould keep. After you have ordered your things at Paris, go to the Court, and learn to have more intelligence if you can; and after to the Wars, to learn ſomewhat to ſerve us. By your Letters of the ſecond and fifteenth of April, we perceive that you were at Nancy, ready to go together with Mr. Pickering to the French Camp; and to the intent you might be better inſtructed how to uſe your ſelf in theſe Wars, we have thought good to advertiſe you of our pleaſure therein. Firſt, we would wiſh you, as much as you may conveniently, to be in the French Kings preſence, or at leaſt in ſome part of his Army, where you ſhall perceive moſt buſineſs to be; and that for two cauſes: One is, becauſe you may have more experience in the Wars, and ſee things as might ſtand you in ſtead another day: The other is, becauſe you might be more profitable in the Language. For our Embaſſador, who may not wear Harneſs, cannot well come to thoſe places of danger, nor ſeem ſo to ſerve the French King, as you may, whom we ſent thither for that purpoſe. It ſhall be beſt for you therefore hereafter, as much as you may, to be with the French King; and ſo you ſhall be more acceptable to him, and do your ſelf much good. This I write, not doubting but you would have done it, though I had not written, but to ſpur you on.

Adding withal, To learn the Tongue, to ſee the manner of the Court, and advertiſe his Maſter of Occurrences, keeping cloſe to the King of France, to whom he ſhall offer his ſervice in the Wars, where be is to obſerve the fortifications of the Cities, the Conduct of the Armies, the advantages and diſadvantages of both Parties; their Skirmiſhes, Battels, Aſſaults, and the Plots of the chief Towns, where any enterprizes of weight have been done. His Exerciſes were to be Hunting and Riding; his Company few, but choice, &c.

This Gentleman after his return out of France, was created by the King Baron of Upper Oſſory in Ireland; where he died a good Proteſtant, a Publick-ſpirited Patriot, and an honeſt man.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Fitz-Alane, Earl of Arundel.

HIs firſt appearance in the World was to adorn the Court, his next was to ſerve it. Firſt his Eſtate and Train attends King Henry to the Interview with France, and a while after his Anno H. 8. 24. Valour and Conduct is commanded by him to the War.

Equally prepared is he to pleaſe and awe that Countrey: The Duke of Suffolke is made General for his Popularity, and the Earl of Arundel Lord Marſhal, for his Spirit and Prudence; and both being before Bulloign, this Noble Lord run up his Squadron under a running ſhelter about eleven at night, to the very Walls of the City; which being battered down by the Canon, which was mounted ſome forty yards higher, opened to the cloſe Beſiegers a paſſage that gained the whole Town by compoſition.

Neither was he leſs active in Peace than War: A piercing apprehenſion, a ſtrong memory, a large and capacious judgement, a dexterous prudence, a diſcerning wiſdom, was the leaſt of his happineſs: For to his ſufficiency and capacity, he added a good diſpoſition and integrity; and to that, vigour and gracefulneſs. He was the excellent Perſonage, that 1. Diſcerned, 2. Embraced and performed what was Noble and Publique: (To know, to will and effect what is good, make up a God.) To theſe were added a ſtrong Nature, a deep Study, and a very great Experience; qualities ſeparated in others, but united in him: Nature will out, Education is rude; Education without Reſolution, is looſe; Reſolution without Experience, is heady; Experience grounded upon particular Events, is uncertain, without the ſtudy of General and Immoveable Principles: Knowledge of things in their ſources and original cauſes, without Nature, is a Burden: All theſe without Exerciſe, are a Notion.

This Nobleman thus furniſhed, derived much Honor from his Anceſtors, more to them; ennobling that Blood to a Glory, which ſome had debaſed to a Bluſh. That great Name after four hundred years ſhining in that Honour with various luſtre, ſetting in him as the Sun he bore with a full ſplendour: The laſt effort of Nature is a Maſter-piece; the laſt blaze of the Candle a ſhine.

Other Noblemen were made King Edward's Overſeers for their Integrity; he one of his Aſſiſtants for his Ability: When an Enemy was to be awed to a ſubmiſſion, he was General, ſuch his Fame! When the Countrey was to be obliged to a loan, he was Agent, ſuch his Popularity! The firſt advanced him to the Comptrollerſhip under Henry the Eighth; the ſecond to the Chamberlainſhip under Edward the Sixth.

Nature hath provided that ravenous Beaſts ſhould not aſſociate, le • t they ſhould be too hard for it; and Government, that prime Counſellours ſhould not agree, le • t they overthrow it: Warwick envied the Protectors Greatneſs, and Arundel would limit his Power: both with the reſt of the Council declare againſt him. But le • t he ſhould urge the ſame things againſt Warwick that he did againſt Somerſet; they, who love the Treaſon, bu 〈…〉 hate the Traytor, turn him firſt out of Favour, and then out of Council, until Queen Maries time when he as an antient Nobleman of England, (tha 〈…〉 owned no upſtart-deſigns againſt the old way of ſucceſſion) ſtood for her Right, and as a ſtiff Catholique promoted her Religion: So that July 21▪ 1553. he came from the Queen to Cambridge, where the Duke of Northumberland was, and entering his Chamber, the Duke fell at his feet, deſiring him for Gods ſake to conſider his caſe, who had done nothing but by Warrant from the Council: My Lord, (ſaid the Earl) I am ſent hither by the Queen to arreſt you. And I (ſaid the Duke) obey your Arreſt; beſeeching your mercy for what I did by Commiſſion. You ſhould have thought of that ſooner, (ſaid the Earl.) Here you might have ſeen at once the viciſſitude of Fortune, the frailty of Man, the dejectedneſs of Guilt, the bravery of Innocence, who would neither be trampled on by Greatneſs, nor trample on Miſery; of an equal temper between pity and reſolution. As long as his Youth bore it, we finde him for Action; but when years came upon him, we finde him in Council, as with Wotton 〈◊〉 the great Treaty at Cambray: Yet not ſo unactive, but that as Sir William Pickering for his ſweet Demeaner, ſo he for his Eſtate was voiced an Husband to Queen Elizabeth.

When the reſt of the Council were for dealing with the Queen of Scots underhand and at diſtance, he was for treating with her plainly; and ſaid in the Queens preſence, The wiſdom of the former Age was ſo provident that it needed not, and ſo plain that it endured not ſhifts. Leiceſter would perſwade the Duke of Norfolk to court the Queen of Scots, but Arundel would not hear of it without the Queen of England's conſent: Experience is always wary, yet hath its weakneſſes, wherein it may be ſurprized. For this Noblemans Kindneſs to his Friend, balancing his Duty to his Miſtriſs, brought him, the Earl of Southampton, the Lords Lumley, Co • ham, Piercy, &c. to a Praemunire: whereupon he ſaid, He is never wiſe, that is not diſtruſtful.

Fear, that betrayeth the ſuccours of Reaſon, when predominant, guardeth them when moderate, and is more ſafe, though not ſo Noble as that valiant confidence that bequeaths a dilated Freedom to all faculties and ſenſes.

But of all his Actions this is moſt remarkable: Treating with the Scots, he writ to his Majeſty King Henry the Eighth, what he had gained already, requiring to know his further pleaſure: The King takes advice with his Council, who all agree that the Peace ſhould be concluded: Whereupon the King cauſed his Secretary the Lord Paget to write to him to that purpoſe; but withal, he called Mr. Cecil ſecretly to him, bidding him tell my Lord, That whatſoever he had written in his Letter, yet with all ſpeed poſſible he ſhould break the Treaty. Mr. Cecil replying, That a meſſage by word of mouth being contrary to his Letter, would never be believed: Well, (ſaid the King) do you tell him as I bid you, and leave the doing of it to his choice. Upon Mr. Cecil's arrival, the Earl of Arundel ſhewed the other Commiſſioners as well the Meſſage as the Letter; they are all for the Letter: he ſaid nothing, but ordered that the Meſſage ſhould be written before, and ſigned by his fellow-Commiſſioners, and thereupon immediately broke up the Treaty, ſending Cecil with the advertiſement of it to the King: Who, as ſoon as he ſaw him, asked aloud, What, will he do it, or no? Cecil replied, That his Majeſty might underſtand that by the incloſed. But then the King, half angry, urged, Nay tell me: Will be do it or no? Being then told it was done, he turned to the Lords and ſaid, Now You will hear news, The fine Treatie is broken: Whereto one preſently anſwered, That he who had broke it deſerved to loſe his Head; to which the King ſtraightly replied, That He would loſe a dozen ſuch heads as his was that ſo judged, rather than one ſuch Servant as had done it: and therewith commanded the Earl of Arundel's Pardon ſhould be preſently drawn up, the which he ſent with Letters of Thanks, and aſſurance of Favour.

Five things muſt a Stateſman comprehend.

1. The Law. 2. The Government. 3. The Time. 4. The People. And 5. The Prince.

Under an active Prince, you muſt regard the Prerogative; under an eaſie one, the Law; under a compleat one made up of a juſt meaſure of Greatneſs and Goodneſs, thoſe two things are diſtinguiſhed onely in the nice diſcourſes of ſome Speculative, being but one great Rule in the ſolid actions of that Prince.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Dudley Duke of Northumberland.

HIs favour was firſt purchaſed by his Fathers blood, and improved by his own cunning. King Henry ſacrificed Sir Edmund Dudly to allay the Peoples rage, and raiſed his Son to appeaſe his Ghoſt. He that diſobligeth a multitude, muſt fall himſelf; but he that in ſo doing ſerveth his Mach▪ Prince, p. 56. King, may advance his Poſterity. Something high he was in the Kings favour, becauſe ſtanding on his fathers Grave; but higher as he ſtood on his own Merit: He knew his Fathers ſervice made his way to favour; his own Education therefore muſt prepare him for employment. Favour without Parts is a reproach; Parts without favour are a burden. The King reſtored him to his Fathers blood, and his own induſtry recovered his Abilities. There are thoſe that under the notion of wiſdome commit the greateſt folly, either in too much converſing with the world without, or in too much reflecting on themſelves within: Sir John was made up of both; ſome time he allowed for Action, more for Conſideration. There is not any thing ſo prejudicial to Action, as to be bent upon Action without intermiſſion: for as the eye ſeeth not the Objects touching it, but thoſe onely more remote; ſo the underſtanding continually plunged in Affairs, is not ſo quick-ſighted in occurrents, as his who ſometime retireth himſelf from publick Action, beholding it aloof off by conſideration. In the heat and tumult of Affairs, Reaſon hath not that power as may give conduct and motion to active life: beſides, experience teacheth us, that the eye having loſt its quickneſs with too much looking upon the light, recovereth it again in the dark: the ſpirit in like manner dazled, weakened, tranſported and diſtracted among the multitude and variety of Affairs, ought to recollect and recover its force in the privacy of ſome ſmall retreat; which Sir John made to Italy, the ſeat of policy and experience; whence I pray God he brought no more (ſaith my Author) then his cloſeneſs and reach.

His Soveraign ſaw he deſerved Honour, but ſaw not without offence to the Populacy how to confer it, until the ſubtle Youngſter ſhewed him a middle way, (upon the ſtrange death of the Viſcount Liſle, who loſt his life for joy that it was ſaved) by petitioning for that honour as a favour, which upon his Mothers account was his right: The crafty Youth entered himſelf of the Cardinals Retinue firſt, and then of the Kings. Much was he employed by him at Sea, as an Overſeer of the Navy; more in the Field, as Director-General; moſt of all in the Romiſh and French Court, as a Spy. He was too good a Proficient in his School to fall with him, therefore we immediately obſerve him riſing with Cromwel, until the King made him Admiral, and he with his 200 ſayl upon the Coaſt of Scotland made himſelf renowned; inſomuch that the King left him the next year Viceroy of France, and Deputy of Calice and Bulloign: where to revenge the French attempts upon the Iſle of Wight, he drew his Fleet up to the Coaſts of Normandy, landed 6000 men at Treport, burned the Suburbs of that Town with the Abby, deſtroyed 30 Ships there in the Haven, and then returned, not having loſt above fourteen perſons in the whole Voyage: inſomuch that in a Treaty between Ard and Guiſnes, wherein he was Commiſſioner with the Earl of Hertford, Secretary Paget, and Dr. Wotton, the French were contented that we held Bulloign till they paid us 800000 Crowns within the term of eight years. For the further Eſtabliſhment whereof, he and the Biſhop of Dureſm are employed to take Oath of the French King and the Daulphine. His Maſter Henry dieth, but not his deſigne with him: Norfolk is out of his way; Seymour will be ſo: he is now Executor of King Henry's Will, he will be of his own. But as Nature, ſo Policy works by degrees; firſt the graft, then the tree; after that, the bloſſome: next that, the fruit: firſt meaner Eſſays, and then higher Actions. There was nothing to be attempted at home, until we were ſecured and feared from abroad; he therefore leads the Vantguard againſt the Scots ſo ſucceſsfully, that he is made Earl of Warwick. Here his ſpirit had enſnared him, had not his conduct brought him off. When the Protector refuſed a Combat as not becoming him, Warwick offereth one: Bring me word (ſaid he to the Herald that brought the Protector a Challenge from the Lord Huntley) that thy Maſter will perform the Combat with me, and thou ſhalt have an hundred Crowns for thy pains. But a publick Conduct becomes a General better then perſonal Valour; and he muſt ſo far onely remember he is a Souldier, as not to forget he is a Commander, and ſo a whole Army too.

Againſt the Rebels in Devonſhire ſo happy he was that upon his diſcreet Overture of Pardon, (Mercie is a Vertue with Valour, and but a Weakneſs with Cowardize) and coming in perſon to aſſur 〈…〉 them of it, they ſaying, They knew him ſo honourable, that if he came himſelf they would embrace it; threw down their Arms, and ſubmitted to Mercie.

Againſt the French, that took the opportunity of thoſe Turmoyls, he was ſo proſperous, that he ſent them home from Jerſey and Guernſey with the loſs of two thouſand men.

Honour he had enough, and Power too, yet not what he aimed at; (our Souls are infinite as in their duration, ſo in their capacity.) Ambition is like choler, which is an humour that maketh men active, earneſt, full of alacrity and ſtirring, if it be not ſtopped; but if it be ſtopped, and cannot have its way, it becometh aduſt, and thereby malign and venomous: So aſpiring men, if progreſſive and ſucceſsful (their paſſage to advancement being clear) are rather active then perilous; but if curbed with ſome obſtructions, their ſecret diſcontent caſts an evil aſpect upon all perſons and actions, and becomes rather dangerous than ſerviceable.

This great Earl's greater minde was uſeful, when proſperous abroad; but at home troubleſome, when finding a plain man in his way to height, great in his power, greater in his Soveraigns affections, and greateſt of all in his knowing Brother; whoſe Spirit bare up his Authority, as his Authority ſupported His Courage: In that Viz. The Lord Tho. Seymour. mans Breſt there was a Prudence that could reach, and a ſtoutneſs that could balance this at once cloſe and fierce man.

Intereſt and Blood united theſe Brothers ſo ſtrongly, that there was no dividing of them, but by practiſing on their Wives, whoſe Humours were above their Intereſt, and Fancy above their Relation. Their precedence is made a queſtion at Court, where it bred firſt a diſtance, and upon an Interview contrived in this Lords houſe, a difference; that difference is improved to an animoſity, (he can do little that cannot blow up a ſpark in a Womans Breſt to a flame) that animoſity to malice, and malice cannot dwell long in thoſe weaker breſts without a miſchief; miſchief they cannot do themſelves: (The Ivy cleaves to the Oak, and theſe Women to their Husbands, though both ruine the things they cling to:) What ſuggeſtions! What inſinuations! What pretty fears and jealouſies▪ What little tales and paſſions! Yet continual droppings wear a Stone: The Womens diſcords derive themſelves into the Husbands hearts, until the Admiral falls, and leaves the Protector to his own Integrity: Whoſe large Truſt and infinite Buſineſs could not but bewray him to ſome Errour, as his great Power did to much Envy, that firſt deveſted him of that Power, and then of his Life.

There is not a more admirable Wiſdom directing the contrarieties of Nature to an Harmony, than there is a cloſe reach in ſome men to reconcile variety of Humours, Affections, Oppoſitions, Rancounters, Events and Changes to one Deſign. The Protectors eaſineſs is betrayed to confidence; his too late fears, to a confidence at firſt, and at laſt to irregularities: the hopes of ſome were encouraged; the grievances of others were aggravated and pitied; the envy of a third part was excited; and He the ſoul in all and every part of the action. The Protector was free ſpirited, open-hearted, humble, hard to diſtruſt, eaſie to forgive: The Earl was proud, ſubtle, cloſe, cruel and implacable; and therefore it was impar congreſſus between them, almoſt with as much diſadvantage as between a naked and an armed perſon. Two nets are laid to take the Protector; the one breaks, the other holds: The Treaſon was onely to give a Report, the Felony for deſigning the death of the Earl of Warwick a Privy Counſellour, did the execution.

He being removed out of the way, this Earl of Warwick, as his Predeceſſor, meditates the honour of King-making. To this purpoſe he joyns himſelf by alliance to the beſt Families, and advanceth his children by employments to the greateſt truſts; particularly (what Sir Richard Baker ſaith had been better if it had never been) his Son Robert (afterward Earl of Leiceſter) was ſworn one of the ſix ordinary Gentlemen of the Kings Chamber: upon which particular the foreſaid Hiſtorian obſerveth, That after his coming into a place ſo near him, the King enjoyed his health but a while. The Duke of Somerſet is trained by his enemies to ſuch fears and jealouſies, as tranſport him beyond his own good nature, to an attempt one morning upon the Earl of Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland, abed; where being received with much kindneſs, his heart relented, and he came off re infecta. At his coming out, one of his company asked him if he had done the deed? he anſwered, No. Then ſaid he, You are your ſelf undone. And indeed it ſo fell out: for when all other Accuſations were refelled, this onely ſtuck by him, and could not be denyed; and ſo he was found guilty by a Statute of his own procurement, viz.

That if any ſhould attempt to kill a Priby-Counſellour, although the fact were not done, yet it ſhould be Felony, and to be puniſhed with death.

This, notwithſtanding many Divertiſements uſed, went ſo near the conſumptive Kings heart, that he prepares for death. The Duke now within ken of his deſigne, conſidering the Kings affection for Reformation, the Lords and other Purchaſers kindneſs for Church-lands, the Judges fear, the Courtiers compliance, carried on a Will with a high hand, (trembling with anger, ſaith Judge Mountague, if any oppoſed him; yea, ſaying, That he would fight in his Shirt with any that contradicted it) wherein the Crown was beſtowed on Jane Grey, his fourth Sons Wife, (the Princeſſes Mary and Elizabeth being laid aſide.) But he forgot (as what man, though never ſo reaching, can conſider all things?) that there is an inviſible Power in Right, that there is a natural Antipathy in Engliſh men againſt Uſurpation, and as great an inclination for the ſucceſſion: A Point they had conned ſo well of late out of the Statute made for that purpoſe, that they could not well be put out of it by this new-ſtarted Deſigne. The People ſtand by Queen Mary: the Council notwithſtanding their Engagement to ſtand by him at his going away, (when he obſerved in Shore-ditch that the People gazed on him, but bid him not God ſpeed; and he told the Lords, They might purchaſe their ſafety with his ruine. To which one of the Lords replyed, Your Grace makes a doubt of that which cannot be: for which of us all can waſh his hands clear of this buſineſs?) proclaimed the Queen at London, as he doth at Cambridge; where yet the Earl of Arundel (who offered his life at his feet when he marched out: O the Viciſſitudes of this lower world!) arreſts him reſolutely, and he ſubmits weakly, firſt to an Impriſonment, and then to a Tryal and Execution.

The firſt night he came to Cambridge, all the Doctors ſupped with him; and Doctor Sandys is appointed to preach before him next day. The Doctor late at night betakes himſelf to his Prayers and Study, deſiring God to direct him to a fit Text for that time. His Bible openeth at the firſt of Joſhua, and (though he heard no voice with St. Auguſtine, ſaying, Tolle & lege) a ſtrong fancy inclined him to fix on the firſt words he beheld, v. 16. And they anſwered Joſhua, ſaying, All that thou commandeſt us, we will do; and whitherſoever thou ſendeſt, we will go: A Text he ſo wiſely and warily handled, that his Enemies got not ſo full advantage againſt him as they expected.

The next day the Duke advanced to Bury with his Army, whoſe feet marched forward while their minds move backward. Upon the News brought him, he returned to Cambridge, with more ſad thoughts within him, then valiant Souldiers about him. Then went he with the Mayor of the Town, and proclaimed the Queen; the Beholders whereof more believing the grief in his eyes when they let down tears, then the joy profeſſed by his hands when he threw up his Cap. Slegge Sergeant at Arms arreſts him in Kings-Colledge; and when the Proclamation of Pardon ſet him at liberty, the Earl of Arundel re-arreſts him, at whoſe feet he craves mercy; a low poſture in ſo high a perſon! But what more poor and proſtrate then Pride it ſelf, when reduced to Hiſt. Camb. p. 131. extremity? Behold we this Duke as the Mirrour of Humane Unhappineſs!

As Nevil Earl of Warwick was the make-King, ſo this Dudley Earl of Warwick was the make-Queen. He was Chancellour of the Univerſity, and Steward of the Town of Cambridge; two Offices which never before or ſince met in the ſame perſon.

Thus as Cambridge was his Vertical Poynt, wherein he was in the heighth of Honour; ſo it was his Vertical, where he met with a ſuddain turn, and a ſad Cataſtrophe. And it is remarkable, that though this Duke (who by all means endeavoured to aggrand his Poſterity) had ſix ſons, all men, all married, none of them left any iſſue behind them. Thus far better it is to found our hopes of even earthly happineſs on Goodneſs, then Greatneſs. Thus far the Hiſtorian.

It was Lewis the eleventh's Motto, Pride and Preſumption go before, Shame and Loſs follow after. In three ſorts of men Ambition is good:

1. In a Souldier, to quicken him.

2. In Favourites, to balance others.

3. In great States-men, to undertake invidious Employments: For no man will take that part except he be like a ſeeled Dove, that mounts and mounts becauſe he cannot ſee about him. And in theſe men it's ſafe if they are mean in their original, harſh in their nature, ſtirring in many little, rather then in any great buſineſs. Greater in his own intereſt then in his Followers. Humility ſojourneth with ſafety and honour, Pride with danger and unworthineſs. No man below an Anointed One, is capable of an unlimited Power; a temptation too great for Mortality, whoſe higheſt Intereſt if indulged, is Self; and if checked, Malice. Dangerous is the Power of an aſpiring Perſon near a Prince, more dangerous his Diſguiſe, as who acts all things againſt his Maſter by his Authority.

Let no man upon this example ever repoſe ſo much upon any mans ſingle Counſel, Fidelity or Diſcretion, as to create in himſelf or others a diffidence of his own Judgement, which is likely to be moſt faithful and true to a mans own Intereſt. Let every man have ſome things that no man ſhall obtain, and ſome things that no man muſt dare ask; becauſe you ſee here, if we let all go without reſerve, our Reputation is loſt in the world by the Reputation our Favourite gains with us.

There was in Rome a certain man named Enatius, ſomewhat entred in Age, and of natural condition mutinous, ambitious, and troubleſome: Adrian being advertiſed that he was dead, fell into a great laughter, and ſware, That he could not but wonder he could intend to die, conſidering what great buſineſs he had night and day. Conſidering how many Affairs he had to manage, how many croſs accidents to accommodate, I wonder what time he had to die: And conſidering his many pretences for the Proteſtant Religion, eſpecially that for King Edward's, I wonder with what face he could die a Papiſt.

But I have forgot my ſelf: for there are two ſorts of perſons in Machiavel that muſt either not believe, or not profeſs any Religion: The firſt, the States-man, that acts in publick Affairs; the ſecond, the Hiſtorian, that writes them.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Peter.

HE was born in that great Nurſery of Parts, Devonſhire; and bred in a greater, Exeter-Colledge. That Colledge made him a Scholar, and All-Souls a Man. His capacity was contemplative, and his Genius active; obſerving, rather then reading; with his eye more on men, then Books; ſtudying behaviour, rather then notion; to be accompliſhed, rather then knowing; and not to erre in the main, rather then to be excellent in circumſtance. His Body ſet off his Parts with a grave dignity of preſence, rather then a ſoft beauty of aſpect: His favour was more taking then his colour, and his motion more then his favour; and all ſuch, as made his early Vices bluſh, and his riper Vertues ſhine.

The Earl of Wiltſhire firſt pitched upon him for his Sons Tutor, and then for his own Companion. Noble Families ſet off hopeful Parts, and improve them.

Cromwel's quick eye one day at my Lord, ſpyeth his Perſonage, and obſerves his Carriage. (He was a man himſelf, and underſtood one.) Nothing would ſatisfie him, but that the young Gentleman ſhould come to Court, and go to Travel. King Henry loved any All-Souls man, but was enamoured with him, in whom concurred the three Perquiſites of that Society.

1. A Gentile Extraction. 2. A graceful Behaviour. 3. Competent Learning.

The young man deſigned for buſineſs, was to travel for Education, and the Scholar for Experience.

1. His Penſion is allowed him, 125 l. a year.

2. His Tutor is aſſigned, who had been there before, and could inſtruct him what he ſhould ſee, where he ſhould go, what acquaintance to entertain, what exerciſe or diſcipline to undergo.

3. His Inſtructions were drawn up: as,

1. That he ſhould keep a Diary of what the chiefeſt places and the eminent perſons, either apart or in Conventions, yielded worthy of Remarque and Obſervation.

2. To have before him a Map or Card of every place he goeth to.

3. Not to ſtay long in any one place.

4. To converſe with no Engliſhmen but Agents, Embaſſadors, or ſuch grave perſons as his Majeſty would direct him to.

5. To endeavour after Recommendations from perſons of quality in one place, to thoſe in another; keeping ſtill his correſpondence with the moſt publick and eminent perſons of every reſpective place.

Within five years he returned a compleat Gentleman, correcting the Vices of one Country with the Vertues of another; and being one happy Compoſition of every Region. Sir John Philpot was not ſo much the worſe, as Sir William was the better for travel; He returning the ſhame of all Nations; of his own, by his weakneſs abroad; of others, by their follies at home: This coming home the honour of his own by his abilities abroad, of others by his perfections at home.

Two things improved his travel:

1. An Artificial and careleſs freedome, that opened others. 2. A natural gravity, that ſhut him up, and was more capable of obſerving their Vertues, and eſcaping their Vices.

Peter Earl of Savoy came to do his homage to Otho the fourth in a double attire; on the one ſide Cloth of Gold, on the other ſhining Armour: the Emperour asked him what meant that Lindſey-Woolſey? he anſwered, Sir, the attire on the right ſide is to honour your Majeſty, that on the left is to ſerve you. Sir William Peter returns with thoſe Gayeties of carriages on the one hand that might adorn a Court, and with thoſe abilities on the other that might ſupport it. His firſt employment was the Charts, the Latine Letters, and the Forreign Negotiation; the next, was Principal Secretary: In which Office, Wriotheſley was rough and ſtubborn, Paget eaſie, Cecil cloſe, Maſon plain, Smith noble; Peter was ſmooth, reſerved, reſolved, and yet obliging. Both the Laws he was Doctor of, and both the Laws he made uſe of; the Civil Law to direct Forreign Negotiations, and the other t 〈…〉 give light to Domeſtick Occaſions.

In the Kings abſence in France 1544. Cranm 〈…〉 and Thorleby are to aſſiſt the Queen in matters o 〈…〉 Religion, the Earl of Hertford in Affairs of War▪ the Lord Parr of Horton, and Doctor Peter, in th 〈…〉 Civil Government; (whoſe Maxime it was, It i 〈…〉 the intereſt of the Kings of England to be the Arbit 〈…〉 of Chriſtendome.) Thus much he was to the Que 〈…〉 by Henry the eighth's Deputation, and no leſs to King Edward by his Will.

A man would wonder how this man made a ſhift to ſerve four Princes of ſuch diſtant Intereſts as King Henry, King Edward, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth; until he recollects the French King, who enquired of a wiſe man how he might govern himſelf and his Kingdome? the wiſe man took a fair large ſheet of Paper, and in ſtead of an infinite number of Precepts, which others uſe to offer upon that ſubject, he onely writ this word, Modus, A Mean. In King Henry's time he obſerved his Humour, in King Edward's he kept to the Law, in Queen Mary's he intended wholly State-affairs, and in Queen Elizabeth's he was religious, his years minding him of death, and his death of his faith. He moved with the firſt Movers in moſt tranſactions to his apparent danger, yet he had motions of his own for his real ſecurity. Able he was at home, and very dexterous abroad; particularly at Bulloign. The Philoſophers exerciſing their Gifts before an Ambaſſador, he asked one that was ſilent what he ſhould ſay of him? Repart to your King (ſaith he) that you found one among the Graecians that knew how to hold his tongue. Ab, (ſaid Mounſieur Cha • illon) we had gained the laſt 200000 Crowns without Hoſtages, had 〈…〉 t not been for the man that ſaid nothing, (meaning Secretary Peter.)

Neither was he better at keeping his own counſel, then at diſcovering other mens; as appeared by the intelligence he had, that the Emperour had ſent Ships to tranſport the Lady Mary into Germany, in caſe the King would not allow her the practice of her Religion, (though three men knew not that Deſigne in the German Court) whereupon he fetched her to Leez; and thence, under the notion of preparing for Sea-matters, he ſent over five thouſand pounds to relieve the Proteſtants.

Active he was about the Will in compliance with his duty to King Edward, but as nimble in his intelligence ſuitably to his Allegiance to Queen Mary; whom he aſſiſted in two Particulars: 1. In making the Match: 2. In ſearching the bottom of Wiat's Inſurrection: therefore,

1. When the Church-lands went againſt her conſcience, Sir William peter muſt be ſent for. 2. When the Pope ſent another Legate to turn out Pool, he muſt be ſent for; (who adviſed her to forbid him this Land, as ſhe very reſolutely did.)

As ſerviceable was he to Queen Elizabeth, till his Age not being able to go through the difficulties, and his Conſcience being impatient of the ſeverities of thoſe buſie and harſh times, he retired to Eſſex, where his Eſtate was great, and his Charity greater: both which he bequeathed his Son John, who was by King James made Baron of Writtle in that County.

Obſervations on the Life of Cardin 〈…〉 Pool.

HIs Extraction was ſo high, that it awakene 〈…〉 King Henry the Eighth's Jealouſies and his Spirit ſo low, that it allayed i 〈…〉 When he reflected on his Royal His Mother was Daughter to the Duke of Clarence, and Granchild to Edward the IV Relation, he w 〈…〉 enjealouſied to hard thoughts of reſtraint and ſecurity; when he obſerved his modeſt Hopefulneſs, he was obliged to thoſe more mild of Education and Care, as more honourable than the other, and a ſafe: Religion and Study would enfeeble that Spirit to quiet contemplation, which more manlike exerciſes might ennoble for Buſineſs and Action. It was but mewing him up in a ſtudy with hopes of a Mitre, and there would be no danger of his ambition to the Crown. The Privacies of the School and Colledge made him a ſtranger to the tranſactions of Court; and he was to follow his Book, that he might not underſtand himſelf.

His preferments were competent to content him, and yet but mean to expoſe him.

Three things concurred to his eſcape from King Henry's Toyl.

1. His Relations ambition, that could not endure he ſhould be wrapped in Black, that was born to be clothed in Purple. 2. His own Inclination to adde Experience to his Learning. 3. The Kings Policy, to maintain him abroad, who could not ſafely keep at home.

No ſooner arriveth he at Paris, than the Pope ca 〈…〉 eſſeth him as a perſon fit to promote his Intereſt: The Houſe of York ſupports him, as one that kept 〈…〉 p their Claim; and the general Diſcontent crieth him up as one that was now the Hope of England, and might be its Relief.

That he might not come ſhort of their Expectation, or his own Right, his large capacity takes in the Learning of moſt Univerſities, obſerveth the way of moſt Nations, and keeps correſpendence with all eminent men: The firſt of theſe improved his Learning, the ſecond his Experience, the third his Converſe.

The Marqueſs of Exeter, the Lord Mountacute, Sir Nicholas Carew, Sir Edward Nevil, Sir Geoffery Poole, would have made him a King, (but to gain him a Crown, they loſt their own Heads) and Pope Julius made him a Kings Fellow; but he was never Head of this Church ſince he put the Red Hat on this Cardinal.

The King had him declared for a Traytor in England, and he him excommunicated for a Heretick at Rome. His Friends are cut off by the King at home, and the Kings Enemies cheriſhed by him abroad.

But Princes are mortal, though their hatred not ſo: For before the Kings death, he would needs be reconciled to Pool, and as ſome thought, by him to Rome; wherefore he ſends to him now in great eſteem in Italy, deſiring his opinion of his late Actions clearly, and in few words: Glad was Pool of this occaſion to diſpatch to him his Book de Ʋnione Eecleſiarum, inveighing againſt his Supremacy, and concluding with an advice to Henry to reconcile himſelf to the Catholick Church, and the Pope 〈…〉 Head thereof. Our King having peruſed this, a 〈…〉 knowing it could not lie hid in Italy (though P 〈…〉 had promiſed not to publiſh it) ſends for him b • Poſt to come into England, to explain ſome Paſſag 〈…〉 thereof: but Pool knowing that it was declar 〈…〉 Treaſon there to deny the Kings Supremacie, refuſed; deſiring the King nevertheleſs in Letters to him and Tonſtal, to take hold of the preſent time, and redintegrate himſelf with the Pope; whereby he might ſecure his Authority, and advance it with the honour of being the cauſe of a Reformation of the Church in Doctrine and Manners.

King Edward is King of England, and the Cardinal like to be Pope of Rome, keeping pace with the Royal Family; He Head of the Church Catholick, They of that in England: But King Edward's weakneſs of Body ſuffered him not long to enjoy his Throne, and the Cardinals narrowneſs and eaſineſs of ſpirit ſuffered him not at all to ſit in his chair.

For upon Paul the Third's death, the Cardinals being divided about the Election, the Imperial part, which was the greateſt, gave their voice for Cardinal Pool; which being told him, he diſabled himſelf, and wiſhed them to chuſe one that might be moſt for the glory of God, and good of the Church. Upon this ſtop, ſome that were no friends to Pool, and perhaps looked for the place themſelves, if he were put off, layed many things to his charge; among other things, That he was not without ſuſpition of Lutheraniſm, nor without blemiſh of Incontinence: but he cleared himſelf ſo handſomely, that he was now more importuned to take the place then before, and therefore one night (they ſay) the Cardinal came to him being in bed, and ſent word they came to adore him, (a circumſtance of the new Popes Honour) but he being waked out of his ſleep, and acquainted with it, made anſwer, That this was not a work of darkneſs, and therefore required them to forbear until next day, and then do as God ſhould put in their mindes. But the Italian Cardinals attributing this put-off to a kinde of ſtupidity and ſloth in Pool, looked no more after him, but the next day choſe Cardinal Montanus Pope, who was afterwards named Julius the Third.

I have heard of many that would have been Popes, but could not; I write this man one that could have been one, but would not.

But though he would not be Pope of Rome, yet when Mary was Queen, he was one of England; where he was Legate, and if it had not been for the Emperour, had been King: For as ſoon as ſhe was in the Throne of England, he was ſent for out of Italy into the Chair of Canterbury; but Charles the Emperour, by the Popes power, ſecretly retarded his return, fearing it might obſtruct the propounded marriage between his Son and the Queen. Indeed the Queen bare the Cardinal an unfeigned affection for ſix reaſons:

1. For his grave and becoming preſence, that endeared him no leſs to thoſe that ſaw him, then his parts and prudence did to thoſe that converſed with him: The Diamond is then orient, when ſet in Gold.

2. For his diſpoſition, as calm as her Majeſties, and as meek as his Profeſſion.

3. For his Age: being about ten years older, the proportion allowed by the Philoſopher between Husband and Wife.

4. For Alliance: ſhe being daughter to Henry the Eighth, and he Grandchild to Edward the Fourth.

5. For his Education with Her, under his Mother.

6. For his Religion, for which he was an Exile, as ſhe was a Priſoner, and both Confeſſors.

But now when the marriage with Prince Philip was conſummated, Pool at laſt got leave for England; and to wipe away all ſuſpition of Lutheraniſm, wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became a cruel, that he might be believed a cordial Papiſt: For Full. Hiſt. Cent. 16. p. 14. meeting in Brabant with Emanuel Tremelius, requeſting ſome favour from him, he not onely denied him relief, but returned him rayling terms; though formerly he was not onely his very familiar Friend, but his God-father too, when of a Jew he turned Chriſtian. Arrived in England, (as the Hiſtorian goeth on) he was firſt ordained Prieſt, being but Deacon before, and then conſecrated Archbiſhop of Canterbury, the Queen being preſent, at Bow; where rich in coſtly Robes, and ſitting on a guilded Throne, his Pall was preſented to him: Adorned, he preſently mounts the Pulpit, and makes a dry Sermon of the uſe and honour of the Pall, without either Language or matter; all admiring the jejuneſs of his Diſcourſe, as if putting off his Parts, when putting on his Pall.

He made the breach formerly between England and Rome, by exaſperating both ſides: he now reconciles it, obliging many by his carriage, awing as many by his preſence, dazling all by his pomp and ſplendour. Now he confirmeth the Inſtitution of Clergy-men into their Benefices; he legitimateth the Children of forbidden marriages; he ratifieth the Proceſſes and Sentences in matters Eccleſiaſtical; and his Diſpenſations were confirmed by Act of Parliament.

Two things he was intent upon:

1. The Church-Priviledges; whereof one he procured was, That the Clergy ſhould not ſhew their Horſes with the Layty, but under Captains of their own chuſing.

2. The Spaniſh Intereſt; and therefore Paul the fourth, who was as intent upon the French, and looked upon the Legate as the principal Promoter of the laſt War in France, ſends Cardinal Peito to eaſe him of his Legantine Power in England. But the Queen ſo ordered the matter, that by her Prerogative ſhe prohibited Peito entrance into England, and got the foreſaid Power eſtabliſhed and confirmed on Cardinal Pool, as ſhe did likewiſe 1000 l. 2 year for his better ſupport out of the Biſhoprick of Wincheſter. The more he lived in England, the more he was Italianized; converſing with their Merchants, and practiſing their thrift; his Pomp being (ſaith my Author) rather gaudy then coſtly, and his attendance more ceremonious then expenſive. Fearful he was of a Bank here, (if Queen Mary died) careful of one beyond Sea if he lived: therefore as he ſends all his Eſtate to Italy by his▪ Will when he died, ſo he did moſt of it by Bills of Exchange while he lived: the firſt was judged his▪ Policy, (the heart whereof is prevention) the ſecond his Gratitude, beſtowing his Superfluities on them who had relieved his Neceſſities. Of all his Eſtate, Aloiſius Priol took but the Breviary he had always in his Pocket, ſo devout he was! and the Diary he had always in his Cloſet, ſo exact he was to obſerve what was done by others, and recollect what had eſcaped himſelf▪ Die he did not of Italian Phyſick wilfully taken by himſelf, as Mr. Fox ſuggeſts; nor of Engliſh Poyſon, given him by the Proteſtants, as Oſorius affirms; but of a Quartain Ague, then Epidemical in England, and malignant above the ordinary nature of that Diſeaſe. This man was a Catholick in his Intereſt and Charity, and a Proteſtant in his Conſcience. We cannot (was his ſaying) give too much to Gods grace, nor too little to our own merits. He ſaid when he came to England, I came hither not to condemn, but reconcile; not to compel, but deſire. He would burn the Aſhes of one or two Proteſtants when dead, to avoid the ſuſpition of Hereſie; but the Bodies of none when alive, to contract the real guilt of Cruelty. In Council ſound were his Debates for the main; circumſpect his Suggeſtions of Circumſtances; reaching his foreſight of Conſequences: wary his Precautions of Impediments; moderate and ſoft his Advices; prompt and ſteady his Expeditions; happy his Memory; many his Obſervations; large his Reading; ſtrong his Spirit; ſolid his Judgement; ſharp his Apprehenſion; fluent, but weighed; full, but pertinent; grave, but quick his Diſcourſe: what he pronounced, was a Decree with Queen Mary; what he ſaid, was Law with King Philip 〈…〉 His naked Propoſition was Demonſtration; his Word Reaſon, fetched from the Principles of things, and grounded on their Cauſes. His Modeſty never ſued for Greatneſs, though that ſued for him: for great men he ſaid were lave to ſix things: 1. To mens humours; 2. To buſineſs; 3. To Fortune; 4. To their own Followers; 5. To Fame; and, 6. To the Publick I will ſay no more of him, but that Modeſty undoeth a Maid, and is the fool onely that puts Vertue out of Countenance. Baſhfulneſs is at beſt but a weak and treacherous Vertue.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Ruſſel.

HIs Name and his Valour is as ancient as the Conqueſt; Vertue flowing in every Age of that Family with its Honour and Worth, keeping pace with their Advancements. In every man that we meet with, there are three things that immediately offer themſelves to our Conſideration:

1. The Mind. 2. The Behaviour. And 3. The Perſon.

His Mind was befriended by Nature with a quickneſs and a capaciouſneſs, helped by publick Education to a ſolidity and ſtayedneſs; improved in Travel with Obſervation, and raiſed by the ſlow, but happy degrees of his Preferments to Skill and Experience. They had need be ſlow and wary in that place where there is no failing the ſecond time, the firſt errour being irremediable: therefore well-ordered Policy imitateth Nature, which worketh ſlowly, and ſtep by ſtep, cauſing the Blade to come from the Grain, the Tree from the Graft, the Bloſſom from the Tree, and Fruit from the Bloſſom: ſo (ſaith my Author) ought Policy to raiſe great perſons from one degree to another; to the end, that having made their Eſſays in meaner matters, they may finiſh their Maſter-pieces in more eminent Affairs. 2. He that demeans himſelf well, is ever uſhered in by a friend that recommends him to the company that knew him not.

Sir John had a moving beauty that waited on his whole Body, as that ſtanding one doth upon the Face and Complexion: Such a grace and comelineſs waited on his Noble Meen, as exacted a liking, if not a love from all that beheld him.

A midling Clarity and quickneſs is beſt in Wine, that is, neither too thick upon the Lees, nor yet too quick: our Knights comportment and carriage was neither dull nor vapouring, neither groſs nor affected, but of a becoming temper, at equal diſtance with the Clown and the Pedant, what's contemptible, and what's invidious. 3. But both theſe were ſet off with his Perſon, of a middle ſtature, neither tall to a formidableneſs, nor ſhort to a contempt: ſtraight and proportioned, vigorous and active, with that pure blood and ſpirits that flowed and flowred within his ſwelling Veins, and diſpoſed him to thoſe natural and innocent, thoſe manly and noble Exerciſes of Dancing, &c. Dancing, I ſay, which he was not exquiſite in, for that is vanity; nor ignorant of, for that's meanneſs: but a graceful exerciſe, (wherein he was careleſly eaſie, as if it were rather natural motion, then curious and artificial practiſing) which endeared his ſeverer Vertues to that place where the worth that riſeth muſt be complaiſant and pleaſing, as well as ſerviceable and uſeful. But the favour which proceeds from perſonal grace and comelineſs, although it ſeem to be doubly united, yet it is that which is ſooneſt diſſolved and diſſipated, there being nothing ſo inconſtant as mens humours, which not onely change through Ages, but alſo by ſome ſmall occaſion or accident which may ariſe: Sir John therefore brought himſelf into Court by what humoured, but kept himſelf in there by thoſe things that did oblige him; and ſtood not upon his Majeſties pleaſure, but his Intereſt; adding to his more aiery Courtſhips, more ſolid Employments. From the ſofter Court therefore we muſt follow him to the Camp, and that before Terwyn, where we finde him daring and active: 1. In skirmiſhing the French every day; 2. In recovering the red Gun overthrown in a Lane from 10000 French, under the Earl St. Paul as General, with 250 reſolute Reformades under himſelf but Captain; although he was once taken Priſoner, as before Calice, where he redeemed himſelf from the Officer that had taken him for 250 Crowns, on condition he would conduct him ſafe from the French Quarter, as the man did, until they were gone ſo far, that Sir John takes him Priſoner, compelling him to the Reimburſement of his money, with 200 Crowns more, to be beſtowed on the Common Souldiers. As ſeverely active was he at the ſiege of Tournay, as the oldeſt Souldier; and yet as innocently pleaſant at the Mask there, as the youngeſt Courtier. One of the ſixty he was that went with the King to cut off the Paſſage between that City and the Army, and one of the eleven that went with his Majeſty to entertain the Ladies at Liſle. From ſerving one King in France, he had the honour as it was thought to kill another in England, (I mean James of Scotland) and challenge a third in Paris. The ſame thing raiſed him, that advanced Wolſey: for he being ſent to Maximilian, (after Treaſurer Napbant had brought him to Court) diſpatched his buſineſs ſo ſoon, that the King chid him for not being gone, when he was returned; and withal asked him, Whether he had ſeen the Poſt that he had ſent after him about a circumſtance that had eſcaped him? He anſwered, He met him in his return; but he had preſumed to adde that particular of his his own head, for which he asked his Majeſties pardon, and had his favour too for the Deanery of Lincoln, and the Almonerſhip. Sir John was commanded with 1500 men to cut off the Convoy to Terwyn: which he performed with that ſpeed and ſucceſs, that when the King ſaw him, he ſaid, I, I, Sir John, while we are fooling, the Town is relieved. So it is indeed, (ſaid he) for I have ſent them 2000 Carcaſes, and they have ſpared me 1200 Wagons of Proviſion. I but, ſaid the King, I ſent after you to cut off the Bridge Dreban. That, replyed the Knight, was the firſt thing I did: wherefore I am upon my knees for your Majeſties grace and pardon. Nay then, (ſaid the King) by Lady, thou haſt not my pardon, but my favour too. He is the man for a Princes ſervice, whoſe minde is preſent, and prudence is ready to meet with ſuddain occaſions, and accommodate unexpected emergencies. The firſt effect of that favour, was his Nomination for one of the ſixteen that anſwered the French Challenge at the Lady Mary's Marriage, at Paris, November 7, 1513. which ſhewed his man-hood, and how valiant he was. The ſecond was, that he was one of the Forty five that were to be about his Majeſty at the inſtant of his Interview with the King of France at Guiſnes; which was an Argument of his preſence, and how goodly a man he was. The third was, that he was one of the Twenty two that with the Earl of Surrey Lord Admiral, and Sir William Fitz-Williams Vice-Admiral, propoſed that ſecret, and therefore ſucceſsful Deſigne upon Britain, under pretence of Scowring the Narrow Seas, (for now he is as good in the Sea as he had been in the Field) for which he and eight more of his fellow-Captains, Sir Joh. Cornwallis, &c. are Knighted by the aforeſaid Lord Admiral: which ſpeaks him a Sea-man, and indeed one of a general capacity. The fourth was, the great Truſt his Majeſty repoſed in him, when he was ſent in diſguiſe to widen the difference that was newly broken out between the Duke of Bourbon, the High Conſtable of France, and the French King; which he managed ſo well, that the diſcontented Duke declares for the Emperour and the King of England; to the great encouragement of the Engliſh, the ſatisfaction of his Majeſty, and the ſucceſs of his Deſigne upon Anchor, Boungard, Bray, and other places, where Sir John ſhewed himſelf as active now, as he was before cunning; as much ſurpaſſing the French Spirit in action, as he had over-reached their Prudence in Negotiation.

But in vain was it to ſerve that King, unleſs a man obliged the Cardinal, (he that courts the Virgin Mary, muſt not neglect her little Saints) him he attended in his ſecond Journey to France, firſt to honour, and then to ſerve him. And now after his deceaſe, when King Henry had done the work of mercy (which was moſt proper for himſelf, as being moſt popular) upon the Lincolnſhire Rebels, he deputed the Duke of Suffolk, Sir Francis Bri • ns and Sir John Ruſſel to perform that of Juſtice, which is moſt diſtaſtful: wherein yet he behaves himſelf with that exactneſs, that the Country was very well pleaſed, and the King as well ſatisfied; inſomuch that we finde our Knight now called from a Commander in the Field, to be Controller at Court: where he managed his Maſters Expences thriftily, reduced his Family diſcreetly, reformed his followers effectually, and filled up his place with the awe of his preſence, and the influence of his Authority, that he was at once its ſupport and its glory. Indeed Courts being thoſe Epitomes wherethrough ſtrangers look into Kingdomes, ſhould be Royally ſet off as with Utenſils, ſo with attendance, that might poſſeſs all Comers with reverence there, and fear elſewhere.

His Perſon graced his Imployment, and therefore his Majeſty honoured his Perſon with the Order of the Garter, and the Title of Lord Ruſſel; and that his Preferment might keep pace with his Honour, he is made Lord Privy Seal, and his Nephew Sir John Gage Controller. His Honour ſlacked not his Activity, but improved it; neither was his Vertue onely violent in Ambition, and dull in Authority. Power to do good, is the true and lawful end of aſpiring: therefore my Lord to his Staff, added his Sword; and to his Court-honour, his Fieldſervice, as Lieutenant-General before Muttrel, and Marſhal before Bu • oign; to the relief of the firſt whereof, he drew Mounſieur Governor of Bi •• . Bies, that his Majejeſty might take the ſecond. In the Camp he drew up the Deſignes, in the Field he managed the Treaſure, and in Action to him was intruſted the Conduct and manage. In the Kings laſt Will and Teſtament he was the fifth perſon, and in his Sons Council the fifth; to whom he diſcovered a French Plot the firſt year of his Raign, and for whom he broke the Devonſhire Rebels, what with delays, what with ſtratagems, to divide them according to their ſeveral Inclinations, the ſecond, for which ſervice he was made Earl of Bedford: The third, in the Faction at home between the Seymours and the Dudleys, he was Neuter: in the Treaties abroad between the French King and his Majeſty of England, he was Principal; where he obſerved three Rules: 1. That there ſhould be a general Muſter at home, while this Treaty went on abroad. 2. That there ſhould be a blow given the Scots before there was a Peace made with the French. 3. That we ſhould firſt know the French Overtures before we made our own.

But while he was here, he diſcovered a Plot that the Emperour had to tranſport the Lady Mary over to his Dominions, and thereby bring her Brother to his terms: whereupon he with 200 men watcheth one Port, the Duke of Somerſet with 200 more a ſecond, and Maſter St. Leiger with 400 men a third, while the Lady was fetched by my Lord Chancellor to the King. But while he was ſerving his Maſter the King abroad, his Friend the Protector wanted his advice and aſſiſtance at home 〈…〉 he being of purpoſe ſent out of the way, while tha • unfortunate Duke is firſt betrayed by his own folly, and then ruined by his Enemies Power. I finde his hand among the reſt of the Counſellors in a Letter to Queen Mary, but not in Arms againſt her▪ He was concluded by the major Vote to a Commiſſion for Peace, but not to Action for conſcience ſake. Faithful he is therefore to her in Council, and ſerviceable in Spain and France; from the firſt of which places he brought her a Husband, and from the ſecond a Treaſure. He underſtood her Right, and diſputed not her Religion; regarding not ſo much her Opinion, as his own Duty; not what ſhe was, but what he ſhould be. And thus he behaved himſelf, until his dear Miſtreſs Elizabeth took him for one of her Proteſtant Counſellours to balance her Popiſh ones: and not onely of her Council, but of her Cabinet: (for as every man muſt have his Friend to eaſe his heart, ſo Princes have their Favourites to partake of their cares) and the Marqueſs of Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, and Sir William Cecil, were the onely Perſons to whom the Queen communicated her deſigne of Reformation, and correcting the Common-prayer; and they ordered affairs ſo, that the Proteſtants ſhould be in hope, and yet the Papiſts ſhould not be out of hope.

King Philip had a quarrel with the Queen for rejecting his ſuit, the King of Sweden for ſlighting his Son, the King of France in his Wives Right, the Queen of Scots in her Own, and the Pope for excluding his Supremacie; her Subjects were as unſettled in their Loyalty as in their Religion: What remained? but that my Lord of Bedford and Sir William Cecil ſhould make up a well-tempered Houſe of Commons by their Intereſt, who ſhould carry along an indifferent Houſe of Lords by their Reſolution?

When he had ſerved the Queen in Parliament for the ſettlement of her Kingdom at home, he ſerved the Kingdom in an Embaſſie to Scotland, to ſet up its correſpondence abroad.

The Earl of Leiceſter aimed at the Queen of England, and the Earl of Bedford, to divert him and ſecure Scotland, deſign'd him for the Queen of Scots; whom he watched for two things: 1. That ſhe ſhould either match with an Engliſh Subject, or 2. With a ſoft and weak Forreigner; that either the Scots might be in league with us, or have no peace at home.

His laſt ſervice I finde is a complement, when he was ſent by the Queen as her Deputy, with a font of maſſie Gold worth 1043 l. to hold King James at his Baptiſm; with expreſs command not to acknowledge my Lord Darley as King. This his ſervice was as laſting as his life, which ended in old Age and Renown. He conveyed his Vertue and Honour to the Excellent Francis, as he did to the Right Honourable William Earl of Bedford, now living.

Obſervations on the Life of Stephen Gardiner, Biſhop of Wincheſter.

THe tuition of the Earl of Dorſet's Children raiſed Wolſey; travelling with the Duke of Norfolk's, raiſed Gardiner: Fox his ſervice in the quality of Secretary, made the firſt; and his in the ſame quality, made Gardiner.

There are three kindes of Underſtanding: The one, that is adviſed by its ſelf; the ſecond, that underſtandeth when it is informed by another; the third, that neither is adviſed by its ſelf, nor by the aſſiſtance of another. If this Doctor failed in the firſt, and his own invention, he exceeded in the ſecond, of making uſe of others; for he was one of them that never heard or read what was not his own. His Profeſſion was the Civil Law, that guideth forreign Negotiations: His Inclination was that general Policy that manageth them.

His Eminencies were three:

1. His Reſervedneſs: Whereby he never did what he aimed at, never aimed at what he intended, never intended what he ſaid, and never ſaid what he thought; whereby he carried it ſo, that others ſhould do his buſineſs, when they oppoſed it; and he ſhould undermine theirs, when he ſeemed to promote it. A man that was to be traced like the Fox, and read like Hebrew, backward: If you would know what he did, you muſt obſerve what he did not.

2. His Boldneſs. Authority ſometimes meets with thoſe impediments, which neither power can overcome, nor good fortune divert, if Courage and Fortitude break not through and ſurmount them; and the motions of the iraſcible faculties, ſuch as Hope, Boldneſs and Choler, being well ordered, and conducted by Reaſon, engage thoſe difficulties ſhe encountereth in the execution of her deſigns: Reaſon diſcovered him his enterprizes, his Will enclined him to them, and the noble tranſports of his regular paſſions ſet out both with that ardour and vehemencie, as bear down obſtacles, and compaſs the deſign: A hope he had, that never raſhly engaged him in deſperate undertakings; an audacity that precipitated him not weakly into impoſſibilities; and a choler that led him not blindly to inevitable ruines: Conſideration managing the firſt, Diſcretion and Foreſight the ſecond, and Reaſon the third. What doth it avail a man to be wiſe, in knowing what is fit to be done; prudent, to invent means; juſt, to appropriate affairs to publick good; authorized and happy, to cauſe them to ſucceed; if a Courage, guided by Reaſon, accompanied with Prudence, ruled by Diſcretion, animated by a generous Boldneſs, be not diligent, quick and prompt for Execution? His Nature was generous and conſtant: His Education (like that of the Roman Youth among Stateſmen) manifold and ſolid: His Soul was free, and diſ-engaged from any particular Deſign.

3. Eloquence: That added to his Parts what colours do to a Picture; ſtate, grace and light: Reaſon is the Ornament of a Man, Speech the Interpreter of Reaſon, and Elequence the grace of Speech; wherein the Orator excelleth other men, as much as they do other creatures. His Wiſdom adviſed his Prudence contrived, his Courage reſolved, and his Eloquence perſwaded; adding at once gracefulneſs to his Deſigns, and vigour to his Enterprizes; as that wherewith he could ſatisfie mens Reaſons, and maſter their Paſſions, by which he carried them whither he pleaſed: His lively Expreſſion animates his Reaſon, his Eloquence his Expreſſion, and his Geſture his Eloquence; whereby he charmed the Senſes, mollified Hearts, incited Affections, framed Deſires, checked Hopes, and exerciſed a ſacred Empire over every man he dealt with.

Theſe qualities improved with Travel, raiſed the Doctor to be the Chancellour's Secretary, and the Kept at Black Fryars. Legantine Courts chief Scribe at home, a ſly Agent in Italy, a ſucceſsful Orator in Germany, and Leiger Embaſſador in France. In Italy, he with Doctor Fox (having the King of France his Agent to ſecond them) gained the Popes Commiſſion for hearing of the Cauſe between King Henry the VIII, and Queen Katharine.

In Germany he undermined the French King, and in France the Emperour.

Upon the poor Pope (whom he found not worth 20 l.) perplexed between the King of England, who had ſet him at liberty, and the King of Spain, who had maintained him, he wrought ſo far, as to gain a dubious Letter in Cypher to the King, and a clear promiſe to the Cardinal, both about the ſuppreſſion of ſome Monaſteries, and the Divorce; which the crafty Agent extorted from the fearful man, with his Neceſſe eſt, &c. although all this while he palliated this his main buſineſs, with ſome impertinent overtures about King Henry the ſeventh's Canonization: None better underſtanding the juſt degrees, ſeaſons and methods of Affairs, then this Doctor: Where he ſpoke one word for his Majeſties Divorce, he ſpoke two for the Cardinals Advancement, having the French Kings Letter with him to that effect, in omnem eventum: In order whereunto he threatned the Pope from Germany, and Germany from Rome; ſo that their mutual jealouſies forced them to a compliance with his Royal and Sacred Maſter. A great Agent he was in this buſineſs while Wol • ey's Secretary, a greater when the Kings; in which capacity he writ, they ſay, one Book for the Pope's Supremacie in his Maſters Name, and another for the Kings in his own.

He draweth the Kingdom's Remonſtrance againſt Upon Record in Sir Rob. Cotton's Library. the Pope, and the Pope's againſt the Kingdom: He and Doctor Fox are employed to gain the Vote of Cambridge for the Divorce; where he brought it from the Negative to even Voices, and from even Voices to a Diſputation, and upon that, to a Determination on the Kings ſide: for which we find him now Biſhop of Wincheſter, Archbiſhop Cranmer's Aſſiſtant at pronouncing the Divorce at the Priory of Dunſtable, and one of the two Embaſſadors at the Interview between King Francis and King Henry.

As he had declared himſelf by writing, ſo he drew up a Form whereby others might declare themſelves by oath for the Kings Supremacy: And as he owneth the Kings Authority, ſo he maintaineth it in his Apology for Fiſher's Death.

But becauſe no power is laſting, when Religion is not v • nerable, the wary Biſhop promotes the Statutes of ſix Articles in the Houſe of Commons, in ſpight of Cromwel and Cranmer; and urgeth the retaining of ſome eſſential Latin As, Eccleſia, poenitentia, Epiſcopus, Sacrificium, Pontifex. words in the tranſlation, in the Convocation; Words, for their genuine and native meaning, and for the Majeſty of the matter in them contained, not to be Engliſhed: Though he could not keep the word from ſhining, yet had he wit enough to keep it in a dark Lanthorn, to keep the Laity at their diſtance, and bear up the Will-worſhip of Rome.

Had he kept here, King Henry had been ſatisfied; but when his ſucceſs improved his boldneſs, and that precipitated his undertakings, he muſt be quarreling with the Proteſtant Queens, and ſo fall out with the Uxorious King, under whoſe diſpleaſure he continued while he lived, as he did under his ſons afterwards: (Firſt, for refuſing a confeſſion of his fault, and then for not ſubſcribing ſome Articles propoſed unto him, though he owned the Supremacy, the Reformation, and ſaid of the Common-Prayer, That though he would not have made it ſo himſelf, yet be found in it ſuch things as ſatisfied his conſcience; and therefore be would both execute it himſelf, and cauſe others of his Viz. Thoſe of his Dioceſs. Pariſhioners to do it: and if be were troubled in conſcience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reaſon openly againſt it:) ſo that he loſt his Liberty and his Biſhoprick, until he was reſtored to both by Queen Mary, (who kiſſed and called him her Priſoner in the Tower) and likewiſe advanced him to the Chancellourſhip; wherein he did more harm by others then himſelf; keeping alwayes behinde the Curtain, and acting in Oxford by Viſitors, in London bv Bonner, and in his own Dioceſs by Suffragans: Onely in two Particulars he declared himſelf:

1. Againſt the Princeſs Elizabeth: ſaying, In vain it is to lop the Branches, while the Root remains. 2. Againſt the Exiles: Threatning that he would watch their ſupplies, ſo that they ſhould eat their nails, and then feed on their fingers ends.

But threatned Folks live long; and before the Confeſſors were brought to that Bill of fare, the Biſhop was eaten of worms himſelf, dying ſuddenly and ſtrangely; wholly a Proteſtant in the point of merit, who had been in other things ſo zealous a Papiſt.

One piece at once of his Prudence and Reſolution, and I have done: The Lord Protector by Letters ſollicited Gardiner to reſign Trinity-Hall to the Kings hand, who deſigned one Colledge out of that and Clare-Hall: Moſt politick Gardiner (ſaith my Author) not without cauſe ſuſpecting ſome deſign or caſualty might ſurprize the Interval between the diſſolution of the old, and the erection of this new Foundation, civilly declined the motion, informing his Grace, That the way to advance the ſtudy of the Law, was by promoting the preſent Profeſſors of that Faculty, (now ſo generally diſcouraged) and not by founding a new Colledge for the future Students thereof; ſeeing Trinity-Hall alone could breed more Civilians then all England did prefer according to their deſerts.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Herbert.

HIs Family had not endeared its ſelf to the antient Kings by its ſervice, nor his Grand-father himſelf to King Henry the Seventh by his Relation, more then He did Himſelf to King Henry the Eighth by his Merit. He was a great Pattern of antient Vertue, that in the greateſt Fortune enjoyed the leaſt Liberty: Vigilant and careful: One whoſe Power was attended with Sollicitude, (there was an Eye in the ancient Scepters) and his Sollicitude with Temperance; (he that commands himſelf, commands the World too.) While ſome mens imprudent integrity can do no harm, and others baſe cunning can do no good; Sir William's Prudence and Integrity was equally able for both, as there was occaſion. Very cloſe and ſucceſsful were his and my Lord Sheffield's Negotiations abroad: Very reſolute and manly his Conduct at home. He was one of the twenty four Counſellours to Henry the Eighth while he lived, and one of the ſixteen Executors of his Will when he died. All great Undertakers muſt avoid ſoftneſs and effeminacie, the bane of great Natures and Actions: For where there is love and pleaſure, there is fear; and where there is fear, there is that which enchains Generoſity and confines Courage.

He had his double Diary; the firſt for Actions, the ſecond for Obſervations upon them: And indeed his and Sir William Kingſton's Manuſcripts give a great light to the Hiſtory of thoſe times: In which Diary we finde what actions he did againſt the Scots by conſtant alarms with three thouſand Welch, and what againſt Ket's Rebels by notable ſtratagems with two thouſand. The man is compleat that hath a Head and a Heart.

As to the Faction in King Edward's time, he would not concern himſelf, looking on accuſations in a Commonwealth as great advantages to check ambition, and vent diſcontent; that the one may not aſpire too dangerouſly, nor the other break out too irregularly. And as little concern'd was he in King Edward's Will; his buſineſs being rather obeying the Soveraign that was, then determining who ſhould be.

He was a throughly adviſed man: one that gazed not on the iſſues, but enquired into the reaſons and ſprings of Actions.

Very uſeful he was in Queen Mary's Council, and no leſs in King philip's War; where he got St. Quintin for him, and a laſting Renown for himſelf: who died in Queen Elizabeth's time, and left this plain Character behinde, That he was a noble Gentleman, of a truſty, a free and an open Nature.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir Tho. Mannors, and Sir Ralph Euers.

IJoyn them both in my Obſervations, becauſe they agreed both in their diſpoſitions:

1. Both Nobly Religious, and ſo bleſſed themſelves, and being a bleſſing unto others: Their Religion was attended with Magnanimity, Conſtancy, Wiſdom, Prudence, Valour and Counſel, as the Products of it; and with Succeſs as the Iſſue.

2. Both famous and renowned; having Honour, as the ſhadow doth the Sun, going before them in their younger years, to make their way to action; keeping even with them in their middle age, to countenance and credit their proceedings; and following them in old Age to eternize and embalm them: Both making their way to Honour as Ageſilaus in Plutarch, or Epictetus in Strabo, by ſaying what was well, and doing what was better; or with Socrates, by being what they appeared, and appearing no more then they were: (Vertue, though obſcure, may ſatisfie me; it muſt be renowned, or it cannot ſerve others:) But action is the life of things, and good diſpoſitions are rather a mans Inclinations than his Vertue. Both therefore were in their Courage regular, in their Conduct obſervant, in their Addreſſes obliging, in their Paſſions even, in their Enjoyments ſevere, and in their Services equal.

Sir Thomas Mannors firſt weakened the In King H. 8's time, when they riſe againſt the Reſormation. Northern Rebels, by ſuch diſcreet Propoſitions as met with many of their Humours and Intereſts, and then reſolved to engage them, but that the little Brook Dun ſwelled miraculouſly to a River, between both Armies: And at the ſame time Sir Ralph Euers held Scarborough-Caſtle, where he had no Souldiers but his own Servants, nor any ſuſtenance for twenty days, but bread and water. For this ſervice he is made Lord Warden of the Marches, as Sir Thomas is Lord Governour of the North.

Both did his Majeſty as much ſervice in Peace for his Revenue, as in War for his Security: Both againſt the Cardinal's way of raiſing Money, which was but the relieving of a preſent need by laying the foundation of a laſting inconvenience; being very careful that their Maſter did not loſe in the preſident what he gained in the money.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Baker.

THere is one of this Name remarqueable in every Kings Reign ſince the Conqueſt; here is one now renowned in this: 1. For Integrity, to be neither awed nor corrupted: 2. For a Spirit publick as Nature, neither moved with particular reſpects, nor terminated in a private Deſign.

The French were ſo inſolent in London the eighth year of Henry the Eighth, that when one Williamſon a Carpenter was about to pay for two Pigeons he bought, a Frenchman takes them out of his hand, ſaying, They were no meat for Carpenters, but for my Lord Embaſſadour; who concerned himſelf ſo much in the caſe, that he had Williamſon impriſoned: Sir John ſued to the Embaſſador for the man, who anſwered, That the Engliſh Knave deſerved to be banged for denying any thing to a Frenchman. Whereupon Sir John replied, You know not that you are in London: A notable reply, conſidering that the City was up next day againſt Strangers, in ſo deſperate a tumult, that none could ſuppreſs but Sir Thomas More, and none ſettle but Sir William Kingſton and Sir John Baker. No ſooner had he allayed the diſorder at home, but he with the Biſhop of St Aſaph, are ſent to appeaſe a Rebellion abroad, I mean in Denmark, though in vain; when the Kings cruelty exceeded their apology, and ruine was more elegible with that people, then duty or obedience: Where he obſerved theſe ſix Maximes, in order to a newly-conquer'd-Kingdom:

1. That the Royal Line ſhould be extinguiſhed. 2. That the old Cuſtoms in Laws and Taxes ſhould be obſerved. 3. The Prince muſt be there to obſerve their humours in perſon. 4. That the Officers be moderate and honeſt. 5. That there be Colonies planted in one or two places that are the Keys of the State. 6. That the Neighbours ſhould be weakened and divided, and the In-land Forts demoliſhed.

As he would have compoſed the troubles of forreign Princes, ſo he ſerved the neceſſities of his own, being the moſt ſucceſsful Commiſſioner for the Benevolence in the Countrey; and the moſt active Agent for the loan in London: Wherefore I finde him Chancellour of the Exchequer, An. 1545, and one of the aſſiſtants to the Truſtees for King Edward, 1547.

Judge Mountague was the onely perſon that durſt diſpute King Edward's Will: Judge Hales and Sir John Baker were the onely Counſellours that durſt refuſe it; the firſt whereof ſtood to the Law, againſt Power; the ſecond, to his Allegiance againſt Intereſt; and both to the Rights of the Crown which are laſting, rather then the Deſignes of ſome Favourites that are as momentary as their Greatneſs, and as uncertain as their Grandeur.

This conſtant and firm reſolution to ſtick to his Duty and Loyalty, brought him to his Grave in peace and honour; having been a faithful Counſelfour and Servant to King Henry the eighth, King Edward the ſixth, Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Kingſton.

HE was one of the greateſt Courtiers at Masks and Revels, one of the beſt Captains at Sea, and one of the moſt valiant and skilful Commanders by Land. None more pleaſing to the Engliſh Ladies, none more terrible to the French King. Cunningly did he diſcover the King of Spains Deſigne upon Navarre to his Majeſty, by pretending a Revolt to that King of Spain; and as cunningly did he draw the French Troops into a ſnare, by counterfeiting a retreat towards Britany. His Advice had ſaved the Admiral at Breaſt, and his Foreſight did reſcue Sir Edward Belknap near Guiſnes. He was Knighted for his Service at Tournay, and made Marſhal for his Succeſs at Flodden. He was one of them that perſwaded the City to its duty at When the riſing was there. Shoreditch; and if that would not do, he was to command it from the Tower; being Commiſſioner in the firſt place, Aug. 2. and Lieutenant of the ſecond, September 6. (The Multitude is rather to be awed then reaſoned with. Some Princes have diſarmed their Subjects, others have divided them, a third ſort have obliged them; others yet have kept up Plots amongſt them: but all have built and commanded Fortreſſes to ſecure themſelves.) It were well if Love did, it's neceſſary that Fear ſhould guide this World. The King condeſcended one day to Juſt with him; and he, though invincible, to fall by his Majeſty. (You muſt let a Prince be a Prince in every thing.) So complaiſant he was, that he was one of the ſix Maskers at Court at 50; and yet ſo grave, that when divers young men that were familiar with the King after the French mode were baniſhed, he kept his Station, as one of the ſtayed men, at 30. He was one of the 16 that attended the King in his firſt Interview with the Emperour; and one of the 40 that waited on him in the two laſt with the King of France; narrowly eſcaping at the laſt that poyſon as ſome thought, or ill vapours, as others conclude, whereof the open-hearted Lord Brooks, the valiant Sir Edward Poynings, reſerved Sir John Pechy, and active Sir Edward Belknap, died: whereupon with his advice, all French-men were put to their Fines, and all Scotch to their ranſome. Neither was he onely for ſhew, but ſervice too, leading the Right Wing of the Army at Guiſnes, when Sir Everard Digby commanded the Left, the Lord Sands the Vanguard, Sir Edward Guilford then Marſhal of Callis the Horſe, Sir Richard Wink field the Rear, and the Duke of Suffolk the main Battle. Where his Aſſaults on Cappe and Roy ſpake him a Souldier, as his underhand correſpondence with the Lord Iſilſtein argued him a States-man.

Sir Thomas Mannors the firſt Earl of Rutland of that Name diſcovered, and Sir William Kingſton told his Majeſty the Cardinals Plots againſt the Kings Marriage with Queen Anne, and his Deſigne to marry him to the Dutcheſs of Alanzon: A Deſigne, that becauſe it ſeemed to over-reach his Majeſty in cunning, and really did croſs his Inclination in malice, that incenſed his Majeſty to a paſſion which could be appeaſed with no leſs a ſacrifice then the Cardinals fall: in order to which, the next ſervice of this Knight, is as Lieutenant of the Tower to take him to cuſtody: which he did at Leiceſter with a Noble reſolution, conſidering that mans greatneſs, with a due reverence regarding his calling, and with a tender compaſſion reſpecting his condition; perſwading him gently of the Kings Favour, at that very time when he was come to be an Inſtrument of his Juſtice. And what he did to a Cardinal now, he did to Queens afterwards: never Prince commanding higher ſervices then King Henry, nor ſubjects diſcharging them more undauntedly then Sir William: becauſe therefore he was ſo ſevere a Lieutenant in the Tower, he is made a Provoſt-Marſhal in the Field; in which capacity, after the Devonſhire-Rebels defeat, we have theſe two remarkable ſtories of him.

1. One Bowyer Mayor of Bodmin in Cornwal, had been amongſt the Rebels, not willingly, but enforced: to him the Provoſt ſent word he would come and dine with him; for whom the Mayor made great Proviſion. A little before Dinner the Provoſt took the Mayor aſide, and whiſpered him in the Ear, that an Execution muſt that day be done in the Town, and therefore he muſt ſet up two Gallows. The Mayor did ſo. After Dinner Sir William Kingſton thanks him for his Entertainment, and then deſires him to bring him to the Gallows: where when they were come, Sir William asked him, Whether they were ſtrong enough? I, I'll warrant thee, ſaith the Mayor. Then, ſaith Sir William, get you up upon them. I hope, ſaith the Mayor, you do not mean as you ſpeak. Nay, Sir, ſaith he, you muſt die; for you have been a buſie Rebel. And ſo without any more ado hanged him.

2. A Miller that had been very active in the late Rebellion, fled, and left another to take his Name upon him. Sir William Kingſton calls for the Miller, His Servant tells him that he was the Man. Then, ſaith he, you muſt be hanged. Oh Sir▪ ſaith he, I am not the Miller. If you are not the Miller, you are a lying Kn • ve: if you are the Miller, you are a trayterous one, and however you muſt die. And ſo he did.

Puniſh the Multitude ſeverely once, and you oblige them ever: for they love that man onely for his Good Nature, whom they fear for his Reſolution.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Cheyney.

THree things advanced men in King Henry the Eighth's days: 1. Their Extraction: 2. Their Wit: 3. Their Comelineſs and Strength. For the Firſt, his Name was up ſince Battle-Abbey-Roll; as to the ſecond, it was enough that he travelled with Wolſey: and touching the third, there need be no other inſtance then that at Paris, where upon the Daulphin's Proclamation of ſolemn Juſts, the Duke of Suffolke, the Marqueſs of Dorſet, Sir Edward Nevil and He, anſwered the Challenge; as not long after he encountered King Henry himſelf at Greenwich, where he had the great Honour of a ſtrong and valiant Knight, and a greater of being overthrown by his Majeſty.

Having engaged his Majeſties Perſon at home, he had the Honour to repreſent it abroad; where his Commiſſion was to complement the French King about his Liberty, but his Buſineſs to obſerve the ſtate of that place: Where he ſaw that a Kingdom governed by a Prince who hath under him other independent Lords, as that of France, is no longer ſafe, than thoſe Lords are either in Humour, or in Purſe; being always in danger either from their diſcontent or corruption: 2. That Faction is always eager, while Duty is modeſt and temperate.

This Occaſion ennobled his Vertue, and his Vertue improved the Occaſion ſo well, that I finde him ſo eminent a Parliament-man the 22th of King Henry, that as Sir Brian Tuke had the Honour to open the ſeveral Boxes ſent from the reſpective Univerſities, with their opinions about the Kings Divorce; ſo Sir Thomas had the happineſs in a ſet Speech to inſiſt upon them all in general, and every one in particular. And at Queen Anne's Coronation my Lord Vaux, Sir John Mordant, Sir Thomas, and ten more, are made Knights of the Bath.

Having acquitted himſelf Nobly in Court and Council, he attends the Earl of Hertford againſt the Scots, as Commiſſary; and Sir John Wallop with Sir John Rainsford, as Marſhal: for his Services in both which capacities, he is made Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports in England; and with the Comptroller, Sir John Gage, made Field-Marſhal, and Treaſurer of the Army before Bulloign: And not long after▪ Treaſurer of the Houſhold, and one of the Aſſiſtants for the Over-ſeeing of King Henry's Will.

When ſome were joyning Others with the Protector, others for limiting him, Sir Thomas would ſay, That (as Machiavel ſaith, No Laws, ſo) No good could be done by a Governour that was not abſolute, without either a Reſtraint or a Competitor.

Upon the Reformation he would ſay, That the diſeſtcem of Religious Ceremonies argued the decay of the Civil Government: good Princes have firſt kept their People Religious, and thereby Vertuous and united: both old and new Rome ſtand by this.

In a word, what makes all men, made him, A generous induſtry of Minde, and a well-ſet hardineſs of Body, which were attended while he lived with Honour and Succeſs, and ſince he is dead, with Repute and Renown.

Where eminent and well-born Perſons out of a habit of ſloath and lazineſs, neglect at once the Nobleſt way of employing their times, and the faireſt occaſions of advancing their fortunes; that State, though never ſo flouriſhing and glorious, wants ſomething of being compleatly happy: As ſoon as ever therefore the Kingdom is ſettled (ſedate times are the beſt to improve a Commonwealth, as his quiet hours are the beſt to improve a man) he and Sir William Howard addreſſed themſelves as vigorouſly to the opening of Commerce and Traffick, for the enriching of this Nation, as they had before to the exerciſe of Arms, to ſecure it: Purſuing the Deſigne with Reſolution, and keeping the frame of it in order with Induſtry, their conſtant Spirit ſurmounting all Difficulties that ſtood in the way of their own Glory, or their Countrey's Happineſs; working ſo well upon the Ruſſians, that they not onely obtained their Deſire, but gained ſo far upon the Affections of that People, that they obtained the greateſt Priviledges any Tradeſmen ever enjoyed in Muſcovy; which the Ruſſians were not eaſier in the promiſe of, then juſt in the execution of that promiſe: So that that Trade is advanced not onely beyond our hopes, but our very pretences too, by thoſe three Particulars that never fail of ſucceſs: 1. Union: 2. Conduct: 3. Courage in enterprizes vigorouſly begun and watchfully purſued: Until Queen ELIZABETH concerned her ſelf ſo far in the Undertaking, as to influence it with a Character peculiar to the Dignity of ſuch a Conſtitution: which carried that Commerce higher then Others could raiſe their Imaginations, as we ſee; whoſe profit by it is as remarqueable in this Age, as their zeal for it was in the laſt: When Fear and Diſtruſt, thoſe ignoble Paſſions that diſparage all great Undertakings, which judged that Deſign a Piece of extravagant Folly, ſeeth it now an Act of profound Wiſdom; eſpecially when it may be improved under CHARLES the Second and the Great, a Prince who by admirable order of his conduct, the juſt adminiſtration of his Revenue, and by his fatherly goodneſs towards his people, hath put himſelf into a condition to undertake without fear whatſoever may be put in execution with Honour or Juſtice.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of Queen Mary.

THE Q. Eliz. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Nicholas Bacon.

SIr Nicholas Bacon, a man full of wit and wiſdome, was a Gentleman, and a man of Law, and of great knowledge therein; whereby, together with his other parts of Learning and Dexterity, he was prompted to be Keeper of the Great Seal; and being kin to the Treaſurer Burleigh, was brought by his help into the Queens favour.

This Gentleman underſtood his Miſtreſs well, and the times better: He could raiſe Factions to ſerve the one, and allay them to ſuit the others. He had the deepeſt reach into Affairs of any man that was at the Council-table: the knottieſt Head to pierce into difficulties: the moſt comprehenſive Judgement to ſurround the Merit of a Cauſe: the ſtrongeſt memory to recollect all circumſtances of a Buſineſs to one View: the greateſt patience to debate and conſider; (for it was he that firſt ſaid, Let us ſtay a little, and we will have done the ſooner:) and the cleareſt reaſon to urge any thing that came in his way in Court or Chancery. His favour was eminent with his Miſtreſs, and his Alliance ſtrong with her States-men. No man ſerved his Soveraign more faithfully, none ſecured himſelf more wiſely. Leiceſter ſeemed wiſer then he was, Bacon was wiſer then he ſeemed to be; Hunſdon neither was nor ſeemed wiſe. Much Learning my Lord Bacon gained in Bennets Colledge in Cambridge, more Experience in Paris of France: His Dexterity and Diſpatch advanced him to the Court of Wards, his deep Experience made him Lord Keeper. Alliance was the Policy of that time. Bacon and Cecil married two Siſters; Walſingham and Mildmay two more: Knowles, Eſſex and Leiceſter were linked; the prudent Queen having all her Favourites Relations and Dependencies in her eye, and diſpoſing of them according to their ſeveral Intereſts. Great was this States-mans Wit, greater the Fame of it; which as he would ſay, being nothing, made all things: For Report, though but Fancy, begets Opinion; and Opinion begets Subſtance. He was the exacteſt man to draw up a Law in Council, and the moſt diſcreet to execute it in Court. When others urged the repeal of that Act whereby Queen Elizabeth was declared Illegitimate, he rather ſuppreſſed it, chuſing the cloſure of a feſtered Wound more prudent then the opening of it; and judging it more wiſdome to ſatisfie the world with the old Law, That the Crown takes away all defects; then to perplex it with new diſputes, Whether Queen Elizabeth were Legitimate. State-miſcarriages are rather to be privately connived at, then publickly redreſſed; the remedy it may be doing no more ſervice then putting the people in minde of the miſhap. He neither affected nor attained to Greatneſs: Mediocria firma, was his Principle and his Practice. When Queen Elizabeth asked him, Why his Houſe was ſo little? he anſwered, Madam, my Houſe is not too little for me, but you have made me too big for my Houſe. Give me, ſaid he, a good Eſtate, rather then a great one. He had a very Quaint ſaying, ſaith Robert Naunton, and he uſed it often to very good purpoſe, That he loved the Jeſt well, but not the loſs of his Friend. He would ſay, That though unuſqniſ que ſuae fortunae faber, was a true and good Principle; yet the moſt in number were thoſe that marred themſelves: but I will never forgive that man that looſeth himſelf, to be rid of his Jeſt. The Excellency of his Parts was ſet off with the Gravity of his Perſon; and the Queen would ſay, My Lord Bacon's Soul lodgeth well. His Account of England and all its Affairs, was punctual: his uſe of learned Artiſts, was continual: his correſpondence with his fellow-States-men, exact: his apprehenſion of our Laws and Government, clear; his Model of both, methodical: his faithfulneſs to the Church, eminent: his induſtrious invention for the State, indeſatigable. He was, in a word, a Father of his Country, and of Sir Francis Bacon. Sir Nicholas Bacon was that moderate man that was appointed to preſide at the Diſputation between the Proteſtant and Popiſh Doctors in the firſt of Queen Elizabeth. He was that Judicious States-man, to whom was truſted the management of that Parliament and Convocation: The ſatisfaction of the People and Kingdome, and thoſe Delatory Proceedings with France, Spain and Rome, that were at the bottom of the great work of Reformation, and ſettlement at that time.

Obſervations on the Life of William Cecil Lord Burleigh.

WIlliam Deſcended of the Roman Cecilii, ſay ſome. Cecil was born with the advantage of being Richard Cecil's Son, (who was of the Robes to King Henry, and a Legatee in his Will) and bred with that of being Commoner of St. Johns in Cambridge, and Student at the Grays Inne. Innes of Court in London: whence he was advanced by his Pregnancy to ſerve the Duke of Somerſet in quality of Maſter of Requeſts, as he was afterwards by his Maſter to attend King Edward the ſixth, in the capacity of Secretary of State; where he furniſhed all Acts and Orders with Reaſons of State, as he had them fitted by able Lawyers with Arguments of Law. He loved always, they ſay, to wrap the Prerogative in the Laws of the Land. He was conſtant, but not obſtinate in his Advice. Fuller Holy State ex Ariſt. l. 2. de Coelo, c. 4. & 10. As the Planets are whirled about dayly from Eaſt to Weſt by the motion of the Primum Mobile, yet have a contrary motion of their own from Weſt to Eaſt, which they ſlowly, yet ſurely move at their leiſures: ſo our States-man, though yeilding in ſome things to Greatneſs of ſome Perſons in an Age wherein it was preſent drowning not to ſwim againſt the ſtream; Yet had he his counter-endeavours againſt the prevailing ſtrain, and privately advanced his rightful Intentions againſt others wrongful Ambitions. If diſſenting from his Superiours, he did it with all humility and moderation; yet chuſing always rather to diſpleaſe then betray. He was in much favour with King Edward, in ſome with Queen Mary, in moſt with Queen Elizabeth; who though ſparing of her Honours, yet heaped on him the truſt of Secretary of State, the Profits of the Maſter of the Wards, the Advancement of Lord Treaſurer, and the degree of Baron of Burleigh: for as he followed the Marqueſs of Wincheſter in his Employment, ſo he did in his Complyance. When he was out of Place, he was not out of ſervice in Queen Mary's days; his Abilities being as neceſſary in thoſe times as his Inclination; and that Queens Council being as ready to advance him at laſt, as they were to uſe him all her Reign.

In Queen Elizabeth's time he ſetled the Crown by ſetling Religion; and by an utter ſeparation from Rome, ſtrengthened England. He made equal uſe of thoſe that were then Proteſtants by Intereſt, and they who were ſo in Conſcience: Thoſe that had affections for Church-lands, and thoſe that had affections for the Church. The Pope would by a Bull confirm the ſale of Abby-Lands; But who, ſaid Burleigh, can confirm the Popes Bull? The King of Spain ſecured the Queen in hope of her Bed, the Pope winked at her in hope of her Heart: Burleigh over-reached the one by a fair complayſance, and the other by inſenſible alterations.

During the Queens ten years calm, Cecil provided for a tempeſt; and improved her Shipping and Ammunition to a dreadfulneſs at Sea, as he did her Army to a great skill and experience by Land. He made Holland our Stage of War, and our School of Diſcipline; where England gained the ſecurity and experience of War without its calamity and deſolations; always Offenſive, and once onely Defenſive.

His Intelligence abroad, was no leſs then his Prudence at home; and he could write to a friend in Ireland what the King of Spain could do for two years together, and what he could not do. His Advices from his Penſioners abroad, were preſented Queen Elizabeth once a fortnight; 1. clearly and plainly; 2. methodically and diſtinctly; 3. ſpeedily and ſeaſonably; 4. truly and fully. He exchanged his Intereſt for Walſinghams Intelligence, who commanded what he could do, as he did what the other knew. The Bull clapped at London-houſe, was firſt in our States-mans Study; where they might learn what they were to do, and Proteſtants what to expect, many years before any thing was viſible.

When Leiceſter would have no Equal, and Suſſex no Superiour, then Cecil as Neu • er ſerved himſelf of them both. He would wreſtle with neither of them, yet he would trip them both: they having many rubs in their way, yet never ſaw who laid them. He never quarrelled with any; neither, ſaith Cambden, did he ever ſue, or was he ever ſued. Prudens qui Patiens, was his ſaying, before it was Sir Edward Cookes Motto: and he had rather tire out Oppoſition by his Moderation, then improve it by his Impatience. Others were raiſed to balance Factions, he to ſupport the Kingdome: Fickle Favour toſſed them, conſtant Intereſt ſecured him. No fewer then the Marqueſs of Wincheſter, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Northumberland, Arundel, Pembroke, Leiceſter and Weſtmorland contrived his fall; but reaſon of State and his Miſtreſs kept up his ſtanding. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton adviſed them to clap him up, ſaying, That then men would open their mouths to ſpeak freely againſt him: but the Queen underſtanding hereof, and ſtanding, as I may ſay, Camb. Eliz. anno 15 79. / 80. (ſaith my Author) in the very priſondoor, quaſhed all their Deſignes, and freed him from the miſchief projected againſt him. Great was the value the Queen ſet upon him, as her ableſt Miniſter of State: for coming once to viſit him being ſick of the Gout at Burleigh-houſe in the Strand, and being much heightned with her Head-attire then in faſhion, the Lords ſervant who conducted her through the door, ſaid, May your Highneſs be pleaſed to ſtoop. The Queen returned, For your Maſters ſake I will ſtoop, but not for the King of Spain. She would make him always ſit down in her preſence: ſaying, My Lord, we make uſe of you not for your bad Legs, but your good Head.

He was a good friend to the Church as then eſtabliſhed by Law; adviſing his ſon Thomas never to build a great Houſe, or beſtow any great charge upon an Impropriation, as fearing the foundation might fail hereafter: yet conniving at ſober Non-conformiſts, to ſtrengthen the foundation at preſent, he checked the forwardneſs of private men, and advanced the honour of the publick Eſtabliſhment on all hands. Good my Lord, (ſaith he in his Letter to Archbiſhop Whitgift, in the behalf of ſome ſqueamiſh Miniſters) bear with my ſcribbling; I write with the teſtimony of a good Conſcience: I deſire the peace of the Church; I deſire concord and unity in the exerciſe of our Religion: I fear no ſenſual or wilful Recuſant. I would not make Offenders, neither would I protect them. And I pray your Grace bear this, (and perchance a fault) and yet I have ſharply admoniſhed them, that if they will be Diſturbers in their Churches, they muſt be corrected: and yet upon your Graces anſwer to me, Ne ſutor ultra Crepidam: neither will I put Falcem in alterius Meſſem. (Was his Chaplain Traverſe his hand in all this?) And then again: If I had known his fault, (ſaith he of Brown) I might be blamed for Writing for him. Thus he carried matters without paſſion and prejudice prudently, as became ſo great a States-man. He was not rigid, yet he was careful: He would help the good-natured, yet puniſh the ſtubborn: He would rather be where nothing is lawful, then where all things are ſo. He would never skrue up the Law to the pitch of cruelty, nor unlooſe it to the remiſsneſs of Libertiniſm.

He was no leſs honourable a Patron of the Univerſity, then he was a faithful Son of the Church: (the Church ſtrengtheneth the State, and the Univerſities furniſh both:) particularly in the caſe of Rent-corn, which (ſaith my Author) firſt grew in Sir Thomas Smiths head, yet was ripened by Burleighs aſſiſtance; whereby, though the Rents of the Colledges ſtand ſtill, their Revenues increaſe.

He was not ſurer of all Church-men and Scholars by his Obligations upon them, then he was of all by his complaiſance and pleaſantneſs. None more grave then he in Publick, none more free in Private; eſpecially at his Table, where he drew ſomething out of his heavieſt gueſts; having an admirable Dexterity in reading and obſerving men, their own occaſional openings in common diſcourſe; there being more hold to be taken of a few words caſually uttered, then of ſet ſolemn Speeches, which rather ſhew mens Arts then their Natures, as indited rather of their brains then hearts. His power awed many, his converſation obliged more. He had his hour to put on his Gown, and his hour to put it off: When he would ſay, Lie thou there, Lord Treaſurer; and bidding Adieu to all State-affairs, he diſpoſed himſelf to his quiet and reſt.

He laid the Deſignes of War by his own Theory, and his friends Intelligence; yet he adviſed peace, and died before the Queſtion was determined, Whether a War with Spain? Others underſtood the Nature of War, but he onely the Expediency and Conveniency. If War was neceſſary, none more forward to promote it, none more careful to maintain it: knowing, that in vain do the brows beat, the eyes ſparkle, the tongue threaten, the fiſt bend, and the arm ſtrike, if the belly be not fed, and the back cloathed: and indeed this was his Maſter-piece, that the Queen vying Gold and Silver with the King of Spain, had Money or Credit when the other had neither; Her Exchequer, ſaith my Author, though but a Pond in compariſon, holding water, when his River fed with a Spring from the Indies, was dreined dry. It was with his advice▪ that that Queen paid her Obligations in Preferments, rather then Money; giving away not above two Largeſſes of that nature in her life. In a word, when others ſet in a Cloud, he ſhined clear to his laſt: He ſaw Eſſex dead, Leiceſter ſlighted, Mountjoy diſcountenanced; and what with the Queens conſtant favour, which lodged where it lighted, and his own temper and moderation, when more violent men failed, he died as great a Favourite as he lived; leaving his ſon Thomas ſo much Eſtate as advanced him to the Earldome of Exeter; and his ſon Robert ſo much State-Diſcipline as raiſed him ſucceſſi • è to be Secretary of State, Maſter of the Court of Wards, Lord Treaſurer, and Earl of Salisbury.

He was a very exact and a wary Obſerver of Forreign Tranſaction; witneſs this paſſage to Sir Henry Norris Embaſſador in France: The rare manner of your Entertainment, hath moved the Queens Majeſty to muſe upon what ſcore it ſhould be, being more then hath been uſed in like caſes to her Embaſſadors, and ſuch as beſides your own report hath been by others lately advertiſed: And for that in ſuch things Gueſſes be doubtful, I pray you by your next advertiſe me what your ſelf do think of it; and in the mean time I know you are not untaught to judge of the difference between fair words and good deeds, as the ſaying is, Fortuna cum adblanditur Capitum advenit.

His thoughts of a Rebel that ſubmitted, take in theſe words: Of late Shane Oneal hath made means to the Lord Deputy of Ireland to be received into grace, pretending that he hath meant no manner of unlawfulneſs towards the Queen: by which is gathered that he groweth weary of his lewdneſs: yet I think he is no therwiſe to be reformed then by ſharp proſecution, which is intended to be followed no whit the leſs for any his fair Writings, as reaſon is.

Of Intelligence he writes thus: I doubt not but you ſhall have of his hand no lack of Intelligence, which you muſt credit as you ſee cauſe by proof of the event.

About Embaſſadors Diſpatches he ſaith, He muſt write apart to the Secretary in matters containing trouble and buſineſs, and to his Soveraign of Advice.

In a particular Negotiation about Pyrates, he adviſed, That the King of France and his Council might perceive that it is well known how the Pyrates are ſuffered to do what they will, notwithſtanding it be contrary to Proclamation. And yet you ſhall ſo order the matter, (ſaith he to a French Ambaſſador) as not that you ſhall finde fault with this manner of ſuffering: for that ought properly to be to the Spaniſh or Portugal Embaſſador, with whom you may ſometime deal, to underſtand how they do, know what is done, and how they do interpret it.

Touching the King of Scots murther, he would ſay, There are words ſpoken which I hold beſt to ſuppreſs: Neither would I have you (ſaith he to his friend) utter any of theſe things, not doubting but ſhortly God will cauſe the truth to be revealed.

Of an underhand Traytor he writes to his friend, I pray write unto me ſomewhat more particularly for the proof of his trayterous ſpeeches, whereby there might be ſome ground made how to have him demanded.

Of the demanding of a Town promiſed in a Treaty: Sir Thomas Smith went to demand Callis, not that we think the Governour will deliver it, but to avoid all cavillation which they might invent: (for by Law it muſt be demanded upon the very place; and being not delivered, the ſum of 500000 l. is forfeited) Mr. Winter ſhall paſs ſecretly with him to take poſſeſſion thereof, if they deceive our expectation: but not paſt three of the Council know of Winters going.

Concerning the unreaſonable words of Princes, he ſaith, If hereof the Embaſſador (meaning the French) ſhall make any ſiniſter report, you may as you ſee cauſe well maintain the Queens anſwer to be very reaſonable, as having cauſe to miſlike the manner of Writing of the Queen thereon: which nevertheleſs you may impute to the unadviſedneſs of the Secretary: for ſo the Queens Majeſty doth impute it.

Of the troubles in Scotland, he obſerved the French made their preſent advantage to the damage of England: and you know that Scotland is the French King to it, as Ireland is the Spaniſh.

Of Forraign News he writes to Sir Henry Norris, That he would be glad to have a Note of the Names of the chiefeſt Nobility of France, and with whom they be married: adding thereto any other thing that may belong to the knowledge of their lineage and degrees, as you ſhall think meet.

He writes, That her Majeſty being a Prince her ſelf, is doubtful to give countenance to ſubjects. I wiſh (ſaith he) to have a Kalendar of them who are with the Prince, and alſo to ſee the Edicts that have lately paſſed from the King againſt them, and that in theſe troubleſome times, wherein accidents are ſo diverſly reported, your advices were large and repeated, and that we had ſuch Articles as paſs on both ſides.

Of France he ſaith, You muſt think that ſeeing all the parts of Chriſtendome are intentive to hear of the matters of France, we cannot be careleſs to whom the ſame belongeth next of all, whatſoever the end thereof ſhall be.

Of the Diſtractions of France, thus to our Embaſſador in France: If you told the Queen-mother ſo as of your own head, as a thing you hear ſpread abroad in the world, I think you might do well, and ſpeak truly: for as for the Popes Miniſters, their Profeſſion is to prefer the Weal of their own Church before the good ſtate of any Kingdome on earth; and whatſoever come of any thing, they look onely to the continuance of their own ambitious Ruling. And as for other Miniſters of Princes, or for men of War, it is a truth infallible, The more they do impoveriſh that Monarchy of France, the better they think their own Eſtates.

Of a plot diſcovered, he writes: We can truly hit no man, wherefore it is neceſſary that you ſpeak again with the Party that gave you this Intelligence; and if the matter be of truth, and not a diſguiſing to ſome other purpoſe, he can as well obtain you the knowledge of the party in certainty, as thus to give a gueſs at him: for as he hath his Intelligence of the matter which he uttered to you, ſo may be attain to a more perfect knowledge.

For the Proteſtants he ſaith, I pray you put them in comfort; that if extreamity ſhall happen, they muſt not be left: for it is ſo univerſal a cauſe, as none of the Religion can ſeparate themſelves one from another. We muſt all pray together, and ſtand faſt together.

Of a Profeſſor he writes, The Queens Majeſty will in no wiſe hear of ſuch matters, which ſhe thinketh are but changeable, and without fruit; although I had earneſtly moved her Majeſty to have adventured ſome ſmall piece of money upon ſuch a man: therefore I ſee no remedy but to pay him as well as may be with good words.

Touching the Plot again: Methinks that the Parties that tell you ſuch pieces of tales, if the whole were true, might as well tell you the whole, as ſuch obſcure parts: which if they do not, you might well alledge them to be but devices to breed unquietneſs and ſuſpition; and as I wrote before unto you, they might be tempted with offer of rewards, that the truth of the matter might be diſcloſed: and ſurely me thinks ſtill, ſince the Informers will not be known of the particulars in more certainty, that theſe things are intended to bring us into their places: but yet no diligence is to be omitted.

Touching the delivery of an Embaſſie, he writes, And I think if you would in the Tranſlating thereof diſtribute it into ſundry members by way of Articles, you ſhould the better carry it in your minde; making thereby an account with your ſelf of the better delivery thereof. And you ſhall do well to let ſome ſuch as favour the intention of the Queens Meſſage, to ſee the Copy of the Letter; whereby they may percaſe being called to give advice to the King, further the cauſe, to the benefit of them of the Religion. I would be glad to hear a Brief, or as they call it, a Liſt of the Names of the princip • l perſons that have a charge now in theſe Wars of France on both parts, with the Contents as near as you can of their numbers.

Of the Queen of Scots Affairs, he concludes: God ſend her Majeſty clear of theſe Scotiſh matters, whereinto the entry is eaſie, but the paſſage within doubtful; and I fear the end will be monſtrous: I am thrown into a maze at this, that I know not how to walk from dangers. Sir Walter Mildmay and I are ſent to the Scotiſh Queen, as by the Queens Majeſties Letters you may ſee: God be our Guide; for neither of us like the Meſſage.

1. Knowledge is the Treaſure of the Mind, Diſcretion is the Key: the Practick Part of Wiſdom is the beſt: a native Ingenuity is beyond the watchings of induſtrious Study.

There are no ſuch Guards of ſafety as Vertue and Wiſdome: Danger cannot make impreſſion on the Vertuous, nor Fortune ſubvert the Wiſe: The Wiſe man cannot fall. Prudence is a ſafe Conduct through the various Caſualties of Mortality. He declines in Wiſdome, that falls in Fortune. Diſcretion ſways the Stars and Fate.

Ad ſummum ſapiens uno minor eſt Jove; dives, Liber, Honoratus, pulcher, Rex deni que regum. "Take all; there's but one Jove above him: He "Is Rich, Fair, Noble, King of Kings, and free.

The World is a ſhop of Inſtruments, whereof the Wiſe man is Maſter; and a Kingdome but a Frame of Engines, whereunto he is the Wheel.

2. Smoothneſs declineth Envy and Danger, Humility advanceth to Honour, Moderation preſerves in it. Men come down by Domineering. Haſte undoeth that, which a juſt Delay ripeneth. Our Wiſe man would ſay, Stay a little, and we will have done the ſooner. An Eſtate evened with theſe thoughts, endureth. It's an excellent Motto:

Nolo Minor me timeat, deſpiciat ve Major. "My Inferiour ſhall not fear, my Superiour ſhall "not deſpiſe me.

3. Humility ſhuns Honour, and is the way to it: The pureſt Gold is moſt Ductile. It's commonly a good Blade that bends well. The Reed that bends and is whole, is better then the ſtrong Oak that not bending breaks.

4. There is no ſuch prevalent Work-man as Sedulity and Diligence: A man would wonder at the mighty things which have been done by degrees, and gentle augmentations. Patience, Diligence and Moderation are the common ſteps to Excellency. It's for Omnipotence to do mighty things in a moment; but degreeingly to grow to Greatneſs, is the courſe he hath left for Man.

Obſervations on the Life of Walter Devereux Earl of Eſſex.

WAlter Devereux was by his Cicely, Daughter of Thomas Bourchier, late Earl of Eſſex. Mothers ſide born to, and by his Soveraigns favour poſſeſſed of the Earldom of Eſſex: His Spirit was as the time, martial and active, equally impatient of ruſt in his Soul, and in his Sword: Forreign Countreys bred then thoſe Souldiers that England employed: The Univerſity made a Scholar, the Court a Man, and Flanders the Souldier.

His Actions brought him to the preſence, and his Preſence commended Him to the Heart of Queen Elizabeth: But the ſhadow doth not more naturally attend the Sun, then Envy doth Favour: Since he muſt riſe, its contrived he ſhould riſe ſo high, that he muſt fall: Yet he might have lived longer, it was thought, if his Wife had not there more favour then himſelf: Abraham was afraid of, and Sir Walter was undone by his Sarah's Beauty: This is certain, he was no ſooner in his Grave, than the ſame great man whom he declared his Enemy at his Death, was his Succeſſor in his Marriage-Bed.

Ambitious was he of the Iriſh Service, and ſubtle were others to fill up his Sayls ſo wide, as to be over-turned; at once diving into, and ruining him by his Humour: Weary was he of the Court, and weary, as he obſerved, was that of him: In comes Leiceſter in this juncture, and advanceth him to the Soveraign Honour of maintaining an Army at his own charge, and the Royalty of Claudboy in Ʋlſter; the firſt he knew would (as it fell out) undo him; the other was the Bears skin, when he could catch, kill and fley it; and the whole plot was but the ſupplanting of him out of a real Eſtate in England and Wales, to an imaginary one in Ireland. Over he goeth with as ſplendid a Retinue of Kindered, Friends, ſupernumerarie Voluntiers, as his Son to the ſame Service, or his Grandſon to one more unhappy: Sir William Fitz-William's Jealouſie heard of his Parade, and his Induſtry out-reached him ſo far, that all that preparation amounted to no more honour, than to have been commiſſioned, after much importunity and attendance, by him; nor to any more advantage than the bare Government of Ʋlſter: Little good did he in Ʋlſter, (now under the diſcouraging and heartleſs impreſſions of diſcontent) leſs in the South of Ireland, whither he was remanded by the Deputy, whoſe deſign was not to ſee how ſucceſsfully he would conquer, but how dutifully he would obey; in ſix months time ſpending 4000 l. to ruine himſelf: But alas! in vain doth he conquer, who was always forbid to purſue and improve his Victory: no ſooner did his Fortune favour him in one place, but he was called to his Misfortune in another: for no ſooner doth he by experience and acquaintance with the ſituation of any Place, the humour or intereſt of any People, the weakneſſes and ſtrengths of any Enemy, the advantages or diſadvantages of any Undertaking, ripen circumſtances towards ſucceſs, but he is called off to a new and unacquainted ſcene of action, where he ſhall loſe his Army, before he knoweth how to employ it. His friends at Court grew few and cold, his foes many and active; his affronts continual to diſorder him by paſſion, or ſink him in deſpair.

His Commiſſion was but ſhort before, but is none now; onely three hundred men ſtick to him: his Money failing, his Noble Followers withdrawing, his Common Souldiers mutiny, and he is recalled. And happy had he been, could he have been quiet: but nothing would compleat ſome mens Deſignes, but his Ruine; and nothing could ruine him but Honour, that at once pleaſed his humour, and waſted his Eſtate. Earl-Marſhal of Ireland he is made, and thither he goeth in great ſtate to die, anno 1576, and the 36 of his Age: a year fatal to that Family, which none of them exceeded but the laſt, who had been 〈…〉 ppy if he had died ſooner, or lived longer then he did. Although Sir Walter Devereux had not that ſucceſs over others which his Valour deſerved, yet he had that conqueſt of himſelf that Vertue onely gives; ſhewing himſelf as good at the Buckler, as at the Sword; at ſuffering, as well as acting. All his changes from without he bore with, none within; his even and ſolid minde that faſhioned its own fate, enjoying its conſtant calm amidſt all the tempeſts of malice and ambition. Thoſe ignoble courſes were not greater Arguments of his Enemies narrowneſs and degeneracy, then his reſolved Patience was of his largeneſs and generouſneſs of ſpirit; he being as much above thoſe ſmaller tricks, as they were below his Adverſaries. We make our ſelves more Injuries then are offered us; and the apprehenſion of wrong doth more harm then the ſmarteſt part of the wrong it ſelf. It's the Wiſe-mans glory, and the States-mans prudence, to paſs by Offences. A Fool ſtruck Cato in the Bath; and when he was ſorry for it, Cato had forgot it: for, (ſaith Seneca) Melius putavit non agnoſcere quam ignoſcere. Light Injuries are made none by a not-regarding: which with a purſuing Revenge grow both to heighth and burden, and live to miſchief us, when they might die to ſecure us. It's Princely (ſaith one) to diſdain a Wrong, who when Embaſſadours have offered Undecencies, uſe not to chide, but deny them audience: as if ſilence were the way Royal to revenge a Wrong. The upper Region is moſt compoſed; The wiſeſt Rage the leaſt, knowing that Obſervation and Reſent • ent do but provoke and encourage that Malice which neglect and ſilence deads and diſſipates. And it was Sir Walter's Fathers Maxim • , That Diſcontent was the greateſt weakneſs of a generous Soul, which is always ſo intent upon its unhappineſs, that it forgets its remedies.

This Lord was a great inſtance of that Maxime, That it's an equal miſchief to diſtruſt all, as to believe all; although of the two, the ſafeſt is to diſtruſt: for Fear had ſecured this Noble Perſon, while Confidence ruined him; it being a Vertue onely when men were innocent, but ever ſince, the bane of thoſe that own it.

Three things undid this Earl:

1. That he could not imagine he was to be ruined by his Advancement. 2. That he never miſtruſted an Oath. 3. That he never conſidered, that as Princes, ſo Favourites, have many eyes, and long hands.

He that is ſo open as to reſerve nothing from friends, is renowned for Charity; but he that is ſo to lie at the mercy of all, is marked for ruine. No ſooner underſtood my Lord of Leiceſter Eſſex his Diſpoſition, but the bitter Fool Pace could tell his Fortune, begging of my Lord at his departure the making of his Mourning; and adding, You and I have done for this world.

Walter Earl of Eſſex had been happy if he had not lived in my Lord of Leiceſter's time: his ſon Robert renowned, had he not been Sir Robert Cecil's Contemporary; and his Grandchilde an Heroe, had he not known my Lord Say and Mr. Hampden.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Suſſex.

THomas Radcliff Earl of Suſſex, was of a very Noble and Ancient Lineage, honoured through many Deſcents by the Title of Viſcounts Fitz-Walters. He was a goodly Gentleman, and of a brave noble Nature, true and conſtant to his friends and ſervants, noted for honeſty: a very excellent Souldier, being one of the Queens Martialiſts, who did very good ſervice in Ireland at her firſt acceſſion, till ſhe recalled him to the Court, where ſhe made him Lord Chamberlain; and though he was not endowed with the cunningneſs and dexterity as others were, yet upon his Death-bed he gave his friends a caveat whom they ſhould beware. His words, (ſaith Sir Robert Naunton) are theſe: I am now paſſing into another World, and muſt leave you to your Fortunes, and to the Queens Graces: but beware of the Gypſie, for he will be too hard for you all; you know not the beaſt ſo well as I do. His Proweſs and Integrity drew the Souldiers after him, Leiceſter's Courtſhip and Cunning the Courtiers, Cecil's Prudence and Service the States-men.

He ſucceeded his Father in his Fortune, and in his Favour; his Prudence and Reſolution promoting him to the Government of Ireland and the North; his good husbandry and skill in Surveying, making him Juſtice in Eyre of all the Parks beyond Trent; and his comely Preſence advancing him Lord Chamberlain. Queen Elizabeth poyzed her State by Factions abroad, and Parties at home; her chiefeſt wiſdome lying in her general correſpondence and complyance with each Party, as her Intereſt lay in their incomplyance and diſtance from one another. My Lord of Suſſex left this Memorial behind him, That for Riſing Men to ſtick to a ſide, is neceſſary; For Great Men to be indifferent, is wiſe: and this, That he and my Lord of Leiceſter cleared and purged the Court: their croſs Obſervations refining each perſon that was admitted to Court; none daring any injuſtice while Leiceſter obſerved him on the one hand, and Suſſex puniſhed him on the other. Then no deſerving Perſon could be excluded by the one, that could ſerve his Prince; nor any undeſerving one admitted, that might diſparage him: one Intereſt being ſure to receive the one, as the other was to exclude the other.

Divers perſons (ſaith one) of equal Authority, though both wicked, do in experience produce more Juſtice then a greater Probity in a ſingle individua • hath been heard to pronounce; in a divided Court the Creatures of one Party being the Enemies of another, no leſs powerful; and ſo they both become liable to accuſation, or capable of defence: and from the ſparkles of this claſhing, not onely Perſons and Actions, but the Publick Councils came to be refined from the Ruſt and Cankers that grow by an Unanimity. Faction can be as little ſpared in a Monarchy, as an Eye or an Ear, as through which the Prince hath a clearer apprehenſion of his own and others Affairs, then he can have when his followers are all agreed: through the percuſſion of equal Factions, as through that of Flint and Steel, all things coming to light by Debates, that might either advance or eclipſe a Princes glory.

When my Lord of Suſſex could not overbear Leiceſter with Power, he did it with Policy; and by yeilding to him, conquered him: for (as he obſerved) when he and his friends retired, Leiceſter and his ſubdivided; and he was checked more by the Ambition he taught his own Followers, then by the competition of his Adverſaries.

When Factions are carried too high, and too violently, it is a ſigne of weakneſs in Princes, and much to the prejudice of their Authority and Buſineſs: The motions of Factions under Kings, ought to be like the motions (as the Aſtronomers ſpeak) of the Verulam's Eſſays. Inferiour Orbs, which may have their proper Inclination, but yet are ſtill quietly carried by the higher motion of the Primum Mobile. Queen Elizabeth had an happy time of it, if it were but for this, That her Favourites Diviſions were her ſupport: for thereby ſhe attained the knowledge of all things that happened, ſo as no Suit or Deſigne paſſed the Royal Aſſent, before ſhe underſtood as much of Reaſon as Enemies or Friends could bring for or againſt it.

The Character this third great Lord of his Family left behind him, was, This year died a man of a great ſpirit and faithfulneſs to his Country: and therefore none freer then he of his thoughts, none ſounder then he in his counſels. Nor did this freedome of Communication betray his future Reſolutions to the diſcovery of his Enemies, as they opened his heart to the obſervation of his Prince: for through a ſeeming unconſtancy, not of words, but of action; not his weakneſs, but his nimbleneſs, (the Bird on the wing is ſafe) he could ſo often vary, as it was not eaſie to diſcover where or when he would be buzzing, and give the blow: by which unſteady carriage, He ſo befooled his Adverſaries with their Spies and Penſioners, as they were at a loſs what to inform their Patrons of, or themſelves how to reſolve. Fortune and Conduct ſet up this Favourite, it falling in his Character as at Primero, and other Plays, wherein Fortune is directed and conducted by Art. The beſt and ſubtileſt Gameſter may looſe, if it croſs him; but if it ſmiles and favours, he knoweth beſt how to manage and govern it.

Five things raiſed this perſon to a reſpect as great as his fortune; to be as high in the Queens favour, as he was in his Deſcent.

1. A Civility ſet off with State. 2. A pleaſing Modeſty of Countenance, and A •• ability of Speech, ennameled with Gravity. 3. A Boldneſs attended with Patience. 4. A great Capacity, enlivened with as great Dexterity. And 5. An Integrity ſecured with warineſs.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Willoughby.

THe Lord Willoughby was one of the Queens firſt Sword-men: he was of the antient extract of the Bartues, but more e •• obled by his Mother, who was Dutcheſs of Suffolk. He was a great Maſter of the Art Military, and was ſent General into France, and commanded the ſecond of five Armies that the Queen ſent thither in aid of the French. As he was a great Souldier, ſo was he of a ſuitable Magnanimity, and could not brook the obſequiouſneſs and aſſiduity of the Court at that time. He had more favour then he courted, and he courted more (rather to comply with the Queens humour, then his own inclination) then he deſired. He would ſay, and that ſaying did him no good, (ſaith Sir Robert Naunton) That he was none of the Reptilia, being made rather to march as a Souldier, then to creep as a Courtier. But Civility muſt allay Nature in a Courtier, Prudence regulate it in a States-man, and modeſt ſubmiſſion check and ſoften it in a Subject. It's as dangerous to be ſtubbornly above the Kindneſſes, as it is to be factiouſly againſt the Power of Princes. Willoughby got nothing, Stanley loſt all by his haughtineſs; which when it cannot be obliged, is ſuſpected. But his ſervice in France, Holland, and on the Borders, compounded for his roughneſs: ſo that to he who could not endure he ſhould be high at Court, were pleaſed he ſhould be ſo in the Field. Stiffneſs which diſpleaſed when looked on as Pride at home, took when heard to be Reſolution abroad. Each Nature is advanced in its own Element: Leiceſter among the Ladies, my Lord Willoughby among the Souldiers. It's a ſtep to Greatneſs to know our own way to it; to exerciſe and ſhew our proper Vertues as he did: his Magnanimity in theſe two inſtances, among many others.

1. When one challenged him then ſick of the Gout, he ſaid, That though he were lame in his feet Cambden Eliz. 13. and hands, yet he would carry a Rapier in his teeth to fight his Adverſary.

2. Having taken a Spaniſh Gennet deſigned a preſent to that King, and being offered either 1000l. or 100 l. a year in exchange for it, he nobly anſwered, If it had been a Commander, he would have freely releaſed him; but being onely a Horſe, he ſaw no reaſon be could not keep a good Horſe as well as the King of Spain himſelf. Sir Chriſtopher Hatton was to an exceſs a Courtier, and my Lord Willoughby ſo a Souldier.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Philip Sidney.

HE was Son to Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy of Ireland, and Preſident of Wales. A Perſon of great Parts, and in no mean grace with the Queen. His Mother was Siſter to my Lord of Leiceſter, from whence we may conjecture, how the Father ſtood up in the place of Honor and Employment; ſo that his Deſcent was apparently Noble on both ſides. For his Education, it was ſuch as Travel and the Univerſity could afford: for after an incredible proficiency in all the Species of Learning, he left the Academical life for that of the Court, whither he came by his Uncles invitation, famed aforehand by a Noble report of his Accompliſhments; which, together with the ſtate of his Perſon, framed by a natural propenſion to Arms, he ſoon attracted the good opinion of all men; and was ſo highly prized in the good opinion of the Queen, that ſhe thought the Court deficient without him: and whereas (through the fame of his deſerts) he was in the election for the Kingdome of Poland, ſhe refuſed to further his advancement, not out of Emulation, but out of fear to looſe the Jewel of her times. He married the Daughter and ſole Heir of Sir Francis Walſingham, then Secretary of State; a Lady deſtinated to the Bed of Honour, who (after his deplorable death at Zutphen in the Netherlands, where he was Governour of Fluſhing, at the time of his Uncles being there) was married to my Lord of Eſſex, and ſince his death to my Lord of St. Albans; all perſons of the Sword, and otherwiſe of great Honour and Vertue. He had an equal temperament of Mars and Mercury, Valour and Learning, to as high a pitch as Nature and Art could frame, and Fortune improve him: ſo Dexterous, that he ſeemed born for every thing he went about. His repreſentations of Vertue and Vice, were not more lively in his Books, then in his Life: his • ancy was not above his Vertue: his Humours, Counſels and Actions, were renowned in the Romancer, Heroick in the States man. His Soul was as large as his Parents, and his Complexion as Noble; an equal Line of both; the modeſty of the Mother allaying the activity of the Father. A man ſo ſweetly grave, ſo familiarly ſtaid, ſo prettily ſerious he was above his years: Wiſdome gained by travel, Experience raiſed from Obſervations, ſolid and uſeful Learning drawn from knowing Languet his three years Companion, and choiceſt Books, accompliſhed him for the love of all, and the reverence of moſt. His Converſe was not more cloſe at home, then his Correſpondence abroad; equally mixed with Policy, Pleaſure, Wiſdome and Love: his Worth being penned up, and ſmothered within the narrowneſs of his fortune, ſallied not out to diſcontent, but pleaſure; ſweetning the Affairs of State with the Debonnairneſs of the Stage; his Romance being but Policy played with Machiavil in jeſt, and State-Maximes ſweetened to a Courtiers Palate. He writ men as exactly as he ſtudied them, and diſcerned humours in the Court with the ſame deep inſight he deſcribed them in his Book. His Infant-diſcourſes teach men, O what had his riper years done!

He put Life into the dead Notions of Anceſtors, made Philoſophy practicable; joyned the Arts as cloſely in him, as they are in themſelves. His Book is below his Spirit: a Spirit to be confined with Kingdomes, rather then Studies; to do what was to be written, then onely to write what was to be done. All eyes were upon him but his own: at firſt, in all Affairs he was the laſt; at laſt, he was the firſt: obliging all men that ever he ſaw, and ſeeing all that were worth obliging. All were pleaſed with his Arcadia but himſelf, whoſe years advanced him ſo much beyond himſelf, as his Parts did beyond others: He condemned his Arcadia in his more retired judgement to the fire, which wiſe men think will continue to the laſt Conflagration. His private Correſpondence with William of Naſſau about the higheſt Affairs of Europe, was ſo exact and prudent, that he aſſured Sir Fulke Grevil he deſerved a Kingdom in Forreign Parts, though he had not an Office in England. The Earl of Leiceſter held his Authority in the Low-Countries by his Counſel when alive, and gave it over when he was dead.

Sir Francis Walſingham was ſo much overſhot by him in his own Bow, that thoſe with whom Sir Philip were acquainted with for his ſake, were his friends for Sir Philips. King James was honoured when King of Scotland with his friendſhip, Henry the fourth with his correſpondence, Don Juan highly obliged with his Viſits, the King of Spain himſelf concerned in his death, whom England (he ſaid) loſt in a moment, but could not breed in an Age. The Univerſities were proud of his Patronage, the Field of his Preſence: the Studious in all Parts communicated with him; the Hopeful were encouraged by him; all excellent Perſons thronged to him; all ſerviceable men were entertained by him; and he among them a Prince, whoſe minde was great, but his ſpirit greater. He taught England the Majeſty of Honeſt Dealing, the Intereſt of being Religious. He looked deep into men and Counſels, and found no Wiſdom without Courage, no Courage without Religion and Honeſty: with which ſolid and active reaches of his, I am perſwaded (ſaith my Lord Brooks) he would have found or made a way through all the Traverſes even of the moſt weak and irregular times. Although a private Gentleman, he was a publick Good; of a large, yet uniform diſpoſition: ſo good, that the great Monarch might truſt; ſo great, that a little one muſt fear him: ſomething he did for Fame, moſt for Conſcience: His publick ſpirit, which might have enjealouſed the cautious wiſdome of other Princes, promoted the concerns of his own. He was ſent to complement Rodalph, but he dealt really with the Proteſtant Princes, and raiſed a Ceremony to a piece of Intereſt. He ſhewed that long-breathed and cautious people, that imminent danger from Romes Superſtition, joyned with Spains Power, their private confederacies and practices, their cruelty and deſigne; which awaked their drowzie warineſs into an aſſociation for Conſcience and Religion more ſolid, as he demonſtrated, then a Combination out of Policy. He went againſt the ſtream and current about the French Match, which he diſſwaded from the conſequent inconveniencies of Engagements and charge to England, and the little advantage from France; backing his Argument with a late experience; and ſo ſtaying Queen Elizabeths Match by ſome reflexions on Queen Mary's: which was, A five years Deſigne or Tax, rather then a Mrriage: adding withal, That in a Forreign Match, beſides the unequalneſs and danger of it, (when a ſtrange Prince hath ſuch an influence on our Conſtitution) the different Religion would make the Queen either quit the reputation of a good Proteſtant, or the honour of an obedient Wife.

Ten ways he laid down a Forreign Prince might endanger our Religion by.

1. Oppoſing and weakning the reverend Fathers of our Church. 2. By diſgracing her moſt zealous Miniſters. 3. By Latitude and Connivance. 4. By a looſe and too free a behaviour, ſteering mens Conſciences which way he pleaſed, and ſetting up indifferency. 5. By decrying Cuſtomes and Statutes, and enhanſing Proclamations to the Authority of Laws. 6. By provoking the Engliſh with French Oppreſſions. 7. By entrenching on the Britiſh Liberties with Gallicane Prerogatives. 8. By breaking our League and Correſpondence with other Proteſtant States. 9. Frighting our Queen to a Complyance. 10. And at laſt attempting the Proteſtant cauſe.

He would ſay to his •• end the Lord Brooke, That if the Netherlands joyn with France, they are terrible to Spain: if with Spain, they are dreadful to France: if with us, they ſupport the Reformation: if they ſtand on their own legs, they are too ſtrong to be forced to Pyracy. He, though a private perſon, oppoſed her Majeſty Queen Elizabeth in that Affair, with that ſincerity, with that ingenuity, that freedome, that duty and peaceableneſs, that angered and pleaſed her. His Opinion was not more againſt her humour, then his Manage of it was to her minde: in which Affair, when moſt were hood-winked with ignorance, and many captived with fear, he enjoyed the freedome of his own thoughts with dayly acceſs to her Majeſty, hourly converſe with the French, and conſtant reſpect from the people. None more dutiful to his Soveraign then Sir Philip, none more reſolute againſt Eucroachers upon Gentlemen and Freemen, none more dear to the whole State: which when he had deſigned Sir Francis Drake's ſecond Voyage, and ſtollen to him at Windſor, commanded his ſtay by an Earl, and for his ſake the whole Fleets, although his ſtay diſturbed, and his death deſtroyed his moſt exact Model for the Conqueſt of America, the exacteſt Europe ever ſaw: A Conqueſt not to be enterprized but by Sir Philips reaching ſpirit, that graſped all circumſtances, and commanded all intereſts on this ſide the Line.

When his great Soul could not improve Europe, he conſidered it; and made that the Field of his mediation, that could not be the ſtage of his Actions. England he ſaw ſo humourſome and populous, that it was to be refined with War, and corrupted with Peace. Her intereſt was, he ſaid, to balance Neighbor-Princes. France he obſerved weak and effeminate, the Empire enſlaved and ſecure, the Hanſes too big, Rome ſubtle and undermining, Spain crept to the Power and Councils of Europe, the Proteſtant Princes enjealouſed and diſtruſtful, Poland divided, Denmark ſtrong, Sweden invironed or impriſoned, the Muſcovite diſtreſſed and ignorant, the Switz enemies, yet ſervants to Monarchs, (a dangerous body for the ſoul of any aſpiring Monarch to infuſe defignes into) the Princes of Italy awed by their Superiours, and cautious againſt their equals; Turkie aſleep in the Seraglio; but Spain all this while Maſter of Rome, and the wiſeſt Council or Conclave in the Word; Lord of the Mines of America, and the Sword of Europe: Concluding, that while the Spaniard had Peace, Pope Money or Credit, and the World Men, Neceſſity or Humours, the War could hardly be determined upon this Low-Country-ſtage: And that there were but two ways to conquer Spain, the one, That which diverted Hannibal; and by ſetting fire on his own Houſe, made him draw his ſpirits to comfort his heart: The other, that of Jaſon, by fetching away his Golden Fleece, and not ſuffering any one quietly to enjoy that which every man ſo much affected. The aſſiſtance of Portugal, the ſurprize of Cales her key, and Sevi • her treaſure; the drawing in of other Wellwillers; the command of the Sea, an exact Intelligence; the Protection of Rochel, Breſt, Bourdeaux, or ſome other diſtreſſed Proteſtant, to balance the over-mytred Countries, the encouragement of religious or ambitious Roytolets to advance and ſecure themſelves, the engaging of the French and Spaniards, a League with Venice and the Maritime States: ſome temptations to Italy to remove their French and Spaniſh Gariſons, an opportunity to recover Sicily, ſome inſinuations to the Pope of the Auſtrian Greatneſs, the ſetting up of the World in an Aequilibrium, the invaſion of America, removing the diffidence, overpoyzing the Neutrality, and working upon the Complexions of Kings and Kingdomes, was this young, but great mans deſigne.

An Expedition to the Indies he would perſwade with theſe motives:

1. That Honour was cheaper abroad then at home; at Sea, then at Land. 2. That the Spaniſh Conqueſts like the Jeſuites Miracles, made more noiſe at diſtance then nearer hand. 3. That the Indians would joyn with the firſt Undertaker againſt their cruel Maſters. 4. That Spain was too far for ſupply. 5. That the Spaniard was Undiſciplined, and truſted more to the Greatneſs of his Name, then to Order, Policy or Strength. 6. That England was populous. 7. That it was an Action complyant with the preſent Humour, and not ſubject to Emulations. 8. That it would either cut off the Spaniſh treaſure, or make it chargeable. 9. And at laſt ſet up a Free Trade by Sea, open a great Door to Valour or Ambition for new Conqueſts, and to Zeal for new Converts.

He ſaid the Inquiſition would overthrow Spain, being a deſigne upon Humane Nature, and freedome; to govern men at the rate of beaſts. His great Abilities recommended him to Leiceſter's Cabinet, whoſe Horſe he commanded in the Field, whoſe Counſel he guided at home. Prudent and valiant he was in contriving and executing the ſurprize of Axil: Liberal and Noble to his Souldiers at Fluſhing; wary and deep-ſighted in his Counſel about Graveline; wiſe and ſtayed in the jealouſies between Leiceſter and Hollock. His Patience and Reſolution before Zutphen, his quiet and compoſed ſpirit at Arneim, his Chriſtian and religious comportment in his ſickneſs and death, made his Fame as laſting as his Life was wiſhed. And why died he lamented by the Queen, mourned for by the Court, bemoaned by Europe, wept over by Religion and Learning, the Proteſtant Churches, celebrated by Kings, and K. H. 4. K. Ja • es. eternized by Fame? becauſe he was one whoſe Parts were improved by early Education, whoſe Education was raiſed by Experience, whoſe Experience was enlarged by Travel, whoſe Travel was laid up in Obſervations, whoſe Obſervations were knit up to a ſolid Wiſdome, whoſe Wiſdome was graced with his Preſence; and the one was as much admired by Kings, as the other was by Queens. One whoſe Learning guided Univerſities, whoſe Alliance engaged Favourites, whoſe Preſence filled Courts, whoſe Soul graſped Europe, whoſe Merit could fill a Throne, whoſe Spirit was above it. It was he who was deſerving and quiet, neglected and patient, great and familiar, ingenious and devout, learned and valiant, ſweet and ſolid, contemplative & active. It was he whom Queen Elizabeth called her In Oppoſition to him of Spain. Philip, the Prince Orange his Maſter, and whoſe friendſhip my Lord Brooke was ſo proud of, that he would have no other Epitaph on his Grave then this, Here lieth Sir Philip Sidneys Friend. It was he whoſe laſt words were, Love my memory, cheriſh my Friends; their faith to me may aſſure you they are honeſt: but above all, govern your will and affections by the Will and Word of your Creator. In me behold the end of this world, and all its vanities.

THey that have known thee well, & ſearch thy parts Through all the chain of Arts: In Ll. Thy apprehenſion quick as active light, Clear Judgement, without Night: Thy Phanſie free, yet never wild or mad, With wings to fly, but none to gad: Thy Language ſtill in rich, yet comely dreſs, Not to expoſe thy minde, but to expreſs. They that have known thee thus, ſigh, and confeſs, They wiſh they'd known thee ſtill, or known thee leſs. To theſe, the wealth and Beauties of thy minde, Be other Vertues joyn'd. Thy modeſt Soul, ſtrongly confirm'd and hard, Ne'er beckned from its Guard.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Perrot.

SIr John Perrot was a goodly Gentleman, and of the Sword: and as he was of a very ancient deſcent, as an Heir to many Exſtracts of Gentry, eſpecially from Guy de Bryan of Lawhern; ſo was he of a vaſt Eſtate, and came not to the Court for want. And to theſe Adjuncts he had the Endowments of Courage, and heighth of Spirit, had it lighted on the allay of temper and diſcretion: the defect whereof, with a native freedome and boldneſs of ſpeech, drew him into a Clouded ſetting, and laid him open to the ſpleen & advantage of his Enemies. He was yet a wiſe man, and a brave Courtier, but rough, and participating more of active then ſedentary motions, as being in his Conſtellation deſtinated for Arms. He was ſent Lord-Deputy into Ireland, where he did the Queen very great and many Services: Being out of envy accuſed of High Treaſon, and againſt the Queens will and conſent condemned, he died ſuddenly in the Tower. He was Englands profeſſed Friend, and Sir Chriſtopher Hattons profeſſed Enemy: He fell becauſe he would ſtand alone. In the Engliſh Court at that time he that held not by Leiceſters and Burleighs favour, muſt yeild to their frowns: What ground he gained in Forreign Merits, (as the Sea) he loſt in Domeſtick Intereſts. The moſt deſerving Receſſes, and ſerviceable abſence from Courts, is incompatible with the way of intereſt and favour. His boyſterous carriage rather removed then preferred him to Ireland, where he was to his coſt, what he would have been to his advantage; chief in Command, and firſt in Council. His ſpirit was too great to be ruled, and his Intereſt too little to ſway. He was ſo like a Son of Henry the They ſay his father married a Familiar of King Henry's. eighth, that he would not be Queen Elizabeths ſubject: but Hattons ſly ſmoothneſs undermined his open roughneſs; the one dancing at Court with more ſucceſs then the other fought in Ireland. He was born to enjoy, rather then make a Fortune; and to command, rather then ſtoop for reſpect. Boldneſs indeed is as neceſſary for a Souldier, as Action for an Orator; and is a prevailing quality over weak men at all times, and wiſe men at their weak times: yet it begins well, but continueth not; cloſing always with the wiſer ſorts ſcorns, and the vulgars laughter. Sir John Perrot was better at Counſel then Complement, and better at Execution then Counſel. None worſe to command firſt on his own head, none better to be ſecond, and under the direction of others. He could not adviſe, becauſe he looked not round on his dangers: he could not execute, becauſe he ſaw them not. His alliance to his Soveraign commended him at firſt to her favour, and gave him up at laſt to her jealouſie; being too near to be modeſt, and too bold to be truſted: and the more ſervice he performed, he was thereby onely the more dangerous, and withal unhappy; his Succeſſes onely puffing up his humor, and his Victories ripening his ambition to thoſe fatal Sallies againſt the Queens honour and Government, that had coſt him his life, had he not ſaved it with thoſe very Rants he loſt himſelf by: for when he had out of an innocent confidence of his cauſe, and a haughty conceit of his Extraction, exaſperated his Noble Jury to his Condemnation, he had no more to ſay for himſelf then Gods death! will the Queen ſuffer her Brother to be offered up as a ſacrifice to the envy of my frisking Adverſaries? On which words the Queen refuſed to ſigne the Warrant for his Execution, though preſſed to it from Reaſon and Intereſt, ſaying, They were all Knaves that condemned him. It's obſerved of him, that the Surpluſage of his ſervices in Ireland abated the merit of them; and that it was his overſight to have done too much there. His mortal words were thoſe in the great Chamber of Dublin, when the Queen ſent him ſome reſpectful Letters after her Expoſtulatory ones, with an intimation of the Spaniards Deſigne: Lo, now (ſaith he) ſhe is ready to piſs her ſelf for fear of the Spaniard; I am again one of her white Boys.

A great Birth and a great Minde are cruſhed in Commonwealths, and watched in Kingdomes: They who are too tall to ſtand, too ſtubborn to bow, are but too fit to break. Ruffling Spirits raiſe themſelves at the ſettlement of Governments, but fall after it; being but unruly Waves to a ſteady Rock, breaking themſelves on that ſolid Conſtitution they would break. Few aimed at Favourites as Sir John did at the Lord Chancellor, but their Arrows fell on their own heads; Soveraignty being always ſtruck through prime Counſellours, and Majeſty through its chief Miniſters. Sir John Perrot no ſooner claſhed with Hatton, then he loſt the Queen; and ever ſince he reflected on his Dancing, he loſt his own footing, and never ſtood on his legs.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Francis Walſingham.

HE was a Gentleman (at firſt) of a good houſe, but of a better Education; and from the Univerſity travelled for the reſt of his Learning. He was the beſt Linguiſt of the times, but knew beſt how to uſe his own tongue, whereby he came to be employed in the chiefeſt Affairs of State. He was ſent Ambaſſadour into France, and ſtayed there a Leiger long, in the heat of the Civil Wars. At his return he was taken Principal Secretary, and was one of the great Engines of State, and of the times, high in the Queens favour, and a watchful ſervant over the ſafety of his Miſtreſs. He acted the ſame part in the Courts of France about that Match, that Gundamor, if I be not miſtaken, (ſaith Sir Robert Naunton) did in the Court of England about the Spaniſh. His apprehenſion was quick, and his Judgement ſolid: his Head was ſo ſtrong, that he could look into the depth of men and buſineſs, and dive into the Whirlpools of State. Dexterous he was in finding a ſecret, cloſe in keeping it: Much he had got by Study, more by Travel; which enlarged and actuated his thoughts. Cecil bred him his Agent, as he bred hundreds. His Converſe was infinuating and reſerved: He ſaw every man, and none ſaw him. His Spirit was as publick as his Parts; and it was his firſt Maxime, Knowledge is never too dear: yet as Debonnair as he was prudent; and as obliging to the ſofter, but predominant parts of the world, as he was ſerviceable to the more ſevere: and no leſs Dexterous to work on humours, then to convince Reaſon. He would ſay, he muſt obſerve the joynts and flexures of Affairs; and ſo could do more with a Story, then others could with a Harangue. He always ſurprized buſineſs, and preferred motions in the heat of other diverſions; and if he muſt debate it, he would hear all; and with the advantage of aforegoing ſpeeches, that either cautioned or confirmed his reſolutions, he carried all before him in concluſion beyond reply. He out-did the Jeſuites in their own bowe, and over-reached them in their own equivocation, and mental reſervation; never telling a Lye, but warily drawing out and diſcovering truth. As the cloſe Room ſucketh in moſt Air, ſo this wary man got moſt intelligence, being moſt of our Papiſts Confeſſour before their death, as they had been their Brethrens before their treaſon. He ſaid what another writ, That an habit of ſecrecy is policy and vertue. To him mens faces ſpake as much as their tongues, and their countenances were Indexes of their hearts. He would ſo beſet men with Queſtions, and draw them on, & pick it out of them by piece-meals, that they diſcovered themſelves whether they anſwered or were ſilent. This Spaniſh Proverb was familiar with him, Tell a Lye, and finde a Truth; and this, Speak no more then you may ſafely retreat from without danger, or fairly go through with without oppoſition. Some are good onely at ſome affairs in their own acquaintance; Walſingham was ready every where, and could make a party in Rome as well as England. He waited on mens ſouls with his eye, diſcerning their ſecret hearts through their tranſparent faces.

He ſerved himſelf of the Factions as his Miſtreſs did, neither advancing the one, nor depreſſing the other: Familiar with Cecil, allied to Leiceſter, and an Oracle to Suſſex. He could overthrow any matter by undertaking it, and move it ſo as it muſt fall. He never broke any buſineſs, yet carried many: He could diſcourſe any matter with them that moſt oppoſed; ſo that they in oppofing it, promoted it. His fetches and compaſs to his deſigned ſpeech, were things of great patience and uſe. Twice did he deceive the French as Agent, once did he ſettle the Netherlands as Commiſſioner, and twice did he alter the Government of Scotland as Embaſſadour. Once did France deſire he might be recalled, becauſe he was too hard for the Counſel for the Hugonots; and once did Scotland requeſt his remand, becauſe he would have overturned their Conſtitution: 53 Agents did he maintain in Forreign Courts, and 18 Spies: for two Piſtols an Order, he had all the private Papers of Europe: few Letters eſcaped his hands, whoſe Contents he could read and not touch the Seals. Bellarmine read his Lectures at Rome one moneth, and Reynolds had them confuted the next. So patient was this wiſe man, Chiſelhurſt never ſaw him angry, Cambridge never paſſionate, and the Court never diſcompoſed. Religion was the intereſt of his Country, (in his judgement) and of his Soul; therefore he maintained it as ſincerely as he lived it: it had his head, his purſe, and his heart. He laid the great foundation of the Proteſtant Conſtitution as to its policy, and the main plot againſt the Popiſh as to its ruine. He would cheriſh a plot ſome years together, admitting the Conſpirators to his own and the Queens preſence familiarly, but dogging them out watchfully: his Spies waited on ſome men every hour, for three years; and leſt they could not keep counſel, he diſpatched them to forraign parts, taking in new Servants. His training of Parry who deſigned the murder of Queen Elizabeth, the admitting of him under the pretence of diſcovering a Plot to the Queens preſence, and then letting him go where he would, onely on the ſecurity of a Dark Sentinel ſet over him, was a piece of reach and hazard beyond common apprehenſion. But Kingdomes were acted by him, as well as private perſons. It is a likely report (ſaith one) that they father on him at his return from France, when the Queen expreſſed her fear of the Spaniſh deſigne on that Kingdome with ſome concernment, Madam, (ſaid he) be content not to fear; the Spaniard hath a great appetite, and an excellent digeſtion: but I have fitted him with a bone for this twenty years, that your Majeſty ſhall have no cauſe to doubt him: Provided that if the fire chance to ſlack which I have kindled, you will be ruled by me, and now and then caſt in ſome Engliſh • uel which may revive the flame. He firſt obſerved the great Biſhop of Wincheſter fit to ſerve the Church, upon the unlikely Youths firſt Sermon at St. Al • allows Barking: He brought my Lord Cooke firſt to the Church upon ſome private diſcourſe with him at his Table. The Queen of Scots Letters were all carried to him by her own Servant, whom ſhe truſted, and decyphered to him by one Philips, as they were ſealed again by one Gregory, ſo that neither that Queen or her correſpondents ever perceived either the Seal defaced, or the Letters delayed to her dying day. Video & Taceo, was his ſaying, before it was his Miſtreſſes Motto.

He could as well • it King James his humour with ſayings out of Xenophon, Thucydides, Plutarch, Tacitus; as he could King Henry's with Rablais's conceits, & the Hollander with Mechanick Diſcourſes. In a word, Sir Francis Walſingham was a ſtudious and temperate man; ſo publick-ſpirited, that he ſpent his Eſtate to ſerve the Kingdome; ſo faithful, that he beſtowed his years on his Queen; ſo learned, that he See his Negotiation in France, in his Letters to Cecil in The compleat Embaſſador. provided a Library for Kings Colledge of • is own Books; which was the beſt for Policy, as Cecil's was for Hiſtory, Arundels for Heraldry, Cottons for Antiquity, and Uſhers for Divinity: finally, he equalled all the Stateſmen former Ages diſcourſe of, and hardly hath been equalled by any in following Ages.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Leiceſter.

THe Lord Leiceſter was the youngeſt ſon then living of Dudley Duke of Northumberland: he was alſo one of the firſt to whom Queen Elizabeth gave that honour to be Maſter of the Horſe. He was a very goodly perſon, and ſingular well featured, and all his youth well favoured, and of a ſweet aſpect, but high foreheaded, which was taken to be of no diſcommendation: but towards his latter end grew high-coloured and red-faced. The Queen made him Earl of Leiceſter for the ſufferings of his Anceſtors ſake, both in her Fathers and Siſters Reigns. The Earl of Eſſex his death in Ireland, and the marriage of his Lady yet living, deeply ſtains his commendation. But in the Obſervations of his Letters and Writings, there was not known a Stile or Phraſe more religious, and fuller of the ſtreams of Devotion. He was ſent Governour by the Queen to the United States of Holland, where we read not of his wonders; for they ſay, Mercury, not Mars, in him had the predominancy. To the Policy he had from Northumberland his Father, and the Publican Dudley his Grandfather, he added, they ſay, Magick and Aſtrology; and to his converſe with Wiſe men, his familiarity with Wizards. Indeed he would ſay. A States-man ſhould be ignorant of nothing, but ſhould have all notices either within his own or his Confidents command.

His Brother Ambroſe was the Heir to the Eſtate, and he to the Wiſdome of that Family. He was the moſt reſerved man of that Age, that ſaw all, and was inviſible; carrying a depth not to be fathomed but by the Searcher of Hearts. Many fell in his time, who ſaw not the hand that pulled them down; and as many died that knew not their own Diſeaſe. He truſted not his Familiars above a twelve-month together, but either tranſported them for Forreign ſervices, or waſted them to another world. His Ambition was of a large extent, and his Head-piece of a larger. Great was his Influence on England, greater on Scotland, and greateſt of all on Ireland and the Netherlands; where this cloſe Genius acted inviſibly, beyond the reach of friends, or the apprehenſion of enemies. Declining an immediate oppoſition in Court-factions, the wary Sir raiſed always young Favourites to outſhine the old ones: ſo balancing all others that he might be Paramount himſelf. The modern policy and practices were but ſhallow to his; who by promoting the Queens Match, could hinder it; who could decoy Hunſdon to Berwick, Pembroke to Wales, Sidney to Ireland; while what with his great Train, what with his growing Popularity, he was called the Heart of the Court.

To make his Baſis equal to his Heighth, he enlarged and ſtrengthened his Intereſt by Alliance with the chief Nobility, to whom he was related. By his Patronage of Learning, over which he was Chancellour; by kindneſs to the Clergy, whoſe Head he ſeemed to be; by his command over all men, whom either his favours had won, or his frowns awed; everybody being either within the Obligation of his Courteſies, or the reach of his Injuries. He adviſed ſome complyance with Philip of Spain for the Match he propoſed; while by degrees he altered Religion ſo, as it muſt be impoſſible; deſigning Queen Elizabeth for his own Bed, while ſhe made his way to the Queen of Scots: whoſe refuſal of him he made as fatal to her, as his Marriage would have been advantageous; (The Queen of England promiſing to declare her next Heir to the Crown of England, in caſe ſhe failed of Iſſue, upon that Match.) Leiceſter trepans Norfolk to treat a Match with the Scotch Queen; and her to accept it, to both their ruine: both being engaged in ſuch fooliſh Enterprizes by their enemies practices, as made Leiceſter able in the head of a new Aſſociation in the Queens defence, to take off Norfolk and his Ladies head. He was always beforehand with his Deſignes, being a declared enemy to After-games.

His Intereſt was Popery, until my Lord North put him upon Puritaniſm, but his Religion neither: He promoted the French and Poliſh Match at Court, and diſparaged them in the Country. When Cardinal Chatillian advertized her Majeſty how Leiceſter drave Royal Suiters from her Court, he was ſent to another World. He that would not hold by his favour, muſt fall by his frown; Arch-biſhop Grindal not excepted. His hand beſtowed all favours, and his brows all frowns: the whole Court was at his Devotion, and half the Council at his beck. Her Majeſty ſuſpected, but durſt not remove him. His Intelligence was good in Scotland, better in Ireland, beſt in Spain. The Country was governed by his Allies, and the Court by himſelf. The Tower was in his ſervants hands, London under his Creatures Government, and the Law managed by his Confidents. His treaſure was vaſt, his gains unaccountable, all paſſages to preferment being in his hand at home and abroad. He was never reconciled to her Majeſty under 5000 l. nor to any Subject under 500 l. and was ever and anon out with both. All Monopolies are his, who commanded moſt mens Purſes, and all mens Parts. A man was oppreſſed if he complyed with him, and undone if he oppoſed him. In a word, his deſigne was thought a Crown, his Parts too large for a Subject, his Intereſt too great for a Servant, his depth not fathomable in thoſe days, and his Policy not reached in theſe.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Hatton.

SIr Chriſtopher H • tton was a Gentleman, who for his activity and Perſon was taken into the Queens favour. He was firſt made Vice-Chamberlain, and ſhortly after advanced to the place of Lord Chancellour: A Gentleman, that beſides the Graces of his Perſon, and Dancing, had alſo the Adjectments of a ſtrong and ſubtile capacity: one that could ſoon learn the Diſcipline and Garb both of Times and Court. The truth is, he had a large proportion of Gifts and Endowments, but too much of the ſeaſon of Envy. As he came, ſo he continued in the Court in a Mask. An honeſt man he was, but reſerved. Sir John Perrot talked, and Sir Chriſtopher Hatton thought. His features ſet off his body, his gate his features, his carriage his gate, his parts his carriage, his prudence his parts, and his cloſe patience his prudence. The Queen loved him well for his activity, better for his parts, beſt of all for his abilities, which were as much above his experience, as that was above his learning, and that above his education. The little the wary man did, was ſo exactly juſt and diſcreet; and the little he ſaid, was ſo prudent and weighty, that he was choſen to keep the Queens Conſcience as her Chancellour, and to expreſs her ſenſe as her Speaker: the Courtiers that envyed the laſt capacity, were by his power forced to confeſs their errours; and the Sergeants that would not plead before him in the firſt, by his prudence to confeſs his abilities. The Chancellourſhip was above his Law, but not his Parts; ſo pregnant and comprehenſive, that he could command other mens knowledge to as good purpoſe as his own. Such his humility, that he did nothing without two Lawyers: ſuch his ability, that the Queen did nothing without him. Two things he ſaid he was jealous of, His Miſtreſſes the Queens Prerogatives, and his Mother the Churches Diſcipline: the one, that Majeſty might be at liberty to do as much good; and the other, that Iniquity might not be free to as much evil as it pleaſed. His enemies advanced him, that they might weaken him at Court by his abſence, and kill him at home by a ſedentarineſs. This even and clear man obſerved and improved their practices, cloſing with Malice it ſelf to his own advancement, and tempering the moſt perverſe enmity to the greateſt kindneſs.

None Nobler, none leſs aſpiring: none more buſie, yet none more punctual in his hours and orders. Corpulent he was, but temperate; a Batchelor, (and the onely one of the Queens Favourites) yet chaſte: quick were his Diſpatches, but weighty; many his Orders, and conſiſtent: numerous were the Addreſſes to him, and eaſie the acceſs. Seldome were his Orders reverſed in Chancery, and ſeldomer his Advice oppoſed in Council. So juſt he was, that his ſentence was Law with the Subject; ſo wiſe, that his Opinion was Oracle with his Soveraign: ſo exact was Queen Elizabeth, that ſhe called upon him for an old debt, though it broke his heart; ſo loving, that ſhe carried him a Cordialbroath with her own hand, though it could not revive him.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Hunſdon.

THe Lord Hunſdon was of the Queens neareſt Kindred; and on the deceaſe of Suſſex, both he and his Son took the place of Lord Chamberlain. He was a faſt man to his Prince, and firm to his friends and ſervants, downright, honeſt, and ſtout-hearted, having the charge of the Queens Perſon both in the Court, and in the Camp at Tilbury. The integrity of his temper allayed the greatneſs of his birth; which had rendred him dangerous, if the other had not vouched him faithful. He ſpoke big, but honeſtly; and was thought rather reſolute then ambitious. His words were as his thoughts, and his actions as his words. He had Valour enough to be an eminent Souldier in ruffling times, and a renownedly honeſt man in Queen Elizabeths Reign. His Latine, faith Sir Robert Naunton, and his diſſimulation, were both alike. His cuſtome of ſwearing, and obſcenity in ſpeaking, made him ſeem a worſe Chriſtian then he was, and a better Knight of the Carpet then he ſhould be. The Polititians followed Cecil, the Courtiers Leiceſter, and the Souldiers Hunſdon, whoſe hands were better then his head, and his heart then both. He led ſo brave a Train of young Gallants, as after another threatned a Court, but after him ſecured it; whoſe Greatneſs was not his Miſtreſſe jealouſie, but her ſafeguard. One of his blunt Jeſts went further then others affected Harangues; the one being Nature, the other forced. His faithfulneſs made him Governour of Berwick; a place of great ſervice: and General of the Engliſh Army; a place of great Truſt. He had ſomething of Leiceſters Choler, but none of his Malice. A right Noble Spirit, not ſo ſtupid as not to reſent, not ſo unworthy as to retain a ſenſe of Injuries. To have the Courage to obſerve an Affront, is to be even with an Adverſary: to have the patience to forgive it, is to be above him. There goeth a ſtory of him, that when his Retinue, which in thoſe times was large, would have drawn on a Gentleman that had returned him a box on the ear, he forbad them in theſe Souldier-like words: You Rogues, cannot my Neighbour and my ſelf exchange a box on the ear, but you muſt interpoſe?

He might have been what he would, for relieving Queen Elizabeth in her diſtreſs: he would be but what he was: Other Intereſts were offered him to ſtand upon; he was contented with his own. He ſuppreſſed the Court-Factions, and the Nothern Commotions; the one by his Intereſt, the other by his Valour: for the one, he had always the Queens Heart; for the other, he had once a moſt Gracious Letter.

His Court-favour was as laſting as his Integrity See Fuller in his Worthies. One hath left this remarque concerning him: That he ſhould have been twice Earl of Wiliſhire in right of his Mother Bollen. And the Queen, when he was on his Death-bed, ordered his Patent and Robes to his bed-ſide: where he who could diſſemble neither well nor ill, told the Queen, That if he was not worthy of thoſe Honours when living, he was unworthy of them when dying.

In a word, Sir William Cecil was a wiſe man; Bacon was reaching, Leiceſter cunning; Walſingham was a Patriot, and my Lord Hunsd • n was honeſt.

Obſervations on the Life of Nicholas Heath, Archbiſhop of York, and Lord Chancellour of England.

AT once a moſt wiſe and a moſt learned man, of great Policy, and of as great Integrity; meek and reſolute: more devout to follow his own Conſcience, then cruel to perſecute others. It is enough to intimate his moderate temper, equal, and diſ-engaged from violent extreams; that the firſt of Queen Elizabeth, in the Diſputation between the Papiſts and Proteſtants, he was choſen by the Privy-Council one of the Moderators, when Sir Nicholas Bacon was the other.

The Civility he ſhewed in Proſperity, he found in Adverſity: for in Queen Elizabeths time he was rather eaſed, then depoſed, [like another Abiathar, ſent home by Solomon to his own fields in Anathoth] living cheerfully at Cobbam in Surry, where he devoted his Old Age to Religion and Study, being much comforted with the Queens Viſits and kindneſs, and more with his own good conſcience; that (as he would often ſay) he had been ſo intent upon the ſervice, as never to enjoy the greatneſs of any place he was advanced to.

Sir Henry Wotton being bound for Rome, asked his Hoſt at Siena, a man well verſed in men and bufineſs, What Rules he would give him for his Port, Conduct and Carriage? There is one ſhort remembrance (ſaid he) will carry you ſafe through the world; nothing but this, (ſaid he) Gli Penſiere ſtretti, & el viſo Sciolto: (i. e.) Your Thoughts cloſe, and your Countenance looſe.

The Character of this Prelate, a man of a calm and reſerved minde, but of a gravely obliging carriage: wiſe and wary; and that a ſolid wiſdome rather then a formal; well ſeaſoned with practice, and well broken to Affairs: of a fine Compoſition, between Frugality and Magnificence: A great Cheriſher of Manual Arts, eſpecially ſuch as tended to ſplendour or ornament; entertaining the moſt exquiſite Artiſts with a ſetled Penſion. Equally divided he was between the Prieſt and the States-man; Great with his double Power, Eccleſiaſtical and Civil: by Nature more reſerved then popular, with Vertues fitter to beget eſtimation then love. In his Chancellourſhip he was ſerved with able followers, rather by choice then number, and with more neatneſs and ſervice then noiſe. As Midland Countries in buſie times are moſt ſecure, as being fartheſt, and moſt participating of the common Intereſt: ſo your moderate and middle men in troubleſome and perplexed times, are moſt quiet, as leaſt concerned in the reſpective Controverſies, and moſt intent upon the common good.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Pickering.

HIs Extraction was not noble, his Eſtate but mean; yet was his Perſon ſo comely, his Carriage ſo elegant, his Life ſo gravely reſerved and ſtudious, and his Embaſſies in France and Germany ſo well managed, that in King Edwards days he was by the Council pitched upon as the Oracle, whereby our Agents were to be guided abroad; and in Queen Elizabeths, deſigned by common vote for the Prince by whom we were to be governed at home. He received extraordinary favours, no doubt, ſo deſerving he was: he was wiſhed to more, he was ſo popular: and when his ſervice was admitted to her Majeſties beſome, all fancies but his own placed his perſon in her Bed. And I find him a Prince in this, That retiring from thoſe buſie Buſlings in the State, wherein he might be matched or out-done, he devoted his large Soul to thoſe more ſublime and noble reſearches in his Study, wherein he ſate Monarch of Hearts and Letters. Anxious Poſterity no doubt enquires what great Endowments could raiſe ſo private a man to ſuch publick honour and expectation; and it muſt imagine him one redeemed by the Politure of good Education, from his younger vanities and ſimplicities, his Ruſtick ignorance, his Clowniſh confidence, his Bruitiſh dulneſs, his Country ſolitude, his earthly ploddings, his Beggerly indigencies, or covetous neceſſities; racked and refined from the Lees of ſenſual and inordinate luſt, from ſwelling and ſurely pride, from baſe and mean deſignes, from immoderate affections, violent paſſions, unreaſonable impulſes, and depraved aſpects; of a ſtrong and handſome body, a large and publick Soul, of a gentle and patient acceſs, of benign and juſt reſentments, a grand awful preſence. This is he that is born to teach the world, That Cauſa virtus à Deo, vel ipſe Deus. Vertue and Warineſs make Kings as well as Gods.

Obſervations on the Life of Cuthbert Tonſtal, Biſhop of Durham.

A Man paſſing well ſeen in all kind of poliſhed Literature; who having run through many degrees of honour at home, and worthily performed ſeveral Embaſſies abroad, was very hot againſt the Popes Primacy in his young days, very moderate for it in his middle years, and very zealous in his old age: like the waters in Curtius, that are hot at midnight, warm in the morning, and cold at noon. In the Reign of Queen Mary he ſpake more harſhly againſt the Proteſtants, (calling Biſhop Hooper Beaſt for being married) then he acted, being politickly preſumed to bark the more, that he might bite the leſs; and obſerved to threaten much in London, and do little in his own Dioceſs: for I meet (ſaith my Author) with a Marginal Note in Mr. • oxe, which indeed juſtly deſerved even in the Vol. 3. p. 95 • . faireſt letters to be inſerted in the body of his Book: Note, that Biſhop Tonſtal in Queen Mary's days was no great bloody Perſecutor: for Mr. Ruſſel a Preacher was before him, and Dr. Hinmer his Chancellor would have had him examined more particularly: the Biſhop ſtaid him, ſaying, Hitherto we have had a good report among our Neighbours; I pray you bring not this mans blood upon my head.

When the more violent Biſhops were confined to cloſe priſons, primo Elizabetha, he lived in Free Cuſtody at my Lord of Canterbury's, in ſweet Chambers, warm Beds, by warm Fires, with plentiful and wholeſome Diet at the Archbiſhops own Table: differing nothing from his former Grandeur, ſave that that was at his own charges, and this at anothers; and that he had not his former ſuit of ſuperfluous Servants, that long Train that doth not warm but weary the Wearer thereof. In a word, his cuſtody did not ſo much ſowre his freedome, as his freedome ſweetned his cuſtody; where his Soul was moſt free, uſing not once thoſe Oracles of Seneca, That the good things of Proſperity are to be wiſhed, and the good things of Adverſity to be admired. It's true Greatneſs to have at once the frailty of a man, and the ſecurity of a god. Proſperity (ſaith my Lord Bacon) is the bleſſing of the Old Teſtament, and Adverſity of the new: the firſt wants not its fears and diſtaſtes, therein therefore our Prelate was temperate; nor the ſecond its comſorts and hopes, and therein he was reſolved: in the one (—virtus vel in hoſte) he was not vicious, under the other he was vertuous.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Francis Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury.

NObility without Vertue is a diſgrace, Vertue without Nobility low; but Nobility adorned with Vertue, and Vertue embelliſhed by Nobility, raiſeth a man high as Nature reacheth: and he in whom theſe two concur, hath all the glory a man can attain unto, viz. both an Inclination and a Power to do well.

This is the man whoſe Greatneſs was but the ſervant to his Goodneſs, and whoſe Honour the Inſtrument of his Vertue; who was reverenced like the Heavens he bore, for his Beneficence, as well as for his Glory. He ſaw four troubleſome Reigns, but not troubled himſelf, as one that was ſo eſpouſed to the common and grand Concerns of Man-kinde, as to be unintereſted in the particular and petty Deſigne of any party of it.

He had friends (and none more ſure to them, or more devoted to that ſacred thing called Friendſhip) to eaſe his heart to, to ſupport his judgement by, to reform, or at leaſt obſerve his defect in, to compoſe his mind with; but none to countenance in a Faction, or ſide with in a quarrel: Ʋſefulneſs is a Bond that tieth great and good men, and not reſpects.

How low Learning ran in our Land among our Native Nobility ſome two hundred years ſince, in the Reign of King Henry the ſixth, too plainly appeareth by the Motto in the Sword of the Martial Earl of Shrewsbury, (where (ſaith my Author) at the ſame time a man may ſmile at the ſimplicity, and ſight at the barbarouſneſs thereof) Sum Talboti pro occidere inimicos meos: the beſt Latine that Lord, and perchance his Chaplain too in that Age could afford. The caſe was much altered here, where this Lords Granchilde was at once the chiefeſt Camb. Eliz. 1560. Councellour, and the moſt eminent Scholar of his Age. It's a reverend thing to ſee any ancient piece ſtanding againſt Time, much more to ſee an ancient Family ſtanding againſt Fortune. Certainly Princes that have able men of their Nobility, ſhall finde eaſe in employing them, and a better ſlide Bacon Eſſ. 7. into their buſineſs: for people naturally bend to them, as born in ſome ſort to command.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Challoner.

THis Gentlemans birth in London made him quick, his Education in Cambridge knowing, and his travail abroad expert. In Henry the eighth's time he ſerved Charles the fifth in the expedition of Algier: where being ſhip-wracked, after he had ſwum till his ſtrength and arms failed him, at the length catching hold of a Cable with his teeth, he eſcaped, not without the loſs of ſome of his teeth. (We are conſecrated by dangers to ſervices; and we know not what we can do, until we have ſeen all we can fear.) In Edward the ſixth's Reign, he behaved himſelf ſo manly at Muſcleborough, that the Protector honoured him with a Knighthood, and his Lady with a Jewel; the delicate and valiant man at once pleaſing Mars and his Venus too. The firſt week of Queen Elizabeths Reign, he is deſigned an Embaſſadour of Honour to the Emperour; ſuch his port and carriage! and the ſecond year, her Leiger for buſineſs in Spain; ſuch his truſt and abilities! The firſt he performed not with more Gallantry, then he did the ſecond with Policy; bearing up King Philips expectation of the Match with England for three years effectually, until he had done the Queens buſineſs abroad, and ſhe had done her own at home. In Spain he equally divided his time between the Scholar and the States-man, his recreation and his buſineſs: for he refreſhed his more careful time with a pure and learned Verſe, de rep. Anglorum inſtauranda, in five Books, whilſt as he writes in the Preface to that Book, he lived Hieme in furno, aeſtate in Horreo: i. e. Wintered in a Stove, and Summered in a Barn. He underſtood the Concerns of this eſtate well, and thoſe of his own better; it being an uſual ſaying, engraven on all his Plates and Actions, Frugality is the left hand of Fortune, and Diligence the right. Anthony Brown Viſcount Mountacute urged with much Zeal and many Arguments the Danger and Diſhonour of revolting off from the Catholick and Mother-Church: Sir Thomas Challoner with more Eloquence enlarged on the juſt Cauſe for which we deceded from the Errours of Rome, the true Authority by which we deceded from the Uſurpation of Rome, and the Moderation in what we deceded from the Superſtition of Rome.

When the Spaniſh Embaſſadour urged that ſome Catholicks might with the Queens leave remain in Spain; he anſwered him in a large Declaration, That though the inſtance ſeemed a matter of no great moment, yet ſeeing the Parties concerned would not receive ſo much advantage by the licenſe as the Commonwealth would damage by the Preſident, it was neither fit for the King of Spain to urge, or for the Queen of England to grant. He was very impatient of Injuries, preſſing his return home when his Co •• ers were ſearched; but admoniſhed by his Miſtreſs, That an Embaſſadour muſt take all things in good part that hath not a direct tendency to the Princes diſhonour, or his Countries danger. His death was as honourable Oct. 15. 1565. as his life, Sir William Cecil being chief Mourner at his Funeral, St. Pauls containing his Grave, and he leaving a hopeful Sir Tho. Son that ſhould bring up future Princes, as he had ſerved the preſent; being as worthy a Tutor to the hopeful Prince Henry, as his Father had been a faithful Servant to the renowned Queen Elizabeth.

Obſervations in the Life of Sir Edward Waterhouſe.

SIr Edward Waterhouſe was born at Helmſtedbury Hartfordſhire: of an ancient and worſhipful Family, deriving their deſcent lineally from Sir Gilbert Waterhouſe of Kyrton in Low-Lindſey in the County of Lincoln, in the time of King Henry the third. As for our Sir Edward, his Parents were,

John Waterhouſe Eſquire, a man of much fidelity and ſageneſs, Auditor many years to King Henry the eighth; of whom he obtained (after a great Entertainment for him in his houſe) the grant of a weekly Market for the Town of Helmſted. Margaret Turner of the ancient Houſe of Blunts-Hall in Suffolk, and Cannons in Hertfordſhire.

The King at his departure honoured the children By the learned, induſtrious and ingenious Edward Waterhouſe Eſquire, of Si • n. Colledge. of the ſaid John Waterhouſe, being brought before him, with his praiſe and encouragement, gave a Benjamins portion of Dignation to this Edward; foretelling by his Royal Augury, that he would be the Crown of them all, and a man of great honour and wiſdome, fit for the ſervice of Princes. It pleaſed God afterwards to ſecond the word of the King, ſo that the ſprouts of his hopeful youth onely pointed at the growth and greatneſs of his honourable Age. For, being but twelve years old, he went to Oxford; where for ſome years he gliſtered in the Oratorick and Poetick ſphere, until he addicted himſelf to converſation, and obſervance of State-affairs, wherein his great proficiency commended him to the favour of three principal Patrons. One was Walter Devereux Earl of Eſſex, who made him his boſome-friend; and the ſaid Earl lying on his death-bed took his leave of him with many kiſſes: Oh my Ned, Oh my Ned, (ſaid he) Farewel: thou art the faithfulleſt and friendlieſt Gentleman that ever I knew. In teſtimony of his true affection to the dead Father in his living Son, this Gentleman is thought to have penned that moſt judicious and elegant Epiſtle, (recorded in Holinſhed's Hiſtory, pag. 1266.) and preſented it to the young Earl, conjuring him by the Cogent Arguments of Example and Rule to patrizare.

His other Patron was Sir Henry Sidney, (ſo often Lord Deputy of Ireland) whereby he 〈…〉 ame incorporated into the familiarity of his Son Sir Philip Sidney; between whom and Sir Edward there was ſo great friendlineſs, that they were never better pleaſed then when in one anothers companies, or when they correſponded each with other. And we finde after the death of that worthy Knight, that he was a cloſe-concerned Mourner at his Obſequies, as appeareth at large in the printed Repreſentation of his funeral Solemnity.

His third Patron was Sir John Perrot, Deputy alſo of Ireland; who ſo valued his counſel, that in State-affairs he would do nothing without him. So great his Employment betwixt State and State, that he croſſed the Seas thirty ſeven times, until deſervedly at laſt he came into a port of honour, wherein he ſundry years anchored and found ſafe Harbour. For he receiving the honour of Knighthood, was ſworn of her Majeſties Privy-Council for Ireland, and Chancellour of the Exchequer therein. Now his grateful ſoul courſing about how to anſwer the Queens favour, laid it ſelf wholly out in her ſervice: wherein two of his Actions were moſt remarkable. Firſt, he was highly inſtrumental in Modelling the Kingdome of Ireland into Shires, as now they are; ſhewing himſelf ſo great a lover of the Polity under which he was born, that he advanced the Compliance therewith (as commendable and neceſſary) in the Dominions annexed thereunto. His ſecond ſervice was, when many in that Kingdome ſhrowded themſelves from the Laws, under the Target of power; making Force their Tutelary Saint, he ſet himſelf vigorouſly to ſuppreſs them. And when many of the Privy-Council, terrified with the greatneſs of the Earl of Deſmond, durſt not ſubſcribe the Inſtrument wherein he was proclaimed Traytor, Sir Edward amongſt ſome others boldly ſigned the ſame, (diſavowing his, and all Treaſons againſt his Friends and County) and the Council did the like, commanding the publication thereof. As to his private ſphear, God bleſſed him, being but a third Brother, above his other Brethren. Now, though he had three Wives, the firſt a Villiers, the ſecond a Spilman, the third the Widow of Herlakenden of Wood-church in Kent, Eſquire; and though he had ſo ſtrong a brain and body, yet he lived and died childleſs, intercommoning therein with many Worthies, who are, according to Aelius Spartianus, either improlifick, or have children in Genitorum Vituperium & famarum Laeſuram. God thus denying him the pleaſure of poſterity, he craved leave of the Queen to retire himſelf, and fixed the reſidue of his life at Wood-church in Kent, living there in great Honour and Repute, as one who had no deſigne to be popular, and not prudent; rich, and not honeſt; great, and not good. He died in the 56 year of his Age, the 13 of October 1591. and is buried at Wood-church under a Table-Marble-Monument, erected to his memory by his ſorrowful Lady ſurviving him.

Queen Elizabeth on the Lord Willoughby. Good Peregrine,

VVE are not a little glad that by your Journey you have received ſuch good fruit of amendment; ſpecially when we conſider what great vexations it is to a mind devoted to actions of honour, to be reſtrained by any indiſpoſition of body from following thoſe courſes, which to your own reputation and our great ſatisfaction you have formerly performed. And therefore (as we muſt now out of our deſire of your well-doing) chiefly enjoyn you to an eſpecial care to encreaſe and continue your health, which muſt give life to all your beſt Endeavours; ſo we muſt next as ſeriouſly recommend to you this conſideration, That in theſe times, when there is ſuch appearance that we ſhall have the tryal of our beſt noble Subjects, you ſeem not to affect the ſatisfaction of your own private contentation beyond the attending of that which Nature and Duty challengeth from all perſons of your Quality and Profeſsion. For if neceſſarily (your health of body being recovered) you ſhould Eloign your ſelf by reſidence there from thoſe Employments whereof we ſhall have too good ſtore, you ſhall not ſo much amend the ſtate of your body, as happily you ſhall call in question the reputation of your mind and judgement, even in the opinion of thoſe that love you, and are best acquainted with your Diſpoſition and Diſcretion.

Interpret this our plainneſs we pray you to our extraordinary eſtimation of you; for it is not common with us to deal ſo freely with many: and believe that you ſhall ever finde us both ready and willing in all occaſions to yield you the fruits of that intereſt, which your Endeavours have purchaſed for you in our Opinion and Eſtimation: Not doubting, but when you have with moderation made tryal of the ſucceſs of theſe your ſundry Peregrinations, you will finde as great comfort to ſpend your days at home as heretofore you have done: of which we do wiſh you full meaſure, howſoever you ſhall have cauſe of abode or return. Given under our Signet at our Man • or of Nonſuch, the ſeventh of October 1594. in the 37 year of our Reign.

Your moſt loving Soveraign, E. R.

Obſervations on the Life of the Duke of Norfolk.

HIs Predeceſſors made more noyſe it may be, but he had the greater fame: their Greatneſs was feared, his Goodneſs was loved. He was Heir to his Uncles Ingenuity, and his Fathers Valour; and from both derived as well the Laurel as the Coronet.

His God and his Soveraign were not more taken with the ancient ſimplicity that lodged in his plain breaſt, then the people were endeared by that noble humility that dwelt in his plainer cloaths and carriage. (The moſt honourable Perſonages, like the moſt honourable Coats of Arms, are leaſt gawdy.) In the election of the firſt Parliament of Queen Elizabeth, and as a conſequent to that in the ſettlement of the Kingdome, Sir William Cecils Wiſdome did much, the Earl of Arundels Induſtry more, but the Duke of Norfolks Popularity did moſt. Never Peer more dread, never more dear: as he could engage the people to comply with their Soveraign at home, ſo he could lead them to ſerve her abroad. That Martial but unfortunate Gentleman William Lord Grey, draweth firſt towards Scotland, (for the firſt Cloud that would have darkened our glorious Star, came from the North, Whence all evil, is equally our Proverb and our experience) as Warden of the middle and Eaſt Marches: but he is ſeconded by the Duke, as Lieutenant-General of the North-parts; where his preſence commands a Treaty, and his Authority a League, Offenſive and Defenſive, to balance the French Intereſt, to reduce the North parts of Ireland, and keep the peace of both Kingdomes. Now as the watchful Duke diſcovered by ſome private Paſſages and Letters that Scotland was to be invaded by the French: ſo he writ to his Soveraign, That notwithſtanding the Spaniſh & French Embaſſadors Overtures, ſhe would proceed reſolutely in her preparations for Scotland; as ſhe did under his Conduct, until the young Queen was glad to ſubmit; and the King of France, by Cecil and Throgmortons means now buſied at home, to come to terms.

He brought the Kingdome to Muſters, the People to ply Husbandry, the Nobility to keep Armories, and the Juſticers to Salaries. The Enſignes of St. Michael were beſtowed upon him as the Nobleſt, and on Leiceſter as the deareſt Perſon at Court: Now Arundel, who had ſpent his own Eſtate in hope of the Queens, under pretence of recovering his health, travelled abroad to mitigate his grief. When the Earls of Pembroke and Leiceſter were openly for the Queens Marriage, for the future ſecurity of our preſent happineſs; the Duke, though privately of their mind, yet would diſcourſe,

1. That Succeſſors take off the peoples eyes from the preſent Soveraign.

2. That it was the ſafeſt way to keep all Competitors in ſuſpence.

3. That Succeſſors, though not deſigned, may ſucceed.

4. Whereas when known, they have been undone by the Arts of their Competitors.

5. And that moſt men (whatever the buſie Agitators of the Succeſſion pretended) have no more feeling in publick matters then concerneth their own private intereſt. But he had a private kindneſs for the Queen of Scots, which he diſcovered in all the Treaties wherein ſhe was concerned. 1. In Love-Letters to her, notwithſtanding that Queen Elizabeth bid him take care what pillow he reſted his head on. 2. In his Mediations at Court ſo importune for her, that the Queen would ſay, The Queen of Scots ſhall never want an Advocate while Norfolk lives. And, 3. By ſome private tranſaction with the Pope and Spaniard: to which Leiceſters craft trepanned him againſt his friend Cecils advice, which in a dangerous juncture coſt him his life. For the people wiſhing (for the ſecurity of the ſucceſſion in a Proteſtant and an Engliſh hand) that the good Duke were married to the Mother, and his onely Daughter to her young Son; ſubtile Leiceſter and Throgmorton laid a Train for the plain man by Conferences with Murray, Cecil, &c. until a Plot was diſcovered: and the Duke, notwithſtanding Cecils advice to marry a private Lady, retiring to Norfolk to finiſh the Match with the Queen, was upon Letters taken with Roſſe ſurprized, and committed to the Tower, he ſaying, I am betrayed, and undone by mine own, whilſt I knew not how to miſtruſt, which is the ſtrength of wiſdome. After a ſolemn Tryal, he is beheaded for Indiſcretions rather then Treaſons, looſing his head becauſe he wanted one. Never any fell more beloved, or more pitied: ſuch his ſingular Courteſie, ſuch his magnificent Bounty, not unbecoming ſo great a Peer. High was his Nobility, large his Intereſt, ſingularly good his Nature, comely his Perſon, manly his Countenance, who (ſaith Cambden) might have been a great ſtrength and Ornament to his Country, had not the cunning practices of his malicious Adverſaries, and ſlippery hopes, under colour of publick good, diverted him from his firſt courſe of life. His death was a blot to ſome mens Juſtice, to all mens Diſcretion that were concerned in it, as generally odious, though quietly endured: which proves (ſaith one) That the common people are like Rivers, which ſeldome grow ſo impetuous as to tranſcend the bounds of Obedience, but upon the overflowing of a general Oppreſſion.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton.

SIr Nicholas Throgmorton, fourth Son of Sir George Throgmorton of Coughton in Warwick-ſhire, was bred beyond the Seas, where he attained to great experience. Under Queen Mary he was in Guild-hall arraigned for Treaſon, (in compliance with Wiat) and by his own wary pleading, and the Juries upright Verdict, hardly eſcaped. Queen Elizabeth employed him her Leiger a long time, firſt in France, then in Scotland, finding him a moſt able Miniſter of State: yet got he no great Wealth; and no wonder, being ever of the oppoſite party to Burleigh Lord Treaſurer: Chamberlain of the Exchequer, and Chief Butler of England, were his higheſt Preferments. I ſay, Chief Butler; which Office, like an empty-covered Cup, pretendeth to ſome State, but affordeth no conſiderable profit. He died at Supper with eating of Sallats: not without ſuſpicion of poyſon; the rather, becauſe it happened in the houſe of one no mean Artiſt in that faculty, R. Earl of Leiceſter. His death, as it was ſudden, was ſeaſonable for him and his, whoſe active (others will call it turbulent) ſpirit had brought him unto ſuch trouble as might have coſt him, at leaſt, the loſs of his Perſonal Eſtate. He died in the 57 year of his Age, Febr. 12. 1570. and lieth buried in the South-ſide of the Chancel of St. Martin Cree-church London.

A ſtout and a wiſe man, that ſaw through pretences, and could look beyond dangers. His skill in Heraldry appears in his grim Arguments againſt the King of France, in right of his Queen of Scots Uſurping of the Arms of England; and his experience in Hiſtory, in his peremptory Declarations of the Queen of Englands Which he made out from Dr. Wottons Diſcourſe on that ſubject at Cambray. Title in right of her twelve Predeceſſors to thoſe of France. But his Policy much more, by putting Montmorency, the great Enemy of the Guizes, upon perſwading his Maſter out of the humour of wearing thoſe Arms, with this Argument, That it was below the Arms of France to be quartered with thoſe of England; thoſe being comprehenſive of theſe and all other of his Majeſties Dominions. An Argument more ſuitable to that Prince his ambition, then convincing to his Reaſon. Wiſe men ſpeak rather what is moſt fit, then what is moſt rational; not what demonſtrates, but what perſwades his, and takes. But being endangered in his Perſon, affronted in his Retinue, and ſerved with nothing at his Table but what had the Arms of England quartered with thoſe of France, he dealt underhand with the Earl of Northumberland, to underſtand the ſcope the Reformed propounded to themſelves, their means to compaſs what they aimed at, and (if at any time they were aſſiſted) upon what terms a League might be concluded between the two Kingdomes. The Advices collected from all his Obſervations he ſent to the Queen, were theſe:

1. That ſhe ſhould not reſt in dull Counſels of what is lawful, but proceed to quick Reſolutions of what is ſafe.

2. That to prevent, is the policy of all Nations; and to be powerful, of ours. England is never peaceable but in Arms.

3. That how cloſe ſoever they managed their Affairs, it was a Maxime, To which Queen Elizabeth addeth a ſaying of Valentinians, Have the French for thy Friend, not for thy Neighbor. That France can neither be poor, nor abſtain from War three years together.

Francis Earl of Bedford bore the ſtate of the French Embaſſy, and Sir Nicholas the burden, who gave dayly Directions to Sir Thomas Challoner in Spain, Sir Henry Killigrew in Germany, and Sir Thomas Randolph and Sir Peter Mewtas in Scotland: to the two firſt, to enjealous the Princes of thoſe Countries; and to the laſt, to unite the Nobility of Scotland; he in the mean time ſuffering himſelf to be taken priſoner by the Proteſtants at the battle of Dreux, that he might with leſs ſuſpition impart ſecret Counſels to them, and receive as ſecret Advices from them; until diſcovering their lightneſs and unconſtancy, they ſecured him as a perſon too cunning for the whole Faction, and too skilful in raiſing Hurley-burleys and Commotions. When the young Queen of Scots would needs marry the young Lord Darley, he told her that was long to be deliberated on which was to be done but once. And when that would not do, he adviſed, 1. That an Army ſhould appear upon the borders: 2. That the Eccleſiaſtical Laws ſhould be in force againſt Papiſts: 3. That Hertford ſhould be ſecured: and, 4. That the Lord Dudley ſhould be advanced. But the Queen being married to the Lord Darley, an eaſie and good-natured man, whom Queen Elizabeth wiſhed to her Bed next Leiceſter, and affronted by her ſubjects, Throgmorton diſputes the Queens Authority and non-accountableneſs to any againſt Bucbanans damned De jure Reg. apud Scotos. Dialogue of the Peoples power over Kings; until ſmelling their deſigne of revolt to the French, and cruelty upon the Queen, he perſwaded her to reſigne her Government, ſaying, That her Reſignation extorted in Priſon, which is a juſt fear, was utterly void. The next news we hear of this buſie man, was in his two Adviſoes to the Queen of Scots friends: 1. To clap up About moneys tranſported beyond Sea. Cecil, whom they might then (he ſaid) deal with: 2. To proclaim the Queen of Scots ſucceſſion; and in the Train he laid to ſerve Leiceſter in the Duke of Norfolks ruine. But he was too familiar with that Politicians privacy, to live long: anno 1570, he died. A Man, ſaith Mr. Cambden, of great experience, paſſing ſharp wit, and ſingular diligence; an over-curious fancy, and a too nimble activity: like your too fine Silks or Linen, and more for ſhew then ſervice; never bleſſing their Owners but when allayed with ſomething of the heavy and the wary; nor riſing, but when ſtayed.

Obſervations on the Life of Edward Earl of Derby.

HIs Greatneſs ſupported his Goodneſs, and his Goodneſs endeared his Greatneſs; his Heighth being looked upon with a double aſpect: 1. By himſelf, as an advantage of Beneficence: 2. By others, as a ground of Reverence. His great Birth put him above private reſpects, but his great Soul never above publick ſervice. Indeed he repaired by ways thrifty, yet Noble, what his Anceſtors had impaired by neglect. Good Husbandry may as well ſtand with great Honour, as Breadth may conſiſt with Heighth. His Travel when young, at once gained experience, and ſaved expences; and his marriage was as much to his profit as his honour. And now he ſheweth himſelf in his full Grandeur, when the intireneſs of his Minde, complyed with the largeneſs of his Soul.

1. In a ſpreading Charity. Other Lords made many poor by Oppreſſion; he and my Lord of Bedford, as Queen Elizabeth would jeſt, made all the Beggers by his liberality.

2. In a famous Hoſpitality: wherein, 1. His Houſe was orderly; a Colledge of Diſcipline, rather then a Palace for Entertainment; his Servants being ſo many young Gentlemen trained up to govern themſelves by obſerving him; who knew their Maſter, and underſtood themſelves. 2. His Proviſion Native, (all the Neceſſaries of England are bred in it) rather plentiful then various, ſolid then dainty, that coſt him leſs, and contented his gueſts more. His Table conſtant and even, where all were welcome, and none invited. 3. His Hall was full moſt commonly, his Gates always; the one with the honeſt Gentry and Yeomen, who were his Retainers in love and obſervance, bringing good ſtomacks to his Table, and reſolved hearts for his ſervice; the holding up of his hand in the Northern buſineſs, being as effectual as the diſplaying of a Banner: The other with the, 1. Aged, 2. Maimed, 3. Induſtrious Poor, whoſe craving was prevented with doles, and expectation with bounty; the firſt being provided with meat, the ſecond with money, and the third with employment. In a word, Mr. Cambden obſerves, That Hoſpitality lieth buried ſince 1572, in this Earls Grave: whence may that Divine Power raiſe it, that ſhall raiſe him; but before the laſt Reſurrection, when there will be plenty to beſtow in one part of the world, and no poor to be relieved; poverty in the other, and no bounty to relieve.

Neither was he Munificent upon other mens charge: for once a moneth he looked into his Incomes, and once a week to his Disburſements, that none ſhould wrong him, or be wronged by him. The Earl of Derby, he would ſay, ſhall keep his own Houſe: wherefore it's an Obſervation of him and the ſecond Duke of Norfolk, That when they were buried, not a Trades-man could demand the payment of a Groat that they owed him, nor a Neighbour the reſtitution of a peny they had wronged him. They ſay, The Graſs groweth not where the Grand Seigniors Horſe treads; nor doth the People thrive where the Noble-men inhabit: But here every Tenant was a Gentleman, and every Gentleman my Lords Companion: ſuch his Civility towards the one, and great penyworths to the other. Noblemen in thoſe days eſteemed the love of their Neighbours more then their fear, and the ſervice and • ealty of their Tenants more then their Money. Now the Landlord hath the ſweat of the Tenants brow in his Coffers, then he had the beſt blood in his Veins at his command.

That grand word, On mine Honour, was ſecurity enough for a Kingdome, and the onely Aſſeveration he uſed. It was his priviledge, that he need not ſwear for a teſtimony; and his renown, that he would not for his honour. Great was this Families eſteem with the people, and eminent their favour with their Soveraigns; as which ever beſtowed its ſelf in obliging their Liege-people, improving their intereſt, and ſupporting their Throne: for though they were a long time great Kings of Man and Hearts, yet were they as long faithful ſubjects to England.

Oſervations on the Life of Sir Williliam Fitz-Williams.

A Childe of Fortune from his Cradle, made up of confidence and reputation: never unwarily ſhewing his Vertue or Worth to the world with any diſadvantage.

When Britain had as little ſleepineſs and ſloath as night, when it was all day, and all activity; He, as all young Sparks of that Age, trailed a Pike in the Netherlands, (the Seminary of the Engliſh Soldiery, and the School of Europes Diſcipline) as a Souldier, and travelled as a Gentleman; until that place graced him civilly with a Command, which he had honoured eminently with his ſervice. His friends checked him for undertaking an Employment ſo boyſterous; and he replyed upon them, That it was as neceſſary as it ſeemed irregular: for if ſome were not Souldiers, all muſt be ſo. He ſaid, He never durſt venture on War with men, till he had made his Peace with God: A good Conſcience breeds great Reſolutions, and the innocent Soul is impregnable: None more fearful of doing evil, none more reſolved to ſuffer: there being no hardſhip that he would avoid, no undecency that he would allow. Strict he was to his Commiſſion, and yet obſervant of his advantage: never tempting a danger, never flying it: careful of his firſt life and himſelf, but more of his other and his name. When the methods of Obedience advanced him to the honour of commanding, ſix things he was Chronicled for.

1. Never making the Aged, the Young, or the Weak, the Objects of his Rage, which could not be ſo of his Fear.

2. That he never baſely killed in cold blood, them that had nobly eſcaped his Sword in hot.

3. That he never led the Souldiers without pay, or quartered in the Country without money.

4. That though he was ſecond to none that acted in War, ſuch his Valour! yet he was the firſt that ſpake for Peace, ſuch his ſweet Diſpoſition!

5. That he would never ſuffer that a Clergy-man ſhould be abuſed, a Church violated, or the Dead be unburied.

6. That he would never force an Enemy to a neceſſity; always ſaying, Let us diſarm them of their beſt Weapon, Deſpair: nor fight an Enemy before he had skirmiſhed him, nor undertake a defigne before he conſulted his God, his Council, his Friends, his Map and his Hiſtory.

His own Abilities commended, and his alliance with Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy, whoſe Siſter he married, promoted him to the Government of Ireland. Once did the Queen ſend him thither for his Brothers ſake, four times more for his own ſake; a ſufficient evidence (ſaith my Friend) of his Ability and Integrity, ſince Princes never truſt twice, where they are once deceived in a Miniſter of State. He kept up his Miſtreſſes Intereſt, and ſhe his Authority; enjoyning the Earl of Eſſex, ſo much above him in honour, to truckle under him in Commiſſion when Governour of Ʋlſter, and he Lord Deputy of Ireland. Defend me, ſaid Luther to the Duke of Saxony, with your Sword, and I will defend you with my pen. Maintain my Power, ſaith the Miniſter of State to his Soveraign, and I will ſupport your Majeſty.

Two things he did for the ſettlement of that Kingdome:

1. He raiſed a Compoſition in Munſter. 2. He eſtabliſhed the Poſſeſſions of the Lords and Tenants in Monahan.

Severe he was always againſt the Spaniſh Faction, but very vigilant in—88, when the diſperſed Armado did look, but durſt not land in Ireland, except driven by Tempeſt, and then finding the ſhore worſe then the Sea. But Leiceſter dieth, and he fails; when his Sun was ſet, it was preſently night with him. Yra la ſoga con el Calderon; where goeth the Bucket, there goeth the Rope; where the Principal miſcarrieth, all the Dependants fall with him: as our renowned Knight, who died where he was born, (there is a Circulation of all things to their Original) at Milton in Northamptonſhire, 1594.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Pembroke.

AN excellent Man, and one that faſhioned his own Fortune: His Diſpoſition got favour, and his Prudence wealth, (the firſt to grace the ſecond, and the ſecond to ſupport the firſt) under King Henry the eigth, whoſe Brotherin-law he was by his wife, and Chamberlain by his place. When others were diſtracted with Factions in King Edwards Reign, he was intent upon his Intereſt, (leaning (as he ſaid) on both ſides the ſtairs to get up) for his ſervice, being promoted to the Maſter of the Horſes place; for his relation to the Queen-mother, to the Order of St. George; and in his own Right, to the Barony of Caerdiffe, and the Earldome of Pembroke.

Under Queen Mary his Popularity was very ſerviceable when General againſt Wiat; his Authority uſeful, when Preſident of Wales; and his Vigilancy remarkable, when Governour of Calice: And under Queen Elizabeth, for his Fidelity and ancient Honeſty he was made great Maſter of the Houſhold. But herein he failed, That being more intent upon the future ſtate of the Kingdome under the ſucceſſion, then his own under the preſent Soveraign, he was cajoled by Leiceſter to promote the Queen of Scots Match with Norfolk ſo far, (neither with an ill will, (ſaith the Annaliſt) nor a bad intent) as to looſe his own favour with the Queen of England, who diſcovered thoſe things after his death that made him weary of his life: which was an inſtance of my Lord Bacons Rule, That ancient Nobility is more innocent, though not ſo active as the young one; this more vertuous, but not ſo plain as that; there being rarely any riſing but by a commixture of good and evil Arts. He was richer in his Tenants hearts then their Rents: Alas! what hath not that Nobleman, that hath an univerſal love from his Tenants? who were obſerved to live better with their encouraged induſtry upon his Copyhold, then others by their ſecure ſloath on their own Free-land. 2. His Chaplains, whoſe Merits were preferred freely and nobly to his excellent Livings, without any unworthy Gratuities to his Gebazi's or Servants, or any unbecoming Obligations to himſelf. 3. His Servants, whoſe youth had its Education in his Family, and Age its Maintenance upon his Eſtate, which was favourably Let out to Tenants, and freely Leaſed to his Servants; of whom he had a Train upon any occaſion in his Family, and an Army in his Neighbourhood: an Army, I ſay, in his Neighbourhood; not to enjealous his Prince, but to ſecure him; as in Wiats caſe, when this King of Hearts would be by no means a Knave of Clubs.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Walter Mildmay.

WAlter Mildmay, that upright and moſt adviſed m • n, was born at Chelmsford Cambden Eliz. 1566 in Eſſex, where he was a younger ſon to Thomas Mildmay Eſquire. He was bred in Chriſts-Colledge in Cambridge, where he did not (as many young Gentlemen) ſtudy onely in Complement, but ſeriouſly applyed himſelf to his Book. Under King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the ſixth, he had a gainful Office in the Court of Augmentations: during the Reign of Queen Mary, he practiſed the Politick Precept, Bene vixit, qui bene latuit. No ſooner came Queen Elizabeth to the Crown, but he was called to State-employment; and it was not long before he was made Chancellour of the Exchequer. It is obſerved, That the Exchequer never fareth ill but under a good Prince; ſuch who out of Conſcience will not oppreſs their People, whilſt Tyrants paſs not for that they ſqueeze out of their Subjects. Indeed Queen Elizabeth was very careful not to have her Coffers ſwelled with the Conſumption of her Kingdome, and had conſcientious Officers under her; amongſt whom, Sir Walter was a principal one. This Knight, ſenſible of Gods bleſſing on his Eſtate, and knowing that, Omne beneficium requirit Officium, caſt about to make his return to God. He began with his Benefactions to Chriſts-Colledge in Cambridge, onely to put his hand into practice: then his Bounty embraced the Generous Reſolution, (which the painful piety of St. Paul propounds to himſelf, viz.) Not to build on another mans foundation, but on his own coſt he erected a new Colledge in Cambridge, by the name of Immanuel. A right godly Gentleman he was; a good Man, and a good Citizen; though ſome of his back friends ſuggeſted to the Queen that he was a better Patriot then Subject: and he was over-popular in Parliaments, inſomuch that his Life ſet ſub nubecula, under a Cloud of a Royal Diſpleaſure: yet was not the Cloud ſo great, but that the beams of his Innocence meeting thoſe of the Queens Candour, had eaſily diſpelled it, had he ſurvived longer, as appeared by the great grief of the Queen, profeſſed for the loſs of ſo grave a Councellour, who leaving two Sons and three Daughters, died anno Domini 1589.

This Gentleman being employed by vertue of his place to advance the Queens Treaſure, did it induſtriouſly, faithfully, and conſcionably, without wronging the Subject, being very tender of their Priviledges; inſomuch that he complained in Parliament, That many Subſidies were granted, and no Grievances redreſſed: which words being repreſented to his diſadvantage to the Queen, made her to diſaffect him, ſetting in a Court-Cloud, but (as he goeth on) in the Sun-ſhine of his Country, and a clear Conſcience, (though a mans Conſcience can be ſaid no otherwiſe clear by his oppoſition to the Court, then a man is ſaid to have a good heart when it is but a bold one.) But coming to Court after he had founded his Colledge, the Queen told him, Sir Walter, I hear you have erected a Puritan foundation. No, Madam, ſaid he, far be it from me to countenance any thing contrary to your eſtabliſhed Laws: But I have ſet an Acorn; which when it comes to be an Oak, God alone knows what will be the fruit of it.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Forteſcue.

AN upright and a knowing man, a great Maſter of Greek and Latine, and Overſeer of the Qu: Studies in both the Languages; Maſter of the Wardrobe, one whom ſhe truſted with the Ornaments of her ſoul and body: ſucceeding Sir Walter M • ldmay in his prudence and piety, and in his place of Chancellor and Under-treaſurer of the Exchequer.

Two men Qu: Eliz. would ſay out did her expectation; Forteſcue for Integrity, and Walſingham for Subtlety, as Cambden writes, and Officious ſervices. His and Rawleigh's failure was their deſign of Articling with K. James at his firſt coming, not ſo much (ſay ſome in their behalf) for himſelf, as for his followers, in regard of the known ſeud between the Nations. However, conditions unworthy of Engliſh Subjects to offer, and below the K. of Great Britain to receive, who is to make no more terms for his Kingdome than for his Birth. The very ſolemn asking of the Peoples conſent, which the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury in all the corners of the ſtage at a Coronation makes, importing no more than this; Do you the People of England acknowledge, that this is the Perſon who is the Heir of the Crown? They being abſolutely obliged to ſubmit to the Government upon ſuppoſition that they abſolutely believe that he is the King.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Drury.

SIr William Drury was born in Suffolk, where his Worſhipful Family had long flouriſhed at Haulſted. His name in Saxon ſoundeth a Pearl, to which he anſwered in the pretiouſneſſe of his diſpoſition, clear and heard, innocent and valiant, and therefore valued deſervedly by his Queen and Country. His youth was ſpent in the French Wars, his middle-Age in Scotland, and his old Age in Ireland. He was Knight-Marſhal of Barwick, at what time the French had poſſeſſed themſelves of the Caſtle of Edenburgh, in the minority of King James. Queen Elizabeth employed this Sir William with 1500 men to beſiege the Caſtle; which ſervice he right worthily performed, reducing it within few days to the Owner thereof. Anno 1575. he was appointed Lord Preſident of Munſter, whither he went with competent Forces, and executed impartial Juſtice in deſpight of the Oppoſers thereof. For as the Signe of Leo immediately precedeth Virgo and Libra in the Zodiack; ſo I hope not that Innocency will be protected, or Juſtice adminiſtred in a barbarous Country, where power and ſtrength do not firſt ſecure a paſſage unto them. But the Earl of Deſmond oppoſed this good Preſident, forbidding him to enter the County of Kerry, as a Palatinate peculiarly appropriated unto himſelf. Know by the way, as there were but four Palatinates in England, Cheſter, Laneaſter, Durbam and Ely, (whereof the two former many years ſince were in effect inveſted in the Crown) there were no fewer then eight Palatinates in Ireland, poſſeſſed by their reſpective Dynaſts claiming Regal Rights therein, to the great retarding of the abſolute Conqueſt of that Kingdome. Amongſt theſe, (ſaith my Author) Kerry became the Sanctuary of Sin, and Refuge of Rebels, as outlawed from any Juriſdiction. Sir William no whit terrified with the Earls threatning, and declaring that no place ſhould be a priviledge to miſchief, entred Kerry with a competent Train, and there diſpenced Juſtice to all perſons, as occaſion did require. Thus with ſevenſcore men he ſafely forced his return through ſeven hundred of the Earls, who ſought to ſurprize him.

In the laſt year of his Life he was made Lord Deputy of Ireland; and no doubt had performed much in his place, if not afflicted with conſtant ſickneſs, the forerunner of his death, at Waterford, 1598.

He was one of that Military Valour which the Lord Verulam wiſheth about a Prince in troubleſome times, that held a good eſteem with the Populacy, and an exact correſpondence with the Nobleſs; whereby he united himſelf to each ſide by endearments, and divided them by diſtruſt; watching the ſlow motions of the people, that they ſhould not be excited and ſpirited by the Nobility; and the ambition of the Great Ones, that it ſhould not be befriended with the turbulency, or ſtrengthened with the aſſiſtance of the Commonalty. One great Act well followed did his buſineſs with the Natives, whom he ſometimes indulged, (giving their Diſcontents liberty to evaporate) and with the ſtrangers, whom he always awed. In thoſe that were commended to his ſervice, he obſerved two things: 1. That they were not advanced for their dependence, becauſe they promote a Party; which he noted to be the firſt ground of Recommendation: 2. Nor for their weakneſs, becauſe they cannot hinder it; which he remarked to be the ſecond.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Smith.

SIr Thomas Smith was born at Cambd. Eliz. anno 1577. Saffron-Walden in Eſſex, and bred in Queens Colledge in Cambridge; where ſuch his proficiency in Learning, that he was choſen out by Henry the eighth to be ſent over, and to be brought up beyond the Seas. It was faſhionable in that Age that pregnant Students were maintained on the coſt of the State, to be Merchants for experience in Forreign Parts; whence returning home with their gainful Adventurers, they were preferred according to the improvement of their time to Offices in their own Country. Well it were if this good old Cuſtome were reſumed: for if where God hath given five talents, Men would give but pounds, I mean, encourage hopeful Abilities with hopeful Maintenance, able perſons would never be wanting, and poor men with great Parts would not be excluded the Line of Preferment. This Sir Thomas was firſt Servant and Favourite to the Duke of Somerſet, and afterwards Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth, and a grand Benefactor to both Univerſities.

Anno 1577, when that excellent Act paſſed, whereby it was provided, That a third part of the Rent upon Leaſes made by Colledges, ſhould be reſerved in Corn, paying it either in kind or in money, after the rate of the beſt prices in Oxford or Cambridge-markets, the next Market-days before Michaelmas or our Lady-day: For the paſſing of this Act, Sir Thomas Smith ſurprized the Houſe; and whereas many conceived not the difference between the payment of Rents in Corn or Money, the knowing Patriot took the advantage of the preſent cheap year, knowing that hereafter Grain would grow dearer, Man-kinde dayly multiplying, and Licenſe being lately given for Tranſportation; ſo that now when the Univerſities have leaſt Corn, they have moſt Bread. What his foreſight did now for the Univerſity, his reach did the firſt year of Q. Eliz. for the Kingdome: for the firſt ſitting of her Council he adviſed twelve moſt important things for the publick ſafety.

1. That the Ports ſhould be ſhut.

2. That the Tower of London ſhould be ſecured in good hands.

3. That the Deputy of Ireland's Commiſſion ſhould be renewed and enlarged.

4. That all Officers ſhould act.

5. That no new Office ſhould be beſtowed in a moneth.

6. That Miniſters ſhould meddle with no Controverſies.

7. That Embaſſadors ſhould be ſent to Forreign Princes.

8. That no Coyn ſhould be tranſported beyond Sea.

9. That no perſon of quality ſhould travel for ſix weeks.

10. That the Train-bands ſhould be muſtered.

11. That Ireland, the Borders, and the Seas, ſhould be provided for.

12. And that the diſſenting Nobility and Clergy ſhould be watched and ſecured. Adding withal a Paper for the Reading of the Epiſtle, the Goſpel, and the Commandments in the Engliſh Tongue, to encourage the Proteſtants expectation, and allay the Papiſts fear. In the ſame Proclamation that he drew up the Sacrament of the Altar was to be reverenced, and yet the Communion to be adminiſtred in both kinds, He adviſed a Diſputation with the Papiſts one day, (knowing that they could not diſpute without leave from the Pope, and ſo would diſparage their Cauſe; yet they could not ſay but they might diſpute for the Queen, and ſo ſatisfie the People) and is one of the The Marqueſs of Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, John Grey of Pyrgo, Sir William Cecil, and Sir Tho. Smith five Counſellours to whom the Deſigne of the Reformation is opened, and one of the The Doctors Parker, Bill, May, Cox, Grindal, Whitehead, Pillington, and Sir Tho. Smith eight to whom the management of it was intruſted. There you might ſee him a Leading man among the States-men, here moſt eminent among Divines; at once the moſt knowing and pious man of that Age. As his Induſtry was taken up with the eſtabliſhment of our Affairs at home, ſo his Watchfulneſs (upon Sir Edward Carnes depoſition of his Embaſſie) was intent upon the plots of France and Rome abroad: in the firſt of which places he made a Secretary his own, and in the ſecond a Cup-bearer. At the Treaty of Cambray my Lord Howard of Effingham, the Lord Chamberlain, and he, brought the King of Spain to the Engliſh ſide in the buſineſs of Calice: 1. That France might be weakened: 2. That his Netherlands might be ſecured: 3. That the Queen his Sweet-heart might be obliged, until he diſcovered Queen Elizabeths averſeneſs to the marriage: whereupon had it not been for the Viſcount Mountacute (who was not ſo much a Papiſt as to forget that he was an Engliſh-man) and Sir Thomas, the Spaniard had ſtoln over Catharine Grey, Queen Elizabeths Neece, for a pretence to the Crown, as the French had the Queen of Scots her Cozen. After which, he and Sir William Cecil adviſed her Majeſty to that private Treaty apart, without the Spaniard, which was concluded 1559; as much to the bonour of England, now no longer to truckle under Spain, as its intereſt, no longer in danger from France. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was the Metal in theſe Treaties, and Sir Thomas Smith the Allay: the ones mildneſs being to mitigate that animoſity which the others harſhneſs had begot; and the others ſpirit to recover thoſe advantages which this mans eaſineſs had yeilded. Yet he ſhewed himſelf as much a man in demanding, as Sir William Cheyney in gaining Calice; replying ſmartly upon Chancellour Hoſpitals Diſcourſe of ancient Right, the late At Cambray. Treaty; and upon Montmorency's Harangue of Fears, Conſcience. Pitying the neglected ſtate of Ireland, he obtained a Colony to be planted under his baſe Son in the Eaſt-Coaſt of Ulſter, called Ardes, at once to civilize and ſecure that place. So eminent was this Gentleman for his Learning, that he was at once Steward of the Stannaries, Dean of Carliſle, and Provoſt of Eaton in King Edward's time, and had a Penſion (on condition he went not beyond Sea, ſo conſiderable he was!) in Queen Mary's.

Well he deſerved of the Commonwealth of Learning by his Books; 1. Of The Commonwealth of England, 2. Of The Orthography of the Engliſh Tongue, and of the Pronunciation of Greek; and 3. an exact Commentary of matters, ſaith Mr. Cambden, worthy to be publiſhed.

Obſervations on the Lives of Dr. Dale, the Lord North, Sir Thomas Randolph.

I Put theſe Gentlemen together in my Obſervations, becauſe I finde them ſo in their Employments: the one Agent, the other Leiger, and the third Extraordinary Embaſſador in France; the firſt was to manage our Intelligence in thoſe dark times, the ſecond to urge our Intereſt in thoſe troubleſome days, and the third to repreſent our Grandeur. No man underſtood the French correſpondence with the Scots better then Sir Thomas Randolph, who ſpent his active life between thoſe Kingdomes: none knew better our Concerns in France and Spain then Valentine Dale, who had now ſeen ſix Treaties; in the firſt three whereof he had been Secretary, and in the laſt a Commiſſioner: None fitter to repreſent out ſtate then my Lord North, who had been two years in Walſinghams houſe, four in Leiceſters ſervice; had ſeen ſix Courts, twenty Battles, nine Treaties, and four ſolemn Juſts; whereof he was no mean part, as a reſerved man, a valiant Souldier, and a Courtly Perſon. So ſly was Dale, that he had a ſervant always attending the Queen-mother of France, the Queen of Scots, and the King of Navarre: ſo watchful Sir Thomas Randolph, that the ſame day he ſent our Agent in Scotland notice of a deſigne to carry over the young King, and depoſe the Regent, he adviſed our Queen of a Match between the King of Scot's Uncle and the Counteſs of Shrewsbury's Daughter; and gave the Earl of Huntington, then Preſident of the North, thoſe ſecret inſtructions touching that matter, that (as my Lord Burleigh would often acknowledge) ſecured that Coaſt. My L. North watched the ſucceſſes of France, Dr. Dale their Leagues; and both took care that the Prince of Orange did not throw himſelf upon the Protection of France, always a dangerous Neighbour, but with that acceſſion a dreadful one. Sir John Horſey in Holland propoſed much, but did nothing; Sir Thomas Randolph in France performed much, and ſaid nothing: yet both with Dr. Dales aſſiſtance made France and Spain the Scales in the balance of Europe, and England the tongue or holder of the balance, while they held the Spaniard in play in the Netherlands, watched the French Borders, and kept conſtant Agents with Orange and Don John. Neither was Sir Thomas leſs in Scotland then in France, where he betakes himſelf firſt to reſolution in his Proteſtation, and then to cunning in his Negotiation; encouraging Morton on the one hand, and amuſing Lenox on the other; keeping fair weather with the young King, and yet practiſing with Marre and Anguſe. Nothing plauſible indeed, ſaith Cambden, was he with the wiſe, though youthful King James; yet very dexterous in Scotiſh humours, and very prudent in the Northern Affairs; very well ſeen in thoſe intereſts, and as ſucceſsful in thoſe Negotiations; witneſs the firſt and advantageous League 1586. Video & rideo, is Gods Motto upon Affronts; Video & Taceo, was Queen Elizabeths; Video nec vident, was Sir Thomas Randolphs. Theſe three men treated with the Spaniard near Oſtend for Peace, while the Spaniard prepared himſelf on our Coaſt for War. So much did Sir James Crofts his affection for Peace exceed his judgement of his Inſtruction, that he would needs ſteal over to Bruſſels to make it, with no leſs commendation for the prudent Articles he propoſed, then cenſure for the hazard he incurred in the Propoſal. So equal and even did old Dale carry himſelf, that the Duke of Parma ſaw in his Anſwers the Engliſh ſpirit, and therefore (ſaith my Author) durſt not try that Valour in a Nation, which he was ſo afraid of in a ſingle perſon; That he had no more to ſay to the old Gentleman, then onely this, Theſe things are in the hand of the Almighty.

None more inward with other men then Sir Francis Walſingham, none more inward with him then Sir Thomas Randolph: well ſtudied he was in Juſtinians Code, better in Machiavils Diſcourſes; both when a learned Student of Chriſt-church, and a worthy Principal of Broadgates: thrice therefore was he an Embaſſadour to the Lords of Scotland in a Commotion; thrice to Queen Mary in times of Peace; ſeven times to James the ſixth of Scotland for a good underſtanding; and thrice to Baſilides Emperour of Ruſſia for Trade: Once to Charles the ninth King of France, to diſcover his deſigne upon Scotland; and once to Henry the third, to open a Conſpiracy of his Subjects againſt him: Great Services theſe, but meanly rewarded; the ſerviceable, but moderate and modeſt man, (though he had as many children at home as he had performed Embaſſies abroad) being contented with the Chamberlainſhip of the Exchequer, and the Poſtermaſters place; the firſt but a name, and the ſecond then but a noyſe: to which were added ſome ſmall Farms, wherein he enjoyed the peace and innocence of a quiet and retired Life; a Life, which upon the reflexions of a tender Conſcience, he wiſhed a great while, as appears by his Letters to his dear Walſingham, wherein he writes, How worthy, yea, how neceſſary a thing it was, that they ſhould at length bid Farewel to the ſnares, be of a Secretary, and himſelf of an Embaſſadour; and ſhould both of them ſet their mindes upon their Heavenly Country; and by Repenting, ask Mercy of GOD.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Amias Poulet.

SIr Amias Poulet, born at Hinton St. George in Somerſetſhire, Son to Sir Hugh, and Grand-childe to Sir Who put Cardinal Wolſey, then but a Schoolmaſter, in the Stocks. Amias Poulet, was Chancellour of the Garter, Governour of the Iſles of Jerſey and Gernſey, and Privy-Councellour to Queen Elizabeth. He was ſo faithful and truſty, that the Queen committed the keeping of Mary Queen of Scots to his cuſtody, which he diſcharged with great fidelity.

As Caeſar would have his Wife, ſo he his Spirit, above the very ſuſpicion of unworthineſs; equally conſulting his Fame and his Conſcience. When he performed his laſt Embaſſie, with no leſs ſatisfaction to the King of France, then honour to the Queen of England, (at once with a good humor and a great ſtate) he would not accept a Chain (and all Gifts are Chains) from that King by any means, until he was a League from Paris: then he took it, becauſe he would oblige that Prince; and not till then, becauſe he would not be obliged by any but his Soveraign, ſaying, I will wear no Chains but my Miſtreſſes. It is the Intereſt of Princes, that their Servants Fortune ſhould be above the temptation; it is their happineſs, that their Spirits are above the reſpects of a private concern.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir James Crofts, John Grey of Pyrgo, Sir Henry Gates.

EMblems of Honour derived from Anceſtors, are but rotten Rags, where ignoble Poſterity degenerates from their Progenitors: but they are both glorious and precious where the children both anſwer and exceed the Vertues of their extraction; as in theſe three Gentlemen, whoſe Anceſtors fill both Pages of former Kings Chronicles, as they do the Annals of Queen Elizabeth: Three Gentlemen whom it's pity to part in their Memoires, ſince they were always together in their Employments. All three were like to die in Queen Mary's days for the profeſſion of the Proteſtant Religion, all three ſpending their Lives in Queen Elizabeth's for the propagation of it: 1. Sir Henry Gates lying in Rome as a Spy, under the Notion of Cardinal Florido's Secretary, ſix years; John Grey drawing up the whole Proceedings and Methods of the Reformation for ten years; and Sir James Crofts being either the vigilant and active Governour of Berwick, or the prudent and ſucceſsful Commiſſioner in Scotland for ſeven years. When the French threatned us by the way of Scotland, the Earl of Northumberland was ſent Northward for his intereſt, as Warden of the middle March; Sir Ralph Sadler for his wiſdome, as his Aſſiſtant and Councellour; and Sir James Crofts for his Conduct, as both their Guide and Director-general. An Eſtate in the Purſe, credits the Court; Wiſdome in the Head, adorneth it; but both in the Hand, ſerve it. Nobly did he and Cutbbert Vaughan beat the French that ſallied out of Edinburgh into their Trenches, but unhappily ſtood he an idle Spectator in his quarter the next Scalado, while the Engliſh are overthrown, and the Duke writes of his infidelity to the Queen, who diſcharged him from his Place, though not from her favour: for in ſtead of the more troubleſome Place, the Government of Berwick, ſhe conferred on him that more honourable, the Controllerſhip of her Houſhold. Great Service did his Valour at Hadington in Scotland againſt the French, greater his Prudence in Ʋlſter againſt the Spaniards. Although his Merit made his Honour due to him, and his Blood becoming: though his Cares, Travels and Dangers deſerved pity; his quiet and meek Nature love: though he riſe by wary degrees, and ſo was unobſerved; and ſtood not inſolently when up, and ſo was not obnoxious: yet Envy reflected as hot upon him as the Sun upon the riſing ground, which ſtands firm though it doth not flouriſh, as this Gentleman's reſolved Honeſty did; overcoming Court-envy with a ſolid worth; waxing old at once in years and reverence, and dying (as the Chronicle wherein he dieth not but with Time, reports it) in good favour with his Prince, and ſound reputation with all men, for three infallible ſources of Honour: 1. That he aimed at Merit more then Fame: 2. That he was not a Follower, but an Example in great Actions: and, 3. That he aſſiſted in the three great Concerns of Government, 1. in Laws, 2. in Arms, and 3. in Councils. In Aeſop there is a ſlight Fable of a deep Moral: it is this: Two Frogs conſulted together in the time of Drowth (when many plaſhes that they had repaired to were dry) what was to be done; and the one propounded to go down into a deep Well, becauſe it was like the water would not fail there: but the other anſwered, Yea, but if it do fail, bow ſhall we get up again? Mr. Grey would Nod, and ſay, Humane affairs are ſo uncertain, that he ſeemeth the wiſeſt man, not who hath a ſpirit to go on, but who hath a warineſs to come off; and that ſeems the beſt courſe, that hath moſt paſſages out of it. Sir James Crofts on the other hand hated that irreſolution that would do nothing, becauſe it may be at liberty to do any thing. Indeed, ſaith one, Neceſſity hath many times an advantage, becauſe it awaketh the powers of the minde, and ſtrengtheneth Endeavour. Sir James Crofts was an equal Compoſition of both; as one that had one fixed eye on his Action, and another indifferent one on his retreat.

Obſervations on the Life of William Lord Grey of Wilton.

THat great Souldier and good Chriſtian, in whom Religion was not a ſoftneſs, (as Machiavil diſcourſeth) but a reſolution. Hannibal was ſworn an Enemy to Rome at nine years of Age, and my Lord bred one to France at fourteen. Scipio's firſt ſervice was the reſcue of his Father in Italy, and my Lord Grey's was the ſafety of his Father in Germany. He had Fabius his ſlow way, and long reach, with Herennius his fine Polices, and neat Ambuſcadoes; having his two Companions always by him, his Map and his Guide: the firſt whereof diſcovered to him his more obvious advantages, and the ſecond his more cloſe dangers. His great Conduct won him much eſteem with thoſe that heard of him, and his greater preſence more with thoſe that ſaw him. Obſervable his Civility to Strangers, eminent his Bounty to his Followers; obliging his Carriage in the Countries he marched through, and expert his Skill in Wars, whoſe end he ſaid was Victory, and the end of Victory Nobleneſs, made up of pity and munificence. It loſt him his Eſtate to redeem himſelf in France, and his Life to bear up his Reputation in Berwick. Having lived to all the great purpoſes of life but Self-intereſt, he died 1563, that fatal year; no leſs to the publick ſorrow of England which he ſecured, then the common joy of Scotland, which he awed. Then it was ſaid, That the ſame day died the greateſt Scholar, and the greateſt Souldier of the Nobility; the right honourable Henry Manners Earl of Rutland in his Gown, and the honourable Lord Grey in his Armour; both, as the Queen ſaid of them, Worthies that had deſerved well of the Commonwealth by their Wiſdome, Counſel, Integrity and Courage.

Two things my Lord always avoided: the firſt, To give many Reaſons for one thing; the heaping of Arguments arguing a needineſs in every of the Arguments by its ſelf; as if one did not truſt any of them, but fled from one to another, helping himſelf ſtill with the laſt. The ſecond, To break a Negotiation to too many diſtinct particulars, or to couch it in too compact generals: by the firſt whereof we give the parties we deal with an opportunity to look down to the bottom of our buſineſs; and by the ſecond, to look round to the compaſs of it. Happy are thoſe Souls that command themſelves ſo far, that they are equally free to full and half diſcoveries of themſelves, always ready and pliable to the preſent occaſion. Not much regarded was this gallant Spirit when alive, but much miſſed when dead: we underſtand what we want, better then what we enjoy; and the beauty of worthy things is not in the face, but the back-ſide, endearing more by their departure then their addreſs.

Obſervations on the Life of Edmund Plowden.

EDmund Plowden was born at Plowden in Shrop-ſhire; one who excellently deſerved of our Municipal Law in his learned Writings thereon. A plodding and a ſtudious man; and no wonder if knowing and able: Beams in reflexion are hotteſt, and the Soul becomes wiſe by looking into its ſelf. But ſee the man in his Epitaph!

Conditur in hoc Tumulo corpus Edmundi Plowden Armigeri. Claris ortus Parentibus, apud Plowden in Comitatu Salop, natus eſt; à pueritia in literarum Studio liberaliter eſt educatus, in Provectiore vero • tate Legibus, & Juriſprudentiae operam dedit. Senex jam factus, & annum aetatis ſuae agens 67. Mundo Valedicens, in Chriſto Jeſu Sancte obdormivit, die Sexto Menſis Februar. anno Domini 1584.

I have the rather inſerted this Epitaph inſcribed on his Monument on the North-ſide of the Eaſt-end of the Quire of Temple-Church in London, becauſe it hath eſcaped (but by what caſualty I cannot conjecture) Maſter Stow in his Survey of London. We muſt adde a few words out of the Character Mr. Cambden gives of him:

Vitae integritate inter bomines ſuae profeſſionis nu 〈…〉 His Eliz. 1584. ſecundum. As he was ſingularly well learned in the Common Laws of England, whereof he deſerved well by writing; ſo for integrity of life he was ſecond to none of his profeſſion. And how excellent a Medley is made, when Honeſty and Ability mee in a man of his Profeſſion! Nor muſt we forget how he was Treaſurer for the honourable Society of the Middle-Temple, Anno 1572, when their magnificent Hall was builded; he being a great Advancer thereof. Finding the Coyn embaſed by Henry the eighth, ſo many ways prejudicial to thier State, as that which firſt diſhonoured us abroad; ſecondly, gave way to the frauds of Coyners at home who exchanged the beſt Commodities of the Land for baſe Moneys, and exported the current money; into Forreign parts; and thirdly, enhanſed the prizes of all things vendible, to the great loſs of all Stipendiaries: He offered, 1. That no man ſhould melt any Metal, or export it: 2. That the Braſsmoney ſhould be reduced to its juſt value: 3. That it ſhould be bought for good; by which ſilent and juſt methods, that defect of our Government for many years was remedied in few moneths, without any noiſe, or (what is proper to alterations of this nature) diſcontent.

The middle Region of the Air is cooleſt, as moſt diſtant from the direct beams that warm the higheſt, and the reflexed that heat the loweſt: the mean man, that is as much below the favour of the Court, as above the buſineſs of the Country, was in our Judges opinion the moſt happy and compoſed man; this being the utmoſt of a knowing mans wiſh in England, That he were as much out of the reach of contempt, as to be above a Conſtable; and as much out of the compaſs of trouble, as to be below a Juſtice. A Mean is the utmoſt that can be preſcribed either of Vertue or Bliſs, as in our Actions, ſo in our State.

Great was the Capacity, and good the Inclination of this Man; large the Furniture, and happy the Culture of his Soul; grave his Meen, and ſtately his Behaviour; well-regulated his Affections, and allayed his Paſſions; well-principled his Mind, and well-ſet his Spirit; ſolid his Obſervation, working and practical his Judgement: and as that Romane Heroe was more eminent whoſe image was miſſing, then all the reſt whoſe Portraictures were ſet up; ſo this accompliſhed Gentleman is more obſervable becauſe he was not a States-man, then ſome of thoſe that were ſo. There is a glory in the obſcurity of worthy men, who as that Sun (which they equal as well in common influence as luſtre) are moſt looked on when eclipſed.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Roger Manwood.

SIr Roger Manwood born at Sandwich in Kent, attained to ſuch eminency in the Common Law, that he was preferred ſecond Juſtice of the Common Pleas by Queen Elizabeth: which Place he diſcharged with ſo much Ability and Integrity, that not long after he was made chief Baron of the Exchequer: which Office he moſt wiſely managed, to his great commendation, full fourteen years, to the day of his death.

Much was he employed in matters of State, and was one of the Commiſſioners who ſate on the tryal of the Queen of Scots. He wrote a Book on the Foreſt-Laws, which is highly prized by men of his Profeſſion. In vacation-time he conſtantly inhabited at St. Stephens in Canterbury, and was bounteouſly liberal to the poor Inhabitants thereof: and ſo charitable was he, that he erected and endowed a fair Free-ſchool at Sandwich, dying in the 35 of Queen Elizabeth, anno Dom. 1593.

Cloaths for neceſſity, warm Cloaths for health, cleanly for decency, laſting for ſtrength, was his Maxime and Practice, who kept a State in decent plainneſs; inſomuch that Queen Elizabeth called him her Good-man-Judge. In Daviſon's Caſe, Mildmay cleared the man of malice, but taxed him with unskilfulneſs and raſhneſs: Lumley ſaid he was an ingenuous and an honeſt man, but preſumptuous. I will ever eſteem him an honeſt and good man, ſaid Grey. The Archbiſhop of Canterbury approved the fact, commended the man, but diſallowed of the manner and form of his proceedings. Manwood made a narrative of the Queen of Scots proceedings, confirmed the ſentence againſt her, extolled the Queens clemency, pitied Daviſon, and fined him 10000 l.

A man he was of a pale conſtitution, but a clear, even, and ſmooth temper; of a pretty ſolid conſiſtence, equally ſanguine and flegmatique: of a quiet ſoul, and ſerene affections: of a diſcreet ſweetneſs, and moderate manners; ſlow in paſſion, and quick enough in apprehenſion; wary in new points, and very fixed and judicious in the old. A plauſible, inſinuating, and fortunate man; the Idea of a wiſe man; having (what that elegant Educator wiſheth) that great habit which is nothing elſe but a promptneſs and plentifulneſs in the flore-houſe of the mind, of clear imaginations well fixed: which was promiſed in his erect and forward ſtature, his large breaſt, his round and capacious forehead, his curious and obſerving eye, (the clear and ſmart argument of his clearer and quicker ſoul, which owned a livelineſs equally far from volatileneſs and ſtupidity) his ſteady attention and his ſolid memory, together with what is moſt conſiderable, a grand Inclination to imitate and excel. What Plutarch ſaith of Timoleon with reference to Epaminond, that we may ſay of this Gentleman, That his Life and Actions are like Homer's Verſes, ſmooth and flowing, equal and happy: eſpecially in the two grand Embeliſhments of our Nature, Friendſhip and Charity. 〈◊〉 . Friendſhip, that ſacred thing whereof he was a paſſionate Lover, and an exact Obſerver, promoting it among all men he converſed with. Surely there is not that Content on Earth like the Union of Minds and Intereſts, whereby we enjoy our ſelves by reflexion in our Friend; it being the moſt dreadful Solitude and Wildneſs of Nature, to be friendleſs. But his Friendſhip was a contracted beam to that Sun of Charity, that bleſſed all about him. His Salary was not more fixed then his Charity; He and the Poor had one Revenue, one Quarter-day: In ſtead of hiding his face from the Poor, it was his practice to ſeek for them; laying out by Truſtees for Penſioners, either hopeful or indigent, whereof he had a Catalogue that made the beſt Comment upon that Text, The liberal man deviſeth liberal things. This is the beſt Conveyance that ever Lawyer made, To have and to hold to him and his Heirs for ever.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Chriſtopher Wray.

SIr Chriſtopher Wray was born in the ſpacious Pariſh of Bedal, the main motive which made his Daughter Francis, Counteſs of Warwick, ſcatter her Benefactions the thicker in that place. He was bred in the ſtudy of our Municipal Law; and ſuch his Proficiency therein, that in the ſixteenth of Queen Elizabeth, in Michaelmas-Term, he was made Lord Chief Juſtice of the Kings Bench. He was not like that Judge, who feared neither God nor man, but onely one Widow, (leſt her importunity ſhould weary him;) but he heartily feared God in his religious Converſation. Each man he reſpected with his due diſtance off of the Bench, and no man on it to byaſs his Judgement. He was pro tempore, Lord Privy Seal, and ſat Chief in the Court when Secretary Daviſon was ſentenced in the Star-Chamber. Sir Chriſtopher collecting the cenſures of all the Commiſſioners, concurred to Fine him: but with this comfortable concluſion, That, as it was in the Queens Power to have him puniſhed; ſo, Her Highneſs might be prevailed with for mitigating or remitting of the Fine: and this our Judge may be preſumed no ill Inſtrument in the procuring thereof.

He bountifully reflected on Magdalen-Colledge in Cambridge; which Infant-foundation had otherwiſe been ſtarved at Nurſe for want of Maintenance. We know who ſaith, The righteous man leaveth an inheritance to his childrens children; and the wellthriving of his third Generation, may be an evidence of his well-gotten Goods. This worthy Judge died May the eighth, in the thirty fourth of Queen Elizabeth. When Judge Mounſon and Mr. Dalton urged in Stubs his Caſe, (that Writ againſt Queen Elizabeth's marriage with the Duke of Anjou) That the Act of Philip and Mary againſt the Authors and ſowers of ſeditious Writings was miſtimed, and that it died with Queen Mary; my Lord Chief Juſtice Wray, upon whom the Queen relied in that caſe, ſhewed there was no miſtaking in the noting of the time; and proved by the words of the Act, that the Act was made againſt thoſe which ſhould violate the King by ſeditious writing; and that the King of England never dieth: yea, that that Act was renewed anno primo Eliz. during the life of her and the heirs of her body.

Five Particulars I have heard old men ſay he was choice in: 1. His Friend, which was always wiſe and equal; 2. His Wife; 3. His Book; 4. His Secret; 5. His Expreſſion and Garb. By four things he would ſay an Eſtate was kept: 1. By underſtanding it; 2. By ſpending not until it comes; 3. By keeping old Servants; 4. By a Quarterly Audit. The properties of Infancy, is Innocence; of Child-hood, Reverence; of Manhood, Maturity; and of Old Age, Wiſdome: Wiſdome! that in this grave Perſon acted all its brave parts; i. e. was mindful of what is paſt, obſervant of things preſent, and provident for things to come. No better inſtance whereof need be alledged then his pathetick Diſcourſes in the behalf of thoſe two great Stays of this Kingdome, Husbandry and Merchandize: for he had a clear diſcerning Judgement, and that not onely in points of Law, which yet his Arguments and Deciſions in that Profeſſion manifeſt without diſpute; but in matters of Policy and Government, wherein his Gueſs was uſually as near Prophecy as any mans: as alſo in the little myſteries of private manage, by which upon occaſion he hath unravelled the ſtudied cheats and intrigues of the Cloſetmen: to which when you adde his happy faculty of communicating himſelf, by a free and graceful elocution, to charm and command his Audience, aſſiſted by the attractive dignity of his preſence, you will not admire that he managed his Juſticeſhip with ſo much ſatisfaction to the Court, and that he left it with ſo much applauſe from the Country: for theſe two Peculiarities he had, That none was more tender to the Poor, or more civil in private; and yet none more ſtern to the Rich, I mean Juſtices of Peace, Officers, &c. or more ſevere in publick. He delighted indeed to be loved, not reverenced: yet knew he very well how to aſſert the Dignity of his Place and Function from the Approaches of Contempt.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Worceſter.

THe Lord of Worceſter, (a no mean Favourite) was of the ancient and noble Blood of the Beauforts, and of the Queens Grandfathers line by the Mother; which ſhe could never forget, eſpecially where there was a concurrency of old Blood with Fidelity, a mixture which ever ſorted with the Queens Nature. He was firſt made Maſter of the Horſe, and then admitted of her Council of State. In his Youth (part whereof he ſpent before he came to reſide at Court) he was a very fine Gentleman, and the beſt Horſe-man and Tilter of the Times, which were then the manlike and noble recreations of the Court: and when years had abated theſe exerciſes of Honour, he grew then to be a faithful and profound Counſellour. He was the laſt Liver of all the Servants of her favour, and had the honour to ſee his renowned Miſtreſs, and all of them laid in the places of their reſt; and for himſelf, after a life of a very noble and remarkable reputation, he died in a peaceable Old Age, full of Riches and Honour. His Fathers temperance reached to 97 years of Age, becauſe he never eat but one Meal a day; and his ſparingneſs attained to 84, becauſe he never eat but of one Diſh. He came to the Queens favour, becauſe as her Father ſo ſhe loved a man; he kept in, becauſe as her Father too ſo ſhe loved an able man. His Man-like Recreations commended him to the Ladies, his prudent Atchievments to the Lords. He was made Maſter of the Horſe becauſe active, and Privy Counſellour becauſe wiſe: His Miſtreſs excuſed his Faith, which was Popiſh; but honoured his Faithfulneſs, which was Roman; it being her uſual ſpeech, that my Lord of Worceſter had reconciled what ſhe thought inconſiſtent, a ſtiff Papiſt to a good ſubject. His Religion was not pompous, but ſolid; not the ſhew of his life, but the comfort of his ſoul. A great Maſter he was of others affections, and greater of his own paſſions: many things diſpleaſed, nothing angered my Lord of Worceſter, whoſe Maxime was, That he would not be diſordered within himſelf, onely becauſe things were out of order without him: He had this Maxime whence he had his Nature, from his prudent Father Sir Charles Somerſet, the firſt Earl of Worceſter of that Name, whoſe temper was ſo pliable, and nature ſo peaceable, that being asked (as it is uſually reported of him) How he paſſed ſo troubleſome a Reign as King Henry's, ſo uncertain as King Edward's, ſo fierce as Queen Mary's, and ſo unexpected as Queen Elizabeth's, with ſo quiet, ſo fixed, ſo ſmooth, ſo reſolved and ready a mind and frame? anſwered, It was becauſe he underſtood the Intereſt of the Kingdome, while others obſerved its Humours. His firſt Publick Service was to repreſent the Grandeur of his Miſtreſs at the Chriſtening of the Daulphine of France, and his laſt the like at the marriage of the King of Scots, whom he honoured with the Garter from his Miſtreſs, and adviſed to beware of Papiſts from the Council.

The frame of this Noble Mans body, (as it is delineated by Sir W. P.) ſeems ſuited to the Noble uſe it was deſigned for, The entertaining of a moſt pure and active Soul; but equally to the advantage of ſtrength and comelineſs, befriended with all proportionate Dimenſions, and a moſt grave, yet obliging Carriage. There was a clear ſprightfulneſs in his Complexion, but a ſad reſervedneſs in his Nature; both making up that bleſſed compoſiton of a wiſe and winning man, of as great hardſhip of body, as nobleneſs of ſpirit. Of a quick ſight, and an accurate ear; a ſteady obſervation, and ready expreſſion; with the Torrent whereof he at once pleaſed King James, and amazed King Henry, being the moſt natural Orator in the world. Among all which Endowments, I had almoſt forgot his memory, that was very faithful to him in things and buſineſs, though not punctilio's and formalities. Great Parts he had, the range and compaſs whereof filled the whole circle of generous Learning in that Perſon, as it hath done in the following Heroes of that Family to this day.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Killigrew.

TRavellers report, That the place wherein the body of Abſalom was buried is ſtill extant at Jeruſalem, and that it is a ſolemn cuſtome of Pilgrims paſſing by it to caſt a ſtone on the place: but a well-diſpoſed man can hardly go by the memory of this worthy perſon without doing gratefu • homage thereunto, in beſtowing upon him one o • two of our Obſervations. It's a queſtion ſometime • whether the Diamond gives more luſtre to the Ring it's ſet in, or the Ring to the Diamond: This Gentleman received honour from his Family, and gave renown to it. Writing is the character of the ſpeech, as that is of the mind. From Tully (whoſe Orations he could repeat to his dying day) he gained an even and apt ſtile, flowing at one and the ſelf-ſame heighth. Tully's Offices, a Book which Boys read, and men underſtand, was ſo eſteemed of my Lord Burleigh, that to his dying day he always carried it about him, either in his boſome or his pocket, as a compleat piece that, like Ariſtotle's Rhetorick, would make both a Scholar and an Honeſt man. Cicero's magnificent Orations againſt Anthony, Catiline and Verres; Caeſar's great Commentaries that he wrote with the ſame ſpirit that he fought; flowing Livy; grave, judicious and ſtately Tacitus; eloquent, but faithful Curtius; brief and rich Saluſt; prudent and brave Xenophon, whoſe Perſon was Themiſtocles his Companion, as his Book was Scipio Affrieanus his Pattern in all his Wars; ancient and ſweet Herodotus; ſententious and obſerving Thucydides; various and uſeful Polybius; Siculus, Halicarnaſſeus, Trogus, Oroſius, Juſtine, made up our young mans Retinue in all his Travels, where (as Diodorus the Sicilian writes) he ſate on the ſtage of Humane Life, obſerving the great circumſtances of places, perſons, times, manners, occaſions, &c. and was made wiſe by their example who have trod the path of errour and danger before him. To which he added that grave, weighty, and ſweet Plutarch, whoſe Books (ſaid Gaza) would furniſh the world, were all others loſt. Neither was he amazed in the Labyrinth of Hiſtory, but guided by the Clue of Coſmography, hanging his Study with Maps, and his Mind with exact Notices of each place. He made in one View a Judgement of the Situation, Intereſt, and Commodities (for want whereof many States-men and Souldiers have As Cyrus at Thermopylae, Craſſus in Parthia: therefore Alexander had exact Maps always about him to obſerve Paſſages, Streights, Rocks, Plains, Rivers, &c. failed) of Nations: but to underſtand the nature of places, is but a poor knowledge, unleſs we know how to improve them by Art; therefore under the Figures of Triangles, Squares, Circles and Magnitudes, with their terms and bounds, he could contrive moſt tools and inſtruments, moſt Engines, and judge of Fortifications, Architecture, Ships, Wind and Waterworks, and whatever might make this lower frame of things uſeful and ſerviceable to mankinde: which ſeverer Studies he relieved with noble and free Poetry-aid, once the pleaſure and advancement of the Soul, made by thoſe higher motions of the minde more active and more large. To which I adde her Siſter Muſick, wherewith he revived his tired ſpirits, lengthened (as he ſaid) his ſickly days, opened his oppreſſed breaſt, eaſed his melancholy thoughts graced his happy pronunciation, ordered and refined his irregular and groſs inclination, fixed and quickened his floating and dead notions; and by a ſecret, ſweet and heavenly Vertue, raiſed his ſpirit, as he confeſſed, ſometime to a little leſs then Angelical Exaltations. Curious he was to pleaſe his ear, and as exact to pleaſe his eye; there being no Statues, Inſcriptions or Coyns that the Vertuoſi of Italy could ſhew, the Antiquaries of France could boaſt of, or the great Hoarder of Rarities the great Duke of Tuſcany, (whoſe antick Coyns are worth 100000 l.) could pretend to, that he had not the view of. No man could draw any place or work better, none fancy and paint a Portraicture more lively; being a Dure • for proportion, a Goltzius for a bold touch, variety of poſture, a curious and true ſhadow, an Angelo for his happy fancy, and an Holben for Oyl-works.

Neither was it a bare Ornament of Diſcourſe, or naked Diverſion of leiſure time; but a moſt weighty piece of Knowledge, that he could blazon moſt noble and ancient Coats, and thereby diſcern the relation, intereſt, and correſpondence of great Families, and thereby the meaning and bottom of all tranſactions, and the moſt ſucceſsful way of dealing with any one Family. His Exerciſes were ſuch as his Employments were like to be, gentile and man-like, whereof the two moſt eminent were Riding and Shooting, that at once wholſomely ſtirred, and nobly knitted and ſtrengthened his Body. Two Eyes he ſaid he travelled with; the one of warineſs upon himſelf, the other of obſervation upon others. This compleat Gentleman was Guardian to the young Brandon in his younger years, Agent for Sir John Maſon in King Edward the ſixth's time, and the firſt Embaſſador for the State in Queen Elizabeths time. My Lord Cobham is to amuſe the Spaniard, my Lord Effingham to undermine the French, and Sir Henry Killigrew is privately ſent to engage the German Princes againſt Auſtria in point of Intereſt, and for her Majeſty in point of Religion: he had an humour that bewitched the Elector of Bavaria, a Carriage that awed him of Mentz, a Reputation that obliged them of Colen and Hydelbergh, and that reach and fluency in Diſcourſe that won them all. He aſſiſted the Lords Hunſdon and Howard at the Treaty with France in London, and my Lord of Eſſex in the War for France in Britain. Neither was he leſs obſervable for his own Conduct then for that of others, whoſe ſevere thoughts, words and carriage ſo awed his inferiour faculties, as to reſtrain him through all the heats of youth, made more then uſually importunate by the full vigour of a high and ſanguine Conſtitution; inſomuch that they ſay he looked upon all the approaches to that ſin, then ſo familiar to his Calling as a a Souldier, his Quality as a Gentleman, and his Station as a Courtier, not onely with an utter diſallowance in his Judgement, but with a natural abhorency and antipathy in his very lower inclinations. To which happineſs it conduced not a little, that though he had a good, yet he had a reſtrained appetite (a Knife upon his Throat as well as upon his Trencher) that indulged it ſelf neither frequent nor delicate entertainment; its Meals, though but once a day, being its preſſures; and its faſts, its only ſenſualities: to which temperance in diet adde, but that in ſleep, together with his diſpoſal of himſelf throughout his life to induſtry and diligence, you will ſay he was a ſpotleſs man, whoſe life taught us this Leſſon, (which if obſerved, would accompliſh Mankinde; and which King Charles the firſt would inculcate to noble Travellers, and Dr. Hammond to all men) To be furniſhed always with ſomething to do: A Leſſon they propoſed as the beſt expedient for Innocence and Pleaſure; the foreſaid bleſſed man aſſuring his happy Hearers, That no burthen is more heavy, or temptation more dangerous, then to have time lie on ones hand; the idle man being not onely (as he worded it) the Devils ſhop, but his kingdome too; a model of, and an appendage unto Hell, a place given up to torment and to miſchief.

Obſervations on the Life of Arthur Gray Baron of Wilton.

ARthur Gray Baron of Wilton is juſtly reckoned amongſt the Natives of Buckingham-ſhire, whoſe Father had his habitation (not at Wilton a decayed Caſtle in Herefordſhire, whence he took his Title, but) at Waddon, a fair Houſe of his Family not far from Buckingham.

He ſucceeded to a ſmall Eſtate, much diminiſhed on this ſad occaſion. His Father William Lord Gray being taken Priſoner in France, after long ineffectual ſolliciting to be (becauſe captivated in the publick ſervice) redeemed on the publick charge, at laſt was forced to ranſome himſelf with the ſale of the beſt part of his Patrimony. Our Arthur endeavoured to advance his Eſtate by his Valour, being entred into Feats of War under his Martial Father at the ſiege of Leith 1560, where he was ſhot in the ſhoulder, which inſpirited him with a conſtant antipathy againſt the Scots. He was afterwards ſent over Lord Deputy into Ireland, anno 1580; where before he had received the Sword, or any Emblems of Command, ut acricribus initiis terrorem incuteret, to fright his foes with fierce beginnings, he unfortunately fought the Rebels at Glandilough, to the great loſs of Engliſh Blood. This made many commend his Courage above his Conduct, till he recovered his credit, and finally ſuppreſſed the Rebellion of Deſmond. Returning into England, the Queen chiefly relied on his counſel for ordering our Land-forces againſt the Spaniards in 88, and fortifying places of advantage. The mention of that year (critical in Church-differences about diſcipline at home, as well as with forreign force abroad) mindeth me that this Lord was but a back-friend to Biſhops; and in all diviſions of Votes in Parliament or Council-table, ſided with the Anti-prelatical Party. When Secretary Daviſon, that State-Pageant, (raiſed up on purpoſe to be put down) was cenſured in the Star-chamber about the buſineſs of the Queen of Scots, this Lord Gray onely defended him, as doing nothing therein but what became an able and honeſt Miniſter of State. An Ear-witneſs ſaith, Haec fusè oratoriè & animosè Greium diſſerentem audivimus. So that beſides bluntneſs, (the common and becoming Eloquence of Souldiers) he had a real Rhetorick, and could very emphatically expreſs himſelf. Indeed this Warlike Lord would not wear two heads under one Helmet, and may be ſaid always to have born his Beaver open, not diſſembling in the leaſt degree, but owning his own Judgement at all times what he was. He deceaſed anno Domini 1593.

Three things he was obſerved eminent for: 1. Diſpatch; San Joſeph having not been a week in Ireland, before he had environed him by Sea and Land. 2. For his reſolution, that he would not parley with him till he was brought to his mercy, hanging out a white flag with Miſericordia, Miſericordia. 3. For his Prudence: 1. That he ſaved the Commanders, to oblige the Spaniard: 2. That he plundered the Country, to enrich his Souldiers: 3. That he decimated the Souldiery, to terrifie Invaders; and hanged all the Iriſh, to amaze the Traytors.

Henry Fitz-alan Earl of Arundel when Steward at King Edward's Coronation, or Conſtable at Queen Mary's, was the firſt that rid in a Coach in England; my Lord Gray was the firſt that brought a Coach hither: one of a working Brain, and a great Mechaniſt himſelf, and no leſs a Patron to the Ingenious that were ſo. That there was an emulation between him and Suſſex, was no wonder; but that the inſtance wherein he thought to diſgrace him, ſhould be his ſeverity to the Engliſh Traytor, and the Forreign Invadors, would ſeem ſtrange to any but thoſe that conſider, 1. That Princes of late would ſeem as they look on the end, and not the means; ſo they hug a cruelty, and frown on the inſtrument of it; who while he honeſtly ſacrificeth ſome irregular particulars to the intereſt of Soveraignty, may be made himſelf a ſacrifice to the paſſion of populacy. And, 2. which is the caſe here, That aſpiring Princes may employ ſeverer Natures, but ſetled ones uſe the more moderate. Love keeps up the Empire which Power hath ſet up.

Obſervations on the Life of Thomas Lord Burge.

THomas Lord Burge or Borough was born in his Fathers noble Houſe at Gainsborough in the County of Lincoln. He was ſent Embaſſadour into Scotland in 1593, to excuſe Bothwel his lurking in England, to adviſe the ſpeedy ſuppreſſion of the Spaniſh Faction, to advance the Proteſtants in that Kingdome for their Kings defence, and to inſtruct that King about his Council; which was done accordingly.

He was made Lord-Deputy of Ireland anno 1597, in the room of Sir William Ruſſel. Mr. Cambden ſaith thus of him: Vir acer, & animi plenus, ſed nullis fer • Caſtrorum rudimentis.

As ſoon as the Truce with Tyrone was expired, he ſtraightly beſieged the Fort of Black-water, (the onely receptacle of the Rebels in thoſe parts, beſides their Woods and Bogs.) Having taken this Fort by force, preſently followed a bloody Battle, wherein the Engliſh loſt many worthy men. He was ſtruck with untimely death before he had continued a whole year in his Place; it being wittily obſerved of the ſhort Lives of many worthy men, Fatuos à Netherſole Fun. Orat. Prince Hen. p. 15, 16, 17. morte defendit ipſa inſulſitas, ſi cui plus caeteris aliquantulum ſalis inſit (quod miremini) ſtatim putreſcit. Things rare deſtroy themſelves; thoſe two things being incompatible in our nature, Perfection and Laſtingneſs.

His Education was not to any particular Profeſſion, yet his Parts able to manage all. A large Soul and a great Spirit apart from all advantages, can do wonders. His Maſter-piece was Embaſſie, where his brave Eſtate ſet him above reſpects and compliance, and his comely Perſon above contempt. His Geography and Hiſtory led to the Intereſt of other Princes, and his Experience to that of his own. His skill in moſt Languages helped him to underſtand others; and his reſolution to uſe onely his own, to be reſerved himſelf. In two things he was very ſcrupulous: 1. In his Commiſſion, 2. In his Servants, whom he always (he ſaid) found honeſt enough, but ſeldome quick and reſerved. And in two things very careful: viz. 1. The time and humour of his Addreſſes; 2. The Intereſt, Inclinations and Dependencies of Favourites. A grave and ſteady man, obſerving every thing, but affected with nothing; keeping as great diſtance between his looks and his heart, as between his words and his thoughts. Very exact for his priviledges, very cold and indifferent in his motions, which were always guided by the emergencies in that Country, and by his intelligence from home. Good he was in purſuing his limited inſtruction, excellent where he was free; and his Buſineſs was not his obedience onely but his diſcretion too: that never failed but in his laſt enterprize, which he undertook without any apparent advantage, and attempted without intelligence: An Enterprize well worthy his invincible Courage, but not his accuſtomed Prudence; which ſhould never expoſe the perſon of a General to the danger of a common Souldier.

Obſervations on the Life of William Lord Pawlet.

WIlliam Pawlet (where-ever born) had his largeſt Eſtate and higheſt Honour (Baron of Baſing, and Marqueſs of Wincheſter) in Hantſhire. He was deſcended from a younger houſe of the Pawlets in Hinton St. George in Somerſetſhire, as by the Creſcent in his Arms is acknowledged. Sir Rob. Naunton in his Fragmenta Regalia. One telleth us, That he being a younger Brother, and having waſted all that was left him, came to Court on truſt; where, upon the ſtock of his Wit, he trafficked ſo wiſely, and proſpered ſo well, that he got, ſpent, and left, more then any Subject ſince the Conqueſt. Indeed he lived at the time of the diſſolution of Abbeys, which was the Harveſt of Eſtates; and it argued idleneſs if any Courtier had his Barns empty. He was Servant to King Henry the ſeventh; and for thirty years together Treaſurer to King Henry the eighth, Edward the ſixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth: the later in ſome ſort owed their Crowns to his Counſel, his Policy being the principal Defeater of Duke Dudley's Deſigne to diſ-inherit them. I behold this Lord Pawlet like to aged Adoram, ſo often mentioned in Scriptures, being over the Tribute in the days of King 2 Sam. 20 2 • . David, all the Reign of King 1 King. 4. 6. Solomon, until the firſt 1 King. 12 year of Rehoboam. And though our Lord Pawlet enjoyed his Place not ſo many years, yet did he ſerve more Soveraigns, in more mutable times, being (as he ſaid of himſelf) No Oak, but an Oſier. Herein the Parallel holds not: the hoary hairs of Adoram were ſent to the Grave by a violent Ibidem. death, ſlain by the People in a Tumult; this Lord had the rare happineſs of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſetting in his full ſplendour, having lived 97 years, and ſeen 103 out of his body. He died anno Domini 1572. Thus far Mr. Fuller.

This Gentleman had two Rules as uſeful for Mankinde, as they ſeem oppoſite to one another.

1. That in our Conſiderations and Debates, we ſhould not dwell in deceitful Generals, but look into clear Particulars.

2. That in our Reſolutions and Concluſions, we ſhould not reſt on various Particulars, but riſe to uniform Generals.

A Man he was that reverenced himſelf; that could be vertuous when alone, and good when onely his own Theatre, his own applauſe, though excellent, before the world; his vertue improving by fame and glory, as an heat which is doubled by reflexion.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir James Dier.

JAmes Dier Knight, younger Son to Richard Dier Eſquire, was born at Round-hill in Somerſetſhire, as may appear to any by the Heralds Viſitation thereof. He was bred in the ſtudy of our Municipal Law, and was made Lord Chief Juſtice of the Common Pleas, primo Eliz. continuing therein twenty four years. When Thomas Duke of Norfolk was, anno 1572, arraigned for Treaſon, this Judge was preſent thereat, on the ſame token, that when the Duke deſired Counſel to be aſſigned him, pleading that it was granted to Humphrey Stafford in the Reign of King Henry the ſeventh, our Judge returned unto him, That Stafford had it allowed him only as to point of Law, then in diſpute, viz. Whether he was legally taken out of the Sanctuary? but as for matter of Fact, neither he, nor any ever had or could have Counſel allowed him.

But let his own works praiſe him in the Gates, (known for the place of publick Juſtice amongſt the Jews) let his learned Writings, called, The Commentaries or Reports, evidence his Abilities in his Profeſſion. He died in 25 Eliz. (though married) without any iſſue; and there is a Houſe of a Baronet of his Name (deſcended from an elder Son of Richard, Father to our Judge) at great Stoughton in Hunting tonſhire, well improved I believe with the addition of the Judges Eſtate.

There is a Manuſcript of this worthy Judge, wherein are ſix and forty Rules for the preſervation of the Commonwealth, as worthy our Obſervation as they were his Collection.

1. That the true Religion be eſtabliſhed. 2. To keep the parts of the Commonwealth equal. 3. That the middle ſort of people exceed both the extreams. 4. That the Nobility be called to ſerve, or at leaſt to appear at the Court by themſelves, or by the hopes of their Families their Children. 5. That the Court pay well. 6. That Trade be free; and Manufactures, with all other Ingenuities, encouraged. 7. Thgt there be no co-equal Powers, nor any other Ʋſurpations againſt the Foundation. 8. That there be notice taken of wiſe and well-affected Perſons to employ them. 9. That Corruption be reſtrained. 10. That the Prince ſhew himſelf abſolute in his Authority firſt, and then indulgent in his Nature. 11. That the firſt ferment of ſedition, want, &c. be conſidered. 12. That Preferments be beſtowed on merit, and not faction. 13. That troubleſome perſons be employed abroad. 14. That Emulations be over-ruled. 15. That the ancient and moſt eaſie way of Contributions when neceſſary, be followed. 16. That the Youth be diſciplined. 17. That Diſcourſes and Writings of Government, and its myſteries, be reſtrained. 18. That the active and buſie be taken to Employment. 19. That the King ſhew himſelf often in Majeſty, tempered with familiarity, eaſie acceſs, tenderneſs, &c. 20. That the Prince perform ſome unexpected actions at Court himſelf. 21. That no one man be gratified with the grievance of many. 22. That Acts of Grace paſs in the chief Magiſtrates Name, and Acts of Severity in the Miniſters. 23. That the Prince borrow when he hath no need. 24. That he be ſo well furniſhed with Warlike Proviſions, Citadels, Ships, as to be renowned for it. 25. That the Neighbour-States be balanced. 26. That the Prince maintain very knowing Agents, Spies and Intelligencers. 27. That none be ſuffered to raiſe a Quarrel between the Prerogative and the Law. 28. That the People be awaked by Maſters. 29. That in caſes of Faction, Colonies and Plantations be found out to receive ill humours. 30. That the Seas, the Sea-coaſts and Borders be ſecured. 31. That the Prince be either reſident himſelf, or by a good natured and popular Favourite. 32. To act things by degrees, and check all the haſty, importunate, raſh and turbulent, though wellaffected. 33. That the Inhabitants have Honour promiſououſly, but that Power be kept in the Well-affected's hands. 34. That there be as far as can be plain dealing, and the people never think they are deceived. 35. That there be a ſtrict eye kept upon Learning, Arms, and Mechanical Arts. 36. That there be frequent Wars. 37. To obſerve the Diviſions among Favourites, though not to encourage them. 38. That an account be given of the Publick Expences. 39. That Inventions be encouraged. 40. That the Country be kept in its due dependance on the Crown againſt the times of War, Elections, &c. and to that purpoſe that the Courtiers keep good houſes, &c. 41. That no diſobliged perſon be truſted. 42. That Executions be few, ſuddain and ſevere. 43. To improve the benefit of a Kingdomes Situation. 44. That the Liberties and Priviledges of the Subject be ſo clearly ſtated, that there may be no pretences for worſe purpoſes. 45. That the Coyn be neither tranſported nor embaſed. 46. That Luxury be ſuppreſſed.

Maximes theſe! that ſpake our Judge ſo converſant with Books and Men, that that may be applyed to him, which is attributed to as great a Divine as he was a Lawyer, viz. That he never talked with himſelf.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Pelham.

SIr William Pelham was a Native of Suſſex, whoſe ancient and wealthy Family hath long flouriſhed in Laughton therein. His Prudence in Peace, and Valour in War, cauſed Queen Elizabeth to employ him in Ireland, where he was by the Privy-Council appointed Lord Chief Juſtice to govern that Land in the interim betwixt the death of Sir William Drury, and the coming in of Arthur Gray, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

Say not that he did but ſtop a gap for a twelve-month at the moſt, ſeeing it was ſuch a gap, Deſtruction had entred in thereat, to the final ruine of that Kingdome, had not his Providence prevented it. For in this juncture of time, Deſmond began his Rebellion 1579, inviting Sir William to ſide with him; who wiſely gave him the hearing, with a ſmile in to the Bargain. And although our Knight for want of Force could not cure the wounds, yet he may be ſaid to have waſhed and kept it clean, reſigning it in a recovering condition to the Lord Gray, who ſucceeded him. Afterwards he was ſent over into the Low-Countries 1586, being Commander of the Engliſh Horſe therein. It is ſaid of him, Brabantiam perſultabat, He leapt through Brabant; importing celerity and ſucceſs, yea, as much Conqueſt as ſo ſuddain an expedition was capable of.

He had a ſtrong memory whereon he built his experience, and a large experience whereon he grounded his actions: There was no Town, Fort, Paſſage, Hill or Dale, either in Ireland or Holland, but he retained by that ſtrong faculty, that was much his Nature, more his Art; which obſerved privately, what it ſaw publickly; recollected and fixed in the night, what he obſerved by day; truſting his head with ſolids, but not burthening it with impertinencies. Company is one of the greateſt pleaſures of Mankinde, and the great delight of this man, (it's unnatural to be ſolitary; the world is ſinked together by love, and men by friendſhip) who obſerved three things in his converſe, that it ſhould be, 1. even, 2. choice, and 3. uſeful; all his friends being either valiant, ingenious, or wiſe: that is, either Souldiers, Scholars, or States-men. Four things he was very intent upon during his Government in Ireland: 1. The Prieſts, the Pulpits, and the Preſs: 2. The Nobility: 3. The Ports: 4. The Forreigners. Which he purſued with that Activity, the Earl of Ormond aſſiſting him, that anno 1580, that Kingdome was delivered to my Lord Gray after his one years Government, in a betteter condition then it had been for threeſcore year before; the Populacy being encouraged, the Nobility truſted, Feuds laid down, Revenue ſetled, the Sea-towns ſecured, the Souldiery diſciplined and the Magazines furniſhed. Whence he returned to overlook others, ſetling England againſt the Spaniards, as he had done Ireland; himſelf being a • active Commiſſioner in England in 88, and an eminent Agent in Scotland in 89.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Waad.

A Scholar himſelf, and a Patron to ſuch that were ſo; being never well but when employing the Induſtrious, penſioning the Hopeful, and preferring the Deſerving. To his Directions we owe Rider's Dictonary, to his Encouragement Hooker's Policy, to his Charge Gruter's Inſcriptions. As none more knowing, ſo none more civil. No man more grave in his Life and Manners, no man more pleaſant in his Carriage and Complexion; yet no man more reſolved in his Buſineſs: for being ſent by Queen Elizabeth to Philip King of Spain, he would not be turned over to the Spaniſh Privy-Council, (whoſe greateſt Grandees are Dwarfs in honour to his Miſtreſs) but would either have audience of the King himſelf, or return without it; though none knew better how and when to make his cloſe and underhand Addreſſes to ſuch potent Favourites as ſtrike the ſtroke in the State: It often happening in a Commonwealth, (ſaith my Author) that the Maſters Mate ſteers the Ship better then the Maſter himſelf. A man of a conſtant toyl and induſtry, buſie and quick, equalty an enemy to the idle and ſlow undertakings, judging it a great weakneſs to ſtand ſtaring in the face of buſineſs, in that time which might ſerve to do it. In his own practice he never conſidered longer then till he could diſcern whether the thing propoſed was fit or not; when that was ſeen, he immediately ſet to work: when he had finiſhed one buſineſs, he could not endure to have his thoughts lie fallow, but was preſently conſulting what next to undertake.

Two things this Gentleman profeſſed kept him up to that eminence: 1. Fame, that great incitement to Excellency. 2. A Friend, whom he had not onely to obſerve thoſe groſsneſſes which Enemies might take notice of, but to diſcover his prudential failings, indecencies, and even ſuſpitious and barely doubtful paſſages. Friendſhip (ſaith my Lord Bacon) eaſeth the heart, and cleareth the underſtanding, making clear day in both; partly by giving the • ureſt counſel apart from our intereſt and prepoſſeſſions, and partly by allowing opportunity to diſcourſe; and by that diſcourſe to clear the mind, to recollect the thoughts, to ſee how they look in words; whereby men attain that higheſt wiſdome, which Dionyſius the Areopagite ſaith, is the Daughter of Reflexion.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Sidney.

SIr Henry Sidney, eminent for his Son Sir Philip, and famous for his own Actions, w •• born well, and bred better: His Learning was equal to his Carriage, his Carriage to his God Nature, his Good Nature to his Prudence, his Prudence to his Reſolution. A little he learned a School, more at the Univerſity, moſt at Court His Reading was aſſiduous, his Converſe exact, 〈◊〉 Obſervations cloſe: His Reaſon was ſtrong, and 〈◊〉 Diſcourſe flowing. Much he owed to his Stud • ouſneſs at home, more to his Experience abroad where Travel enlarged and conſolidated his Son His own Worth fitted him for Advancement, an his Alliance to my Lord of Leiceſter raiſed him to a Merit muſt capacitate a man for Intereſt, and Intreſt muſt ſet up Merit. His Perſon and his An 〈…〉 ry inveſted him Knight of the Garter, his Moderation and Wiſdome Preſident of Wales. His Reſolution and Model of Government made him Lo 〈…〉 Deputy of Ireland; a people whom he firſt ſtudied and then ruled; being firſt Maſter of their Humour and then of their Government. Four things he ſaid would reduce that Country: A Navy well furniſhed, to cut off their correſpondence with Spain. An Army well paid, to keep up Gariſons; Law well executed, to alter their Conſtitutions and T 〈…〉 res; A Miniſtry well ſetled, to civilize and inſtrud them; and an unwearied Induſtry to go through all Nine things he did there to eternize his Memory.

1. Connaught He divided to ſix Shires.

2. Captainſhips, ſomething anſwering to Knighthood here, He aboliſhed.

3. A Surrendry of all Iriſh Holdings He contried, and the Iriſh Eſtates He ſetled on Engliſh Te • ures and Services.

4. That the ableſt five of each Sept ſhould undertake for all their Relations, He ordered.

5. One Free-School at leaſt in every Dioceſs He maintained.

6. Two Preſidents Courts in Manſter and Con 〈…〉 ught He erected.

7. Their Cuſtomes He reduced to the Civility, and their Exchequer to the Exactneſs of England.

8. Their Purveyance He turned to Compoſiſion.

9. Their Statutes He printed, and a conſtant correſpondence He kept; eſpecially with the Engliſh Embaſſadour in Spain, and King James in Scotland.

Fitz-Williams was mild, Eſſex heady, Perrot ſtout; but this Lieutenant or Deputy was a ſtayed and reſolved Man, that Royally heard ill, and did well; that bore up againſt the clamours of the people with the peace of his conſcience. His Intereſt he had devoted to his Soveraign, and his Eſtate to he Publick; ſaying as Cato, That he had the leaſt here of himſelf. From the Iriſh he took nothing See Davies of Ireland, and Ware and Powel of Wales. but a Liberty to undo themſelves; from Court he deſired nothing but Service; from Wales he had nothing but a Good Name. It's obſerved of him, that He bad open Vertues for Honour, and private ones for Succeſs, which he ſaid was the daughter of reſervedneſs: there being not (ſaith my Lord V • rulam) two more fortunate properties, then to have 〈◊〉 little of the fool, and not too much of the honeſt man The Crown was obliged by his Services, the Nobility engaged to him by Alliances, the People enamoured with his Integrity, and himſelf ſatisfies with a good Conſcience. Much good counſel he gave at Court, more at home in Shropſhire, where his Dexterity in compoſing the private Quarrels of the Country, was as eminent as his Prudence in ſetline the Affairs of Ireland. He had that Majeſty in his Countenance that he awed, and Affability in his Speech that he obliged the Country. His Counſel would be ſmart and ſolid, his Reproof grave and affectionate, his Jeſts quick and taking; doing more with a quick Droll towards the peace of the Country, then others did with longer Harangue. Secretary Bourns Son kept a Gentlemans Wife i • Shropſhire; when he was weary of her, he cauſe her Husband to be dealt with to take her home, an offered him 500 l. for reparation. The Gentleman went to Sir Henry Sidney to take his advice telling him, That his Wife promiſed now a new life and to ſay the truth five hundred pounds would be very ſeaſonable at that time. By my troth (ſaid Sir Henry) take her home, and the Money; then whereas other Cuckolds wear their Horns plain, you may we • yours gilt. His great word after a difference ended, was, Is not this eaſier then going to London as Ludlow? When a man fretted againſt himſelf of others, My Friend, he would ſay, take it from me a weak man complains of others, an unfortunate man of himſelf, but a wiſe man neither of others nor of himſelf. It was his Motto, I'll never threaten. To threaten an Enemy, is to inſtruct him; a Superiour, is to endanger my Perſon; an Inferiour, is to diſparage my Conduct. Old Servants were the Ornament and ſtay of his Family, for whom he reſerved a Copyhold when aged, a Service when hopeful, an Education when pregnant. Twice was he ſent underhand to France, and once to Scotland, to feel the pulſe of the one, and to embroyl the other. It's for ſetled Kingdomes and for Wealthy men to play above-board, while the young State as the young Fortune ſhould be leaſt in ſight.

He and Sir Thomas Randolph amuſe the Queen of Scots with the hope of the Crown of England, and the King of France by a League with his Proteſtant Subjects; to whoſe aſſiſtance Sir Adrian Poynings arrives as Field-marſhal, and the Earl of Warwick as General.

Sir Nicholas Arnold had diſpoſed Ireland to a ſettlement, when Juſticer; and Sir Henry Sidney formerly Juſticer and Treaſurer, was now to compleat it as Deputy, being aſſiſted in Munſter by Sir Warham St. Leiger, and elſewhere by the brave Earl of Ormond, having procured his Antagoniſt the Earl of Deſmond to be called to England in order to a peace and tranquillity. Great was his Authority over, far greater his love to, and eſteem of the Soldiers, with whom he did wonders againſt Shane Oneals Front, while Randolph charged his Rear until the wild Rebel ſubmits, and is executed. When he reſigned his Authority and Honour to Sir William Drury, he took his farewel of Ireland in theſe words, When Iſrael departed out of Egypt, and the houſe of Jacob from a barbarous people. A ſingular man he was, (ſaith the Hiſtorian) and one of the moſt commendable Deputies of Ireland, to whoſe Wiſdome and Fortitude that Kingdome cannot but acknowledge much, though it is as impatient of Deputies as Sicily was of old of Procurators.

Alter idem, or other Obſervations on the Life of Thomas Ratcliffe.

THomas Ratcliffe Lord Fitz-Walter, ſecond Earl of Suſſex of that ſurname, twice Lord-Deputy of Ireland, was a moſt valiant Gentleman. By his Prudence he cauſed that actual Rebellion brake not out in Ireland; and no wonder 〈◊〉 in his time it rained not War there, ſeeing his diligence diſperſed the Clouds before they could gather together. Thus he who cures a Diſeaſe may be skilfulleſt; but he that prevents it, is the ſafe Phyſitian.

Queen Elizabeth called him home to be her Lord Chamberlain, and a conſtant Court-faction was maintained between him and Robert Earl of Leiceſter: ſo that the Suſſexians and the Leiceſterian divided the Court, whilſt the Cecilians as Neuters did look upon them. Suſſex had a great Eſtate left by his Anceſtors, Leiceſter as great given or reſtored him by the Queen: Suſſex was the honeſter man, and greater Souldier; Leiceſter the more facete Courtier, and deep Politician; not for the general Good, but for his particular Profit. Great the Animoſity betwixt them; and what in vain the Queen endeavoured, Death performed, taking this Earl away; and ſo the Competition was ended. New-Hall in Eſſex was the place if not (as I believe) of his Birth, yet of his principal Habitation. He died anno Domini—and lieth buried in the Church of St. Olives Hartſtreet London.

The firſt of Queen Elizabeth found this brave Earl commanding Ireland in peace and plenty, with three hundred and twenty Horſe, and eight hundred and ſixty Foot, prudently gariſoned, and well paid: And the ſecond employed him thither again, with Inſtructions, That he ſhould beware above all things, leſt the Iriſh, being an uncivil people, and therefore the more ſuperſtitious, ſhould by the cunning practices of the French, be excited to rebellion under the pretext of Religion. 2. That he ſhould fortifie Ophale with Caſtles and Forts. 3. That he ſhould engage the Souldiery with large Poſſeſſions. 4. That the Iriſh Nobility ſhould hold their Eſtates in Fee. 5. That he ſhould improve the Queens Revenues moderately, and reduce her Exchequer there to the form of that in England.

At what time Maximilian the Emperoun courted Queen Elizabeth, whom all Engliſh men wiſhed married, all Proteſtants married to a Proteſtant, and the Earl of Leiceſter had deſigned for himſelf, there aroſe a deadly feud in the Engliſh Court between the Earl of Suſſex, that favoured the Match upon common Principles of Government; and the Earl of Leiceſter, who oppoſed it upon a private deſigne of his own. Certainly very great and ſhameful hopes do they foſter, who have already attained things beyond hopes. The open-hearted Earl would call his Antagoniſt an Upſtart, that had but two Anceſtors, his Father, a Traytor; and his Grandfather, a Publican. The Court is divided, the Earls are always attended with their armed Guards, until the Queen, who took pleaſure in, and made uſe of the innocent emulation of her women, but was afraid of the dangerous conteſts of her Favourites, rather skinned over, then healed the rupture.

At the Emperours Court, whither he is ſent with the Order of Saint George, he preſſeth the Marriage cloſely, as much out of love to his Country, as hatred to Leiceſter; having nothing more ordinary in his diſcourſe then that a Forreign Prince was to be preferred before the nobleſt Engliſhman for the three grand things of Honour, Power and Wealth. But what he promoted publickly, the Lord North, who was joyned with him rather as his Guardian then his Colleague, oppoſed privately, until a few fond ſcruples broke the moſt ſolemn Negotiation; wherein yet this Earl behaved himſelf with a Gallantry that gained him a familiarity from the Emperour, a reverence from the Archduke, a reſpect from all the people, and his Miſtreſs a kindneſs in that Court, that ſtood her in great ſtead againſt the attempts of Spain and Rome.

From Germany he returned with much honour, to Command in the North with more, where he and his old ſetters at Court diſcovered the grand Plot in the North, as Hunſdon and his old Souldiers at Berwick defeated it, and both haraſſed the Scotiſh Borders: all things yeilding to thoſe two grand Diſpoſers of the World, now predominant in England, Wiſedome and Cecil at home, Arms and Hunſdon abroad; and both with Suſſex at home, now for his approved Wiſdome and Fidelity made Privy Counſellour, and abroad alway Lord General.

Of many, I pitch on this one Argument, Of the greatneſs of his Minde, that he ſcorned to trample the Proſtrate; that he had a juſt Paſſion, but not an unworthy Malice for an Enemy whom he had a generous goodneſs to pity when unhappy, as well as a brave ſpirit to conteſt with when injurious. The leſſer fry of adverſaries railed againſt, this great one pleaded for Leiceſter, when his practices againſt Anjou's marriage with the Queen confined him to the Caſtle of Windſor; and his Menaces had caſt him to the Tower of London, had not my Lord, minding more the common Intereſt then his private reſentments, firſt moderated the Queens Paſſion with Reaſon, and then overcame it with this Jeſt, You muſt allow Lovers their jealouſie.

Alter idem, or other Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Hatton.

HHis firſt Preferment at Court was to be one of the fifty Penſioners; whence his modeſt ſweetneſs of Manners advanced him to the Privy Chamber: where he had not been long, but his face and tongue (which moſt eloquent, which moſt powerful, was in thoſe days a queſtion) made him Captain of the Guard; his preſence and ſervice Vice-Chamberlain; and his great improvement under my Lord Burleigh, placed him in that grave Aſſembly, (the wiſeſt Convention in Europe at that time) the Privy-Council; where he had not ſate long, when his enemies as well as his friends made him Chancellour and Knight of the Garter: the one to raiſe him, and the other by that riſe to ruine him. The Eagle-eyed men of thoſe times carried up on high the Cockleſhel they had a mind to crack. A man of a pious Nature, very charitable to the Poor, very tender of diſſenting Judgements, (ſaying, That neither ſearing nor cutting was to be uſed in the cauſe of Religion) very bountiful to Scholars, (who choſe him Chancellour at Oxford) very exact in his Place; whence he went off, though not with the applauſe of a great Lawyer to ſplit Cauſes, yet with the Conſcience and comfort of a juſt man, to do equity.

Take his Character from his own words, thoſe words that prevailed with the Queen of Scots to appear before the Commiſſioners at Fotheringaz, when neither Queen Elizabeths Commiſſion, nor the Lord Chancellours Reaſon, nor the Power of the Kingdome could perſwade that good Lady to it. The words are theſe:

You are accuſed, but not condemned. You ſay you are a Queen; be it ſo: if you are innocent, you wrong your Reputation in avoiding tryal. You proteſt your ſelf innocent, the Queen feareth the contrary not without grief and ſhame. To examine your innocence are theſe honourable, prudent, and upright Commiſſioners ſent: glad will they be with all their hearts if they may return and report you guiltleſs. Believe me, the Queen her ſelf will be much affected with joy, who affirmed to me at my coming from her, that never any thing befel her more grievous, then that you were charged with ſuch a crime: Wherefore lay aſide the bootleſs priviledge of Royal Dignity, which here can be of no uſe to you, appear in Judgement, and ſhew your Innocence; leſt by avoiding tryal, you draw upon your ſelf ſuſpicion, and lay upon your Reputation an eternal blot and aſperſion.

Four things I obſerve he did that deſerve a Chronicle:

1. That he delayed the Signing of Leiceſters Patent for the Lieutenancy of England and Ireland, the Preface to his Kingdome, until that Earl was ſick.

2. That he reduced the Chancery, and all other Courts, to Rules.

3. That he ſtood by the Church againſt the enemies of both ſides. Archbiſhop Whitgift when checked by others for his due ſeverity, writes to him thus: I think my ſelf bound to you for your friendly Meſſage as long as I live: It hath not a little comforted me, having received unkinde ſpeeches not long ſince, &c. And therefore (after an expoſtulation about ſome States-mens Proceedings againſt the Law and State of the Realm, and a Declaration of his own reſolution) ſaith he, your Honour in offering that great courteſie, offered unto me as great a pleaſure as I can deſire. Her Majeſty muſt be my Refuge, and I beſeech you that I may uſe you as a means, when occaſion ſhall ſerve; whereof I aſſure my ſelf, and therein reſt, John Cant.

4. That he promoted the Proclamations for Plain Apparel, for Free Trade, for Pure Religion, and the Laws againſt the Papiſts.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Puckering.

SIr John Puckering was born at Flamboroughhead in Yorkſhire. He was ſecond Son to his Father, a Gentleman that left him neither a plenteous nor a penurious Eſtate. His Breeding was more beneficial to him then his Portion; gaining thereby ſuch skill in the Common Law, that he became the Queens Sergeant, Speaker in the Houſe of Commons, and at laſt Lord Chancellour of England. How he ſtood in his Judgement in the point of Church-Diſcipline, plainly appeareth by his following Speech, delivered in the Houſe of Lords 1588.

And eſpecially you are commanded by Her Majeſty to take heed, that no ear be given, nor time afforded to the weariſome Sollicitations of thoſe that commonly be called Puritans, wherewithal the late Parliaments have been exceedingly importuned: which ſort of men, whilſt that (in the giddineſs of their ſpirits) they labour and ſtrive to advance a new Elderſhip, they do nothing elſe but diſturb the good repoſe of the Church and Commonwealth: which is as well grounded for the body of Religion it ſelf, and as well guided for the Diſcipline, as any Realm that profeſſeth the Truth. And the ſame thing is already made good to the world by many of the Writings of godly and learned men, neither anſwered nor anſwerable by any of theſe new-fangled Refiners. And, as the preſent caſe ſtandeth, it may be doubted, whether they, or the Jeſuites, do offer more danger, or be more ſpeedily to be repreſſed. For, albeit the Jeſuites do empoyſon the hearts of Her Majeſties Subjects, under a pretext of Conſcience to withdraw them from their Obedience due to Her Majesty; yet do they the ſame, but cloſely, and in privy-corners: But theſe men do both teach and publiſh in their printed Books, and teach in all their Conventicles, ſundry Opinions, not onely dangerous to a well-ſetled Estate, and the Policy of the Realm, by putting a Pike between the Clergy and the Layty; but alſo much derogatery to her ſacred Majeſty and her Crown, as well by the diminution of her ancient and lawful Revenues, and by denying Her Highneſs Prerogative and Supremacy, as by offering peril to her Majeſties ſafety in her own Kingdome. In all which things, (however in other Points they pretend to be at war with the Popiſh Jeſuites) yet by this ſeparation of themſelves from the unity of their fellow-ſubjests, and by abaſing the Sacred Authority and Majeſty of their Prince, they do both joyn and concur with the Jeſuites in opening the Door, and preparing the way to the Spaniſh Invaſion that is threatened againſt the Realm.

And thus having according to the weakneſs of my beſt underſtanding delivered Her Majeſties Royal Pleaſure and wiſe Direction, I reſt there, with humble Suit of Her Majeſties moſt gracious Pardon in ſupplying of my defects, and recommend you to the Author of all good counſel.

He died anno Domini 1596, charactered by Mr. Cambden, Vir Integer. His Eſtate is ſince deſcended, (according to the ſolemn ſettlement thereof) the Male Iſſue failing, on Sir Henry Newton; who, according to the Condition, hath aſſumed the ſurname of Puckering.

Sir Thomas Egerton urged againſt the Earl of Arundel methodically what he had done before, in, and ſince the Spaniſh Invaſion: Sir John Puckering preſſed things cloſely, both from Letters and Correſpondence with Allen and Parſons, that few men had ſeen; and from the ſaying of my Lord himſelf, (which fewer had obſerved) who when Valongers Cauſe about a Libel was handled in the Star-chamber, had ſaid openly, He that is throughly Popiſh, the ſame man cannot but be a Traytor. A man this was of himſelf of good repute for his own Carriage, but unhappy for that of his Servants; who for diſpoſing of his Livings corruptly, left themſelves an ill name in the Church, and him but a dubious one in the State. David is not the onely perſon whom the iniquity of his heels, that is, of his followers, layeth hold on.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Bromley.

SIr Thomas Bromley was born at Bromley in Shropſhire, of a right ancient Family. He was bred in the Inner Temple, and made, before he was forty years of age, General-Sollicitor to Queen Elizabeth; and afterwards, before he was fifty, ſucceeded Sir Nicholas Bacon in the Dignity of Lord Chancellour: yet Bacon was not miſſed while Bromley ſucceeded him; and that loſs which otherwiſe could not have been repaired, now could not be perceived; which Office he wiſely and learnedly executed with much diſcretion, poſſeſſing it nine years, and died anno 1587, not being ſixty years old.

My Lord Hunſdon firſt employed this Gentleman, and my Lord Burleigh took firſt notice of him. He had a deep head to dive to the bottome of the abſtruſe Caſes of thoſe times, and a happy mean to manage them, with no leſs ſecurity to the Eſtate, then ſatisfaction to the People. A man very induduſtrious in his Place, and very obſervant of the Court: happy in his potent friends, happy in his able followers; men of great faithfulneſs towards him, and of great integrity and reſpectfulneſs towards any that made Addreſſes to him. He never decided the equity of any Caſe before he had diſcourſed with the Judge that heard it, of the Law of it. He never diſpoſed of a Living without the Biſhop of the Dioceſs his conſent where it lay: nor ever engaged he in any State-buſineſs without direction from my Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leiceſter, my Lord Delaware. Sir Ralph Sadler was to obſerve the Policy, Dr. Wilſon the Civil Law, and Sir Thomas Bromley the Engliſh Law, in the Queer of Scots Anſwer to Queen Elizabeths laſt Expoſtulation. The Spaniſh Souldier never takes wages againſt his King, and Sir Thomas Bromley never took fees againſt the Crown. He would have the Caue opened clearly by his Client in the Chamber, before ever he would declare it at the Bar: He lo 〈…〉 money for not admitting all Cauſes promiſcuouſly at firſt, but he gained it at laſt; when never failing in any Cauſe, ſaith my Author, for five years: during which ſpace, what he wanted in the retayl of advantage, he made up in the groſs o 〈…〉 eſteem; being by that time the onely perſon that the People would employ, and one of the three the Court would favour; being excellent (becauſe induſtrious) in a leading and an untrodden Caſe Phyſitians, they ſay, are beſt like Beer when ſtale, and Lawyers like Bread when young: This Perſon was eminent in all the periods of his Age; each whereof he filled with its juſt and becoming accompliſhment. In that Lord of Northumberland's Caſe that Piſtolled himſelf, none more ſubtle to argue his guilt; in the Queen of Scots, none more ſtrict to keep to the Law: for when the Queen of Sco 〈…〉 would explain ſomething in the Queens Commiſſion, he anſwered, We are Subjects, and not come hither to explain the Queens words, but to perform them. None more diſcreet and grave, prefacing that great buſineſs with theſe words; The High and Mighty Queen our Soveraign, that ſhe might not be wanting to her God, her Self, her People, or your Honour, ſent us hither, not ſo much to try, as to elear you; not ſo much to urge her Accuſations, as to hear your Defence. And none more ſtedfaſt to his Soveraign: for when that unfortunate Lady proteſted her unaccountableneſs to the Engliſh Laws, he replyed, This proteſtation is vain: for whoſoever, of what place ſoever, offendeth againſt the Laws of England in England, was ſubject to the ſame Laws, and might be examined and tryed. The Sentence againſt her he declared had three things in it: 1. Juſtice, 2. Security, 3. Neceſſity: but added preſently, And that wiſely too it ſhould no ways prejudice King James his Title or Honour.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Richard Bingham.

SIr Richard Bingham, born in Binghams-Melcolm in Dorſetſhire, of a very ancient Family, in his youth trayelled moſt parts of the world: He was at the Siege of St. Quintin in France; the Sacking of Leith in Scotland; ſerved in Candia under the Venetians againſt the Turk; then returned into the Netherlands, being ſtrong and fortunate in all his Undertakings. After all this, he went into Ireland, and was there Preſident of Connaught, and conquered the great and dangerous Rebel O Rorke.

A Gentleman this, rather skilful in many myſteries then thriving in any: of a fancy too high and wild, too deſultory and over-voluble: yet Imagination hath often produced Realities, and Phancy done the work of Judgement; as in this Gentleman, whoſe Daringneſs went for Conduct, whoſe Spirit paſſed for Reſolution, whoſe Activity had the honour of skill, and whoſe Succeſs the glory of prudence. It's a wonder of parts that Caſar could write, read, dictate, and diſcourſe at the ſame time; it's a miracle of fancy that thisman ſhould Command a Regiment in the Netherlands, preſide in a Province of Ireland, manage a Trade in Ruſſia, carry on a Plantation in America, and husband a Mannor in England. But as the King of Spain is painted with a handful of ſand running out between his ſingers, in reference to his many, but unprofitable Dominions; ſo might this grand Projector be deſcribed, who attempted ſo many things, that he did nothing. Yet one thing his Quick-ſilver Soul was good for, and that is Stratagems: Now you ſhould have him ſurprize a Town by Butter-women, another time by Workmen; anon he would face the Enemy, and draw them with ſucceſs upon a Train of Gunpowder he would lay for them, and Iron Prickſteds he would ſow for them: He would ſteal their hands and ſeals, buy the very keys of their Cloſets; and ſo amuſe them with Letters, and diſtract them with Jealouſies, while in the mean time the vigilant man alarmed them every hour of the day, and each watch of the night; ſo that he tamed thoſe wild Iriſh as we do ſome wild beaſts, by watching.

Obſervations on the Life of Roger Aſhcam.

FRom his Cradle a Royal Servant, and to his Grave a Favourite: a good man, (ſaith Cambden) and if his ambition had been but as great as the occaſion was fair, a great one too. Born he was honeſtly in York ſhire, and bred handſomely at Cambridge; and both born and bred for that Age which was to refine Greek and Latine to a politeneſs, and raiſe them to an Eloquence. He was the Univerſity-Orator at Cambridge, and at Court; there uſing his Eloquence, here his Intereſt againſt that Sacriledge, that having Dined on the Church, as he writ, came to Sup on the Univerſities. Thence he was rather removed then advanced, more ſuitably to his merit then his expectation, to be Queen Elizabeths Schoolmaſter for the Latine Tongue in her Siſters time, and her Secretary for the ſame in her own.

What he got by his Ingenuity, he loſt by his Gaming, viz. at Dice and Cock-fighting, dying rich onely in thoſe two Books, his Eſtate and Monument, whereof the one is intituled Toxophilus, and the other Scholarcha. He and his dear Smith were the happieſt men in the Nation; their large and ingenious Souls claſping together in an entire friendſhip, made up of kindneſs and integrity, apart from the little fears, the jealouſies, the ſuſpitions that vex Mankinde. What learned Letters! what loving Expoſtulations! what diſcreet Intimations! what faithful Advertiſements! what indifferent Community! what common Cares and Pities! How they loved! how they chid! and how they loved again! how plain! how malleable! how ſweet! What little Obſervations upon one anothers inadvertencies, neglects or miſcarriages! how they improved their Mollia tempora to the great end of friendſhip, information and advice! How ſecretly they vented their thoughts into each others breaſts, and there looked upon them by reflexion, and the advantage of a ſecond conſideration! And it's a happineſs to have another ſelf to ſhew our ſelves to before we appear to the world, that all men wiſh, and the good men onely enjoy. An honeſt man this, that abhorred all artifice and cunning, and hated all concealments and pretenſions, which he had ſagacity enough to diſcover and look through, but a ſpirit too generous to practiſe it; none being more able for, yet none more averſe to that circumlocution and contrivance wherewith ſome men ſhadow their main drift and purpoſe. Speech was made to open Man to Man, and not to hide him; to promote Commerce, and not betray it.

HOw happy is he born and taught H. W. That ſerveth not anothers will, Whoſe Armour is his honeſt thought, And ſimple Truth his utmoſt skill? Whoſe Paſſions not his Maſters are, Whoſe Soul is ſtill prepar'd for death; Ʋntide unto the world by care Of publick Fame, or private breath. Who envies none that Chance doth raiſe, Nor Vice bath ever underſtood; How deepeſt wounds are given by praiſe, Nor Rules of State, but Rules of Good. Who hath his life from rumours freed, Whoſe Conſcience is his ſtrong retreat: Whoſe ſtate can neither flatterers feed, Nor ruine make Oppreſſors great. Who God doth late and early pray, More of his Grace, then Gifts to lend; And entertains the harmleſs day With a Religious Book or Friend. This man is freed from ſervile bands Of hope to riſe, or fear to fall: Lord of himſelf, though not of Lands; And having nothing, yot hath all.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Packington.

SIr John Packington was a Perſon of no Sir Robert Naunton. mean Family, and of form and feature no way deſpiſeable: for he was a brave Gentleman, and a very fine Courtier; and for the time which he ſtayed there, was very high in the Queens Grace: but he came in, and went out, and through diſaſſiduity loſt the advantage of her favor; and then Death drawing a vail over him, utterly deprived him of recovery. They ſay of him, ſaith the ſame Author, that had he brought leſs to the Court then he did, he might have carried away more then he brought: for he had a time of it, but he was an ill husband of Opportunity. His handſome features took the moſt, and his neat parts the wiſeſt at Court. He could ſmile Ladies to his ſervice, and argue States-men to his deſigne with equal eaſe. His Reaſon was powerful, his Beauty more. Never was 〈◊〉 brave Soul more bravely ſeated: Nature beſtowed great Parts on him, Education poliſhed him to and admirable frame of prudence and vertue. Queen Elizabeth called him Her Temperance, and Leiceſter His Modeſty. It is a queſtion to this day, Whether his Reſolution took the Souldiers, his Prudence the Politicians, his Complyance the Favourites, his Complaiſance the Courtiers, his Piety the Clergy, his Integrity and Condeſcention the People, or his Knowledge the Learned, moſt? This new Court-ſtar was a nine-days wonder, engaging all eyes until it ſet ſatisfied with its own glory. He came to Court, he ſaid, as Solomon did, to ſee its vanity; and retired as he did, to repent it. It was he who ſaid firſt what Biſhop Sanderſon urged afterwards, That a ſound Faith was the beſt Divinity, good Conſcience the beſt Law, and Temperance the beſt Phyſick. Sir John Packington in Queen Elizabeths time was vertuous and modeſt, and Sir John Packington in King Charles his time Loyal and valiant; the one did well, the other ſuffered ſo: Greenbam was his Favourite, Hammond his; the one had a competant Eſtate, and was contented; the other hath a large one, and is noble: this ſuppreſſeth Factions in the Kingdome, the other compoſed them in the Court, and was called by Courtiers Moderation. Weſtmerland tempted his fidelity, and Norfolk his ſtedfaſtneſs: but he died in his Bed an honeſt and an happy man, while one of them goes off tainted on the Scaffold, and the other dies a Begger in Flanders.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Norriſes and Knowles.

MY Lord Norris had by his Lady an ample Iſſue, which the Queen highly reſpected: for he had ſix ſons, all Martial brave men; of haughty courage, and of great experience in the conduct of Military Affairs. Greater was not the Faction between Leiceſter and Suſſex at Court, then that between the Knowles and the Norriſes in the Country: both Families of Oxfordſhire; the one reſolute at Greyes, the other valiant at Rycote: the former got great Eſtates at home, the latter attained to great Honour abroad. The Knowles were beloved by the Queen for their own ſakes, the Norriſes for theirs and her own ſake: the Knowles were of the ſame blood with her Majeſty, the Norriſes ſpent theirs for her.

1. My Lord Norris died at Court an honeſt man.

2. Sir Francis at Bulloign a good Souldier.

3. Sir William at Berwick a brave Governour.
As the firſt eminent Norris ſuffered for Anne Bullen, the Queens Mother: ſo the firſt eminent Knowles ſuffered with Proteſtantiſm her Religion.
4. Sir Thomas at Munſter a wiſe Preſident.

5. Sir Maximilian at Bretaign an expert Engineer.

6. Maximilian at Groen a renowned Heroe.

7. Sir John was a moſt accompliſhed General, no leſs eminent for his ſafe retreats, then for his reſolute onſets. France hath recorded this teſtimony of him, That he brought on his men ſo warily, as one that could bring them off: and England this, That he brought them off ſo reſolutely, as one that durſt bring them on. His fortune often overthrew his enemy, and his wiſdome oftner ſaved his friends: His Conduct was famous, and his Diſcipline exact: His Actions are Preſidents, and his Orders Laws of War to this day. He was bred under Caſtilion, and out-did him. Ireland was always poſſeſſed, but never conquered till Norris came, who could lie on the coldeſt earth, ſwim the deepeſt Rivers,
Norris could not riſe though he deſerved his Honour, becauſe of Leiceſter that favoured his Brother, Knowles and Eſſex that envyed him; neither could Knowls advance becauſe of Suſſex that feared, and Cecil that ſuſpected him. The Knowles were deſerving, but modeſt; favoured, but humble; powerful, but quiet; rather firm at Court, then high; allied to the Queen, and faithful to the Crown. Queen Elizabeth advanced Sir Francis to the Vicechamberlainſhip, Treaſurerſhip of the Houſhold, Captainſhip of the Guard, and the Order of the Garter, becauſe ſhe ſaid, He was an honeſt man; and King James and King Charles raiſed his Son Sir William to the Earldome of Banbury, becauſe he was a ſerviceable man. force the ſtraighteſt Paſſes, find out the moſt ſecret corners, & tread the ſofteſt Bog; who could endure any thing but an affront, and a Superiour: the firſt whereof, upon a repulſe at Court, ſaddened his heart; as the ſecond, upon another Deputies being ſent over him, broke it. Unſucceſsful he was with Don Antonio in Spain, becauſe he underſtood not the Country. In the Low-Countries he gained experience firſt, and then victory: in Ireland he had Connaught for his Grave, Mount-Norris his Monument, and the Letter of Queen Elizabeth to his Mother his Epitaph. Honeſtly faithful was that family to their Miſtreſs that was, and providently ſo were they to their Maſter that ſhould be. Handſom men they were when attending at Court, and valiant when called to the Camp.

Norriſes. Knowles. 1. The Norriſes are employed in Embaſſies of War, wherein they were active. 1. The Knowles are abroad in religious Negotiations, for which they had been Confeſſors, Sir Francis in France, and Sir Henry in Germany. 2. My Lord Norris his reſolution was very becoming in the demand of Calice. 2. Francis Knowles his meekneſs was ſuitable to his perſwaſions for Religion: 3. The Iriſh Conſpirator Thoumond opened a Plot againſt the Government in Ireland to the Agent Norris. 3. And the Scots Schiſmatick Humes diſcovered a deſigne againſt the Church in England to the Embaſſadour Knowles.

In 88,

My Lord Hunſdon guarded the Queens perſon with 34000 foot, and 2000 horſe; the Earl of Leiceſter commanded the Midland Army of 22000 foot, and 1000 horſe: Sir Roger Williams and Sir Richard Bingham were in the head of 20000 in the Thames mouth, and Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Knowles with other Aſſiſtants ſate in the Council of War to overlook all. Sir John adviſed three things: 1. The Guarding of the Havens. 2. The Training of the Militia, and the preparing of them to be at an hours warning upon a ſignal given, which was then the firing of a Beacon. 3. That if the Enemy did land, the Country ſhould be laid waſte before him, the Train-bands alarming him day and night. Sir Francis added, 1. What Shires and what numbers ſhould aſſiſt each Coaſt, how the men ſhould be armed, how commanded, and in what order they ſhould fight. 2. That the Papiſts ſhould not be maſſacred, as ſome would have it, but ſecured. 3. That the Deputy of Ireland ſhould be inſtructed. 4. That the King of Scots ſhould be engaged. 5. That Agents ſhould be ſent to the Netherlands and to France. And, 6. That the Queen ſhould encourage the people with her own preſence. Sir John Norris died when he ſaw beyond others expectation and his own merit, the Lord Burghe made Lord-Deputy, and himſelf but Preſident of Munſter; his great minde ſinking under one affront from his Soveraign, which had born up againſt all the aſſaults of her enemies; leaving this honour behinde him, That he laid the beſt grounds of Military practice in England. But who can ſtand before Envy?

A further Character of Sir John Norris from Queen Elizabeths Letter to his Mother. My own Crow,

HArm not your ſelf for bootleſs help, but ſhew a good example to comfort your dolorous yoak-fellow. Although we have deferred long to repreſent to you our grieved thoughts, becauſe we liked full ill to yeild you the firſt reflexion of miſfortune, whom we have always rather ſought to cheriſh and comfort; yet knowing now, that Nec'ſsity must bring it to your ear, and Nature conſequently muſt move both grief and paſsion in your heart; We reſolved no longer to ſmother, neither our care for your ſorrow, or the ſympathy of our grief for your loſs. Wherein if it be true, That Society in ſorrow works diminution, We do aſſure you by this true Meſſenger of our minde, that Nature can have ſtirred no more dolorous affection in you as a Mother for a dear Son, then Gratefulneſs and memory of his Service paſt, hath wrought in Us his Soveraign apprehenſion of our miſs for ſo worthy a Servant. But now that Natures common work is done, and he that was born to die hath paid his Tribute, let that Chriſtian diſcretion ſtay the flux of your immoderate grieving, which hath inſtructed you both for example and knowledge, that nothing in this kinde hath happened but by Gods Divine Providence. And let theſe Lines from your loving gracious Soveraign ſerve to aſſure you, that there ſhall ever appear the lively Character of our Eſtimation of him that was, in our gracious care of you and yours that are left, in valuing rightly all their faithful and honeſt Endeavours. More at this time we will not write of this unpleaſant ſubject, but have diſpatched this Gentleman to viſit both your Lord and you, and to condole with you in the true ſenſe of your love; and to pray that the world may ſee what time cureth in a weak minde, that Diſcretion and Moderation helpeth in you in this accident, where there is ſo juſt cauſe to demonstrate true Patience and Moderation.

Your Gracious and Loving Soveraign, E. R.

Obſervations on the Life of Secretary Daviſon.

THat Meteor of the Court! raiſed onely in an exceſs of heat and vapours, to fall in a clearer day: for having good parts to act, an eaſie nature to comply, and a good diſpoſition to be impoſed on, he was raiſed to play others parts rather then his own, in thoſe intricate and dark times, when fools were put to execute what wiſe men adviſed; and the world ſaw but the plain-ſide of the great watch of State, within which all the Springs were incloſed and hid.

That he was but of a private capacity, and ſo ſafely to be raiſed, as one that would neither outſhine nor outdare his Patron, (Machiavil hath a Rule, (Diſc. l. 3. c. 2.) That it is a very great part of wiſdome ſometimes to ſeem a fool, and ſo lie out of the reach of Obſervation and Jealouſie) appears from his Negotiations, that were either payment of money in the Netherlands, a Merchants buſineſs; or taking ſecurity of the Merchants in France, a Scriveners part; or pacifying the tumult in Holland, the task of a Burgomaſter. Beale the Clerk of the Council and he were joyned in Commiſſion, always to deal with the Scots; the one the auſtereſt, and the other the ſweeteſt man living. When the firſt frighted thoſe rude people with Expoſtulations, the ſecond got into them with infinuations. A hard and a ſoft, a Hammer and a Cuſhion, breaks a Flint; Fear and Love rule the world. His grand Caſe, as that great Hiſtorian layeth it, is briefly this: Many Proteſtants thought themſelves in danger while the Queen of Scots was alive; many Papiſts thought themſelves undone while ſhe was impriſoned: theſe laſt preſs her to ſome dangerous undertakings; of the firſt, ſome were for ſecuring, others for tranſporting, and a third party for poyſoning her: to which purpoſe many Overtures were made, though yet none durſt undertake it that had either Eſtate or honour to looſe; being ſo wiſe as not to underſtand what was meant by the ſtrange Letters that were ſent, elſe they might have faln into this Gentlemans fortune; who unadviſedly venturing between the honour and ſafety of his Soveraign, was ground to nothing betwixt the fear of one party, and the ſhame of the other.

But this mild, but ſtout, becauſe honeſt man, was not ſo weak in the perpetration of this fault, as he was wiſe in his Apology for it, ſaying, He would not confeſs a guilt, and betray his integrity; nor yet ſtand upon a Juſtification, and forget his Duty. He would neither conteſt with his Soveraign, nor diſparage himſelf; but clear himſelf as an honeſt man, and ſubmit as a thankful ſervant, and a good ſubject.

DAzled thus with heighth of place, Whilſt our hopes our wits beguile, F. B. No man marks the narrow ſpace Twixt a priſon and a ſmile. Then, ſince Fortunes favours fade, You, that in her arms do ſleep, Learn to ſwim, and not to wade; For, the hearts of Kings are deep. But, if Greatneſs be ſo blind As to truſt in Towers of Air, Let it be with Goodneſs lin'd, That at leaſt the fall be fair. Then though darkned, you ſhall ſay, When friends fail, and Princes frown, Vertue is the rougheſt way, But proves at night a Bed of Down.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Jeffrey Fenton.

SHarp and lively-ſpirited men, skilful in War, and prudent in Peace: of a reſtleſs and a publick Spirit, well skilled in the Trade of England, better in the Wealth of America; in the North-part whereof, which we call New-found Land, whither they had ſayled a little before with five Ships, having ſold their Patrimony in hope to plant a Colony there, they undid themſelves: for after they had by the voice of a common Cryer proclaimed that Country to belong to the Engliſh Juriſdiction, and had aſſigned Land to each of their Company, they were diſtreſſed by Shipwracks, and want of neceſſary proviſion, and conſtrained to give over their Enterprize; learning too late, and teaching others, That it is matter of greater difficulty to tranſport Colonies into far Countries upon private mens wealth, then they and others in a credulous and ſanguine fit imagine: and this, Quod ſ •• eſſe velis, nihil que malis.

Obſervations on the Life of Walter Haddon.

WAlter Haddon was born of a Knightly Family in Buckinghamſhire, bred at Eaton, afterwards Fellow in Kings Colledge in Cambridge, where he proceeded Doctor of Law, and was the Kings Profeſſor in that Faculty, choſen Vice-Chancellour of the Univerſity 1550. Soon after he was made Preſident of Magdalen-Colledge in Oxford, which place he waved in the reign of Queen Mary, and ſheltered himſelf in obſcurity. Queen Elizabeth made him one of the Maſters of her Requeſts, and employed him in ſeveral Embaſſies beyond the Seas. Her Majeſty being demanded whether ſhe preferred him or Buchanan for Learning, wittily and warily returned,

Buchanum omnibus • ntepono, Haddonum nemini poſtpono.

S. Memoriae.

Gu • ltero Haddono Equeſtri loco nato juris Conſulto, Oratori, Poetae celeberrimo, Graecae Latinae que Eloquentiae ſui temporis facilè principi ſapientia & ſanctitate vitae, in id erecto, ut Reginae Elzabethae à ſupplicum libellis Magiſter eſſet, deſtinaretur que majoribus niſi, facto immaturius ceſſiſſet: Interim in omni gradus viro longe Eminentiſſimo, Conjugi ſui optimo meretiſſimo que Anna Suttona, uxor ejus ſecunda flens moerens deſiderii ſui ſignum poſuit. Obiit anno Salut. hum. 1572. Aetatis 56.

This his fair Monument is extant in the Wall, at the upper end of the Chancel of Chriſt-Church in London, where ſo many ancient Inſcriptions have been barbarouſly defaced. He and Dr. Wotton ſetled Trade between us and the Netherlands, and removed the Mart to Embden: and both were famous for their reſervedneſs in the caſe of ſucceſſion, which they kept locked in their own breaſts; ſo always reſolved to do, (notwithſtanding Leiceſters Sollicitations of them to a Declaration for the Queen of Scots now his Miſtreſs, and hereafter in the Queen of Englands deſigne to be his Wife) unleſs (as they alledged) their Miſtreſs commanded their Opinion; who certainly never heard any more unwillingly then the controverſie about the Title of Succeſſion: and both as famous for their diſſwaſion againſt the making of the Netherland a Free-State; urging that of Machiavel, That People accuſtomed to live under a Prince, if by any accident they become free, are like beaſts let looſe; and have much ado to maintain either their Government or their Liberty.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Ruſſel.

HIs very Name brought Tyrone upon his knees to him, and Iniskillyn to a ſurrendry. He was for detaining Tyrone, notwithſtanding his Letters of Protection: the Council was for diſmiſſing him, either out of favour to him, or out of their reverence to their former promiſe; as much to the danger of Ireland, as the diſpleaſure of the Queen. Pretending an Hunting-match, he had almoſt taken Feagh Mae Hugh, or ſhut him up; and under the diſguize of a progreſs, he ſhut up all the Paſſages and Avenues of Tyrone. Agiges the Cre • an King would ſay, That he that would govern many, muſt fight with many: Our Deputy found that great Honour hath its great Difficulties; yet was he ſo conſtant and reſolute, that with Marcellus he would ſay, That as there are many things a good Governour ought not to attempt; ſo ought be not to deſiſt, or give over an Enterprize once begun and taken in band. Therefore his Character is One daring in his perſon, cloſe to his purpoſe, firm to his dependencies, of a deep and large ſoul; who looked upon the chargeable War in Ireland as an equal remedy againſt a worſe in England, to the letting of blood in one part, againſt the effuſion of it in another: and adviſed the beſtowing of Church-lands among the Nobility of both Perſwaſions in Ireland, as in England, who would then hold their Religion with their Land, in Capite, and ſtick to the Queen as the great ſupport of both, againſt all pretenders, whom then moſt would vigorouſly oppoſe, and all would fairly leave.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Roper.

SIr Thomas Roper, Servant to Queen Elizabeth, was born in Friday-ſtreet in London; whoſe Grandfather was a younger ſon of the houſe of Heanour in Derbyſhire. He going over into the Low-Countries, became Page to Sir John Norrice, and was Captain of a Footcompany at ſixteen years of Age. What afterwards his Martial Performances were, will appear by the following Lines tranſcribed out of the Originall of his Patent.

Whereas Thomas Roper Knight, one of our Privy-Councellours of the Kingdome of Ireland, long ſince bath been known unto us famous, with the ſplendour of his warlike Vertue; as who by the many Atchievments valiantly performed by him in the late War of this Kingdome, hath gained the eminent Repute both of a ſtout Souldier, and a diſcreet Commander; whoſe Valour chiefly appeared in his Retreat near le Boyle in our Province of Connaught, where with very few horſe he undauntedly charged great troops of the horſe of the Enemy, who in a hoſtile manner forraged the very bowels of the Kingdome; and by his wiſdome made ſuch a ſingular retreat, that he not onely ſaved himſelf and his men, but alſo delivered the whole Army from great danger, and ſlew very many of his Enemies. Who alſo when our Province of Ulſter was all on fire with war, being one out of many, was for the tried Reſolutios of his Mind, choſen by the Right honourable the Earl of Eſſex, then General of the Army, to undertake a Duel with Makal, and declined not to expoſe himſelf to the appointed Duel. And alſo when the aforeſaid Thomas Roper in the late war in the Kingdome of France at Breſt, by expoſing himſelf to the greateſt perils, and ſhedding of his own blood, demonſtrated his Courage to be unconquerable. Who alſo in the Voyage to Portugal, behaved himſelf valiantly and honourably: as alſo at Bergen in the Netherlands, when it was beſieged by the Spaniards, approved himſelf a young man of invincible Valour in the defence thereof. Who alſo in the day wherein Kinſale was aſſaulted, was placed in the firſt Rank, neareſt of all unto the Town; and with no leſs Succeſs then Valour, to the great ſafety of the whole Army, beat back, and put to flight the Spaniards, who in the ſame day made ſeveral Sallies out of the Town.

Know therefore, that We, in intuition of the Premiſes, have appointed the aforeſaid Thomas Roper Knight, &c.

Then followeth his Patent, wherein King Charles the firſt, in the third of his Reign, created him Baron of Bauntree, and Viſcount B • ltinglaſs in Ireland.

He was a principal means to break the hearts of the Iriſh Rebels: for whereas formerly the Engliſh were loaded with their own Cloaths, ſo that their ſlipping into Bogs did make them, and the clopping of their breeches did keep them priſoners therein; he firſt, being then a Commander, put himſelf into Iriſh Tro • zes, and was imitated firſt by all his Officers, then Souldiers; ſo that thus habited, they made the more effectual execution on their enemies. He died at Ropers Reſt, anno Dom. 164. and was buried with Anne his Wife (Daughter to Sir Henry Harrington) in St. Johns Church in Dublin.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Umpton.

SIr Henry Ʋmpton was born at Wadley in Barkſhire. He was ſon to Sir Edward Ʋmpton, by Anne (the Relict of John Dudley Earl of Warwick, and) the eldeſt Daughter of Edward Seymour Duke of Somerſet. He was employed by Queen Elizabeth Embaſſador into France; where he ſo behaved himſelf right ſtoutly in her behalf, as may appear by this particular. In the moneth of March, anno 1592, being ſenſible of ſome injury offered by the Duke of Guiſe to the Queen of England, he ſent him this enſuing Challenge.

For as much as lately in the Lodging of my Lord Du Mayne, and in publick elſewhere, impudently, indiſcreetly, and over-boldly you ſpoke badly of my Soveraign, whoſe ſacred Perſon here in this Country I repreſent: To maintain both by word and weapon her Honour, (which never was called in queſtion among people of Honeſty and Vertue) I ſay, you have wickedly lyed in ſpeaking ſo baſely of my Soveraign; and you ſhall do nothing elſe but lye, whenſoever you ſhall dare to tax her Honour: Moreover, that her ſacred Perſon (being one of the moſt compleat and vertuous Princeſs that lives in this world) ought not to be evil ſpoken of the tongue of ſuch a perfidiour Traytor to her Law and Country as you are. And hereupon I do defie you, and challenge your perſon to mine, with ſuch manner of Arms as you ſhall like or chuſe, be it either on horſe-back or on foot. Nor would I have you to think any inequality of Perſon between us, I being iſſued of as great a Race and Noble Houſe (every way) as your ſelf. So aſſigning me an indifferent place, I will there maintain my words, and the lye which I gave you, and which you ſhould not endure if you have any courage at all is you. If you conſent not to meet me hereupon, I wil hold you, and cauſe you to be generally held one of the arranteſt Cowards, and moſt ſlanderous Slave that lives in all France. I expect your anſwer.

I finde not what Anſwer was returned. This Sir Henry dying in the French Kings Camp before Lofear, had his Corpſe brought over to London, and carried in a Coach to Wadley, thence to Farington, where he was buried in the Church on Tueſday the eighth of July 1596. He had allowed him a Barons Hearſe, becauſe he died Ambaſſadour Leiger.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Eſſex.

IT is obſerved, that the Earl of Eſſex had his Introduction to favour by the Lord of Leiceſter, who had married his Mother; a tye of Affinity. This young Lord was a moſt goodly perſon, in whom was a kind of Urbanity, or innate Courteſie, which both won the Queen, and too much took upon the People, to gaze upon the newadopted Son of her favour. He was noted even of thoſe that truly loved and honoured him, for too bold an Ingroſſer both of Fame and Favour. Having upon occaſion left the Court for a while, he gave a fair opportunity for his foes to undermine him; ſo that he lived a mixture between Proſperity and Adverſity: once very great in her favour, which was afterwards loſt, for want of conſideration and cunningneſs. He was raiſed by Leiceſter to prize Rawley, as Rawley was by Suſſex to check Leiceſter. Indeed Pity firſt opened the door to him for his Fathers ſake that died in Ireland, Alliance led him in for his Father-in-laws ſake Leiceſter. See Sir H. Wottons Obſervalions. that reigned at Court. His own Royal Blood welcomed him for his Mother Knowles, that was kin to her Majeſty; his good Parts, his tall and comely Perſonage, his ſweet Diſpoſition, and incomparable Nature; his noble Anceſtors, his fair, though impaired Fortune, brought him firſt to favour, and then to dalliance.

He was a Maſter-piece of Court and Camp; his Beauty ennamelling his Valour, and his Valour being a foile to his Beauty; both drawing thoſe noble reſpects of love and honour; both awing, both endearing. It was his Nobleneſs that he diſtruſted none, it was his Weakneſs that he truſted all; whereby he ſuffered more from thoſe that ſhould have been his friends, then from them who were his enemies. Good Man! his ruine was, that he meaſured other breaſts by his own; and that he thought Mankinde was as innocent as his own perſon. His Merit gained applauſe, and his Paraſites ſwelled it to Popularity; and the laſt enjealouſied that Majeſty which the firſt had obliged. His youthful and raſh Sallies abroad, gave too much opportunity to his Enemies whiſpers, and too viſible occaſions for her Majeſties ſuſpicion, that he was either weak, and ſo not to be favoured; or dangerous, and ſo to be ſuppreſſed. Abſence makes Princes forget thoſe they love, and miſtruſt thoſe they fear. Exact Correſpondence is the ſinew of private and of publick friendſhip. So great a Maſter he thought himſelf of his Soveraigns affection, that he muſt needs be Maſter of himſelf, and ſteal to France without leave, where, ſaid the Queen, he might have been knocked on the head as Sidney was. His Journey to France was not more raſh, then his Voyage to Cales was renowned; yet the one gave the Envious arguments of his diſobedience, and the other of his Diſloyalty; his enemies ſuggeſting, that in the firſt he contemned his Miſtreſs, and that in the ſecond he had a deſigne upon her.

His Action at Cales was applauded; but his Triumphs were too ſolemn, his Panegyricks too high, his Train too Princely, his Honours and Knighthoods too cheap, his Popularity too much affected, and his Ear more open to hear what he had done, then what he was. If his Manhood had been as ſlow as his He was one of them whoſe Natures diſcloſe but ſlowly. Youth, he had been moderate: if his Life had anſwered his Under Dr. Whitgift. Education, he had been patient: if his Eye had been as open upon his Enemies, as his Ear to his friends, he had been cautious: if he had been as happy in his conſtant converſe, as he was obliging in his firſt addreſs, he had been a Prince: if he had had either leſs Fortune, or a greater Soul; either leſs of the Dove, or more of the Serpent, he had bid fair for a Crown; or at leaſt had ſaved his Head. The People wiſhed him well, but they are unconſtant; the Queen loved him, but ſhe is jealous: his Followers are numerous, but giddy; affectionate, but ill advice: his Enemies are few, but watchful on all occaſions: for is he pleaſed? they ſwell it to pride and vain imaginations: is he croſſed? they improve it to diſcontent and ſedition. An Army muſt be ſent againſt Tyrone; he is not willing that any other ſhould lead it, and unwilling to lead it himſelf; yet over he goeth fatally: for the ſervice was knotty, and his diſpoſition ſmooth; his power was large, but that with as large a minde intangled him: his Army was great, but that meeting with a great deſigne, precipitated him: his Title to the Crown was defended, but that loſt him his head. He had exact advices from friends, eſpecially from Sir Francis Bacon; and great directions from his Prince, but he followed his own: when he ſhould have fought the main body of his Enemy, he skirmiſheth their Forlorns; when he ſhould have returned with a noble Conqueſt, he ſtole home after a ſuſpitious Treaty: the Royal Checks that ſhould have inſtructed, incenſeth him; and what was deſigned a chaſtiſement, he turns to a ruine. Beloved he is of the People, but that aggravateth his raſhneſs; flattered by Courtiers, but that ſwelleth his humour: followed he is by the diſcontented of Church and State, but that increaſeth the jealouſie: ill adviſed he is by heady Cuffe and Meyriche, and that haſteneth his fall: humbled he is by the advancement of his Rivals, and that enrageth him: eaſie and open was his Nature; cloſe, active, and vigilant his Enemies.

Valiant he was, but therefore feared; Noble and obliging to all hopeful men, and therefore watched. A great Party he had, but they had no Head: A Minion he was at once to Prince and People, but he had no Balance. A Man of great Performances, but no Deſigne: One that had too much Religion and Fidelity to be a Traytor, too good a Nature to be ſafe, too much preſumption on affections when abſent to be ſteady. He preſumed too much on his own ſtrength, or his friends wiſdome, when he came out of Ireland; he was too much wrought upon by his enemies when he came to London, which had too much to looſe to hazard a Rebellion; and went not to Wales, where his fathers and his own goodneſs had engaged 1000 Lives and Fortunes. In a word, Leiceſter's reſervedneſs, Bacon's ſtayedneſs, Sir Robert Cecil's humility, Sir Fulke Grevil's modeſty, added to his Parts and Preſence, his Valour and Liberality, his good Nature and large Heart: his favour with his Prince, and popularity with the Subjects, had raiſed him to a capacity with the great Earl of Warwick, to ſet the Engliſh Crown on what Head he pleaſed; although it was the univerſal opinion, he had no other ambition then to ſet it on King James his head, which it belonged to, with his own hands: his deſigne was well principled, but not well moulded; he had many hands, but no able heads: his correſpondence was univerſal, but not firm and exact; his Nature was active, but impatient; his Intereſt was popular, not throughly underſtood; he neither comprehending the Inclinations of the Kingdome in groſs in Parliament, nor in the retayl in its particular diviſions. The Catholicks might have been his, but he was too good-natured to cajole them: the State was well inclined, but effeminate after ſo long Proſperity. Hope of Pardon ſent him to his Grave with more ſilence then was expected from him, and the Peoples regret; and with more ſorrow then became a Queen or her Kingdoms a ſafety. His Party was too needy, and their counſels too violent. Ambition and good Nature are incompatible. Others counſels are never ſo faithful as our own. When we hear others advice, let our Reaſon judge of it: when great, be wary; when ſucceſsful, reſerved; when riſing, ſtayed; eſpecially in that Age when men were poyſoned with Oyl, and undone with Honey: when active, modeſt; when checked, yeilding; when dandled, diſtruſtful; when flattered, fearful; when great, not abſolute, (as my Lord would have been in point of favour againſt my Lord Mountjoy, and valour againſt my Lord Norris.) Serve not your Followers, but employ them: Let others ſervice adminiſter to your deſigne, not your power to theirs: Let great Actions encourage greater; and let Honour be your merit, and not your expectation. Some have been buſie in the enquiry of what reaſon the Virgin-Queen had for her kindneſs to Leiceſter and this man, (if there be a reaſon in any, much leſs in Royal love, ſave the affection its ſelf that bears it) true, he had Vertue and ſuffering enough at his firſt arrival to engage the kindneſs and the pity of a worſe Princeſs: yet ſome then diſcourſed of a Conjunction of their Stars that made way for that of their minds. Certainly (ſaith Cambden) the inclination of Princes to ſome perſons, and their disfavour towards others, may ſeem fatal, and guided by higher Powers.

A Parallel between the Earl of Eſſex and the Duke of Buckingham, by H. W.

THe beginning of the Earl of Eſſex I muſt attribute wholly, or in great part to my Lord of Leiceſter; but yet as an Introducer or ſupporter, not as a Teacher: for as I go along, it will eaſily appear, that he neither lived nor died by his Diſcipline. Always certain it is, that he drew him firſt into the fatal Circle from a kinde of reſolved privateneſs at his houſe at Lampſie, in South-wales; where, after the Academical life, he had taken ſuch a taſte of the Rural, (as I have heard him ſay) and not upon any flaſhes or fumes of Melancholy, or traverſes of diſcontent, but in a ſerene and quiet mood, that he could well have bent his mind to a retired courſe. About which time, the ſaid Earl of Leiceſter bewrayed a meaning to plant him in the Queens favour: which was diverſly interpreted by ſuch as thought that great Artizan of Court to do nothing by chance, nor much by affection. Some therefore were of opinion, that feeling more and more in himſelf the weight of time, and being almoſt tired (if there be a ſatiety in power) with that aſſiduous attendance, and intenſive circumſpection which a long-indulgent fortune did require, he was grown not unwilling, for his own eaſe, to beſtow handſomely upon another ſome part of the pains, and perhaps of the envy.

Others conceived rather, that having before for the ſame ends brought in, or let in Sir Walter Rawleigh, and having found him ſuch an Apprentice as knew well enough how to ſet up for himſelf, he now meant to allie him with this young Earl, who had yet taken no ſtrong impreſſions. For though the ſaid Sir Walter Rawleigh was a little before this, whereof I now ſpeak by occaſion, much fallen from his former ſplendour in Court: yet he ſtill continued in ſome luſtre of a favoured man, like billows that ſink by degrees, even when the wind is down that firſt ſtirred them.

Thus runs the diſcourſe of that time at pleaſure; yet I am not ignorant that there was ſome good while a very ſtiff averſation in my Lord of Eſſex from applying himſelf to the Earl of Leiceſter, for what ſecret conceit I know not; but howſoever, that humour was mollified by time, and by his mother; and to the Court he came under his Lord.

The Duke of Buckingham had another kinde of Germination; and ſurely had he been a plant, he would have been reckoned amongſt the Sponte Naſcentes: for he ſprung without any help by a kinde of congenial compoſure (as we may term it) to the likeneſs of our late Soveraign and Maſter of ever bleſſed memory; who taking him into his regard, taught him more and more to pleaſe himſelf, and moulded him. (as it were) Platonically to his own Idea; delighting firſt in the choice of the Materials, becauſe he found him ſuſceptible of good form; and afterward by degrees, as great Architects uſe to do, in the workmanſhip of his Regal hand: nor ſtaying here, after he had hardned and poliſhed him about ten years in the School of obſervance, (for ſo a Court is) and in the furnace of tryal about himſelf, (for he was a King could peruſe men as well as Books) he made him the aſſociate of his Heir apparent, together with the new Lord Cottington (as an adjunct of ſingular experience and truſt) in forraign travels, and in a buſineſs of love, and of no equal hazard (if the tenderneſs of our zeal did not then deceive us) enough (the world muſt confeſs) to kindle affection even betwixt the diſtanteſt conditions; ſo as by the various and inward converſation abroad, (beſides that before and after at home) with the moſt conſtant and beſt-natured Prince, Bona ſi ſua norint, as ever England enjoyed, this Duke becomes now ſecondly ſeized of favour, as it were by deſcent, (though the condition of that eſtate be no more then a Tenancy at Will, or at moſt for the life of the firſt Lord) and rarely tranſmitted: which I have briefly ſet down, without looking beyond the vail of the Temple, I mean into the ſecret of high inclinations; ſince even Satyrical Poets, (who are otherwiſe of ſo licentious fancy) are in this point modeſt enough to confeſs their ignorance. Neſcio quid certa eſt quod me tibi temperet Aſtrum.

And theſe were both their Springings and Imprimings, as I may call them.

In the profluence or proceedings of their fortunes, I obſerve likewiſe not onely much difference between them, but in the Earl not a little from himſelf. Firſt, all his hopes of advancement had like to be ſtrangled almoſt in the very Cradle, by throwing himſelf into the Portugal Voyage without the Queens conſent, or ſo much as her knowledge; whereby he left his Friends and Dependents near ſix months in deſperate ſuſpenſe what would become of him. And to ſpeak truth, not without good reaſon: For firſt, they might well conſider, That he was himſelf not well plumed in favour for ſuch a flight: beſides, that now he wanted a Lord of Leiceſter at home (for he was dead the year before) to ſmooth his abſence, and to quench the practices at Court. But above all, it lay open to every mans diſcourſe, that though the bare offence to his Soveraign and Miſtriſs was too great an adventure, yet much more when ſhe might (as in this caſe) have fairly diſcharged her diſpleaſure upon her Laws. Notwithſtanding, a noble report coming home before him, at his return all was clear, and this excurſion was eſteemed but a Sally of youth. Nay, he grew every day more and more in her gracious conceit: whether ſuch intermiſſions as theſe do ſometimes foment affection; or that having committed a fault, he became the more obſequious and plyant to redeem it; or that ſhe had not received into her Royal Breaſt any ſhadows of his popularity.

There was another time long after, when Sir Fulke Grevil, (late Lord Brooke) a man in appearance intrinſecal with him, or at the leaſt admitted to his Melancholy hours, either belike eſpying ſome wearineſs in the Queen; or perhaps, with little change of the word, though more in the dangerſome marks towards him, and working upon the preſent matter, (as ſhe was dexterous and cloſe) had almoſt ſuper-induced into favour the Earl of Southampton; which yet being timely diſcovered, my Lord of Eſſex choſe to evaporate his thoughts in a Sonnet (being his common way) to be ſung before the Queen, (as it was) by one Hales, in whoſe voyce ſhe took ſome pleaſure; whereof the complot me thinks had as much of the Hermit as of the Poet:

And if thou ſhould'ſt by Her be now forſaken, She made thy Heart too ſtrong for to be ſhaken.

As if he had been caſting one eye back at the leaſt to his former retiredneſs. But all this likewiſe quickly vaniſhed, and there was a good while after fair weather over-head. Yet ſtill, I know not how, like a gathering of Clouds, till towards his latter time, when his humours grew tart, as being now in the Lees of favour, it brake forth into certain ſuddain receſſes; ſometimes from the Court to Wanſteed, otherwhiles unto Greenwich, often to his own Chamber, Doors ſhut, Viſits forbidden; and which was worſe, divers conteſtations (between) with the Queen her ſelf, (all preambles of ruine) wherewith though now and then he did wring out of her Majeſty ſome petty contentments, (as a man would preſs ſowre Grapes) yet in the mean time was forgotten the counſel of a wiſe, and then a Prophetical Friend, who told him, that ſuch courſes as thoſe were like hot Waters, which help at a pang, but if they be too often uſed, will ſpoil the ſtomack.

On the Dukes part, we have no ſuch abrupt ſtrains and precipees as theſe, but a fair, fluent and uniform courſe under both Kings: And ſurely, as there was in his natural Conſtitution a marvellous equality, whereof I ſhall ſpeak more afterwards; ſo there was an image of it in his Fortune, running (if I may borrow an ancient compariſon) as ſmoothly as a numerous Verſe, till it met with certain Rubs in Parliament, whereof I am induced by the very ſubject which I handle, to ſay ſomewhat, ſo far as ſhall concern the difference between their times.

WHen my Lord of Eſſex ſtood in favour, the Parliaments were calm: nay, I find it a true obſervation, that there was no impeachment of any Nobleman by the Commons from the Reign of King Henry the ſixth, until the eighteenth of King James, nor any intervenient precedent of that nature; not that ſomething or other could be wanting to be ſaid, while men are men: For not to go higher, we are taught eaſily ſo much by the very Ballads and Libels of Leiceſtrian time.

But about the aforeſaid year, many young ones being choſen into the Houſe of Commons more then had been uſual in great Councils, (who though of the weakeſt wings, are the higheſt Flyers) there aroſe a certain unfortunate and unfruitful Spirit in ſome places; not ſowing, but picking at every ſtone in the field, rather then tending to the general harveſt. And thus far the conſideration of the Nature of the Time hath tranſported me, and the occaſion of the ſubject.

Now on the other ſide, I muſt with the like liberty obſerve two weighty and watchful ollicitudes, (as I may call them) which kept the Earl in extream and continual Caution, like a bow ſtill bent, whereof the Dukes thoughts were abſolutely free.

Firſt, he was to wreſtle with a Queens declining, or rather with her very ſetting Age, (as we may term it) which, beſides other reſpects, is commonly even of it ſelf the more umbratious and apprehenſive, as for the moſt part all Horizons are charged with certain Vapour towards their Evening.

The other was a matter of more Circumſtance, ſtanding thus, viz.

All Princes, eſpecially thoſe whom God hath not bleſſed with natural iſſue, are (by wiſdome of State) ſomewhat ſhie of their Succeſſors; and to ſpeak with due Reverence, there may be reaſonably ſuppoſed in Queens Regnant, a little proportion of tenderneſs that way, more then in Kings. Now there were in Court two names of Power, and almoſt of Affection, the Eſſexian and the Cecilian, with their adherents, both well enough enjoying the preſent, and yet both looking to the future; and therefore both holding correſpondency with ſome of the principal in Scotland, and had received advertiſements and inſtructions, either from them, or immediately from the King as induciat Heir of this Imperial Crown.

But leſt they might detect one another, this was myſteriouſly carried by ſeveral inſtruments and conducts, and on the Eſſexian ſide, in truth, with infinite hazard: for Sir Robert Cecil who (as Secretary of State) did diſpoſe the publick Addreſſes, had prompter and ſafer conveyance; whereupon I cannot but relate a memorable paſſage on either part, as the ſtory following ſhall declare.

The Earl of Eſſex had accommodated Maſter Anthony Bacon in partition of his Houſe, and had aſſigned him a noble entertainment. This was a Gentleman of impotent feet, but a nimble head; and through his hand run all the intelligences with Scotland: who being of a provident nature, (contrary to his brother the Lord Viſcount Saint Albans) and well knowing the advantage of a dangerous Secret, would many times cunningly let fall ſome words, as if he could amend his Fortunes under the Cecilians, (to whom he was near of alliance, and in blood alſo) and who had made (as he was not unwilling ſhould be believed) ſome great profers to win him away: which once or twice he preſſed ſo far, and with ſuch tokens and ſignes of apparent diſcontent to my Lord Henry Howard, afterwards Earl of Northampton, (who was of the party, and ſtood himſelf in much Umbrage with the Queen) that he flees preſently to my Lord of Eſſex, (with whom he was commonly prima admiſſiones) by his bed-ſide in the morning, and tells him, that unleſs that Gentleman were preſently ſatisfied with ſome round ſum, all would be vented.

This took the Earl at that time ill provided, (as indeed oftentimes his Coffers were low) whereupon he was fain ſuddenly to give him Eſſex-houſe; which the good old Lady Walſingham did afterwards diſ-engage out of her own ſtore with 2500 pound; and before, he had diſtilled 1500 pound at another time by the ſame skill. So as we rate this one ſecret, as it was finely carried, at 4000 pounds in preſent money, beſides at the leaſt 1000 pound of annual penſion to a private and bed-rid Gentleman: What would he have gotten if he could have gone about his own buſineſs?

There was another accident of the ſame nature on the Cecilian ſide, much more pleaſant, but leſs chargeable, for it coſt nothing but wit. The Queen having for a good while not heard any thing from Scotland, and being thirſty of news, it fell out that her Majeſty going to take the air towards the heath, (the Court being then at Greenwich) and Maſter Secretary Cecil then attending her, a Poſt came croſſing by, and blew his Horn: The Queen out of curioſity asked him from whence the Diſpatch came; and being anſwered, From Scotland; ſhe ſtops her Coach, and calleth for the Packet. The Secretary, though he knew there were ſome Letters in it from his Correſpondents, which to diſcover, were as ſo many Serpents; yet made more ſhew of diligence then of doubt to obey; and asks ſome that ſtood by (forſooth in great haſte) for a Knife to cut up the Packet, (for otherwiſe he might perhaps awaked a little apprehenſion) but in the mean time approaching with the Packet in his hand, at a pretty diſtance from the Queen, he telleth her it looked and ſmelt ill-favouredly coming out of a filthy Budget, and that it ſhould be fit firſt to open and air it, becauſe he knew ſhe was averſe from ill Scents.

And ſo being diſmiſſed home, he got leiſure by this ſeaſonable ſhift, to ſever what he would not have ſeen.

Theſe two accidents preciſely true, and known to few, I have reported as not altogether extravagant from my purpoſe, to ſhew how the Earl ſtood in certain perplexities, wherewith the Dukes days were not diſtracted. And this hath been the Hiſtorical part (as it were) touching the difference between them in the riſing and flowing of their fortunes.

I will now conſider their ſeveral Endowments both of Perſon and Minde, and then a little of their Actions and Ends.

The Earl was a pretty deal the taller, and much the ſtronger, and of the abler body: but the Duke had the neater limbs, and free delivery; he was alſo the uprighter, and of the more comely motions: for the Earl did bend a little in the neck, though rather forwards then downwards: and he was ſo far from being a good Dancer, that he was no graceful Goer. If we touch particulars, the Duke exceeded in the daintineſs of his leg and foot, and the Earl in the incomparable fairneſs and fine ſhape of his hands; which (though it be but feminine praiſe) he took from his Father: for the general Air, the Earl had the cloſer and more reſerved Countenance, being by nature ſomewhat more cogitative, and (which was ſtrange) never more then at Meals, when others are leaſt: Inſomuch, as he was wont to make his obſervation of himſelf, that to ſolve any knotty buſineſs which cumbred his mind, his ableſt hours were when he had checked his firſt appetite with two or three morſels, after which he ſate uſually for a good while ſilent: yet he would play well and willingly at ſome games of greateſt attention; which ſhewed, that when he liſted he could licence his thoughts.

The Duke on the other ſide, even in the midſt of ſo many diverſions, had continually a very pleaſant and vacant face, (as I may well call it) proceeding no doubt from a ſingular aſſurance in his temper. And yet I muſt here give him a rarer Elogie, which the maligneſt eye cannot deny him, That certainly never man in his place and power, did entertain greatneſs more familiarly, nor whoſe looks were leſs tainted with his felicity; wherein I inſiſt the rather, becauſe this in my judgement was one of his greateſt Vertues and Victories of himſelf.

But to proceed: in the attiring and ornament of their bodies, the Duke had a fine and unaffected politeneſs, and upon occaſion coſtly, as in his Legations.

The Earl as he grew more and more attentive to buſineſs and matter, ſo leſs and leſs curious of cloathing: inſomuch, as I do remember, thoſe about him had a conceit that poſſibly ſometimes when he went up to the Queen, he might ſcant know what he had on: for this was his manner: His Chamber being commonly ſtived with Friends or Suiters of one kinde or other, when he gave his legs, arms, and breaſt to his ordinary ſervants to button and dreſs him with little heed, his head and face to his Barbour, his eyes to his letters, and ears to Petitioners, and many times all at once, then the Gentleman of his Robes throwing a cloak over his ſhoulders, he would make a ſtep into his Cloſet, and after a ſhort prayer, he was gone: only in his Baths, he was ſomewhat delicate. For point of diet and luxury, they were both inordinate in their appetites, eſpecially the Earl, who was by nature of ſo different a taſte, that I muſt tell a rare thing of him (though it be but a homely note) that he would ſtop in the midſt of any phyſical Potion, and after he had licked his lips, he would drink off the reſt; but I am wearie of ſuch ſlight Animadverſions.

To come therefore to the inward furniture of their minds, I will thus much declare.

The Earl was of good Erudition, having been placed at ſtudy in Cambridge very young by the Lord Burleigh his Guardian, with affectionate and deliberate care, under the overſight of Doctor Whitgift, then Maſter of Trinity Colledge, and after Archbiſhop of Canterbury: A man (by the way) ſurely of a moſt reverend and ſacred memory, and (as I may well ſay) even of the Primitive temper, when the Church in lowlineſs of temper did flouriſh in high examples, which I have inſerted as a due recordation of his vertues, having been much obliged to him for many favours in my younger time.

About ſixteen years of his age (for thither he came at twelve) he took the formality of Maſter of Arts, and kept his publick Acts. And here I muſt not ſmother what I have received by conſtant Information, that his own Father dyed with a very cold conceit of him, ſome ſay through the affection to his ſecond ſon Walter Devereux, who was indeed a diamond of the time, and both of an hardy and delicate temper and mixture,: But it ſeemes, this Earl, like certain vegetables, did bud and open ſlowly; Nature ſometimes delighting to play an after-game as well as Fortune, which had both their turnes and tides in courſe.

The Duke was Illiterate, yet had learned at Court, firſt to ſift and queſtion well, and to ſupply his own defects by the drawing or flowing unto him of the beſt Inſtruments of experience and knowledge, from whom he had a ſweet and attractive manner, to ſuck what might be for the publike or his own proper uſe; ſo as the leſs he was favoured by the Muſes, he was the more by the Graces.

To conſider them in their pure Naturals, I conceive the Earls Intellectuall faculties to have been his ſtronger part, and in the Duke his Practical.

Yet all know, that he likewiſe at the firſt was much under the expectation of his after-proof; ſuch a ſudden influence therein had the Soveraign aſpect. For their Abilities of diſcourſe or pen, the Earl was a very acute and ſound ſpeaker when he would intend it; and for his Writings, they are beyond example, eſpecially in his familiar Letters and things of delight at Court, when he would admit his ſerious habits, as may be yet ſeen in his Impreſſes and inventions of entertainment; and above all, in his darling piece of love, and ſelf-love; his Stile was an elegant perſpicuity, rich of phraſe, but ſeldome any bold Metaphors, and ſo far from Tumor, that it rather wanted a little Elevation.

The Dukes delivery of his mind I conceive not to be ſo ſharpe as ſolid and grave, not ſo ſolid and deep as pertinent, and appoſite to the times and occaſions.

The Earl I account the more liberal, and the Duke the more magnificent; for I do not remember that my Lord of Eſſex in all his life-time did build or adorne any houſe, the Queene perchance ſpending his time, and himſelf his meanes, or otherwiſe inclining to popular ways; for we know the people are apter to applaud houſ-keepers, then houſ-raiſers. They were both great cheriſhers of Scholars and Divines; but it ſeems, the Earl had obtained of himſelf one ſingular point, that he could depart his affection between two extremes: for though he bare always a kinde of filial reverence towards Dr Whitgift, both before and after he was Archbiſhop; yet on the other ſide, he did not a little love and tender Maſter Cartwright, though I think truly, with large diſtinction between the perſons and the Cauſes, howſoever he was taxed with other ends in reſpecting that party.

They were both fair-ſpoken Gentlemem, not prone and eager to detract openly from any man; in this the Earl hath been moſt falſly blemiſhed in our vulgar Story: only againſt one man he had forſworn all patience, namely Henry Lord Cobham, and would call him (per Excellentiam) the Sycophant (as if it had been an Emblem of his name) even to the Queen her ſelf, though of no ſmall inſinuation with her; and one Lady likewiſe (that I may civilly ſpare to no • inate, for her ſex ſake) whom he uſed to terme the Spyder of the Court: yet generally in the ſenſitive part of their Natures the Earl was the worſe Philoſopher, being a great Reſenter and a weak Diſſembler of the leaſt diſgrace: And herein likewiſe, as in the reſt, no Good Pupill to my Lord of Leiceſter, who was wont to put all his paſſions in his pocket.

In the growth of their Fortunes, the Duke was a little the ſwifter, and much the greater; for from a younger brothers meane eſtate, he roſe to the higheſt degree whereof a Subject was capable either in Title or Truſt. Therein I muſt confeſſe much more conſortable to Charles Brandon under Henry the Eight, who was equall to him in both.

For matter of Donative and addition of ſubſtance, I do not believe that the Duke did much exceed him, all conſidered, under both Kings.

For that which the Earl of Eſſex had received from her Majeſty, beſides the Fees of his Offices, and the diſpoſition of great Summes of money in her Armies, was (about the time of his Arraignment, when faults uſe to be aggravated with precedent benefits) valued at three hundred thouſand pounds ſterling in pure gift for his onely uſe, to the Earl of Dorſet then Lord Treaſurer; who was a wiſe man, and a ſtrict Computiſt, and not ill affected towards him. And yet it is worthy of note in the Margent of both Times, that the one was proſecuted with ſilence, and the other with murmur; ſo undoing a meaſure is popular judgment.

I cannot here omit between them a great difference in eſtabliſhing of both their Fortunes and Fames.

For the firſt, the Duke had a care to introduce into neer place at the Court divers of his confident Servants, and into high places very ſound and grave Perſonages. Whereas, except a Penſioner or two, we can ſcant name any one man advanced of the Earls breeding, but Sir Thomas Smith, having been his Secretary, who yet came never further (though married into a noble Houſe) then to the Clerk of the Councell, and Regiſter of the Parliament: not that the Earl meant to ſtand alone like a Subſtantive (for he was not ſo ill a Grammarian in Court;) but the Truth is, in this point the Cecilians kept him back, as very well knowing that upon every little abſence or diſaſſiduity, he ſhould be ſubject to take cold at his back.

For the Other, in managing of their Fames, I note between them a direct contrary wiſdome; For the Earl proceeded by way of Apology, which he wrote and diſperſed with his own hands at large, though till his going to Ireland they were but aiery objections. But of the Duke this I know, that one having offered for his eaſe to do him that kinde of Service; He refuſed it with a pretty kinde of thankfull ſcorn, ſaying, that he would truſt his own good intentions which God knew, and leave to him the pardoning of his Errours; and that he ſaw no fruit of Apologies, but the multiplying of diſcourſe: which ſurely was a well-ſetled Maxime. And for my own particular (though I am not obnoxious to his memory) in the expreſſion of Tacitus, Neque injuria, neque beneficia, ſaving that he ſhewed me an ordinary good Countenance: And if I were, yet I would diſtinguiſh between Gratitude and Truth. I muſt bear him this Teſtimony, that in a Commiſſion laid upon me by Soveraign Command to examine a Lady about a certain filthy accuſation grounded upon nothing but a few ſingle names taken up by a Footman in a kennel, and ſtraight baptized, A liſt of ſuch as the Duke had appointed to be poyſoned at home, himſelf being then in Spain: I found it to be the moſt malicious and frantick ſurmiſe, and the moſt contrary to his nature that I think had ever been brewed from the beginning of the World, howſoever countenanced by a Libellous Pamphlet of a fugitive Phyſician even in Print; and yet of this would not the Duke ſuffer any anſwer to be made on his behalf, ſo conſtant he was to his own principles.

In their Military Services the Characters of the Earls imployments were theſe, viz.

His forwardeſt was that of Portugal, before mentioned.

The ſaddeſt, that of Roan, where he loſt his brave Brother.

His fortunateſt peece I eſteem the taking of Cadiz Malez, and no leſs modeſt; for there he wrote with his own hands a cenſure of his Omiſſions.

His jealouſeſt imployment was to the relief of Calais beſieged by the Cardinall Arch-duke: about which, there paſſed then between the Queen and the French King much Art.

His Voiage to the Azores was the beſt, for the diſcovery of the Spaniſh weakneſs, and otherwiſe almoſt a ſaving Voiage.

His blackeſt was that to Ireland, ordained to be the Sepulchre of his Father, and the Gulph of his own Fortunes.

But the firſt in 88, at Tilbury-camp, was in my judgement the very poyſon of all that followed; for there whileſt the Queen ſtood in ſome doubt of a Spaniſh Invaſion (though it proved but a Morrice-dance upon our Waves) ſhe made him in Field Commander of the Cavalry (as he was before in Court) and much graced him openly in view of the Souldiers and people, even above my Lord of Leiceſter: the truth is, from thenceforth he fed too faſt.

The Dukes employment abroad in this nature, was onely in the Action of the Iſle of Reez, of which I muſt note ſomewhat for the honour of our Country, and of his Majeſties times, and of them that periſhed and ſurvived, and to redeem it generally from miſ-underſtanding. Therefore after enquiry amongſt the wiſeſt and moſt indifferent men; of that Action I dare pronounce, that all Circumſtances pondered, A tumultuary banding on our part, with one thouſand in the whole on theirs ready to receive us with two hundred horſe, with neer two thouſand foot, and watching their beſt time of advantage none of their foot diſcovered by us before, nor ſo much as ſuſpected, and onely ſome of their Horſe deſcried ſtragling, but not in any bulk or body: their Cavalry not a Troop of Baſcoigners mounted in haſte, but the Greater part Gentlemen of Family, and of pickt Reſolution, and ſuch as charged home both in Front and on both Flanks into the very Sea; about ſixſcore of their two hundred horſe ſtrewed upon the Sand, and none of them but one killed with a great ſhot; and after this their foot likewiſe coming on to charge, till not liking the buſineſs they fell to flinging of ſtones, and ſo walked away:

I ſay, theſe things conſidered and laid together, we have great reaſon to repute it a great impreſſion upon an unknowne place, and a noble argument that upon occaſion we have not loſt our ancient vigour. Only I could wiſh that the Duke, who then in the animating of the ſouldiers ſhewed them very eminent aſſurance of his valour, had afterwards remembred that rule of Apelles, Manum de Tabula. But he was greedy of honour, and hot upon the publique ends, and too confident in the proſperity of beginnings, as ſomewhere Polybius, that great Critique of war, obſerveth of young Leaders whom fortune hath not before deceived. In this their military care and diſpenſation of reward and puniſhment there was very few remarkable occaſions under the Duke, ſaving his continuall vigilancie and voluntary hazard of his perſon, and kindneſſes to the Souldiers, both from his own table and purſe; for there could be few diſorders within an Iland where the troops had no ſcope to disband, and the Inferior Commanders were ſtill in ſight.

In the Earl we have two examples of his ſeverity, the one in the Iſland Voyage, where he threw a Souldier with his own hands out of a Ship; the other in Ireland, where he decimated certain troops that ran away, renewing a peece of the Roman Diſcipline.

On the other ſide, we have many of his Lenitie, and one of his Facility, when he did connive at the bold treſpaſs of Sir Walter Raleigh, who before his arrival at Fyall, had banded there againſt his preciſe Commandment; at which time he let fall a Noble word, being preſſed by one, (whoſe name I need not remember) that at the leaſt he would put him upon a Martial Court: That I would do (ſaid he) if he were not my friend.

And now I am drawing towards the laſt Act, which was written in the Book of neceſſity.

At the Earls end I was abroad, but when I came home (though little was left for Writers to gleane after Judges) yet, I ſpent ſome curioſity to ſearch what it might be that could precipitate him into ſuch a prodigious Cataſtrophe; and I muſt, according to my profeſſed freedome, deliver a circumſtance or two of ſome weight in the truth of that ſtory, which was neither diſcovered at his arraignment, nor after in any of his private confeſſions.

There was amongſt his neareſt attendants one Henry Cuffe, a man of ſecret ambitious ends of his own, and of proportionate Counſels ſmothered under the habit of a Scholar, and ſlubbered over with 2 certain rude and clowniſh faſhion, that had the ſemblance of iutegrity.

This Perſon not above five or ſix weeks before my Lords fatall irruption into the City, was by the Earls ſpecial Command ſuddainly diſcharged from all further attendance, or acceſſe unto him, out of an inward diſpleaſure then taken againſt his ſharp and importune infuſions, and out of a glimmering overſight, that he would prove the very inſtrument of his Ruine.

I muſt adde hereunto, that about the ſame time my Lord had received from the Counteſſe of Warwick (a Lady powerfull in the Court, and indeed a vertuous uſer of her power) the beſt advice that I think was ever given from either ſex; That when he was free from reſtraint, he ſhould cloſely take any out-lodging at Greenwich, and ſometimes when the Queene went abroad in a good humour, (whereof ſhe would give him notice) he ſhould come forth, and humble himſelf before her in the field.

This Counſell ſunk much into him, and for ſome days he reſolved it: but in the meane time, through the interceſſion of the Earl of Southampton, whom Cuffe had gained, he was reſtored to my Lords ear, and ſo working advantage upon his diſgraces, and upon the vaine foundation of Vulgar breath, which hurts many good men, ſpun out the final deſtruction of his Maſter and himſelf, and almoſt of his reſtorer, if his pardon had not been won by inches.

True it is, that the Earl in Weſt minſter-ball did in generall diſcloſe the evill perſwaſions of this man; but the particulars which I have related by this diſmiſſion and reſtitution, he buried in his owne breſt for ſome reaſons apparent enough; Indeed (as I conjecture) not to exaſperate the Caſe of my Lord of Southampton, though he might therewith a little peradventure have mollified his own. The whole and true Report I had by infallible meanes from the perſon himſelf that both brought the advice from the aforeſaid excellent Lady, and carried the diſcharge to Cuffe, who in a private Chamber was ſtrucken therewith into a Sound almoſt dead to the Earth, as if he had fallen from ſome high ſteeple; ſuch Terrets of hope he had built in his own fancy.

Touching the Dukes ſuddain period, how others have repreſented it unto their Fancies, I cannot determine: for my part, I muſt confeſſe from my Soul that I never recall it to minde without a deep and double aſtoniſhment of my diſcourſe and reaſon.

Firſt, of the very horrour and atrocity of the Fact in a Chriſtian Court, under ſo moderate a Government; but much more at the impudencie of the pretence, whereby a deſperate diſcontented Aſſaſſinate would after the perpetration have honeſted a meere private revenge (as by precedent Circumſtances is evident enough) with I know not what publick reſpects, and would fain have given it a Parliamentary cover howſoever. Thus theſe two great Peers were diſ-roabed of their Glory, the one by judgment, the other by violence, which was the ſmall diſtinction.

Now after this ſhort contemplation of their diverſities, (for much more might have been ſpoken, but that I was fitter for Rhapſody then commentary) I am laſtly deſirous to take a Summary view of their Conformities, which I verily believe will be found as many, though perchance heeded by few, as are extant in any of the ancient Parallel.

They both ſlept long in the arms of Fortune: They were both of ancient blood, and of Forraign extraction: They were both of ſtrait and goodly ſtature, and of able and active bodies: They were both induſtrious & aſſiduous, and attentive to their ends: They were both early Privie Counſellours, and employed at home in the ſecreteſt and weightieſt affairs in Court and State: They were both likewiſe Commanders abroad in Chief, as well by Sen as by Land: both Maſters of the Horſe at home, both choſen Chancellours of the ſame Univerſity, namely, Cambridge: They were both indubitable ſtrong, and highminded men; yet of ſweet and accoſtable nature, almoſt equally delighting in the preſs and affluence of Dependants and Suiters, which are always the Burres, and ſometimes the Briers of Favourites. They were both married to very vertuous Ladies, and ſole Heirs, and left iſſue of either Sex; and both their Wives converted to contrary Religions. They were both in themſelves rare and excellent examples of Temperance and Sobriety, but neither of them of Continency.

Laſtly, after they had been both ſubject (as all Greatneſ, and Splendor is) to certain obloquies 〈◊〉 their actions; They both concluded their earthly felicity in unnaturall ends, and with no great diſtance of time in the ſpace either of Life or Favour.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Jeffery Fenton.

SIr Jeffery Fenton, born in Nottinghamſhire, was for twenty ſeven years Privy-Counſellour in Ireland to Queen Elizabeth and King James. He tranſlated the Hiſtory of Francis Guicciardine out of Italian into Engliſh, and dedicated it to Queen Elizabeth. He deceaſed at Dublin, October 19. 1608, and lyeth buried in St. Patricks Church, under the ſame Tomb with his Father-in-Law Doctor Robert Weſton, ſometimes Chancellour of Ireland. It is an happy age when great men do what wiſe men may write; an happier, when wiſe men write what great have done; the happieſt of all, when the ſame men act and write, being Hiſtories, and compoſing them too. For theſe men having a neerer, and more thorow-inſight to the great ſubjects of Annals than men of more diſtant capacities and fortunes, are the onely perſons that have given the world the right notion of Tranſactions, when men of lower and more pedantique ſpirits trouble it onely with more heavy Romances. Give me the actions of a Prince tranſcribed by thoſe Hiſtorians who could be inſtruments. The beſt Hiſtory in the world is Caeſar's Commentaries, written by him, and tranſlated by Edmonds, with the ſame ſpirit that they were acted. Xenophon and Thucydides, whoſe pens copied their Narratives from their Swords. Tacitus, Malvezzi, Machiavel, Comines, Moor, Bacon, Herbert and His Eliz. to which Cambden gave but the language and the tranſcript. Burleigh (who writ the affairs of former Ages with the ſame judgement that they managed thoſe of their own.) In a word, an Hiſtory written by ſuch a Courtier as Guicciardine, and tranſlated by ſuch a Counſellor as Fenton. Diamond onely can cut Diamond, the great onely expreſſe the great: a perſon that hath a ſight of the Intelligence, Negotiations, Conferences, and inward tranſactions of States, is one from whom I expect a more exact Chronicle of this age than yet this Nation hath been happy in.

Obſervations on the Life of Doctor Fletcher.

GIles Fletcher (brother to Richard Fletcher Biſhop of London) was born in Kent, as I am credibly From the mouth of Mr. Ramſey Miniſter of Rougham in Norfolk, who married the widow of Mr. Giles Fletcher, ſou to this Doctor. informed. He was bred firſt in Eaton, then in Kings Colledge in Cambridge, where he became Doctor of Law. A moſt excellent Poet (a quality hereditary to his two ſons, Giles and Phineas) was ſent Commiſſioner into Scotland, Germany, and the Low-Countreys, for Queen Elizabeth, and her Embaſſador into Ruſſia, Secretary to the City of London, and Maſter of the Court of Requeſts. His Ruſſian Embaſſie to ſettle the Engliſh Merchandize was his Maſter-piece, to Theodor Juanowich, Duke of Muſcovia. He came thither in a dangerous juncture of time, viz. in the end of the year 1588.

Firſt, ſome Forreiners (I will not ſay they were the Hollanders) envying the free Trade of the Engliſh, had done them bad offices.

Secondly, a falſe report was generally believed that the Spaniſh Armado had worſted the Engliſh Fleet, and the Duke of Muſcovy, who meaſured his favour unto the Engliſh, by the poſſibility he apprehended of their returning it) grew very ſparing of his ſmiles, not to ſay free of his frowns on our Merchants reſiding there. However, our Doctor demeaned himſelf in his Embaſſie with ſuch cauriouſneſſe, that he not onely eſcaped the Dukes fury, but alſo procured many priviledges for our Engliſh Merchants, exemplified in In his volume of Engliſh Navigations, P. 473. Mr. Hackluit. Returning home, and being ſafely arrived at London, he ſent for his intimate friend Mr. Wayland, Prebendary of St. Pauls, and Senior fellow of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge (Tutor to my Father, from whoſe mouth I received this report) with whom he heartily expreſs'd his thankfulneſſe to God for his ſafe return from ſo great a danger; for the Poets cannot fancy Ʋlyſſes more glad to be come out of the Den Polyphemus, than he was to be rid out of the power of ſuch a barbarous Prince, who counting himſelf by a proud and voluntary miſtake Emperour of all Nations, cared not for the Law of all Nations; and who was ſo habited in blood, that had he cut off this Embaſſador's head, he and his friends might have ſought their own amends; but the queſtion is, where he would have found it? He afterwards ſet forth a Book called The Ruſſian Common-wealth, expreſſing the Government, or Tyranny rather thereof; wherein (ſaith my Camb. in his Eliz. Anno 1583. when he was Agent in Muſcov. as afterward Ambaſſador. Author) are many things moſt obſervable: but Queen Eliz. indulging the reputation of the Duke of Muſcovy as a confederate Prince, permitted not the publick printing of that; which ſuch who have private Copies, know to ſet the valuation thereon.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Mountjoy.

THe Lord Mountjoy was of the ancient Nobility; as he came from Oxford, he took the Inner-Temple in his way to Court, whither no ſooner come, but (without asking) had a pretty ſtrange kinde of admiſſion. He was then much about twenty years of age, of a brown hair, a ſweet face, a moſt neat compoſure, and tall in his perſon; ſo that he coming to ſee the faſhion of the Court, was ſpied out by the Queen, and out of the affection ſhe bare to the very ſight of his face, received him into favour; upon the firſt obſervation whereof, ſhe profeſſed, that ſhe knew there was in him ſome noble blood. He was one that wanted not wit and courage, for he had very fine attractions; and being a good Scholar, yet were they accompanied with the retractives of baſhfulneſſe, and a natural modeſty. There was in him an inclination to Arms, with an humour of Travelling: and as he was grown by reading (whereunto he was much addicted) to the Theory of a Soldier, ſo was he ſtrongly invited by his Genius to the Acquaintance of the Practick of the War, which were the cauſes of his excurſions; for he had a Company in the Low-Countreys, from whence he came over with a noble acceptance of the Queen, but ſomewhat reſtleſſe: in honourable thoughts he expoſed himſelf again and again, and would preſſe the Queen with the pretences of viſiting his Company ſo often, that at length he had a flat denyal, and yet he ſtole over with Sir John Norris, into the action of Britain; but at laſt the Queen began to take his Deceſſions for contempts, and confined his reſidence to the Court, and her own preſence. She was ſo confident in her own Princely judgement and opinion that ſhe had conceived of his worth and conduct, that ſhe would have this noble Gentleman, and none other, to finiſh, and bring the Iriſh War to a propitious end; which (not deceiving her good conceit of him) he nobly atchieved, though with much pains and carefulneſſe.

Among the greateſt things laid to Queen Elizabeth her charge (ſaith the Cenſurer) as caſt behind the door of neglect, was the conduct of the Affairs of Ireland; a place lying all her Halcyon dayes under ſo great a contempt, that wiſe Walſingham thought it no Treaſon to wiſh it buried in the Sea, conſidering the charge it brought: yet ſhe kept the Pale in good order, not ſuffering the Spaniſh party to grow more potent in the North, than was convenient to conſume his forces, and divert him from neerer and more dangerous attempts. It being impoſſible for her without being grievous to her people (a Rock ſhe chiefly ſtudied to avoid) at one time to maintain ſo dreadful a Navy at Sea, and ſoment the Dutch and French, to whoſe aſſiſtance ſhe was called by a louder neceſſity, than to render a Nation quite deſolate: none being willing during her life to exchange the preſent government of a natural Princeſs, for the leſſe happy tyranny of a Vice-Roy; of which the moſt did ſtudy more their reſpective Grandeur by extending the War, than the eaſe of the Inhabitants, and leſſening the Queens expence, till the noble Lord Mountjoy was employed, who had no other deſign than the concluſion of the Work; which he had not yet brought about, but that the Spaniards found themſelves betrayed through the covetouſneſſe and cowardize of the Natives, that for ſmall ſums would ſell not onely ſuch Forreigners as came to help them, but their neareſt Relations. Nor was it poſſible to reduce them to civility, but by curing the Bogs and Faſtneſſes, and building Caſtles and Gariſons, which he did; nor eaſie to ſubdue them without that ſeverity to the Prieſts, which he uſed; whom he found exerciſing ſuch an implicite power over the Peoples conſciences, that they could not reſolve themſelves of their Soveraigns right or Religion.—This for his Iriſh government: touching his Domeſtick relation; When Queen Elizabeths favour to Eſſex (like a bone by breaches made more firm) ſwelled him to ſuch a degree of confidence as frowned on them as enemies that acknowledged not his friendſhip, or depended not on his favour, to balance him and my Lord Cecil, this gallant Gentleman, and of honourable extraction, was placed in her eye; many hoping by his application to draw from her heart the affection they thought mortal to them and their deſign, the whole reſult concluding in a Duel that raiſed both in their Miſtriſs affections, as Champions for her beauty now, and like to be ſo for her Government.

There are ſome Letters of this noble perſon's to be ſeen, I am told, of a plain and equal ſtyle becoming a Stateſ-man and buſineſſe; not ſeldome yet admitting of ſeveral conſtructions, if of any interpretation at all, where the buſineſſe related to a thing whoſe conſequence could not eaſily be ſeen into.

Obſervations on the Life of Edward Earl of Rutland.

A Noble-man, eminent for thoſe ſeveral Endowments, which ſingle, do exact an entire man. For a perſon of his quality to be an accurate Critick in the learned Tongues, & then as a Rhetorician to make all their Graces ſerve his Eloquence; to have traverſed Ancient, and yet be no Stranger in Modern Writers: to be well verſed in the more crabbed Philoſophy, and accurate in Politer claſſick Authors; to be learned in Hiſtory and Policy, and a Maſter in the Law of the Land, and of Nations. For ſuch a man to have devoured ſo much, and yet digeſted it, is a rarity in nature, and in diligence, which hath but few examples: yet his ſpeculative knowledge that gave light to the moſt dark and difficult propoſals, became eclipſed by the more dazling luſtre of his more practick and experimental prudence; which together with his alliance to my Lord Burleigh, had voted him to Bromley's place, but that they both ſickned in one day, and died in one week; he leaving theſe four Adviſoes behind him, 1. Be alwayes employed. 2. Look to the Iſſue. 3. Be furniſhed with a friend. And 4. Reflect upon thy ſelf—Vita eſt in ſe Reflexio.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Smith.

HIS Relation to Edward the ſixth his Couſin German, was enough to countenance his parts, and his parts ripe and large enough to advance his perſon.—His gravity could be no where better employed than in Spain, nor his reſervedneſſe any where more ſuitable than in Italy. In Spain his carriage had a great impreſſion upon the King, and his ſpirit upon the whole Court. For Gaſper Quiroga Arch-Biſhop of Toledo, inveighing bitterly againſt the Queen's perſon, and more againſt her Title (Defender of the Faith) was anſwered by him with that Wiſdome and Prudence, that his Majeſty of Spain checked the Arch-Biſhop as an Impertinado, as he called him, and hugged Sir John Smith, as a man who had made himſelf dreadful, and his Miſtriſs therefore much more to that Court—(They who leaſt conſider hazard in the doing of their duty, fare beſt ſtill.) The ſureſt way to ſafety, is to have one intereſt eſpouſed ſo firmly, as never to be changed. Nor did he this out of a vainer bottome than an obſervation he made of his Miſtriſſes reſolution, already in deſpair of procuring good from any milder endeavours than thoſe of power: A ſignal teſtimony of the commanding worth this Gentleman had, which extorted a reverence to his perſon in that very place where his buſineſs contracted an Odium. An excellent perſon he was, in whom honeſty of manners ſtrived with Nobility of Birth, and merit with honour; of a compoſed and ſtayed temper, that would ſay under all temptations to diſquiet, Either the thing before us is in our power, or it is not: If it be, why do we not manage it to our content? If not, why are we diſcontented, eſpecially ſince every thing hath two handles? If the one prove hot, and not to be touched, we may take the other that is more temperate. Upon which conſideration, all private concernments he paſſed over with a perfect indifference: the world and its Appendages hanging ſo looſe about him, that he never took notice when any part dropt off, or ſate uneaſily.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Walter Rawleigh.

SIr Walter Rawleigh was well deſcended, and of good Alliance, but poor in his beginning. He was one ſo toſſed by fortune to and fro, that he was ſometimes high, ſometimes low, ſometimes in a middle condition. He was brought up in the Univerſity and Innes of Court, but he ſtayed not long in a place: and being the youngeſt Brother, and the Houſe diminiſhed in Patrimony, he foreſaw his own deſtiny, that he was firſt to roul (through want and diſability) before he could come to a repoſe. He firſt expoſed himſelf to the Land-ſervice of Ireland (a Militia) which then did not yield him food and raiment; nor had he patience to ſtay there, (though ſhortly after he came thither again) under the command of the Lord Grey. As for his Native parts, and thoſe of his own acquiring, he had in the outward man a good preſence, in a handſom and well-compacted perſon, a ſtrong natural wit, and a better judgement, with a bold and plauſible tongue, whereby he could ſet out his parts to the beſt advantage; and to theſe he had the adjuncts of ſome general learning, which by diligence he enforced to a great Augmentation, and Perfection; for he was an indefatigable Reader, whether by Sea or Land, and none of the leaſt obſervers both of Men and the Times. Falling from that ſudden grace, which he by his parts had gained of the Queen, he went aſide for a while, but at his return he came in with the greater ſtrength, and ſo continued to her laſt, great in her favour, and Captain of the Guard. His prudence underſtood his capacity, and his induſtry ſerved it; raiſing his fortune as high as his parts, and his parts as high as his mind. His Motto was, Either dye nobly, or live honorably. Never man proſpered, but the reſolute, and he that hath awaked an eaſie, ſoft, ſleepy, or indifferent temper, to the noble adventure of being Caeſar, or being none: a diſpoſition meeting a large and capacious ſoul in this Gentleman, taught him the exact diſcipline of War in Ireland and the Low Countries, the great skill of a Sea-man between Europe and America, and a patience as ſevere in enduring hardſhip, as his neceſſity in requiring it. Five hours he ſlept, four he read, two he diſcourſed; allowing the reſt to his buſineſs and his neceſſities: no Soldier fared or lay harder, none ventured further: what is not extraordinary (he would ſay) is nothing: It being the end of all Arts and Sciences to direct men by certain rules unto the moſt compendious way in their knowledge and practice: thoſe things of which in our ſelves we have onely ſome imperfect confuſed notions, being herein fully and clearly repreſented to our view from the diſcoveries that other men have made, after much ſtudy and long experience; and there is nothing of greater conſequence for the advancement of Learning, than to finde out thoſe particular advantages which there are for the ſhorteſt way of knowing and teaching things in every profeſſion. There was not an expert Soldier or Sea-man, but he conſulted; not a printed or manuſcript diſcourſe of Navigation or War but he peruſed; nor were there exacter rules or principles for both ſervices, than he drew: ſo contemplative he was, that you would think he was not active; ſo active that you would ſay he was not prudent—A great Soldier, and yet an excellent Courtier: an accompliſhed Gallant, and yet a bookiſh man; a man that ſeemed born for any thing he undertook: his wit brought him to Court, and kept him there; for there happening a difference between him and my Lord Grey, under whom he ſerved in Ireland, which was heard before the Council-Table, Rawleigh ſtated his caſe with that clearneſſe, urged his arguments with that evidence and reaſon, offered his Apologies with thoſe pertinent and taking allegations, and his Replies with that ſmartneſſe; expreſſed himſelf with that fluency and eloquence, and managed his carriage and countenance with that diſcretion, that he was firſt the States-mens obſervation, next her Majeſties Favourite, and at laſt her Oracle; as who was equally happy in his comprehenſive diſcourſes to her of her private intereſt in every part of her government, and in his effectual Speeches to her Subjects in Parliament touching theirs in every part of their duty.

Two things he obſerved in his Miſtriſs;

1. That ſhe was penurious in her Largeſſes. 2. That ſhe was choice in her Favourites.

Whence he concluded, that there was no good to be done unleſſe he got an eſtate firſt, and then a reputation.

To the firſt, we owe his Sea-voyages, when his whole fortune was often put up in one ſhip; And to the laſt, his Land-ſervices, when all his expectation depended on one action. Two Rivals he obſerved, Eſſex for action, Cecil for counſel: The one he went under abroad, to outvy him; the other he complyed with at home, to undermine him: but wanting ſtrength, though not parts to be both their Corrivals, he periſhed, becauſe not thought to own humility enough to be their ſervants. Cecill indeed was his friend, becauſe Eſſex was his enemy: but he taught him, That it was more ſafe at Court to have many enemies of equall power, than one falſe and ambitious friend, that hath attained to the abſoluteneſſe of command: But this he was often heard to ſay, he did not apprehend, before his Genius had dictated it to him, as he came in a Boat from the execution of the Earl of Eſſex, which was done at the Tower.—Yet two wayes I finde him getting up: 1. By uncouth projects in Parliament beyond expectation; which (though they might oblige his Miſtriſs) together with an opinion of his irreligion, loſt him with the People. 2. By extraordinary undertakings in Warre beyond his Commiſſion; which (though performed to outdo his Generals) had forfeited his head to their ſeverity and juſtice, had not his wit complyed with their eafineſſe and goodneſſe. It's a queſtion among the Curioſoes, whether his often abſence from Court was his prudence, or his weakneſſe, it being a quodlibet, whether that diſtance was a greater allay to his enemies malice, or his Soveraigns love; while his forreign actions were not ſo cloſe at her ear to his advantage, as his Adverſaries applications to his diſparagement.

Two things I muſt needs ſay are wonderful in him. 1. The diſpatch and induſtry of the former part of his life. 2. The weakneſſe of the latter.

Touching the firſt, he that ſhall conſider his laborious way of ſtudy, immers'd in almoſt infinite reading and obſervation, to which the running over of innumerable books, and a vaſt multitude of men was neceſſary: His Obligations to read not onely common Authors, but all Records, Schemes, and Papers that he could come by: His correſpondence with Friends and Strangers; his review of his own Papers (which he fate cloſe to by Sea and Land) that never paſſed him without three tranſcriptions; his reception of viſits, whether of civility, or buſineſſe, or diſcourſe, which were numerous, and great devourers of his time; his agency for all ſorts of perſons (his intereſt with his thrifty Miſtriſs being moſt part of his penſion) in which capacity he ſet up a kinde of Office of Addreſs—his Letters, which coſt him one day in the week: The time loſt upon his misfortunes, which made it neceſſary for him often to break his great ſeries and method of undertaking. He, I ſay, that ſhall compute, and ſum up this, the particulars whereof are nakedly told without any ſtraining of the truth, or flouriſh of expreſſion, muſt be much to ſeek how a man of ſo many actions ſhould write any thing, and one of ſo many writings ſhould do any thing; and more, how one of ſo many fatall diverſions could keep up a ſteady minde for thoſe great, but exact arguments that it hath left in the world; eſpecially when there was one very difficult particular in all his compoſures, viz. that none of his Diſcourſes with which his Hiſtory or other Books are embelliſhed, paſſed his exact hand before the moſt knowing and moſt learned men in that faculty to which thoſe diſcourſes belonged, had debated them before him; who after their departure ſummed up all into thoſe excellent pieces now abroad under his name, which I blame not King James for envying, being the neareſt his own: though I think not that learned Prince of ſo low a ſpirit, as out of an impertinent emulation to affect Sir Walter Rawleigh the leſſe, for the great repute that followed him becauſe of his pen; which being more dangerous than his Sword, I wonder that wiſe Prince indulged him, eſpecially ſince that Maſter Hampden a little before the Wars was at the charge of 〈…〉 3. 52 ſheets of his Manuſcripts, as the 〈…〉 himſelf told me, who had his cloſe chamber, his fine and candle, with an Attendant to deliver him the Originals, and take his Copies as faſt as he could write them.

2 To the ſecond, viz. the weakneſſe of the laſt part of his life: 1. There was not a greater reach in that advice of his to the Queen (when ſome were for attacquing Spain one way, and ſome another) to cut off its commerce with the Indies, than there was ſhortneſſe of ſpirit in truſting the moſt hopeful part of that expedition to Sir John Burroughs, when he ſunke under the moſt diſaſtrous himſelf. Yet 2. That he, when Captain of the Guard, Warden of the Cinque-ports, Governor of Virginia (a place of his own diſcovery) preferments enough to ſatisfie a regular ſpirit, ſhould ſtand on termes with King James againſt the Law of the Land, the Genius of the Nation, the reſolution of the Nobility, and Reaſon it ſelf (that knoweth there is no cautions that hold Princes, but their intereſt and nature) was a greater infirmity. But 3. That he upon the Kings frown for his former indiſcretion upon him, and Cobham, ſhould engage upon ſo ſhallow a Treaſon (ſo improbable to hurt others, or benefit themſelves, that if ever folly was capable of the title, or pity due to innocence, theirs might claim ſo large a ſhare as not poſſible to be too ſeverely condemned, or ſlightly enough puniſhed) and that with ſuch weak and inconſiderable men, as were rather againſt the government, than for one another (Grey being a Puritan, and Cobham a Proteſtant) were the greateſt: but there is one particular more behind; That he who could employ his reſtraint ſo well, ſhould lye under the juſtice as well as jealouſie of K. James: And knowing that Princes muſt not pardon any able man that either they have wronged, or that hath wronged them, be ſo intent upon a fooliſh liberty, wherein he loſt himſelf and his in that unhappy voyage of Guiana; a voyage, that conſidering King James his inclination to the Match, his own obnoxiouſneſſe to that King abroad, and Cecil here for obſtructing the Peace with Spain, and Gondamor's vigilance, muſt needs be as unſucceſsful, as it was diſguſtful.

Methinks he that was of ſo incomparable a dexterity in his judgement, as the Treaſurer grew jealous of his excellent parts, left he ſhould ſupplant him; of ſo quick and ready apprehenſion and conduct, that he puzzled the Judges at Wincheſter: of ſo good a Head-piece, that it was wiſhed then on the Secretary of State's ſhoulders: of ſo conſiderable an intereſt, that notwithſtanding his fourteen years impriſonment, Princes interceded for him, the whole Nation pitied him, and King James would not execute him without an Apology; And to ſay no more, of ſo much magnanimity, that he managed his death with ſo high and religious a reſolution, as if a Chriſtian had acted a Romane, or rather a Roman a Chriſtian; might have gone off the world at a higher rate, but that there is an higher power governs wiſdome, as inviſibly, yet as really as wiſdome doth the world; which when I look back upon my Lord of Eſſex, I call fate; but when from him I look forward to Sir Walter Rawleigh, I believe a providence.

He had a good preſence in a handſome and well-compacted perſon, a ſtrong natural wit, a better judgement, with a bold and plauſible tongue, which ſet off his parts to the beſt advantage: to theſe he had the adjuncts of a general Learning; which by diligence and experience (thoſe two great Tutors) was augmented to a great perfection, being an indefatigable Reader, and having a very retentive memory: before his Judges at Wincheſter humble, but not proſtrate; dutiful, yet not dejected: to the Jury affable, but not fawning; hoping, but not truſting in them, carefully perſwading them with reaſon, not diſtemperately importuning them with conjurations; rather ſhewing love of life, than fear of death: patient, but not careleſs; civil, but not ſtupid.

Obſervations on the Life of Thomas, Sackvil, Lord Buckhurſt.

HE was bred in the Univerſity of Oxford, where he became an excellent Poet, leaving both Latine and Engliſh Poems of his to poſterity. Then ſtudied he Law in the Temple, and took the degree of Barriſter; afterwards he travelled into Foreign parts, was detained for a time a Priſoner in Rome, which he revenged afterwards in the liberty of his ſpeech at the Powder-Traytors Tryal. Wen his liberty was procured for his return into England, he poſſeſſed the vaſt inheritance left him by his Father, whereof in ſhort time by his magnificent prodigality he ſpent the greateſt part, till he ſeaſonably began to ſpare, growing neer to the bottom of his Eſtate.

The ſtory goes, that this young Gentleman coming to an Alderman of London, who had gained great penny worths by his former Purchaſes of him, was made (being now in the wane of his wealth) to wait the coming down of the Alderman ſo long, that his generous humour being ſenſible of the incivility of ſuch Attendance, reſolved to be no more beholding to Wealthy Pride; and preſently turned a thrifty improver of the remainder of his Eſtate. But others make him, as aboveſaid, the Convert of Queen Elizabeth, (his Couſin-German once removed) who by her frequent Admonitions, diverted the torrent of his profuſion. Indeed ſhe would not know him, till he began to know himſelf, and then heaped places of Honour and Truſt upon him, creating him

1. Baron of Buckhurſt in Suſſex, Anno Dom. 1566. 2. Sending him Ambaſſador into France, Anno 1571. Into the Low-Countries, Anno Dom. 1566. 3. Making him Knight of the Order of the Garter, Anno 1589. 4. Appointing him Treaſurer of England, 1599.

He was Chancellor of the Univerſity of Oxford, where he entertained Qu: Elizabeth with a moſt ſumptuous Feaſt. He was called the Star-chamber-Bell, ſo very flowing his invention; and therefore no wonder if his Secretaries could not pleaſe him, being a perſon of ſo quick diſpatch, (faculties which yet run in the blood.) He took a Roll of the names of all Sutors, with the Date of their firſt Addreſſes, and theſe in order had their hearing, ſo that a Freſh-man could not leap over the head of his Senior, except in urgent Affairs of State. Thus having made amends to his houſe for his miſpent time, both in increaſe of Eſtate and Honour, being created Earl of Dorſet by King James, he died on the 19th of April, 1608.

The Lord Buckburſt was of the noble houſe of the Sackvils, and of the Queens conſanguinity; his Father was that provident & wiſe man Sir Richard Sackvil, or as the people then called him, Fillſack, by reaſon of his great wealth, and the vaſt Patrimony which he left to this his ſon, whereof he ſpent in his youth the beſt part, until the Qu: by her frequent admonitions diverted the torrent of his profuſion; he was a very fine Gentleman of perſon and endowments both of Art and Nature. His elocution is much commended, but the excellency of his Pen more; for he was a Scholar, and a perſon of quick faculties, very facete and choice in his phraſe and ſtyle. He was wiſe and ſtout, nor was he any ways inſnared in the factions of the Court, which were all his time very ſtrong. He ſtood ſtill in grace, and was wholly intentive to the Queens ſervice; and ſuch were his abilities, that ſhe received aſſiduous proofs of his ſufficiency. As

1. In his Embaſſie to France, whereas the Queen-Mother complemented him, he behaved himſelf very worthy of his Miſtriſſes Majeſty, and his own Peerage: there he had an experienced Tuſcan, Calacanti by name, to deal with that Florentine Queen; Montmorancy's brother, to undermine the Guiſes; and his own great parts, to grapple with old Hoſpital: He began that ſubtle piece the French Match, under pretence whereof we balanoed, and underſtood Europe; and Walſingham finiſhed it.

2. In his Negotiations in the Low-Countries, where he watched Leiceſter and the Commanders; he obſerved the States, and their changeable and various Intereſts, accommodating the preſent emergencies, and ſuiting their occaſions.

They that cenſure this Nobleman's death, conſider not beſides the black worm and the white (day and night, as the Riddle is) that are gnawing conſtantly at the root of the tree of Life, There are many inſenſible diſeaſes, as Apoplexies, whoſe vapors ſodainly extinguiſh the animal ſpirits; and Apoſthumes both in the upper and middle Region of man, that often drown and ſuffocate both the animal and vital, who are like embodied Twins, the one cannot ſubſiſt without the other: If the animal wits fail, the vital cannot ſubſiſt; if the vitals periſh, the animals give over their operation: and he that judgeth ill of ſuch an act of Providence, may have the ſame hand at the ſame time writing within the Palace-walls of his own body, the ſame period to his lives Earthly Empire.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of Queen Eliz.

THE K. James. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of King James.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Cliffords, Earls of Cumberland.

THE name hath been for three Ages ancient and Noble, and in this laſt Age Warlike and ſerviceable: They had the government of the North in their own right for an hundred yeares, and the hereditary Sheriff-dome of Weſtmorland in right of the Viponts their Relations for two.—Henry the firſt Earl of Cumberland was rayſed by Henry the Eighth to that Honour, 1525, for his ſervice at Tournay and Berwick. Henry his ſon was by Queen Mary honoured with the Garter for his conduct againſt Wyat; and by Queen Eliz. graced with peculiar favours for his Induſtry, Integrity and Vigilance in the North. As Nature, ſo Nobility ſubſiſts and grows by the ſame thing that it is made of: Vertue that creates, ſupports it.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord George Clifford.

GEorge Clifford, Lord Clifford, Veſoye, &c. Earl of Cumberland, was ſon to Henry ſecond Earl of that Family, by his ſecond Lady; a perſon wholly compoſed of true honour and valour, whereof he gave the world a large and clear demonſtration.

It was reſolved by the judicious in that Age, The way to humble the Spaniſh greatneſs, was not in pinching and pricking of him in the Low-Countries, which onely emptied his veins of ſuch blood as was quickly re-filled: But the way to make it a Cripple for ever, was by cutting off the Spaniſh ſ 〈…〉 ews of War, his Monies from the Weſt-Indies [the back-door robs the houſe.] In order whereunto, this Earl ſet forth a ſmall Fleet on his own coſt, and adventured his own perſon therein, being the beſt born Engliſhman that ever hazarded himſelf in that kinde. His Fleet may be ſaid to be bound for no other Harbour but the Port of Honour, though touching at the Port of Profit in paſſage thereunto; I ſay, touching, whoſe deſign was not to enrich himſelf, but impoveriſh the Enemy.

He was as merciful as valiant, (the beſt metal bends beſt) and left impreſſions of both in all places where he came. Queen Eliz. Anno 1592, honoured him with the dignity of the Garter. When King James came firſt out of Scotland to Yorke, he attended him with ſuch an equipage of Followers for number and habit, that he ſeemed rather a King, than Earl of Cumberland. Here happened a Conteſt between the Earl and the Lord Preſident of the North, about carrying the Sword before the King in Yorke; which Office, upon due ſearch and enquiry was adjudged to the Earl, as belonging unto him: and whileſt Clifford's Tower is ſtanding in Yorke, that Family will never be therein forgotten. His Anagram was as really as literally true: Georgius Cliffordius Cumberlandius. Davidis regno clarus cum vi fulgebis.

He died Anno 1605. leaving one Daughter and Heir, the Lady Anne, married to the Earl of Dorſet.

This noble perſon taught the world, That the Art of making War hath not a poſitive form, and that it ought to be diverſified according to the ſtate of Occurrences. They that will commit nothing to Fortune, nor undertake any Enterprize whoſe event appeareth not infallible, eſcape many dangers by their wary conduct, but fail of as many ſucceſſes by their unactive fearfulneſſe. It's uſeleſſe to be too wiſe, and ſpend that time in a grave gaze on buſineſſe, that might ſerve the ſpeedy diſpatch of it. Neither was our Peer great onely in the atchievements of the Field to pleaſe higher ſpirits, but gaudy at Court to aſtoniſh and raviſh the loweſt; making noble expences when neceſſary, and appearing ſplendid on the important occaſions, whoſe principal quality refided in Magnificence. Yet was he not tranſported with theſe appearances, or to make them the greateſt ornament of his conduct: the choiceſt expreſſions of his life, fixing neither his greatneſſe upon a tranſitory Pageant, nor his glory upon a fading Pomp.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Tho. Smith.

SIr Thomas Smith was born at Abington in Bark-ſhire, bred in the Univerſity of Oxford: God and himſelf raiſed him to the Eminency he attained unto, unbefriended with any extraction. He may ſeem to have had an ingenuous emulation of Sir Thomas Smith Senior, Secretary of State, whom he imitated in many good qualities, and had no doubt equalled in preferment, if not prevented by death. He attained onely to be Maſter of the Requeſts, and Secretary to King James for his Latine Letters: higher places expecting him, when a period was put at once to his life and to his hopes, Novemb. 28. 1609. The generous piety of the honourable Counteſs of Exeter having erected him one Monument at Fulham, and his own worth another in Hiſtory.

His Father died, when he was yet ſo young, that he knew not what a Father meant: but his Mothers affection for her Husband died not with him; whereupon ſhe multiplyed her cares on this Gentleman and her other children ſo abundantly, that a long while he little found the want of that dear name, her tranſcendent love ſo well ſupplying the place of both relations: For no ſooner was he fit to learn, than ſhe did by friends procure the beſt Maſters thoſe Times afforded, to render his education perfect in thoſe exerciſes as well of the minde as of the body, wherein they that flattered him not, would ſay he was no ill Proficient: ſuch majeſty, ſuch modeſty in his carriage, that men would admire how two ſuch diſtant things could meet in one ſubject. His eye was quick and piercing, his ſhape and motion charming; the ayre and lineaments of his countenance lively arguments that his ſoul was not inferiour to his body,—but that the one promiſed no more pleaſure to thoſe that looked on it, than the other did ſervice to thoſe that employed it: His meen deſerving preferment from the favour of a Soveraign, and his parts gaining it from his juſtice. Fortune did him not ſo much wrong in his mean Birth, as he did himſelf right by great merit, ſo worthy a Prince's ſervice, and a Courts favour: He read and ſaw what others did, but not with others apprehenſions; his judgement of things being not common, nor his obſervations low, flat, or vulgar, but ſuch as became a breaſt now furniſhing it ſelf for buſineſſe and for government.

There was an ancient cuſtome to celebrate the Anniverſary of the King's Coronation with all the Shews of Magnificence and joy which the Art or Affections of the People could invent; and becauſe we are eſteemed the Warlik'ſt Nation in the whole world, to continue that juſt regulation, we declined all thoſe effeminacies which are ſo predominant in other Courts, and abſolutely addicted our selves to ſuch Martial exerciſes as are nothing leſſe pleaſing and delightful than the other, and yet fit and prepare men more for the real uſe of Arms, and acquiſition of glory. Here our Knight's praiſe came to my Lord of Carliſle's notice, who firſt deſigned him a Commander; but finding his Genius more courtly than Martial, more learned than active, recommended him to his Majeſties ſofter ſervices, where none more obliging to the People by his induſtry and intereſt Court, none more ſerviceable to his Majeſty by the good name he gained in the Countrey: So careful was he of publick content, that from five to nine his Chamber was open to all Comers; where you would finde him with the one hand making himſelf ready, with the other receiving Letters; and in all this hurry of Buſineſſe, giving the moſt orderly, clear, and ſatisfactory diſpatches of any Stateſman at that time. From nine to one he attended his Maſter, to whom he had as eaſie acceſs as he gave to his People. Two things ſet him up; 1. A fair reſpect from his Maſter upon all occaſions, and as fair a treatment of the People: He had his diſtinct Claſſis of Affairs, and his diſtinct Officers for thoſe Claſſis: The order and method whereof incredibly advanced his diſpatch, and eaſed his burden; which took up his day ſo, that there remained but ſome hours he ſtole from night and ſleep, for his beloved and dear Studies; and King James ſaid, he was the hardeſt Student in White-Hall—and therefore he did not always trouble his Maſter with buſineſſe, but ſometimes pleaſe him with diſcourſe. If Fortune had been as kinde to him as Nature, greater Employments had been at once his honour and his buſineſs: But from all his ſervices and performances, he derived no other advantage than the acting of them; and at his death he leſt no other wealth behind him, but that of a high reputation: never arriving at thoſe enjoyments that enhance our Cares, nor having time to withdraw himſelf from thoſe cares that take away the reliſh of our enjoyments.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Fulke Grevil.

SIr Fulke Grevil, ſon to Sir Fulke Grevil the elder, of Becham-Court in Warwick-ſhire, deſcended from Willoughby Lord Brook, and Admiral to Hen. 7. was bred firſt in the Univerſity of Cambridge: He came to the Court, back'd with a full and fair Eſtate; and Queen Elizabeth loved ſuch ſubſtantial Courtiers as could plentifully ſubſiſt of themſelves: He was a good Scholar, loving much to employ (and ſometimes to advance) learned men, to whom worthy Biſhop Overal chiefly owed his Preferment; and Mr. Cambden (by his own confeſſion) feaſted largely of his Liberality. His ſtudies were moſt in Poetry and Hiſtory, as his Works do witneſſe: His ſtile conceived by ſome to be ſwelling, is allowed lofty and full by others. King James created him Baron Brook of Beauchamp-Court, as deſcended from the ſole Daughter and Heir of Edward Willoughby, laſt Lord Brook, in the Reign of King Henry the 7th. His ſad death, or murther rather, happened on this occaſion: His diſcontented ſervant conceiving his deſerts not ſoon, or well enough rewarded, wounded him mortally, and then (to ſave the Law the labour) killed himſelf; verifying the obſervation, that he may when he pleaſeth be maſter of another mans life, who contemneth his own. Helyeth buried in Warwick Church under a Monument of black and white Marble, whereon he is ſtiled, Servant to Queen Elizabeth, Counſellour to King James, and Friend to Sir Philip Sidney.

Though a Favourite, he courts Ladies rather than Honour, and purſued his ſtudy rather than his ambition, being more contemplative than active: Others miniſtered to Queen Elizabeths government, this Gentleman to her Recreation and Pleaſures: He came to Court when all men ſhould, young, and ſtayed there until he was old; his fortune being as ſmooth as his ſpirit, and the Queens favour as laſting as his merit. He bred up Stateſ-men, but was none. Sir William Pickering was like to have gained the Queens Bed by ſtudying, Sir Philip Sidney had her Heart for writing, and Sir Fulke Grevil had her favour for both: one great argument for his worth, was his reſpect of the worth of others; deſiring to be known to poſterity under no other notions than of Shakeſpear's and Ben Johnſon's Maſter, Chancellor Egerton's Patron, Biſhop Overal's Lord, and Sir Philip Sidney's friend. His ſoul had the peace of a great fortune, joyned to a greater minde: His worth commended him to Majeſty; his affableneſſe indeared him to the popularity: his mornings were devoted to his Books, his afternoons to his knowing Friends, his nights to his debonair Acquaintance: He was the Queens Counſellor for perſons, as others were for matters and things: Sweet was his diſpoſition, winning his converſe, fluent his diſcourſe, obliging his looks, geſtures, and expreſſions; publick his ſpirit, and large his ſoul: his Genius prompted him to prepare himſelf for Domeſtick ſervices by Foreign employments, but the great Miſtriſs of her Subjects affections and duties forbad it, and his own prudence checked it. So dear was he to the Queen, that when his horſes were ſhipped at Dover for the Netherlands, her Mandate by Sir Edward Dier ſtopped him: When he went over with Walſingham, he was remanded; and when with Leiceſter, he was checked: He was the exact image of action and quiet happily united in him, ſeldome well divided in any. He would have acted his great principles of Government, yet he could be confined only to write them. He could ſit down In his Book called, The Declination of Monarchs. with ſome Poetick and polite Characters of Vertue, when he was debarred the real exerciſes of it. He had kept Eſſex his head on, had not that unhappy man's Paraſites made the Earl deaf to his Counſels, and his Enemies removed him from his preſence, under a pretence of guarding the Seas againſt his Enemies, while his Kinſman was betrayed by his Friends.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Robert Cecil.

SIr Robert Cecil, ſince Earl of Salisbury, was the heir of the Lord Burleigh's prudence, the inheritour of his favour, and by degrees a ſucceſſor to his places, though not to his Lands, for he was a younger Brother. He was firſt Secretary of State, then Maſter of the Wards, and in the laſt of her Reign came to be Lord Treaſurer; all which were the ſteps of his Fathers greatneſſe, and of the honour he left to his houſe. For his perſon, he was not much beholding to Nature, though ſomewhat for his face, which was the beſt part of his outſide: but for his inſide, it may be ſaid he was his Father's own ſon, and a pregnant Proficient in all diſcipline of State. He was a Courtier from his Cradle, yet at the age of twenty and upwards, he was much ſhort of his after-proof; but expoſed, and by change of climate he ſhewed what he was, and what he would be: He lived in thoſe times, wherein the Queen had moſt need and uſe of men of weight; and amongſt able ones, this was a chief, as having his ſufficiency from his inſtructions that begat him the Tutorſhip of the Times and Court, then the Academy of Art and Cunning, when Engliſh prudence and Counſel was at the higheſt, as moſt exerciſed with Foreign dangers, and Domeſtick practices. Vaſt was his apprehenſion, becauſe ſo large his proſpect; Sir Francis Walſingham having opened the Conclave of Rome, and his Father the Cabals of Spain; inſomuch that he knew each deſign in both places, every Port, every Ship with the Burthens, whither bound, what impediments, for diverſion of Enterprizes, Counſels, and Reſolutions, as appears by his private diſpatches (as his manner was) with thoſe of the Councel, one whereof to my Lord Mountjoy, ſince Earl of Devonſhire, with whom he ſeaſonably cloſed, runs thus—

—I must in private put you out of Sir Robert Naunton's Fragmenta. doubt (for of fear I know you cannot be otherwiſe ſenſible than in a way of honour) that the Spaniard will not come to you this year: for I have it from my own what preparations are in all Parts, and what he can do: For be confident he beareth up a reputation by ſeeming to embrace more than he can gripe: but the next year be aſſured he will cast over unto you ſome Forlorn-Hopes; which how they may be re-inforced beyond his preſent ability, and his first intention, I cannot as yet make any certain judgement: but I believe out of my Intelligence, that you may expect their Landing at Munſter; and the more to distract you in ſeveral places, as at Kingſale, Beer-haven, and Baltimore, where you may be ſure (coming from Sea) they will first fortifie and learn the ſtrength of the Rebels before they dare take the Field.

This States-man's character is engraven upon his honour, and his portraicture drawn in his Patent for Earl of Salisbury; which to many formal words hath added theſe effectual expreſſions—As alſo for his faithfulneſſe, circumſpection, ſtoutneſſe, wiſdome, dexterity, providence and care not onely in the great and weighty Affairs of Counſell, but generally alſo in all other Expeditions of the Realm.

And indeed not a man upon the Helme of this Common-wealth underſtood all points of the Compaſſe better than himſelf, who in a ſtayed and calm ſetledneſſe looked on the private deſigns that were promoted upon his Miſtriſs declining, and privately overthrowed them and their Maſters, while in an uninterrupted courſe of integrity towards his Miſtriſs, and faithfulneſs to his Countrey, he kept clear the ſucceſſion, equally careful not to enjealous his preſent Miſtreſs, and not to obſtruct his future Maſter, with whom he kept an honeſt correſpondence, although there goeth this ſtory of him, that a Poſt from Scotland meeting her Majeſty upon Greenwich-heath, Sir Robert Cecil in all haſt would needs cut open the Packet, and pretending it ſtunk, had time to perfume it [her Majeſty being very curious in her ſmelling] and convey away his own Letters: be this ſo or ſo, it's certain, that when aſſiſtant to the Earl of Derby in his French Embaſſie, he promoted the young King of Scots intereſt againſt his Mothers: when Sir Francis Walſingham's Colleague, he defeated her Counſels againſt him; and when principal Secretary, he ſounded, croſſed, and undid the little plot that was ſhrowded under the great name of Eſſex, turning and winding, raiſing and ruining the Authors of it at his own pleaſure. No ſooner was the Queen dead, than his Meſſenger was with the King at Edenburgh, and he himſelf with his Favourite [Sir George Humes] at Yorke; with whoſe aſſiſtance, and honeſt Sir Roger Aſton's mediation, King James makes him his boſome-friend, his houſe [Theobalds] his reſidence, and his account of the Engliſh Laws, Government, and temper his rule: Finding him but Knight and Secretary, he created him Baron of Eſſenden, Viſcount Cranbourn, Knight of the Garter, and Earl of Salisbury: He promoted him Maſter of the Wards and Lord Treaſurer; in all which capacities how vigilant he was againſt the Papiſts, and their Plots, their Libels (which he anſwered in Engliſh and Adverſus perduelles. Latine very elegantly and wiſely) demonſtrate—how careful of the publique Treaſure, this Narrative ſhews.

King James had beſtowed upon Sir Robert Carr twenty thouſand pound: my Lord apprehending the ſum as more correſpondent with his Maſter's goodneſſe, than his greatneſſe, with the royalty of his heart, than the poverty of his Exchequer; and obſerving his Majeſty more careful of what money paſſed his own hands, than what paſſed his ſervants, contrives that the good King ſhould goe through the place where this great ſum lay in ſilver to a treatment; where demanding whoſe money it was, and being anſwered, that it was his own before he parted with it, He underſtanding the deſign, proteſted he was cheated, and intended not above five hundred pounds; and the Favourite was glad to make uſe of the Lord Treaſurer's mediation for the moyety of that great ſum. How induſtrious in the improvement of his Maſters Revenue, theſe particulars conclude, viz.

1. A ſurvey of the Crown-lands, known before by report rather than by meaſure; and let by chance, rather then knowledge. 2. A Revival of the Cuſtody-lands Revenue by Commiſſioners of Aſſerts. 3. A tarrier of Crown-wood-lands, their growth and value; where he numbered, marked, and valued all the Timber hitherto unknown. 4. The Commiſſioners he procured to look into Copy-hold-Lands, Waſtes, and Commons. 5. The Rules to forfeited Eſtates and extended Lands. 6. The improvement of the Cuſtoms from 86000 to 135000 pounds per annum. 7. The bargain about the London River-water. 8. The encouragement of all Engliſh Inventions, Manufactures, and Trade, whereby the Subjects might be employed, our Commodities enhanced, and our Treaſure kept among our ſelves. 9. The Plantations, and Tranſplantations in Ireland. And 10. The Reformation of the Court of Wards in the poynt of diſpoſing of Orphans.

Theſe ſervices advanced him to great honour, and to as great envy, the popular effects whereof no man could have eſcaped but one whoſe ſoul was immoveable, temper calm, thoughts deep, apprehenſions large, and reſolution great to engage vulgar Errors rather by the greatneſs of his Actions, than the eminence of his Intereſt—And ſatisfie the world leiſurely by his Vertues, and not awe it raſhly by his power; which got him even in that time St. Gregories Encomium, That he was the firſt bad, and the laſt good Treaſurer ſince Queen Elizabeth's Reign.

I ſhall never forget his, or his Fathers diſcourſe with Claud Grollart primier Preſident of Roan, about the troubles in France, wherein he adviſed him to ſtick faſt to the King, though be ſaw difficulties: For it was his Maxime, That Kings are like the Sun, and Ʋſurpers like falling-Stars; For the Sun, though it be offuſcated and eclipſed with Miſts and Clouds, at length they are diſperſed; where the others are but the figures of Stars in the eyes of view, and prove no more but Exhalations, which ſodainly diſſolve, and fall to the earth, where they are conſumed: A diſcourſe which events there and elſewhere made an Oracle.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Howard of Effingham, Earl of Nottingham.

THe Lord Howard of Effingham, a man of moſt approved fidelity and invincible courage, and Governour of Callice; though a Courtier betimes, yet ſeemed not to be in favour before the Queen made him high Admiral of England. For his extract, it may ſuffice that he was the ſon of a Howard, and of a Duke of Norfolk. As for his perſon, he was as goodly a Gentleman as the times could afford; he was one whom the Queen deſired to honour, who at his return from Cadiz accounts, was created Earl of Nottingham. He was a good, honeſt, and a brave man, and a faithful ſervant to his Miſtrſs, and ſuch a one as the Queen out of her own Princely judgement knew to be a fit Inſtrument for the Admiral's ſervice, having a great opinion of his fidelity and conduct: And though his death was not honored with much wealth, yet was it grac'd with the reputation of honeſty. He was raiſed to check Eſſex his ambition, and Leiceſter's undermining, being equally popular, and honeſt, yet having thoſe at his heels that could lay a ſnare, and bring in the prize. Nature was a better friend to him than Fortune, and his Integrity than both; which commended him to a Miſtreſs that underſtood Men as well as Books, and knew it was no leſſe the intereſt of Princes to take counſel concerning Perſons, than concerning matters: He had that goodneſſe, without which man is a buſie, miſchievous, and wretched thing; yet that wiſdome whereby he was not ſo good (as the Italian ſaith) as to he good for nothing: He was gentle, but not eaſie; milde, but not ſoft; obliging not the fancies of men, but their Intereſt: None more civil to Strangers (his heart being not a narrow Iſland (as my Lord Bacon obſerves) but a large Continent:) None more tender of Inferiors; none more humble to Superiours; none more compaſſionate to the afflicted; none more loving to, or more beloved of all. The Queen ſaid, ſhe truſted her Kingdom to his faithfulneſſe in 88. and her ſelf to his conduct. His alliance to the Queen brought him to Court, but his honeſty kept him there (when jealouſie had overcaſt that great houſe of the Howards:) ancient Nobility was a good recommendation to the Qu: firſt Favours; but modeſty, ſubmiſſion, and integrity were the Vertues that continued them: He had onely ſo much Ambition as rendred him active and ſerviceable, and not buſie or dangerous: He knew a Nobleman cannot be ſafely aſpiring, nor ſmooth man ſecurely popular, and a man of his Retinue muſt not be buſie. He lived in an age when all honour was perillous that was not deſigned for ſervice; when the State choſe Miniſters that were more ſenſible of duty than of riſing; that loved buſineſſe rather upon conſcience than upon bravery, and when the Prince diſcerned a buſie nature from a willing minde: as the ſtone had need be rich that is ſet without foyl, ſo this noble perſon that was onely real, had need of great parts of vertue. So valiant he was, that he made the Spaniſh Fleet veil to him, though it carried the Empreſs of Germany; ſo active, that he tugged at the Cable himſelf in 88. and did much by his own pains, and more by his example: ſo skilful, that he contrived the Fire-ſhips that frighted and ſcattered the Spaniſh Navy. Two eminent ſervices he did the Proteſtant Religion when but twenty one years of age: The firſt is, that he was ſo obſervant a witneſſe of Arch-Biſhop Parker's conſecration, that with his bare word the tale of the Nags head came to nothing. 2. That he was ſo cloſe an Agent in the Court of France, that no Deſign was brewed in Scotland, none ſeconded in France, but he with the Emperour and the King of Spain's Embaſſadors aſſiſtance [whom he had engaged with the hope of a Match between the King of the Romanes and his Miſtriſs] diſcovered and defeated with that ſucceſſe, that the King of France courted his Miſtriſs to a Peace, and himſelf to Favour. None more careful in matter of Buſineſſe; none more ſplendid in buſineſſe of Complement—condoling King Francis his death with a Majeſty no leſſe becoming the Perſonage he repreſented, than the Prince he addreſſed himſelf to. 1. His providence in contriving the Engliſh Ships nimble, and ſuch as could tack about at pleaſure. 2. His prudence in not hazarding his weak Navy againſt the Spaniſh Army and Armado in an Engagement wherein a victory would be but a little glory, and a defeat a ruine. 3. His activity in alarming the Spaniſh Navy day and night. 4. His wiſdome in honouring the moſt ſerviceable under him, as Hawkins, Forbiſher, Sheffield, &c. 5. His popularity that drew ſo many Voluntiers to his ſervice, as the Earls of Oxford, Northumberland, Cumberland, the Cecils, &c. 6. His warineſſe in dividing his fourteen Sail into four ſquadrons round about the Spaniſh Navy. 7. His excellent contrivance of eight Ships filled with pitch, wilde-fire, rofin, &c. which ſent down the winde in the dead of night ſo much to the terrour of the Spaniards, that fearing the Fire, together with ſome more deadly Engines, they raiſed a pitiful cry, weighed Anchor, cut their Cables, and in a terrible pannick Fear, with great haſte and confuſion put to Sea. 8. His admirable dexterity in diſpoſing of the Navy, ſo as they met the Spaniſh Navy upon their diſperſion with ſuch ſucceſſe, that the invincible Fleet never ſaw again its own formidableneſſe, ever ſince grown the moſt contemptible thing that ever ſailed upon theſe Seas. 9. His ſeaſonable order to the Dutch Fleet to watch the Duke of Parma in the Ports of Dunkirk and Newport. 10. His exact intelligence, whereby he underſtood what a Controverſie there was in the Spaniſh Navy about this poynt, Whether they ſhould ſtick to their Commiſſion in ſtaying for Parma, which was their duty, or follow the emergent advantages, which had been their diſcretion,—and dealt with them accordingly. Theſe grand particulars of this Noble-man's ſervice were ſo eminent and ſignal, that Queen Elizabeth, who was over-laviſh neither of her honour nor her preferments, would ſay commonly of him and thoſe brave Heroes under him, That they were born to ſave their Countrey.

This noble perſon was of greater experience than knowledg, and more beholding to his years than to his Education, whence K. James took great pleaſure in his diſcourſe, that was not moroſe, obſtinate, narrow, unactive or formal, like a Students harangues; but free, active, and ingenuous, like a Stateſ-man's Maximes—Whereof one was this; That never did Commander a noble Act that was Commiſſion-bound; it being a queſtion, whether the Venetians and Spanyards loſt more at Sea and in the Netherlands before they diſcovered that Error, or gained more ſince. For whileſt we addreſſe our ſelves to the State, occaſions are loſt, things take another countenance; and ſo many unexpected accidents happen, for which ſodain proviſion muſt be made, that opportunities eſcape before we dare lay hold of them: and ſometimes we periſh for want of a Commiſſion to ſave our ſelves.

Great content did he give by his preſence in the French Court 1605. and greater in his carriage at the Prince Elector's Where he was Bridegroom. marriage, 1612. A prudent care did he diſcover in providing for poſterity by the ſeaſonable reſignation of his Admiralty; a faithful friend he ſhewed himſelf in confirming Sir Robert Manſel's place when he parted with his own; a great argument of his own worth and ſervice, that he was ſo careful to reward others.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Geo. Hume, Earl of Dunbar.

NO wonder he is ſo great a Favourite of King James in his riper years, who was ſo faithful a ſervant of his in his youth: truſted with his Royal ſecrets in Scotland, and therefore in his Royal boſome in England. The natural reſervedneſſe of all Scots-men, and the vaſt depth of this, are not more neceſſary to all Princes, then they were pleaſing to King James, who had no ſecrecies that endangered his Privadoes, though many that tried them, and particularly our Stateſ-man, who had no hidden weakneſs to be over-reached, nor private Intereſt to be corrupted, but was a great Maſter of himſelf, owning a reach not to be comprehended, and thoughts not to be fathomed, but by him whoſe heart was as the ſand of the Sea.

Exact was his correſpondence with Sir Robert Cecil while in Scotland, and intimate was their friendſhip in England; both extorting from each other thoſe obſervations touching their reſpective Countreys, which they might both communicate to His Majeſty at their reſpective opportunities.

His Enterprizes were well layd, but unſucceſsful; rational, but unhappy: an argument that Deſignes are onely in our power, and Events in a higher. There was not a man more noble and renowned, more comely and graceful, of more years and experience [Verſatus, Verſutus] of a greater eſtate or revenue; more liberal and munificent, more accoſtable and courteous, more reſolved and reſerved (all the qualities of a compleat Ambaſſador) than the Earl of Dunbar when ſent to Germany; yet none more ineffectual, having gained no more by a tedious and chargeable Negotiation, than as the Earl of Nottingham with his gallant Retinue in Spain, that the Papiſts who were formerly perſwaded by their Jeſuites that we were Monſters, do now believe we are Men; ſo uſeleſs was ſoft Courtſhip in rough tumults, and ſo little heed was given to ſmooth complements in Arms and Uproars.

More happy was he in Scotland, where his prudence as Lord Treaſurer, and his Chaplain Doctor Abbot's gravity as Preacher, reduced that Nation to ſo much ſobriety as to admit a regular Religion and Government; for which ſervice he had the Exchequer and the Wardrobe for himſelf, and the Arch-Biſhoprick of Canterbury for the Doctor; when the King was in a great ſtreight between the known merit of the incomparable Biſhop Andrews, and the laſt requeſt of dying Sir George Hume; a great inſtance of King James his abilities in what Machiavel calleth a Princes Maſter-piece, viz. the choice of Servants.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Somerſet.

HIs extraction from Scotland put him in the way, his Education in England ſet him in a capacity of Advancement. He was born ſeaſonably when his Father ſerved him that ſhould be a King of England; and brought up happily, when he might pleaſe him that was ſo—His beauty and comelineſſe tooke his Majeſtie; his parts and prudence obliged him, who loved the Cabinet, but valued the Jewel: He was admitted Page of honour to King James when of Scotland, and his Favourite when of England: His Majeſties firſt obſervation of him was at a ſolemn Tilting, where his delight in his perſon meeting with his pity of his miſchance (I mean the breaking of his leg there) firſt took him to his tuition, and then to his Council. All King James his Favourites were of his own education, and ſo imbued with his principles, and engaged to his intereſt. It was his Majeſties policy to retain Scots Stateſ-men to balance the Engliſh; It was Somerſet's prudence to entertain Engliſh Favouries to endear the Scots; therefore Sir Tho. Overbury was as much of his Councel as he was of his Majeſties: too haughty a carriage was the miſcarriage of other Minions, too good a nature was bis: His great defect being that goodneſſe and humanity that knoweth no exceſs, but errour, which was rather a ſoftneſſe than a kindneſſe: his heart was as large to others, as his Maſters was to him, and knew as little how to miſtruſt, as how to do any thing for which he ſhould be miſtruſted. This is the Leſſon he was ſhort in, That civilities ſhould be common, but favours choice. The Whale is ſteered at Sea by a far ſmaller Fiſh, and this States-man at Court by far meaner men than himſelf. I my ſelf (ſaith an ingenious man) have known many ſo far ſtrangers to what was convenient, as they would ſcarce concede or deny any thing out of the preſence of their Secretary: and this proceeded not ſeldome from a diſtruſt there was no cauſe for; manifeſt in the Earl of Somerſet, who though himſelf owner of a competent ſufficiency, was ſo enchanted with an opinion of Sir Thomas Overbury's parts, that he preferred him from a Servant to ſuch an intimate friendſhip, as he could think nothing well educated for employment in his Office, that had not paſſed his correction, nor ſecret laid up but in his boſome; which ſwelled him (ſaith he) to ſuch a monſtroſity in pride, that I have heard (not being my ſelf then neer the Engliſh Court) how he offered to rant at his ſervants, and did once beat his Coachman for putting his commands under an inferiour expoſtulation to his Maſter; and through this intolerable arrogance in him, and remiſneſs in the Earl, the ſparks firſt flew, that kindled the ruine of them both: Friendſhip being no more able to maintain its intereſt againſt a feminine affection, than ſo great a pride was to confine it ſelf within the tedder of moderation. The greateſt are not free, but led in triumph by the affections of others, through the mediation of their own. Sir Thomas Overbury would do what was moſt plauſible, and the Earl muſt peform what was leſſe popular. The King truſted Carr with his Diſpatches, and Carr truſts Overbury a month together without examination, who had full Commiſſion to receive and anſwer any Letters or other Expreſſes that came to his hands: Great opportunities offered themſelves to Sir Robert Carr, and a great Soul he had to obſerve them (Fortune being nothing elſe but an attentive obſervation of the revolution of Affairs, and the occaſions reſulting therefrom:) obſervant he was of his Maſter, who raiſed him not to eclipſe others, but like a brave Prince to eaſe himſelf. For Princes (to uſe my Lord Bacon's words) being at too great a diſtance from their Subjects, to eaſe themſelves into their boſomes, raiſe ſome perſons to be as it were participes curam, or their Companions: but this Favourite underſtood as well the humour of the People, as he did the diſpoſition of his Prince, obliging the one no leſſe, than he pleaſed the other. Gay he was, as a Courtier, grave as a Counſellour: to Scholars none more civill, to Soldiers none more liberal; of States-men none more reſpective: He had his extraordinary great Vertues upon occaſions to ſhew, and his ordinary little ones always to oblige; a compleatneſſe in all turnes, and upon all occaſions was his nature. Familiar he was, yet not cheap; ſociable upon regard, and not upon facility: His behaviour was his ſoul, free for any exerciſe or motion; finding many, and making more opportunities to endear himſelf: He broke his minde to ſmall obſervations, yet he comprehended great matters: His carriage was ſo exact, as if affected; and yet ſo graceful, as if natural. That which overthrew the firſt, bewitched the wiſeſt, and tyred the moſt patient man, undid this noble perſon: yet ſo regular were his affections, that he did nothing publickly in the Counteſſe of Eſſex, the Earl of Suffolk's Daughters caſe, but by due courſe of Law, the approbation of the graveſt and wiſeſt Divines and Counſellors, and the Witneſſe his entertainment at London. applauſe of England: his failings were the faults of his years, rather than of his perſon; of his ſodain fortune, than of his conſtant temper: his counſels were ſafe and moderate; his publick actions honeſt and plain; his firſt years of favour induſtrious and active; his minde noble and liberal. His ſoul capacious and inquiſitive; his temper yielding and modeſt. In a word, Sir Robert Carr deſerved to be a Favourite, if he had not been one.—He fell becauſe he medled too little with the Secretaries place while in it, and too much when out of it; giving Overbury too much ſcope on the one hand to mate him, and Sir Ralph Winwood too much offence to undermine him; who finding that new Earls occaſions growing with his advancements (I ſay his occaſions, becauſe I think his miſcarriages were not his nature, but his neceſſity) apt to encroach upon his and other Court-Offices, gave ear to that Intelligence from Fluſhing, that might ruine him, and ſet free himſelf.

The firſt Intimation of his guilt was his earneſtneſſe for a general Pardon; and the firſt argument of it was my Lord Chancellor's ſcruples in ſealing it: whence I date his firſt declining, attended with as much pity as his firſt advancement was with envy. We and the Troglodites curſe not the Sun-riſing more heartily, than we worſhip it when it ſets. The Gentleman was as to his ſtature rather well compacted than tall; as to his features and favour, comely, rather than beautiful.—The hair of his head was flaxen, and that of his face yellow: His nature was gentle, his diſpoſition affable, his affections publick, untill a particular perſon and intereſt engroſſed them: and the good Gentleman being ſenſible of failers that might ruine him, was wholly intent upon a treaſure that might preſerve him:—His defect was, that he underſtood onely his own age; and that the experience of man's life cannot furniſh examples and preſidents for the events of one mans life.

Obſervations on the Life of George Abbot.

GEorge Abbot being one of that happy Ternion of Brothers, whereof two were eminent Prelates, the third Lord Mayor of London, was bred in Oxford, wherein he became Mr. of Univerſity-Colledge; a pious man, and moſt excellent Preacher, as his Lectures on Jonah do declare. He did firſt creep, then run, then flye into Preferment, or rather Preferment did flie upon him without his expectation. He was never Incumbent on any Living with cure of Souls, but was mounted from a Lecturer to a Dignitary; ſo that he knew the Stipend and Benevolence of the one, and the Dividend of the other, but was utterly unacquainted with the taking of Tithes, with the many troubles attending it, together with the cauſeleſſe moleſtations which Parſons preſented meet with in their repective Pariſhes. And becauſe it is hard for one to have a Fellow-ſuffering of that, whereof he never had a ſuffering; this (ſay ſome) was the cauſe that he was ſo harſh to Miniſters when brought before him.

Being Chaplain to the Earl of Dunbar, then omni-prevalent with King James, he was unexpectedly preferred Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, being of a more Fatherly preſence than thoſe, who might almoſt have been his Fathers for age in the Church of England. There are two things much charged upon his memory;

Firſt, That in his houſe he reſpected his Secretary above his Chaplains; and out of it, alwayes honoured Cloaks above Caſſocks, Lay above Clergy-men.

Secondly, That he connived at the ſpreading of Nonconformity, inſomuch that a Modern Author ſaid,

Had Biſhop Laud ſucceeded Bancroft, and the project of Conformity been followed without interruption, there is little queſtion to be made, but that our Jeruſalem (by this time) might have been a City at unity within it ſelf.

This Arch-Biſhop was much humbled with a caſual Homicide of a Keeper of the Lord Zouch's in Bramel-Parke, though ſoon after he was ſolemnly quitted from any irregularity thereby. In the Reign of King Charles he was ſequeſter'd from his Juriſdictions, ſay ſome, on the old account of that Homicide, though others ſay, for refuſing to Licenſe a Sermon of Doctor Sirptborps. Yet there is not an Expreſſe of either in the Inſtrument of Sequeſtration, the Commiſſion onely ſaying in the general, That the Arch-Biſhop could not at that preſent in his own Perſon attend thoſe Services which were otherwiſe proper for his Cognizance and Juriſdiction.

To ſay the truth, he was a man of good intentions, and knew much, but failed in what thoſe ordinarily do that are devoted to our modern ſingularities, being extreamly obſtinate in his opinions, which the King was more willing to underſtand than follow, becauſe moſt times he looked upon things according to the rigour of Eccleſiaſtick maximes, and was either too curious and irreſolute by variety of reading, or too peremptory and poſitive from the ſtrictneſſe of his Rules; or too zealous by reaſon of the ſeriouſneſſe of his Study; or wide from the matter, by reaſon of his inexperience, and aptneſſe to require in the times he lived, the regularity of the times he read of; heeding not the force of Circumſtances, the errours of Compariſon, or the cautions of Application. I like his Apology for his ſeverity to the Clergy (that he was auſtere to prevent others being cruel) as well as his zeal for the Proteſtant Religion; onely his Principles betrayed his profeſſion, which he rendered too obnoxious, while he ſupported it by thoſe novel grounds which our Adverſaries could make us confeſſe were Heterodox, and by thoſe ſtreight-laced foundations which we ſaw our ſelves too narrow. As for inſtance, King James his vaſt capacity took him up once for making the Scripture the onely rule of Civil Affairs; owning the piety, but obſerving to his face the imprudence of that aſſertion. Imprudence, I ſay, as for many reaſons, ſo for this, becauſe to aſſert a truth upon a weak principle, is to tempt the world to doubt of the ſtrength of the firſt, when they ſee the weakneſſe of the other. Whether he went off in diſcontent, and ſaid, He would not attend at the Councel-Table, becauſe he ſhould not wait at the Altar: Whether he had ſuch malignant followers as called themſelves Nicodemites, or Night-Diſciples: Whether he turned noon-day into mid-night, and mid-night into noon-day, having a candle always burning in his Chamber; or if ſo, for what reaſon, I would not have one of my years determine, but rather refer the preſent age to his Contemporaries pen, which deſcribes him thus;

A very learned man he was; his Erudition all of the old ſtamp, fitly principled in the Doctrine of St. Auguſtine, pious, grave, and exemplary in his Converſation: But ſome think him a better man than Arch-Biſhop, and that he was better qualified with merit for the Dignity, than with a ſpirit anſwering the Function; in the exerciſe whereof he was conceived too facile and yielding: his extraordinary remiſneſs in not exacting ſtrict Conformity to the preſcribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony, ſeemed to reſolve thoſe legal Determinations to their firſt Principle of Indifference, and led in ſuch an habit of Inconformity, as the future reduction of thoſe tender-conſcienced men to long diſcontinued obedience, was interpreted an innovation.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir George Calvert.

SIr George Calvert was bred firſt in Trinity-Colledge in Oxford, and then beyond the Seas. His Abilities commended him firſt to be Secretary to Bobert Cecil Earl of Salisbury, Lord Treaſurer of England. Afterwards he was made Clerk of the Council, and at laſt principal Secretary of State to King James, ſucceeding Sir Tho. Lake in that Office, Anno 1619.

Conceiving the Duke of Buckingham highly inſtrumental H. Holland, p. 39. in his preferment, he preſented him with a Jewel of great value; which the Duke returned him again, not owning any Activity in his Advancement, whom King James, ex mero motn, reflecting on his Abilities, deſigned for the Place. This Place he diſcharged five years, until he willingly reſigned the ſame, 1624. on this occaſion; He freely confeſſed himſelf to the King, that he was then become a Roman Catholique, ſo that he muſt either be wanting to his Truſt, or violate his conſcience in diſcharging his Office. This his Ingenuity ſo highly affected King James, that he continued him Privy-Councellor all his Reign, and ſoon after created him Lord Baltemore of Baltemore in Ireland.

During his being Secretary, he had a Patent to him and his Heirs to be Abſolutus Dominus & Proprietarius, with the Royalties of a Count Palatine of the Province of Avalon in the New-found land, a place ſo named by him in imitation of old Avalon in Somerſetſhire, wherein Glaſſenbury ſtands, the firſt-fruits of Chriſtianity in Britain, as the other was in that part of America. Here he built a fair houſe in Ferry-land, and ſpent twenty five thouſand pounds in advancing the Plantation thereof.

Indeed his publick ſpirit conſulted not his private profit, but the enlargement of Chriſtianity, and the Kings Dominions, in that his ancient, primitive, and heroick work of planting the world. After the death of King James he went twice in perſon to New-found Land. Here when Monſieur de l'Arade with three men of War ſent from the King of France, had reduced our Engliſh Fiſhermen to great extreamity; this Lord with two Ships manned at his own charge, chaſed away the French-men, relieved the Engliſh, and took ſixty of the French Priſoners. He removed afterwards to Virginia to view thoſe parts, and thence came into England, and obtained of King Charles the firſt (who had as great an eſteem of, and affection for him, as King James) a Patent to him and his heirs for Mary-Land on the North of Virginia, with the ſame Title and Royalties conferred on him, as in Avalon aforeſaid, now a hopeful Plantation, peopled with eight thouſand Engliſh Souls; which in proceſs of time may prove more advantageous to our Nation.

Judge Popham and Sir George Calvert agreed not more unanimouſly in the publick deſign of Planting, than they differed in the private way of it: the firſt was for extirpating Heathens, the ſecond for converting them.—He ſent away the lewdeſt, this the ſobereſt people: the one was for preſent profit, the other for a reaſonable expectation (it being in the caſe of planting Countreys, as in that of planting Woods; you muſt account to loſe almoſt twenty years profit, and expect your recompence in the end; it being neceſſary the Province ſhould firſt finde her ſelf, and then enrich you.) The Judge was for many Governors, the Secretary for few, and thoſe not concerned Merchants, but unconcerned Gentlemen: The one granted Liberties without any reſtraint, the other with great caution: The firſt ſet up a common Stock, out of which the Iſland ſhould be provided for by proportions; the ſecond left every one to provide for himſelf.

Two things are eminent in this man:

1. That though he was a Catholick, yet kept he himſelf ſincere and diſingaged from all Intereſts; and though a man of great judgement, yet not obſtinate in his ſentiments, but taking as great pleaſure in hearing others opinions, as in delivering his own, which he heard moderated and cenſured with more patience, than applauded.

2. That he carried a digeſted and exact account of Affairs to his Maſter every night, and took to himſelf the pains to examine the Letters which related to any Intereſt that might be any ways conſiderable. He was the onely States-man, that being engaged to a decryed party, yet managed his buſineſs with that huge reſpect for all ſides, that all who knew him, applauded him; and none that had any thing to do with him, complained of him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Arthur Chicheſter.

SIr Arthur Chicheſter ſpent his youth, firſt in the Univerſity, then in the French and Iriſh Wars, where by his valour he was effectually aſſiſtant, Firſt, to plough and break up that barbarous Nation by Conqueſt, and then to ſow it with ſeeds of civility, when by King James mad Lord Deputy of Ireland.

Indeed good Laws & Proviſions had been made by his Predeceſſors to that purpoſe: but alas, they were like good Leſſons ſet for a Lute out of tune, uſeleſſe, until the Inſtrument was fitted for them. Wherefore in order to the civilizing of the Iriſhry, in the firſt year of his government, he eſtabliſhed two new Circuits for Juſtices of Aſſize, the one in Connaught, the other in Munſter. And whereas the Circuits in former times onely encompaſſed the Engliſh Pale (as the Cynoſura doth the Pole) hence forwards like good Planets in their ſeveral Spheres, they carried the influence of Juſtice round about the Kingdome. Yea, in ſhort time Ireland was ſo cleared of Thieves and capital Offenders, that ſo many Malefactors have not been found in the 32 Shires of Ireland, as in ſix Engliſh Shires in the Weſtern Circuits. He reduced the Mountains and Glinnes on the South of Dublin (formerly thorns in the ſide of the Engliſh Pale) into the County of Wicklow; and in conformity to the Engliſh cuſtome, many Iriſh began to cut their Mantles into Cloaks. So obſervant was his eye over the actions of ſuſpected perſons, that Tyrone was heard to complain, That he could not drinke a full carouſe of Sack, but the State within few hours was advertiſed thereof.

After he had been continued many years in his Deputyſhip, and deſervedly made a Lord, King James recalled him home, and (loth to leave his Abilities unemployed) ſent him Embaſſador to the Emperour and other German Princes. Being beſieged in the City of Mainchine (a place much indebted to his prudence for ſeaſonable victualling it) by Count Tilley, he ſent him word, that it was againſt the Law of Nations to beſiege an Embaſſador: Tilley returned that he took no notice that he was an Embaſſador. The Lord Chicheſter replyed to the Meſſenger, Had my Maſter ſent me with as many hundred men, as he hath ſent me on fruitleſs Meſſages, your Generall ſhould have known, that I had been a Soldier, as well as an Embaſſador.

King James at his return entertained him with great commendations, for ſo well diſcharging his Truſt; and he died in as great honour as any Engliſh-man of our Age. Thus farre the Hiſtorians. Whence I obſerve him ſtout in his nature above any diſorder upon Emergencies, Domanda aſſai, che non Manchera poi calare. Proverb. Hiſp. apud Inſig. D. Howeilum de legatis. reſolved in his temper above any impreſſions from other Princes, and high in his Propoſal beyond the expectation of his own. Al vergonzoto el Diablo le traxo al Palacio, The Devil brought the Baſhful to Court, where none ſucceeds but he who can aske enough to be granted, and enough to be a abated. There is a memorable obſervation of Philip the ſecond, King of Spain, called El prudente; That when he had deſigned one for Embaſſador, the man came faintly and coldly to him to propoſe ſome things for the accommodation of his Embaſſie; and he ſaid, How can I expect that this man can promote and effectuate my buſineſſe, when he is ſo faint and fearful in the ſolicitation of his own?

Yet was not my Lord Chicheſter more reſolute in Germany, than wary in Ireland, where his opinion was, that time muſt open and facilitate things for Reformation of Religion, by the Proteſtant Plantations; by the care of good Biſhops and Divines, the amplification of the Colledge, the education of Wards, an inſenſible ſeiſure of Popiſh liberties, &c. and that the Council there was ſo numerous (fifty or ſixty at leaſt) that the authority of it was debated, and its buſineſſe divulged. In a word, this brave Gentleman had an equal minde, that kept up it ſelf between the diſcourſes of Reaſon, and the examples of Hiſtories, in the enjoyment of a good fortune, and a conflict with a bad.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Chancellor Egerton.

THe Lord Chancellour Egerton, extracted from the ancient Family of the Egerton's of Kidley in Cheſhire, was bred in the ſtudy of the Municipal Laws of our Land, wherein he attained to ſuch eminency, that Queen Elizabeth made him her Solicitor, then Maſter of the Rolls, and at laſt Keeper of the Great Seal, May 6. in the 38 year of her Reign, 1596.

Olaus Magnus reporteth, that the Emperour of Moſcovia at the Audience of Ambaſſadors, ſendeth for the graveſt and ſeemlieſt men in Moſco and the Vicinage, whom he apparelleth in rich Veſts; and placing them in his preſence, pretendeth to Forraigners, that theſe are of his Privy-Council; who cannot but be much affected with ſo many reverent Aſpects. But ſurely all Chriſtendome afforded not a perſon which carried more gravity in his countenance and behaviour than Sir Thomas Egerton, inſomuch that many have gone to the Chancery on purpoſe onely to ſee his venerable Garb (happy they who had no other buſineſſe) and were highly pleaſed at ſo acceptable a ſpectacle. Yet was his outward Caſe nothing in compariſon of his inward Abilities, quick Wit, ſolid Judgement, ready Utterance. I confeſs Maſter Cambden ſaith, he entred his Office Magna expectatione & integritatis opinione, with a great expectation and opinion of Integrity: But no doubt, had he reviſed his work in a ſecond Edition, he would have afforded him a full-faced commendation, when this Lord had turned his expectation to performance. In the firſt of King James, of Lord Keeper he was made Lord Chancellor, which is alſo another name for the ſame Office: and on Thurſday the ſeventh of November, 1616. of Lord Eliſmer he was created Viſcount Brackley. It is given to Courts whoſe Juriſdictions do border, to fall out about their bounds; and the conteſt betwixt them is the hotter, the higher the ſpirits and parts of the reſpective Judges. Great was the contention for many years together betwixt this Lord of Equity, and Sir Edward Cooke the Oracle of Juſtice at Weſtminſter-Hall: I know not which of them got the better; ſure I am, ſuch another Conteſt would (if this did not) have undone the Conqueror.

He was attended on with ſervants of moſt able parts, and was the ſole Chancellor ſince the Reformation, who had a Chaplain, which (though not immediately) ſucceeded him in his place. He gave over his Office which he held ful twenty years, ſome few dayes before his death; and by his own appointment, his body was brought down and buried at Duddleſton in Cheſhire, leaving a fair eſtate to his Son, who was afterwards created Earl of Bridgewater, as he did to his excellent Son now living.

When he ſaw King James his munificence to ſome Courtiers, with the grave Fidelity of a Stateſ-man, he ſticked not often to tell him, That as he held it neceſſary for his Majeſty amply to remunerate all thoſe his Countrey-men, ſo he deſired him carefully to preſe ve his Crown-lands for his own ſupport, ſeeing he or his Succeſſors might meet with Parliaments which would not ſupply his occaſions, but on ſuch conditions as would not be very acceptable unto him. It was an ordinary ſpeech in his mouth to ſay, Froſt and Fraud both end in Foul.

His plain, but honeſt advice to my Lord of Eſſex was,

1. Not to truſt himſelf, becauſe they that ſtand by, ſee more than they that play the game.

2. To yield to Time and Fortune, and not do that for his Enemies, which they could never do for themſelves.

3. To have a careful eye upon thoſe actions on which he knew there were many envious ones. And for himſelf, his ſupplication to King James was, That ſince his conceit and ſenſe was grown ſo heavy, his Memory decay'd, his Judgement weak, his Hearing imperfect, and his Voice faltering, he might deſinere potius quam deficere, and retire from his Buſineſſe to his Meditation, as he did; while living, imparting many myſteries of the Chancery; and when dying, bequeathing as many choice Books and Directions to his then Chaplain, and his after-Succeſſor Doctor Williams.—Secretary Winwood having received the Seal, and left this gracious Meſſage with this good man, that his Majeſty would be his Under-keeper, and not diſpoſe of it while he lived to bear the name of Chancellor: nor did any receive the Seal out of the Kings fight, while he lived to bear the name of Chancellor.

A company of Citizens got a Cauſe paſſed by keeping a Witneſſe away in this manner; one of them gets him to the Tavern, and there leaves him with a quart of Sack before him, and the glaſs at his mouth, and ſwears in open Court, that he left him in a condition, wherein if he continueth but two hours, he is a dead man. The other Party finde out the cheat, and have their remedy in Chancery: Sir Edward Cook brings the matter to the Star-Chamber, and threatneth the Chancellor with a Premunire. The buſineſs is debated, and ſentence paſſed for my Lord Chancellor; with the comfort whereof, and the Kings and Princes Letter to him upon his Death-bed, he went to his Grave.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Chief-Justice Popham.

SIr John Popham in his youthful dayes was a ſtout and skilful man at Sword and Buckler as any in that Age, and wilde enough in his Recreations. But oh! ſaith my Author, if Quick-ſilver could be really fixed, to what a treaſure would it amount? Such is wilde youth ſeriouſly reduced to gravity, as by this young man did appear, who applyed himſelf to a more profitable Fencing, the ſtudy of the Lawes; therein attaining to ſuch eminency, that he became the Queens Attorney, afterwards Lord Chief-Juſtice of England. Being ſent Anno 1600. by the Queen with ſome others to the Earl of Eſſex, to know the cauſe of the confluence of ſo many Military men unto his houſe, the Soldiers therein detained him for a time, which ſome made tantamount to an Impriſonment. This his violent detention Sir John depoſed upon his Oath at the Earl's Tryal: which I note the rather, for the rarity thereof, that a Lord Chief-Juſtice ſhould be produced as Witneſs in open Court.

In the beginning of the Reign of King James, his juſtice was exemplary on Theeves and Robbers. The Land then ſwarmed with people which had been Soldiers, who had never gotten (or elſe quite forgotten) any other Vocation. Hard it was for Peace to feed all the idle mouths which a former War did breed, being too proud to beg, too lazy to labour: Thoſe infeſted the High-wayes with their Fellonies; ſome preſuming on their multitudes, as the Robber on the Northern Rode, whoſe knot (otherwiſe not to be untied) Sir John cut aſunder with the Sword of Juſtice. He poſſeſſed King James, how the frequent granting of Pardons was prejudicial to Juſtice, rendring the Judges to the contempt of inſolent Malefactors; which made his Majeſty more ſparing afterwards in that kinde. In a word, the deſerved death of ſome ſcores, preſerved the lives and livelihoocs of ſome thouſands: Travellers owing their ſafety to this Judges ſeverity, many years after his death. Neither did he onely puniſh Malefactors, but provide for them; for obſerving that ſo many ſuffered and died for none other reaſon but becauſe they could not live in England, now grown too populous for it's ſelf, and breeding more Inhabitants toan it could keep, he firſt ſet up the diſcovery of New-England, to maintain and employ thoſe that could not live honeſtly in the old; being of opinion, that baniſhment thither would be as well a more lawful, as a more effectual remedy againſt thoſe extravagancies; the Authors whereof judge it more eligible to hang, than to work; to end their days in a moment, than to continue them in pains:—onely a great Judgement obſerves, it is a ſhameful and an unbleſſed thing, to take the ſcum of people and wicked condemned men to be the people with whom to plant: And not onely ſo, but it ſpoyleth the Plantation, for they will ever live like Rogues, and not fall to work, and do miſchief, and ſpend Victuals, and be quickly weary, and then certifie over to the Countrey, to the diſgrace of the Common-wealth.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Robert Dudley.

SIr Robert Dudley, ſon to Robert Dudley Earl of Leiceſter, by Dougles Shefield (whether his Miſtriſs or his Wife, God knows) was born at Sbene in Surrey, and bred by his Mother (out of his Fathers reach) at Offington in Suſſex, where he became a moſt compleat Gentleman in all ſuitable Accompliſhments, endeavouring in the Reign of King James to prove his Legitimacy; and meeting with much oppoſition from the Court, in diſtaſte, he left his Land, and went over into Italy. But worth is ever at home, and carrieth its own welcome along with it. Therefore he became a Favourite to the Duke of Florence, who highly reflected on his Abilities, and uſed his Directions in all his Buildings. At this time Legorn from a childe, ſtarted to a Man, without ever being a youth, and of a ſmall Town grew a great City on a ſudden, and is much beholding to this Sir Robert for its Fairneſſe and Firmneſſe, as chief contriver of both. But by this time his Adverſaries in England had procured him to be call'd home by a ſpecial Privy-Seal; which he refuſed to obey, and thereupon all his Lands in England were ſeiſed upon by the King, by the Statute of Fugitives. Theſe loſſes doubled the love of the Duke of Florence unto him. And indeed Sir Robert was a much-meriting perſon on many Accounts, being an

Excellent 1 Mathematician, eſpecially for the Practical part thereof in Architecture. 2 Phyſician, his Catholicon at this day finding good Eſteem amongſt thoſe of that Faculty. 3 Navigator, eſpecially in the Weſtern Seas.

Indeed long before his leaving of England, whileſt as yet he was Rectus in Curia, well eſteemed in Queen Elizabeths Court, he ſailed with three ſmall Ships to the Iſle of Trinidad, in which voyage he ſunk and took nine Spaniſh ſhips; whereof one an Armada of 600 Tun.

He was ſo acceptable to Ferdinand the ſecond, Emperour of Germany, that by his Letters Patents bearing date at Vienna, March 9. 1620. he conferred on him and his Heirs the Title of a Duke of the Sacred Empire. Underſtand it a Title at large (as that of Count Arundel's) without the Aſſignation of any proper Place unto him.

King James had heard ſo much of the Father, that he did not care for the Son, who might have been neer his Perſon, had not his Anceſtors been ſo near his Predeceſſors—no other Conſiderations being likely to keep ſo extraordinary parts at this diſtance from a King that valued them ſo highly, or a Kingdom that needed them ſo much.—That Prince being as jealous an obſerver of Original ſin in Policy, as he was an Orthodox Aſſertor of it in Religion, would truſt no tainted blood.

Obſervations on the Life of Arch-Biſhop Bancroft.

DOctor Richard Bancroft, (whom his Adverſaries character a better States-man than Divine, a better Divine than Preacher, though upon good occaſion he ſhewed he was all theſe) was bred in Jeſus Colledge in Cambridge, where his parts in diſcovering the bottom of Preſbytery, and his ſufficiency when his Patron Hatton's Examiner commended him to Queen Eliz. to be Biſhop of London, and to King James to be Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury. Indeed he was in effect Arch-Biſhop while Biſhop, to whom Doctor Whitgift in his decrepit age remitted the managing of matters, ſo that he was the ſoul of the High-Commiſſion. A great States-man he was, and grand Champion of Church-diſcipline; having well hardned the hands of his Soul, which was no more than needed for him, who was to meddle with Nettles and Bryars, and met with much oppoſition.

No wonder if thoſe who were ſilenced by him in the Church, were loud againſt him in other places. David ſpeaketh of poyſon under mens lips; Pſal. 104. 3 This Biſhop taſted plentifully thereof from the mouths of his Enemies, till at laſt (as Mithridates) he was ſo habited to poiſons, that they became food unto him. Once a Gentleman coming to viſit him, preſented him a Libel, which he found paſted on his door; who being nothing moved thereat, ſaid, Caſt it to an hundred more which lie here on a heap in my Chamber. Many a Libel, (Lye) (becauſe falſe) (Bell) becauſe loud▪ was made upon him. The aſperſion of covetouſneſs, though caſt, doth not ſtick on his memory, being confuted by the Eſtate which he left, ſmall in proportion to his great preferment, being but 6000 l. after being above twelve years in London and Canterbury.

He cancelled his firſt Will, wherein he had bequeathed much to the Church: ſuſpecting an impreſſion of popular violence on Cathedrals, and fearing an A ienation of what was bequeathed unto them, he thought fit to cancel his own, to prevent others cancelling his Teſtament. This partly appears by his ſecond Will, wherein he gave the Library at Lambeth (the reſult of his own, and three Predeceſſors collections) to the Univerſity of Cambridge (which now they poſſeſs) in caſe the Arch-Epiſcopal See ſhould be extinct.

How came ſuch a jealouſie into his minde? what fear of a ſtorme when the Sun ſhined, the Skye clear, no appearance of Clouds? Surely his skill was more than ordinary in the complexion of the Common wealth, who did foreſee what afterward (for a time) came to paſs. This clauſe providentially inſerted, ſecured this Library in Cambridge during the vacancy of the Archi-Epiſcopal See, and ſo prevented the embezelling, at the leaſt the diſmembring thereof, in our late civil diſtempers.

They that accuſe this excellent Prelate of cruelty, never read this ſtory: A Miniſter privately proteſted to him, that it went againſt his conſcience to conform. Which way ſaid the good Arch-Biſhop (obſerving the mans ingenuity) will you live, if you be put out of your Benefice? The other anſwered, He bad no other way but to go a begging. Not ſo (ſaid the Arch-Biſhop) that you ſhall not need to do, but come to me, and I will take order for your maintenance.

They that exclaimed againſt his unſerviceableneſſe, never obſerved this paſſage: A company of young Courtiers appeared extraordinary gallant at a Tilting, far above their Fortunes and Eſtates, giving for their Motto, Solvat Eccleſia. Biſhop Bancroft then of London hearing of it, finds on enquiry that the Queen was paſſing a conſiderable parcel of Church-lands to them, and ſtops the buſineſſe with his own and his friends Intereſt, leaving theſe Gallants to pay the ſhot of their pride and prodigality out of their own purſes.—And this; that a prevalent Courtier had ſwallowed up the whole Biſhoprick of Durham, had not this Arch-Biſhop ſeaſonably interpoſed his power with King James (ready enough to admit ſuch Interceſſions) and daſhed the deſign. They that traduce him for a Papiſt, forget that he fomented the difference between the Seculars, and Regulars, to the weakning, and promoted the foundation of Chelſey-Colledge, to the ruining of that cauſe.

But they that perform great actions, reſerving as it is fit the reaſon of them in their own boſomes, may ſufficiently ſatisfie their Conſciences towards God, though they can hardly avoid the cenſures of men.

I ſhall add no more concerning this excellent Prelate, but that it was obſerved as the Hiſtorian writes, That at Hampton-Court-Conference Arch-Biſhop Whitgift ſpake moſt gravely, Biſhop Bilſon moſt learnedly, but Biſhop Bancroft [when out of paſſion] moſt politickly.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Grandiſon.

SIr Oliver Saint-John, Lord Grandiſon, &c. deſcended of an ancient and honourable Family, whoſe prime Seat was at Lediard-Tregoze in Wiltſhire, though their firſt ſettlement was in South-Wales. He was bred in the Wars from his youth, and at laſt by King James was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, and vigorouſly purſued the Principles of his Predeceſſors for the civilizing thereof. Indeed the Lord Mountjoy reduced that Countrey to obedience, the Lord Chicheſter to ſome civility, and this Lord Grandiſon firſt advanced it to conſiderable profit to his Maſter. T. Walſingham In the life of Richard the ſecond. writeth, that Ireland afforded unto Edward the third thirty thouſand pounds a year paid into his Exchequer: but it appears by the Sir John Davies in Diſc. of Ireland, pag. 39, &c. Iriſh Records (which are rather to be believed) that it was rather a burthen, and the conſtant Revenue thereof beneath the third part of that proportion.

But now, the Kingdom being peaceably ſetled, the income thereof turned to good Account, ſo that Ireland (called the Land of Ire for the conſtant broils therein for four hundred years) was now become the Land of Concord.

This noble Perſon recalled into England, lived many years in great repute, leaving his Honours to his Siſters ſon by Sir Edward Villiers, but the main of his Eſtate to his Brothers ſon Sir John St. John Knight and Baronet. So ſweet and charming his Converſation, that he was beloved by all his Superiours, and envied by no Inferiour; being never advanced to any great Dignity, but he was wiſhed to a greater: So exact his vigilancy, ſo conſtant his induſtry, ſo plauſible his actions, attended with no leſſe civility to all men, than duty to his Soveraign: So frank and ingenious his Integrity, that none feared him; ſo diſcreet his management of Buſineſſe, and ſo ſtrong his judgement, that any might confide in him. One he was that croſſed the Italian Proverb, Di Dunaridi ſenno, e di fede, In e Manco che non Crede: having more money, more faith, yea and more wiſdome too than was generally eſteemed. I mean wiſdome of behaviour, wiſdome of buſideſſe, and wiſdome of State; in the laſt whereof he aimed at a general ſettlement, which he obſerved would bear particular errours, provided that Care, Labour, Vigilancy, and prudent Inquietude attended, that forceth Difficulties, conſtrains Fortune, aſſures good Counſels, corrects bad, ſupports and overthroweth deſigns, diſpoſeth of accidents; obſerveth time, manageth hazards, forgets nothing; ſeldome truſts others, and improveth all Occurrents: and that firſt maxime of Policy he obſerved, That who layeth out moſt, layeth out leaſt, that petty frugalities undo the main Intereſt.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Tho Overbury.

SIr Thomas Overbury, ſon to Sir Nicholas Overbury, one of the Judges of the Marches, was born at Burton on the Hill in Glouceſterſhire, bred in Oxford, and attained to be a moſt accompliſhed Gentleman, partly at Grayes-Inn • and partly in France; which the happineſſe of his Pen both in Poetry and Proſe doth declare. In the later he is obſerved to be the firſt writer of Characters of our Nation. But if the great parts of this Gentleman were guilty of Inſolence and Petulancy, which ſome ſince have charged on his memory▪ reporting of him, that he ſhould ſay, Somerſet owed his advancement to him, and that he ſhould walk with his hat on before the Queen; we may charitably preſume, that his reduced age would have corrected ſuch Juvenile extravagancies. It is queſtionable, whether Robert Carr Earl of Somerſet were more in the favour of King James, or this Sir Thomas Overbury in the favour of the Earl of Somerſet, untill he loſt it by diſſwading that Lord from keeping company with a Lady (the Wi • e of another perſon of honour) as neither for his credit here, or comfort hereafter. Soon after Sir Thomas was by King James deſigned Embaſſador for Ruſſia. His falſe friends perſwaded him to decline the Employment, as no better than an honourable Grave. Better lye ſome days in the Tower, than more months in a worſe Priſon; A ſhip by Sea, and a barbarous cold Countrey by Land. Beſides, they poſſeſſed him, that within a ſmall time, the K. ſhould be wrought to a good opinion of him. But he that willingly goes into a Priſon, out of hope to come eaſily out of it, may ſtay therein ſo long, till he be too late convinced of another Judgement. Whileſt Sir Thomas was in the Tower, his Refuſal was preſented to the King as an Act of high Contempt, as if he valued himſelf more than the King's ſervice. His ſtrict reſtraint gave the greater liberty to his enemies to practice his death, 1615. which was by poyſon performed: Yet was his blood legally revenged, which coſt ſome a violent, and others a civill death, as deprived of their Offices. The Earl was ſoon abated in King James his affection (Oh! the ſhort diſtance betwixt the cooling and quenching of a Favourite) being condemned, and baniſhed the Court.

Exact are the remarks he drew up of Foreign Countreys, & therefore no leſſe ſuch his tranſactions for his own. In this moſt eſteemed with King James and his Maſter, that he ſuited both their Geniuſes in the eaſie and clear method, wherein he expreſſed the moſt difficult and knotty Affairs; for they both being perplexed with that variety of Affairs in general, that they could not readily look into difficult Caſes in particular, loved thoſe that made things out eaſie and clear to them, as well fitted for their apprehenſions, as obvious to their judgement—owning a Soul ſo quiet, that abate its youthful extravagancies, it knew not a motion but what was Duty and Intereſt; felt no agitation but what was reaſon, and what Philoſophy conveyed into the ſouls of the wiſeſt, and obſervation inſinuated into the ſpirit of the cloſeſt: if he expected a recompence ſuitable to his ſervices, or an acknowledgement anſwerable to his merit, he underſtood not the humour and nature of man-kinde, the intereſt of Favourites, or his own parts, too guilty of reputation to be advanced, and of power not to be ſuppreſſed.—It's Machi • vel's rule; That they who riſe very high, ſhould deſcend timely, and quit the envy, leſt they loſe the honour of their greatneſſe. Although this Gentleman's skill in accommodating Factions, in the Art of Negotiation, in the charm of Language, in the Intereſt of Princes, in maſtering his own Reſentments as well as his Enemies that provoked him, had preſerved him, if he had known as well how to hold his Tongue, as how to ſpeak; if he had underſtood others humours as well as they did his; and if he had skilled as well from whom to have refuſed kindneſſe, as from whom he deſerved it.—In a word, he that conſidered ſo many other Maximes, was defective in complyance with his own, viz. That vertue is there unprofitable, where too great; and that many had loſt the favour of their Maſters by over-much meriting it.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Clem. Edmonds.

SIr Clement Edmonds, that learned and judicious Remembrancer of the City of London, was born at Vere's Commentaries. Shratvardine in Shropſhire, and bred Fellow of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford, being generally skilled in all Arts and Sciences; witneſſe his faithful Tranſlations of, and learned Illuſtrations on Caeſar's Commentaries. Say not that Comment on Commentary was falſe Heraldry, ſeeing it is ſo worthy a work, that the Author thereof may paſſe for an eminent inſtance to what perfection of Theory they may attain to in matter of War, who were not acquainted with the practick part thereof; being once employed by Queen Elizabeth, with a diſpatch to Sir Francis Vere, which occaſioned his preſence at the Battel at Newport: For he doth ſo ſmartly diſcuſs, pro and con, and ſeriouſly decide many Martial Controverſies, that his judgement therein is praiſed by the beſt Military Maſters.

King James taking notice of his Abilities, made him Clerk of the Council, and Knighted him; and he was at laſt preferred Secretary of State, in the vacancy of that place; but prevented by death, he acted not therein. At this day his goodneſſe in his general carriage out-did his prudence and his prudence in particular, his goodneſſe; but his induſtry both in all things, and in nothing more than in his Scotch Negotiations, where he over-reached the ſlye French, compoſed and ſetled the unſatiſfied King, and ſent thoſe weekly Advertiſements to his Miſtriſs, that Sir Robert Cecil confeſſed the Maſter-wheel of thoſe years revolutions.

When Charls the fifth preſented Secretary Eraſo to his Son Philip the ſecond, he ſaid, He gave him ſomewhat greater than his Eſtate, and more royal than his Empire. When Sir William Waad introduced Sir Clement Edmonds to Court, he brought thither in that perſon more than he could carry away in his own: A perſon much accompliſhed in the great precepts and rules he obſerved; more in his experience and application of thoſe he practiſed; wherein he was wiſe, but not preſumptuous; exact, but not pedantick; allowing much to old Obſervations, more to new Circumſtances: He was not more beholding to his Nature, than his Nature to his Study and Meditation; and that to time and experience, which offered at once occaſions of inſtruction, and matter of exerciſes, to his great underſtanding, ſo well acquainted with the affairs of former Ages, that he could not be ſurprized with thoſe of his own, knowing how to command, before he was called to obey as who truſted not to his own, ſhort and perplexed life, that ſcarce holds out five or ſix important Negotiations, and ordinarily ceaſeth to be, before it beginneth to know: but his policy may be gueſſed from his morality; and his publick carriage in the • umults of Affairs, from his private conduct and command in the diſorders of nature, theſe being as well managed by his reaſon, as the former by his prudence: His leſſer skill in governing the little world being an earneſt of that more large in ruling the greater.—The Government of others, ſaith Philoſophy, is not fit for him who is a Slave to himſelf.

Obſervations on the Life of James Hay, Earl of Carliſle.

ONe Hay his Anceſtor ſaved Scotland from an Army of Danes at Longcarty with a Therefore the Yoke is their ſupporter. Yoak in his hand. James Hay 600 years after ſaved the King of that Countrey from the Gowries at their houſe with a Culter in his: the firſt had as much ground aſſigned him by King Kenith as a Falcon could flye over at one flight, and the other as much Land as he could ride round in two dayes. The whole Family fell before Dublin-Caſtle in former dayes, ſave a childe left in his Mothers womb; and had decayed in ours, but that the heir of it was cut out from his. He ſerved his Maſter in Scotland by his Generoſity, and in England with his Hoſpitality; the decay whereof King James obſerved the defect of the Engliſh Nobility; and the reſtauration of it, he deſigned the honour of the Sc • ts Gentry. Royal was his Maſters munificence towards him, noble his towards others; His Majeſty being not more intent upon his advancement for publick ſervice, than he was upon the advancement of others to his private aſſiſtance: His Majeſties gracious inclination being for a Reign of Peace, this ſervants eſtate was ſpent upon the Arts of it, I mean upon Feaſts, Maſques, gay Cloathes, and ſuch other Delicacies as might ſoften our harſher natures to quietneſſe, that Princes intereſt, who was firſt to underſtand, and then to manage the ſtrength of this Nation.

Although he failed in moſt of his Negotiations, becauſe he carried his money on his back, rather than in his purſe; rather to ſpend, than to beſtow; and amaze Foreigners, rather than oblige them: Yet was his Embaſſie more ſuitable to the French vanity, than either the Dutch thrift, or the Germane plainneſſe; and his carriage more anſwerable to a gawdy Treaty of Marriage, than to a cloſe Agency for Intereſt, or the intricate conſultations of War. So great the report of his Hoſpitality, that an Hoſt of Delph demanded ſixty pounds for providing him a Supper, though he never came that way; yet ſo diſpleaſing to the Prince of Orange, that when his Steward asked what he ſhould provide extraordinarily for the great Embaſſador's entertainment; the Prince looks on his Bill of Fare, and whereas there was but one Pig, he bid them write two; tartly reflecting as well on my Lords Nation, as his magnificence.—One of his Entertainments I underſtand not the reaſon of, I mean his Ante-Suppers; the manner of which was, to have the Board covered at the firſt entrance of Gueſts, with diſhes as high as a tall man could well reach, filled with the choiceſt and deareſt Viands Sea or Land could afford: and all this once ſeen, and having feaſted the eyes of the invited, was removed, and freſh ſet on to the ſame height, having onely this advantage of the other, that it was hot; at one whereof, an Attendant eat to his ſingle ſhare a whole Pye reckoned to my Lord at twenty pounds, being compoſed of Amber-greece, Magiſterial of Pearl, Musk, &c. yet was ſo far from being ſweet in the morning, that he almoſt poyſoned his whole Family, flying himſelf like the Satyr from his own ſtink: and another went away with forty pound of Sweet-meats in his Cloakbag. Yet muſt I needs judge him uncharitable that writ of this noble perſon, that when the moſt able Phyſicians, and his own weakneſſe had paſſed a judgement he could not live many dayes, he did not forbear his Entertainments, but made divers brave Cloaths, as he ſaid, to outface naked and deſpicable Death; adding withal, That nature wanted wiſdome, power or love, in making man mortal and ſubject to diſeaſes: Forgetting (as that cenſorious Pen goeth on) that if every Individual his own luſt had been able to have produced, ſhould have proſecuted an equal exceſſe with his, they would in a far leſſe time than an age have brought themſelves or the world into the ſame diſeaſe he died of, which was a Conſumption.

For my part, I adhere to their Civility that repreſent his nature modeſt, his demeanor fair and Court-like, his obligations general, his intereſt as great with the Favourite as with the King; and ſo much the greater with the King, as he ſtudied him more, and underſtood him better than any man: though one obſerveth, he was rather in his favour, than in his boſome, and therefore he took care, That as his Expedition and Civility made him the great Maſter of Requeſts at Court, ſo his Marriage with the Heir-general of the Dennies ſhould get him an Eſtate in the Countrey—wherewith he compleated his kindneſſe with bounty, and adorned his bounty with courteſie.—Courteſie not affected, but naturally made up of humility, that ſecured him from Envy, and a Civility that kept him in eſteem; he being happy in an expreſſion that was high, and not formal; and a Language that was Courtly, and yet real.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Lake.

SIr Thomas Lake was bred a Scholar under Saravia in Hampſhire, a States-man under Sir Francis Walſingham at Court, where ſuch his dexterity and diſpatch, that he would indite, write, and diſcourſe at the ſame time, more exactly than moſt men could ſeverally perform them, being then called the Swift-ſure; ſuch his celerity and ſolidity in all Affairs! From the Secretaries Amanuenſis, he was promoted the Queens Clerk of the Signet, to whom he read French and Latine to her dying day; for he was reading to her, when the Counteſſe of Warwick told him that the Queen was departed. In which Tongues ſhe often ſaid he ſurpaſſed her Secretaries. Such his ſufficiency (eſpecially in keeping ſecrets) that King James employed him in ſome French Affairs at his firſt arrival without Cecil, and afterwards as Secretary of State above him.

For King James (that loved what ever was facile and fluent) being taken among other his Abilities with his Latine pen, ſaid, that he was a Miniſter of State fit to ſerve the greateſt Prince in Europe; and that the Secretaries place needed him more than he it. Of whom I have no more to add, but that he was oue of the three noble hands that firſt led Mr. George Villiers to King James his Favour.

Obſervations on the Life of Lyonel Cranfield, Earl of Middleſex.

SIr Lyonel was born in Baſinghal ſtreet, a Citizen, bred in the Cuſtome-houſe, a Merchant-Adventurer; his own Tutor, and his own Univerſity; though his Family was ancient in Glouceſterſhire, and his Arms in the Heralds Office. King James was taken with hm for his brief, clear, ſtrong and pertinent diſcourſes: The Duke of Buckingham was diſpleaſed becauſe he would ſtand without him, yea in ſome things againſt him: many were as active as this ſtirring Lord, none more exact; his preſence was comely, his countenance cheerful and grave, his ſoul witty and wiſe, his apprehenſion quick and ſolid, his thoughts ſetled and reſolved. When one asked him how a man might prevent death, he ſaid, Get to be Lord-Treaſurer, for none died in that Office. Though no Scholar, yet was he bountiful to Scholars; though a Courtier, yet was he hoſpitable in the Countrey; though he ſuffered much, yet was he contented; and though he loſt much, yet was he charitable. Very ſerviceable he was to the State in the buſineſs of Trade in general, but moſt in that of the Cuſtom-houſe in particular: His firſt preferment was the cuſtody of the Wardrobe, his ſecond was the Maſterſhip of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and his third the Treaſurer-ſhip of England. In the laſt whereof, his improvement of the Revenue, gained him not more honour with the King, than it did him envy from the Courtiers; While to piece out the Treaſure with the expence, he husbanded the one ſo thriſtily, and retrenched the other ſo rigidly, that malice it ſelf after many attempts to that purpoſe, could finde no fault with his exact account in the boundleſſe truſt of the tempting Treaſury.

When the Prince was in Spain, he was the Stateſ-man of the Council-Table, and the chief Miniſter of the Cabal, managing all the Diſpatches, and overlooking all the Expences: In the laſt of which ſervices he ran counter to the Duke of Buckingham's inclination, and his own Intereſt; which was to keep himſelf up by that noble Perſon's favour, as he roſe by his alliance. The occaſion of his preferment might be ſome ſaving ſecrets of the Cuſtome-houſe-men to improve the Revenue; the reaſon of his decline, was ſome thriſty ſuggeſtion touching the Courtiers to preſerve it.

This is certain, he was a man fit for government, who quickly apprehended where any evil was, and had capacity enough to apply the remedy; onely he had a little too ſtiffe a nature that would not eaſily yield, when he found on which ſide there was moſt reaſon; and too much of the City in his maximes, which pretended to attain to that in a ſhort time, which Politicians think not proper to arrive at but by a leaſurely ſucceſſion of Ages and Generations.

Obſervations on the Life of Henry Howard Earl of Northampton.

THis Family had endeared it ſelf to many Kings by its ſervices, but to none more than King James by its obligations. Thomas Duke of Norfolke being as it were his Mothers Martyr [executed for a deſign to marry her] and all his Relations his Confeſſors [kept under for their inclinations to advance him:] Reaſonable therefore it was, that my Lord that Dukes brother ſhould be made Baron of Marnhill, Earl of Northampton, Knight of the Garter, Privy-Councellor, Lord Privy-Seal, and Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports.—Learning in any man had King James his affection, eſpecially in a Noble-man, as our States-man, who was as ſerious a Student in Kings-Colledge and Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, as a diſcerning obſervator in Rome and Florence in Italy. His Diſpenſative againſt the ſuppoſed poyſon of Propheſies, dedicated to Sir Francis Walſingham, beſpeaks him a great and a general Scholar: His Speeches at Cambridge and in Star-Chamber, argue him both witty and wiſe: His expences ſhewed him publick-ſpirited, the unparallel'd port of his Family and dependants an Ancient Noble-man: His deſigning of Audley-End, and building of Suffolk-houſe, an Architect: His Hoſpital for twelve poor women, and a Governour at Riſe in Norfolk; for twelve poor men, and a Governour at Clin in Shropſhire; for twenty poor men, and a Governour at Greenwich in Kent [whereof eight to be choſen out of Shoſe-Sham where he was born] a charitable man: his uſing of all his intereſt to avoid the burthen & weight of the Treaſurer's place, and procure it for the Earl of Suffolke his Nephew, his noble diſpoſition, not to advance himſelf by Court-flattery, or his fortune by State employment, being a Batchellour and a Student; An inſtance of my Lord Bacon's obſervation; He that hath Wife and Children, hath given Hoſtages to Fortune, for they are Impediments to great Enterprizes either to Vertue or Miſchief. Certainly the beſt works, and of greateſt merit for the Publick proceed from the unmarried and the Childeleſſe, which both in affection and means have married and endowed the Publick.

But to conclude this particular; this Lord told his intimate Secretary Mr. George Penny (who related it to my Author) that his Nativity (at his Fathers deſire) was calculated by a skilful Italian Aſtrologer, who told him that this his Infant-ſon ſhould taſte of much trouble in the middeſt of his life, even to the want of a meals meat; but his old age ſhould make amends for all, with a plentiful eſtate: which came to paſſe accordingly. For his Father dying in his infancy, no plentiful proviſion was made for him: and when his eldeſt Brother Thomas Duke of Norfolke was executed, his condition was much impaired; inſomuch that being once in London (not overſtocked with money (when his noble Nephews the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Thomas Howard were out of Town) and loath to pin himſelf on any Table uninvited) he was fain to dine with the Chair of Duke Humphrey; but other (not to ſay better company) viz. reading of books in Stationers Shops in St. Paul's Church-yard; though afterwards he attained to great wealth, honour and command: However that Lord gave little credit to, and placed leſſe confidence in ſuch Predictions, as appeared by a learned Work he hath written on that ſubject.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Ramſey, Earl of Holderneſs, and Sir Tho. Ereskin Earl of Kelly.

BOth their preferments began on the ſame occaſion; both their natures were eminent for the ſame innocence and goodneſſe; both their ſervices tend to the ſame iſſ • e, and therefore both their Characters come under one obſervation; which it's more proper to take in the word of their Countrey-man and Contemporary that knew them, than in the expreſſion of a ſtranger that onely heard of them. The whole ſtory runs thus:

The name of Ruthen in Scotland was not notorious, until Anno 1568. when Ruthen amongſt others, Confederates, in thoſe divided times of trouble, laboured much for the impriſoning Queen Mary Mother to King James. In 1582. his ſon William was created Earl Gowry, in the time of that King's minority, though the Father bore deadly hatred to the King's proſperity. And in 1584. himſelf was in actual Rebellion, in which he ſuffered at Dondee. His eldeſt ſon John, then in Travel in Italy, returns home to inherit his lands and honours; but not one jot changed in diſpoſition from the traiterous wayes of his Predeceſſors: For not long after he falls into this Conſpiracy; which is not ſo ancient, but that many then and now living can, and my ſelf have heard the repetition.

The houſe of Gowry were all of them much addicted to ſtudy Chymiſtry; and theſe more to practiſe it, often publiſhing (as ſuch Profeſſors uſually do) more rare experiments then ever could be performed; wherein the King (a general Scholar) had little faith. But to infuſe more credit to the practice, Alexander Ruthen the ſecond brother takes this occaſion, and withal conſpires with Gowry to aſſaſſinate the King; and taking opportunity in his hunting, not far from his houſe St. Johnſtone, invites the King to be an eye-witneſſe of his productions. In their way Sir Thomas Erskin (after Lord Kelly) overtakes them and others, Demanding of the Duke of Lenox, then preſent, why Alexander had ingroſſed the King's eare, to carry him from his Sports? Peace man, ſaid the Duke, Wee's all be turn'd into gold. Not far they rid, but that the Earl Gowry made good by proteſtation his Brother's ſtory. And thus was the King brought to be a Gueſt.

Neer the end of Dinner, at his Fruit, and the Lords and Waiters gone to eat, Alexander begs of the King, at this opportunity to withdraw, and to be partaker of his Production, to the view of that which yet he could not believe.

And up he leads the King into by-lodgings, locking each door behind them, till they came into a Back Room; where no ſooner entered, but that Alexander claps on his Bonnet, and with ſtern countenance, faces the King, and ſays; Now Sir, you muſt know, I had a Father, whoſe blood calls for revenge ſhed for your ſake. The King amazed, deales gently with his fury, excuſes the guilt of his death, by his then-Infancy. Adviſing him not to lay violent hands on the ſacred Perſon of his Anointed Soveraign, Eſpecially in a cauſe of his Innocency: Pleading the Laws of God & Man; which ſo much wrought upon him, that he ſaid, Well, I will ſpeak with my Brother: and ſo put the King into a Lobby Room next the Chamber; where no ſooner entered, but that there appeared a fellow weaponed, ready for execution, to whoſe cuſtody the King is committed till his return.

Alexander gone down, the fellow trembles with Reverence, puts down his Sword, and craves pardon; which gave the King occaſion to work upon that paſſion, and to ask him whether he reſolved to murther him? Being aſſured to the contrary, the King gets leave to open a window, that looked into a back Court. When preſently Alexander returns, and tells the King that he muſt dye: But much affrighted at the Fellow's 〈◊〉 , with his ſword offers violence to the King; Which the fellow ſeemingly oppoſes, and between them began a 〈◊〉 , which gave advantage to the King to cry Tre • ſon at the Window, which looked into a back-Court, where Sir Thomas Erskin, and o •• Herries, were come in purſuit of the King, who was rumoured to be gone out the back-way to his •• nting.

At the cry of Treaſon, and known to be the King's voice, they both haſtened up a back-ſtair, called the Turn-pike, being directed by a ſervant of the houſe, who ſaw Alexander aſcend that way. And ſo forcing ſome doors, they found them above, panting with the fray; and up comes alſo at heels of them, John Ramſey (after Earl of Holderneſſe:) by them Alexander was ſoon diſpatched.

Not long after came the Earl Gowry (by his double key) the firſt way, with a caſe of Rapiers, his uſual weapons, and ready drawn. To whom Erskin ſaid, as to divert his purpoſe; What do you mean, my Lord? the King is kill'd: (for the King was ſhadowed, having caſt himſelf upon a Bed from his ſight, and his Cloak was thrown upon the Body of Alexander, bleeding upon the ground.) At which Gowry ſtops, ſinking the points of his weapons; when ſuddenly Herries ſtrikes at him with a hunting Falchion. And Ramſey having his Hawk on his • iſt, caſts her off, and ſteps in to Gowry, and ſtabs him to the heart; and forthwith more Company came up.

Not long after this Conſpiracy, Herries dies well rewarded. John Ramſey hath the Honour of Knighthood, with an additional bearing to his Coat of Arms, A Hand holding forth a Dagger, reverſed proper, piercing a bloody Heart, The point crowned Emperial, with this Diſtick, Haec Dextra Vindex Principis & P • triae. Afterwards he was created Lord Haddington, and Earl of Holderneſſe.

Sir Thomas Erskin was afterwards created Earl of Kelly, Knight of the Garter, Captain of the King's Guard, and Groom of the Stool; and the Fellow deſigned for the Murtherer, had a large Penſion confirmed by Act of their Parliament.

And all theſe men (but Herries) were living, with other witneſſes, at King James his journey, when he went from hence to viſit Scotland, and met together by direction at the ſame houſe, with Ceremony; and all of them, with a number of Courtiers, aſcended into the ſame Room, the blood yet remaining where the King related the Story, which was confirmed by them. And afterwards kneeling down, with tears of Contrition for his Sins to God, and thankfulneſſe for this Mercy, uſing many pious Ejaculations, embraced all theſe Actors in the former Tragedy; when the poor fellow alſo kiſt the King's hand.

Theſe circumſtances gave occaſion then, that this whole ſtory was freſhly revived, to the common Satisfaction of the whole Countrey, and our Enggliſh Courtiers. And in eſpecial, unto the very reverend Biſhop, and nobly born, James Mountague, then preſent, to whom the King addreſſed himſelf in this Relation, and from whoſe Mouth I received theſe particulars, at his return into England.

And thus much we have by word of mouth: ſomewhat I ſhall add out of writings, for more ſatisfaction.

This Treaſon was attempted the fourth of Auguſt 1600. And though there followed ſundry Suſpitions and Examinations of ſeveral other Perſons, ſuppoſed Abbettors and Contrivers; yet it lay undiſcovered, tanquam è poſtliminio, until eight years after, by the circumſpection principally of the Earl of Dunbar, a man of as great wiſdome as thoſe times and that Kingdome could boaſt of, upon the perſon of one George Sprot, Notary-publick of Ayemouth in Scotland, from ſome words which at firſt he ſparingly or unawares expreſſed, and alſo by ſome papers which were found in his houſe; whereof being examin'd, with a little ado he confeſſed, and was condemned and executed at Edenburgh the 12th of Aug. 1608.

A Relation I conceive not common, but in my hands to be produced, and written by that learned Gentleman William Hart, then Lord Juſtice of Scotland, and Principal in all the Acts of Judicature herein.

Neither of theſe Lords profeſſed any skill in Politicks; yet neither wanted a ſtrong judgement, which they could make good uſe of in time and place convenient, giving teſtimonies in thoſe Employments they had, of a ſtrict ſecrecy, a great moderation, and a happy compliance with opportunity, Qualities exceedingly well lodged in men of Intereſt and Command, eſpecially in theſe two, who neither too eaſily cloſed with others reſolutions, nor too obſtinately adhered to their own.

Obſervations on the Fall of Sir Tho. Lake.

A Great Eſtate this Gentleman had honeſtly got, and a greater eſteem, being King James his right hand, and the Scots both hands; that with which they begged, and that with which they beſtowed; the inſtrument of the meaner ſorts relief, and the greaters bounty; untill that Malice and Revenge, two violent paſſions, over-ruling the Weaker Sex, concerning his Wife and daughter, involved him in their quarrell, the chief and onely cauſe of his ruine. He had by his Wife ſons and daughters: His eldeſt married unto the Lord Baron Roſſe (in right of a Grandmother) the ſon of Thomas Earl of Exeter by a former venter. And upon the credit of Sir Thomas Lake, he was ſent Embaſſador Extraordinary into Spain, in a very gallant Equipage, with ſome hopes of his own to continue Lieger, to ſave charges of tranſmitting any other.

In his abſence there fell out an extream deadly • ewd ('tis no matter for what) between the Lady Lake and the Counteſs of Exeter. A youthful Widow ſhe had been, and vertuous, and ſo became Bedfellow to this aged, gowty, diſeaſed, but noble Earl. And that preferment had made her ſubject to Envy and Malice.

Home comes the Lord Roſſe from his Embaſſie, when being fallen into ſome neglect of his Wife and his kindred, I conceive upon refuſal of an increaſe of allowance to her ſettlement of Joynture, which was promiſed to be compleated at his return; not long he ſtayes in England, but away he gets into Italy, turns a profeſſed Roman Catholick, being cozened into that Religion by his publick Confident Gondamore.

In this his laſt abſence (never to return) the Mother and Daughter accuſe the Counteſs of former Incontinency with the Lord Roſſe whileſt he was here, and that therefore upon his Wives diſcovery he was fled from hence, and from her Marriage-Bed; with other deviſed Calumnies, by ſeveral deſignes and contrivements, to have poyſoned the Mother and Daughter.

This quarrel was ſoon blazon'd at Court, to the King's • are, who as privately as could be, ſingly examines each party. The Counteſs with tears and imprecations profeſſeth her Innocency; which to oppoſe, the Mother Lake and her Daughter counterfeit her hand to a whole ſheet of Paper; wherein they make the Counteſs with much contrition to acknowledge her ſelf guilty, crave pardon for attempting to poyſon them, and deſire friendſhip with them all.

The King gets ſight of this, as in favour to them, and demands the time, place, and occaſion when this ſhould be writ. They tell him, that all the parties met in a viſit at Wimbleton (the houſe of the Lord of Exeter) where, in diſpute of their differences, ſhe confeſſes her guilt of attempting their poiſon. And being deſirous of abſolution and friendſhip (being required thereto) conſents to ſet down all Circumſtances therein, under her own hand, which preſently ſhe writ at the Window in the upper end of the great Chamber at Wimbleton, in preſence of the Mother and Daughter, the Lord Roſſe, and one Diego a Spaniard his confiding Servant. But now they being gone, and at Rome, the King forthwith ſends Mr. Dendy (one of his Serjeants at Armes, ſometimes a Domeſtick of the Earl of Exeters, an honeſt and worthy Gentleman) poſt to Rome, who ſpeedily returns with R • ſſe and Diego's hand, and other teſtimonials, confirming, That all the ſaid Accuſation, and Confeſſion, Suſpitions and Papers concerning the Counteſſe, were notorious falſe and ſcandalous; and confirms it by receiving the Hoaſt, in aſſurance of her Honour, and his Innocency. The King well ſatisfied, ſends to the Counteſſes Friends and Truſtees for her Joynture and Eſtate; who comparing many of her letters with this Writing, do confeſſe it counterfeit.

Then he tells the Mother and Daughter, That this writing being denied by her, and their teſtimonies, being parties, would not prevail with any belief, but any other Additional witneſſe would give it ſufficient credit. To which they aſſure him, That one Sarah Swarton, their Chambereſſe, ſtood behind the Hanging, at the entrance of the Room, and heard the Counteſs read over what ſhe had writ: and her alſo they procure to ſwear unto this before the King.

To make further tryal, the King in a hunting journey at New-part near Wimbleton, gallops thither, views the Room, obſerving the great diſtance of the Window from the lower end of the Room; and placing himſelf behind the Hanging, and ſo other Lords in turn, they could not hear one ſpeak loud from the window.

Then the Houſekeeper was call'd, who proteſted thoſe Hangings had conſtantly furniſht that Room for thirty years; which the King obſerved to be two foot ſhort of the ground, and might diſcover the woman, if hidden behind them. I may preſent alſo, the King ſaying, Oaths cannot confound my ſight.

Beſides all this, the Mother and Daughter counterfeit another Writing, a Confeſſion of one Luke Hutton, acknowledging for 40 pound annuity, the Counteſs hired him to poiſon them; which Man, with wonderful providence was found out privately, and denies it to the King.

And thus prepared, the King ſends for Sir Thomas Lake, whom indeed he very much valued; tells him the danger to imbarque himſelf in this Quarrel, adviſing him to leave them to the Law, being now ready for the Star-Chamber. He humbly thanked his Majeſty, but could not refuſe to be a Father and a Husband; and ſo puts his Name with theirs in a cr • ſſe Bill, which at the hearing, took up five ſeveral days, the King ſitting in Judgement. But the former teſtimonies, and ſome private confeſsions of the Lady Roſſe, and Sarah Wharton, which the King kept in private, from publick proceedings, made the Cauſe for ſome of the days of Tryal, appear doubtful to the Court, until the King's diſcovery, which concluded the Sentence, and was pronounced in ſeveral Cenſures; Sir Thomas Lake and his Lady fined ten thouſand pounds to the King, five thouſand pounds to the Counteſs, fifty pounds to Hutton, Sarah Wharton to be whipt at a Carts tail about the ſtreets, and to do penance at St. Martin's Church. The Lady Roſſe, for confeſſing the truth and plot in the midſt of the Tryal, was pardoned by the Major Voices from penal Sentence.

The King, I remember, compared their Crimes to the firſt plot of the firſt ſin in Paradiſe, the Lady Lake to the Serpent, her Daughter unto Eve, and Sir Thomas to poor Adam, whom he thought in his conſcience, that his love to his Wife had beguiled him. I am ſure, he paid for all, which, as he told me, coſt him thirty thouſand pounds, and the loſſe of his Maſters favour, and Offices of gain and honour, but truly with much pitty and compaſſion of the Court.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Suffolk.

HIS Uncle Northampton negotiated his preferment, and his Father Norfolke deſerved it, for whoſe ſake the eldeſt Son Philip Earl of Arundel was made Lord Marſhal, and this ſecond firſt Chamberlain, and then Treaſurer; wherein as the Earl of Middleſex underſtood well the priviledges of the City, ſo my Lord kenned well the Revenues of the Crown. But his fair Daughter, that gained him moſt favour, did him moſt harm; he falling with his ſon Somerſet's miſcarriages, when he might have ſtood without his Relation: being as plain as his brother Henry was ſubtle; as obliging, as he was inſinuating; as knowing, as he was cunning; the one converſing with Books, the other with Men. A Gentleman from whom I requeſted his Character, returns me no more but this: He was a man never endued with much patience, and one that much retarded the progreſſe of his fortune, by often ſpeaking publickly with too much liberty: Otherwiſe very true to the Maximes of his Age. 1. Linking himſelf to the Scots. 2. Buying Fee-Farm Rents to avoid envy, as my Lord of Salisbury before him in the Scots Debenturers names. 3. Promoting Northern Suits. And 4. projecting for money.

He was alſo Chancellor of Cambridge, loving and beloved of the Univerſity. When at his firſt coming to Cambridge, Mr. Francis Netherſole Oratour of the Univerſity, made a Latine Speech unto him; the Lord returned, Though I underſtand not Latine, I know the ſenſe of your Oration is to tell me that I am welcome to you; which I believe verily: I thank you for it heartily, and will ſerve you faithfully in any thing within my power. Doctor Harſenet the Vice-Chancellor laying hold on the handle of ſo fair a Proffer, requeſted him to be pleaſed to entertain the King at Cambridge; a favour which the Univerſity could never compaſſe from their former great and wealthy Chancellours; I will do it (ſaith the Lord) in the beſt manner I may, and with the ſpeedieſt conveniency.

Nor was he worſe than his word, giving his Majeſty ſuch a Treatment in the Univerſity, as coſt him five thouſand pounds and upwards. Hence it was, that after his death, Thomas his ſecond ſon Earl of Bark ſhire (not ſuing for it, nor knowing of it) was choſen to ſucceed him, loſing the place (as ſome ſuſpected) not for lack of Voices, but fair counting them.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Rob. Cary.

HE was born an ingenious man, of good parts and breeding; but of ſo uncourtly a temper, that in all likelihood we had not heard of him, had he not had the luck to have been the firſt Meſſenger let out of the Court by the favour of his Father the Lord Chamberlain, to bring King James news that Queen Elizabeth was dead; when the Scots expectation was ſo tyred, that they thought Queen Eliz. would never dye, as long as there was an old woman that could either wear good cloaths, or eat good meat in England. Upon which good account he is a Bed-chamber-man to King James, and a Tutor to Prince Charles; though he had made better uſe of his Talent as a Soldier, than as a Courtier, having too much of the Candor of that Family; that as the Hiſtorian obſerved, ſpake of things always as they deſerved: And though he had wit enough, yet he had not the judgement or way to make thoſe ſtand in awe of him, who were moſt obliged to him.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir Robert Naunton, and Sir Francis Netherſole.

SIr Robert Naunton is the Author of one Book of Obſervations upon the States-men of Qu: Eliz. times, & muſt be the ſubject of another of King James his: He noted then in his youth, what he was to practice afterwards in his more reduced years. His Univerſity-Studies at Trinity-Colledge, whereof he was Commoner; and at Trinity-Hall, whereof he was Fellow; His Speeches both while Proctor and Orator of Cambridge, diſcovered him more inclined to publick Accompliſhments, than private Studies: He improved the opportunity of the ſpeech he was to make before K. James at Hinchinbrook ſo well, that as His Majeſty was highly affected with his Latine and Learning, ſo he exactly obſerved his prudence and ſerviceableneſſe; whereupon he came to Court as Sir Thomas Overburies Aſſiſtant firſt, and then as Sir George Villiers friend, who promoted him to be Secretary of State, Jan. 8. 1617. as his Majeſty did a while after to be Mr. of the Wards. The firſt place whereof he diſcharged with as much ability and dexterity, as he did the ſecond with integrity; onely he was obſerved cloſe-handed, whether out of his natural inclination to Parſimony, or ſome fixed deſign to regulate and reduce the great expences of this Nation; or from ſome hidden and refined politick conſideration, that that might be done by a wary obſervation of men's integrity and inclination, which was uſually done with money: and indeed, as a great man obſerveth, to procure good information of particulars touching perſons, their natures, their deſires and ends, their cuſtomes and faſhions, their helps and advantages, and whereby they chiefly ſtand: So again, their weakneſſes and diſadvantages, and where they lye moſt open and obnoxious; their friends, factions, and dependencies: and again, their oppoſites, envyers, and Competitors; their moods and times, their principles, rules, obſervations, &c. their actions how conducted, how favoured, how oppoſed, &c. is the onely way of ſucceſſe in buſineſſe, and of prevailing in fortune, eſpecially if attended with this Gentleman's two maſter-Qualities; 1. Reſervedneſs, the ſecurity; 2. Slowneſs of belief, the ſinew of wiſdome. Finding his temper agreeable with the Univerſity, he allowed himſelf more ſcope and liberty; but obſerving his particular conſtitution not ſuitable to the general ſtate of his times, the whole courſe of his life was more cloſe, retyred, and reſerved, opening it ſelf but with an half-light, and a full advantage: and what he was to others, he believed all others were to him, as hardly truſting them, as he was underſtood himſelf, unleſſe ſurprized in his countenance by the motions of it, or in his actions by the ſuddenneſſe of them, or in his temper by his paſſion, but as far as can be gueſſed, from the Letters that paſſed between them about the Palatinate. He was of the ſame make in the State, as Arch-Biſhop Abbot was in the Church, zealous and ſullen; if others had a better wit than he in abuſing him, he had a better memory than they to think of it; for one Mr. Wiemark a wealthy man, a great Novilant, and conſtant Paul's walker, hearing the news that day of the beheading of Sir Walter Rawleigh; His head (ſaid he) would do well upon the ſhoulders of Sir Robert Naunton Secretary of State. Theſe words were complained of, and Wiemark ſummoned to the Privy-Council, where he pleaded for himſelf, that he intended no diſreſpect to Mr. Secretary, whoſe known worth was above all detraction; onely he ſpake in reference to an old proverb, Two heads are better than one; and for the preſent he was diſmiſſed. Not long after, when rich men were called on for a contribution to St. Pauls. Wiemark at Council-Table ſubſcribed a hundred pounds; but Mr. Secretary told him, Two hundred were better than one; which betwixt fear and charity Wiemark was fain to ſubſcribe.

Neither was he ſooner up, than he gave his Colleague and Succeſſor in the Orators place, Sir Francis Netherſole, his hand to advance him too; whom after his elegant Speech on Prince Henry, we finde a prudent Agent with the Princes of the Union, and a faithful Secretary to the Queen of Bohemia, for whom he did much, and ſuffered more. Yet was he lately alive, and as charitable in his elder yeares, as ever he was noble in his younger.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Arthur Ingram.

SIr Arthur had wit in Italy, where he was a Factor, and wealth in London, where he was a Merchant, to be firſt a Cuſtomer, and then a Cofferer to that King, who had this happineſſe, that he underſtood ſo much of all his affairs, as to make a judgement of what perſons might be moſt ſerviceable to him in each of them. So pragmatical a perſon as this Gentleman, was neceſſary among the Cuſtome-houſe-men, who were about to engroſſe all the wealth of the Kingdome; and as uſeful among the Green-cloath-men, who ſhared amongſt themſelves vaſt Concealments. The activity of his head had undone him, had not the odium of it been allayed by the diſcretion of his tongue; whatever he ſpake, being naturally accompanied with ſuch a kinde of modeſty and affability as gained the affection, and attracted the reſpect of all that converſed with him; onely ſome wary men were jealous of that watchful and ſerene habit he had attained to in every conference and action, as well to obſerve as to act: though it was more than they needed, he having not that good ſtay and hold of himſelf, his much obſerving tempting him to much medling; though never more need of it than at that time, when ninety and odd thouſand pounds were ſpent upon the Palſgrave; to reimburſe which money, he ſet up the improvement of Coyn, the Farthings, the borrowing of money of the Cuſtomers, and as many other Projects to get money, as others had to ſpend it.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Yelverton.

THis Gentleman's relation to Sir Thomas Overbury brought him to the Earl of Somerſet's ſervice, and my Lord of Somerſet's ſervice recommended him to the Kings favour; whereby he was at firſt his Counſel learned, and afterwards his Attorney-General; in which laſt place his duty enjoyned him the impeachment of that Earl, but his gratitude forbad him: Loth he was to refuſe his Maſters command, more loth to have a hand in his Patrons ruine: his civility outweighed his prudence, & his obligations his ſafety: for refuſing to implead his Mr. as a great Delinquent at the Bar, he was ſent by the Council as a greater to the Tower, where he continued until (as ſome ſay) the Duke of Buckingham came to him at mid-night; and hearing from him ſuch myſteries of State as nearly concerned his own ſafety, not onely relea

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Obſervations on the Life of Biſhop Mountague.

JAmes Mountague ſon to Sir Edward Mountague, was born at Boughton in Northamptonſhire, bred in Chriſts-Colledge in Cambridge: He was afterwards Maſter, or rather nurſing Father to Sidney-Colledge; For he found it in bonds to pay twenty Marks per annum to Trinity-Colledge for the ground whereon it is built, and left it free, aſſigning it a rent for the diſcharge thereof. When the Kings Ditch in Cambridge made to defend it by its ſtrength, did in his time offend it with its ſtench, he expended a hundred Marks to bring runningwater into it, to the great conveniency of the Univerſity. He was afterwards Biſhop firſt of Bath and Wells, then of Wincheſter, being highly in favour with King James, who did ken a man of merit, as well as any Prince in Chriſtendome. He tranſlated the Works of King James into Latine, and improved his greatneſſe to do good Offices therewith. He dyed Anno Dom. 1618. Aetat. 49. and lyeth buried within his fair Monument, within his fairer, 〈◊〉 mean a goodly Tomb in the Church of Bath, which oweth its well-being and beauty to his Munificence. King James caſt his eye upon him at Hinchingbrook (where the Univerſity of Cambridge met him as he came from Scotland) becauſe he obſerved him one of thoſe he knew he muſt oblige, I mean a Gentleman: He ſet his heart upon him at Court, becauſe he found him one he intended to employ, I mean a Scholar. He was the onely man of all the Doctors he converſed with there, and the onely man of all the Biſhops he conſulted with at White-Hall. His nature inclined him to magnificence, and his vertue to Thrift; ſparing from leſſer vanities, what he might expend upon greater enterprizes; never ſparing when juſt deſigns called for great charge. Grateful he was to his followers, though not prodigal: Good men chooſe rather to be loved for their benefits to the Community, than thoſe to private perſons: His underſtanding was as large as his heart was honeſt, comprehenſive both of men and things; even thoſe things that were either below or beſides his care, going not beſides his obſervation.

He anticipated his age with his worth, and died at fourſcore in merit, when not fifty in yeares; filling his time not with dayes but with vertues ſo early, as ſeemed rather innate than acquired: For which he was ſo popular in the Countrey, as well as favoured at Court; that a corpulent Officer of Bath-Church being appointed on the day of his Burial to keep the doors, entred on his employment in the morning, but was buried himſelf before night, and before the Biſhop's body was put in the ground; becauſe being bruiſed to death by the preſſing in of people, his Corps requsred ſpeedy interment.—In thoſe days the Plebs concurred with with the King in their affections to, becauſe they ſubmitted to him in their choice of perſons; for then wiſdome was thought to dwell in the Head, and good Folks thought their Soveraign wiſer than themſelves.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Edm. Anderſon.

SIr Edmund Anderſon was born a younger brother of a Gentile Extract at Flixborough in Lincolnſhire, and bred in the inner Temple. I have been informed that his Father left him a thouſand pounds for his portion, which this our Sir Edmund multiplyed into many, by his great proficiency in the Common-Law, being made the • 4th of Queen Elizabeth Chief-Juſtice of the Common-Pleas. When Secretary Daviſon was ſentenced in the Star-Chamber for the buſineſſe of the Queen of Scots, Judge Anderſon ſaid of him, that therein he had done Cambde • Eliz. Anno 1587. juſtum, non juſte; and ſo acquitting him of all malice, cenſured him with the reſt of his indiſcretion. When H. Cuffe was arraigned about the riſing of the Earl of Eſſex, and when Sir Edward Coke the Queens Solicitor oppoſed him, and the other anſwered Syllogiſtically, our Anderſon (ſitting there as a Judge of Law, not Logick) checked both Pleader and Priſoner, ob ſtolidos ſyllogiſmos, for their fooliſh Syllogiſmes, appointing the former to preſſe the Statute of Edward the third. Idem, Anno 1600. He died in the third of King James, leaving great Eſtates to ſeveral ſons. He was a pure Legiſt, that had little skill in the affairs of the world, always alledging a deciſive Caſe or Statute on any matter or queſtion, without any regard to the decency, or reſpect to be had towards a State, or Government, and without that account of a moderate interpretation ſome circumſtances of things require, being ſo much the leſſe uſeful as he was incompliant, and one whom none addreſſed to, becauſe, as one obſerves of Cardinal Corrado; Such think they do in ſome manner ſacrifice themſelves, when they do but in the leaſt act againſt their own opinions, to do a man a little pleaſure. There are a kinde of honeſt men of good conſcience, whoſe capacities being narrow, entertain private reſolutions, inconſiſtent with publick intereſt; who may for me paſſe for good men, but ſhall never be cenſed or regiſtred for good Citizens; becauſe when ſtreight • aced and ſhort apprehenſions are reſolved into conſcience and maximes, thoſe men are obliged to be ſo obſtinate as to change or remit nothing of their firſt reſolutions, how unreaſonable ſoever in themſelves, or dangerous in the conſequence.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Thomas Bodley, by himſelf.

1. I Was born at Exeter in Devonſhire, March 2. 1544. deſcended both by Father and Mother of worſhipful Parents. My Father, in the time of Queen Mary, being noted and known to be an enemy to Popery, was ſo cruelly threatned, and ſo narrowly obſerved, by thoſe that maliced his Religion, that for the ſafeguard of himſelf and my Mother, who was wholly affected as my Father, he knew no way ſo ſecure as to flye into Germany.

2. My Father fixed his abode in the City of Geneva; where, as far as I remember, the Engliſh Church conſiſted of ſome hundred perſons. I was at that time of twelve years of age, but through my Fathers coſt and care, ſufficiently inſtructed to become an Auditor of Chevallerius in Hebrew, of Beroaldus in Greek, of Calvin and Beza in Divinity, and of ſome other Profeſſors in that Univerſity (which was newly then erected) beſides my domeſtick Teachers in the houſe of Philibertus Saracenus, a famous Phyſitian in that City, with whom I was boarded, where Robertus Conſtantinus, that made the Greek Lexicon, read Homer to me.

3. In the firſt of Queen Elizabeth, my Father returned, and ſetled his dwelling in the City of London. It was not long after, that I was ſent away from thence to the Univerſity of Oxford, recommended to the teaching and tuition of Doctor Humphrey. In the year 1563, I took the degree of Batchellor of Arts; within which year I was choſen Probationer of Merton Colledge, and the next year enſuing admitted Fellow. Afterwards, in the year 1565, by ſpecial perſwaſion of ſome of my Fellows, and for my private exerciſe, I undertook the publick reading of a Greek Lecture in the ſame Colledge-Hall, without requiring or expecting any ſtipend for it: Nevertheleſſe it pleaſed the Fellowſhip of their own accord to allow me ſoon after four marks by the year, and ever ſince to continue the Lecture to that Colledge.

4. In the year 1566, I proceeded Maſter of Arts, and read for that year in the School-ſtreets natural Philoſophy. After which time, within leſſe than three years ſpace, I was won by intreaty of my beſt affected friends to ſtand for the Proctorſhip, to which I and my Colleague were quietly elected in the year 1569, without any competition or counter-ſuit of any other. After this for a long time, I ſupplied the Office of Univerſity-Oratour, and beſtowed my time in the ſtudy of ſundry faculties, without any inclination to profeſſe any one above the reſt; inſomuch as at laſt I waxed deſirous to travel beyond the Seas, for attaining to the knowledg of ſome ſpecial modern Tongues, and for the encreaſe of my experience in the managing of affairs; being wholly then addicted to employ my ſelf and all my cares in the publick ſervice of the State.

5. After my return, in the year 1585, I was employed by the Queen to the King of Denmark, and to the German Princes: Next, to Henry the third, King of France: After this, in 88, for the better conduct of her Highneſſe Affairs in the Provinces United, I was thought a fit perſon to reſide in thoſe parts, and was ſent thereupon to the Hague in Holland; where, according to the Contract that had formerly paſs'd between her Highneſſe and the States, I was admitted for one of their Council of Eſtate, taking place in their Aſſemblies next to Count Maurice, and yielding my ſuff • age in all that was propoſed. During all that time, what approbation was given of my painful endeavours by the Queen, by the Lords in England, by the States of the Countrey there, and by all the Engliſh Soldiery, I refer it to be notified by ſome others Relation.

6. I received from her Majeſty many comfortable Letters of her gracious acceptance of my diligence and care: and among the Lords of the Council had no man more to friend, then was the Lord Treaſurer Burleigh. For when occaſion had been offered of declaring his conceit as touching my ſervice, he would always tell the Queen (which I received from her ſelf and ſome other Ear-witneſſes) that there was not any man in England ſo meet as my ſelf to undergo the Office of the Secretary. And ſithence his ſon, the preſent Lord Treaſurer, hath ſignified unto me in private conference, that when his Father firſt intended to advance him to that place, his purpoſe was withal to make me his Colleague: But that the daily provocations of the Earl of Eſſex were ſo bitter and ſharp againſt him, and his compariſons ſo odious when he put us in a balance, as he thought thereupon he had very great reaſon to uſe his beſt means, to put any man out of hope of raiſing his fortune, whom the Earl with ſuch violence, to his extream prejudice, had endeavoured to dignifie.

7. When I had well conſidered, how ill it did concur with my natural diſpoſition, to become or to be counted either a ſtickler or partaker in any publick faction; how well I was able, by Gods good bleſſing, to live of my ſelf, if I could be contented with a competent livelihood; I reſolved thereupon to poſſeſs my ſoul in peace all the reſidue of my days, to take my farewel of State-employments, and ſo to retire me from the Court.

8. Now although after this, by her Majeſties direction, I was often called to the Court, by the now Lord Treaſurer, then Secretary, and required by him, and alſo divers times ſince, by order from the King, to ſerve as Ambaſſador in France, and to negotiate in other very honourable employments, yet I would not be removed from my former final reſolution; but have continued at home my retired courſe of life, which is now methinks to me as the greateſt preferment the State can afford.

9. This I muſt confeſſe of my ſelf, that though I did never repent me yet of my often refuſals of honourable offers, in reſpect of enriching my private Eſtate; yet ſomewhat more of late I have blamed my ſelf and my nicety that way, for the love that I bear to my Reverend Mother the Univerſity of Oxford, and to the advancement of her good by ſuch kinde of means as I have ſince undertaken.

10. Having examined what courſe I might take, I concluded at the laſt to ſet up my ſtaffe at the Library door; being throughly perſwaded, that in my ſolitude and ſurceaſe from the Common-wealth affairs, I could not buſie my ſelf to better purpoſe then by reducing that place (which then in every part lay ruined and waſte) to the publick uſe of Students.

11. For the effecting whereof, I found my ſelf furniſhed in a competent proportion, of ſuch four kinds of aids, as unleſſe I had them all, there was no hope of good ſucceſſe. For without ſome kinde of knowledge, as well in the learned modern Tongues, as in ſundry other ſorts of Scholaſtical literature; without ſome purſe-ability to go through with the charge; without very great ſtore of honourable friends to further the deſign, and without ſpecial good leiſure to follow ſuch a work, it could but have proved a vain attempt, and inconſiderate.

12. But how well I have ſped in all my endeavours, and how full proviſion I have made for the benefit and eaſe of all frequenters of the Library; that which I have already performed in fight; That beſides, which I have given for the maintenance of it; and that which hereafter I purpoſe to add, by way of enlargement to that place (for the project is caſt, and whether I live or die, it ſhall be, God willing, put in full execution) will teſtifie ſo truly and abundantly for me, as I need not to be the publiſher of the dignity and worth of mine own inſtitution. Writtten with mine own hand, Anno 1609. Decemb. 15.

Obſervations on the Life of Henry Vere Earl of Oxford.

HEnry Vere was ſon of Edward Vere, the ſeventeenth Earl of Oxford, and Anne Trentham his Lady; whoſe principal habitation (the reſt of his patrimony being then waſted) was at Heningham-Caſtle in Eſſex: A vigorous Gentleman, full of courage and reſolution, and the laſt Lord Chamberlain of England of this Family. His ſturdy na • ure would not bow to Court-compliants, who would maintain what he ſpake, ſpeak what he thought, think what he apprehended true and juſt, though ſometimes dangerous, and diſtaſtful. Once he came into Court with a great milk-white Feather about his hat, which then was ſomewhat unuſual, ſave that a perſon of his merit might make a faſhion. The Reader may gheſs the Lord who ſaid to him in ſome jeer, My Lord, you wear a very fair Feather: It's true (ſaid the Earl) and if you mark it, there is ne're a Taint in it. Indeed his Family was ever loyal unto the Crown, deſerving their Motto, Vero nil Verius.

Going over one of the four Engliſh Colonels into the Low-Countries, and endeavouring to raiſe the fiege of Breda, he ſo over-heated himſelf with Marching, Fighting and vexing (the Deſigne not ſucceeding) that he dyed after, Anno Dom. 16...... He married Diana, one of the Co-heirs of William Earl of Exeter, (afterwards to Edward Earl of Elgin) by whom he left no Iſſue.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Francis Vere.

SIr Francis Vere (Governour of Bril and Portſmouth) was of the ancient, and of the moſt noble extract of the Earls of Oxford; and it may be a queſtion, whether the Nobility of his houſe, or the honour of his Achievements might moſt commend him, who brought as much glory to his name, as he received honour from it: He was amongſt his Queens Sword-men inferiour to none, but ſuperiour to many: He lived oftner in the Camp, than Court: but when his pleaſure drew him thither, no man had more of the Queens favour, and none leſſe envied. He was a Soldier of great worth, and commanded thirty years in the ſervice of the States, and twenty years over the Engliſh in Chief as the Queens Generall; and he that had ſeen the Battel of Newport, might there beſt have taken him and his noble Brother the Lord of Tilbury to the life. They report that the Qu: as ſhe loved Martial men, would court this Gentleman as ſoon as he appeared in her preſence; for he ſeldome troubled it with the noyſe and alarms of ſupplication; his way was another ſort of undermining, as reſolved in the Court as in the Camp, as well to juſtifie his The E • of Eſſex Patron, as to ſerve her Majeſty, telling her the plain truth more ſincerely than any man; chooſing (as he ſaid) rather to fall by the malice of his enemies, than be guilty of Ingratitude to his friends: Yea, and when he ſued for the government of Portſmouth, and ſome Grandees a objected, that that place was always beſtowed on The Lo • Nortis. Noblemen, he anſwered; There were none ennobled but by their Princes favour, and the ſame way be took.

The Veres compared. Veri ſcipiadae, Duo fulmina belli.

SIr Francis and Sir Horace Vere, ſons of Jeffery Vere Eſquire, who was ſon of John Vere, the fifteenth Earl of Oxford; We will firſt conſider ſeverally, and then compare joyntly, to ſee how their Actions and Arms performed, what their birth and bloud promiſed.

SIr Fran. was of a fiery ſpirit & rigid nature, undaunted in all danger, not overvaluing the price of mens lives to purchaſe a victory therewith. He ſerved on the Scene of all Chriſtendome where War was acted. One Maſter-piece of his valour was at the Battel of Newport, when his ragged Regiment (ſo were the Engliſh-men called from their ragged Cloathes) helped to make all whole, or elſe all had been loſt. SIr Horace had more meekneſs, & as much valour as his brother; ſo pious, that he firſt made peace with God, before he went to war with man. One of an excellent temper; it being true of him what is ſaid of the Caſpian Sea, that it doth never ebb nor flow; obſerving a conſtant tenor; neither elated nor depreſſed with ſucceſs. Had one ſeen him returning from a victory, he would by his ſilence have ſuſpected that he had loſt the day; and had he beheld him in a retreat, he would have collected him a Conqueror, by the cheerfulneſs of his ſpirit. He was the firſt Baron of K. Charls his Creation. Some years after, coming to Court, he fell ſuddenly ſick and ſpeechleſs, ſo that he died afore night, A. Dom. 163... No doubt he was well prepared for death, ſeeing ſuch his vigilancy, that never any enemy ſurpriſed him in his Quarters. Another was, when for three years he defended Oſtend againſt a ſtrong and numerous Army, ſurrendring it at laſt a bare Skeleton to the King of Spain, who paid more years purchaſe for it, than probably the World would endure. He dyed in the beginning of the Reign of K. James, about the year of our Lord, 16....

Now to compare them together (ſuch their Eminency, that they would hardly be parallel'd by any but themſelves:) Sir Francis was the elder Brother, Sir Horace lived to be the elder man. Sir Francis was more feared, Sir Horace more loved by the Soldiery: The former in Martial Diſcipline was oftentimes Rigidus ad ruinam, the latter ſeldome exceeded ad terrorem. Sir Francis left none, Sir Horace no Male-Iſſue, whoſe four Co-Heirs are ſince Matched into honourable Families. Both lived in War, much honoured; dyed in peace, much lamented.

What is a great queſtion among all Martial men, was ſo between theſe Brethren; whether to repair a reputation ruined by ſome infamous diſgrace, and the honour abuſed by ſome notorious loſſe, the General ought to oppoſe the fortune that oppreſſeth him, and hazard what remains, to recover what is loſt? Sir Francis was of opinion, That though it's not the intereſt of a ſupream Prince, yet it is the concern of a ſubordinate Commander to ſupport his credit at the rate of his Army. But Sir Horace was never for ſacrificing the whole for the advancing of any part, or of many, for the humouring of one; but choſe rather to break the impetuoſity of his misfortunes by yielding to them, and rather recover both himſelf and his ſucceſſe by a prudent retreat, than loſe both in an obſtinate miſadventure.—It being far more eligible to ſuffer in the imaginary intereſt of repute, than that real one of ſtrength; though appearances are yet ſo uſeful, that dexterouſly to manage the reputation of Affairs, is to imprint in men a great opinion of vertue and fortune, to enhance ſucceſſes, and raiſe that reſpect and confidence that ſeldome fa 〈…〉 to the ſhare of reſervation and fear. But apart from that too much caution that betrayeth, and over-much raſhneſſe that hazardeth our fortunes, both theſe Heroes were very choice in the places of their Engagements; for when all the Generals before the Battel of Newport were for quitting the upper Downs, Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the buſineſſe of the day to hold a place of ſuch advantage, perſwaded Count Maurice rather to expect the Enemy in that ground, than attaque him in a worſe; wherein as his opinion prevailed, ſo all that were preſent, were Eye-witneſſes both of the truth of his conjecture, and the ſoundneſſe of his judgement: For the Enemy, as he ſaid, did not long gaze upon them; but charging up the hills, were beaten back ſo effectually, that our men had the execution of them for half a mile; which was no ſmall advantage to the fortune of that day.

Neither were they leſſe obſervant of their time, that Mother of Action, than their place; neither haſty nor ſlow to manage an opportunity that is neither often nor long the ſame;—or of the order of their Army than both, whereof each part aſſiſted the other at Newport and elſewhere ſo readily, that their ſhouts and charges equally amazed their Friends and Enemies.

The Reliefs of Rhingbergh were actions of great reſolution, ready diſpatch, a watchful circumſpection, and good purſuit: The ſuccour of Lithenhooven was a performance of great and mature deliberation; the ſurprize of Zutphen by young Soldiers in womens apparel, was a piece of ſervice of many particular ſtratagems; and the Siege of Daventer of as much ſage advice.—All inſtances of the wonders that courage can do when wiſe, valour when ſober, a paſſion when rational, and a great ſpirit when adviſed.

Obſervations on the Life of Richard Coſin, LL. D.

RIchard Coſin, LL. D. (one of the greateſt Civilians our Nation bred, the grand Champion of Epiſcopacy, was (amongſt all the Countreys of England) born in the Biſhoprick of Durham. His Father was a perſon of Quality, a Captain of a Company at Muſcleborough-Field, whence his valour returned with victory and wealth; when croſſing the River Tweed [O the uncertainty of all earthly happineſs!] he was drowned therein, to the great loſſe of his ſon Richard; and greater, becauſe he was not ſenſible thereof, as left an Infant in the Cradle. His Mother afterwards married one Mr. Medow, a York-ſhire Gentleman, who bred this his Son-in-law at a School at Skipton upon Craven; wherein ſuch was his proficiency, that before he was twelve years old (little leſſe then a wonder to me, in that age, from ſo far a Countrey) he was admitted into Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge. Some of his friends in Queens-Colledge in that Univerſity had a deſign to fetch him thence, had not Doctor Beaumont prevented the plot, in making him Scholar and Fellow as ſoon as by his Age, Degree, and the Statutes he was capable thereof.

He was a general Scholar, Geometrician, Muſitian, Phyſitian, Divine, but chiefly Civil and Can 〈…〉 Lawyer. By Arch-Biſhop Whitgift he was preferred to be firſt Chancellor of Worceſter, [in that 〈◊〉 a place non tam gratioſus quam negotioſus] and afterwards Dean of the Arches, wherein he carri 〈…〉 himſelf without giving (though many took) offenc • at him.

Of theſe one wrote a Book againſt him called the Abſtract [abſtracted, ſaith my Author, from 〈◊〉 Wit, Learning, and Charity] to whom he returned ſuch an anſwer in defence of the High-Commiſion, and Oath Ex Officio, that he put his Adverſary to ſilence.

Others lay to his charge, that he gave ma 〈…〉 blanck Licences, the common occaſion of unlawful Marriages; and the procurer is as bad as the th 〈…〉 robbing many a Parent of his dear Childe thereby But always malice looks through a multiplying glaſſe. Euclio complained, Intromiſiſti ſexcentes 〈◊〉 Plau. in Aularia. quos, Thou haſt let in ſix hundred Cooks, wh 〈…〉 there was but two truly told [Antrax and Cong 〈…〉 ſo here was but one, which a Fugitive ſervant ſto 〈…〉 from a Regiſter to make his private profit thereby GOD in his ſickneſſe granted him his deſire which he made in his health; that he might be free 〈…〉 from Torture, which his corpulency did much ſuſpect, beſtowing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 upon him, a ſweet and quiet departure. Pious his dying expreſſions; I deſire to be diſſolved, and to be with Chriſt, Phil. 1. The wages of ſin is death, Rom. 6. Come Lord Jeſus, com • quickly, Revel. 12. And his laſt words were theſe Farewell my ſurviving friends; remember your Mortality, and Eternal life.

He gave forty pounds to the building of a Chamber in Trinity-Colledge, and fifteen pounds per annum for the maintenance of two Scholarſhips therein a good gift out of his eſtate, who left not above fifty pounds a year clear to his Heir: a great argument of his integrity, that he got no more in ſo gainful a place. Dying at Doctors Commons, he was buried by his own appointment in Lambeth Church, and Doctor Andrews preached his Funeral-Sermon. Amongſt the many Verſes made by the Univerſity of Cambridge, this (with the allowance of Poetical Licence) came from no bad Fancy.

Magna Deos inter lis eſt exorta: creatas Horum qui lites dirimit, ille deeſt Conſinum potiere dii compone • e tantas Lites, quod vero jure peritus erat.

A moſt moderate man he was in his own nature, but more earneſt in the buſineſſe of the Church, in the behalf of which he writ many Books of validity, &c.

It muſt not be forgotten, that Doctor Barlow (afterwards Biſhop of Lincoln) was bred by Doctor Coſen at his charge in his own Family; who in expreſſion of his Thankfulneſs, wrote this Dr. Coſen's Life, out of which moſt of the aforeſaid Character hath been taken.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Chief-Justice Cook.

THis accompliſhed perſon was well born at Mileham in Norfolk, of Robert Cook Eſquire, and Winifred Knightly his Wiſe, and as well bred. 1. When ten years of age at Norwich School. 2. At Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge. 3. After four years Univerſity-ſtudy, firſt in Cliffords Inne, and then in the Inner Temple. The firſt occaſion of his Riſe was his ſtating of the Cooks Caſe of the Temple ſo exactly, that all the Houſe who were puzzled with it admired him; and his pleading it ſo, that the whole Bench took notice of him. Such his proficiency, that at the end of ſix years (exceeding early in that ſtrict age) he was call'd to the Bar, and ſoon after for three years choſen Reader in Lyons Inne. Here his learned Lecture ſo ſpread forth his fame, that crouds of Clients ſued to him for his Counſel; and his own ſuit was the ſooner granted, when tendering his Affections in order to Marriage, unto Bridget daughter and Coheir of John Paſton Eſquire, whoſe portion moderately eſtimated, Viis & modis, amounted unto thirty thouſand pounds, her vertues not falling under valuation, and ſhe enriched her Husband with ten Children.

Then began preferment to preſſe upon him; the City of Norwich chooſing him Recorder, the County of Norfolke their Knight for Parliament, the Queen her Speaker therein, as alſo her Solicitor and Attorney. King James honoured him with Knighthood, and made him Chief-Juſtice, firſt of the Common-Pleas, then of the Kings-Bench. Thus beginning on a good bottom left him by his Father, marrying a Wife of extraordinary wealth; having at the firſt great and gainful practice, afterwards many and profitable Offices, being provident to chooſe good pennyworths in Purchaſes, leading a thrifty life, living to a great age during flouriſhing and peaceable times (born as much after the perſecution under Qu: Mary, as dying before our Civil Wars) no wonder if he advanced to a fair eſtate, ſo that all his ſons might ſeem elder brethren, by the large poſſeſſions left unto them.

Some falſely character him a back-friend to the Church and Clergy, being a grand Benefactor to the Church of Norwich, who gratefully under their publick Seal honoured him with this enſuing Teſtimony.

Edwardus Coke Armiger, ſaepius & in multis difficillimis Negotiis Eccleſiae noſtrae auxiliatus est, & Nuper eandem contra Templorum Hell • ones, qui Dominia, Maneria & Haereditamenta nostra devorare ſub Titulo obſcuro (Concelatum dicunt) ſponte ſuâ nobis inſciis, & ſine mercede ullâ legitimè tutatus est; atque eandem ſuam nostri Defenſionem in perpetuam tantae rei memoriam, & posterorum gratiâ, (ſi opus fuerit) magna cum industria & ſcriptis redegit, & Nostrae Eccleſiae donaevit.

As for the many Benefices in his own Patronage, he freely gave them to worthy men, being went to ſay in his Law-language, That he would have Church-Livings paſſe by Livery and Seiſin, not Bargain and Sale.

He was our Engliſh Trebonianus, very famous for his Comments on Littleton and our Common-Law. 1628 A Parliament was call'd, and the Court-party was jealous of Sir Edward's activity againſt them, as who had not digeſted his diſcontentments as he had done the Law. Hereupon to prevent his Election as a Member, he was confined to Buckingbamſhire as a Sheriffe.

He ſcrupled to take the Oath, pretending many things againſt it, and particularly that the Sheriffe is bound thereby to proſecute Lollards, wherein the beſt Chriſtians may be included.

It was anſwered; That he had often ſeen the Oath given to others without any regret, and knew full 〈◊〉 that Lollard in the modern ſenſe imported the oppoſ 〈…〉 of the preſent Religion, as eſtabliſhed by Law in the Land.

No excuſes would ſerve his turn, but he muſt undertake that Office: However his friends beheld it as an injurious degradation of him, who had been Lord Chief-Juſtice, to attend on the Judges at the Aſſizes.

Five ſorts of people he uſed to fore-deſign to miſery and poverty; Chymiſts, Monopolizers, Concealers, Promoters, and rhyming Poets. For three things he would give God ſolemn thanks▪ That he never gave his body to Phyſick, nor his heart to cruelty, nor his hand to corruption. In three things he did much applaud his own ſucceſſe; In his fair fortune with his Wife, in his happy ſtudy of the Laws, and in his free coming by all his Offices, nec prece, nec pretio, neither begging nor bribing for Preferment.

His Parts were admirable: he had a deep Judgement, faithful Memory, active Fancy, and the Jewel of his minde was put into a fair Caſe, a beautiful body with a comely countenance: A caſe, which he did wipe and keep clean, delighting in good Cloaths, well worn; and being wont to ſay, That the outward neatneſſe of our bodies, might be a Monitor of purity to our ſouls.

In his Pleadings, Diſcourſe, and Judgements, he declined all Circumlocutions, uſually ſaying, The matter lies in a little Room Though ſome obſerve that his digreſſions marred his repute, and had broke his neck, had he lived in any Kings reign but King James's.. In all Places, Callings, and Juriſdictions, he commended Modeſty and Sobriety within their boundaries, ſaying, If a River ſwelleth beyond the bankes, it loſeth its owne Channel.

If any adverſe party croſſed him, he would patiently reply, If another puniſheth me, I will not puniſh my ſelf. In the higheſt Term of Buſineſſe he made Vacation to himſelf at his Table, and would never be perſwaded privately to retract what he had publickly adjudged, profeſſing, He was a Judge in a Court, not in a Chamber. He was wont to ſay, No wiſe man would do that in proſperity, whereof he ſhould repent in adverſity. His Motto was, Prudens qui Patiens; and his practice was accordingly, eſpecially after he fell into the disfavour of King James, when he did Frui ſuo Infortunio, and improved his loſſe to his advantage. He triumphed in his own Innocency, that he had done nothing illegally; calling to minde the Motto which he gave in his Rings when made Sergeant, Lex eſt 〈…〉 ſſima Claſſis, The Law is the ſafeſt Helmet. And now he had leaſure to peruſe what formerly he had written, even thirty Books with his own hand, moſt pleaſing himſelf with a Manual, which he called VADE MECƲM, from whence at one view he took a proſpect of his Life paſt, having noted therein moſt Remarkables. His moſt learned and laborious Works on the Lawes will laſt to be admired by the Judicious Poſterity, whileſt Fame hath a Trumpet left her, and any breath to blow therein. His judgement lately paſſed for an Oracle in Law; and ſince the credit thereof hath cauſeleſly been queſtioned, the wonder is not great. If the Prophet himſelf, living in an incredulous Age, found cauſe to complain, Who hath believed our report? it need not ſeem ſtrange that our licentious Times have afforded ſome to ſhake the Authenticalneſſe of the Reports of any earthly Judge.

He conſtantly had Prayers ſaid in his own houſe, and charitably relieved the Poor with his conſtant Almes. The Foundation of Sutton's Hoſpital (when indeed but a Foundation) had been ruined before it was raiſed, and cruſh'd by ſome Courtiers in the hatching thereof, had not his great care preſerved the ſame. The Free-School at T • etford was ſupported in its being by his aſſiſtance; and he founded a School on his coſt at Godrick in Norfolk.

It muſt not be forgotten, that Doctor Whitgift afterward Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, ſent unto his Pupil when the Queen's Attorney, a fair new Teſtament, with this Meſſage; He had long enough ſtudied Common Law, now let him ſtudy the Law of God.

When he was under a cloud at Court, and outed of his Judges place, the lands belonging to the Church of Norwich, which formerly he had ſo induſtriouſly recovered and ſetled thereon, were again called into queſtion, being begged by a Peer. Sir Edward deſired him to deſiſt, telling him, that otherwiſe he would put on his Gown and Cap, and come into Weſtminſter-Hall once again, and plead there in any Court in juſtification of what he had done. He died at Stoke-Poges in Buckingham-ſhire, on Wedneſday the third of September, being the 83 of his age, whoſe laſt words were theſe, Thy Kingdome come, thy Will be done.

The infirmities of this Judge, as my Lord BACON recited them in a Letter to him, were theſe:

1. That he delighted to ſpeak more than hear.

2. That he would run out of his Profeſſion; and as he obſerved of Divines, ſo it was obſerved of him, none erred worſe out of his element.

3. That he converſed with Books rather than Men, and onely with ſuch men that he ſpake to as Scholars, rather than treated as friends.

4. That he obtruded thoſe things as Novelties that were ſtale.

5. That he would jeſt on men in place, and inſult on men in miſery.

6. That he made the Law lean too much to his opinion.

7. That his Tenants in Norfolk were hardly uſed; and that though he had ten thouſand pounds per an. he relieved not the poor.

8. That in his laſt proceedings againſt Somerſet, he was too open and dilatory, giving too much advantage, and breaking out to ſome unadviſed expreſſions.

9. That he ſtood out againſt Power; for which, and other failures, he was diſmiſſed the Council-board with this expreſſion from King James, That he was the fitteſt inſtrument to ſerve a Tyrant.

Indeed he had ſome projects for the Revenue, and looked for the Treaſury, when he was abſolutely caſt off; though he made ſuch ſhift, that throw him where you would (as King James ſaid) he fell upon his legs.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Ralph Winwood.

SIr Ralph Winwood was a Gentleman well ſeen in moſt Affairs, but moſt expert in matters of Trade and War; for he was firſt a Soldier, and then an Agent in the Netherlands, where he remonſtrated againſt Vorſtius learnedly and reſolutely, repreſenting as well his Maſters parts as his power: It was the very guize of that time to be learned; the wits of it were ſo excellent, the helps and aſſ 〈…〉 ants of it were ſo great; Printing was ſo common; the world (by Navigation) ſo open; great experiments ſo diſcloſed; the leiſure of men ſo much, the age was ſo peaceable; and his Majeſtie, after whom all writ, ſo knowing.

When the Earl of Somerſet was made Chamberlain by his Majeſty in his Fathers place, Sir Ralph Winwood was by the Queen made Secretary in his; ſucceeding him in his Office, but exceeding him in his ſucceſſe (Fortune may begin any mans greatneſs, but Vertue muſt continue it) for this Favourite taking upon him to over-rule Winwood, Winwood makes it his buſineſſe to overthrow him; to which purpoſe his Agents diſcover ſome ſecrets abroad (you may underſtand more of England at Amſterdam th •• at London) and he uſeth his Arts at home; for Mr. Villiers being now brought to Court, when others were for raiſing him by intereſt, Sir Ralph was for advancing him with Compliance—a Compliance as he ſaid, that muſt either ſupple or break his Adverſaries, and either way ruine them.—Accordingly Sir George is directed to offer his ſervice to the Earl of Somerſet; that Earl fatally tells him, He would have none of his ſervice, but would break his Deſigne.—Theſe words coming ſo croſs to the Kings inclination, and the Court's plot, provoked all perſons to look further into Sir Ralph Winwood's Intelligence concerning Sir Tho. Overbury's death. Now mens weakneſſes and faults are beſt known by their enemies, their vertues and abilities from their friends; their cuſtomes and times from their ſervants; their conceits and opinions from their familiars, to whom they are leaſt masked. To all theſe he applyeth himſelf, until he had diſcovered as much of the practices concerning Overbury, as might humble the Earl; and as much corruption in the conveyance of publick money to the buildding of Audley-End, as might diſplace his Father. An Apothecaries boy give • the firſt, and a ſervant that carried the money the ſecond, both whom he ſurprized with the Spaniſh proverb; Di mentura, y ſacaras verdad: Tell a lye, and finde a truth. Indeed the natures and diſpoſitions, the conditions and neceſſities, the factions and combinations, the animoſities and diſcontents; the ends and deſigns of moſt people were clear and tranſparent to this watchful man's intelligence and obſervation, who could do more with King James by working on his fear, than others by gratifying his pleaſure.

When I obſerve how cloſe and ſilent he was at the Council-Table, it puts me in minde of the man that gave this reaſon why he was ſilent in a Treaty and Conference: Becauſe (ſaid he) the Enemy might know, that as there are many here that can ſpeak, ſo here is one that can hold his peace.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Francis Bacon.

SIr Francis was born where we are made men, bred where we are made States-men; being equally happy in the quickneſſe of the City, and politeneſs of the Court: He had a large minde from his Father, and great abilities from his Mother; his parts improved more than his years: his great, fixed, and methodical memory, his ſolid judgement, his quick fancy, his ready expreſſion, gave high aſſurance of that profound and univerſal knowledge and comprehenſion of things which then rendered him the obſervation of great and wiſe men, and afterwards the wonder of all. The great Queen was as much taken with his witty diſcourſes when a School boy, as with his grave Oracles when her Counſel learned. He was a Courtier from his Cradle to his Grave, ſucking in experience with his milke, being inured to policy as early as to his Grammar: Royal Maximes were his Sententia Puerilis; and he never ſaw any thing that was not noble and becoming. The Queen called him her young Lord Keeper, for his grave ingenuity at ſeven years of age; and he could tell her Majeſty be was two years younger for her happy Reigne. At twelve, his induſtry was above the capacity, and his minde above the reach of his Contemporaries: A prodigy of parts he muſt be, who was begot by wiſe Sir Nicholas Bacon, born of the accompliſhed Mrs. Anne Cook, and bred under the wiſe, learned, and pious Doctor Whitgift. His ſtrong obſervations at Court, his ſteady courſe of ſtudy in the Univerſity, muſt be improved by a well contrived Travell abroad: where his converſation was ſo obliging, his way ſo inquiſitive, his prudence ſo eminent, that he was Sir Amie Paulet's Agent between the Juncto of France and the Queen of England: He allayed the ſolidity of England with the Ayre of France, untill his own Affairs and the Kingdomes ſervice called him home at his Fathers death to enjoy a younger Brothers eſtate, and act his part: Policy was his buſineſs, the Law was onely his livelyhood; yet he was ſo great a States-man, that you would think he only ſtudied men: ſo great a Scholar, that you would ſay, he onely ſtudied Books. Such inſight he had in the Law, that he was at thirty her Majeſties Advocate; ſuch his judgement, that he was the Student of Grayes-Inn's Oracle; ſo generous and affable his diſpoſition, that he was all mens love and wonder: He inſtilled wholſome precepts of Prudence and Honour to Noble-men (particularly the Earl of Eſſex, to whom he was more faithful, than he to himſelf:) Great principles of Arts and Sciences to the learned; noble Maximes of Government to Princes, excellent rules of Life to the Populacy. When his great Patron Eſſex ſunk, he was buoyed up by his own fleadineſs, and native worth, that admitted him to the Qu: own preſence, not onely to deliver matter of Law, which was his profeſſion, but to debate matters of State, which was his element: his judgement was ſo eminent, that he could ſatisfie the greateſt; his condeſcention ſo humble, that he inſtructed the meaneſt: his extraordinary parts, above the modell of the age, were feared in Queen Elizabeths time, but employed in King James his, Favour he had in her Reign, but Truſt onely in his: It's dangerous in a factious Age to have my Lord Bacon's parts, or my Lord of Eſſex his favour. Exact was his correſpondence abroad and at home; conſtant his Letters, frequent his Viſits, great his Obligations, moderate and temperate his Inclination; peaceable, humble, and ſubmiſſive his minde; complying and yielding, his temper: In Queen Elizabeths time, when he could not riſe by the publick way of ſervice, he did it by that more private of Marriage, and other commendable Improvements; whereby he ſhewed a great ſoul could be rich in ſpight of Fortune, though it ſcorned it in point of Honour. In the Houſe of Commons none more popular, none more zealous, none ſo knowing a Patriot: In the houſe of Lords, none more ſucceſsfully ſerviceable to the Crown: the eaſie way of Subſidies was his deſign in Queen Elizabeths time; the union with Scotland was his contrivance in King James's.

His make and port was ſtately, his ſpeech flowing and grave, each word of his falling in its place; the iſſue of great reaſon when conceived, and of great prudence when expreſſed: ſo great skill he had in obſerving and contriving of occaſions and opportunities, in ſuiting of Humours, and hitting of Junctures and Flexures of Affairs, that he was in his time the Maſter of ſpeech and action, carrying all before him. The Earl of Salisbury, ſaith Sir Walter Rawleigh, was a good Orator, but a bad Writer; the Earl of Northampeon was a good Writer, but a bad Orator; Sir Francis Bacon excelled in both: Much he ſaid he owed to his Books, more to his innate Principles and Notions: When he thought, he ſaid, he aimed more at Connexion than Variety: When he ſpake, he deſigned rather the life and vigour of expreſſion, and perſpicuity of words, than the elegancy or order of phraſe. His axiome was; Words ſhould wait on things, rather than things on words; and his reſolution was, That all affected elegance was below the gravity and majeſty of a publick diſcourſe: He rather judged Books and Men, than either read or talked with them.

His Exerciſes were man-like and healthful; his Meditations cohaerent; his Table temperate and learned, where his great Diſcourſes were the entertainment, and he himſelf the treat; reſolving Caſes moſt ſatisfactorily, ſtating Queſtions moſt exactly, relating Hiſtories moſt prudently, opening great Secrets moſt clearly, anſwering Arguments and replying moſt familiarly, and ſpeaking what he had thorowly weighed and conſidered moſt effectually.—All matters and ſpeeches came from him with advantage; ſo acute and ready his wit, ſo faithful his memory, ſo penetrating his judgement, ſo ſearching his head, ſo large and rational his ſoul.

My Lord of Salisbury ſaid, he had the cleareſt proſpect of things of any man in his age; and K. James ſaid, That he knew the method of handling Matters after a milde and gentle manner. His Religion was rational and ſober, his ſpirit publick, his love to Relations tender, to Friends faithful; to the hopeful liberal, to men univerſal, to his very Enemies civil. He left the beſt pattern of Government in his actions under one King, and the beſt principles of it in the Life of the other. His Eſſays and Hiſtory made him the admiration of polite Italy; his Accompliſhments, the wonder of France; Monſieur Fiat ſaying to him, after an earneſt deſire to ſee him, That he was an Angel to him, of whom he had heard much, but never ſaw him. Solid and juycy Meat was his Diet, and Rubarb his Phyſick: four hours in the morning he made his own, not by any means to be interrupted: buſineſſe was his fate, retyrement his inclination. Socrates brought Morality from Diſcourſe to Practice; and my Lord Bacon brought Philoſophy from Speculation to Experience. Ariſtotle he ſaid, taught many to diſpute, more to wrangle, few to finde out Truth, none to manage it according to his principles:—My Lord Bacon was a man ſingular in every faculty, and eminent in all: His Judgement was ſolid, yet his memory was a wonder; his Wit was quick, yet his Reaſon ſtaid; his Invention was happy, yet methodical: and one fault he had, that he was above the age he lived in; above it in his bounties to ſuch as brought him Preſents (ſo remembring that he had been Lord-Chancellour, that he forgot he was but Lord Verulam: Great his underſtanding, and great his minde too) above it in his kindneſſe to ſervants, to whom he had been a better Maſter, if he had been a worſe; and more kinde, if he had been leſſe indulgent to them. For the firſt of his Exceſſes, King James jeered him in his progreſs to New-market, ſaying, when he heard he gave ten pounds to one that brought him ſome Fruit, My Lord, my Lord, this is the way to Beggars-buſh. For the ſecond, he reflected upon himſelf, when he ſaid to his ſervants as they roſe to him in his Hall; Your riſe hath been my fall. Though indeed he rather truſted to their honeſty, than connived at their falſhood; for he did impartial Juſtice commonly to both parties, when one ſervant was in fee with the Plaintiff, and the other with the Defendant:—How well he underſtood his own time, his Letters, and complyances evidence; than whom none higher in ſpirit, yet none humbler in his Addreſſes [The proudeſt man is moſt ſervile.] How little he valued wealth, appeareth, in that when his ſervants would take money from his Cloſet, even while he was by, he would laugh, and ſay, I poor men, that is their portion. How well he kenned the art of Converſe, his Eſſayes diſcover, a piece (as he obſerved himſelf) that of all his Works was moſt current, for that they come home to mens buſineſſe and boſomes. How far skilled in the Art of Government, his H. 7. War with Spain, Holy War, Elements of the Law, irrefragably demonſtrate; and how well ſeen in all Learning, his Natural Hiſtory, and Advancement of Learning anſwerably argue. In a word, how ſufficient he was, may be conjectured from this inſtance, that he had the contrivance of all King James his Deſigns, untill the Match with Spain; and that he gave thoſe Directions to a great States-man Vid. Duke of Buckingham's Life. which may be his Character, and our concluſion. Onely be it obſerved, that though this peerleſſe Lord is much admired by Engliſh-men, yet is he more valued by Strangers; diſtance, as the Hiſtorian hath it, diminiſhing his faults to Foreigners, while we behold his perfections abated with his failings; which ſet him as much below pity, as his Place did once above it; Sir Julius Caeſar (they ſay) looking upon him as a burden in his Family, and the Lord Brooke denying him a bottle of ſmall beer.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord John Digby.

JOhn Lord Digby of Sherborn, and Earl of Briſtol, was a younger Son of an ancient Family, long flouriſhing at •• leſhull. To paſſe by his younger years, (all children being alike in their Coats) when he had onely an Annuity of fifty pounds per annum, onely his youth gave pregnant hopes of that Eminency, which his mature age did produce. He did ken the Embaſſador's craft, as well as any in his age, employed by King James in ſeveral Services to Foreign Princes, recited in his Patent, as the main motives of the Honours conferred upon him. But his managing the matchleſſe Match with Spain was his Maſter-piece, wherein a good (I mean a great) number of State-Traverſes were uſed on both ſides: Where if he dealt in Generalities, and did not preſſe Particulars, we may gheſſe the reaſon of it from that expreſſion of his; I will take care to have my Inſtructions perfect, and will purſue them punctually: If he held Affairs in ſuſpence, that it might not come to a War on our part, it may be he did ſo with more regard to his Mr. King James his inclination, than his own apprehenſion: If he ſaid; That howſoever the buſineſſe went, he would make his fortune thereby, it rather argued his weakneſſe that he ſaid ſo, his ſufficiency that he could do ſo, than his unfaithfulneſſe that he did ſo. This is certain, that he choſe rather to come home, and ſuffer the utmoſt diſpleaſure of the King of England, than ſtay in Spain, and enjoy the higheſt favour of the King of Spain. He did indeed intercede for ſome indulgeuce to the Papiſts; but it was, becauſe otherwiſe he could do no good for the Proteſtants.—But whatever was at the bottom of his Actions, there was reſolution and nobleneſſe atop, eſpecially in theſe actions. 1. Being carried from Village to Village after the King of Spain, without that regard due to his perſon, or place; he expreſſed himſelf ſo generouſly, that the Spaniſh Courtiers trembled; and the King declared, That be would not interrupt his Pleaſures with buſineſſe at Lerma, for any Embaſſador in the world but the Engliſh; nor for any Engliſh Embaſſador but Don Juan. 2. When impure Scioppius upon his Libel againſt K. James, and Sir Humphrey Bennet's complaint to the Arch-Duke againſt him, fled to Madrid; my Lord obſerving that it was impoſſible to have Juſtice done againſt him from the Catholique King becauſe of the Jeſuites, puts his Couſin George Digby upon cutting him; which he did over his Noſe and Mouth wherewith he offended, ſo that he carried the mark of his Blaſphemy to his Grave. 3. When he was extraordinary Embaſſador in Germany, upon his return by Heydelbergh, obſerving that Count Mansfield's Army, upon whom depended the fortune of the Palſgrave, was like to disband for want of money, he pawned all his Plate and Jewels to buoy up that ſinking Cauſe for that time. That his ſpirit was thus great abroad, was his honour; but that it was too great at home, was his unhappineſs: for he engagaged in a fatal Contraſt with the Duke of Buckingham, that hazarded both their ſafeties, had not this Lord feared the Duke's power (as the Duke this Lord's policy) and ſo at laſt it became a drawn Battle betwixt them; yet ſo, that this Earl loſt the love of King Charles, living many years in his diſfavour: But ſuch as are in a Court-cloud, have commonly the Countreys Sun-ſhine; and this Peer during his Eclipſe, was very popular with moſt of the Nation. It is ſeldome ſeen, if a Favourite once broken at Court, ſets up again for himſelf; the hap (rather than happineſs) of this Lord, the King graciouſly reflecting on him at the beginning of the Long Parliament, as one beſt able to give him the ſafeſt Counſel in thoſe dangerous times. But how he incenſed the Parliament ſo far, as to be exceped pardon, I neither do know, nor dare enquire. Sure I am, that after the ſurrender of Exeter, he went over into France, where he met with that due reſpect in Foreign, which he miſſed in his Native Countrey. The worſt I wiſh ſuch, who cauſeleſly ſuſpect him of Popiſh inclinations (ſaith my Author) is, that I may hear from them but half ſo many ſtrong Arguments for the Proteſtant Religion, as I heard from him, who was to his commendation a cordial Champion for the Church of England. This Family hath been much talked of this laſt forty years; though all that I can ſay of it is this, that great ſpirits, large parts, high honours, penned within narrow Eſtates, ſeldome bleſſe their owners with moderation, or the places they live in with peace.

Oſervations on the Life of the Lord Spencer.

HEe was the fifth Knight of his Family, in an immediate ſucceſſion, well allied and extracted, being deſcended from the Spencers, Earls of Glouceſter and Wincheſter. In the firſt year of the Reign of King James, being a moneyed man, he was created Baron of Wormeleiton in the County of Warwick. He had ſuch a ready and quick Wit, that once ſpeaking in Parliament of the valour of their Engliſh Anceſtors in defending the Liberty of the Nation, returned this Anſwer to the Earl of Arundel, who ſaid unto him, Your Anceſtors were then keeping of Sheep; If they kept Sheep, yours were then plotting of Treaſon. But both of them were at preſent confined; but to the Lord Spencer the Upper-Houſe ordered Reparations, who was firſt and cauſeleſly provoked. This Lord was alſo he, who in the firſt of King James was ſent (with Sir William Dethick, principal King of Arms) to Frederick Duke of Wirtenbergh, elected into the Order of the Garter, to preſent and inveſt him with the Robes and Ornaments thereof; which were accordingly with geat ſolemnity performed in the Cathedral of Studgard.—And this was the Lord, that when the Earl of Briſtol charged the Duke of Buckingham, ſtarted up, and demanded; Is this all you have to ſay againſt the Duke? The Earl replyed, Yes my Lord, and I am ſorry it is ſo much. Then quoth the Lord Spencer, If this be all, Ridiculus mus; and ſo ſate down again.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of King James.

THE K. Charls. STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of King Charles I.

Obſervations on the Life of the Duke of Buckingham.

NAture beſtowed on him an exact comlineſs, his Mother a noble education (not ſo much to ſtudy, as converſe:) His Travels to France, carriage and experience. About which times, he falls into intrinſecal ſociety with Sir Job. Greham, then one of the Gentlemen of his Majeſties Privy-Chamber; who, I know not upon what Luminaries he eſpyed in his Face, diſſwaded him from Marriage, and gave him rather encouragement to wooe Fortune at Court, than court it in the City: Which advice ſank well into his fancy, for within ſome while, the King had taken by certain glances (whereof the firſt was at Apthorpe in a Progreſſe) ſuch liking of his Perſon, that he was reſolved to make him a Maſter-piece, and to mould him as it were Platonically to his own Idea. Neither was his Majeſty content onely to be the Architect of his Fortune, without putting his gracious hand likewiſe to ſome part of the work it ſelf; Inſomuch that it pleaſed him to deſcend, and to avale his goodneſſe, even to the giving of his foreſaid friend Sir John Greham ſecret directions, how, by what degrees he ſhould bring him into favour. His own parts and obſervation gained him prudence and diſcretion; His Family and Anceſtors in Leiceſter-ſhirt, gentility and repute; ſo that there wanted nothing but Intereſt to ſet him up a Courtier: Sir Thomas Compton, who had married his Mother, ſupplyed him with the one, and the Earls of Bedford, Pembrook, and Hertford, who would eclipſe Somerſet, helped him to the other: For thoſe three Lords meeting one night at Baynards-Caſtle, and commanding Somerſet's picture ſhould be abuſed in their way; next day Sir Thomas Lake leads him into Court, buying him the Cup-bearers place: A while after the Counteſs of Bedford uſhereth him to the Preſence-Chamber, entering him a Bed-chamber-man,—and the Earl of Pembrook ſupports him, untill he was a Favourite. The Courtiers wiſhed him well, becauſe he was an Engliſh-man; the Nobility favoured him, becauſe a Gentleman; the Ladies have a kindneſſe for him, becauſe the exacteſt Courtier in Chriſtendome; the King obſerves him much, for his compleat body, more for his pregnant parts; and the States-men now conſulting Somerſet's removal, and finding King James his good nature loth to leave the boſome of one Minion, until he had repoſed himſelf in another, made it their plot to advance him. His carriage was free and debonair; his paſſions even and ſmooth, and one ſaith, carried in his pocket; his nature noble and open; his temper induſtrious and inquiſitive; his intellectuals clear and capable; his minde tractable and docible; his ſpirit reſolute and undaunted.—The firſt month he comes to Court, he takes place above all his fellows; and being removed with ſome affront by a creature of Somerſet's, gives him a box on the car; an action that gave him and his friends a ſeaſonable occaſion of a Conteſt with Somerſet, and him a clear conqueſt over him: Somerſet as Chamberlain would have cut off his hand, and he as Favourite was like to have cut off his head. This new Favourite riſeth; all are weary of Somerſet the firſt Minion, all welcome the ſecond. The King is firſt his Tutor, and then his Patron, inſtructing him before he employed him. Three ſorts of ſtudies he engaged him in; the firſt was for delights in private Retyrements; the ſecond, for ornament in Diſcourſe; the third, for ability in Buſineſſe. He had Princely apprehenſions of the principles and Maximes of Government, a diſtinct notion of all his Affairs, an excellent way to make uſe of other mens Abilities; and theſe incomparable Rules from my Lord Bacon, which were tranſcribed in his Life.

Sir, In the firſt place, I ſhall be bold to put you Compleat Inſtructions for a States-man, given by L. B. to D. B. in minde of the preſent condition you are in; You are not onely a Courtier, but a Bed-chamber-man, and ſo are in the eye and eare of your Maſter; but you are alſo a Favourite; The Fourite of the time, and ſo are in his boſome alſo; The world hath ſo voted you, and doth ſo eſteem of you, (for Kings and great Princes, even the wiſeſt of them, have had their Friends, their Favourites, their Privadoes, in all ages; for they have their affections as well as other men) of theſe they make ſeveral uſes: ſometimes to communicate and debate their thoughts with them, and to ripen their judgements thereby; ſometimes to eaſe their cares by imparting them; and ſometimes to interpoſe them between themſelves and the envy or malice of their People (for Kings cannot erre, that muſt muſt be diſcharged upon the ſhoulders of their Miniſters; and they who are neareſt unto them muſt be content to bear the greateſt load.) Truly Sir, I do not believe or ſuſpect that you are choſen to this eminency, out of the laſt of theſe conſiderations; for you ſerve ſuch a Maſter, who by his wiſdome and goodneſſe, is as free from the malice or envy of his Subjects, as, I think I may ſay truly, ever any King was, who hath ſate upon his Throne before him: But I am confident, his Majeſty hath caſt his eyes upon you, as finding you to be ſuch as you ſhould be, or hoping to make you to be ſuch as he would have you to be; for this I may ſay without flattery, your outſide promiſeth as much as can be expected from a Gentleman. But be it in the one reſpect, or other, it belongeth to you to take care of your ſelf, and to know well what the name of a Favourite ſignifies: If you be choſen upon the former reſpects; you have reaſon to take care of your actions and deportment, out of your gratitude, for the King's ſake; but if out of the later, you ought to take the greater care, for your own ſake.

You are as a new riſen Star, and the eyes of all men are upon you; let not your own negligence make you fall like a Meteor.

The contemplation then of your preſent condition muſt neceſſarily prepare you for action; what time can be well ſpar'd from your attendance on your Maſter, will be taken up by ſuitors, whom you cannot avoid, nor decline, without reproach; for if you do not already, you will ſoon finde the throng of ſuitors attend you; for no man, almoſt, who hath to do with the King, will think himſelf ſafe, unleſſe you be his good Angel, and guide him, or, or leaſt, that you be not a Malus Genius againſt him; ſo that, in reſpect of the King your Maſter, you muſt be very wary, that you give him true information; and if the matter concern him in his Government, that you do not flatter him; if you do, you are as great a Traytor to him in the Court of Heaven, as he that draws his ſword againſt him: and in reſpect of the Suitors which ſhall attend you, there is nothing will bring you more honour and more eaſe, then to do them what right in juſtice you may, and with as much ſpeed as you may; for believe it, Sir, next to the obtaining of the ſuit, a ſpeedy and a gentle denyal (when the caſe will not bear it) is the moſt acceptable to ſuitors; they will gain by their diſpatch, whereas elſe they ſhall ſpend their time and money in attending; and you will gain in the eaſe you will finde in being rid of their importunity. But if they obtain what they reaſonably deſired, they will be doubly bound to you for your favour: Bis dat qui cito dat; it multiplis the courteſie, to do it with good words, and ſpeedily.

That you may be able to do this with the beſt advantage, my humble advice is this; when ſuitors come unto you, ſet apart a certain hour in; day to give them audience: If the buſineſſe be light and eaſie, it may by word onely be delivered, and in a word be anſwered; but if it be either of weight, or of difficulty, direct the ſuitor to commit it to writing, (if it be not ſo already) and then direct him to attend for his anſwer at a ſet time to be appointed, which would conſtantly be obſerved, unleſſe ſome matter of great moment do interrupt it: when you have received the Petitions (and it will pleaſe the Petitioners well, to have acceſs unto you to deliver them into your own hand) let your Secretary firſt read them, and draw lines under the material parts thereof (for the matter, for the moſt part, lies in a narrow room.) The Petitions being thus prepared, do you conſtantly ſet apart an hour in a day to peruſe thoſe Petitions; and after you have ranked them into ſeveral files, according to the ſubject matter, make choice of two or three friends, whoſe judgements and fidelities you believe you may truſt in a buſineſs of that nature, and recommend it to one or more of them, to inform you of their opinions, and of their reaſons for, or againſt the granting of it; and if the matter be of great weight indeed, then it would not be amiſſe to ſend ſeveral Copies of the ſame Petition to ſeveral of your friends, the one not knowing what the other doth, and deſire them to return their anſwers to you by a certain time, to be prefixed in writing; ſo ſhall you receive an impartial anſwer, and by comparing the one with the other, you ſhall both diſcern the abilities and faithfulneſſe of your friends, and be able to give a judgement thereupon, as an Oracle. But by no means truſt not to your own judgement alone, for no man is •• niſcient; nor truſt onely to your ſervants, who may miſlead you, or miſ-inform you; by which they may perhaps gain a few crowns, but the reproach will lie upon your ſelf, if it be not rightly carried.

For the facilitating of your diſpatches, my advice is further, that you divide all the Petitions, and the matters therein contained, under ſeveral heads; which, I conceive, may be fitly ranked into theſe eight ſorts.

1. Matters that concern Religion, and the Church and Church-men. 2. Matters concerning Juſtice, and the Laws, and the profeſſors thereof. 3. Councellors, and the Council-Table, and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom. 4. Foreign Negotiations and Embaſſies. 5. Peace and War, both foreign and civil, and in that the Navy and Forts, and what belongs to them. 6. Trade at home and abroad. 7. Colonies, or foreign Plantations. 8. The Court, and Curiality.

And whatſoever will not fall naturally under one of theſe heads, believe me, Sir, will not be worthy of your thoughts, in this capacity we now ſpeak of. And of theſe ſorts, I warrant you, you will finde enough to keep you in buſineſs.

I begin with the firſt, which concerns Religion.

1. In the firſt place, be you your ſelf rightly perſwaded and ſetled in the true Proteſtant Religion, profeſſed by the Church of England; which doubtleſſe is as ſound and orthodox in the doctrine thereof, as any Chriſtian Church in the world.

2. In this you need not be a Monitor to your gracious Maſter the King; the chiefeſt of his Imperial Titles, is to be The Defender of the Faith; and his learning is eminent, not onely above other Princes, but above other men; be but his ſcholar, and you are ſafe in that.

3. For the Diſcipline of the Church of England, by Biſhops, &c. I will not poſitively ſay, as ſome do, that it's Jure Divino; but this I ſay, and think, 〈◊〉 animo, that it is the neereſt to Apoſtolical truth; and confidently I ſhall ſay, it is fitteſt for Monarchy of all others: I will uſe no other authority to you, than that excellent Proclamation ſet out by the King himſelf in the firſt year of his Reign, and annexed before the Book of Common Prayer; which I deſire you to read; and if at any time there ſhall be the leaſt motion made for Innovation, to put the King in minde to read it himſelf: It is moſt dangerous in a State to give ear to the leaſt alterations in Government.

4. Take heed, I beſeech you, that you be not an inſtrument to countenance the Romiſh Catholicks: I cannot flatter; the world believes that ſome near in blood to you are too much of that perſwaſion; you muſt uſe them with fit reſpects, according to the bonds of nature; but you are of kin, and ſo a friend to their perſons, not to their errors.

5. The Arch-Biſhops and Biſhops, next under the King, have the government of the Church and Eccleſaſtical affairs; be not you the mean to prefer any to thoſe places, for any by-reſpects, but onely for their learning, gravity and worth; their lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary.

6. For Deans, and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches: In their firſt inſtitution they were of great uſe in the Church; they were not onely to be of Council with the Biſhop for his revenue, but chiefly for his Government in cauſes Eccleſiaſtical; uſe your beſt means to prefer ſuch to thoſe places who are fit for that purpoſe, men eminent for their learning, piety, and diſcretion, and put the King often in minde thereof; and let them be reduced again to their firſt inſtitution.

7. You will be often ſollicited, and perhaps importuned to prefer Scholars to Church-Livings; you may further your friends in that way, caeteris peribus; otherwiſe, remember, I pray, that theſe are not places meerly of favour, the charge of ſouls lies upon them; the greateſt account whereof will be required at their own hands; but they will ſhare deeply in their faults who are the inſtruments of their preferment.

8. Beſides the Romiſh Catholicks, there is a generation of Sectaries, the Anabaptiſts, Browniſts, and others, of their kinds; they have been ſeveral times very buſie in this Kingdom, under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion: The King your Mr. knows their diſpoſition very well; a ſmall touch will put him in minde of them; he had experience of them in Scotland, I hope he will beware of them in England; a little countenance or connivance ſets them on fire.

9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church, are not onely comely but commendable; but th •• muſt be great care, not to introduce Innovatio 〈…〉 they will quickly prove ſcandalous: men are 〈…〉 rally over-prone to ſuſpition; the true Pr 〈…〉 Religion is ſeated in the golden mean; the 〈◊〉 unto her, are the extreams on either • and.

10. The perſons of Church-men are to be 〈◊〉 in due reſpect, for their words-ſake, and protected from ſcorn: but if a Clergy-man be looſe and 〈…〉 dalous, he muſt not be patroniz'd nor wink't at; the example of a few ſuch, corrupt many.

11. Great care muſt be taken, that the patrimony of the Church be not ſacrilegiouſly diverted 〈◊〉 lay-uſes: His Majeſty in his time hath religio 〈…〉 ſtopped a leak that did much harm, and would 〈◊〉 have done more. Be ſure, as much as in you lyes, ſtop the like upon all occaſions.

12. Colledges and Schools of Learning are to be cheriſhed and encouraged, thereto breed up a 〈◊〉 ſtock to furniſh the Church and Common-wealth, when the old ſtore are tranſplanted. This Kingdom hath in later ages been famous for good literature; and if preferment ſhall attend the deſervers, there will not want ſupplies.

Next to Religion, let your care be to promote Juſtice. By juſtice and mercy is the Kings thro •• eſtabliſhed.

1. Let the rule of Juſtice be the Laws of the Land, an impartial arbiter between the King and his people, and between one Subject and another: I ſhall not ſpeak ſuperlatively of them, left I be ſu • pected of partiality, in regard of my own profeſſion; but this I may truly ſay, they are ſecond to none in the Chriſtian world.

2. And, as far as it may lie in you, let no Arbitrary power be intruded: the people of this Kingdome love the Laws thereof, and nothing will oblige them more, then a confidence of the free enjoying of them. What the Nobles, upon an occaſions once ſaid in Parliament, Nolumus leges Anglia mutari, is imprinted in the hearts of all the people.

3. But becauſe the life of the Laws lies in the due execution and adminiſtration of them, let your eye be in the firſt place, upon the choice of good Judges: Theſe properties had they need to be furniſhed with; To be learned in their profeſſion, patient in hearing, prudent in governing, powerful in their elocution to perſwade & ſatisfie both the parties and • earers, juſt in their judgement; and, to ſum up all, they muſt have theſe three Attributes; They muſt be men of courage, fearing God, and bating covet 〈…〉 e; An ignorant man cannot, a Coward dares not be a good Judge.

4. By no means be you perſwaded to interpoſe your ſelf, either by word or letter, in any cauſe depending, or like to be depending in any Court of Juſtice, nor ſuffer any other great man to do it where you can hinder it; and by all means diſſwade the King himſelf from it, upon the importunity of 〈◊〉 for themſelves or their friends: If it ſhould prevail, it perverts Juſtice; but if the Judge be ſo juſt, and of ſuch courage (as he ought to be) as not to be enclined thereby, yet it always leaves a 〈◊〉 of ſuſpition behind it. Judges muſt be as chaſte as Caeſar's Wife, neither to be, nor to be ſuſpected to be, unjuſt; and Sir, the honour of the Judges in their judicature, is the Kings honour whom they repreſent.

5. There is great uſe of the ſervice of the Judges in their Circuits, which are twice in the year held throughout the Kingdome; the tryal of a few cauſes between party and party, or delivering of the Gaols in ſeveral Counties, are of great uſe for the expedition of juſtice; yet they are of much more uſe for the government of the Counties through which they paſs, if that were well thought upon.

6. For if they had inſtructions to that purpoſe, they might be the beſt intelligencers to teh King, of the true ſtate of his whole Kingdome, of the diſpoſition of the people, of their inclinations, of their intentions and motions, which are neceſſary to be truly underſtood.

7. To this end, I could wiſh, that againſt every Circuit all the Judges ſhould, ſometimes by the K. himſelf, and ſometimes by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, in the King's name, receive a charge of thoſe things which the preſent times did much require; and at their return ſhould deliver a faithful account thereof, and how they found and left the Counties through which they paſſed, and in which they kept their Aſſizes.

8. And that they might the better perform this work, which might be of great importance, it will not be amiſs that ſometimes this charge be publick, as it uſeth to be in the Star-Chamber at the end of the Terms next before the Circuit begins, where the King's care of juſtice, and the good of his people, may be publiſhed; and that ſometimes alſo it may be private, to communicate to the Judges ſome things not ſo fit to be publickly delivered.

9. I could wiſh alſo that the Judges were directed to make a little longer ſtay in a place than uſually they do; a day more in a County would be a very good addition, (although their wages for their Circuits were increaſed in proportion) it would ſtand better with the gravity of their employment; whereas now they are ſometimes enforced to riſe over-early, and to ſit over-late, for the diſpatch of their buſineſſe, to the extraordinary trouble of themſelves and of the people, their times indeed not being • orae juridic • ; And, which is the main, they would have the more leiſure to inform themſeves (quaſi aliud agentes) of the true eſtate of the Country.

10. The attendence of the Sheriffs of the Counties, accompanied with the principal Gentlemen, in a comely, not a coſtly equipage, upon the Judges of Aſſize at their coming to the place of their ſitting, and at their going out, is not onely a civility, but of uſe alſo: It raiſeth a reverence to the perſons and places of the Judges, who coming from the King himſelf on ſo great an errand, ſhould not be neglected.

11. If any ſue to be made a Judge, for my own part, I ſhould ſuſpect him; but if either directly or indirectly he ſhould bargain for a place of judicature, let him be rejected with ſhame: vendere jure poteſt, em • rat ille prius.

12. When the place of a chief Judge of a Court becomes vacant, a puiſne Judge of that Court, or of another Court, who hath approved himſelf fit and deſerving, would be ſometimes preferred; it would be a good encouragement for him, and for others, by his example.

13. Next to the Judge, there would be care uſed in the choice of ſuch as are called to the degree of Ser jeants at Law (for ſuch they muſt be firſt, before they be made Judges) none ſhould be made Ser jeants, but ſuch as probably might be held fit to be Judges afterwards, when the experience at the Barr hath fitted them for the Bench: Therefore by all means cry down that unworthy courſe of late times uſed, that they ſhould pay moneys for it. It may ſatisfie ſome Courtiers, but it is no honou • to the perſon ſo preferred, nor to the King, who thus prefers him.

14. For the Kings Counſel at the Law, eſpecially his Attorney and Solicitor General, I need ſay nothing; their continual uſe for the Kings ſervice, not onely for his Revenue, but for all the parts of his Government, will put the King, and all thoſe who love his ſervice, in minde to make choice of men every way fit and able for that employment: they had need to be learned in their proſeſſion, and not ignorant in other things; and to be dexterous in thoſe affairs where of the diſpatch is committed to them.

15. The Kings Attorney of the Court of Ward • is in the true quality of the Judges; therefore what hath been obſerved already of Judges, which are intended principally of the three great Courts of Law at Weſtminſter, may be applied to the choice of the Attorney of this Court.

16. The like for the Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaſter, who partakes of both qualities, partly of a Judge of that Court, and partly of an Attorney General; for ſo much as concerns the proper • evenue of the Dutchy.

17. I muſt not forget the Judges of the four Circuits in the twelve Shires of Wales, who although they are not of the firſt magnitude, nor need be of the degree of the Coyf (onely the chief Juſtice of Cheſter, who is one of the number, is ſo) yet are they conſiderable in the choice of them, by the ſame rules as the other Judges are; and they ſometimes are, and fitly may be, tranſplanted into the higher Courts.

18. There are many Courts (as you ſee) ſome ſuperiour, ſome provincial, and ſome of a lower orb; It were to be wiſhed, and is fit to be ſo ordered, that every of them keep themſelves within their proper ſpheres. The harmony of juſtice is then the ſweeteſt, when there is no jarring about the juriſdiction of the Courts; which me-thinks wiſdome cannot much differ upon, their true bounds being for the moſt part ſo clearly known.

19. Having ſaid thus much of the Judges, ſomewhat will be fit to put you in minde concerning the principal Miniſters of Juſtice: and in the firſt, of the High Sheriffs of the Counties, which have been very ancient in this Kingdome, I am ſure before the Conqueſt; The choice of them I commend to your care, and that at fit times you put the King in minde thereof; That as neer as may be they be ſuch as are fit for thoſe places, for they are of great truſt and power: The Poſſe Comitatus, the power of the whole County, being legally committed unto them.

20. Therefore it is agreeable with the intention of the Law, that the choice of them ſhould be by the commendation of the great Officers of the Kingdom, and by the advice of the Judges, who are preſumed to be well read in the condition of the Gentry of the whole Kingdom: And although the King may do it of himſelf, yet the old way is the good way.

21. But I utterly condemn the practice of the latter times, which hath lately crept into the Court (at the back-ſtairs) That ſome who are prick'd for Sheriffs, and were fit, ſhould get out of the Bill; and others who were neither thought upon, nor worthy to be, ſhould be nominated, and both for money.

22. I muſt not omit to put you in minde of the Lords Lieutenants, and Deputy-Lieutenants of the Counties: their proper uſe is for ordering the Military affairs, in order to an invaſion from abroad, or a rebellion or ſedition at home; good choice ſhould be made of them, and prudent inſtructions given to them, and as little of the Arbitrary power as may be left unto them; and that the Muſter-Maſters, and their Officers under them, incroach not upon the Subject; that will detract much from the King's ſervice.

23. The Juſtices of Peace are of great uſe; Antiently there were Conſervators of the peace, theſe are the ſame, ſaving that ſeveral Acts of Parliament have altered their denomination, and enlarged their juriſdiction in many particulars; The fitter they are for the peace of the Kingdome, the more heed ought to be taken in the choice of them.

24. But negatively, this I ſhall be bold to ſay, that none ſhould be put into either of thoſe Commiſſions with an eye of favour to their perſons, to give them countenance or reputation in the places where they live, but for the King's ſervice ſake; nor any put out for the disfavour of any great man: It hath been too often uſed, and hath been no good ſervice to the King.

25. A word more, if you pleaſe to give me leave, for the true rules of the moderation of Juſtice on the Kings part. The execution of juſtice is committed to his Judges, which ſeemeth to be the ſeverer part: but the milder part, which is mercy, is wholly left in the King's immediate hand: And Juſtice and Mercy are the true ſupporters of his Royal Throne.

26. If the King ſhall be wholly intent upon Juſtice, it may appear with an over-rigid aſpect; but if he ſhall be over-remiſs and eaſie, it draweth upon him contempt. Examples of Juſtice muſt be made ſometimes for terrour to ſome; Examples of Mercy, ſometimes, for comfort to others: the one procures fear, and the other love. A King muſt be both feared and loved, elſe he is loſt.

27. The ordinary Courts of Juſtice I have ſpoken of, and of their Judges and judicature; I ſhall put you in minde of ſome things touching the High Court of Parliament in England, which is ſuperlative; and therefore it will behove me to ſpeak the more warily thereof.

28. For the inſtitution of it, it is very antient in this Kingdom: It conſiſteth of the two Houſes, of Peers and Commons, as the Members; and of the King's Majeſty, as the head of that great body: By the King's authority alone, and by his Writs, they are aſſembled, and by him alone they are prorogued and diſſolved; but each Houſe may adjourn it ſelf.

29. They being thus Aſſembled, are more properly a Council to the King, the Councel of the Kingdome, to adviſe his Majeſty in thoſe things of weight and difficulty, which concern both the King and People, then a Court.

30. No new Laws can be made, nor old Laws abrogated or altered, but by common conſent in Parliament, where Bills are prepared and preſented to the two Houſes, and then delivered: but nothing is concluded but by the King's Royal aſſent; They are but Embroys, 'tis he giveth life unto them.

31. Yet the Houſe of Peers hath a power of Judicature in ſome caſes; properly, to examine, and then to affirm, or if there be cauſe, to reverſe the judgements which have been given in the Court of King's Bench, (which is the Court of higheſt juriſdiction in the Kingdome, for ordinary Judicature) but in theſe caſes it muſt be done by Writ of Error in Parliamento: And thus the rule of their proceedings is not abſoluta poteſtas, as in making new Laws (in that conjuncture as before) but limitata poteſt as, according to the known Laws of the Land.

32. But the Houſe of Commons have only power to cenſure the Members of their own Houſe, in point of election or miſdemeauors, in or towards that Houſe; and have not, nor ever had power, ſo much as to adminiſter an Oath to prepare a judgement.

33. The true uſe of Parliaments in this Kingdome is very excellent; and they would be often called, as the affairs of the Kingdom ſhall require; and continued ſo long as is neceſſary, and no longer, for then they be but burthens to the people, by reaſon of the priviledges juſtly due to the Members of the two Houſes and their Attendants; which their juſt rights and priviledges are religiouſly to be obſerved and maintained; but if they ſhould be unjuſtly enlarged beyond their true bounds, they might leſſen the juſt power of the Crown, it borders ſo near upon popularity.

34. All this while I have ſpoken concerning the Common Laws of England, generally, and properly ſo called, becauſe it is moſt general and common to almoſt all caſes and cauſes, both civil and criminal: But there is alſo another Law, which is called the Civil or Eccleſiaſtical Law, which is confined to ſome few heads; and that is not to be neglected: and although I am a profeſſor of the Common-Law, yet am I ſo much a lover of Truth and of Learning, and of my native Countrey, that I do heartily perſwade that the profeſſors of that Law, called Civilians (becauſe the Civil Law is their guide) ſhould not be diſcountenanced nor diſcouraged; elſe whenſoever we ſhall have o • ght to do with any foreign King or State, we ſhall be at a miſerable loſſe, for wa • t of Learned men in that profeſſion.

III. I come now to the conſideration of thoſe things which concern Councellors of State, The Council Table, and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdome, which are thoſe who for the moſt part furniſh out that honourable Board.

I. Of Councellors, there are two ſorts: The firſt, Conſiliarii • ati, (as I may term them) ſuch are the Prince of Wales, and others of the King's Sons (when he hath more;) of theſe I ſpeak no • , for they are naturally born to be Councellors to the KING, to learn the art of Governing betimes.

2. But the ordinary ſort of Councellors are ſuch as the King, out of a due conſideration of their worth and abilities, and withal, of their fidelities to his Perſon and to his Crown, calleth to be of Councel with him in his ordinary Government. And the Council-Table is ſo called, from the place where they ordinarily aſſemble and ſit together; and their Oath is the onely ceremony uſed, to make them ſuch, which is ſolemnly given unto them, at their firſt admiſſion: Theſe honourable perſons are from thenceforth of that Board and Body: They cannot come untill they be thus called, and the King at his pleaſure may ſpare their attendance; and he may diſpenſe with their preſence there, which at their own pleaſure they may not do.

3. This being the quality of their ſervice, you will eaſily judge what care the King ſhould uſe, in his choice of them; It behoveth that they be perſons of great truſt and fidelity, and alſo of wiſdome and judgement, who ſhall thus aſſiſt in bearing up the King's Throne; and of known experience in publick affairs.

4. Yet it may not be unfit to call ſome of young years, to train them up in that Trade, and ſo fit them for thoſe weighty affairs, againſt the time of greater maturity; and ſome alſo for the honour of their perſons: But theſe two ſorts not to be tyed to ſo ſtrict attendance, as the others from whom the preſent diſpatch of buſineſs is expected.

5. I could wiſh that their number might not be ſo over-great, the perſons of the Councellors would be the more venerable. And I know that Queen Elizabeth, in whoſe time I had the happineſſe to be born, and to live many years, was not ſo much obſerved, for having a numerous, as a wiſe, Councel

6. The duty of a Privy-Councellor to a King, I conceive, is, not onely to attend the Councel-board, at the times appointed, and there to conſult of what ſhall be propounded; But alſo to ſtudy thoſe things which may advance the King's honour and ſafety, and the good of the Kingdome, and to communicate the ſame to the King, or to his fellow Councellors, as there ſhall be occaſion. And this, Sir, will concern you more then others, by how much you have a larger ſhare in his affections.

7. And one thing I ſhall be bold to deſire you to recommend to his Majeſty: That when any new thing ſhall be propounded to be taken into conſideration, that no Counſellor ſhould ſuddenly deliver any poſitive opinion thereof; it is not ſo eaſie with all men to retract their opinions, although there ſhall be cauſe for it: But onely to hear it, and at the moſt but to break it, at firſt, that it may be the better underſtood againſt the next meeting.

8. When any matter of weight hath been debated, and ſeemeth to be ready for a reſolution; I wiſh it may not be at that ſitting concluded (unleſs the neceſſity of the time preſs it) leſt upon ſecond cogitations there ſhould be cauſe to alter, which is not for the gravity and honour of that Board.

9. I wiſh alſo that the King would be pleaſed ſometimes to be preſent at that Board, it adds a Majeſty to it: And yet not to be too frequently there, that would render it leſſe eſteemed when it is become common; Beſides, it may ſometimes make the Councellors not to be ſo free in their debates in his preſence, as they would be in his abſence.

10. Beſides the giving of Counſel, the Councellors are bound by their Duties ex vi termini, as well as by their Oaths, to keep counſel; therefore are they called de Privato Conſilio Regis, & à ſeeretioribus conſili •• Regis.

11. One thing I add, in the negative, which is not fit for that Board, the entertaining of private cauſes, of meum & tuum; thoſe ſhould be left to the ordinary courſe and Courts of Juſtice.

12. As there is great care to be uſed for the Councellors themſelves to be choſen, ſo there is of the Clerks of the Council alſo, for the ſecreting of their Couſultations; and methinks, it were fit that his Majeſty be ſpeedily moved, to give a ſtrict charge, and to binde it with a ſolemn order (if it be not already ſo done) that no copies of the orders of that Table be delivered out by the Clerks of the Councel, but by the order of the Board; nor any not being a Councellor, or a Clerk of the Councel, or his Clerk, to have acceſſe to the Councel-Books: and to that purpoſe, that the ſervants attending the Clerks of the Councel be bound to ſecrecy, as well as their Maſters.

13. For the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdome, I ſhall ſay little; for the moſt of them are ſuch, as cannot well be ſevered from the Councellorſhip; and therefore the ſame rule is to be obſeved for both, in the choice of them: In the general, onely, I adviſe this, let them be ſet in thoſe places for which they are probably the moſt fit.

14. But in the quality of the perſons, I conceive it will be moſt convenient to have ſome of every ſort, (as in the time of Queen Elizabeth it was) one Biſhop at the leaſt, in reſpect of queſtions touching Religion, or Church-Government; one or more skilled in the Laws; ſome for Martial affairs, and ſome for Foreign affairs: By this mixture one will help another, in all things that ſhall there happen to be moved: But if that would fail, it will be a ſafe way, to conſult with ſome other able perſons well verſed in that point which is the ſubject of their Conſultation, which yet may be done ſo warily, as may not diſcover the main end therein.

IV. In the next place, I ſhall put you in minde of the Foreign Negotiations and Embaſſies, to or with Foreign Princes or States, wherein I ſhall be little able to ſerve you.

1. Onely I will tell you what was the courſe in the happy dayes of Queen Elizabeth, whom it will be no diſ-reputation to follow: She did vary, according to the nature of the employment, the quality of the perſons ſhe employed; which is a good rule to go by.

2. If it were an Embaſſy of Gratulation or Ceremony (which muſt not be neglected) choice was made of ſome noble perſon, eminent in place, and able in purſe, and he would take it as a mark offavour, and diſcharge it without any great burthen to the Queen's Coffers, for his owne honours ſake.

3. But if it were an Embaſſie of weight, concerning affairs of State, choice was made of ſome ſad perſon of known judgement, wiſdome and experience, and not of a young man, not wayed in Statematters; nor of a meer formal man, whatſoever his title or outſide were.

4. Yet in company of ſuch, ſome young towardly Noblemen or Gentlemen were uſually ſent alſo, as Aſſiſtants or Attendants, according to the quality of the perſons, who might be thereby prepared and fitted for the like employment, by this means, at another turn.

5. In their company were alwayes ſent ſome grave and ſad men, skilful in the Civil Laws, and ſome in the Languages, and ſome who had been formerly converſant in the Courts of thoſe Princes, and knew their wayes; theſe were Aſſiſtants in private, but not truſted to manage the Affairs in publick; that would detract from the honour of the principal Embaſſador.

6. If the Negotiation were about Merchants affairs, then were the perſons employed for the moſt part Doctors of the Civil Law, aſſiſted with ſome other diſcreet men; and in ſuch the charge was ordinarily defrayed by the Company or Society of Merchants, whom the Negotiation concerned.

7. If Legier Embaſſadors or Agents were ſent to remain in or neer the Courts of thoſe Princes or States (as it was ever held fit, to obſerve the motions, and to hold correſpondency with them, upon all occaſions) ſuch were made choice of, as were preſumed to be vigilant, induſtrious, and diſcreet men, and had the language of the place whither they were ſent; and with theſe were ſent ſuch as were hopeful to be worthy of the like employment at another time.

8. Their care was, to give true and timely Intelligence of all Occurrences, either to the Queen her ſelf, or the Secretaries of State, unto whom they had their immediate relation.

9. Their charge was always born by the Queen, duly paid out of the Exchequer, in ſuch proportion, as, according to their qualities and places might give them an honourable ſubſiſtence there: But for thereward of their ſervice, they were to expect it upon their return, by ſome ſuch preferment as might be worthy of them, and yet be little burthen to the Queens Coffers or Revenues.

10. At their going forth, they had their general Inſtructions in writing, which might be communicated to the Miniſters of that State whither they were ſent; and they had alſo private Inſtructions, upon particular occaſions; and at their return, they did always render an account of ſome things to the Queen her ſelf, of ſome things to the body of the Council, and of ſome others to the Secretaries of State, who made uſe of them, or communicated them, as there was cauſe.

11. In thoſe days there was a conſtant courſe held, that by the advice of the Secretaries, or ſome principal Councellors, there were always ſent forth into ſeveral parts beyond the Seas ſome young men, of whom good hopes were conceived of their towardlineſſe, to be trained up, and made fit for ſuch publick Employments, and to learn the Languages. This was at the charge of the Queen, which was not much, for they travelled but as private Gentlemen; and as by their induſtry their deſerts did appear, ſo far were they further employed or rewarded. This courſe I ſhall recommend unto you, to breed up a Nurſery of ſuch publick Plants.

V. For Peace and War, and thoſe things which appertain to either; I in my own diſpoſition and profeſſion am wholly for peace, if pleaſe God to bleſſe the Kingdom therewith, as for many years paſt he hath done: and,

1. I preſume I ſhall not need to perſwade you to the advancing of it; nor ſhall you need to perſwade the King your Maſter therein, for that he hath hither to been another Solomon in this our Iſrael; and the Motto which he hath choſen (Beati Pacifici) ſhews his own judgement: But he muſt uſe the means to preſerve it, elſe ſuch a jewel may be loſt.

2. God is the God of Peace (it is one of his Artributes) therefore by him alone we muſt pray, and hope to continue it: there is the foundation.

3. And the King muſt not neglect the juſt ways for it; Juſtice is the beſt Protector of it at home, and providence for War is the beſt prevention of it from abroad.

4. Wars are either Foreign or Civil; for the Foreign War by the King upon ſome neigbour Nation, I hope we are ſecure; the King, in his juſt and pious diſpoſition, is not inclinable thereunto; his Empire is long enough, bounded with the Ocean, as if the very ſituation thereof had taught the King and People to ſet up their reſts, and ſay, Ne plus ultra.

5. And for a war of invaſion from abroad; onely we muſt not be over-ſecure, that's the way to invite it.

6. But if we be always prepared to receive an Enemy, if the ambition or malice of any ſhould incite him, we may be very confident we ſhall long live in peace and quietneſſe, without any attempt upon us.

7. To make the preparations hereunto the more aſſured: In the firſt place, I will recommend unto you the care of our out-work, the Navy Royal and Shipping of our Kingdome, which are the walls thereof; and every great Ship is as an impregnable ſort; and our many ſafe and commodious Ports and Havens in every of theſe Kingdomes, are as the redoubts to ſecure them.

8. For the body of the Ships, no Nation of the world doth equal England, for the Oaken Timber where with to build them; and we need not borrow of any other, iron for Spikes, or Nails to faſten them together: but there muſt be a great deal of providence uſed, that our Ship-Timber be not unneceſſarily waſted.

9. But for Tackling, as Sails and Cordage, we are beholden to our neighbours for them, and do buy them for our money; that muſt be foreſeen and layd up in ſtore againſt a time of need, and not ſought for when we are to uſe them: But we are much too blame, that we make them not at home, onely Pitch and Tar we have not of our own.

10. For the true Art of building of Ships, for burthen and ſervice both, no Nation in the world exceeds us: Ship-wrights and all other Artizans belonging to that Trade muſt be cheriſhed and encouraged.

11. Powder and Ammunition of all ſorts we can have at home, and in exchange for other home commodities we may be plentifully ſupplied from our Neighbours, which muſt not be neglected.

12. With Mariners and Seamen this Kingdom is plentifully furniſhed, the conſtant Trade of Merchandizing will furniſh us at a need; and navigable Rivers will repair the ſtore, both to the Navy Royal, and to the Merchants, if they be ſet on work, and well payed for their labour.

13. Sea-Captains and Commanders, and other Officers muſt be encouraged, and riſe by degrees, as their fidelity and induſtry deſerve it.

14. Our ſtrict League of amity and alliance with our neere Neighbours the Hollanders is a mutual ſtrength to both; the ſhipping of both, in conjuncture, being ſo powerful, by Gods bleſſing, as no Foreigners will venture upon; This League and Friendſhip muſt inviolably be obſerved.

15 From Scotland we have had in former times ſome Alarms and Inrodes into the Northern parts of this Kingdome; but that happy union of both Kingdomes under one Soveraign, our gracious King, I hope, hath taken away all occaſions of breach between the two Nations; let not the cauſe ariſe from England, and I hope the Scots will not adventure it; or if they do, I hope they will finde, that although to our King they were his firſt-born Subjects, yet to England belongs the birth-right: But this ſhould not be any cauſe to offer any injury to them, nor to ſuffer any from them.

16. There remains then no danger, by the bleſſing of God, but a Civil War, from which God of his mercy defend us, as that which is moſt deſperate of all others. The Kings wiſdome and juſtice muſt prevent it, if it may be; or if it ſhould happen, quod abſit, he muſt quench that wilde-fire with all the diligence that poſſible can be.

17. Competition to the Crown, there is none, nor can be; therefore it muſt be a fire within the bowels, or nothing, the cures whereof are theſe; Remedium praeveniens, which is the beſt phyſick either to a natural bod, or to a State, by juſt and equal Government to take away the occaſion; and Remedium puniens, if the other prevail not: The ſervice and vigilance of the Deputy-Lieutenants in every County, and of the high- • heriff, will contribute much herein to ou • ſecurity.

18. But if that ſhould not prevail, by a wiſe and timous inquiſition, the peccant humours and humoriſts muſt be diſcovered, and purged, or cut off; mercy in ſuch a caſe, in a King, is truly cruelty.

19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off, and the miſ-led multitude will ſee their errour, and return to their obedience, ſuch an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable.

20. A King, againſt a ſtorm, muſt fore-ſee, to have a convenient ſtock of treaſure: and neither be without money, which is the ſinews of War, nor to depend upon the courteſie of others, which may fail at a pinch.

21. He muſt alſo have a Magazine of all ſorts, which muſt be had from Foreign parts, or provided at home; and to commit them to ſeveral places, under the cuſtody of truſty and faithfull Miniſters and Officers, if it be poſſible.

22. He muſt make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War, either againſt a foreign invaſion, or a home-rebellion; which muſt not be young and giddy, which dare, not onely to fight, but to ſwear, and drink, and curſe; neither fit to govern others, nor able to govern themſelves.

23. Let not ſuch be diſcouraged, if they deſerve well, by miſ-information, or for the ſatisfying the humours or ambition of others, perhaps out of envy, perhaps out of treachery, or other ſiniſter ends: A ſteady hand in governing of Military Affairs, is more requiſite then in times of peace, becauſe an errour committed in war, may perhaps prove irremediable.

24. If God ſhall bleſſe theſe endeavours, and the King return to his own houſe in peace, when a Civil War ſhall be at an end, thoſe who have been found faithful in the Land muſt be regarded, yea, and rewarded alſo; the traiterous, or treacherous, who have miſled others, ſeverely puniſh'd; and the neutrals, and falſe-hearted friends and followers, who have ſtarted afide like a broken bow, be noted, Carbone nigro; and ſo I ſhall leave them, and this part of the work.

VI. I come now to the ſixth part, which is Trade, and that is either at home, or abroad. And I begin with that which is at home; which enableth the Subjects of the Kingdom to live, and layeth a foundation to a foreign Trade by traffique with others, which enableth them to live plentifully and happily.

1. For the Home-trade, I firſt commend unto your conſideration the encouragement of Tillage, which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives, and to ſpare for exportation: And I my ſelf have known, more than once, when in times of dearth, in Queen Elizabeth's days, it drained much coin of the Kingdom, to furniſh us with Corn from foreign parts.

2. Good Husbands will finde the means by good husbandry, to improve their lands by Lime, Chalk, Marl, or Sea-ſand, where it can be had: But it will not be amiſs, that they be put in minde thereof, and encouraged in their induſtries.

3. Planting of Orchards in a ſoil and air fit for them, is very profitable, as well as pleaſureable; Sider and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-voyages.

4. Gardens are alſo very profitable, if planted with Artichokes, roots, and ſuch other things as are fit for food; whence they are called Kitchingardens, and that very properly.

5. The planting of Hop-yards, ſowing of Woad, and Rape-ſeed, are found very profitable for the Planters, in places apt for them, and conſequently profitable for the Kingdome, which for divers years was furniſhed with them from beyond the Seas.

6. The planting and preſerving of Woods, eſpecially of Timber, is not onely profitable, but commendable, therewith to furniſh poſterity, both for building and ſhipping.

7. The Kingdom would be much improved, by draining of drowned lands, and gaining that in from the over-flowing of ſalt waters and the ſea, and from freſh waters alſo.

8. And many of thoſe grounds would be exceeding fit for Dairies; which, being well houſwiv • d are exceeding commodious.

9. Much good land might be gained from Foreſts and Chaſes, more remote from the King's acceſs, and from other commonable places; ſo as always there be a due care taken, that the poor Commoners have no injury by ſuch improvement.

10. The making of navigable Rivers would be very profitable; they would be as ſo many indraughts of wealth, by conveying of commodities with eaſe from place to place.

11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdome, many places therein being as apt for it, as any Forreign parts.

12. But add hereunto, that it be converted into Linen-cloath, or Cordage, the commodity thereof will be multiplied.

13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdome, if they be converted into Manufactures.

14. Our Engliſh Dames are much given to the wearing of coſtly Laces; and, if they be brought from Italy, or France, or Flanders, they are in great eſteem; whereas, if the like Laces were made by the Engliſh, ſo much threed as would make a yard of Lace, being put into that Manufacture, would be five times, or perhaps ten, or twenty times the value.

15. The breeding of Cattel is of much profit, eſpecially the breed of Horſes, in many places, not onely for travel, but for the great ſaddle; the Engliſh Horſe, for ſtrength, and courage, and ſwiftneſſe together, not being inferiour to the horſes of any other Kingdome.

16. The Minerals of the Kingdom, of Lead, Tron, Copper, and Tynn eſpecially, are of great value, and ſet many able-bodied ſubjects on work; it were great pity they ſhould not be induſtriouſly followed.

17. But of all Minerals, there is none like to that of Fiſhing upon the coaſts of theſe Kingdomes, and the ſeas belonging to them: our Neighbors within half a days ſail of us, with a good winde, can ſhew us the uſe and value thereof; and, doubtleſſe there is ſea-room enough for both Nations, without offending one another; and it would exceedingly ſupport the Navy.

18. This Realm is much enriched, of late years, by the Trade of Merchandize which the Engliſh drive in Foreign parts; and, if it be wiſely managed, it muſt of neceſſity very much increaſe the wealth thereof; care being taken, that the exportation exceed in value the importation, for then the balance of Trade muſt of neceſſity be returned in Coin, or Bullion.

19. This would eaſily be effected, if the Merchants were perſwaded, or compelled to make their returns in ſolid commodities, and not too much thereof in vanity, tending to exceſs.

20. But eſpecially care muſt be taken, that Monopolies, which are the Cankers of all trading, be not admitted, under ſpecious colours of publick good.

21. To put all theſe into a regulation, if a conſtant Commiſſion to men of honeſty and underſtanding were granted, and well purſued, to give order for the managing of theſe things both at home and abroad, to the beſt advantage; and that this Commiſſion were ſubordinate to the Councel-board, it is conceived it would produce notable effects.

VII. The next thing is that of Colonies and Foreign Plantations, which are very neceſſary, as out-lets to a populous Nation, and may be profitable alſo, if they be managed in a diſcreet way.

1. Firſt, in the choice of the place; which requireth many circumſtances, as the ſituation neer the Sea, for the commodiouſneſs of an intercourſe with England, the temper of the Air and climate, as may beſt agree with the bodies of the Engliſh, rather inclining to cold, than heat; that it be ſtored with Woods, Mines, and Fruits, which are naturally in the place; that the ſoil be ſuch as will probably be fruitful for Corn, and other conveniencies, & for breeding of Cattel; that it hath Rivers, both for paſſage between place and place, and for fiſhing alſo, if it may be; that the Natives be not ſo many, but that there may be elbow-room enough for them, and for the Adventives alſo: All which are likely to be found in the Weſt-Indies.

2. It would be alſo ſuch as is not already planted by the Subjects of any Chriſtian Prince, or State, nor over-neerly neighbouring to their Plantation. And it would be more convenient, to be choſen by ſome of thoſe Gentlemen or Merchants which move firſt in the work, than to be deſigned unto them from the King; for it muſt proceed from the option of the people, elſe it ſounds like an Exile: ſo the Colonies muſt be raiſed by the leave of the King, and not by his command.

3. After the place is made choice of, the firſt ſtep muſt be, to make choice of a fit Governour, who although he have not the name, yet he muſt have the power of a Vice-Roy; and if the perſon who principally moved in the work be not fit for that truſt, yet he muſt not be excluded from command; but then his defect in the Governing part muſt be ſupplied by ſuch Aſſiſtants as ſhall be joyned with him, or as he ſhall very well approve of.

4. As at their ſetting out they muſt have their Commiſſion, or Letters Patents from the King, that ſo they may acknowledge their dependency upon the Crown of England, and under his protection; ſo they muſt receive ſome general inſtructions how to diſpoſe of themſelves when they come there, which muſt be in nature of Lawes unto them.

5. But the general Law, by which they muſt be guided and governed, muſt be the Common Law of England; and to that end it will be fit, that ſome man, reaſonably ſtudied in the Law, and otherwiſe qualified for ſuch a purpoſe, be perſwaded (if not thereunto inclined of himſelf, which were the beſt) to go thither as a Chancellor amongſt them, at firſt; and when the Plantation were more ſetled, then to have Courts of Juſtice there, as in England.

6. At the firſt planting, or as ſoon after as they can, they muſt make themſelves defenſible both againſt the Natives, and againſt Strangers; and to that purpoſe, they muſt have the aſſiſtance of ſome able Military man, and convenient Arms and Ammunition for their defence.

7. For the Diſcipline of the Church in thoſe parts, it will be neceſſary, that it agree with that which is ſetled in England; elſe it will make a Schiſm, and a rent in Chriſts Coat, which muſt be ſeamleſs: and, to that purpoſe, it will be fit, that by the King's ſupream power in. Cauſes Eccleſiaſtical, within all his Dominions, they be ſubordinate under ſome Biſhop and Biſhoprick of this Realm.

8. For the better defence againſt a common Enemy, I think it would be beſt, that Foreign Plantations ſhould be placed in one Continent, and neer together; whereas, if they be too remote the one from the other, they will be diſ-united, and ſo the weaker.

9. They muſt provide themſelves of houſes, ſuch as for the preſent, they can, and, at more leiſure, ſuch as may be better; and they firſt muſt plant for Corn and Cattel, &c. for food, and neceſſary ſuſtenance; and after, they may enlarge themſelves for thoſe things which may be for profit and pleaſure, and to traffique withal alſo.

10. Woods for ſhipping in the firſt place, may doubtleſſe be there had, and Minerals there found, perhaps, of the richeſt; howſoever, the Mines out of the fruits of the earth, and ſeas, and waters adjoyning, may be found in abundance.

11. In a ſhort time they may build Veſſels and Ships alſo for Traffique with the parts neer adjoyning, and with England alſo, from whence they may be furniſhed with ſuch things as they may want, and in exchange, or barter, ſend from thence other things, with which quickly, either by Nature, or Art, they may abound.

12. But theſe things would, by all means be prevented; That no known Bankrupt, for ſhelter; nor known Murderer, or other wicked perſon, to avoid the Law; nor known Heretick, or Schiſmatick, be ſuffered to go into thoſe Countreys; or, if they do creep in there, not to be harboured▪ or continued: elſe, the place would receive them naught, and return them into England, upon all occaſions, worſe.

13. That no Merchant, under colour of driving a Trade thither, or from thence, be ſuffered to work upon their neceſſities.

14. And that to regulate all theſe inconveniences, which will inſenſibly grow upon them, that the King be pleaſed to erect a ſubordinate Council in England, whoſe care and charge ſhall be, to adviſe, and put in execution, all things which ſhall be found fit for the good of thoſe new Plantations; who, upon all occaſions, ſhall give an account of their proceedings to the King, or to the Councel-board, and from them receive ſuch directions as may beſt agree with the Government of that place.

15. That the King's reaſonable profit be not neglected, partly, upon reſervation of moderate rents and ſervices; and partly upon Cuſtoms; and partly, upon importation and exportation of Merchandize; which, for a convenient time after the Plantation begin, would be very eaſie, to encourage the work; but, after it is well ſetled, may be raiſed to a conſiderable proportion, worthy the acceptation.

VIII. I come to the laſt of thoſe things which I propounded, which is, the Court, and Curiality.

The other did properly concern the King, in his Royal capacity, as Pater patriae; this more properly, as Paterfamilias: And herein,

1. I ſhall, in a word, and but in a word onely, put you in minde, That the King in his own perſon, both in reſpect of his Houſhold, or Court, and in reſpect of his whole Kingdom; (for a little Kingdom is but as a great Houſhold, and a great Houſhold, as a little Kingdom) muſt be exemplary, Regis ad exemplum, &c. But for this, God be praiſed, our charge is eaſie; for your gracious Maſter, for his Learning and Piety, Juſtice and Bounty, may be, and is, not onely a preſident to his own Subjects, but to foreign Princes alſo; yet he is ſtill but a man, and ſeaſonable Memento's may be uſeful; and being diſcreetly uſed, cannot but take well with him.

2. But your greateſt care muſt be, that the great men of his Court (for you muſt give me leave to be plain with you, for ſo is your injunction laid upon me) your ſelf in the firſt place, who is firſt in the eye of all men, give no juſt cauſe of ſcandal, either by light, or vaine, or by oppreſſive carriage.

3. The great Officers of the King's Houſhold had need be both diſcreet and provident perſons, both for his Honour, and for his Thrift: they muſt look both ways, elſe they are but half-ſighted: Yet in the choice of them, there is more latitude left to affection, than in the choice of Councellors, and of the great Officers of State, before touched, which muſt always be made choice of meerly out of judgement, for in them the Publick hath a great intereſt.

4. For the other Miniſterial Officers in Court (as, for diſtinction ſake, they may be termed) there muſt be alſo an eye unto them, and upon them; they have uſually riſen in the Houſhold by degrees, and it is a noble way, to encourage faithful ſervice: But the King muſt not binde himſelf to a neceſſity herein, for then it will be held ex debito; neither muſt he alter it, without an apparent cauſe for it: but to diſplace any who are in, upon diſpleaſure, which for the moſt part happeneth upon the information of ſome great man, is, by all means to be avoided, unleſſe there be a manifeſt cauſe for it.

5. In theſe things you may ſometimes interpoſe, to do juſt and good offices: but for the general, I ſhould rather adviſe, meddle little, but leave the ordering of thoſe Houſhold-affairs to the Whiteſtaff, which are thoſe honourable perſons, to whom it properly belongeth, to be anſwerable to the King for it; and to thoſe other Officers of the Greencloth, who are ſubordinate to them, as a kinde of Councel, and a Court of Juſtice alſo.

6. Yet for the Green-cloath Law, (take it in the largeſt ſenſe) I have no opinion of it, farther then it is regulated by the juſt Rules of the Common-Laws of England.

7. Towards the ſupport of his Majeſties own Table, and of the Princes, and of his neceſſary Officers, his Majeſty hath a good help by Purveyance, which juſtly is due unto him; and, if juſtly uſed, is no great burthen to the Subject; but by the Purveyors, and other under-Officers, is many times abuſed. In many parts of the Kingdome, I think it is already reduced to a certainty in money; and if it be indifferently and diſcreetly managed, it would be no hard matter to ſettle it ſo throughout the whole Kingdom; yet to be renewed from time to time, for that will be the beſt, and ſafeſt, both for the King, and People.

8. The King muſt be put in minde, to preſerve the Revenues of his Crown both certain, and caſual, without diminution, and to lay up treaſure in ſtore againſt a time of extreamity; empty Coffers give an ill found, and make the people many time forget their Duty; thinking that the King muſt be beholden to them for his ſupplies.

9. I ſhall by no means think it fit, that he reward any of his ſervants with the benefit of forfeitures, either by Fines in the Court of Star-Chamber, or High-Commiſſion Courts, or other Courts of Juſtice; or that they ſhould be farmed out, or beſtowed upon any, ſo much as by promiſe, before judgement given; it would neither be profitable, nor honourable.

10. Beſides matters of ſerious conſideration, in the Courts of Princes, there muſt be times for paſtimes and diſports: When there is a Queen, and Ladies of Honour attending her, there muſt ſometimes be Maſques, and Revels, and Enterludes; and when there is no Queen, or Princeſs, as now, yet at Feſtivals, and for entertainment of Strangers, or upon ſuch occaſions, they may be fit alſo: Yet care would be taken, that in ſuch caſes, they be ſet off more with wit and activity, then with coſtly and waſteful expences.

11. But for the King and Prince, and the Lords and Chivalry of the Court, I rather commend, in their turns and ſeaſons, the riding of the great Horſe, the Tilts, Barriers, Tennis, and Hunting, which are more for the health and ſtrength of thoſe who exerciſe them, than in an effeminate way to leaſe themſelves and others.

And now the Prince groweth up faſt to be a man, and is of a ſweet and excellent diſpoſition; it would he an irreparable ſtain and diſhonour upon you, having that acceſſe unto him, if you ſhould miſ-led him, or ſuffer him to be miſ-lead by any flattering Paraſites: The whole Kingdom hath a deep intereſt in his virtuous education; and if you, keeping that diſtance which is moſt fit, do humbly interpoſe your ſelf, in ſuch a caſe, he will one day give you thanks for it.

12. Yet Dice and Cards may ſometimes be uſed for recreation, when field-ſports cannot be had; but not to uſe it as a mean to ſpend the time, much leſs to miſ-pend the thrift of the Gameſters.

SIR, I ſhall trouble you no longer; I have run • over theſe things as I firſt propounded them; pleaſe you to make uſe of them, or any of them, as you ſhall ſee occaſion; or to lay them by, as you think beſt, and to add to them, as you daily may, out of your experience.

I muſt be bold again, to put you in minde of your preſent condition; you are in the quality of a Sen •• el; if you ſleep, and neglect your charge, you are an undone man, and you may fall faſter than you have riſen.

I have but one thing more to minde you of, which neerly concerns your ſelf; you ſerve a great and gracious Maſter, and there is a moſt hopeful young Prince, whom you muſt not deſert; it behoves you to carry your ſelf wiſely and evenly between them both: adore not ſo the riſing Son, that you forget the Father, who raiſed you to th • height; nor be you ſo obſequious to the Father, that you give juſt cauſe to the Son, to ſuſpect that you neglect him: But carry your ſelf with that judgement, as, if it be poſſible, may pleaſe and content them both, which, truly, I believe, will-be no hard matter for you to do; ſo may you live long beloved of both, which is the hearty prayer of

Your moſt obliged and devoted ſervant.

THeſe were his Rules, and this his practice: My Lord of Nottingham he bought nobly from the Admiralty; his Aſſiſtant, Vice-Admiral Maunſel, he entertained civilly, and procured that place for life, which he had onely during pleaſure. The Warden of the Cinque-ports reſigned his place ſeaſonably; the Maſter of the Horſe gave up his preferment and his life opportunely.—He advanced his Relations prudently, gratifying them, and fortifying himſelf: He made an excellent choice of Servants and Confederates; entertained the ableſt and moſt faithful Aſſiſtants: Doctor Williams and Dr. Laud were of his Council for the Church, Sir Francis Bacon for the State. From the firſt he received frequent Schedules of Perſons and Doctrines; from the other conſtant Tranſcripts of Rules and Intelligence: Never any man more conſtant to his approved friend, never any more fatal to his known Enemies: He was the inſtrument of all the Subjects ſervices to his Soveraign, and of his Sovereign's favours to his Subjects: no place was beſtowed without his knowledge; no action paſſed without his approbation; not an eminent man but depended on him, and was ſubordinate to him: His diſpatches were many, and pregnant teſtimonies that he was a great Maſter of his Time, and a greater of his Method and Affairs. Great he was indeed, and humble too, not raiſed by his preſent fortune above the ſenſe of his former: envied he was, not haud; applauded in the ſame Parliament for his ſervices, & declaimed againſt for his preferments; ever ſtudious of the Peoples Intereſt, which is the care if few Favourites; never happy in their love, which is the fate of all. He approved himſelf both to the declining Monarch, and the riſing, as having won himſelf not ſo much to their affections, which were alterable, as to their judgements, which were laſting; and made his preferment rather a matter of Intereſt, which is real, than of favour, which is perſonal: Looking on Somerſet laid at his feet, Briſtol and Williams brought on their knees, Carliſle and Pembrook beneath him, and Holland behinde him; and every man that would not owe his preferment to his favour, muſt owe his ruine to his frown. He was intruſted with the greateſt ſervice and ſecret in Spain, when he dived to the bottome of that Countreys policy, and the Intrigues of Europes Counſels; and could come off in the Match with Spain to the King and Kingdoms minde dexterouſly, when Sir Walter Aſton and my Lord of Briſtol were at a loſſe about it, to both their diſpleaſures, weakely, amidſt the open entertainment, and ſecret working of that place.—In his attendance on the King in Scotland as Counſellor of that Kingdome, he carried himſelf with ſingular ſweetneſſe and temper, as it behoved him, being now in 〈◊〉 your, and ſucceeding one of their own. They that cenſure his ſudden advancements and great prefements, conſider not, that

Certainly the hearts of great Princes, if they be conſidered as it were in Abſtract, without the neceſſity of States, and circumſtances of time, being beſides their natural Extent, moreover once opened and dilated with Affection, can take no full and proportionable pleaſure in the exerciſe of any narrow bounty. And albeit at firſt they give onely upon choice and love of the Perſon yet within a while themſelves likewiſe begin to love their givings, and to foment their deeds, no leſſe than Parents do their children.

Beſides that, by ſo long, and ſo private, and ſo various conſociation with a Prince of ſuch excellent nature, he had now gotten as it were two lives in his own Fortune and Greatneſſe; whereas otherwiſe the Eſtate of a Favourite is at the beſt but a Tenant at will, and rarely tranſmitted.

And the more notable, becauſe it had been without any viſible Eclipſe or Wane in himſelf, amidſt divers variations in others. How general his care, appears in that amidſt his more important Negotiations, he condeſcended to this noble act of charity to a Scholar and to Learning; which I muſt, for my part, celebrate above all his Expences. There was a collection of certain rare Manuſcripts exquiſtely written in Arabick, and ſought in the moſt remote parts, by the diligence of Erpenius the moſt excellent Linguiſt. Theſe had been left to the Widow of the ſaid Erpenius, and were upon ſale to the Jeſuites of Antwerp, liquoriſh Chapmen of ſuch Ware. Whereof the Duke getting knowledge by his worthy and learned Secretary, Doctor Maſon, interverted the bargain, and gave the poor Widow for them five hundred pounds, a ſum above their weight in ſilver, and a mixed act both of bounty and charity; the more laudable, being much out of his natural Element. Theſe were they, which after his death were as nobly preſented as they had been bought to Cambridge by his Dutcheſs, as ſoon as ſhe underſtood by the foreſaid Doctor her Lords intention to furniſh the ſaid Univerſity with other choice Collections from all parts at his own charge.

The Duke's Anſwers to his Appeachments, in number thirteen, I finde very diligently and civilly couched: and though his heart was big, yet they all ſavour of an humble ſpirit one way, and an equitable conſideration another, which could not but poſſeſſe every vulgar conceit, and ſomewhat allay the whole matter; that in the bolting and fifting of near fourteen years of ſuch power and favour, all that came out could not be expected to be pure, and white, and fine Meal, but muſt needs have withal among it a certain mixture of Padar and Bran in this lower age of humane fragility. Howſoever this tempeſt did onely ſhake; and not rent his Sails.

His defence againſt danger was noble, but his contempt of it nobler; for when Sir George Goring adviſed him onely to turn out of the ordinary road, He reſolved not to wave his way upon this reaſon, perhaps more generous then provident; That if, as he ſaid, he ſhould but once by ſuch a diverſion make his enemy believe he were afraid of danger, he ſhould never live without. And when his young Nephew the Lord Viſcount Fielding offered him another time to put on his Coat and blew Ribbon, while they paſſed through a Town where they apprehended ſome deſign againſt the Duke; He would not (as he ſaid) accept of ſuch an offer in that caſe from a Nephew, whoſe life be tendered as much as himſelf: But after ſome ſhort direction to his company, he rode on without perturbation of minde, though a drunken fellow laid hold of his Bridle under pretence of begging, to begin a tumult.

Neither (for ought I can Sir Hen. Wotton's life of the Duke of Buckingh. hear) was there any further enquiry into that practice, the Duke peradventure thinking it wiſdome not to reſerve diſcontentments too deep.

But in the middeſt of theſe little dangers, his Grace was not unmindful of his civil courſe, to caſt an eye upon the ways to win unto him ſuch as have been of principal credit in the lower houſe of Parliament; applying lenitives, or ſubducting from that part where he knew the Humours were ſharpeſt; amidſt which thoughts, he was ſurprized by a fatal ſtroke, written in the black book of Neceſſity. Whereof he was forewarned as well by his own as others apprehenſions, as appears by his laſt Addreſſes to the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, the Earl of Holland, and his ſacred Majeſty.

And certain it is, that ſome good while before, Sir Clement Throckmorton, a Gentleman then living, of grave judgement, had in a private conference adviſed him to wear a privy Coat; whoſe counſel the Duke received very kindly, but gave him this anſwer; That againſt any popular fury, a ſhirt of male would be but a ſilly defence; and as for any ſingle mans aſſault, he took himſelf to be in no danger.—So dark is Deſtiny. Since he is dead, he is charged;

1. For advancing his Relations; which yet was humanity in him, and not a fault.

2. For enriching himſelf; though as it is ſaid of that French Peer, he was rich onely in Obligations, his Eſtate being at the mercy of Suitors.

To his familiar Servants, ſo open-handed he was, though many of them ſo ungrateful as to deny relation unto him, either about his perſon in ordinary attendance; or about his affairs of State, as his Secretaries; or of Office, as his Steward; or of Law, as that worthy Knight whom he long uſed to ſolicite his Cauſes: He leſt all both in good Fortune: and, which is more, in good Fame: Things very ſeldom conſociated in the inſtruments of great Perſonages.

3. He had many Offices, but committed himſelf a moſt willing Pupil to the directions of ſuch as were generally thought fit to manage affairs of that nature, condeſcending to the meaneſt Arts, to a • apt himſelf to his employments.

4. He was not bookiſh, it's true; his Affairs forbad him ſtudy, yet had he a natural readineſſe to diſcourſe of all ſubjects; which wanted nothing towards applauſe, but the candor and benevolence of his hearers, whoſe diſ-ingenuity oft-times turned his moſt honeſt diſcourſes to accuſations; witneſſe that ebullition of his joy to his Majeſty in behalf of is People, which Sir John Eliot made Treaſon aagainſt them.

5. He was great indeed, but gentle and affable; inſomuch, that though his memory were a place ſo taken up with high thoughts, and unlikely to have any room for matters of ſo ſmall importance, he was ever known to entertain his younger acquaintance with much familiarity,—and all men with that civility, wherein was obſerved his peculiarity, happy bravery of deriving favours, and conferring them with ſo many noble Circumſtances, as the manner was as obliging as the matter, and mens underſtandings oft-times as much puzled as their gratitude.

6. He would intercede, it's confeſſed, for poor Malefactors, more out of his innate compaſſion, than any deſigne to obſtruct the courſe of Juſtice; believing doubtleſs (ſaith my Author) that hanging was the worſt uſe a man could be put to.

In fine, a Gentleman he was of that choice and curious make for exteriour ſhape, as if Nature had not in his whole frame drawn one line amiſs; nor was his Fabrick raiſed by ſoft and limber ſtuds, but ſturdy and virile. His intellectual gained him rather the opinion of a wiſe man, than of a wit. His skill in Letters very mean; for finding Nature more indulgent to him in the ornaments of the body, than of the minde, the tendency of his youthful Genius was rather to improve thoſe excellencies wherein his choice ſo lieity conſiſted, than to addict himſelf to moroſe and ſullen Bookiſhneſſe; therefore his chief exerciſes were, dancing, fencing, vaulting, and the like, as indications of ſtrenuous Agility; y 〈…〉 could he have foreſeen where all the Climacterie and motions of his Advance ſhould have terminated, that from no more than a meer Gentleman, it ſhould be his luck to vault into the dignity of a Duke, and truſt of a Privy-Counſellor, we may preſume his early ſtudies would not have caſt ſo much neglect upon a thing ſo important to him as a States-man, though not very faſhionable as a Courtier. The temperature of his minde was, as to moral habits, rather diſpoſed to good than bad; his deportment was moſt affable and debonair, a rare example in one raiſed ſo high and ſo ſpeedily: To his Relations liberal, firm to his friend, formidable to his enemy. He was a Courtier, and a young man, a profeſſion and age prone to ſuch deſires, as when they tend to the ſhedding of no man's blood, to the ruine of no Family, Humanity ſometimes connives at, though ſhe never approves. So that take him in his publick capacity (wherein onely he comes under our obſervation, which meddles not with mens private converſe or moralities any further then they are ſubſervient to their State-employments) we may ſay of him, as one doth of his Maſter; That in him the things we can wiſh, are fewer than thoſe we praiſe.

But be it for ever remembred, That the villain, whoſe deſpair of advancement made him careleſſe of his own life, and Maſter of this Lords, talked in his examination of a Sermon at St. Faiths, not his own Pariſh-Church, where he heard; That every man in a good cauſe might be Judge and Executioner of ſin; which he applied to himſelf. Whence raw diſcourſers in Divinity ſhould learn how prudently they ſhould preach; and itching hearers, how warily they ſhould hear.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir William Noy.

SIr William Noy, born in Cornwal, was bred in Lincolns-Inne, a moſt ſedulous Student, conſtantly converſant with ancient Writing, verifying his Anagram:

WILLIAM NOY, I moyl in Law.

He was for many years the ſtouteſt Champion for the Subjects Liberty, until King Charles entertained him to be his Attorney. The diſ-ingenuity of the Parliament, & his impendent neceſſity, would have put another Soveraign on extraordinary wayes: but to King Charles it was enough, they were illegal. No extreamity, though never ſo fatal, could provoke him to irregularities; yet what-ever wayes the Laws allowed, or Prerogative claimed, to ſecure a deſperate People, that would undo themſelves, he was willing to hearken to; therefore for a cunning man, the cunningeſt as ſuch a project of any within his three Dominions he ſends for his Attorney-General Noy, and tell him what he had in contemplation, bids him contrive the Mode, but a ſtatutable one, for defraying the expence: Away goeth the ſubtle Engineer, and at length,—from old Records bolts out an ancient common Precedent of raiſing a Tax for ſetting out a Navy in caſe of danger.

The King glad of the diſcovery, as Treaſure-trove, preſently iſſued out Writs, firſt to the Port-Towns within the Realm, declaring that the ſafety of the Kingdome was in danger (and ſo it was indeed) and therefore that they ſhould provide againſt a day prefixed twenty ſeven Ships of ſo many Tun, with Guns, Gun-powder, Tackle, and all other things neceſſary.

But this buſineſſe is no ſooner ripened, than the Author of it dyeth, Aug. 6. 1634. He was a man paſſing humorous, but very honeſt; clowniſh, but knowing; a moſt indefatigable plotter, and ſearcher of ancient Records, whereby he became an eminent inſtrument both of good and evill (and of which moſt, is a great queſtion) to the King's Prerogative: For during the times that Parliaments were frequent, he appeared a ſtout Patriot for the Common-wealth; and in the laſt was an active opponent in the differences concerning Tonnage and Poundage: But when the diſſolution of that was in ſome mens apprehenſions, the end of all; No ſooner did the King ſhew him the Lure of advancement, but quitting all his former Inclinations, he wheeled about to the Prerogative, and made amends with his future ſervice for all his former diſ-obligements.—This is ſomething ſmart; more to his advantage is that character Arch-Biſhop Laud gives him; That be was the beſt friend the Church ever had of a Lay-man, ſince it needed any ſuch (and indeed he was very vigilant over its Adverſaries, witneſs his early foreſight of the danger, and induſtrious proſecution of the illegality of the deſign of buying Impropriations ſet up by perſons no • well affected to the preſent conſtitution) and tha • of the Hiſtorian, that he loved to hear Dr. Preſton preach, becauſe he ſpake ſo ſolidly, as if be knew Gods will.—To which I add a paſſage from the mouth of one preſent thereat.

The Gold-ſmiths of London had (and in due time may have) a cuſtom once a year to weigh gold in the Star-Chamber, in the preſence of the Privy-Council and the King's Attorney. This ſolemn weighing by a word of Art they call the Pixe, and make uſe of ſo exact ſcales therein, that the Maſter of the Company affirmed, that they would turn with the two hundredth part of a grain. I ſhould be loth (ſaid the Attorney Noy, ſtanding by) that all my Actions ſhould be weighed in thoſe Scales; with whom all men concur that know themſelves: And this was the firſt evidence of his parts, and the occaſion of his reputation. Three Graſiers at a Fai • had left their money with their Hoſteſs while they went to Market;—one of them calls for the money, and runsaway;—the other two come upon the woman, and ſue her for delivering that which ſhe had received from the three, before the three came and demanded it.—The Cauſe went againſt the Woman, and Judgement was ready to be pronounced; when Mr. Noy being a ſtranger, wiſheth her to give him a Fee, becauſe he could not plead elſe; and then moves in Arreſt of Judgement, that he was retained by the Defendant, a • d that the caſe was this: The Defendant had received the money of the three together, and confeſ • eth was not to deliver it untill the ſame three demanded it; and therefore the money is ready, Let the three men come, and it ſhall be paid: a motion which altered the whole proceeding. Of which, when I hear ſome ſay it was obvious, I remember that when Columbus had diſcovered America, every one ſaid it was eaſie: And he one day told a company at Table where he was, that he could do a ſtranger thing than that diſcovery; he would make an Egge ſtand an end on a plain Table: the ſpeculatives were at a loſſe how it ſhould be done;—he knocks the Egg upon the end, and it ſtands: Oh! was that all, they cryed; Yes (ſaith he) this is all! and you ſee how hard a thing it is to conceive a thing in the Idea, which it's nothing to apprehend in the performance. I need ſay no more of this Gentleman, but that Sergeant Maynard will ſay to this hour, he roſe mainly at firſt by being looked upon as Mr. Noy's Favourite.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Savil.

THe methods of this Gentleman's advancement exactly parallel thoſe of his Countrey-man Sir Thomas Wentworth: Both had the ſame foundation of wealth and honour to build on; both had ſolid and ſtrong parts to act by; both began with Popularity in the Countrey, proceeded with activity in Parliaments;—accompliſhed themſelves with correſpondence all over the Nation: both eminent upon the Bench; both hoſpitable at home; both bountiful to Lecturers; both well skilled in, and ſtedfaſt to the great poynts of Prerogative and Liberty.—For the laſt whereof; they were ſo bold (as ſure either by carrying the Cauſe to oblige the People to themſelves, or by ſuffering for it to enrage them againſt the Government) that Sir R. Weſton made it his buſineſs to take off the one, and my Lord of Canterbury the other; which they did with ſuch ſucceſſe, that as my Lord Wentworth became a great Favourite, ſo the Lord Savile was an eminent Counſellor; onely finding that his young Neighbor had got the ſtart of him, he kept to one of his popular Principles always, viz. a reſtleſs impetuoſity towards Papiſts, againſt whom he made himſelf famous; 1. For a Diſputation procured by him in Drury-Lane (whither he brought Biſhop Ʋſher under the notion of a Countrey-Parſon; when the Jeſuites cryed, There was more Learning in that Parſon, than in all the men in England.) 2. For a project offered by him in Parliament:—For when they taking advantage of King Charles his wants, proffered to maintain five thouſand men to ſerve his Majeſty in Ireland, and a proportion of Ships to ſecure him in England, on condition of the free exerciſe of their Religion; Sir John interpoſed, That if the King were pleaſed but to call on the Recuſants to pay Thirds (legally due to the Crown) it would prove a way more effectual, and leſſe offenſive, to raiſe a maſſe of money: It being but juſt, that they who were ſo rich and free to purchaſe new Priviledges, ſhould firſt pay their old Penalties. When I read of a Lord Savile going privately to Scotland, 16 • 9. ſubſcribing to a Petition, with other moderate Lords, as they called them, containing the very ſenſe of the faction (inſomuch that it is obſerved, the City-Petition and theirs were couched in the ſame words) yet going to Oxford, and after all, being ſo turbulent there, that his Majeſty was feign to ſend him beyond Sea, where his Majeſty writes with his own hand, He doubts be will rather exchange his villany, than end it; I am almoſt of that wiſe mans minde, that there were no leſſe then 17 particular Deſigns ſet on foot by the promotion of the late Troubles; whereof though moſt, yet not all were carried on in Weſtminſter:—or to enforce ſomething more ſolid; that a King ſhould ſay as the Italian doth, If my Subject deceives me once, God forgive him; If a ſecond time, God forgive me; and the rather, becauſe it's fatal for Majeſtie to erre twice.

Oſervations on the Life of the Lord Biſhop Williams.

A Strong conſtitution made his parts, a ſtrict education improved them; unwearied was his induſtry, unexpreſſible his capacity: He never ſaw the book of worth he read not; he never forgot what he read; he never loſt the uſe of what he remembred: Every thing he heard or ſaw was his own; and what was his own, he knew how to uſe to the utmoſt: His extraction being Gentile, his Soul large and noble, his preſence and carriage comely and ſtately; his learning copious, his judgement ſtayed, his apprehenſion clear and ſearching, his expreſſion lively and effectual, his elocution flowing and majeſtick; his Proctorſhip, 1612. diſcovered him a perſon above his place; and his Lectures to his Pupils, above his preferment. Biſhop Vaughan firſt admitteth him to his Family, and then to his boſome; there his ſtrong Sermons, his exact government (under my Lord) his plentiful obſervation, his numerous acquaintance, made him my Lord Chancellor Egerton's friend, rather than his ſervant; his familiar, rather then his Chaplain. Never was there a more communicative Maſter to inſtruct, than my Lord Elſemere; never a more capable Scholar to learn, than Doctor Williams, who had inſtilled to him all neceſſary State-maximes while his old Maſter lived, and had bequeathed to him four excellent 1. Of the Prerogative Royal. 2. Priviledges of Parliament. 3. The proceedings in Chancery. 4. The power of the Star-Chamber. Books when his Maſter was dead: Theſe four books he preſented to King James the very ſame time that he offered himſelf to the Duke of Buckingham. The Excellent Prince obſerved him as much for the firſt gift, as the noble Duke did for the ſecond: the King and Duke made him their own, who they ſaw had made that excellent Book his. Willing was King James to advance Clergy-men, and glad to meet with men capable of Advancement. His two Sermons at Court made him Dean of Weſtminſter; his exact ſtate of the Earl of Somerſet's Caſe made him capable of, and the KING'S inclination to truſt his Conſcience in a Divines hand, fetled him in the Lord Keepers place actually, onely for three yeares to pleaſe the people (who were offended with his years, now but 34. and his calling a Divine:) but deſignedly for ever to ſerve his Majeſty. The Lawyers deſpiſed him at firſt, but the Judges admired him at laſt: and one of them ſaid, That never any man apprehended a Caſe ſo clearly, took in all the Law, Reaſon, and other Circumſtances more punctually, recollected the various Debates more faithfully, ſummed it up more compendiouſly, and concluded more judiciouſly and diſcreetly. For many of them might have read more than he, but none digeſted what they had read more ſolidly, none diſpoſed of their reading more methodically, none therefore commanded it more readily. He demurred ſeveral Orders, as that of my Lord Chancellor's pardon, the Earl Marſhal's Patent, &c. to let his Majeſty ſee his judgement; yet paſſed them, to let him ſee his obedience: He would queſtion the Dukes Order ſometimes diſcreetly, to let him know he underſtood himſelf; yet he would yield handſomely, to let him ſee he underſtood him: and indeed he had the admirable faculty of making every one of his actions carry prudence in the performance. Neceſſary it was, for one of his years and place to keep his diſtance, and avoid contempt; yet fatal was it to him to do ſo, and incur envy.—Well underſtood he the intereſt of all his places, and reſolutely he maintained them. What? ſaith he, ſhall the Liberties of Weſtminſter be infringed, when the chief Favourite is Steward, and the Lord Keeper Dean, and I the contemptible man that muſt be trampled on? When he was in trouble, what paſſion, what inſinuation, what condeſcention hath he at command? when petitioned to, how quickly he looked through men and buſineſs? how exactly would he judge, and how reſolutely conclude, without an immediate intimation from his Majeſty or the Duke! Many eyes were upon him, and as many eyes were kept by him upon others, being very watchful on all occaſions to accommodate all Emergencies, and meet with all humors-alwayes keeping men in dependance on the Duke, according to this intimation of his.—Cabal 287. Let him hold it, but by your Lordſhips favour, not his own power. A good way, had he been conſtant to it, the neglect whereof undid him; for deſigning the promotion of Doctor Price to the Arch-Biſhoprick of Armagh, he moved it to the Duke, who told him it was diſpoſed of to Doctor Ʋſher. Whereupon he went his own way to advance that man, and overthrew himſelf: For then his Lord let him feel what he had threatned my Lord Bacon when he advanced him; That if he did not owe his preferment alwayes to his favour, he ſhould owe his fall to his frown. The peremptorineſſe of his judgement rendered him odious; his compliance with Briſtol, ſuſpected; and his Sermon at King James his Funeral [his tryal rather than his preferment] obnoxious. His ſpirit was great to act, and too great to ſuffer. It was prudence to execute his decrees againſt all oppoſition while in power; it was not ſo, to bear up his miſcarriages againſt all Authority, while in diſgrace. A ſanguine complexion, with its reſolutions, do well in purſuit of ſucceſs: Phlegme and its patience do better in a retreat from miſcarriages. This he wanted, when [it may be, thinking fear was the paſſion of King Charles his Government as well as King James] he ſeconded his eaſie fall with loud and open diſcontents, and thoſe diſcontents with a chargeable defence of his ſervants that were to juſtifie them, and all with that unſafe popularity, invidious pomp, and cloſe irregularity, that layd him open to too many active perſons that watched him: Whether his ſtanding out againſt Authority, to the perplexing of the Government in the Star-Chamber in thoſe troubleſome times; his entertainment and favour for the Diſcontented and Non-conformiſts; his motions for Reformation and alteration in twelve things; his haſty and unlucky Proteſtation in behalf of the Biſhops, and following Actions in England and Wales, where it's all mens wonder to hear of his meruit ſub Parliamento, had thoſe private grounds and reaſons, that if he Biſhop could have ſpoke with the King but half an hour, he ſaid, would have ſatisfied him, the King of Kings onely knoweth, to whom he hath given, I hope, a better account than any Hiſtorian of his time hath given for him.

But I underſtand better his private inclinations, than his publick actions; the motions of his nature, than thoſe of his power; the conduct of the one being not more reſerved and ſuſpicious, than the effects of the other manifeſt, and noble: for not to mention his Libraries erected at St. John's and Weſtminſter, his Chappel in Lincoln-Colledge; the repairs of his Collegiate Church: his penſions to Scholars more numerous than all the Biſhops and Noble-mens beſides; his Rent-charges on all the Benefices in his Gift as Lord Keeper, or Biſhop of Lincoln, to maintain hopeful youth, according to the Statute in that caſe provided. Take this remarkable inſtance of his muni • icence; that when Du Moulin came over, he calleth his Chaplain, now the R. R. Father in God, John Lord Biſhop of Coventry and Lichfield, and telleth him, he doubted the good man was low, wiſhing him to repair to him with ſome money, and his reſpects, with aſſurance that he would wait upon him himſelf a • his fi • ſt lieſure.—The excellent Doctor rejoyneth, that he could carry him no leſſe than twenty pounds; the noble Biſhop replyeth, he named not the ſum • to ſound his Chaplains mind;—adding, that twenty pounds was neither fit for him to give, nor fo 〈…〉 the reverend Foreigner to receive. Carry him, ſaid he, an hundred pounds.

He is libelled by common ſame for unchaſte, though thoſe that underſtood the privacies and caſualties of his Infancy, report him but one degree removed from a Miſogoniſt, though to palliate 〈◊〉 infirmities; he was moſt compleat in Courtly addreſſes: the converſableneſſe of this Biſhop wi •• Women confiſted chiefly (if not onely) in his treatments of great Ladies and Perſons of honour, wherein he did perſonate the compleatneſs of co • teſie to that Sex; otherwiſe a woman was ſeldome ſeen in his houſe, which therefore had always mo 〈…〉 of Magnificence than Neatneſſe, ſometimes defective in the Punctilio's and Niceties of Daintineſſe lying lower than maſculine Cognizance, and as level for a womans eye to eſpy, as eaſie for her hand • to amend.

He ſuffereth for conniving at Puritans, out of hatred to Biſhop Laud; and for favouring Papiſts, o 〈…〉 of love to them:—Yet what-ever he offered Ki 〈…〉 James (when the Match went on in Spain) as 〈◊〉 Councellour, or what-ever he did himſelf as 〈◊〉 States-man; ſuch kindneſſe he had for our Litu • gy, that he tranſlated it at his own coſt into Spaniſh, and uſed it in the viſitation of Melvin when ſick, to his own peril, in the Tower; and ſuch reſolution for Epiſcopacy, that his late Majeſty of bleſſed memory ſaid once to him; My Lord, I commend you, that you are no whit daunted with all diſaſters, but are zealous in defending your Order.—Pleaſe it your Majeſty, replyed the Arch-Biſhop, I am a true Welſh-man, and they are obſerved never to run away till their General firſt forſakes them—No fear of my flinching, while your Majeſtie doth countenance our Cauſe.

His extraction was Gentile and Ancient, as appeared from his Anceſtors Eſtate; which was more than he could purchaſe without borrowing, when at once Lord Keeper, Biſhop of Lincoln, and Dean of Weſtminſter. His minde great and reſolute, inſomuch that he controuled all other advices to his laſt, to his loſſe in Wales:—and daunted Sir John Cook, as you may ſee in his character to his honour in England.

His warineſſe hath theſe arguments; 1. That he would not ſend the Seal to the King but under lock and key. 2. That being to depute one to attend in his place at the Coronation, he would not name his Adverſary, Biſhop Laud, to gratifie him; nor yet any other, to diſpleaſe the King; but took a middle way, and preſented his Majeſty a Liſt of the Prebendaries, to avoid any exception, referring the Election to his Majeſty himſelf. 3. That he propoſed a partial Reformation of our Church to the Parliament, to prevent an utter extirpation by it. 4. That he expoſed others to the cenſure of the Parliament 1625. to ſave himſelf. 5. That he anſwered to ſeveral Examinations without any the leaſt advantage taken by his Antagoniſt. This character of his I think very exact. That his head was a well-fitted treaſury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it: That he had as great a memory as could be reconciled with ſo good a judgement: That ſo quick his parts, that others ſtudy went not beyond his nature; and their deſigned and forelayd performances, went not beyond his ſudden and ready accommodations: Onely he was very open, and too free in diſcourſe, diſdaining to lye at a cloſe guard, as confident of the length and ſtrength of his weapon.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Iſaac Wake.

THis honourable perſon whom I look upon at Oxford, in the ſame capacity and fortune that Sir Robert Naunton and Sir Francis Netherſole were in at Cambridge. He was born in Northampton-ſhire, (his Father Arthur Wake being Parſon of Billing, Maſter of the Hoſpital of St. Johns in Northampton, and Canon of Chriſts-Church) bred Fellow of Merton-Colledge in Oxford, Proctor and Orator of that Univerſity, whence he was admitted Secretary to Sir Dudley Carleton Secretary of State, and afterward advanced into the King's ſervice, and by his Maſter and the Duke of Buckingham, employed Embaſſadour to Venice, where he neglected his own intereſt to attend his Majeſties employment; the reaſon that he dyed rich onely in the juſt conſcience of his worth, and the repute of his merit. Coming from Venice, he was appointed Lieger of France, and deſigned Secretary of State, had not Death prevented him at Paris; being accompliſhed with all qualifications requiſite for publick Employment, Learning, Languages, Experience, Abilities, and what not?

King CHARLES hearing of his death, commanded his Corps to be decently brought from Paris into England, allowing the expences of his Funeral, and enjoyning his neereſt Relations to attend the performance thereof. Theſe accordingly met his body at Bulloign in France, and ſaw it ſolemnly conveyed into England, where it was interred in the Chappel of the Caſtle of Dover. His REX PLATONICUS, or his Latine account of King James his ſix dayes ſtay at Oxford, ſpeaks his Learning; and his Inſtructions for Travel, his experience.—He obſerving his Predeceſſors failings, retrenched his expences, ſatisfying himſelf with a repute of nobleneſſe, while in his way to preferment; and others with the expectation of his bounty. When preferred, he ſeemed liberal, that he might not be deſpiſed abroad; but he was neer, that he might not be odious at home. His prodigality it may be might have ſatisfied the curioſity of a few Strangers, while he incurred the diſpleaſure of all his friends. Beſides, a cloſe & wary man may be bountiful at his pleaſure, but the munificent cannot be ſo eaſily ſparing; for if his occaſions or fortunes check his profuſeneſs, all his gallantry is in his firſt action of good husbandry. Caution in expences, if it be a vice, is one of thoſe, ſaith the Italian, that never diſinherited a man. Nay, of the two, ſaith Machiavel, It's more diſcretion to hold the ſtyle of miſerable, which begets an infamy without hatred, than to deſire that of Liberal; which being maintained by neceſſitous courſes, procures an infamy with hatred. As never did States-man a brave action that ſeemed illiberal, ſo never did he any ſuch that was not ſo:—Yet four things our Knight ſpared no coſt in: 1. Intelligence; He could afford (he ſaid) a golden key for the Pope's Cabinet. 2. Books;—his Study was his Eſtate. 3. In watching the Spanyards, ſaying, The Indies will pay for this. And 4. Entertaining knowing men often; applauding that Emperour's maxime, That bad rather go fifty miles to hear a wiſe man, than five to ſee a fair City. And this he was eminent for; that he ſaw nothing remarkable in Foreign parts, that he applyed not to his own Countrey: Sir Henry Wotton being not more curious in picking up ſmall Rarities to pleaſure particular perſons, than Sir Iſaac Wake was induſtrious to obſerve any uſeful invention that might improve the publick good.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Cottington.

SIr Fran. Cottington being bred, when a youth, under Sir.......... Stafford, lived ſo long in Spain, till he made the garb and gravity of that Nation become his, and become him too. He raiſed himſelf by his natural ſtrength, without any artificial advantage; having his parts above his learning, his Experience above his Parts, his Induſtry above his Experience, and (ſome will ſay) his Succeſſe above all: So that at laſt he became Chancellor of the Exchequer, Baron of Hanworth in Middleſex, Conſtable of the Tower, 1640. and (upon the reſignation of Doctor juxon) Lord Treaſurer of England, gaining alſo a very great Eſtate.

Very reſerved he was in his temper, and very ſlow in his proceedings; ſticking to ſome private Principles in both, and aiming at certain rules in all things:—a temper that indeared him as much to his Maſter, Prince Charles his perſon, as his integrity did to his ſervice;—Nor to his ſervice onely, but to that of the whole Nation; in the Merchandize whereof he was well verſed; to the trade whereof he was very ſerviceable many ways: but eminently, in that he negotiated, that the Spaniſh Treaſure which was uſed to be ſent to Flanders by the way of Genoa, might be ſent in Engliſh Bottoms, which exceedingly enriched England for the time; and had it continued, had made her the greateſt Bank and Mart for Gold and Silver of any Common-wealth in Europe.

Indeed the advantage of his Education, the different Nations and Factions that he had to deal with, the direct oppoſition of Enemies, the treachery of Friends, the contracts of States-men, the variety and force of Experience from the diſtinct knowledge of the natures of the people of ſeveral Countreys, of their chief Miniſters of State, with their Intrigues of government, made him ſo expert, that the Earl of Briſtol and Sir Walter Aſton could do nothing without him; and he onely could finiſh that Treaty, which they had for many years ſpun out.

Men take ſeveral ways to the ends they propoſe themſelves. Some, that of confidence; others, that of reſpect and caution, &c. when indeed the main buſineſſe is, to ſuit our ſelves with our own times; which this Lord did, and no man better, untill looking into the depths of the late Faction, he declared at the Council-Table, 1639. that they aimed at the ruine of Church and State. And viewing the ſtate of the Kingdome, he adviſed; That Leagues might be made abroad; and, that in this inevitable neceſſity, all wayes to raiſe money ſhould be uſed that were lawful. Wherefore he was one of thoſe few excluded the Indempnity by the Faction, and had the honour to dye baniſhed for the beſt Cauſe and Maſter, in thoſe foreign Countries; where he ſuffered as nobly for the Crown of England in his later dayes, as he had acted honourably for it in his former. When he never came off better than in ſatisfying the Spanyards about toleration, reducing the whole of that affair to theſe two Maximes;

1. That Conſciences were not to be forced, but to be won and reduced by the evidence of Truth, with the aid of Reaſon, and in the uſe of all good means of Inſtruction and perſwaſion.

2. That the cauſes of Conſcience, wherein they exceed their bounds, and grow to matter of faction, loſe their nature: and that Soveraign Princes ought diſtinctly to puniſh thoſe foul practices, though overlaid with the fairer pretences of Conſcience and Religion.

One of his Maximes for Treaty I think remarkable, viz. That Kingdomes are more ſubject to fear than hope: And that it's ſafer working upon them by a power that may awe the one, than by advantages that may excite the other.—Since it's another rule, that States have no affections but intereſt; and that all kindneſſe and civility in thoſe caſes are but overſights and weakneſſe.

Another of his rules for Life I judge uſeful, viz. That ſince no man is abſolute in all points, and ſince men are more naturally enclined out of envy to obſerve mens infirmities, than out of ingenuity to acknowledge their merit;—He diſcovereth his abilities moſt, that leaſt diſcovereth himſelf. To which I may add another, viz. That it is not onely our known duty, but our viſible advantage, to aſcribe our moſt eminent performances to providence, ſince it not onely takes off the edge of envy, but improves the reaſon of admiration. None being leſſe maliced, or more applauded than he, who is thought rather happy than able; bleſſed, than active; and fortunate, than cunning.

Though yet all the caution of his life could not avoid the envy of his advancement from ſo mean a beginning to ſo great honours,—notwithſtanding that it is no diſparagement to any to give place to freſh Nobility, who aſcend the ſame ſteps with thoſe before them. New being onely a terme, ſaith one, onely reſpecting us, not the world; for what is, was before us, and will be when we are no more: And indeed this Perſonage conſidering the vanity and inconſtancy of common applauſe or affronts, improved the one, and checked the other, by a conſtant neglect of both.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Dudly Carleton.

SIr Dudley Carleton was born in Oxford-ſhire, bred in Chriſts-Church in Oxford under Dr. King, and afterwards in relation of Secretary to Sir Ralph Winwood in the Low-Countreys, where he was very active, when King James reſigned the cautionary Towns to the States. Here he added ſo great experience to his former Learning, that afterwards our King employed him for twenty years together Ambaſſador in Venice, Savoy, and the United Provinces; Anne Gerard his Lady (Co-heir to George Gerard Eſquire) accompanying him in all his Travels, as is expreſſed in her Epitaph in Weſtminſter-Abby. He was by K. Charles the firſt, to balance the Duke of Buckingbam's enemies in the Houſe of Peers, with the Lord Mandevil now Earl of Mancheſter, and the Lord Grandiſon, created Baron of Imbercourt in Surrey, and afterwards Viſcount Dorcheſter, marrying for his ſecond Wife the Daughter of Sir Henry Glenham, the Relict of Paul, Viſcount Banning, who ſurvived him. He ſucceeded the Lord Conway, (when preferred Preſident of the Council, in the Secretary-ſhip of State, being ſworn at White-Hall, December 14. 1628. and dying without Iſſue, Anno D • m. 163... Much ado he had to remove a State-jealouſie that was upon him; That he inſiſted on the reſtitution of ſome Towns in Cleves and • uliers, to gratifie the Spanyards at that time in • reaty with us: more to remove a Church-jealou • e, that in negotiating an accommodation in Re • gion, he deſigned the undermining of the Re • onſtrants then in ſo much power there: In which • atter he was at a loſſe, whether his Majeſty ſhould • terpoſe by Letter or Meſſage: The former he ſaid was moſt effectual, but the later leſſe ſubject to 〈◊〉 conſtr ••• on, conſidering Barnevel's intereſt in • he State. But he had a Chaplain, one Mr. Hales, that kept this Controverſie even on the one hand, while he balanced the State-intereſt on the other; equally carefull that the United Provinces ſhould not be over-run by the Armies of Spain, and that they ſhould not be ſwallowed up by the protection of France.

Watchful was his eye there over the Weſt-India Company; Diligent his carriage upon any accommodations from Spain; which he apprehended always as a deſign to diſtract that people then in regard of their unſetledneſſe, but too apt upon any diſpute to fall into faction: Great his induſtry in reconciling Sir Horace Vere and Sir Edward Cecil for the honour of the Engliſh Nation, and the advancement of the common ſervice: Sincere his ſervices to the Prince Elector, and his Lady.

Exact his rules of Traffique and Commerce, and dexterous his arts of keeping the States from new alliances, notwithſtanding our likely Marriagetreaty with Spain, eſpecially ſince the Prince of Orange bluntly (after his manner) asked, Qui at' il veſtre Marriage?—And indeed he behaved himſelf in all Employments ſo well becoming a man that underſtood ſo many Languages, that was ſo well verſed in Ancient and Modern Hiſtory, t 〈…〉 had compoſed ſo many choice pieces of Politi 〈…〉 that was ſo well ſeen in the moſt practical Mathe 〈…〉 ticks; and added to theſe a graceful and charm 〈…〉 look, a gentle and a ſweet elocution; that no • withſtanding his, and his brother Biſhop Carle 〈…〉 rigidneſſe in ſome points, kept him to his dyin • day in great favour and moſt eminent ſervice; a •• ſailing in nothing but his French Emb •••• , becau •• there he had to do with Women. L 〈…〉 g behind him this obſervation; That new Common-weal •• are hardly drawn to a certain reſolution; as 〈◊〉 knowing not how to determine, and remaining 〈◊〉 in ſuſpence, take ordinarily that courſe rather whi •• they are forced to, than what they might chooſe f •• themſelves.—And this eminent ſervice when 〈◊〉 aſſiſted the Earl of Holland in France, viz. That 〈◊〉 pa • ified the high difference there, upon which 〈◊〉 revolt of the Hugonots depended, and put a re 〈…〉 reſolution in King Lewis to advance againſt the Valtoline and Spain by the advantage of the Leagu • with England: proceeding upon this Maxime wi •• that King; They that have reſpect to few things, 〈◊〉 eaſily miſled.

I had almoſt forgot, how this Lord finding tha • want of Treaſure at home, was the ground of ou • unſucceſsful and deſpicableneſs abroad; and tha • Principe ſenza quatrius è come un muro ſenza cr • l 〈…〉 da tulls ſcompiſliato; That a Prince without money is like a wall without a Croſſe, for every one to draw upon; did mention the Excize in the Parliament-Houſe, and in no ill meaning neither, and was violently cryed to the Bar: and though a perſon of that eminence, as being then a Privy-Councellor, and principal Secretary of State, he hardly eſcaped • eing committed to the Tower:—So odious was •• at Dutch-Devil (as they called it) in the excel •• t King Charles, which was rayſed by the belo • ed Parliament, with many more that were conju • ed up in three or four years, but not likely to be • aid in three or fourſcore.

Living in thoſe times when weak men imagined • o themſelves ſome unknown bliſs from untried go • ernments; and conſidering that alterations coun • ervail not their own dangers, and as they bring • ittle good to any, ſo they bring leaſt of all to thoſe • hat firſt promoted them; This Lord refuſed to be • he mouth of the Zealous multitude (whoſe rage • ould neither be well oppoſed, nor joyned with) whom a pardon or compliance might bring off, leaving their Demagogues to compound for their fol •• y with their ruine; chooſing rather to be patient, than active, and appear weak, than be troubleſome; and once reſolved upon an exact ſurvey of circumſtances for power againſt the faults of it on the one •• and, and the affronts of it on the other, he gained the eſteem of all parties by his fidelity to his own. I am much taken with his plain ſaying, which I finde of late printed; There will be miſtakes in Divinity while men preach, and errours in Government while ſuch govern: And more with his method of proceeding in his affairs, whereof he laid firſt an Idea in his own minde, and then improved it by debate; the reſult whereof was uſually ſo compleat, as ſhewed the vaſt difference between the ſhallow conceptions of one man, and the deep judgement of many.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir Richard, and Sir Jerome Weſton, Earls of Portland.

SIr Richard Weſton in his youth impaired his eſtate, to improve himſelf with publick accompliſhment, but came off both a ſaver and a gainer at the laſt, when made Chancellor of the Exchequer, and afterwards, (upon the remove of the Earl of Marlborough) July 15. in the fourth of King Charles, Lord Treaſurer of England.

His activity in Parliament made him conſiderable at Court, none fitter to ſerve a Prince than he who commands the humor of the people. Indeed where ever he was, he diſcovered himſelf able and faithful. 1. In his Foreign Employments, his judgement was ſearching, and reach admirable, he being the firſt that ſmelt out the intentions againſt the Palatinate; which were then in brewing, and maſhed with much art. In his Domeſtick charge, his Artifice was ſingular, both in a faithful improvement of the In •• mes, and a diſcreet moderation of the expences in his Maſters Revenues—In his Aſpect, there was a mixture of authority and modeſty; in his apprehenſions, quickneſs and ſolidity; in his port and train, a ſuitable dignity and correſpondence, with little noyſe and outward form: An enemy to Complements, yet very courteous: no flatterer, yet of great power: irreconcileable to frothy formality, yet maintaining a due regard to his perſon and place. A great Scholar he was, and yet a great States-man; of various erudition, and as large obſervation.—He ſecured himſelf much by Alliances with the beſt Nobility, more by the love, and (what is more) the eſteem of a conſtant King; it being one of the wonders of that time, that my Lord of Canterbury and he, who were at ſo much diſtance from one another, ſhould be ſo inward with their Soveraign, but that that excellent Prince meaſured not his affections to his Dependants ſo much by a particular intereſt, as by a publick ſerviceableneſs.—The neceſſity of the Exchequer put him upon ſome ways of ſupply that diſpleaſed the rabble; though his three particular cares, viz. The paying of the Navy, the ſatisfying of the City, and the Queen of Bohemia's ſupply (three things he was very much intent upon while Treaſurer) obliged the wiſer ſort of men. I know nothing he was defective in, being careful (to uſe his own words) to perform all duties, with obedience to his Majeſtie, reſpect to the Duke, and juſtice to the particular parties concerned;—But that he had ſo much of his Maſter's love, and ſo little of his patience, being grated (as all States-men are that have to do with various intereſts and humors) between a ſtrong inclination of ſatisfying every man, and the impoſſibility of pleaſing all: Conſidering the importunities of perſons and affairs, a little impatience muſt needs fall upon your Lord-ſhip (writes Sir Henry Wotto • to him) unleſſe you had been cut out of a Rock of Diamonds, eſpecially having been before ſo converſant with liberal Studies, and with the freedom of your own minde.

In his time was the great Queſtion agitated; Whether a Prince ſhould aime at the fear, or the lov • of his People?—Although no Prince did more to oblige his People, than the Excellent King Charles the I, Yet was there no Prince ever more adviſed to awe them: For this Lord, and many more, who looked upon over-much indulgence as the greateſt cruelty, conſidering that men love at their own pleaſure, and to ſerve their own turn, and that their fear depends upon the Princes pleaſure, were of opinion; That every wiſe Prince ought to ground upon that which is of himſelf, and not upon that which is of another: government being ſet up in the world, rather to truſt its own power, than ſtand upon others courteſie.

Beſides, two things the vulgar are taken with: 1. Appearance. 2. The event of things; which, if ſucceſsful, gains both their love and reverence. Neither was the Father more exact in his Maximes than the Son in his, of whoſe many infallible principles this was one; That it was the ſafeſt way for the King's Majeſtie to proceed upon a Declaration, that the Faction at Weſtminſter was no Parliament, upon his own and his moſt loyal Lords and Commons removal to Oxford. And this another; That provided the Gentry and Clergy were well principled, and His Majeſtie that now is had a conſtant correſpondence with the moſt eminent of them, it was our Intereſt to promote his Majeſties grandeur abroad, and ſit ſtill at home, untill the Faction might be ſo ſecure as to divide,—and his Majeſties Intereſt became ſo conſpicuous by the Principles that were kept up at home, and the State that was born abroad, as to command all. And really his little ſaying hath much in it;—He that will ſee what ſhall be, let him conſider what hath been: For there are the ſame deſires, humours, and intereſt in every age, that were before it: So that as Machiavel obſerveth, it is very eaſie for him, that with diligence examineth paſt Occurrences, to ſerve himſelf of thoſe remedies which were in uſe among the Ancients; Or if they fail, to deviſe what is moſt like them.

Obſervations on the Life of William Earl of Pembrook.

HE was an ancient Gentleman of good repute, and therefore well eſteemed; a proper perſon, well ſet, and of graceful dep • rtment, and therefore well beloved of King • ames and Queen Anne: His inclination was as ge • erous as his extraction, and manners ancient as • is Family. One of his Anceſtors is renowned, for that he would condeſcend to deliver his Embaſſies 〈◊〉 no Language but Welch; and he is commended for that he would comply with no cuſtomes in his con ••• ſe but the old Engliſh,—though his Contem • oraries make that his defect, rather than his orna • ent; proceeding from his want of Travel, rather •• an his obſervance of Antiquity: He having had •• ely (ſaith the Hiſtorian) the breeding of Eng • and, which gave him a conceited diſlike of Foreign men, their manners and mode; or of ſuch Engliſh as profeſſed much advantage thereby: ſo that the Scots and he were ever ſeparate; and therefore he was the onely old Courtier that kept cloſe to the Commonalty, and they to him though never ſuſpected by either of his Soveraigns, not becauſe he was not over-furniſhed with Abilities (as that pen inſinuates) to be more than Loyal, but becauſe he had too much integrity to be leſſe. Being munificent and Childleſſe, the Univerſity o • Oxford hoped to be his Executor, and Pembrook-Colledge his Heir. Pembrook-Colledge, I ſay, calle • ſo not onely in reſpect to, but alſo in expectatio • from him, then Chancellor of the Univerſity: and probably had not our noble Lord died ſuddenly ſoon after (according as a Fortune-teller had informed him, whom he laughed at that very nigh • he departed, being his Birth-night) this Colledge might have received more than a bare name from him.

He was (ſaith one of his own time) the very picture, and Vive Effigies of Nobility; his perſon rather Majeſtick than Elegant; his preſence, whether quiet, or in motion, full of ſtately gravity; his minde generous, and purely heroick often ſtout, but never diſloyal: ſo vehemen an opponent of the Spanyard, as when tha • Match fell under conſideration, he would ſometimes rouze to the trepidation of King James yet kept in favour ſtill; for that King knew plai • dealing, as a Jewel in all men, ſo was in a Privy • Councellor an ornamental duty. An inſtance o • his familiar converſe with King James, was, tha • the King obſerving that he naturally hated Frog, threw one into his neck; and he in requi • tal, cauſed a Pig (of an equal diſguſt with the ſam • Prince) to be put under his Cloſe-ſtool: where, though it produced no extraordinary ill effect for the preſent, yet after the prank had been deſcanted upon, and worſt of Interpretations made by ſome (the title of Jewes being at that time beſtowed on the Scots) the King was much affected with it; and the more, becauſe it was done at Wilton the Earls own houſe.—Though Kings when free and ſociable, break out to ſprightful and facetious extravagancies with Courtiers, yet muſt they not preſume, leſt their words are interpreted, not by their meaning, but others jealouſie: free ſpirits cannot be too circumſpect. And the ſame true-heartedneſſe commended him to King Charles, with whom he kept a moſt admirable correſpondence, and yet ſtood the firm Confident of the Commonalty; and that not by a ſneaking cunning, but by an erect and generous prudence, ſuch as rendred him as unſuſpected of ambition on the one ſide, as of faction on the other; being generally beloved and regarded.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Conway.

EDward Lord Conway ſucceeded to his Father's Martial skill and valour, who was under the Earl of Leiceſter, Governour of Oſtend, and twiſted therewith peaceable Policy in State-affairs, ſo that the Gown and the Sword met in him in moſt eminent proportion, and thereupon King James advanced him one of the principal Secretaries of State. For theſe his good ſervices, he was by him created Lord Conway of Ragleigh in this County, and afterwards by King Charles Viſcount Killultagh in the County of Antrim; And laſtly, in the third of King Charles, Viſcount Conway of Conway in Carnarvan-ſhire; England, Ireland, and Wales mutually embracing themſelves in his Honours; and not long after, Preſident of the Councel. Upon the breach with Spain, King James and the Duke of Buckingham both judged it very convenient to have a Martial Secretary; neither was there any man fitter for their turn then this Gentleman, who was as able to direct them in the Affairs of War abroad, as he was ready to be directed by them in thoſe of Peace at home: Being one of thoſe three remarkable Servants that King James uſed to jeſt upon, viz. a Lord Treaſurer [meaning the Earl of Suffolk] that could not caſt Account, a Chaplain [meaning Doctor Preſton] that could not read Being not uſed to the Common-Prayer. Prayers, and a Secretary [meaning this Lord] that could not write his name. Sir Richard Weſton beat the Buſh in the Affair of the Palatinate, but Sir Edward catched the Hare; his rough humour being more ſuitable to that buſineſs: Or inded it having been always more ſucceſsful to be bold, than wary; to be free for all occaſions, than to be obſtinate to ſome rules.—Fortune (ſaith Machiavel) is a Miſtriſs, that is ſooner won by thoſe that ruffle and force her, than by others that proceed coldly. Indeed he was charged with treachery and cowardize in the action againſt the Scots, 1640. but he came off with his honeſt animoſity, ſaying, If he might but fight their whole Army, he would ſettle Scotland in ſix moneths, or loſe his head:—being in that, of my Lord of Canterbury's opinion, who aſſured his Majeſty they would not hold out four: a motion! that if as eaſily entertained by that gracious King as it was effectually purſued by the bloody Uſurpers, a ſad experience hath taught us and them, would have prevented much miſchief there, more here; eſpecially ſince it was that wiſe Prince his judicious obſervation, That they and their Confederates were a people loſt by favour, and won by puniſhment.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Digges.

MAſter Leonard Digges was one of excellent Learning and deep judgement. His minde moſt inclined him to the Mathematicks, and he was the beſt Architect in that age for all manner of Buildings, for conveniency, pleaſure, ſtate, ſtrength, being excellent at Fortifications. Leſt his Learning ſhould dye with him, for the publick profit, he printed his Tectonicon, Prognoſtick General, Stratiotick, about the ordering of an Army, and other Works. He flouriſhed Anno Dom. 1556. and dyed I believe about the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when as in moſt growing times Arts were drowned in action.

Nothing elſe have I to obſerve of his name, ſave that hereditary Learning may ſeem to run in the veins of his Family; witneſſe Sir Dudly Digs of Chilham-Caſtle, made Maſter of the Rolls, in the yaer 1636. whoſe abilities will not be forgotten, whileſt our age hath any remembrance. This Knight had a younger ſon, of a moſt excellent wit, and a great judgement, Fellow of All-Souls in Oxford, who in the beginning of our Civil Wars wrote ſo ſubtile & ſolid a Treatiſe of the difference betwixt King and Parliament, that ſuch Royalliſts who have ſince handled that Controverſie, have written plura non plus; yea aliter rather than alia of that Subject. The Son writes down thoſe Rebellions that the Father countenanced: The Father, I ſay, who by a bold impeachment againſt his Majeſties chief Miniſter of State, to his face, taught a diſcontented People to draw a bolder againſt his Majeſty himſelf:—Wherefore it was, that (after his undutiful Prologue againſt his Majeſties Prerogative in favouring his Servants; the Preface to more diſloyal methods againſt his right, in governing his People) he and Sir John Eliiot were whiſpered out of the Lords Houſe, when they were hotteſt againſt the Duke, to ſpeak with a Gentleman, and thence ſent immediately by two Purſevants that attended, to the Tower; where, and in the Country, this Gentleman lay under juſt diſpleaſure, until it was thought fit to take off ſo dangerous a piece of boldneſſe and eloquence upon the growing diſtempers of the age by favour and preferment, to a Neutrality at leaſt, if not to the juſt meaſures of his duty. But our obſervation here is this; That faction is one of thoſe ſins, whereof the Authors repent moſt commonly themſelves, and their poſterities are always aſhamed.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Tho. Ridly, Dr. LL.

THis Knight and Dr. was born at Ely in Cambridge-ſhire, bred firſt a Scholar at Eaton in Buckingham-ſhire, then Fellow of Kings-Colledge in Cambridge. He was a generall Scholar in all kinde of Learning, eſpecially in that which we call Melior Literatura. He afterwards was Chancellor of Wincheſter, and Vicar-general to the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury. His memory will never dye, whileſt his Book called The view of the Eccleſiaſtical Laws is living; a book of ſo much merit, that the Common Lawyers (notwithſtanding the difference betwixt the profeſſions) will ingenuouſly allow a due commendation to his learned performance in that ſubject: Although it ſtartled them to hear King James was ſo affected with it, inſomuch that Sir Edward Coke undertook from thence to prophecy the decay of the Common-Law: though in that prophecy of his, others foreſaw nothing but his fall. Never book came out more ſeaſonably for the Church than this; never Comment came out more ſuitably, than Mr. Gregories Notes upon it: He writ well, and adviſed better: being good to give, better to manage Counſel; which he never offered till called, and never urged longer then it pleaſed; anſwering no queſtion of conſequence unleſſe upon emergent occaſion, without deliberation; obſerving the deſign of people, that aske moſt commonly to try his ſufficiency, as well as improve their own: However, being ſure that time is likelier to increaſe than abate the weight of a reſult, diſcovering as well what may be returned ſuitably to the general temper, as what may be anſwered fitly to the particular inſtance.

What alterations he deſigned for the Churches benefit, were not ſodain, but leiſurely. To force men out of one extreamity into another, is an attempt as dangerous, as it is invidious; as awakening moſt oppoſition, and obnoxious to moſt hazard. Wiſe In Tiberio • Tacitus obſerveth, that men have reformed inveterate habits more by yielding to them, than engaging againſt them; though a man muſt ſo yield as not to encourage, while he doth ſo countermine, as not to exaſperate: Although he was always able, yet was he never willing to mend the Copy his Superiors had ſet him, unleſſe owned as from former inſtruction, leſt they grew jealous, he valued his own experience before theirs, who meaſure mens ſufficiency from their caution, and not from their parts; from what they can forbear, rather than from what they can do.

To conclude, he was one of thoſe able men that cannot be eminent, unleſſe they be great; men of great merit, behave themſelves ſo negligently in ſmall affairs, as that you ſhall never underſtand their abilities, unleſſe you advance their perſons. Mens capacities & ſufficiencies have certain bound • preſcribed them; within the limits of which they are able to acquit themſelves with credit and applauſe: But if you advance them above, or depre 〈…〉 them below their ſpheres, they ſhew nothing but debilities and miſcarriages. Onely this he was alway • commended for; That having the management of Affairs intruſted to him, he under went all the miſcarriages himſelf, aſcribing all the honour and ſufficency to his Patron; carrying his hand in all actions ſo, that his Maſter had the applauſe of what ever was either conceded or denyed in publick, without any other interruption from Mr. Ridley, than what became the bare inſtrument of his commands, however he ordered the mater in private.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Martin.

HE would merrily ſay, That if his Father had left him fourſcore pounds a year, where he left him but forty, he would never have been a Scholar, but have lived on his Lands: whereas his Inheritance being a large encouragement, but a ſmall maintenance, he made up in ſtudy what he wanted in Eſtate; firſt at Wincheſter, and then at New-Colledge, where his inclination led him to Divinity, but Biſhop Andrews his advice perſwaded him to the Civil Law, wherein he attained that great proficiency he was eminent for, thus:—

He had weekly tranſmitted to him from ſome Proctors at Lambeth, the brief heads of the moſt important Cauſes which were to be tryed in the High-Commiſſion. Then with ſome of his familiar friends in that faculty, he privately pleaded thoſe Cauſes; acting in their Chamber what was done in the Court: But Mr. Martin making it his work, exceeded the reſt in amplifying and aggravating any fault, to move anger and indignation againſt the guilt thereof; or elſe in extenuating or excuſing it, to procure pity, obtain pardon, or at leaſt prevail for a lighter puniſhment:— Whence no Cauſe came amiſſe to him in the High Commiſſion: For, ſaith my Author, he was not to make new Armour, but onely to put it on, and buckle it; not to invent, but apply arguments to his Clients.—As in deciſion of Controverſies in his Courts, he had a moderate and middle way: ſo in managing of affairs in Parliament, he had a healing Method: Whence in moſt Debates with the Lords, where Mr. Noy's Law and Reaſon could not convince, Sir Henry Martin's As about the Petition of Right; in reference to which, he & Sergeant Glanvile ſat •• fi • d the Lords. Expedients could accommodate. For which ſervices, and his other merits, he was made Judge of the Prerogative-Court for probate of Wills, and of the Admiralty for Foreign Trade. Whence King JAMES would ſay merrily, He was a mighty Monarch by Sea and Land, over the Dead and the Living.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Bramſtone.

SIr John Bramſtone, Knight, was born at Maldon in Eſſex, bred up in the Middle-Temple in the ſtudy of the Common-law, wherein he attained to ſuch eminency, that he was by King Charles made Lord Chief-Juſtice of the King's • ench.

One of deep Learning, ſolid Judgement, integrity of Life, gravity of behaviour, above the envy of his own age, and the ſcandal of poſterity. One 〈…〉 ſtance of his I muſt not forget, writes the Hiſtorian effectually, relating to the foundation wherein I was 〈…〉 ed: Sergeant Bruerton by Will bequeathed to 〈…〉 idney-Colledge well-nigh three thouſand pounds, • ut (for haſte, or ſome other accident) it was ſo im • erfectly done, that (as Dr. Sam. Ward informed 〈◊〉 ) the gift was invalid in the rigour of the Law. • ow Judge Bramſtone, who married the Sergeants Widow, gave himſelf much trouble (gave himſelf 〈…〉 deed, doing all things gratis) for the ſpeedy pay • ent of the money to a farthing, and the legal 〈…〉 tling thereof on the Colledge, according to the 〈◊〉 intention of the dead. He deſerved to live in • etter times. The delivering his judgement on the • ing's ſide in the caſe of Ship-money, coſt him • uch trouble, and brought him much honour, 〈◊〉 who underſtood the conſequence of that Ma 〈…〉 me, Salus populi ſuprema lex; and that Ship-mo • ey was thought legal by the beſt Lawyers, voted • own arbitrarily by the worſt Parliament: they • earing no Counſel for it, though the King heard 〈…〉 men willingly againſt it. Yea, that Parliament 〈…〉 ought themſelves not ſecure from it, unleſſe the • ing renounced his right to it by a new Act of his 〈◊〉 . Men have a touch-ſtone to try Gold, and • old is the touch-ſtone to try Men. Sir William 〈◊〉 's gratuity ſhewed, that this Judges Inclination 〈◊〉 as much above corruption as his Fortune; and 〈◊〉 he would not, as well as needed not, be baſe. Equally intent was he upon the Intereſt of the 〈◊〉 and the Maximes of Law, as which mutually ſuported each other.—He would never have a W 〈…〉 neſſe interrupted, or helped, but have the patie 〈…〉 to hear a naked, though a tedious truth: the 〈◊〉 Gold lyeth in the moſt Ore, and the cleareſt 〈◊〉 in the moſt ſimple diſcourſe. When he put on 〈◊〉 Robes, he put off Reſpects; his private affectio • being ſwallowed up in the publick ſervice. 〈◊〉 was the Judge whom Popularity could never flatt 〈…〉 to any thing unſafe, nor favour oblige to any thi 〈…〉 unjuſt. Therefore he died in peace, 1645. wh 〈…〉 all others were engaged in a War, and ſhall 〈◊〉 the reward of his integrity of the Judge of Judg 〈…〉 at the great Aſſize of the world.

Having lived as well as read Juſtinian's maxi 〈…〉 Admin. Card. de Rich. p. 283. to the Praetor of Laconia; All things which 〈◊〉 pertain to the well-government of a State, are order •• by 〈◊〉 conſtitutions of Kings, that give life and 〈◊〉 to the Law: Whereupon, who ſo would walke wiſ 〈…〉 ſhall never fail, if he propoſe them both for the rule his actions,—For a King is the living Law of 〈◊〉 Countrey.

Nothing troubled him ſo much as (ſhall I call it the ſhame, or the fear of the conſequence of the unhappy conteſt between his Excellent Majeſty 〈◊〉 his meaner Subjects in the foreſaid caſe of Ship-m • ney; no enemy being contemptible enough to 〈◊〉 deſpiſed, ſince the moſt deſpicable command gr 〈…〉 ter ſtrength, wiſdome, and intereſt than their ow • to the deſigns of Malice or Miſchief.—A gr 〈…〉 man managed a quarrel with Archee the King Fool; but by endeavouring to explode him 〈◊〉 Court, rendred him at laſt ſo conſiderable, 〈◊〉 calling the enemies of that perſon (who were not a few) to his reſcue, as the fellow was not onely able to continue the diſpute for divers years, but received ſuch encouragement from ſtanders by (the inſtrument of whoſe malice he was) as he oft 〈…〉 oke out in ſuch reproaches, as neither the dignity of that excellent perſon's calling, nor the greatneſſe of his parts, could in reaſon or manners admit:—But that the wiſe man diſcerned, that F. O. p. 12. all the fool did was but a ſymptome of the ſtrong and inveterate diſtemper raiſed long ſince in the hearts of his Countrymen againſt the great mans Perſon and Function.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Auguſtine Nicols.

SIr Auguſt. Nicols, ſon to Tho. Nicols, Sergeant at Law, was born at Ecton in Northampton-ſhire. Now though according to the rigour of our Fundamental Premiſes, he be not within our cogniſance under this Title, yet his merit will juſtifie us in preſenting his Chracter. He was bred in the ſtudy of the Common-Law; wherein he attained to ſuch knowledge, that Qu: Eliz. made him, and K. James continued him his own Serjeant, whence he was freely preferred one of the Judges of the Common-Pleas. I ſay freely, King James commonly calling him the Judge that would give no money. Not to ſpeak of his moral qualifications, and ſubordinate abilities; he was renowned for his ſpecial judiciary Endowments; of very calm affections and moderate paſſions; of a grave and affible deportment; of a great patience to hear both Parties all they could ſay; a happy memory; 〈◊〉 ſingular ſagacity to ſearch into the material circumſtances; Exemplary integrity, even to the rejection of Gratuities after Judgement given, and a charge to his Followers, that they came to their Places clear-handed, and that they ſhould not meddle with any Motions to him, that he might be ſecured from all appearance of corruption. His forbearing to travail on the Lords day, wrought a Reformation on ſome of his own Order. Very pitiful and tender he was in caſe of life, yet very exact in caſe of blood.

He loved plain and profitable Preaching, being wont to ſay, I know not what you call Preaching, but I like them that come neereſt to my Conſcience. The ſpeech of Caeſar is commonly known; Oportet Imperatorem ſtantem mori; which Biſhop Jewel altered and applyed to himſelf, Decet Epiſcopum concionantem mori: of this man it may be ſaid, Judex mortuus eſt jura dans; dying in his Calling, as he went the Northern Circuit, and hath a fair Monument in Kendal-Church in Weſtmerland. This I obſerve of this good man; that he was ſo good a man, that in the ruffling times he could be but a bad Magiſtrate, Cum vel exeunda ſit natura, vel minuenda dignitas: when he muſt either go out of his eaſie nature, or forgo his juſt authority.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Nich. Hyde.

SIr Nicholas Hyde was born at Warder in Wiltſhire, where his Father in right of his Wife had a long Leaſe of that Caſtle from the Family of the Arundels. His Father, I ſay (deſcended from an antient Family in Cheſhire) a fortunate Gentleman in all his children, (and more in his Grand-children) ſome of his under-boughs outgrowing the top-branch, and younger children (amongſt whom Sir Nicholas) in wealth and honour exceeding the reſt of his Family.

He was bred in the Middle-Temple, and was made Sergeant at Law the firſt of February, 1626. 〈◊〉 on the eighth day following was ſworn Lord Chief-Juſtice of the Kings-Bench, ſucceeding in that Office, next ſave one unto his Country-man Sir James Ley (than alive, and preferred Lord Treaſurer, born within two miles one of another) and next of all under Sir Francis Crew lately diſplaced. Now, though he entred on his Place with ſome diſadvantage (Sir Randal being generally popular) and though in thoſe dayes, it was • ard for the ſame Perſon to pleaſe Court and Countrey, yet he diſcharged his Office with laudable integrity, until 1631. Prudence obligeth Princes to refer the management of affairs to perſons who have the reputation of extraordinary ho • eſty, eſpecially to the tranſacting of ſuch things which notwithſtanding their innate juſtice, may provoke any evill ſpirits.—The moſt part of man-kinde gueſſing onely by their own ſenſes and apprehenſions, judge of the affairs by the perſons wh 〈…〉 conduct them. Opinion guideth the world, and the reputation of him that negotiateth, ſets a value and price upon his words and actions; and the opinion which is conceived of him is ſo abſolute 〈◊〉 Umpire, that there is no appeal from his judgement.—Opinion is the ſtrongeſt thing in the world Truth the next.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Walter Aſton.

HE was a Gentleman of ſo much diligence in the Spaniſh Negotiations, that there were no Orders, Cabals, Conſultations in th 〈…〉 intricate time, &c. he was not acquainted with: 〈◊〉 ſo much reſolution, that there was not a dangerous Meſſage in that great buſineſſe he would n • deliver: Of that excellent converſe, that ther • was not that Miniſter of State in that jealous Co 〈…〉 he was not familiar with. Very obſervant he wa • by Don Juan Taxardoes means, of the Spaniſh pr • ceedings, and as well skilled with the Duke 〈◊〉 Buckingham's direction in the Engliſh; though y • he confeſſed himſelf almoſt loſt in thoſe Intrigue had not the Duke ſtood between him and the King diſpleaſure that ſuſpected him, and the Prince 〈◊〉 jealouſie that feared him. [He had need have ſteady head, that looks into ſuch depths:] But as 〈…〉 had an excellent faculty of excuſing others miſ 〈…〉 iages, ſo he had a peculiar way of ſalving his 〈◊〉 ; being advantaged with a great foreſight, a 〈◊〉 reſervedneſs, and a ready ſpirit.

Few underſtood better the Importance of the 〈…〉 gliſh Trade with Spain: None purſued more di • gently its priviledges and freedom; tracing moſt the ſecret Counſels and reſolutions ſo cloſely, at he was able with his induſtry and money to 〈◊〉 an account of moſt proceedings.—In the ma 〈…〉 gement whereof he reſigned himſelf to the 〈…〉 ke's diſpoſal, profeſſing to own no judgement 〈…〉 affection but what was guided by his direction.— 〈◊〉 own words are theſe; Ʋntil I know by your Gra 〈…〉 favour by what compaſſe to guide my courſe, I can 〈◊〉 follow his Majeſties revealed will:—And the 〈…〉 ke's anſwer this; You deſire me to give you my opinion; My ancient acquaintance, long cuſtome of lo 〈…〉 you, with conſtancy of friendſhip, invites me to 〈…〉 you this office of good will.

My Lord of Briſtol ſhuffled the Cards well, but 〈◊〉 Walter Aſton playd them beſt.—The firſt ſet a 〈…〉 ign, but the ſecond purſued it,—being happy an humble and reſpect • u • carriage; which open 〈…〉 the breaſt, and unlocked the hearts of all men 〈…〉 him. He that looked downward ſaw the Stars in 〈…〉 water: but he who looked onely upward, could 〈…〉 ſee the waters in the Stars.

Indeed there was in his countenance ſuch a 〈…〉 one of ſweetneſſe, and his words had ſo power 〈…〉 a charm, ſet off with ſo agreeable and taking •• avity, that the reſpect due to him was not loſt in 〈◊〉 love he had deſerved; nor the love he attained to, abated by the reſpect he commanded; being one that had and gave infinite ſatisfaction in the Negotiations he engaged in: Wherein among other things, he would urge how unpolitick, and unſucceſsful it is for the Spanyard to meditate a conque • of Europe, where all his Neighbours oppoſe him rather than Aſia, where they would all joyn with him out of Intereſt and Conſcience, both to ſecur • him from France, and carry him towards Turkey 〈◊〉 . O. 134. at whoſe doors his friend the Emperour was ready to attaque them upon any Mutiny or Rebellion then frequent among them, whoſe ſtrength (ſai 〈…〉 Machiavel) lyeth more in Tradition than in any real Truth:—Conſidering the contrary complexions of the people in point of Intereſt and Religion that can admit of no conſiderable coalition upon the approach of a Foreign impreſſion.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Julius Caeſar.

SIr Julius Caeſar's Father being Phyſitian to Q 〈…〉 Elizabeth, and deſcended of the ancient Family of the Dalmarii in Italy, then living a Tottenham neer London; This his Son was bred 〈◊〉 Oxford; and after other intermediate preferments was advanced Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lanc • ſter, and ſworn a Privy-Councellor on Sunday th 〈…〉 ſixth of July, 1607. and afterwards was preferre • Maſter of the Rolls. A Perſon of prodigious bou • ty to all of worth or want, ſo that he might ſee • to be Almoner-general of the Nation. The ſtory is well known, of a Gentleman who once borrowing his Coach (which was as well known to poor people as any Hoſpital in England) was ſo rendevouz'd about with Beggars in London, that it coſt him all the money in his purſe to ſati • fie their importunity, ſo that he might have hired twenty Coaches on the ſame terms. Sir Francis Bacon Lord Verulam was judicious in his Election, when perceiving his Diſſolution to approach, he made his laſt Bed in effect in the houſe of Sir Julius.

He continued more then twenty years Mr. of the Rolls; and though heaved at by ſome Expectants, ſate ſtill in his Place, well poyſed therein, with his gravity and integrity. Vir tantarum El • emoſynarum non movebitur; a man of ſo great Alms and Prayers (made by him and for him) ſhall not be removed. Nor was it without a proſperous Omen, that his chief Houſe in Hartfordſhire was called Benington, that is, Villa benigna, the bountiful Village, as one Author will have it; or as another, Villa beneficii, the Town of good turns, from the River ſo named running by it. His Arms were theſe, viz. Gules, three Roſes Argent on a Chief of the firſt, ſo many Roſes of the ſecond, embleming the fragrancy of the Memory he hath left behinde him.

His Monument in great St. Hellens, London, being out of the road of ordinary Fancies, was thus deſigned by himſelf in form of a Deed in ruffled Parchment, in alluſion to his Office as Maſter of the Rolls.

OMnibus Chriſti fidelibus ad quos hoc praeſens Scriptum pervenerit; Sciatis me Julium Dalmare alias Caeſarem Militem, utriuſque legis Doctorem; Elizabethae Reginae Supremae Curia Admiralitatis judicem, & unum 〈◊〉 Magiſtris libellorum; Jacobo Regi ae Privatis Conciliis, Cancellarium Scaccarii, Scriniorum Magiſtrum, hac praeſenti Charta mea Confirmaſſe me Annuent • Divino Numine naturae debitum libenter ſolviturum quam primum Deo placuerit. In cujus rei memoriam, Manum meam, & Sigillum appoſui. Datum 27 Februarii, 1635.

Julius Caeſar.

Here his Seal or Coat of Arms is affixed, and beneath them is written

Irrotulatur Caelo.

He dyed the twenty eighth day of April, Anno Domini, 1636. in the ſeventy ninth year of his Age. They ſay of Witches, that they are unable to hurt till they have received an Almes. It's certain, none ever undermined this Gentleman's inſufficiency, but ſuch as were advanced by his civility; a civility that ſecured him, as well as it impowered them, making his Grants to all perſons double kindneſſes by Expedition, and cloathing his very Denyals in ſuch robes of Courtſhip, as that it was not obviouſly diſcernable whether the Requeſt or De • yal were moſt decent; having this peculiar to himſelf, That he was very cautious of Promiſes, leſt falling to an Incapacity of performance, he might forfeit his Reputation, and multiply his certain Enemies, by his deſign of creating uncertain Friends.

Beſides, he obſerved a ſure principle of riſing, viz. That great perſons eſteem better of ſuch they have done great Courteſies to, than thoſe they have received greater Civilities from; looking upon this as their diſparagement, the other as their glory.

Obſervations on the Lives of Sir Henry, Sir Lucius, Sir Henry Cary, Lords Viſcounts Faulkland.

ARace of accompliſhed men, the ornaments and ſupports of their Countrey, which they ſerved with no leſſe faithfulneſſe and prudence in their Negotiations abroad, than honour and juſtice in their Places at home: Of ſuch a Stock of reputation, as might kindle a generous emulation in Strangers, and a noble ambition in thoſe of their own Family. Henry Cary, Viſcount Falkland in Scotland, ſon to Sir Edward Cury, was born at Aldnam in Hertfordſhire: being a moſt accompliſhed Gentleman, and a compleat Courtier. By King James he was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, and well diſcharged his Truſt therein: But an unruly Colt will • ume and chaſe (though neither ſwitch nor ſpur) meerly becauſe back'd. The Rebellious Iriſh will complain, onely becauſe kept in ſubjection, though with never ſo much lenity; the occaſion why ſome hard ſpeeches were paſſed on his Government. Some beginning to counterfeit his hand, he uſed to incorporate th • year of his age in a knot flouriſhed beneath h 〈…〉 name, concealing the day of his birth to himſel 〈…〉 Thus by comparing the date of the month, with his own Birth-day (unknown to ſuch Forgers) 〈◊〉 not onely diſcovered many falſe Writings which were paſt, but alſo deterred diſhoneſt Cheated from attempting the like for the future. He made good uſe of Biſhop Ʋſher's Intereſt while he was there, as appears by the excellent Speech that the Biſhop made for the King's ſupply.

Being recalled into England, he lived honourably in the County aforeſaid, until by a ſad caſualty he broke his Leg on a Stand in The • b • ld's Parke, and ſoon after dyed thereof. He married the ſole Daughter and Heir of Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, by whom he had a fair Eſtate in Oxfordſhire. His death happened Ann • D • m. 1620. being Father to the moſt accompliſhed States-man,

2. Lucius Lord Falkland, the wildneſs of whoſe youth was an argument of the quickneſſe of his riper years: He that hath a ſpirit to be unruly before the uſe of his reaſon, hath mettle to be active afterwards. Quick-ſilver if fixed, is incomparable; beſides that the adventures, contrivances, ſecrets, confidence, truſt, compliance with opportunity, and the other ſallies of young Gallants, prepare them more ſerious undertakings,—as they did this noble Lord; great in his • own, greater in his Buffe; able with his Sword, abler with his Pen: a knowing States-man, a learned Scholar, and a ſtout man • : One inſtance of that exceſs in learning and other great perfections, which portended ruine to this Nation in their opinion, who write, that all Extreams, whether of Vertue or Vice, are ominous, eſpecially that unquiet thing call'd Learning, whoſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſignifieth its own period, and that of the Empire it flouriſheth in; a too univerſally dilated Learning, being not faithful to the ſettlements either of Policy or Religion; it being no leſſe rea • ly to diſcover blemiſhes in the one, than Incongruities in the other: Sophiſters (ſaith my ſmart Author) like the Countrey of the Switz, being as able upon the leaſt advantage propoſed, to engage on the wrong ſide as on the ſight. As to go no further, this excellent Perſonage being among the Demagogues that had been for twelve years ſilenced, and were now to play the prize in Parliament, and ſhew their little twit-twat, but tedious faculties of ſpeaking, makes the bittereſt Invective againſt the Governours and government of the Church, that ever was penned in Engliſh; which though deſigned by him, it' • thought, onely to allay the fury of the Faction, by ſome compliance with it, carried things beyond the moderation and decency of that Aſſembly, which he made too hot for himſelf, retyring in cooler thoughts, as many more (that like Brutus could not lay the ſtorms they had raiſed) to Oxford, where his Pen was more honourably employed in detecting the fundamental Errour of Rome their infallibility, and countermining the main props of Weſtminſter their Hypoeriſie; this as Secretary, the other as a Student—in both laying open the little pretenſions, whereby poor people were inſnared in their Civil and Religious Liberty.—Much was the gall always in his Inke, and very ſharp his Pen; but even, flowing, and full his Style, ſuch as became him, whoſe Learning was not an unſetled maſſe of reading that whirled up and down in his head, but fixed Obſervations, that tempered with ſolid prudence and experience, were the ſteady Maximes of his Soul fitted for all times and occaſions; he having ſate (as ſome Noble-mens ſons uſed to do formerly in the Houſe of Lords) behind the Chair of State from his very child-hood, and owning a large heart capable of making that univerſal inſpection into things that much becomes a Gentleman, being a Maſter in any thing he diſcourſed of.—Inſomuch that his general knowledge husbanded by his wit, and ſet off by his Meine and Carriage, attracted many to come as far to ſee him, as he proſeſſed he would go to ſee Mr. Daillee—which rendred him no leſſe neceſſary than admirable at Court, until his Curioſity engaging him at Newbery, he was ſtrangely ſlain there, dying as he lived till then, between his Friends and Enemies, to the King's great grief, who valued him, becauſe he underſtood his parts and ſervices in the Treaty at Oxford, where he was eminent for two things; the timing of Propoſitions, and concealing of Inclinations; though no man ſo paſſionate for his deſign, as never enduring that hope that holds reſolution ſo long in ſuſpence, but ever allaying it with that fear that moſt commonly adviſeth the beſt by ſuppoſing the worſt.—His uſual ſaying was, I pity unlearned Gentlemen in a rainy day.

3. He was Father firſt to Henry Lord Falkland, whoſe quick and extraordinary parts and notable ſpirit performed much, and promiſed more, having a great command in the Countrey where he was Lord-Lieutenant, a general reſpect in the houſe where he was Member, a great eſteem at Court (with his Majeſty and his Royal Highneſs the Duke of Yorke) where he was both wit, and wiſdome.—When there was the firſt opportunity offered to honeſt men to act, he laid hold of it, and got in ſpight of all oppoſition, to a thing called a Parliament: By ſame token, that when ſome urged he had not ſowed his wilde Oats, he is ſaid to reply; If I have not, I may ſowe them in the Houſe, where there are Geeſe enough to pick them up. And when Sir F. N. ſhould tell him he was a little too wilde for ſo grave a ſervice, he is reported to reply; Alas! I am wilde, and my Father was ſo before me, and I am no Baſtard,—as, &c. In which Contention he out-did the moſt active Demagogues at their own weapon, ſpeaking. When Major Huntington and his followers were for the long Parliament, Sir F. N. L. S, &c. were for the ſecluded Members, My Lord carried all the County for an abſolute free Parliament; which he lived to ſee, and act in ſo ſucceſsfully, that he was voted generally higher in truſts and ſervices, had he not been cut off in the prime of his years; as much miſſed when dead, as beloved when living—A great inſtance of what a ſtrict Education (for no man was harder bred) a general Converſe, and a noble Temper can arrive to; and what an Orator can do in a Democracy, where the Affections of many is to be wrought upon, rather than the judgement of few to be convinced. A golden tongue falling under a ſubtle head under ſuch a conſtitution, hath great influence upon the whole Nation.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir James Ley, Earl of Marlborough.

SIr James Ley, ſon of Henry Ley Eſquire (one of great Anceſtry, who, ſaith my Author, on his own coſt, with his men, valiantly ſerved King Henry the Eighth, at the ſiege of Boloin) being his Fathers ſixth ſon, (and ſo in probability barred of his inheritance) endeavoured to make himſelf an Heir by his Education, applying his book in Brazen Noſe-Colledge, and afterwards ſtudying the Laws of the Land in Lincolns-Inne, wherein ſuch his proficiency, King James made him Lord Chief-Juſtice in Ireland. Here he practiſed the charge King James gave him at his going over, (yea, what his own tender Conſcience gave himſelf) namely, not to build his Eſtate upon the ruines of a miſerable Nation, but aiming by the unpartial execution of Juſtice, not to enrich himſelf, but civilize the People. But the wiſe King would no longer looſe him out of his own Land, and therefore recalled him home about the time when his Fathers Inheritance, by the death of his five elder brethren deſcended upon him. It was not long before Offices and Honours flowed in faſt upon him, being made by

King James King Charls 1. Attorney of the Court of Wards. 1. Earl of Marlborough in Wiltſhire, 2. Chief-Juſtice of the Upper Bench, the 18 of his Reign, Jan. 29. immediately after the King's Coronation. 3. Lord Treaſurer of England in the 22 of his Reign, Dec. 22. 2. Lord Preſident of the Council, in wch place he died, Anno. Dom. 1629. 4. Baron Ley of Ley in Devonſhire, the laſt of the ſame month.

He was a Perſon of great Gravity, Ability, and Integrity: And as the Caſpian Sea is obſerved neither to ebbe nor flow, ſo his minde did not riſe or fall, but continued the ſame conſtancy in all conditions; a good temper enough for a Judge, but not for a States-man, and for any States-man, but a Lord Treaſurer; and for any Lord Treaſurer but in King CHARLES his active time who was put to it to finde out ſuch ſtirring men as might recover him from the hazard and defection he was fallen into in Purſe and Power.

Obſervations on the Life of Henry Vere Earl of Oxford.

THis noble perſon had more of the Camp in h 〈…〉 temper than the Court; whence his roug • Armour-conſtitution grated often againſt the our tiers Silks; for when one of them laughed at h 〈…〉 milk-white Feather, he returned ſmartly upon him with reflections on his Anceſtors, That it had no 〈…〉 int in it. His Predeceſſors had not been more 〈…〉 placable enemies to Spain in the Low-Countries, 〈…〉 an he was at White-Hall, backing thoſe arguments againſt the Match ſtoutly in the Preſence-Chamber, that Doctor Hackwel had urged zealouſly in the Pulpit; and as reſolutely ſuffering impriſonment for the one, as the Doctor did ſuſpenſion for the other; declaring himſelf as freely againſt the Agent Gondomar, as againſt his buſineſs, • he Marriage: For chancing to meet Gondomar at • n Entertainment, the Don accoſted him with high Complements, vowing; That amongſt all the 〈…〉 obility of England, there was none he had tendered his ſervice to with more ſincerity than to his Lordſhip, though hitherto ſuch his unhappineſſe, that his affections were not accepted according to his integrity that tendered them. It ſeems (replyed the Earl of Oxford) that your Lordſhip hath good leiſure, when 〈…〉 ping in your thoughts to one ſo inconſiderable as my ſelf, whoſe whole life hath afforded but two things memorable therein. It is your Lordſhips modeſty (returned the Spaniard) to undervalue your ſelf, whileſt we the ſpectators of your Honours deſerts, make a true and impartial eſtimate thereof; hundreds of memorables have met in your Lordſhipe life: But, 〈…〉 od my Lord, what are thoſe two ſignal things more 〈…〉 ſpicuous than all the reſt? They are theſe two (ſaid the Earl) I was born in the year 88, and chri 〈…〉 ned on the fifth of November.

Neither was he a more inveterate enemy to the Church of Rome, than a cordial friend to that of England; for preſenting one Mr. Copinger to 〈…〉 neham, he added, to try him, He would pay no tythes of his Parke: Mr. Copinger deſired again to reſign it to his Lordſhip, rather than by ſuch ſinful gratitude to betray the rights of the Church. —Well, if you be of that minde (ſaid the Earl) then take the tythes; I ſcorn that my Eſtate ſhould ſwell with Church-goods.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Cook.

SIr John Cook, younger brother to Sir Francis Cook, born at Truſley (in the Hundred of Apple-tree) in Derby-ſhire, of ancient and worſhipful Parentage, and allied to the beſt Family in that County; was bred Fellow of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridg, where his wit being deſigned his Eſtate, he was choſen Rhetorick-Lecturer in the Univerſity, where he grew eminent for his ingenious and critical reading in that School, where Rhetorick ſeemed to be not ſo much an art, as his nature; being not onely the ſubject, but the very frame of his diſcourſe: then travelled he beyond the Seas for ſome years (when his judgement was fitted for Foreign obſervations by Domeſtick experience) in the company of a perſon of quality, returning thence rich in Languages, Remarks, and Experience, waving all the dangers incident to him for his Religion, by a wary profeſſion, that he came to learn, and not to ſearch. Being firſt related to Sir Fulke Grevil, Lord Brook, who did all men • buſineſs but his own; He was thence preferred to be Secretary of the Navy, then Maſter of the Requeſts, and at laſt Secretary of State for twenty years together. Being a very zealous Proteſtant, he did all good offices for the advancement of true Religion: His Contemporaries character him a grave and a prudent man in gate, apparel, and ſpeech; one that had his Intellectuals very perfect in the diſpatch of buſineſſe till he was eighty years old; when foreſeeing thoſe Intrigues that might be too hard for his years, he with his Majeſties good leave retyred as Moſes did, to dye when his eyes were not dim, &c. having kept himſelf ſtrictly to the Law of the Land: Inſomuch, that being ſent to command Biſhop Williams from Weſtminſter; and being asked by the ſtout Biſhop, by what authority he commanded a man out of his houſe and his free-hold, he was ſo tender of the point, that he never reſted till he had his pardon for it. Much ado he had to keep the King's favour for his compliance with the Faction, witneſs his third ſubmiſſion; and as much ado to retain the Factions good opinion for his ſervice to the King, witneſſe his ſeveral Apologies in Parliament to this purpoſe; That it was a hard thing, that they who ſhould have thanks for the good offices they did the People with the KING, had now nothing but cenſures for the ſame offices they did the King with his People.—Never was any man more put to it to reconcile the two readings of that Text

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—which he could never have done, but that his old rule ſafe-guarded him, viz. That no man ſhould let what is unjuſtifiable or dangerous appear under his hand, to give Envy a ſteady aime at his place or perſon; no mingle Intereſts with great men made deſperate by debts or Court-injuries, whoſe falls hath been ruinons to their wiſeſt followers; nor pry any further into ſecrecy, than rather to ſecure, than ſhe • himſelf; nor impart that to a friend, that may Impower him to be an enemy. Beſides that his yea • excuſed in him that caution ſome obſtinate me • want that are broken with viciſſitudes, becauſe they conſider not that the forwardeſt in turmoyls a • leaſt regarded when things return to a calm.

He ſerved the time out of Chriſtian diſcretion, in finding out the ſeaſons of things commendably. He complyed out of ſome infirmity in particular accommodations pardonably; but neither of ignorance or deſign, in purſuance of his own, or any other mans plot unfaithfully. Indeed he muſt have wrenched and ſprained his grave ſoul with the ſhort turnings in thoſe dayes, if it had been true, that he ſhould ſhuffle a Scots Paper (inſtead of the genuine Articles of Pacification at York) which the Earls of Holland, Pembrook, &c. diſavowed 〈◊〉 the Northern Commiſſioners faces (my Lord 〈◊〉 Pembrook ſaying, That indeed as he took Horſe, and his Friends being buſie about him, ſuch a Paper was put into his hand, but he opened it not untill he came to his Majeſtie) and his Majeſtie burned in the face of both Kingdoms; whereupon they ſay he was diſmiſſed, which I am not willing to believe: onely I finde him hereafter bringing Propoſitions from the Parliament (as they called it) to the King, as actively as formerly he had carried Meſſages from the King to the Parliament:—Indeed he had an • happy mixture of Diſcretion and Charity, whereby he could allow to things and perſons more than men of ſtreighter apprehenſions, or narrower affections were able to do. Indeed, though as I told you otherwiſe wary, he broke an Affair to a Partizan that kept him under all his days: & he that entertains a dangerous deſign, puts his head into an •• alter, and the halter into his hand to whom he firſt imparts it.—Sir Francis Windebanke and he fell into extreams; which balanced, might have ſupported the Government, if they had directed their particular inclinations and indulgences by the meaſures of the general intereſt and temper.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Danby.

ALl that I finde of this plain Noble-man, is written on his Tomb-ſtone at Dantſey in Wiltſhire. Here lyeth the Body of Henry Danvers, ſecond ſon to Sir John Danvers Knight, and Dame Elizabeth, Daughter and Co-Heir to • evil Lord Latimer. He was born at Dantſey in the County of Wilts, Anno Dom. 1573. being 〈…〉 ed up partly in the Low-Countrey Wars, under Maurice Earl of Naſſaw, afterwards Prince of Orange; and in many other Military actions of • hoſe times, both by Sea, and by Land. He was • ade a Captain in the Military Wars of France, and there Knighted for his good ſervice under Henry the fourth the then French King. He was employed as Lieutenant of the Horſe, and Serjeant-Major of his whole Army in Ireland, under Robert Earl of Eſſex, and Charles Baron of Mou 〈…〉 joy, in the Reign of Queen Eliz. By King Jam •• the firſt, he was made Baron of Dantſey, and Pee • of this Realm; as alſo Lord Preſident of Munſter and Governour of Guernſey. By King Charles the firſt, he was created Earl of Danby, made one of his Privy-Councel, and Knight of the moſt Noble Order of the Garter. In his later time, by reaſon of imperfect health, confiderately declining more active Employments, full of honours, wounds and days, he died Anno Dom. 1643.

LAƲS DEO.

For many years before, St. George had not been more magnificently mounted (I mean the ſolemnity of his Feaſt more ſumptuouſly obſerved) the • when this Earl, with the Earl of Morton, were inſtalled Knights of the Garter. One might have there beheld the abridgment of England and Scotland in their Attendance. The Scotiſh Earl (like Xeuxes his picture) adorned with all Art and coſtlineſſe, whileſt our Engliſh Earl (like the plain ſhee • of Apelles) by the gravity of his Habit, got the advantage of the gallantry of his Corrival with judicious beholders. He died without Iſſue in the beginning of our Civil Wars, and by his Will made 1639. ſetled his large Eſtate on his hopeful Nephew Henry D'Anvers, ſnatch'd away (before fully o • age) to the great grief of all good men.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Geo. Crook.

SIr George Crook, ſon of Sir John Crook, and Elizabeth Ʋnton his Wife, was born at Chilton in Buckinghamſhire, in the ſecond year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; bred firſt in Oxford, then a double Reader in the Inner Temple, Sergeant at Law, and the King's Sergeant; Juſtice firſt of the Common Bench, 22 Jac. and then of the Upper Bench, 4 Caroli. His ability in his Profeſſion is ſufficiently atteſted by his own printed Reports; Eight eminent Judges of the Law out of their knowledge of his great Wiſdom, Learning, and Integrity, approving and allowing them to be publiſhed for the common benefit. His onely defect was, that he was againſt the ancient Naval-aid called Ship-money, both publickly in Weſtminſter-Hall, and privately in his judgement demanded by the King, even at that time when our Neighbours not onely incroached upon our Trade, but diſputed our right in the Narrow-ſeas, though concluded to ſubſcribe (according to the courſe of the Court) by plurality of Voices. The Country-mans wit (levelled to his brain) will not for many years be forgotten; That Ship-money may be gotten by Hook, and not by Crook; though ſince they have paid Taxes (Leynes to the little finger, and Scorpions to the rod of Ship-money) but whether by Hook or Crook, let others enquire: Hampden's ſhare for which he went to Law, being but eighteen ſhillings, though it coſt the Nation ſince eighteen millions.

Conſidering his declining and decaying age, and deſiring to examine his life, and prepare an account to the ſupream Judge, he petitioned King Charles for a Writ of Eaſe; which though in ſome ſort denyed, (what wiſe Maſter would willingly part with a good Servant?) was in effect granted unto him. For the good King (exacting from his Subjects no ſervices beyond their years and abilities; and taking it better at his hands, that he confeſſed his infirmities, than if he had concealed them) diſcharged him from the pains, though he allowed him the fees and honour of Chief-Juſtice while he lived.—Wherefore in gratitude as well as conſcience, however he was miſled in the foreſaid matter of Ship-money, he abhorred the Faction heartily, for he would ſay of Hampden, He is a dangerous perſon, take heed of him:—and loved the Church as heartily; for we are told by a perſon of great worth and credit, That having read over the book of Canons 1640. when it firſt came out, and was ſo much ſpoken againſt, he lifted up his hands, and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God, that he had lived to ſee ſuch good effects of a Convocation. In a word, he was no leſſe in his Life, than he is in h 〈…〉 Epitaph now dead, which runs thus;

Georgius Crook Eques Auratus, unus juſticiari 〈…〉 cum de Banco Regis, Judicio Linceato, & ani 〈…〉 preſenti inſignis, veritatis haeres, quem nec min 〈…〉 nec h • nos allexit: Regis authoritatem & populi 〈◊〉 bertatem aequâ lance Libravit; Religione cordatu 〈…〉 vitâ innocuus, manu expanſâ, Corde humili pauperes irrogavit: mundum vicit & deſeruit, Anno Aetat. Lxxxii, Annoque R. C. I. xv • i. Anno Domini MDCXLI.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Rob. Armſtroder.

HE was a great Soldier, a skilful Antiquary, and a good Fellow: In the firſt capacity I finde him bringing off five hundred Engliſh for three miles together without the loſſe of a man, from ſix thouſand Spanyards, along a plain Champion, where the Enemy might have ſurrounded them at pleaſure.—Well he could handle bright Armour in the Field, better he underſtood that more ruſty in the Tower; therefore in his ſecond capacity we have him picking up old Coyn, traluing more a Dollar which he might ſtudy, than a pound he might ſpend: Yet though his minde was taken with the Curioſities of former Times, his • nclination was very compliant with the mode of his own; for he was excellent company, in which capacity none more prevalent than he in Germany, where they talk much; none more acceptable in Denmarke, where they drink hard; none more taking in Sweden, where they droll ſmartly. His humble propoſition and ſubmiſſion in behalf of the Elector, was accepted by the Emperour, 1630. He went to Denmarke; and the firſt night he arrived he pleaſed the King ſo well in drinking healths, that his Majeſtie ordered that his buſineſſe ſhould be diſpatched that very night, and he ſhipped when aſleep, as he was to his own amazement when awaked, and the amazement of all England when returned; he being here before ſome thought he had been there.—Humour is the Miſtreſſe of the world.

Neither was he more intent upon the pleaſing of Foreign Princes, than careful in the honour of his own, eſpecially in his faith, word, and impregnable honeſty; for he knew a faithleſſe Prince is beloved of none; but ſuſpected by his friends, not truſted of his enemies,—and forſaken of all men in his greateſt neceſſities.

Yet he was not ſo taken with antique Medals abroad, but he promoted a new invention at home: for to him & Sir H. Wotton we owe it, that F. Klein the German, a very eminent Artiſt in working Tapeſtry, came over to ſerve K. Charls the firſt, a Virtuoſo, judicious in all Liberal mechanical Arts, and for 100 pounds per ann. penſion, ſo improved that Manufacture, at this time very compleat at Mortlack, in a houſe built by Sir Francis Crane upon King James his motion, who gave two thouſand pounds towards it in that place.—General Tilly would ſay before Guſtavus Adolphus came into Germany, that he was happy for three things; That he heard Maſſe daily; that he had never touched a woman; and that he had never loſt a battel.—What-ever Sir Robert could ſay to the firſt, he was very proſperous for the laſt; that he never failed of ſucceſs either in fighting or treating; in the Field, or in the Chamber.

Obſervations on the Life of Philip Earl of Arundel.

HAd his Faith been as Orthodox as his Fathers Faithfulneſſe was eminent, K. James his gratitude, and his Uncle Northampton's policy had raiſed him as high as his Father hath been, and his ſon is. But ſince his opinion made him a Separatiſt from the Church, and his temper a recluſe from the Court, we have him in a place of Honour onely as Earl Marſhal, while we finde his Brother in a place of Profit, as Lord Treaſurer—though both in a place of Truſt as Privy-Counſellors,—where this Earl approved himſelf a confutation of his See the Ea •• • f Northampton's Speech. Uncles maxime; That a through-paced Papiſt could not be a true-hearted Subject; being as good an Engliſh-man in his heart, is he was a Catholick in his conſcience; onely the greatneſſe of his ſpirit would not ſuffer any affronts in See Lord Spencer. Parliament; whence he endured ſome diſcountenance from the Court, inſomuch that the Houſe of Lords finding him a Priſoner, when they ſate 1626, would not act until after ſeveral of their Petitions he was releaſed; when, his temper yielding with years, he was very complying, onely he • reſumed to marry his Son to an Heireſs the King • nd diſpoſed of elſewhere: which yet he laid upon the women that made the Match. Indeed the 〈◊〉 Obſervator ſaith; That women of all creatures are the moſt dextrous in contriving their deſigns, their natural ſprightfulneſſe of imagination, attended with their leaſure, furniſhing them with a thouſand Expedients, and propoſing all kinds of Overtures wi 〈…〉 ſuch probability of happy ſuce • ſſe, that they eaſily deſire, and as eagerly purſue their deſign.

When he was ſometimes barred the ſervice of his own time, he ſtudied thoſe before him, being a fond Patron of Antiquaries and Antiquity, of whoſe old pieces he was the greateſt Hoarder in Europe, ſetting aſide Ferdinando de Medicis, grand Duke of Tuſcany, from whom by the mediation of Sir Henry Wotton, he borrowed many an Antique Sculpture which furniſhed his Archives ſo well, (as we may gueſs by Mr. Selden's Marmora Arundeliana) that as my Lord Burleigh's Library was the moſt compleat one for a Politician, my Lord Bacon's for a Philoſopher, Mr. Selden's for an Hiſtorian, Biſhop Ʋſher's for a Divine, my Lord of Northampton's for a Poet, Mr. Oughtred's for a Mathematician, Dr. Hammond's for a Grammarian, or an univerſal Critick; ſo the Earl of Arundel's was the beſt for a • Hearld and an Antiquary, a Nobly communicated to all ingenious perſons by the honourable H Howard of Norfolk, greater in his own worth than in any ti •• es. Library not for ſhew but uſe.

Neither was he more in his ſtudy, where he be ſtowed his melancholy hours, than in Councel where he adviſed three things in reference to the Foreign troubles: 1. Correſpondence abroad 2. Frequent Parliaments. 3. Oftner progreſſe into the Countries. Neither was he leſſe in the Field than in Council, when General againſt the Scots (the more ſhame!) that Proteſtants ſhould 〈◊〉 time rebel againſt their King, when Papiſts vent 〈…〉 red their lives for him: After which Expedition he was ordered beyond Sea with the Queen-Mother of France, 1639. when they ſay he looked back on England with this wiſh, May it never have need of me.

It's true, ſome obſerve, that the Scots who cried upon him as a Papiſt, yet writ under hand to him their Noble Lord, as they did to Eſſex and Holland ſo effectually, that they had no heart to that War afterward;—and it is as true, that thereupon a ſchedule was now the ſecond time given of the parties that combined againſt the Government, viz. 1. The buſie medlers that had got the plauſible trick of Haranguing ſince King James's time, not uſed in Parliament from H 6. time to his. 2. The covetous Landlords, Incloſers, Juſtices of the Peace that ruled in the Country, and would do ſo in Parliament. 3. Needy men in debt, that durſt not ſhew their heads in time of Peace. 4. Puritans, that were ſo troubleſome againſt Hatton, &c. in Queen Eliz. dayes; and under pretence of Religon, overthrew all Government. 5. Such Male-contents as either loſt the preferment they had, or had not what they were ambitious of, with their Kindred and Dependants. 6. Lawyers, that ſecond any attempt upon the Prerogative, with their Caſes, Records, and Antiquities. 7. London Merchants, that had been diſcovered by Cranfield and Ingram, as to their cheats put upon the King in his Cuſtomes, and Plantations. 8. Common-wealthsmen, that had learned from Holland in Queen Eliz. days to pray for the Queen and the State. And 9 (Becauſe there cannot be a Treaſon without a P—) ſuch Recuſants as were Hiſpanioliz'd, whereof this Earl was none: but though as a Church-Papiſt he had moſt of the Catholick Peers votes devolved on him; he never beſtowed them undutifully, albeit ſometimes ſtoutly, and reſolutely. A great friend he was to all new Inventions, ſave thoſe that tended to do that by few hands, which had been uſually done by many; becauſe, ſaid he, While private men buſie their heads to take off the Poors employment, the publick Magiſtrate muſt trouble his to finde them maintenance. Either he or the Earl of Northampton uſed to ſay (when asked what made a compleat man?) To know how to caſt Accompts: an accompliſhment though ordinary, yet might ſave many an Eſtate in England.

Obſervations on the Life of Eſme Duke of Richmond.

GReat in his Anceſtors honour, greater in his own vertu, and greateſt of all, in that like the Star he wore, the higher he was, the leſſe he deſired to ſeem, affecting rather the 〈◊〉 , than the pomp of nobleneſſe;—therefore his courteſie was his nature not his craft; and his affableneſs not a baſe & ſervile popularity, or an ambitious inſinuation; but the native gentleneſſe of his diſpoſition, and his true value of himſelf: He was not a ſtranger to any thing worth knowing, but beſt acquainted with himſelf, and in himſelf, rather with his weakneſſes for Caution, than his abilities for Action. Hence he is not ſo forward in the traverſes of War, as in Treaties of Peace, where his honour ennobled his cauſe, and his moderation advanced it: He and my Lord of Southampton managing the ſeveral Overtures of Peace at London, Oxford, and Oxbridge with ſuch honourable freedome and prudence, that they were not more deſervedly regarded by their Friends, than importunately courted they their Enemies; who ſeeing they were ſuch, could not be patient till they were theirs, though in • ain, their honours being impregnable as well againſt the Factions kindneſſe as againſt their power. At Conferences his conjectures were as ſolid as others judgements; his ſtrict obſervation of what was paſſed, furniſhing him for an happy gueſſe of what was to come: Yet his opinion was neither variably unconſtant, nor obſtinately immoveable, but framed to preſent occaſions, wherein his method was to begin a ſecond advice from the failure of his firſt,—though he hated doubtful ſuſpenſe, when he might be reſolute. This one great defect was his good nature, that he could never diſtruſt till it was dangerous to ſuſpect: and he gave his Enemy ſo much advantage, that he durſt but own him for his friend.—One thing he repented of, that he adviſed his Majeſtie to truſt Duke Hamilton his Adverſary with the affairs of Scotland, in compliance with the general opinion, rather than the Marqueſs Huntly his friend in compliance with his own real intereſt; an advice wherein his publick-ſpiritedneſſe ſuperſeded his particular concerns and his good nature his prudence:—So true is it, that the honeſt mans ſingle uprightneſſe works in him that confidence, which oft-times wrongs him, and gives advantage to the ſubtle, while he rather pities their faithleſneſs, than repents of his credulity: ſo great advantage have they that look onely what they may do, over them that conſider what they ſhould do; and they that obſerve onely what is expedient, over them that judge onely what is lawful.—Therefore when thoſe that thought themſelves wiſe, left their ſinking Soveraign, he ſtuck to his Perſon while he lived, to his body when dead, and to his cauſe as long as he lived himſelf:—attending the firſt reſolutely, burying the ſecond honourably, and managing the third diſcreetly; undertaking without raſhneſſe, and performing without fear; never ſeeking dangers, never avoiding them. Although when his Friends were conquered by the Rebels, he was conquered by himſelf, retyring to that privacy, where he was gueſſed at, not known; where he ſaw the world unſeen; where he made yielding a conqueſt; where cheerful & unconcerned in expectation, he provided for the worſt, and hoped the beſt, in the conſtant exerciſe of that Religion, wch he & his maintained more effectually with their Examples, than with their Swords; doing as much good in encouraging the Orthodox by his preſence as in relieving them by his bounty.—In a word, I may ſay of him, as Macarius doth of Juſtine; There was no Vice but he thought below him; and no Vertue which he eſteemed not either his duty on ornament. Neither was his prudence narrower than his virtue, nor his virtue ſtreighter than his fortune. His main ſervice was his inſpection into the Intrigues and Reſerves of the Parliamentiers at Ʋxbridge, and his cajoling of the Independants and Scots at London, where the iſſue of his Obſervations was; That the King ſhould as far as his conſcience could allow, comply with the unreaſoble deſires of an illimited ambition, to make it ſenſible of the evils that would flow from its own Counſels: being confident, as events have aſſured us, that the people would ſee the inconvenience of their own wiſhes; and that they would return that power which they ſought for, but could not manage, to its proper place, before it became their-ruine:—for unbounded Liberty overthroweth its ſelf. But alas! it was too late to grant them any thing, who by having ſo much, were onely encouraged more eagerly to deſire what they knew the King in honour could not give:—For when a Prince is once rendred odious or contemptible, his Indulgences do him no leſſe hurt than injuries.

As his ſervices were great, ſo were his Recreations uſeful See his late Majeſties recomdation to him at his departure from Hamton-court. ; Hunting, that manly Exerciſe being both his pleaſure & his accompliſhment: his accompliſhment, I ſay, ſince it is in the liſt of Machiavel's rules to his Prince, as not onely the wholſomeſt and cheapeſt diverſion, both in relation to himſelf, and his People, but the beſt Tutor to Horſe-manſhip, Stratagems, and Situations, by which he may afterwards place an Army; what-ever Sir Philip Sidney's apprehenſion was, who uſed to ſay; Next hunting, he liked hawking worſt.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Chief-Justice Banks.

SIr John Banks his Parents perceiving him judicious and induſtrious, beſtowed good breeding on him in Grayes-Inne, in hope he ſhould attain to preferment; wherein they were not deceived. For after he was called to the Bar for ſome years, he ſolicited Suits for others, thereby attaining great practical experience. He afterwards might laugh at them, who then did ſmile at him, leaving many behind him in Learning, whom he found before him in time, until at laſt he was Knighted by King Charles, made firſt his Attorney, then Chief-Juſtice of the Common-Pleas, dying in the middeſt and heat of our Civil Diſſentions. He ordered by his Will, that his Body ſhould be buried under ſome plain Monument at the diſcretion of his Executors; and after an Epitaph mentioning the ſeverall Places he had held, this Motto to be added;

Non nobis Domine, non nobis, ſed Nomini tuo da Gloriam.

By his ſaid Will he gave to the value of thirty pound per ann. with other Emoluments, to be beſtowed in pious Uſes, and chiefly to ſet up a Manufacture of courſe Cottons in the Town of Keſwick.

He was one whom the Collar of S S. S. worn by Judges and other Magiſtrates became very well, if it had its name from Sanctus, Simon, Simplicius; no man being more ſeriouſly pious, none more ſingly honeſt.—When Sir Henry Savile came to Sir Edward Cook then at bowls, in Arch-Biſhop Abbot's behalf, and told him he had a Caſe to propoſe to him: Sir Edward anſwered; If it be a Caſe in Common-Law, I am unworthy to be a Judge, if I cannot preſently ſatisfie you: but if it be a point of Statute-Law, I am unworthy to be a Judge, if I ſhould undertake to ſatisfie you without conſulting my Books.—Sir John Bankes, though ready without his Books on the Bench,—yet always reſolved Caſes out of them in his Chamber; anſwerable to his ſaying to Dr. Sibs, A good textuary is a good Lawyer, as well as a good Divine.

His invention was prompt and ready; his apprehenſion ſure and ſolid; his memory capacious and retentive; his knowledge in the Law, and the inward reaſons of it, profound; his experience in affairs of State univerſal, and well laid: patient he was in hearing; ſparing, but pertinent in ſpeaking: very glad always to have things repreſented truly and clearly; and when it was otherwiſe, able to diſcern through all pretences the real merit of a Cauſe.

He was a man of ſingular modeſty, of the ancient freedome, plain-heartedneſſe, and integrity of minde: Very grave and ſevere in his deportment, yet very affable, in ſuch ſort, that, as Tacitus ſaith of Agrippa; Illi quod eſt rariſſimum nec facilitas authoritatem, nec ſeveritas amorem diminu •• : And in a word, ſo even and circumſpect he was in the ſeveral turnings and occaſions of his life, that though he went himſelf, and brought over as many as he had any intereſt in, to the King, I finde him under no extraordinary diſpleaſure from the Rebels; and I obſerve but one unhappineſſe in his whole life, and that is, that all men ſpeak well of him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Tho. Edmonds.

THe Trophees of Miltiades would not let Themiſtocles ſleep, nor the Courts-advancements of his Relations this Gentleman to ſit ſtill; having both Livie's qualifications, for an eminent man, a great ſpirit, and a gallant conduct for actions; a ſharp wit, and a fluent tongue for advice.—Whence we meet with him Comptroller of the Kings Houſhold at home, and his Agent for In France, 1629. Peace abroad, equally fit for buſineſſe of courage and reſolution, and for affairs of Councel and complement.—I think it was this Gentleman, who foreſeeing a Conteſt likely to enſue between the Engliſh and the Spaniſh Embaſſadors, to the firſt whereof he belonged, went to Rome privately and fetched a Certificate out of the book of Ceremonies (which according to the Canon giveth the rule in ſuch caſes) ſhewing that the King of England was to precede him of Caſtile; a good argument, becauſe ad homines, wiſe men having always thought fit to urge not what is moſt rational in its ſelf, but what (all circumſtances conſidered) is moſt conrincing. Sir Thomas Edmonds uſed to puzzle the Catholicks about ſix Records. 1. The original of Conſtantine's grant of Rome to the Pope. 2. St. Marke's grant of the Adriatique Guiph to Venice. 3. The Salique Law in France. 4. The Inſtrument whereby King John paſſed away England to the Pope. 5. The Letter of King Lucius. And 6. The Ordinal of the Conſecration at the Nagshead.—Neither did he perplex them with theſe Quaeries, more than he angered the Faction with his Principles, Tertio Car. I. 1. That the King was to be truſted. 2. That the Revenue was to be ſetled. 3. That the Proteſtant cauſe was to be maintained. 4. That Jealouſies were to be removed, and things paſt were to be forgotten.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Paul Pindar.

HE was firſt a Factor, then a Merchant, next a At Perro • s & Aleppo. Conſul; and at laſt an Embaſſador in Turkey: Whence returning with a good purſe and a wary Headpiece, he caſt about what he might do to gratifie K. James and the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury moſt; and finding them much pleaſed with acts of Charity and Piety, he repaired the Entry, Front, and Porches of St. Paul's Cathedral to all the upper Church, Quire and Chancel, and enriched them with Marble ſtructures and figures of the Apoſtles, with carvings and guildings far exceeding their former beauty, which coſt above two thouſand pounds; the act of a good man, ſaid K. James, who made him one of the great Farmers of the Cuſtomes: in gratitude whereof, Sir Paul beſides his former expences, took upon him to new build the South Iſle, which coſt him above 17000 l.

A Projector (ſuch neceſſary Evils then countenanced) and he a Clergy-man too, informed K. James how he might ſpeedily advance his Revenue by bringing in Spiritual preferments (now forſooth under-rated in the Kings books) to a full value, to the great encreaſe of firſt-Fruits and Tenths: the King demands the Lord Treaſurer Cranfield's judgement thereof: he ſaid; Sir, You are eſteemed a great lover of Learning; you know Clergy-mens Education is chargeable, their prefermeut ſlow, and ſmall: Let it not be ſaid you gain by grinding them other ways leſſe obnoxious to juſt cenſure will be found out to furniſh your occaſions. The King commended the Treaſurer (as doing it onely for tryal) adding moreover, I ſhould have accounted thee a very Knave, if encouraging me herein.—But he ſends for Sir Paul Pindar, and tells him, he muſt either raiſe the Cuſtomes, or take this courſe; who anſwereth him nobly: That he would lay thirty thouſand pounds at his feet the morrow, rather than he ſhould be put upon ſuch poor projects, as unſuitable to his honour, as to his inclination. Go thy way (ſaith the King) thou art a good man.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Vane Senior.

THree things Henry the fourth of France ſaid would puzzle any man. 1. Whether Qu: Elizabeth was a Maid? 2. Whether the Prince of Orange was valiant? 3. What Religion he himſelf was of? To which I may add a fourth, viz. what Sir Henry Vane was? whom I know not what to call, but what Mr. Baxter calleth his ſon, a bider: the Fathers life being as myſtical as the Sons faith, men as little underſtanding the actions of the one, as they did the writings of the other: But the two powers that govern the world, the beſt, and the worſt, are both inviſible. All Northern men are reſerved to others, but this was too ſlie for his own Country-men; neither Sir John Savile that brought him to Court, nor Sir Thomas Wentworth that advanced him there, underſtanding either his temper, or his deſign.—He betrayed any Council he was preſent at, and marred all the Actions he was employed in. As 1. When he was ſent to relate the Emperor's overture to the Queen of Bobemia, of thirty thouſand pounds per ann. and a Marriage between her eldeſt Son and his Daughter, he did it with thoſe ackward circumſtances, that tranſported the good Lady, to ſuch unſeaſonable expreſſions, as at that time blaſted her cauſe and expectations. And thence it's thought he brought Sir Robert Dudley's Rhapſody of Projects to diſparage the King's government, under pretence of ſupplying his neceſſities: [it was the way of the late Underminers, to relieve their Maſters preſent need upon future inconveniences; hiding themſelves under Propoſals, plauſible for the preſent, and fatall in the conſequence] which juggles of his were ſo long too little to be conſidered, that at laſt they were too great to be remedied. 2. He is ſaid to have ſhuffled other Conditions into the Pacification at Yorke, where he was a Commiſſioner, than were avowed by the Lords Commiſſioners, much inſiſted on by the Scots, and burned by the common Hang-man, as falſe, and contrary to the true Articles. 3. When ſent to the Houſe, 1640. to demand 12, or 8, or ſix Subſidies, he requireth without abatement twelve, with deſign (as it's judged) to aske ſo much, as might enrage the Parliament to give nothing;—and ſo to be diſſolved unhappily, or continued unſucceſsfully. 4. He and his ſon together betray the Votes paſſed in the ſelect Councel, taken by him privately under his hat, for the reducing of Scotland, to the ruine of the Earl of Strafford, and the Arch-Biſhop of Carterbury.—The ſtory is, Sir Henry Vane was truſted with the Juncto, where he took Notes of their ſeveral opinions; theſe Notes he puts up in his Cloſet: A while after, he delivers to his ſon Sir H. Vane Junior, a key to fetch ſome Papers out of a Cabinet, in which he findes another key to an inward ſhutter; which he opened, and lighted upon this Paper, and communicates it to Mr. Pym for the end aforeſaid; and upon this very Paper (doeſt not tremble Reader at this Treaſon?) alone, the Houſe of Commons voted that brave Earl out o 〈…〉 his Life, the ſame day that twenty two years after the ſame Sir Henry Vane Junior, loſt his head. Abſolvi numen.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Richard Hutton.

SIr Richard Hutton was born at Perith, of a worſhipful Family (his elder brother was a Knight) and bred in Jeſus-Colledge in Cambridge. He intended his Studies for Divinity, till diſſwaded by the importunity of his friends (amongſt whom George Earl of Cumberland was moſt eminent) he became Barriſter of Grayes-Inne. But in expreſſion of his former Affection to Divinity, he ſeldome (if ever) took fee of a Clergy-man. Afterwards being Recorder of Yorke, he was Knighted, and made Judge of the Common-Pleas. In the caſe of Ship-money, though he was againſt the King, or rather for the So ſaith the Hiſtorian: but I think as much againſt them as againſt the K. Not onely becauſe the welfare of K. & people are inſeparable: but alſo becauſe there is not a more common ſaying among the people, than defend me, and ſpend. Commons, yet his Maieſty manifeſted not the leaſt diſtaſte, continuing to call him the honeſt Judge. This perſon ſo pious to God, and charitable to the Poor, was diſſolved about the beginning of our National miſery. Thus God, before he ploweth up a Land with the furrows of a Civil War, firſt cutteth down his old crop, and gathereth them like ripe ſheaves into his Barn. He died at Sergeant's Inne, and was buried at his earneſt deſire with the Common-Prayer, without any Funeral-Sermon (ſave what his own Vertues preached to poſterity) at St. Dunſtan's in the Weſt, on the 27 day of February, Anno Dom. 1638. Here I learn how circumſpect our counſels muſt be in reference to things and perſons above us; which implying an overpoyzing of our own judgement, and a debating of others, in all caſes is obnoxious to jealouſie, but in theſe to danger, under which there are no Qualifications to patience and moderation, The vertues of this happy Judge (if he had caſt obſtinacy over-board, and let his wiſdome tack about in things capable of expedience) whereby he knew well both how to allay the aſperities of a bad fortune, and check the exceſſes of a good one, packing up his fears and hopes in ſo narrow a compaſſe, as made the laſt leſſe tedious, and the firſt more portable; to which he added an unaffected plainneſſe, the argument of his worth and weight, a weakneſſe and emptineſſe being as ſafely as uſually concluded from too much affectation,—an over-much care of the out ſide being an argument of remiſneſſe in what is within, it remaining (ſaith one) equally rare, to finde a ſtarched and formal man wiſe, as a Woman valiant; the moſt ſerious Endeavours of both being to take onely the Eyes.

Obſervations on the Life of the Marqueſs of Hertford.

HE was none of thoſe Male-contents who make the ſins of their riper years make good the follies of their youth, and maintain overſights with Treaſons: as he was patient under his Impriſonment for the one, ſo he was active in his ſervices againſt the other; not more dutifully ſubmitting to the ſeverity of K. James for his Marriage, then loyally aſſiſting the neceſſities of King Charles in his Wars. It's natural to return an Injury, it's heroical to overcome it; and be above it, when we are below our ſelves. It is true, he was drawn in to ſubſcribe the untoward Propoſals at Yorke; but it is as true, he did of his own accord declare againſt the unnatural War in London, where the King advanced him to the tuition of the Prince, and he went himſelf to the defence of the King: at what time ſuch his popularity, that he rayſed an Army himſelf ſuch his humility, that he yielded the command of it to another, as if he knew nothing but others merit, and his own wants; being one of thoſe choice men that admire every thing in others, and ſee nothing in themſelves. His face, his carriage, his habit ſavoured of Lowlineſſe without affectation, and yet he was J. H. much under what he ſeemed. His words were few and ſoft, never either peremptory or cenſorious, becauſe he thought both each man more wiſe, and none more obnoxious than himſelf; being yet neither ignorant nor careleſſe, but naturally meek, lying ever cloſe within himſelf, armed with thoſe two Maſter-pieces, Reſolution and Duty, wherewith he mated the blackeſt Events that did rather exerciſe than diſmay that ſpirit that was above them, and that minde that looked beyond them: He was the eaſieſt enemy, and the trueſt friend; whom extremities obliged, while (as the Reverend Biſhop ſpeaks) he as a wellwrought Vault lay at home the ſtronger, by how much the more weight he did bear. He offered his life for his Prince's ſervice in the Field, and his perſon for his ranſom at the Court; and when many wiſhed they might dye for that excellent King, he, the Earls of Lindſey and Southampton offered, That ſince his Majeſty was preſumed by the Law to do no harm himſelf, and ſince he did all by them his Miniſters, as they had the honour to act under, they might have the happineſſe to ſuffer for him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir John Finch.

THis Family hath had an hereditary eminence in the ſtudy of the Law.—Sir Henry Finch [the Author of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] learned Sergeant at Law in King James his time. 〈◊〉 Heneage Finch Recorder of London in K. Charles time, and this noble perſon at the ſame time the Queen's Attorney, and Speaker of that curious, knowing, and rich Parliament wherein ſome have obſerved, though wide, I ſuppoſe, that the Houſe of Commons modeſtly aeſtimated [conſiſting of 500] could buy the Houſe of Peers [conſiſting of 118] thrice over.—Norimbergh in Germany, and Florence in Italy, would not of old admit of any learned men into their Councel; becauſe great learned men, ſaith the Hiſtorian of thoſe places, are perplexed to reſolve upon Affairs, making many doubts full of Reſpects and Imaginations.—Semblably this Parliament was too rich and curious to do any good, though this noble perſonage, even when the Houſedoors were ſhut, and he violently detained in his Chair, refuſed to countenance their proceedings, always abhorring Eliot's doctrine; That men ſhould not be queſtioned for offences in Parliament: As if that reverend Aſſembly were called for no other end, than that turbulent ſpirits might be at liberty to ſpeak Treaſon once every three years.

When he was queſtioned for his opinion about Ship-money, his judgement was; That if the whole were in danger, the whole ſhould contribute.—When he was urged to read the Remonſtrance againſt Sir R. W. 4 Car. in Parliament, his opinion was; That at any rate (though at the higheſt that can be) Authority muſt be vindicated, and redeemed from contempt, ſince the Life of Government is reputation.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Say.

WHether the firſt impreſſions of his 〈◊〉 T. C. Tutor, (Schoolmaſters, though the moſt neglected, are not the moſt inconſiderable parts of a Common-wealth:) the narrowneſſe of his fortune (unequal to his honour; younger brothers of noble houſes had need in every State to be obſerved the repulſe, 1613. (other men muſt look to whom they are kinde, but Princes to whom they are unkind) inclined this perſonage to popularity: This is certain, no man was better tempered for that humour than himſelf; being in his nature ſevere and rigid; in his carriage cloſe and reſerved; in his reſolutions firm and immoveable; in his apprehenſion, provident and foreſeeing; in his Sentiments nice and curious:—in his Diſcourſe (full of Fears and Jealouſies) diſſatisfied and bold; in his followers irregular and pretending; in the Law well ſeen; in the Scripture very ready; in the occurrences of his age very exact: at Lectures moſt conſtant; to the liberty of the Subject (then the Diana of the age) moſt faithful, inſomuch that he made a motion 1628, That they who ſtood for the Liberties, forſooth! (then called the Lower-Houſe Lords of the Upper-Houſe) not fifty might make their Proteſtation upon record, and that the other party ſhould with ſubſcription of their names enter their reaſon upon Record, that poſterity might not be to ſeek (good lack) who they were that ſo ignobly betrayed the Liberty of our Nation: And this being done, they ſhould reſolve themſelves to a Committee, and proceed to vote:—Yet ſo well acquainted with the King's temper, that he would • ake any occaſion of his being pleaſed by the Parliament, to 〈…〉 ſinuate himſelf into favour with all his Male-contents, as Biſhop Williams, Earl of Lincoln, Earl of Eſſex, the Earl of Warwick, &c.

As he wrought upon the peoples humour in that point of Liberty, ſo he did upon the Nobilities temper in another of Ambition: For in a Petition to King James againſt Foreign titles of Honour, we finde him firſt in deſign, though laſt in ſubſcription, teaching Eſſex, Warwick, St. John (for they joyned with him) to tilt againſt their Soveraign's Prerogative with their Pens, as they did after with their Swords.

And when this failed (the wiſe King a wing the young Lords to renounce that aſunder, which they had ſubſcribed together; none ſo bold as the factious in company, none ſo fearfull apart) the Champion of Engliſh honour and priviledge, becomes the Patron of Propriety too; for we read Ter. Hill. Anno 14. Car. 1. in Banco Regis, the Lord Say's Caſe.—

Action for Trover and Converſion of thrée Oxen taken (a great matter) for three pounds five ſhillings, by the Sheriff of Lincoln, upon the Plaintiff, towards the finding of a Ship.—A goodly reaſon, for going to Law firſt, and then to war with his Soveraign, as he did afterwards, when he had ſent his ſon Nathaniel, with Hampden and Lawrence, 1639. to ſettle the League with their dear Brethren in Scotland, while he formed the grand Deſign in England, with ſo much ſucceſſe, that when there were ſome Overtures made for ſaving the Earl of Strafford, and ſecuring the Kingdome by the Party, upon condition of preferment, as that Maſter Hampden ſhould be Tutor to the Prince, the Earl of Eſſex his Governour, Mr. Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Warwick Vice-Admiral, he was to be Maſter of the Court of Wards; which he compaſſed, when the reſt miſt of their expectation.—No more of him, but that the King going to Scotland, he refuſing a Proteſtation againſt the Scots, had theſe queſtions propoſed to him:

1. Whether he would go with the King at his own charge. 2. Whether Rebellion was a juſt cauſe of War. 3. Whether the taking of Caſtles, Crowns, Magazines, &c. was not Rebellion.

To the firſt he anſwered; That though as a Pee • and Subject, he could not be forced out of his Countrey but upon extraordinary occaſion; yet out of affection to his Majeſty, he would attend him, referring the matter of charge to himſelf.

To the two laſt he ſaid, he underſtood not the Law of Scotland, but that thoſe proceedings were Treaſon in England.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Lindſey.

HE and that whole Family (I know not whether more pious, or more valiant; whether more renowned abroad, as Confeſſors for their Religion, or, as Champions for their Country) have been in this laſt Age an ornament and a defence to this Crown, equally reverenced by the Subjects of it, and honoured by the Soveraigns.

This Noble-man and the Earl of Eſſex did as Jugurtha and Manus, learn in one School what they practiſed in two: The one as a faithful Subject, for that government that had obliged his Family; the other as a diſcontented Rebel, againſt that that had diſobliged his: Both Commanders for the Palatinate againſt the Emperor, and for Rochel againſt the French.

When the Duke of Buckingham returned from the Iſle of Rhee, his Majeſtie told him; The neglect of his relief muſt lodge on his Friend and Confident, Holland.—To which he acknowledged; That indeed he had very affectionately intruſted him in ordinary Affairs, but never in ſuch an eſteem, as to ſecond him in Arms, that place being more proper for my Lord of Lindſey,—whoſe judgement of that Expedition was; That it was friendſhip in earneſt, and War in jeſt. He it was that purſued twelve French Veſſels in his own ſingle one to their Haven, heated at once with anger and ſhame. He it was, who when all men were amazed at the Duke's fall was aſſigned his ſucceſſor. Certainly, ſaith one them preſent, He was a perſon of no likely preſence, but of conſiderable experience, by his former Expeditions; and one that to the laſt of his life made good his Faith with Gallantry and Courage, notwithſtanding his ill ſucceſſe (the times fate rather than his fault) 1. In ſcouring the narrow Sea 〈…〉 where he was Admiral, and the Earl of Eſſex Vice-Admiral. 2. In preſiding in ſeveral great Cou 〈…〉 on many ſolemn occaſions, the Earl of Strafford's unparallel'd Tryal, &c. And 3. In leading the King's Army at Edge-Hill with a Pike in his hand. Where what is obſerved of Cataline and his followers, was true of this noble Earl and his Country-men, the Loyal Gentry of Lincoln-ſhire, that they covered the ſame place with their Corps when dead, where they ſtood in the fight whileſt living.

Obſervations on the Life of Judge Richardſon.

JUdge Richardſon was born at Mulbarton in Norf • his Father being Miniſter thereof; and he a friend to Miniſters, though a foe of the Church. He was bred in the ſtudy of our Municipal Law, and became the King's Sergeant therein. Afterwards, on the 28 of November, 1626. he was ſworn Chief-Juſtice of the Common-Pleas, that Place having been void ten months before; wherein he was humorſome, but honeſt, onely unhappy, in that he raiſed the Sabbatarian Controverſie, by his orders againſt Wakes in Somerſet-ſhire. His Braſſe Monument on the South-ſide of Weſtminſter • bby, thus entertaineth the Reader;

Deo om.

Thomae Richardſoni Icaeni Equitis Aurati Humanum Depoſitum.

Ille Juris Municip. omnes gradus exantlavit • enventus tertii ordinis ann. Jacobi Regis 21, & 22.

Prolocutor extitit; Fori civilis (communium Placitorum vocant) Supremum Magiſtratum quinquennium geſſit; Ad ſummum tandem primarii per Angliam Judicis Tribunal A Rege Carolo evectus: expiravit

Anno Aetatis 66. Salutis, MDCXXXIIII.

Tho. Richardſon fil. unicus Eques A •• . Baro Scotiae deſignatus

Patri incomparabili poſuit.

As one reaſon of his advancement, you muſt know, this Judge married for his ſecond Wife the Lady Eliz. Beaumont, the Siſter (as I take it) of Mary Counteſs of Buckingham, and the Relict of..... Aſhburnham Knight. She was by K. Charles 〈…〉 eated Baroneſſe of Croumont in Scotland; and though Iſſuleſs by the Judge) the Honour diſcented to his Grand-child. He died an enemy to Biſhop Williams, over-ruling all his Pleas in his Cham 〈…〉 r in a quarter of an hour; and yet, which was ſtrange, at that time no friend to Arch-Biſhop Laud; for he ſaid, The Lawn-ſleeves had choaked him.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Tho. Coventry.

A Competent Eſtate he had for his education, and excellent Abilities for advancement: his fortune was not wanting to his parts, nor his parts to his fortune; the one being as ready to ſupport, as the other was to raiſe him His ſtaid ſoul was well prepared for general learning in the Schools and Univerſity, for his particular learning at the Innes of Court: his skill in the ſtudy of Law called him no ſooner to the Bar, than his prudence to Court: Take we his character from his Honour. Why was he created Lord Coventry of Aliſbury, and Keeper of the great Seal? Why, ſaith the Patent, for his eminent fidelity; for his 〈◊〉 worthy ſervice; for his exact circumſpection; for his deep prudence; for his conſtant reſolution; for his skill and dexterity; for his integrity and induſtry for his immoveableneſſe and fidelity: No man mor • apprehenſive of the intereſt of England, none more faithful to it: His kindneſs to the Church and Clergy argued his piety; his ſafe Counſels to his Majeſty argued his moderation: his dignity rather enjoyed him, than he it: A man he was that filled u • his great capacities, having digeſted a body 〈◊〉 the moſt honeſt Law, and a ſcheme of the moſt innocent policy that ever fillled the head of an abl • States-man, or the heart of an upright Judge. Wha • belonged to him, he knew; and what he knew, h • practiſed. He was as conſtant to his rule, as he knew his rule was to him: Reſerved he was, as the King's Councellor, honeſt as his conſcience. We meaſure Pyramides by their ſhadows, and this great Lord by his followers: every one whereof was The moſt pious, learned, wiſe, and Reverend Father in God, the Lord Arch-Biſhop of Cant. was his Domeſtick. eminent in his way, and all advanced. Each Action of his, though never ſo little, yet great as himſelf, ſo gravely did he manage it, ſo ſolemnly did he perform it: His orders were ſeldome reverſed, becauſe moſtly including the conſent of Parties.—Few Attorney-Generals came off with leſſe cenſure, and few Lord Keepers with leſſe guilt; his Predeceſſors miſcarriages being foils to ſet off his exactneſſe.—Eminent as in moſt other Ca 〈…〉 s, ſo particularly in that of Pryn, Baſtwicke, and Burton; againſt whom, when after ſix weeks time given them to put in an effectual Anſwer, they urged, that their Adverſaries the Biſhops ſhould not be their Judges: He replyed ſmartly; That by that Plea had they Libelled all the Magiſtrates in the Land; none ſhould paſſe Cenſure upon them, becauſe all were made parties.

He had fifteen years enjoyed his Place; not more proper to ſay, that Dignity had enjoyed him ſo long, this latter age affording not one every way of more apt Qualifications for the place. His front and preſence beſpake a venerable regard, not interiour to any of his Anteceſſors. His train and ſuit of Followers was diſpoſed agreeable, to ſhun both Envy and Contempt: Vain and ambitious he was • ot; his port was ſtate, though others oſtentation. Of what concerned his place, he knew enough, and which is the main, acted conformable to his knowledge; For in the Adminiſtration of Juſtice, he was ſo erect, ſo incorrupt, as captious malice ſtands mute in the blemiſh of his Fame. A miracle the greater, when we conſider he was alſo a Privy-Councellor: A truſt, wherein he ſerved his Maſter the King moſt faithfully; and the more faithfully, becauſe of all thoſe Councels which did diſſerve his Majeſty, he was an earneſt diſſwader, and did much diſaffect thoſe ſticklers who laboured to make the Prerogative rather tall than great; 〈◊〉 knowing that ſuch men loved the King better the Charles Stuart. So that although he was a Courtier, and had had for his Maſter a Paſſion moſt in tenſe, yet had he always a paſſion reſerved for the publick welfare; an argument of a free, noble, and right-principled minde: For what both Court and Country have always held as inconſiſtent, is 〈◊〉 truth erroneous: And no man can be truly loyal who is not alſo a good Patriot; nor any a good Patriot, which is not truly loyal.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Strafford.

SIr Thomas Wentworth Earl of Strafford owned his birth to the beſt-govern'd City London; his breeding to the beſt-modelled School, York, and a moſt exact Colledge, St. John in Cambridge; his accompliſhments to the beſt Tutors, Travail and Experience; and his prudence to the beſt School, a Parliament, whither he cam in the moſt active and knowing times, with 〈◊〉 ſtrong brain, and a large heart: his activity wa • eminent in his Country, and his intereſt ſtrong in Parliament, where he obſerved much, and pertinently; ſpake little, but home: contrived effectually, but cloſely; carried his Defigns ſucceſsfully, but reſervedly: He apprehended the publick temper as clearly, and managed it to his purpoſes as orderly as any man: He ſpoke leaſt, but laſt of all, with the advantage of a clear view of others reaſons, and the addition of his own: He and his leading Confidents moulded that in a private Conference, which was to be managed in a publick Aſſembly: He made himſelf ſo conſiderable a Patriot, that he was bought over to be a Courtier: So great his Abilities, that he awed a Monarchy when diſ-obliged and ſupported it when engaged, the balance turning thither where this Lord ſtood.—The North was reduced by his prudence, and Ireland by his intereſt: He did more there in two years, than was done in two hundred before.

1. Extinguiſhing the very reliques of the War.

2. Setting up a ſtanding Army.

3. Modelling the Revenue.

4. Removing the very roots and occaſions of new troubles.

5. Planting and building.

6. Setling Eccleſiaſtical and Civil Courts.

7. Recovering the hearts of the people by able Paſtors and Biſhops, by prudent and ſober Magiſtrates; by juſtice and protection; by obligations and rewards.

8. Recovering the Churches patrimony and diſcipline.

9. Employing moſt able and faithful Miniſters and Inſtruments.

10. Taking an exact view of all former Precedents, Rules, and Proceedings.

11. An exact correſpondence with his Majeſty, and the Favourites of England.

None was more converſant in the Factions, Intrigues, and Deſigns, than he when a Common-wealths-man; none abler to meet with them than he when a States-man: he underſtood their methods, kenned their wiles, obſerved their deſigns, looked into their combinations, comprehended their intereſt: And as King Charles underſtood beſt of any Monarch under heaven what he could do in point of Conſcience, ſo his Strafford apprehended beſt of any Counſellor under the Sun what he could do in point of power: He and my Lord of Canterbury having the moſt particular account of the ſtate of Great-Britain and Ireland of any perſons living. Nature is often hidden, ſometimes overcome, ſeldome extinguiſhed; yet Doctrine and Diſcourſe had much allayed the ſeverity of this Earl's nature, and Cuſtome more: None more auſtere to ſee to; none more obliging to ſpeak with: He obſerved pauſes in his diſcourſe to attend the motion, and draw out the humour of other men; at once commanding his own thoughts, and watching others: His paſſion was rather the vigour, than the diſorder of his well-weighed ſoul; which could diſpenſe its anger with as much prudence, as it managed any act of State. He gave his Majeſty ſafe counſel in the proſperity of his Affairs, and reſolute advice in Extreamity, as a true ſervant of his intereſt rather than of his power.

So eminent was he and my Lord of Canterbury, that Rebellion deſpaired of ſucceſſe as long as the firſt lived, and Schiſme of licentiouſneſſe as long as the ſecond ſtood. Take my Lord of Strafford as accuſed, and you will finde his Integrity and Ability, that he managed his whole Government either by the Law, or the Intereſt of his Countrey. Take him as dying, and you will ſee his parts and piety; his reſolution for himſelf, his ſelf-reſignation for the Kingdoms good; his devotion for the Church, whoſe patrimony he forbade his ſon upon his bleſſing—Take him as dead, you will finde him glorious and renowned in theſe three characters.

The firſt of the beſt King.

I looked upon my Lord of Strafford, as a Gentleman whoſe great Abilities might make a Prince rather afraid, E 〈…〉 E 〈…〉 . Meditat. 2. than aſhamed to employ him in the greateſt Affairs of State: for thoſe were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings, and this was like enough to hetray him to great Errors, and many Enemies; whereof he could not but contract great ſtore, while moving in ſo high a ſphere, and with ſo vigorous a luſtre, he must needs (as the Sun) raiſe many envious exbalations; which condenſed by a popular Odium, were capable to caſt a cloud upon the brighteſt merit and integrity: though I cannot in my judgement approve all he did, driven (it may be) by the neceſſities of Times, and the temper of that People, more than led by his own diſpoſition to any beighth and rigor of Action, &c.

The ſecond, of the beſt Hiſtorian.

He was a perſon of a generous ſpirit, fitted for the nobleſt Exerciſes, and the moſt difficult parts of Empire: His Counſels were bold, yet juſt; and he had a vigour proper for the execution of them: Of an eloquence next that of his Maſters, maſculine and excellent. He was no leſſe affectionate to the Church, than to the State; and not contented while living, to defend the government and patrimony of it, he commended it alſo to his Son when he was about to dye, and charged his abhorrency of ſacriledge: His enemies called the majeſtie of his miene in his Lieutenancy, pride; and the undaunted execution of his Office on the Contumacious, the inſolency of his fortune. He was cenſured for that fatall errour of following the King to London, and to the Parliament, after the Pacification at York: And it was thought, that if he bad gone ever to his Charge in Ireland, he might have ſecured both himſelf and that Kingdome for his Majeſties ſervice: But ſome attribute this Counſel to a neceſſity of fate, whoſe firſt ſtroke is at the Drain of thoſe whom it deſigns to ruine, and brought him to feel the effects of popular rage, which himſelf in former Parliaments bad uſed againſt Government, and to finde the experience of his own devices upon the Duke of Buckingham. Providence teacheth us to abhor over-fine Councels, by the miſchiefs they often bring upon their Authors.

The third, of common fame.

A Gentleman he was of rare, choice, and ſingular Endowments, I mean, of ſuch as modelled, faſhioned, and accompliſhed him for State-concernments; of a ſearching and penetrating judgement, nimble apprehenſion, ready and fluence in all reſults of Councel. Moſt happy in the veins of ſpeech, which was always round, perſpicuous, and expreſſe, much to the advantage of his fenſe and ſo full ſtocked with reaſon, that he might be rather ſaid to demonſtrate, than to argue. As theſe abilities raiſed him to State-adminiſtration, ſo his Addreſſing, his applying choſe abilities ſo faithfully in promotion of the Royal Intereſt, ſoon rendered him a Favourite of the firſt admiſſion: So that never King had a more intelligent, and withal a firmer ſervant than he was to his Maſter. But theſe qualities which rendred him ſo amiable to his Majeſty, repreſented him formidable to the Scots, ſo that ſome who were not well perſwaded of the juſtneſſe of his ſentence, thought he ſuffered not ſo much for what he had done already, as for what he was like to have done, had he lived, to the diſſervice of that Nation: And that he was not ſacrificed ſo much to the Scots revenge, as to their fear. And certainly his fall was as the firſt, ſo the moſt fatal wound the King's Intereſt ever received: His three Kingdomes hardly affording another Strafford, that is, one man his peer in parts and fidelity to his Majeſty. He had a ſingular paſſion for the Government and Patrimony of the Church, both which he was ſtudious to preſerve ſafe and ſound; either opining them to be of ſacred extraction, or at leaſt prudent conſtitution, relating to holy performances. And had he wanted theſe poſitive graces, yet in ſo great a Perſon it may be commendable, that he was emiment for privative and negative Excellencies, being not taxable with any Vice; thoſe petty pleaſures being beneath the ſatisfaction of a ſoul ſo large as his. In ſhort, ſaith the ingenious Gentleman, he was a man who might have paſſed under a better notion, had he lived in better times.

This laſt period is a queſtion, ſince this great States-man, and his good Maſter's goodneſſe was ſo over-ſhadowed with their greatneſſe, and their vertues ſo loſt in their power, as the Sun (the apteſt parallel of their luſtre and beneficence) is hid in his own light, that they owe their great, but glorious ſame to their misfortunes, and their renown to their ruine, that levelled their worth, otherwiſe as much out of their reach as their place, to vulgar apprehenſions. Eclipſed luſtre, like a veiled beauty, as moſt looked on, when moſt covered.—The ſetting Sun is more glorious than its ſelf in its Meridian, becauſe more low: and the loweſt Planet ſeems biggeſt to a common eye.

So faithful he was, and the Arch-Biſhop, that in the Juncto conſiſting of them two and Duke Hamilton, they voted a Parliament, though they knew themſelves the firſt ſufferers by it: and ſo confident of his integrity, that when he had treaſon enough diſcovered at the late tranſactions in Yorke (touching the Scots conſpiracy) to charge his enemies with, he waved the advantage; and ſecure in his own innocence, fell an inſtance of that Maxime; That there is no danger ſmall, but what is thought ſo. This was his great principle; Ʋſurped Royalty was never layd down by perſwaſion from Royal clemency; for in armis jus omne regni.

Obſervations on the Lives of Hen-Earl of Holland, & Robert Earl of Warwick.

HEnry Earl of Holland, and Robert Earl of Warwick, both a brothers, had the ſame Education at home, and the ſame admittance to Court—onely the elder having an Eſtate, brought not thither that compliance and obſervance that the younger did that wanted it.—The one therefore is ſerious in his carriage, harſh and rough in his ſpirit, ſtubborn in his conſtitution, ſteady in his courſe, ſtern in his comportments, ſly and cloſe in his conduct; chooſing rather to improve himſelf in America by Trade, than in England by Courtſhip; ſomething inclined to the faction by the principles of his Education, more by thoſe of his Intereſt. The other owned not a greater ſmoothneſſe in his face, than in his ſoul; being very taking in his countenance, more in his Converſe. The firſt being not more lovely, than the laſt was obliging.—While a Courtier, ſo much was he in favour with King James, that one morning as he and Mr. Ramſey waited on his Majeſty, and two Porters came by with ſome money, he did but ſmile on Ramſey, and tell his Majeſty, who asked why he ſmiled, that it was to think what good that money would do him: and he had it; his Royal Mr. whoſe heart was as large as his Kingdome, adding, I'll warrant you, you are glad of this; Let me tell you, I have more pleaſure in beſtowing this money, than you in poſſeſſing it: ſo much a more bleſſed thing it is to give, than to receive.

While Embaſſador in France (where he repreſented a King in his State and port, as well as in his place) ſo great was he with the Queen-Mother, that he was admitted to all treatments; that he had the honour of all Entertainments; that he commanded the Kings ears, underſtood the Spaniſh policies, dived into the French humour and inclination. All the while he was in Paris, his obſervations were minute and particular, his Addreſſes wary and reſerved (never opening the Marriagetreaty until he was ſure of a good reception) his working upon Madames affection cloſe & artificial; his counter-plots to the Spaniſh inſinuations nimble and effectual; his correſpondence with the Duke of Bucks, weekly & conſtant; his contraſts with Count Soiſons, and Madam Blanvile, in behalf of her Huſband here in England, reſolute and honourable (urging very nobly and ſucceſsfully, that the clamours of a turbulent Agent was not to out-weigh the favour of a mighty Monarch.) The diſcovery he made of the Duke of Buckingham's enemies, their Cabals and Oaths from the ſaid Blanviles Letters, was ſeaſonable and compleat; but his Maſter-piece was his command over all affections and tempers,—but his own ſo ſoft and ſmooth, that it endured not the roughneſſe of the following times, wherein he was very unſetled when Commiſſioner in Scotland, while he lived, and very fearful when he died: The fate of all delicate and too fine Conſtitutions.

It hath been the method of Grandees to endear themſelves to power for a preſent intereſt, and to learning for their future fame; to add the renown of the one, to the greatneſſe of the other. Neither was this Lord more careful to ſucceed his great friend the Duke of Buckingham in his favour at Court, as Captain of the Guard, and Groom of the Stool, than in his Place at the Ʋniverſity as Chancellor, of which he expreſſeth himſelf thus • o his Cambridge, That his Maſter had raiſed his fortune beyond wiſhing in this world, that he could deſire no more than a fair name when he was gone out of it; which the Univerſity contributed, to whom he devoted his Iutereſt.

Though they anſwered not his expectation in their Contributions for St. Pauls, and other particulars, wherein he was defeated and over-born by the buſie faction, who thought it a vain thing • o repair any Church, when they intended to pull down all.

After all, this great man is a great inſtance of • hat obſervation, viz. That when able and prudent men are brought on the Stage to manage their • wn parts, they are then (moſtly) not of the clear • ſt ſight, and commonly commit ſuch errours as • re both diſcernable and avoidable, even by men of • ean abilities.—Although I finde him ſubject • o no great errour before the War, ſave that when Dr. Preſton was by his party judged of ſo great parts 〈◊〉 to make a fit Patron for them, and thereupon • irected to appear aloof [the way of Court-ob • ervers] in his Addreſſes to the Duke of Bucking • m by his Confident the Earl of Holland, whoſe • amily favoured that ſide, though the Duke ſaid he • new him, and ſo would uſe him accordingly: • et this Earl was ſo far over-reach'd by him, that in the Apology the Doctor writ under-hand to 〈◊〉 Partizans touching his Court-compliance, he ſhe • eth he over-reached the Court-wits; as inde • he was a great Politician, and uſed (Lap-wi •• like) to flutter moſt on that place which was fa 〈…〉 theſt from his Egges:) a copy of which Lette • with ſome ſatyrical ſtanzaes was found unſealed 〈◊〉 the ſtreets, and carried to the Duke; a noble frien • diſcovering to the Doctor, how witty he was 〈◊〉 Rhime, to the breaking of his heart, he confeſſ ••• then he was undone, eſpecially when the Duke Barber could finger the Letter out of his Lord pocket, as he was directed.—And now I canno • but remember how this Earl at his death ſaid, 〈◊〉 had been a friend to godly Miniſters, as had 〈◊〉 friends before him, by whom he bad been inſtruct •• when young. Whence I collect, that the membe • of thoſe great Families, into which the godly Miniſters, i. e. peeviſh, factious and diſcontented perſo • which uſurp that precious name, inſinuate the • ſelves, and their principles, ſeldome come to the •• Grave in peace; they uſually inſtilling into the •• ſuch imaginations as make their lives unquiet, a •• their deaths diſhonourable.—Whence the goo • old Lord Willoughby would ſay; Carry the peevi •• man this (ſpeaking of one Chambers a Separatiſt but tell him he muſt not come under my Roof, for will not meddle with them that are given to chang • whoſe calamity ariſeth ſuddenly, and who knoweth t •• ruine of them both?

To conclude, it is obſerved as the reaſon wh • he fell off from the Parliament, that the war • Sirs would not truſt two Brothers, him and th • Earl of Warwick with ſupream commands; therefore when they voted the one Admiral, they de • yed the other General of the Horſe. Both are charactered by their Contemporaries for natural Endowments excellent; for temper ſweet and loving; for behaviour, affable and courteous; for ſpirit, meek and lowly; of the ſame inclinations before and after their advancement: In honore ſine •• more; lifted up with honour, but not puffed up with pride.

Obſervations on the Life of Arch-Biſhop LAUD.

THe pregnancy of his childhood promiſed the wiſdome of his riper years, and obliged his friends beyond their abilities to his ſupport, and ſtrangers beyond expectation to his encouragement: Some perſons offering him great ſums of money for his maintenance in his younger years, upon the bare ſecurity of his parts, which payd them well in his more reduced age. None more obſervant of favour, none more mindful of kindneſſes, and none more grateful for civilities: He was ſo wiſe as ſeldome to forget an injury in the conſequence of it, and ſo noble as ever to remember love in the return of it. His honeſt Parents conveyed him an excellent temper and that temper a brave ſpirit; which had the advantage of his birth, ſome ſay at Reading, ſome at Henley, at an equal diſtance from the Univerſity, where he was to be a Scholar; and the Court, where he was to be a Man: In the firſt of theſe, his indefatigabl • induſtry, his methodical ſtudy, his quick apprehenſion, his faithful memory, his ſolid judgement, his active fancy, his grave and quick countenance, his ſharp and piercing eye, raiſed him b • diſcreet and wary ſteps to all the perferments, an • commended him to all the employments of th • Univerſity, when Proctor whereof he was admitted for his prudence to the Earl of Devonſhire's ſervice, which hazarded; and when Divinity-Reader obſerved by the Lords of Rocheſter and Lincoln for his judgement, which advanced him. As his deſign was above the level of modern Scioliſts, ſ • were his Studies not prepoſſeſſed with the parti •• Syſtemes of Geneva, but freely converſant with the impartial volumes of the Church Catholick: 〈◊〉 had an infallible apprehenſion of the Doctrine and Diſcipline, and a deep inſight into the intereſt 〈◊〉 Chriſtianity: This capacious ſoul converſed with the moſt knowing of all Judgements, to finde the bottome of all Errors; and with the moſt Judicious of his own, to diſcern the grounds of all truth. He had his eye on the Univerſity to reduce it, when Head of St. John's; on the lower Functions o • the Church in his Paſtoral charges, to reform them; and upon the higher, when Dean of Glouceſter, Prebend of Weſtminſter, and Biſhop of St. Davids, to ſettle them. He was a man of that ſearch and judgement, that he found out the principles of government that were true to the Church; of that faithfulneſſe and reſolution, that amidſt all diſcouragements he was true to them: The Church-government he found by many private ſpirited men, accommodated to their eaſe and intereſt, he adjuſted to truth and ſettlement; conſulting not humors which are uncertain as intereſt, but truth which is certain as Eternity. Arch-Biſhop Abbot's Yield, and they will be pleaſed at laſt, was a great miſcarriage, Arch-Biſhop Laud's Reſolve, for there is no end of yielding, was great policy. His great reach in Government ſuitable to that King's apprehenſions, commended him to King James; his vaſt ability and integrity, to K. Charles and the Duke of Buckingham; To the firſt whereof he was a Privy-Councellor, to the other a Boſomfriend, before both whom he laid the beſt Repreſentations and Ideas of the Engliſh government, as to things and perſons in ſeverall abſtracts, of any man under heaven. I have heard a States-man ſay, That none knew the joynts, turnings, flexures, and intereſts of all Parties in Church or State, that were either to be encouraged or ſuppreſſed, with the ſeaſons and opportunities to do it, ſo well as Dr. Laud.

Diſcerning was his fore-ſight, compleat his intelligence, exact his correſpondence, quick his diſpatches; ſeaſonable and effectual his Sermons and Diſcourſes, inquiſitive and obſerving his Converſe. His Inſtruments were able and knowing men, that were faithful to the Church, as he was in Manwaring and Mountagu's caſe to them; Knowing well (as he wrote to my Lord of Buckingham) that diſcouragements would deter men of parts, whom encouragements might make ſerviceable. He knew no man better how to temper a Parliament, having a Catalogue of all the Nobility and Gentry, with their Intereſt and Inclination in his eye: He underſtood none more exactly what was to be diſcourſed and propoſed to them, having a clear apprehenſion of the ſeveral Junctures and Tendencies of affair • . He entertained no thought but what was publick 〈◊〉 his breaſt; no man, but what was nobly ſpirit •• in his familiarity: Ever watchful he was of all opportunities to advance the Churches honour 1. In her Sons, as Biſhop Iuxon, &c. 2. H •• Diſcipline, as in his ſeveral Viſitations, Articles Star-Chamber, and High-Commiſſion-matters 3. In her Endowments, as the buying of Impropriations in Ireland. 4. In her Priviledge, as the Canons of England. 5. In her Ornaments, as the repairing & furniſhing of St. Pauls and moſt other Churches in his Province. 6. In her Univerſities, 〈◊〉 the Statutes of Oxford, the priviledges of Cambridge, and his vaſt gifts of Oriental Books and Buildings, and his vaſter deſign for both,—and as watchful againſt all the deſigns to undermine it. The Feoffees for Impropriations he laid aſide; the Sabbatizing and Predeſtinarian controverſies he ſilenced; the Licentious Preſſe he reduced; Dignities and Preferments he worthily filled up; bribes at Court he retrenched: No intereſt, no alliance could ever advance an unworthy perſon while he lived: Breed up your children well, and I will provide for them, was his ſaying to all his Relations. Many a man would be diſobliged by his ſternneſſe at firſt view, for whom if deſerving, he would afterwards contrive kindneſſes by after and unexpected favours. No place of experience did he ever miſſe, none of employment did he ever decline: He would never ſee Authority baffled, but either wave all proceedings againſt offenders, or go through with them; His proſecutions, as in Leighton's Caſe, were cloſe; his obſervation of all circumſtances, as in Lincoln's, wary; his declarations of the Caſes clear and con •• cing, as in Pryn's, Baſtwick's, and Burton's; 〈◊〉 ſentence milde and compaſſionate, as in Wal •• 's; his reſolution and juſtice ever making way to 〈◊〉 mercy, and his mercy crowning his juſtice: Often did he confer with the ableſt and moſt Or •• odox Clergy, with the moſt experienced and • owing Civilians, with the moſt obſerving and •• ſerved Courtiers, with the profoundeſt Lawyers, • ith the skilfulleſt and diſcreeteſt Mechanicks; out fall whoſe opinions the reſult was, his moſt exact •• dgement in any caſe that came before him at Court, or at Lambeth.

The roughneſſe of his nature ſent moſt men diſ •• tented from him: but ſo, that he would often of ••• ſelf find ways and meanes to ſweeten ſuch as had 〈◊〉 worth again, when they leaſt looked for it.— • ny were offended at his prudent zeal againſt the •• wiſh Sabbatiſm in his government, who were •• ry well ſatisfied with the ſtrictneſſe of his obſer •• tion of the Lords day in his perſon.—But let •• e great man expreſſe another; Biſhop Gauden, •• rch-Biſhop Laud; whoſe thoughts lye ſo much •• e more levelled to his brave Sentiments, as his •• ignity did to his high place.

As to his ſecret deſign of working up this Church by little and little to a Romiſh conformity and captivity, I do not believe (ſaith he) he had any ſuch purpoſe or approved thought; • ecauſe, beſide his declared judgement and conſci •• nce, I finde no ſecular Policy or Intereſt which • ecould thereby gain, either private or publick, • ut rather loſe much of the greatneſſe and freedom • hich he and other Biſhops, with the whole Church had: without which temptation, no man in charity may be ſuſpected to act contrary to ſo clea • convictions, ſo deliberate and declared determinations of his Conſcience and Judgement in Religion, as the Arch-Biſhop expreſſes in his very excellent Book. I am indeed prone to think, that poſſibly he wiſhed there could have been any fai 〈…〉 cloſe or accommodation between all Chriſtian Churches, (the ſame which many grave and learned men have much deſired:) And it may be 〈◊〉 Lordſhip thought himſelf no unfit Inſtrument 〈◊〉 make way to ſo great and good a work, conſidering the eminencies of Parts, Power, and Favour which he had. Haply he judged (as many learned and moderate men have) that in ſome things between Papiſts and Proteſtants, differences are made wider, and kept more open, raw and ſore they need be, by the private pens and paſſions of ſome men, and the Intereſts of ſome little parties whoſe partial policies really neglect the public and true Intereſt of the Catholike Church and Chriſtian Religion; which conſiſts much in peace as well as in purity, in charity, as in verity. He found that where Papiſts were ſilenced and convinced in the more grand and pregnant Diſputes (that they are Novel, partial, and unconform to Catholick Churches in ancient times) then he found they recovered ſpirits, and conteſted afreſh again 〈…〉 the unreaſonable tranſports, violences and immoderations of ſome profeſſing to be Proteſtants who, to avoid Idolatry and Superſtition, run to Sacriledge and rudeneſſe in Religion. denying many things that are juſt, honeſt, ſafe, true and reaſonable, meerly out of an ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) exceſſive Antipathy to Papiſts. Poſſibly the Arch-Biſhop and ſome other Biſhops of his minde did rightly judge, That the giving an Enemy fair play by juſt, ſafe, and honourable conceſſions, was not to yield the conqueſt to him, but the moſt ready way to convince him of his weakneſſe; when no honeſt yieldings could help him any more, then they did endanger the true cauſe or courage of his Antagoniſt.

For my part, I think the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury was neither Calviniſt, nor Lutheran, nor Papiſt, as to any ſide or party; but all, ſo far as he ſaw, they agreed with the Reformed Church of England, either in Fundamentals, or innocent and decent Superſtructures: Yet I believe he was ſo far a Proteſtant, and of the Reformed Religion, as he ſaw the Church of England did proteſt againſt the Errors, Corruptions, Uſurpations, and Superſtitions of the Church of Rome, or againſt the novel opinions and practices of any party whatſoever. And certainly he did with as much honour as juſtice ſo far own the Authentick Authority, Liberty and Majeſty of the Church of England (in it's reforming and ſetling of it's Religion) that he did not think fit any private new Maſters whatſoever, ſhould obtrude any Foreign or Domeſtick Dictates to her, or force her to take her copy of Religion from ſo petty a place as Geneva was, or Frankefort, or Amſterdam, or Wittenbergh, or Edenborough; no nor from Augsburg, or Arnheim, nor any foreign City or Town, any more than from Trent or Rome; none of which had any Dictatorian Authority over this great and famous Nation or Church of England, further than they offered ſober Counſels, or ſuggeſted good Reaſons, or cleared true Religion by Scripture, and confirmed it by good Antiquity, as the beſt interpreter and decider of obſcure places, and dubious caſes.

Which high value, it is probable, as to his Mother the Church of England, and her Conſtitutions, was ſo potent in the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, that, as he thought it not fit to ſubject her to the inſolency of the Church of Rome, ſo nor to the impertinencies of any other Church or Doctor, of far leſſe repute in the Chriſtian world. No doubt his Lordſhip thought it not handſome in Mr. Calvin to be ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , rather then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) ſo cenſorious of the Church of England, as to brand it's Devotion or Liturgy with his tolerabiles ineptiae, who knew not the temper of the Nation, requiring then not what was abſolutely beſt, but moſt conveniently good: and ſuch not onely the Liturgy was, but thoſe things which he calls tolerable toys. I having occaſion to ſpeak with him, he upon a time was pleaſed to grant me acceſs, & ſome freedom of ſpeech with him; and withal asked me the opinion of the people of him: I told him they reported his Lordſhip endeavoured to betray the Church of England to the Roman correſpondency and communion. He at length very calmly and gravely thus reylyed; proteſting with a ſerious atteſtation of his integrity before God's Omniſcience, that however he might miſtake in the mean and method, yet he never had other deſign than the glory of God, the ſervice of his Majeſty, the good order, peace and decency of the Church of England: that he was ſo far from complying with Papiſts, in order to confirm them in their Errors, that he rather choſe ſuch Methods to advance the honour of the reformed Religion in England, as he believed might ſoon ſilence the cavils of fiercer Papiſts, induce the more moderate Recuſants to come in to us, as having leſſe viſible occaſion given them by needleſſe Diſtances and Diſputes to ſeparate from us; which he thought aroſe much from that popular Variety, Inconſtancy, Eaſineſſe, Irreverence and Uncomelineſs, which might eaſily grow among us in the outward profeſſion of Religion, for want of obſerving ſuch uniformity and decency in Religion, as were required by the Laws and Canons of this Church and State. He added, that he had (further) a deſire, as much as he could to relieve the poor and depreſſed condition of many Miniſters, which he had to his grief obſerved in Wales and England, where their Diſcouragements were very great, by reaſon of the tenuity and incompetency of their Livings; that in his Viſitations he had ſometime ſeen it with grief, among twenty Miniſters, not one man had ſo much as a decent Garment to put on, nor did he believe their other treatment of Life was better; that he found the ſordid and ſhameful Aſpect of Religion and the Clergy, gave great Advantages to thoſe that were Popiſhly inclined, who would hardly ever think it beſt for them to joyn with that Church which did not maintain either it's own Honour, or it's Clergy to ſome competency and comelineſs.

Much more diſcourſes his Lordſhip was pleaſed to uſe at ſeveral times to this purpoſe, which commands my charity to clear him, as far as I can judge, of any tincture of Popery truly ſo called; or of any ſuperſtition, which placeth a Religion in the nature and uſe of that thing which God hath not either particularly commanded, or in general permitted. I ſuppoſe he thought, that where God hath allowed to his Church, and to every private Chriſtian (ſo far as may conſiſt with the Churches Order and Peace) a liberty of ceremonious and circumſtantial decency as to God's worſhip; there neither himſelf was to be blamed, nor did he blame other men, if they kept within thoſe diſcreet and inoffenſive bounds, which either the Churches publick peace required, or its indulgence to promote Chriſtians permitted.

That Uniformity he preſſed was not more advantageous to Religion, which muſt of neceſſity have been propagated, when Controverſies had been turned to devotion, than it was neceſſary for the State; which cannot be ſecure, as long as there is a marke of diſtinction, under which all Male-contents may ſhrowd themſelves; a note of ſeparation, whereby the Factions may reckon their parties, and aeſtimate their ſtrength, and a way open to popularity to the ambition of any whoſe intereſt or deſperateneſſe ſhall adventure to make himſelf head of ſo great a party.

He was a perſon of ſo great abilities (which are the deſignations of nature to dignity and command) that they raiſed him from low beginnings to the higheſt Office the Proteſtant profeſſion acknowledgeth in the Church, and he was equal to it: His learning appeared eminent in his Book againſt Fiſher, and his piety illuſtrious in his Diary: He was of ſo publick a ſpirit that both the Church and State have laſting Monuments of the virtuous uſe he made of his Princes favour; at his admittance into which, he dededicated all the future Emolumeuts of it to the glory of God, and the good of men, by a projection of many noble Works: moſt of which he accompliſhed, and had finiſhed the reſt, had not the fate of the Nation checked the current of his Deſign, and cut off the courſe of his Life. He was not contented by himſelf onely to ſerve his Generation, (for ſo he might appear more greedy of fame, than deſirous of the univerſal benefit) but he endeavoured to render all others as heroick, if they aimed at a capacity for his friendſhip: For (I have heard it from his Enemies) no great man was admitted to a confidence and reſpect with him, unleſſe he made Addreſſe by ſome act that was for the common good, or for the ornament and glory of the Proteſtant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning it ſelf a greater Advance • . He ſearched all the Libraries of Aſia, and from ſeverall parts of the world purchaſed all the Ornaments and helps of Literature he could, that the Engliſh Church might have (if poſſible) by his care, as many advantages for knowledge, as almoſt all Europe did contribute to the grandeur of that of Rome. The outward ſplendour of the Clergy was not more his care, than their honour, by a grave and pious converſation. He would put them into a power of doing more good, but was ſore againſt their Vices and Vanities. He ſcorned a private Treaſure, and his friends were rather relieved, than raiſed to any greatneſſe by him. In his election of friends, he was determined to the good and wiſe, and ſuch as had both parts and deſires to profit. The Church had his cloſeſt embraces; if otherwiſe it happened, their frauds, not his choice deſerved the blame. Both Papiſts and Sectaries were equally his Enemies; one party feared, and the other hated his Virtues. Some cenſured his zeal for Diſcipline above the patience of the Times: but his greateſt unhappineſſe was, that he lived in a factious Age, and corrupt State, and under ſuch a Prince, whoſe Vertues not admitting an immediate approach for Accuſations, was to be wounded with thoſe it did careſſe. But when Faction and Malice are worne out by time, Poſterity ſhall engrave him in the Albe of the moſt excellent Prelacy, the moſt indulgent Fathers of the Church, and the moſt injured Martyrs. His blood was accompanyed with ſome tears that fell from thoſe Eyes that expected a pleaſure at his death: and it had been followed with a general mourning, had not the publick Miſeries, and the preſent Fears of Ruine exacted all the ſtock of Grief for other objects.

His very enemy Sir Edward Deering would confeſſe; That let him dye when he would, St. Pauls would be his Monument, and his Book againſt Fiſher his Epitaph.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Keeper Littleton.

SIr Edward Littleton, the eldeſt ſon of Sir Edward Littleton, of Mounſlow in Shrop-ſhire, one of the Juſtices of the Marches, and Chief-Juſtice of North-Wales, was bred in Chriſts-Church in Oxford, where he proceeded Batchellor of Arts, and afterwards was one of the Juſtices of North-Wales, Recorder of London, and Sollicitor to King Charles. From theſe places he was preferred to be Chief-Juſtice of the Common-Pleas, and made Privy-Councellor; thence advanced to be Lord-Keeper, and Baron of Mounſlow, the place of his Nativity. He died in Oxford, and was buried in Chriſts-Church where he was bred:—Being a Member of the Parliament 1628. he had the management of the high preſumption charged on the Duke of Buckingham about King James his death; wherein he behaved himſelf ſo diſcreetly between the jealouſie of the People, and the honour of the Court, that Sir John Finch would ſay, He was the onely man for taking things by a Right bandle.—And Sir Edward Cook, that He was a well-poized and weighed man. His very name carried an Hereditary credit with it, which plaineth out the way to all great Actions: his virtue being authorized by his nobility, and his undertakings ennobled by his birth, gained that eſteem, which meaner men attain not without a large compaſſe of time and experience: worthleſſe Nobility and ignoble worth lye under equal diſadvantage. Neither was his extract ſo great as his parts; his judgement being clear and piercing; his Learning various and uſeful; his skill in the Maximes of our Government, the fundamental Laws of this Monarchy with its Statutes, and Cuſtomes, ſingular; his experience long and obſerving; his integrity unblemiſhed and unbyaſſed; his Eloquence powerful and majeſtick, and all befitting a States-man and a Lord-Keeper:—ſet off with a reſolved Loyalty that would perform the harſheſt ſervice his Maſter could enjoyn him while he ſtayed at London, and follow the hardeſt fortune he could be in when at Yorke, whither he went with the great Seal he knew made to ſtamp Royal Commiſſions, rather than authorize Rebellious Ordinances. At Oxford he did good ſervice during the Seſſion of Parliament by Accommodations there, and as good during their receſſe by his intereſt in the Country.

Obſervations on the Life of the Marqueſs Hamilton.

A Preacher being at a loſſe what to ſay of a party deceaſed, concluded his Sermon with theſe words; There is one good quality in this man, viz. that he was born, and that God made him: And another, viz. That he is dead, and we muſt ſpeak nothing but good of the dead.

I may ſay of this Noble-man, that I have two reaſons to ſpeak well of him. 1. That good King Charles honoured him; and 2. That his wicked Subjects beheaded him, otherwiſe I muſt leave theſe Queries as I finde them.

Quaere 1. Why ſhould Duke Hamilton poſt without leave into Scotland, when the Parliament was diſcontented, and the Duke of Buckingham murthered in England?

Quaere 2. Why ſhould Ramſey the Dukes Meſſenger to the King of Sweden, play the Embaſſadour in Germany, and take place of all other perſons there?

Qu. 3. What deſign was that which Elphyſton, Borthricke, Meldrum, Ʋobiltry, &c. diſcovered one to another?

Qu. 4. What did Ramſey with the Pedigree of Hamilton derived from James I. King of Scots in Foreign parts?

Qu. 5. What private Inſtructions had Meldrum to Scotiſh Officers in the Swediſh Army?

Qu. 6. Why was Meldrum, Alexander Hamilton, and other his Dependants, ſo preferred in the Scots Army?

Qu. 7. Why were there ſuch Fears and Jealouſies whiſpered in Germany of the Engliſh Government?

Qu. 8. Why was not Ramſey able to give a poſitive Anſwer at the Tryal by combate? And why did the Marqueſs take him off before the Controverſie was decided?

Qu. 9. Why is Huntley put by, and Hamilton made high Commiſſioner? Why is diſcontented Balcanquel employed to pen Declarations? And why are the King's Papers, Letters, &c. taken out of his pocket, and betrayed to the Scots? And why did the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury (writing to the King) wiſh him not to truſt his own pockets with the Letter?

Qu. 10. Why doth his Mother ride with piſtols at her Saddle-bow, leading all her Kindred and Vaſſals for the Covenant?

Qu. 11. Why is that time ſpent in poſting to and fro to patch up a baſe Pacification with the Rebels, that might have been employed in ſuppreſſing them?

Qu. 12. Why did the Biſhops of Roſſe and Breben, Sir Robert Spotſwood, Sir John Hay, the Earl of Sterling, ride poſt to England to intreat the King not to truſt the Marqueſs?

Qu. 13. Why was there ſo much granted to the Covenanters in Scotland—yea and time given them to do their buſineſſe?

Qu. 14. Why did he forbear the Common-prayer at Dalkeith, and neglect to proteſt the King's gracious Declaration; the juſtice and clemeney whereof had without doubt allayed the commotions?

Qu. 15. Why did he not ſet out the King's la 〈…〉 Declaration before the Covenanters Proteſtation was out againſt it?

Qu. 16. Why was there nothing done with the Ships ſent upon the coaſts of Scotland?

Qu. 17. Why did he ſo careſſe his covenanting Mother, that the Scots could ſay; The ſon of ſon of 〈◊〉 geud a Mother could do them no harm?

Qu. 18. Why had he a hand in moſt of the Monopolies and Projects of England?

Qu. 19. Why did he refuſe to contribute as others had done to the Scots Wars?

Qu. 20. Why did he intercede for Lowdon's releaſe, notwithſtanding the trayterous Letter to the French King was his hand?

Qu. 21. How comes Montroſſe to be ſlighted by the gracious King at firſt? And when he offered his ſervice again, how came his Letters into the Covenanters hands at Newcaſtle?

Qu. 22. Why did he and Argyle raiſe ſuch Fears and Jealouſies in Scotland and England by with-drawing ſuddenly from the Court, under pretence forſooth of danger to their perſons?

Qu. 23. Why could not the King hear of the Scots deſign to invade England, 1643. before Montroſſe poſted firſt to Oxford, and then to Glouceſter to tell him of it, though the Marqueſs was all the while in Scotland?

Qu. 24. And yet why was that noble perſon miſtruſted till the Kings intereſt was loſt in that Country?

Qu. 25. Why was he and his brother impriſoned at Oxford? And why did the King ſay, Nay, if Hamilton leads them, there is no good to be done for me?

Qu. 26. Why did the King ſay, That he muſt diſpoſe of the Maſter of the Horſe place to the Earl of N. That my Lord Cottington was the fitteſt man for the Treaſury, and that Sir Edward Hyde was the onely man he could truſt with the Secretaries affairs? Being loth that D. H. ſhould return to an opportunity of recozening them: Queſtions theſe, that ſhew, After-ages can ſcan great mens lives with the ſame liberty that they live them.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Ralph Hopton.

GEntile was this excellent perſon's extraction in the Weſt of England, and man-like his Education in the Low-Countries, that School of War, where Sir William Waller and he learned in one Camp, what they practiſed in two: The one being no leſſe eminent for his ſervice under his late Majeſty of bleſſed memory, than the other was for his againſt him. The one was the beſt Soldier the King had; the other the moſt experienced that the pretended Parliament boaſted of. None ſice • to balance Sir Ralph Hopton's ſucceſſe; none likelier to underſtand his ſtratagems; none abler to undermine his deſignes, than his Fellow-ſoldier, Sir William, who underſtood his method as well as he was acquainted with his perſon. Both were equally active, both equally vigilant. But what better character of this Heroe, than that which his Maſter gave him in his Patent for Baron, which is his hiſtory as well as his honour? Exemplified by his Chaplain Tho. Pritter.

Carolus Dei Gratiâ Angliae, &c. Cum & Nominis noſtri & Poſteritatis intereſt, & ad clara Exempla propaganda utiliſſimè compertum, palam fieri omnibus praemia, apud nos virtuti ſita, nec peri •• fidelium ſubditorum officia, ſed memori & benevoli pectore fixiſſimè inſidere: His praeſertim temporibus cum plurimum (quibus antehac nimium indulſimus) temerata, aut ſuſpecta fides, pretium aliorum conſtantiae addidit. Cum que nobis certò conſtat Radulplium Hopton Militem de Balneo ſplendidis & Antiquis Natalibus; tum in eaetera ſua vita integritatis & moris eximium, tum in hac noviſſimâ tempeſtate, fatalique Regni & rebelli motu, rari animi fideique exemplum edidiſſe, Regiae dignitatis in ea que publicae contra utriuſ que dverſarios aſſertorem & vindicem acerrimum.

Quippe quia non ſolum naſcenti huie Furori (nec dum omnibus manifeſto) optimis conſiliis fortis in curia Senator reſtiterit; ſed inſinuante ſe latius veneno, & creſcente ferocia domum ad ſuos reverſus fortior Miles in Agro ſuo Somerſetenſi & vicinis partibus omni ope & manu iniquiſſimam cauſam oppugnaverit, in Arce praeſertim Sherborniana, ſub Anſpiciis Marchionis Hertfordiae egregiam operam navaverit. Mox ulterius progreſſus pollenti in Devonia factionis Tyrannide, & munitiſſima civitate in foedus illecta, & jam undique bonis ſubditis perniciem minante, ipſe penè in illa Regione Hoſpes, contracto è Cornubia Milite, & primoribus ſtatim impetum earum repreſſit jacenteſque & affictas noſtras partes mirifica virtute recreavit. Et licet ſummis neceſſitatibus conflictanti exigua pars Negotii hoſtes erant, tantum abfuit ut vel illis, vel iſtis ſuccumberet, ut contra copiis auctiores, & bellico apparatu inſtructiſſimas, ſaepius ſignis Collaris in acie dimicans ſemper ſuperior exceſſerit: Teſtis Launceſtonia, Saleaſh, Bradock, aliaque obſcura olim nomina & loca, nunc victoriis illius & perduellium cladibus Nobilitata Vix etiam ab his reſpiraverat, cum novus belli furor Laſſas jam fer • & continuis praeliis laxatas vires Numeroſiſſimo exercitu adortus, uberiorem triumphandi dedit materiam. Cum ille in campis Strattoniae in difficillimas licet Auguſtias redactus, inops militaris inſtrumenti, & conſumpto jam pulvere tormentario, armatos inermis, Vallo munito inter ſola cauſa & virtute animatus, ita retudit, cencidit, caſtris exuit, ut totum belli molem cum ipſis Authoribus profligavit; Quic quid fugae illius reſiduum erat, inter urbis unius Moenia eaque arcta obſidione aſtricte concluſo. Qua quidem pugna memorabili, praeter quod miſerum popellum, jugo intolerabili levaverat, ſedes ſuas expulſis, Eccleſias Paſtoribus, pacem omnibus, & Firmamentum pacis obſequium priſtiaeter reſtituerit. Et jam ſequenti armorum noſtrorum foelicitate qua partes Regni occidentales maturius a • officium & verum Dominum redierunt, & viam apperuiſſe & momentum ingons extitiſſe libentiſſimè profitemur; In hac opera laudabili cum praefatus Radulphus perſtiterit adhuc in victo animo & induſtria indefeſſa nullo arduo quantumvis labore & periculo excuſatus, cumque mille argumentis teſtatum fecerit, Honorem ſalutem que noſtram ſibi omni fortuna & capite potiorem, nos virum fortiſſimum optimeque affectu • animum benigno ſtudio proſequi & amplius demereri volentes, hunc & praeconio merito ornandum, & propiori ad nos gradu extollendum cenſuimus. Sciatis igitur nos de gratia noſtra ſpeciali, ac ex certa ſcientia mero motu, praefatum Radulphum Hopton ad ſtatum, gradum, ſtylum, Dignitatem, Titulum & Honorem Baronis Hopton de Stratton in Comitatu noſtro Cornubiae, &c. In cujus rei Teſtimonium has Literas Noſtras fieri fecimus Patentes.

Teſte meipſo apud Oxon. quarto die Septembris, Anno Regni Noſtri Decimo nono.

His two great Actions, the one at Liſcard, the other at Stratton, cannot be better deſcribed than by an Eye-witneſſe, whoſe are theſe: as he ſaith, out of a Manuſcript corrected with Sir Ralph's own hand, communicated to him by his Secretary Mr. Tredus.

At Liſcard a little before the Fight began, the King's party took it into ſeaſonable conſideration, that ſeeing by the Commiſſion the Lord Mobun brought from Oxford, four perſons (viz. the ſaid Lord Mohun, Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir John Berkley, and Colonel Aſhhurnham) were equally impowered in the managing of all Military matters: And ſeeing ſuch equality might prove inconvenient (which hitherto had been prevented with the extraordinary moderation of all parties) in ordering a Battel, it was fitteſt to fix the power in one chief; and general conſent ſetled it in Sir Ralph Hopton: He firſt gave order that publick Prayers ſhould be read in the head of every Squadron, and it was done accordingly; and the Enemy obſerving • t, did ſtile it ſaying of Maſſe, as ſome of their Priſoners afterwards did confeſſe. Then he cauſed the Foot to be drawn up in the beſt order they could, and placed a Forlorn of Muſquetiers in the •• ttle Incloſures, winging them with the few Horſe and Dragoons he had. This done, two ſmall My 〈…〉 ion Drakes ſpeedily and ſecretly fetched from the Lord Mohun's houſe, were planted on a little • urrough within random-ſhot of the Enemy; yet 〈◊〉 , that they were covered out of their ſight with ſmall parties of Horſe about them. Theſe concealed Mynions were twice diſcharged with ſuch ſucceſſee, that the Enemy quickly quitted their ground; And all their Army being put into a rout, the King's Forces had the execution of them; which they performed very ſparingly taking 1250 priſoners, all their Cannon and Ammunition, and moſt of their Colours, and Arms; and after publick Thanks, taking their repoſe at Liſcard.

Stratton Fight ſucceeds on Tueſday the 16th of May, 1643. The King's Army wants Am munition, and hath a ſteep hill to gain, with all diſadvantage and danger; the Horſe and Dragoons being not above five hundred, and the Foot two thouſand four hundred. The Parl. Forces were well furniſhed and barticadoed upon the top of the hill, their Foot 3400. and their Horſe not many indeed, having diſpatched 1200 to ſurprize the Sheriff • and Commiſſioners at Bedmin.

On the King's ſide, order was given to force the paſſage to the top of the Hill by four ſeveral Avenues: the aſcent was ſteep and difficult; reſolutely did his Majeſties Forces get up, and obſtinately did the Enemy keep them down. The Fight continued doubtful, with many countenances of various events (from five in the Morning, till three in the Afternoon) amongſt which moſt remarkable, the ſmart charge made by M. G. Chudleigh, with a ſtand of Pikes on Sir Bevil Greenvil, who fell nobly himſelf, and had loſt his ſquadron, had not Sir John (now Lord Berkley, who led up th • Muſquetiers on each ſide of Sir Bevil) ſeaſonably relieved it, ſo reſolutely reinforcing the Charge, that Major-General Chudleigh was taken Priſoner Betwixt three and four of the Clock the Commanders of the King's Forces, who embraced thoſe four ſeveral wayes of aſcent, met to their mutual joy almoſt at the top of the hill, which the routed enemy confuſedly forſook. In this ſervice, though they were Aſſailants, they loſt very few men, and no conſiderable Officer, killing of the Enemy about three hundred, and taking ſeventeen hundred priſoners, all their Cannon (being thirteen pieces of braſſe Ordnance) and Ammunition (ſeventy barrels of powder) with a Magazine of Bisket and other proviſion proportionable. For this victory publick Prayer and Thankſgiving was made on the hill; then the Army was diſpoſed of to improve their ſucceſſe to the beſt advantage.—Nothing had ſunk this great ſpirit, but the fate of Kingdomes, with whoſe ruine onely he was contented to fall, and disband his brave Soldiers upon honourable terms. Five things made my Lord Hopton ſo eminently ſerviceable. 1. His great inſight into the deſignes, and prudent foreſight of the events of preſent Councels; which when moſt doubted and wavered, gave him that reſolution that undertook great difficulties, and bore up againſt greater. 2. His experience of War in general, and his acquaintance with that ſeat of it committed to him in particular. 3. His renown all over the Kingdome for piety and moderation, and within his own aſſociation for hoſpitality, civility, and charity. 4. His name among the Enemies, as confiderable for his generouſneſſe and juſtice, as for his valour and conduct. 5. His Eſtate, that ſet him above mercenarineſſe; and his care for money, that ſet his Soldiers above need, the occaſion of mutinying among themſelves, or of incivilities towards others.

Obſervations on the Life of the Earl of Carnarvan.

RObert Dormer Ar. was on the tenth of June 1615. made Baronet by K. James, & on the 30 day of the ſame month was by him created Baron Dormer of Wing in Buckinghamſhire. His Grand-childe Robert Dormer was by K. Charles in the 4th of his Reign created Viſcount Aſcot, & Earl of Carnarvan. He loſt his life fighting for him who gave him his honour, at the firſt Battel of Newbury. Being ſore wounded, he was defired by a Lord, to know of him what ſuit he would have to his Majeſty in his behalf, the ſaid Lord promiſing to diſcharge his truſt in preſenting his requeſt, and aſſuring him, that his Majeſty would be willing to gratifie him to the utmoſt of his power. To whom the Earl replyed, I will not dye with a Suit in my mouth to any King, ſave to the King of Heaven. By Anne daughter to Philip Earl of Pembrook and Montgomery, he had Charles, now Earl of Carnarvan. From his noble Extract, he received not more honour than he gave it: For the blood that was conveyed to him through ſo many illuſtrious veins, he derived to his Children more maturated for renow • and by a conſtant practice of goodneſſe more habituated to vertue. His youth was prepared for action by ſtudy, without which even the moſt eminent parts of Noble-men ſeem rough and unpleaſant ſant, in deſpight of the ſplendor of their fortune: But his riper years endured not thoſe retirements, and therefore brake out into manlike exerciſes at home, and travel abroad. None more noble, yet none more modeſt; none more valiant, yet none more patient.—A Phyſician at his Fatherin-Law's Table gave him the Lye; which put the company to admire on the one hand the man's impudence, and on the other my Lord's mildeneſſe, until he ſaid, I'll take the Lye from him, but I'll never take Phyſick of him.—He may ſpeak what doth not become him, I'll not do what is unworthy of me.—A vertue this! not uſual in Noble-men, to whom the limits of Equity ſeem a reſtraint, and therefore are more reſtleſſe in Injuries. In the middeſt of horrour and tumults his ſoul was ſerene and calm. As humble he was as patient. Honour and nobility, to which nothing can be added, hath no better way to increaſe, than when ſecured of its own greatneſſe, it humbleth it ſelf, and ſo at once obligeth love, and avoideth envy. His carriage was as condeſcending as heroick, and his ſpeech as weighty as free. He was too great to envy any mans parts and vertues, and too good not to encourage them. Many a time would he ſtoop with his own ſpirit, to raiſe other mens.—He neglected the minute and little circumſtances of compliance with vulgar humors, aiming at what was more ſolid and more weighty: Moderate men are applauded, but the Heroick are never underſtood.

Conſtant he was in all that was good: this was his heroick expreſſion when ſolicited by his Wives Father to deſiſt from his engagement with the King, Leave me to my Honour and Allegiance. No ſecurity to him worth a breach of Truſt; no intereſt worth being unworthy. His conduct was as eminent in War, as his carriage in Peace; many did he oblige by the generoſity of his minde, more did he awe with the hardineſſe of his body; which was no more ſoftned to ſloath by the dalliances of a Court, than the other was debauched to a careleſneſſe by the greatneſſe of his Fortune. His prudence was equal to his valour, and he could entertain dangers as well as deſpiſe them; for he not onely undeceived his enemies ſurmiſes, but exceeded his own friends opinion in the conduct of his ſoldiers, of whom he had two cares: the one to diſcipline, the other to preſerve them. Therefore they were as compleatly armed without, as they were well appointed within; that ſurviving their firſt dangers, they might attain that experience & reſolution wch is in vain expected from young and raw ſoldiers. To this conduct of a General, he added the induſtry of a Soldier, doing much by his performances, more by his example, that went as an active ſoul to enliven each part, and the whole of his brave Squadron. But there is no doubt but perſonal and private ſins may oft-times over-balance the juſtice of publick engagements. Nor doth God account every Gallant a fit inſtrument to aſſert in the way of war a righteous cauſe the event can never ſtate the juſtice of any cauſe nor the peace of mens conſciences, nor the eternal fate of their ſouls.

They were no doubt Martyrs who neglected their lives, and all that was dear to them in this world, having no advantageous deſigne by any innovation, but were religiouſly ſenſible of thoſe ties to God the Church, their King, their Countrey; which lay upon their ſouls, both for obedience and juſt aſſiſtance.

God could, and I doubt not but he did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 through his mercy crown many of them with eterlife, whoſe lives were loſt in ſo good a cauſe: the deſtruction of their bodies being ſanctified as a means to ſave their ſouls.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Herbert of Cherbury.

Edward Herbert, ſon of Richard Herbert Eſq and Suſan Newport his Wife, was born at Montgomery-Caſtle, and brought to Court by the Earl of Pembrook, where he was Knighted by K. James, who ſent him over Embaſſador into France. Afterwards K. Charles the firſt created him Baron of Caſtle-Iſland in Ireland, and ſome years after Baron of Cherbury in Montgomery-ſhire. He was a moſt excellent Artiſt and rare Linguiſt, ſtudied both in Books and Men, and himſelf the Author of two Works moſt remarkable, viz. A Treatiſe of Truth, written in French, ſo highly prized beyond the Seas, and (they ſay) it is extant at this day with great Honour in the Popes Vatican; and an Hiſtory of King Henry the Eighth; wherein his Collections are full and authentick; his obſervation judicious; his connexion ſtrong and • ohaerent, and the whole exact. He married the Daughter and ſole Heir of Sir William Herbert of St. Julians in Monmouth-ſhire, with whom he had a large Inheritance in England and Ireland; and died in Auguſt, Anno Dom. 1648. having deſigned a fair Monument of his own invention to be ſet up for him in the Church of Montgomery, according to the model following;

Upon the ground a Hath-pace of fourteen foot ſquare, on the middeſt of which is placed a Dorick Column, with its right of Pedeſtal Baſis, and Capitols fifteen foot in height; on the Capitol of the Column is mounted an Urn with a Heart Flamboul, ſupported by two Angels. The foot of this Column is attended with four Angels, placed on Pedeſtals at each corner of the ſaid Hath-pace, two having Torches reverſt, extinguiſhing, the Motto of Mortality; the other two holding up Palms, the Emblemes of Victory.

When this noble perſon was in France, he had private Inſtructions from England to mediate a Vid. crudit. J. H. de lega • s, p. 25. Peace for them of the Religion; and in caſe of refuſal, to uſe certain menaces.—Accordingly being referred to Luynes the Conſtable and Favourite of France, he delivereth him the Meſſage, reſerving his threatnings till he ſaw how the matter was reliſhed.—Luynes had hid behind the Curtain a Gentleman of the Religion, who being an Ear-witneſſe of what paſſed, might relate to his friends what little expectations they ought to entertain from the King of England's interceſſion.

Luynes was very haughty, and would needs know what our KING had to do with their affairs: Sir Edward replyed; It's not you to whom the King my Maſter oweth an account of his actions: and for me, it's enough that I obey him. In the mean time I muſt maintain, That my Maſter hath more reaſon to do what he doth, than you to aske why he doth it? Nevertheleſs, If you deſire me in a gentle faſhion, I ſhall acquaint you further.

Whereupon Luynes bowing a little, ſaid, Very well. The Embaſſador anſwered'; That it was not on this occaſion onely, that the King of Great Britain had deſired the Peace and proſperity of France, but upon all other occaſions, when ever any War was raiſed in that Countrey; and this he ſaid was his firſt reaſon. The ſecond was, That when a Peace was ſetled there, his Majeſty of France might be better diſpoſed to aſſiſt the Palatinate in the affairs of Germany. Luynes ſaid, We will have none of your advices. The Ambaſſador replyed, That he took that for an Anſwer, and was ſorry onely that the affection and the good will of the King his Maſter was not ſufficiently underſtood; and that ſince it was rejected in that manner, he could do no leſſe then ſay, That the King his Maſter knew well enough what he had to do. Luynes anſwered; We are not afraid of you. The Embaſſador ſmiling a little, replyed, If you had ſaid you had not loved us, I ſhould have believed you, and made another anſwer: In the mean time, all that I will tell you more is, That we know very well what we have to do. Luynes hereupon riſing from his Chair, with a faſhion and countenance a little diſcompoſed, ſaid, By God, if you were not Monſieur the Embaſſador, I know very well how I would uſe you. Sir Edw: Herbert riſing alſo from his Chair, ſaid; That as he was his Majeſty of Great-Britain's Embaſſador, ſo he was alſo a Gentleman, and that his Sword whereon be laid his band, ſhould do him reaſon if he had taken any offence. After which Luynes replying nothing, the Embaſſador went on his way toward the door; and Luynes ſeeming to accompany him, he told him there was no occaſion to uſe ſuch Ceremony after ſuch Language; and ſo departed, expecting to hear further from him: But no Meſſage being brought him from Luynes, he had in purſuance of his Inſtructions a more civil Audience of the King at Coignac, where the Marſhal of St. Geran told him he had offended the Conſtable, and he was not in a place of ſecurity here: whereunto he anſwered; That he held himſelf to be in a place of ſecurity whereſoever he had his Sword by him.

Luynes reſenting the affront, got Cadenet his brother, D • : of Chaun, with a ruffling train of Officers (whereof there was not one, as he told K. James, but had killed his man) as an Embaſſador extraordinary to miſ-report their Traverſes ſomuch to the diſparagement of Sir Edw: that the Earl of Carliſle, ſent to accommodate Le Mal Entendu that might ariſe between the 2 Crowns, got him called home; until the Gentleman behinde the Curtains, out of his duty to truth and honour, related all circumſtances ſo, as that it appeared, that though Luynes gave the firſt affront, yet Sir Edward kept himſelf within the bounds of his Inſtructions and Honour, very diſcreetly and worthily.—Inſomuch that he fell on his knees to King James before the Duke of Buckingham, to have a Trumpeter, if not an Herald ſent to Monſieur Luynes, to tell him, that he had made a falſe Relation of the paſſages beforementioned, and that Sir Edward Herbert would demand reaſon of him with Sword in hand on that point.—The King anſwered, he would take it into conſideration: But Luynes a little after died, and Sir Edward was ſent Embaſſador to France again, and otherwiſe employed ſo, that if it had not been for Fears and Jealouſies, the bane of publick ſervices, he had been as great in his Actions, as in his Writings; and as great a States-man, as he is confeſſed a Scholar.

Obſervations on the Life of the Lord Capel.

HIS privacy before the War was paſſed with as much popularity in the Country, as his more publick appearance in it was with valour and fidelity in the Field: In our too happy time of Peace none more pious, hoſpitable, charitable, and munificent: In thoſe more unhappy of our Differences, none more reſolved, Loyal, and active. The people loved him ſo well, that they choſe him one of their Repreſentatives; and the King eſteemed him ſo much, that he ſent for him as one of his Peers in that Parliament, wherein the King and People agreed in no one thing, ſave a juſt kindneſſe for my Lord Capel, who was one of thoſe excellent Gentlemen, whoſe gravity and diſcretion (the King ſaith) he hoped would allay and fix the Factiou to a due temperament (guiding ſome mens well-meaning Zeal by ſuch rules of moderation, as are beſt both to preſerve and reſtore the health of all States and Kingdomes) keeping to the dictates of his conſcience, rather than the importunities of the people; to what was juſt, than what was ſafe, ſave onely in the Earl of Strafford's caſe, wherein he yielded to the publick Neceſſity with his Royal Maſter, but repented with him too, ſealing his contrition for that miſcarriage with his blood, when he was more troubled for his forced conſent to that brave perſon's death, than for loſing his own life; which he ventured throughout the firſt War, and loſt by his Engagement in the ſecond. For after the ſurrender of Oxford, he retyred to his own houſe, but could not reſt there, until the King was brought home to his; which all England endeavouring as one man, my Lord adventured himſelf at Colcheſter to extremity, yielding himſelf upon condition of Quarter, which he urged by the Law of Arms, that Law that (as he ſaid on the Scaffold) governeth the world, and againſt the Lawes of God and Man (they are his own words) for keeping the fifth Commandment, dying on the Scaffold at Weſtminſter, with a courage that became a clear conſcience, and a reſolution befitting a good Chriſtian; expreſſing that judicious piety in the Chamber of Meditation at his death, that he did in his Since publiſhed. Book of Meditation in his life: a piety that (as it appeared by his diſmiſſion of his Chaplain, and the formalities of that time's devotion, before he came to the Scaffold) was rather his inward frame and habit, than outward oſtentation or pomp; from the noble Sentiments whereof (as the Poet (not unhappily alluding to his Arms; A Lyon rampant in a Field Gules between three croſſes) expreſſeth it)

Our Lyon-like Capel undaunted ſtood, Beſet with Croſſes in a Field of blood.

as one that affrighted death, rather than was afrighted by it—It being very obſervable, that a learned Doctor of Phyſick preſent at the opening and embalming of this noble Lord, and Duke Hamilton, delivered at a publick Lecture, that the Lord Capel's was the leaſt heart, and the Duke's the greateſt that ever he ſaw; agreeable to the obſervation in Philoſophy, that the ſpirits contracted within the leaſt compaſſe, are the cauſe of the greater courage. Three things are conſiderable in this incomparable perſon. 1. His uninterrupted Loyalty keeping pace with his Life; for his laſt breath was ſpent in proclaiming K. Charles the II. in the very face of his Enemies, as known to him to be a vertuous, noble, gentle, juſt, and great Prince; a Perfect Engliſh-man in his inclination. 2. His great merits and modeſty, whereof K. Charles I. writes thus to his excellent Queen; There is one that doth not yet pretend, that doth deſerve as well as any, I mean Capel; Therefore I deſire thy aſsiſtance to finde out ſomething for him before he aske. 3. The bleſſing of God upon his noble, but ſuffering Family, who was a Huſband to his excellent Widow, and a Father to his hopeful Children, whom not ſo much their birth, beauty, and portion (though they were eminent for theſe) as their Vertues, married to the beſt Bloods and Eſtates in the Land, even when they and the Cauſe they ſuffered for were at the loweſt. It's the happineſs of good men, though themſelves miſerable, that their ſeed ſhall be mighty, and their Generation bleſſed.

Obſervations on the Life of Biſhop Andrews.

I Have much a-do to prevail with my own hand to write this excellent Prelate a States-man of England, though he was Privy-Councellor in both Kingdomes: For I remember what he would ſay when he came to the Council-Table; Is there any thing to be done to day for the Church? If they anſwered Yea, then he ſaid, I will ſtay.—If No, he ſaid, I will be gone.—Though yet this be an inſtance of as much prudence as any within the compaſs of our Obſervation: So ſafe is every man within the circle of his own place, and ſo great an argument of abilities hath it been always confeſſed, to know as well what we ought, as what we can, eſpecially in Clergy-men, whoſe over-doing doth abate their reverence, and increaſe their envy, by laying open thoſe defects and miſcarriages, which are otherwiſe hallowed, or at leaſt concealed in the myſtick ſacredneſſe of their own function. Not but that men of that gravity and exactneſſe, of that knowledge and experience, of that ſtayedneſs and moderation, of that ſobriety and temperance, of that obſervation and diligence as Biſhops are preſumed to be, were in all Governments judged as fit to manage publique affairs, as men of any other profeſſions whatever, without any prejudice to the Church; which muſt be governed as well as taught,—and managed as well as a ſociety dwelling in the world, as under the notion of a peculiar people taken out of it.—His ſucceſsful skill in dealing with the Papiſts under my Lord of Huntington Preſident of the North; and with the Puritans under Doctor Coſin, an Eccleſiaſtical Officer in the South, recommended him to Sir Francis Walſingham's notice, as a perſon too uſeful to be buried in a Country-Living; who thereupon intended to ſet up his Learning in a Lecture at Cambridge, to confute the Doctrine of Rome; untill Queen Eliz. reſolved to ſet up his prudence in other Employments at Court, to countermine its policy: where I know not whether the acuteneſs of his Sermons took moſt with the moſt Learned the devotion of them with the moſt pious; or the prudence of them with the moſt Wiſe—(it hath been one thing always to Preach learnedly, and another thing to preach wiſely) for to the Immenſity of his Learning, he added excellent Principles of politick prudence, as a governour of the Church, and a Councellor of State, wherein he was conſpicuous; not for the crafty projects and practices of policy, or for thoſe ſiniſter ways of Artifice and ſubtlety, or the admired depths of Hypocriſie called reaſon of State; nor the meaſures and rules of his Politicks and Prudentials were taken from the great experience he had gotten, and many excellent obſervations he had made out of all Hiſtories, as well Humane as Divine: though he always laid the greateſt weight upon the grounds and inſtances of holyScripture, which gives the trueſt judgement of wiſdom or folly; conſidering the mixture of State-affairs, with thoſe of the Church in Chriſtian Common-wealths, and the fitneſſe of ſober and diſcreet Clergy-men for thoſe of the State in all. It's a wonder how Clergy-men come to be excluded publick Councils at any time: but obſerving Biſhop Andrews his inſight into the Fundamental conſtitution of our State, as appears from his Speech in the Counteſs of Shrewsbury's Caſe: His diſtinct foreſight of the conſequences of Affairs, evident in his ſpeech againſt Thraske: His circumſpect care of the Publick, viſible in his Petition to King James then ſick at New-Market; that the Prince then under Scotch Tutors be educated by well-principled men, the occaſion that King James took to bring him up himſelf ſo exactly in the Doctrine and Diſcipline of our Church, that it's a queſtion whether he was more by his Pen or Sword, his Scepter or his Style, The Defender of the Faith:—His wonderfull skill in the government of this Church, diſcerned by the excellent King Charles, in that he ſent ſo many Biſhops to conſult with him, 1625. what was to be done for the Church in that Parliament: His caution and moderation, in that he never, unleſſe upon great conſiderations innovated in his Church, but left things in the ſame decency and order he found them (knowing that all alterations have their dangers) I am aſtoniſhed to think, that Biſhops ſhould be forbidden ſecular employment in our time.—Who hath more ampleneſs and compleatneſs (ſaith Biſhop Gauden) for a good man, a good Biſhop, a good Chriſtan, a good Scholar, a good Preacher, and a good Counſellor, than Biſhop Andrews, a man of an aſtoniſhing excellency both at home and abroad?

Obſervations on the Life of Henry Earl of Mancheſter.

HEnry Earl of Mancheſter, third ſon to Sir Edward Mountague, Grand-childe to Sir Edward Mountague Lord Chief-Juſtice of the King's Bench in King Edward the ſixth's time, was born at Boughton in Northampton-ſhire. One skilful in myſterious Arts, beholding him when a School-boy, foretold that by the pregnancy of his parts, he would raiſe himſelf above the reſt of his Family; which came to paſſe accordingly: He being bred firſt in Chriſts-Colledge in Cambridge, then in the Middle-Temple, where he attained to great Learning in the Laws; paſſed through many preferments, as they are reckoned up, viz.

1. Sergeant at Law. 2. Knighted by K. James, July 22. 1603. 3. Recorder of London. 4. Lord Chief Juſtice of the King's Bench, Novemb. 18. 1616. 5. Lord Treaſurer of England, Decemb. 16. 1620. 6. Baron of Kimbolton. 7. Viſcount Mandevile. 8. Preſident of the Council, Sept. 29. 1621. 9. Earl of Mancheſter. 10. Lord Privy-Seal.

He wiſely perceiving that Courtiers were but as Counters in the hands of Princes, raiſed and depreſſed in valuation at pleaſure, was contented rather to be ſet for a ſmaller ſum, than to be quite put up into the box. Thus in point of place and preferment, being pleaſed to be what the King would have him (according to his Motto, Movendo non mutando me) he became almoſt what he would be himſelf, finally advanced to an Office of great Honour. When Lord Privy-Seal, he brought the Court of Requeſts into ſuch repute, that what formerly was called the Alms-Basket of the Chancery, had in his time well-nigh as much meat in, and gueſts about it (I mean Suits and Clients) as the Chancery it ſelf. His Meditations of Life and Death, called Mancheſter Al mondo, written in the time of his health, may be preſumed to have left good impreſſions on his own ſoul, preparatory for his diſſolution, which happened 164...

The Office of Lord Treaſurer was ever beheld as 〈◊〉 place of great charge and profit. My Lord being demanded what it might be worth per ann. made this anſwer; That it might be ſome thouſands of pounds to him (who after death would go inſtantly to heaven) twice as much to him who would go to Purgatory, and a Nemo ſcit to him who would adventure to a worſe place. But indeed, he that will be a bad husband for himſelf in ſo advantageous a place, will never be a good one for his Soveraign.

Obſervations on the Life of Sir Henry Wotton, and his Relations.

SIr Henry Wotton firſt having read of his Anceſtor Sir Robert Wotton, the noble Lieutenant of Guiſnes, and Comptroller of Callais, in King Edward the fourth's days, His Grand-father Sir Edward Wotton, that refuſed to be Chancellour of England in King Henry the Eighth's time. 2. Having known his Father Sir Thomas Wotton, one of the moſt Ingenuous modeſty, the moſt Ancient freedome, plainneſſe, ſingle-heartedneſſe, and integrity in Queen Elizabeths Reign: His Brothers Sir Edward Wotton, the famous Comptroller of Queen Eliz. and K. James his Court, ſince Lord Wotton, & Baron Morley in Kent; Sir James Wotton (with R. Earl of Eſſex, Count Lodowick of Naſſaw, Don Christophoro, ſon of Antonio King of Portugal, &c.) Knighted as an excellent Soldier at Cadiz: Sir John Wotton the accompliſhed Traveller and Scholar, for whom Queen Eliz. deſigned a ſpecial favour:—His Uncle Nicholas Wotton, Dean of Canterbury and Yorke, nine times Embaſſador for the Crown of England (he that was one of King Henry's Executors, King Edward's Secretary of State, Queen Mary's right hand, and (that refuſed the Arch-Biſhoprick of Canterbury in in Queen Eliz. days) 3. Being bred 1. In Wincheſter, that eminent School for Diſcipline and Order. 2. In New-Colledge and Queens, thoſe famous Colledges for the method of Living by rule, could promiſe no leſſe than he did in his ſolidly ſententious, and diſcreetly humoured Play at Queens, called Tancredo, in his elegant Lecture of the nobleneſs, manner, and uſe of Seeing, at the Schools (for which the learned Albericus Gentilis called him, Henrice Mi Ocelle, and communicated to him his Mathematicks, his Law, and his Italian learning) in his more particular converſe with Doctor Donne and Sir Richard Baker in the Univerſity, and his more general converſation with Man-kinde in travells for one year to France and Geneva, (where he was acquainted with Theodore Beza, and Iſaac Caſaubon, at whoſe Fathers he lodged) for eight years in Germany, for five in Italy, whence returning balanced with Learning and Experience, with the Arts of Rome, Venice, and Florence (Picture, Sculpture, Chimiſtry, Architecture) the Secrets, Languages, Diſpoſitions, Cuſtomes, and Laws of moſt Nations, ſet off with his choice ſhape, obliging behaviour, ſweet diſcourſe, and ſharp wit, he could perform no leſſe than he did, 1. In the unhappy relation he had to the Earl of Eſſex, firſt of Friend, and afterward of Secretary. 2. In his more happy Intereſt by his Secretary Vietta (upon his flight out of England after the Earl's apprehenſion) with the Duke of Tuſcany, then the greateſt patron of Learning and Arts in the world; who having diſcovered a deſign to poyſon King James, as the known ſucceſſor of Queen Elizabeth, ſent Sir Henry Wotton with notice of the plot, and preſervatives againſt the poyſon, by the way of Norway into Scotland, under the borrowed name of Octavio Baldi; where after ſome ſuſpicion of the Italian meſſage, diſcovering himſelf to the King by David Lindſey's means, he was treated with much honour, complacency, and ſecrecy for three months. After which time he returned to Florence, ſtaying there till King James enquiring concerning him of my Lord Wotton the Comptroller; the great Duke adviſed his return to congratulate his Majeſty, as he did; the King embracing him in his arms, & calling him the beſt, becauſe the honeſteſt Diſſembler that he met with: and Knighting him by his own name. Adding withal; That ſince he knew he wanted neither Learning nor Experience; neither Abilities nor Faithfulneſſe, he would employ him to others, as he was employed to him; which accordingly he did to Venice, the place he choſe as moſt ſuitable to his retyred Genius, and narrow Eſtate, where, 1. Studying the diſpoſitions of the ſeveral Dukes and Senators. 2. Sorting of fit Preſents, curious, and not coſtly Entertainments, ſweetned with various and pleaſant diſcourſe, particularly his elegant application of Stories: He had ſuch intereſt, that he was never denyed any requeſt; whereby he did many ſervices to the Proteſtant intereſt (with his Chaplain Biſhop Biddle, and Padre Pauloe's aſſiſtance) during the Controverſie between the Pope and the Venetians, eſpecially in tranſmitting the Hiſtory of the Councel of Trent, ſheet by ſheet to the King and the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury as it was written: And in his three Embaſſies thither, gained many Priviledges for the Engliſh along all thoſe Coaſts. In the ſecond of which Embaſſies, calling upon the Emperour, he had brought Affairs to a Treaty, had not the Emperour's ſucceſſe interpoſed; whereupon he took his leave, wiſhing that Prince to uſe his Victory ſoberly; an advice his carriage indeared to his Majeſty, together with his perſon, ſo far, that he gave him a Diamond worth above a thouſand pounds, which he beſtowed on his Hoſteſs, ſaying, He would not be the better by a man that was an open Enemy to his Miſtreſs, ſo the Queen of Bohemia was pleaſed he ſhould call her:—Onely while abroad, and writing in the Album that friends have this ſentence, Legatus eſt vir bonus peregre miſſus ad mentiendum reipublicae cauſâ, whereof Scioppius made a malicious uſe in his Books againſt King James, He loſt himſelf a while for uſing more freedome abroad than became his Employment, until his ingenuous, clear, and choicely eloquent Apologies recovered him to more reſpect and cautiouſneſſe, until he writ Invidiae remedium over his Lodgings at Eaton-Colledge, the Provoſtſhip whereof he obtained in exchange for the reverſion of the Maſterſhip of the Rolls, and other places promiſed him; Where looking upon himſelf in his Surplice, as Charles 5, or Philip 2. in Cloyſters, his Study was divine Meditations, Hiſtory and Characters: His recreation Philoſophical concluſions, and Angling; which he called his idle time not idly ſpent, ſaying, he would rather live five May-months, than ſorty Decembers: His Table was exquiſite, where two youths attended, upon whom he made the obſervations that were to furniſh his deſigned diſcourſe of Education: His Hiſtories and Obſervations remarkable, his Apophthegms ſage and quick.

1. Being in a Popiſh Chappel, a merry Prieſt that knew him, ſent a Paper to him, with this queſtion; Where was your Religion before Luther? Under which he writ; Where yours is not, in the written word of God.

2. Being asked, whether a Papiſt could be ſaved? He replyed; You may be ſaved without knowing that: look to your ſelf.

3. Hearing one rayl againſt Arminius & Popery, he anſwered, S •• , he that underſtands amiſſe, concludeth worſe:—If you had ſtudied Popery ſo much as I have, and knew Arminius ſo well as I did, how learned, how ſtrict, and how rare a man he was, you would not fall ſo foul on his perſon, nor thinke that the further you go from the Church of Rome, the nearer you are to God.

4. One pitched upon for Embaſſador, came to Eaton, and requeſted from his ſome Experimental rule for his prudent and ſaſe carriage in his Negotiation; to whom he ſmilingly gave this for an in 〈…〉 ble Aphoriſm: That to be in ſafety himſelf, & ſerviceable to his Country, be ſhould alwayes, and upon all occaſions ſpeak the truth; For (ſaid he) you ſhall never be believed; and by this meanes your truth will ſecure your ſelf, if you ſhall ever be called to any account: and it will alſo put your Adverſaries (who will ſtill hunt counter) to a loſſe in all their diſquiſitions and undertakings.

5. And when he made his Will two years before he died, out of policy to let the King underſtand his Debts and Arrears (to which end he beſtowed in that Will on his Majeſty, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton's Papers of Negotiation in Queen Elizabeths dayes: on the Queen, Dioſcorides in Tuſcany, with the Herbs naturally coloured: on the Prince, the Queen of Bohemia's picture: on my Lord of Canterbury, the picture of Divine love: to my Lord of London, high Treaſurer, Heraclitus and Democritus; and to Secretary Windebanke old Baſtano's four Seaſons) he directed that this onely ſhould be written on his plain Marble:

Hie jacet hujus ſententiae primus auctor; Diſputandi Pruritus fit Eccleſiarum Scabies: Nomen aliàs qu • re:

7. Going yearly to Bocton for the connaturalneſs of that Ayr, and to Wincheſter or Oxford for Recreation, he would ſay to his friends; How uſeful was that advice of a holy Monk, who perſwaded his friend to perform his cuſtomary devotion in a conſtant place, where his former thoughts might meet him; for (ſaid he) at my being at that School, ſeeing the place where I ſate when I was a boy, occaſioned me to remember my youthful thoughts; ſweet thoughts indeed, that promiſed my growing years numerous pleaſures, without mixture of cares, and thoſe to be enjoyed when time (which I thought ſlow-paced) changed my youth to man-hood; and now there are a ſucceſſion of Boys uſing the ſame recreation, and queſtionleſs poſſeſſed with the ſame thoughts. Thus one generation ſucceeds another both in their Lives, Recreations, Hopes, Fears, and Deaths.

8. There are four things that recommend Sir Henry Wotton to poſterity: 1. That King Charles took great pleaſure in correſponding with him in Letters. 2. That my Lord Racon took great pains in collecting his Apophthegme • . 3. That Sir Richard Baker, who ſubmitted moſt of his Writings to his Cenſure, ſaid of him; That the Kingdome yielded not a fitter man to match the Capriciouſneſſe of the Italian wits. And 4. That his work of Architecture is tranſlated into Latine, printed with Vitruvius, and this Elogy prefixed:

Henricns Wottonus Anglo-Cantianus Tho: optimi viri Filius Natu minimus a ſereniſſimo Jacobo I. Magnae Britanniae, &c. Rege in Equeſtrem titulum aſcitus, ejuſdemque ter ad Remp: Venetam Legatus Ordinarius, ſemel ad Confaederatarum Provinciarum Ordines in Julienſi Negotio; bis ad Carolum Emanuelem Subaudiae ducem: Semel ad unitos ſuperioris Germaniae Principes in Conventu Heilbronnenſi. Poſtremo ad Archducem Leopoldum, Ducem Wirtenbergenſem, Civitates Imperiales Argentinam, Ulmamque, & ipſum Romanorum Imperatorem Ferdinandum II. Legatus Extraordinarius Tandem hoc Dedicit. Animas ſapientiores fieri quieſcendo.

Obſervations on the Lives of the Lord Wilmot, and Sir Tho. Roe.

THeſe honourable perſons are united not ſo much in their own relation or character, as in my unhappineſſe, who was promiſed Obſervations on the life of the firſt, but never had them; and had ſome on the life of the ſecond, but loſt them.

1. My Lord Wilmot I finde acting like a States-man, when Commiſſary in the expedition againſt the Scots; and ſpeaking like a Soldier, when a Member of the Parliament that was for them: in the firſt capacity ſpeaking with my Lord Conway, he ſaw the King would be overcome by the Engliſh at home, if he overcame not the Scots abroad. In the ſecond, whiſpering with ſome Army-Officers, he ſaid; If the Scots Army were paid in the North, the King's Army would be paid in the South.—A wiſe and brave ſpeech, that had almoſt rallied all the Army againſt the Parliament, as ſoon as that Parliament had rallied their multitude againſt the King; but that treachery got eaſily into the boſome of that brave Prince, that had nothing but honeſty in his heart.

Yet ſince he could not awe the counſels of the faction in the City, he went to ſuppreſſe their Rebellion in the Field; being voted a Traytor by the Rebels, becauſe he endeavoured they ſhould not be ſo. What he performed in the Wars, all the Kingdome knows; what he did at Oxford, the King's Letters intimate; what he negotiated in Germany, acted in Scotland, endeavoured at W • rceſter, and other places for the King's Majeſties eſcape and reſtauration, poſterity ſhall celebrate while he lives, as renownedly in Hiſtory, as he doth nobly in his ſon the moſt hopeful Earl of Rocheſter.

2. Sir Thomas Roe—underſtood the diſpoſitions of men ſo exactly, could ſuit their humours ſo fitly, obſerve opportunities and ſeaſons of actions ſo punctually, keep correſpondence ſo warily, wade through difficulties ſo handſomely, wave the pinch of a buſineſſe ſo dexterouſly, contrive Intereſts ſo ſuitably, that he was adviſed with concerning the moſt important Affairs of the Kingdoms he reſided in abroad, and admitted of the Privy-Councel while he lived at home.—Where his ſpeech againſt the debaſing of the Coyn at the Council-Table will laſt as long as there is reaſon of State in the world; His ſettlement of Trade as long as this is an Iſland; and his Eaſtern MSS. as long as there are Books to furniſh Libraries, or Libraries to preſerve Books. Three of the nobleſt Engliſh actions beyond Sea are theſe. 1. That Sir Thomas Roe pardoned the Dutch Merchants thrice in Perſia and Turkey at his mercy. 2. That my Lord Wilmot, when Embaſſador in Germany, refuſed the aſſiſtance of the Popes Nuncio, or Turkiſh Aga; judging his great Maſter, when at loweſt, above thoſe ſuſpected Auxiliaries. 3. That my Lord Culpeper having offered him in Muſcovy all the Engliſh goods there, refuſed them, declaring his Royal Maſter a Father of his Country, though kept out of it by Traytors; and a merciful Prince to his People, when caſt off by the Rebels.

Obſervations on the Life of Arch-Biſhop Juxon.

WIlliam Juxon, born at Chicheſter in Suſſex, was bred Fellow in St. John's Colledge in Oxford, where he proceeded Batchelor of Law; very young, but very able for that Degree: afterwards becoming Doctor in the ſame Faculty, and Preſident of the Colledge, was one in whom Nature had not omitted, but Grace had ordered the Tetrarch of humours, being admirably Maſter of his Pen and Paſſion. For his Abilities, he was ſucceſſively preferred by King Charles the firſt, Biſhop of Hereford and London, and for ſome years Lord Treaſurer of England: wherein he had Religion to be honeſt, and no ſelf-intereſt to be corrupt. A troubleſome place in thoſe times, being expected he ſhould make much Brick (though not altogether without, yet) with very little ſtraw allowed unto him: Large then the Expences, low the Revenues of the Exchequer. Yet thoſe Coffers he found empty, he left filling, and had left full, had Peace been preſerved in the Land, and he continued in his Place. Such the mildeneſſe of his temper, that Petitioners for money (when it was not to be had) departed well pleaſed with his Denials, they were ſo civilly languaged. It may juſtly ſeem a wonder, that whereas few ſpake well of Biſhops at that time, and Lord Treaſurers at all Times are liable to the complaints of diſcontented people; though both Offices met in this man, yet with Demetrius he was well reported of all men, and of the truth it ſelf. He lived to ſee much ſhame and contempt undeſervedly poured on his Function, and all the while poſſeſſed his own ſoul in patience.

Nor was it the leaſt part of this Prelat's honour, that amongſt the many worthy Biſhops of our Land, King Charles the firſt ſelected him for his Confeſſor at his Martyrdome, when he honoured him with this teſtimony; That good man. He formerly had had experience [in the caſe of the Earl of Strafford] that this Biſhop's Conſcience was bottom'd on piety, not policy, the reaſon that from him he received the Sacrament, good comfort and counſell juſt before he was murthered. I ſay, juſt before the Royal Martyr was murthered; a Fact ſo foul, that it alone may confute the Errour of the Pelagians, maintaining that all ſin cometh by imitation, the Univerſe not formerly affording ſuch a Precedent, as if choſe Regicides had purpoſely deſigned to diſprove the obſervation of Solomon, that there is no new thing under the Sun.

King Charles the ſecond preferred him Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury 1660. He died in the year of our Lord, 1663. and with great ſolemnity was buried in St. John's Colledge in Oxford,—to which he was a great Benefactor, though a greater to Pauls and Lambeth; and greateſt of all to the Church which his eminence adorned, and his temper ſecured in thoſe times, wherein roughneſſe enraged that humour, which delay and moderation broke: a diſcreet yielding to the multitude is the ſecureſt way of Conqueſt: They that hold together by oppoſition, languiſh and moulder away by indulgence: In his duty, this good man went along with Conſcience. in Government, with Time and Law. He had the happineſſe, that K. James admired in a States-man of his time, to do all things ſuavibus modis: He referred his Maſter in the Earl of Strafford's caſe, as he did himſelf in all caſes, to his own Conſcience for matter of fact, and to the Judges for matter of Law; who according to their Oath ought to carry themſelves indifferently between the King and his Subjects.—The King was not more happy in this faithful ſervant, than he was in his followers, among whom there was no uncivil Auſterity to diſoblige the Subjects, nor baſe Corruption to incenſe them. They need not keep ſtate, they had ſo much real power; nor extort, they had ſo much allowed advantage. His care was his ſervants, and their care his buſineſſe: His preferments were his burthen rather than his honour; advanced by him, rather than advancing him—and therefore he was more ready to lay them down, than others to take them up: Witneſſe his Treaſurers Place; which when he parted with (like thoſe that ſcatter their Jewels in the way, that they may debar the violence of greedy purſuers) no leſſe than four durſt undertake; when his ſingle ſelf ſufficed for the two greateſt troubles of this Nation, the Treaſurer-ſhip of England, and the Biſhoprick of London.

Religion was the inclination and compoſure as well as care of his ſoul; which he uſed not as the artifice of pretence or power, but as the ornament and comfort of a private breaſt, never affecting a pompous piety, nor a magnificent vertue, but approving himſelf in ſecret to that God who would reward him openly. His devotion was as much above other mens, as his Calling; his meditations equall with his cares; and his thoughts even and free between his Affairs and his Contemplations, which were his pleaſures, as well as his duty, the uniform temper and pulſe of his Chriſtian ſoul. Neither was his Religion that of a man onely, but that of a Biſhop too, that made his Piety as univerſal as his Province, by ſuch aſſiſtances of power, as brought carnal men, if not to an obedience, yet to ſuch a degree of reverence, that if they did not honour, they might not deſpiſe it. His juſtice was as his Religion, clear and uniform; Firſt, the ornament of his heart, then the honour of his action. Neither was Juſtice leavened with rigour or ſeverity, but ſweetned with clemency and goodneſſe; that was never angry but for the publick, and not then ſo much at the perſon, as the offence: So ambitious of that great glory of Moderation, that he kept it up in ſpight of the times malignity, wherein he ſaw all change without himſelf, while he remained the ſelf-ſame ſtill within the Idea of ſobriety and temperance, vertues that he put off onely with his life: Neither was this a defect of ſpirit, but the temper of it; that though it never provoked troubles, yet it never feared them: His minde was always great, though his fortune not ſo: Great to ſuffer, though not always able to act: ſo good his temper, and ſo admirable his humility, that none ever went diſcontented from him:—Never • ourting, but always winning people, having a paſſage to their hearts through their brain; and making them firſt admire, and then love him. He was ſlow, not of ſpeech, as a defect; but to ſpeak, o • of diſcretion; becauſe when ſpeaking, he plentifully paid the Principal and Intereſt of his Audito •• expectation.

In a word, his government as a Biſhop was gentle, benigne, and paternal: His management of the Treaſury was ſuch, that he ſerved his Prince faithfully, ſatisfied all his friends, and ſilenced all his enemies; of which he had enough as a Biſhop, Greatneſſe is ſo invidious and ſuſpected; though none as a man, goodneſſe is ſo meek and inoffenſive. The moſt thought the worſe of Dr. Juxon for the Biſhops ſake, the beſt thought the better of the Biſhop for Dr. Juxon's ſake.

Obſervations on the Life of John Lord Culpeper.

I Finde nothing promoting him to his firſt preferment of Chancellor of the Exchequer, but his pure merit; nor any thing advancing him to his after-honours, but his ſteady Loyalty;—which when others ſtuck to London (in compliance with that Maxime; In all Diviſions keep your ſelf to the Metropolis, the chief City being for the moſt part preſerved, who-ever prevaileth, in a Civil Commotion, abounding in Money and Friends, the readieſt Commodities to purchaſe Quiet) carryed him after a perſecuted Soveraign for twenty years together, by the ſtrong obligation of a well-principled Conſcience, and the well-weighed obſervation of the natural Affection of all Engliſhmen to their lawful Soveraign; from whom, though the Arts and Impulſes of ſeditious Demagogues may a while eſtrange and divorce their mindes, yet their Genius will irreſiſtibly at laſt force them to their firſt love.

It was the reſolution of a great States-man; That if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedge-ſtake, he would be on that ſide the Crown was. His firſt ſervice was to diſcover his Soveraign to his deluded People, worthy not onely of their obedience, but their lives and fortunes. His next was, to lay open his Enemies in all their Intrigues and Reſerves, being moſt happy in all the Treaties he was engaged in, in diſcerning the bottome of his own Parties Intereſt, and their Adverſaries pretenſions diſcoveries! that prevailed on all that was either noble or but ingenuous in the Nation, eſpecially whither my Lord came with his indefatigable Induſtry, his obliging Converſe, and potent Eloquence, excepting London it's ſelf, whither he was ſent from Nottingham, with the Earls of Southampton and Dorſet, and Sir William Wedale Knight, the very day the King ſet up his Standard there. The Principle he went upon was, That the Faction at Weſtminſter was no Parliament; A Principle moſt ſafe on all hands: For which and the reſt of his judicious Sentiments, he hath the honour to be enrolled among thoſe that Traytors durſt not pardon; which he could not chooſe but ſmile at, knowing (as he uſed to ſay) That Treaſon is alwayes within five years weary of its ſelf, the People being more impatient of their own Libertiniſme, than of the ſtricteſt and moſt heavy government. His way of Intelligence from L •• don by Miſtreſſe E. P. friend to J. M. puts me 〈◊〉 minde of a paſſage in Queen Elizabeths Reig • who being preſented with an Overture out 〈◊〉 Spain, ſo ſecretly managed by the Councel there, as the firſt news of its approach came with its ſel • the Meſſengers (out of fear of a ſurprizal) diſpenſing the Ceremonies commonly uſed in the behalf of Embaſſadors (ſomething ſtrange, conſidering the haughtineſſe of that Nation) did much inflame the Lord Treaſurer's deſire to know the fartheſt extent of the Negotiation, as conducing to a preſent advantage, that ſuch an Anſwer might be made as ſhould in ſome proportion quadrate with the demand of the Catholique King, at that time ſtanding upon Termes little different from thoſe of an Enemy. And being informed from the ordinary Eſpials he kept about his Perſon, that the attempt was ſomething difficult, if not impoſſible; the Don out of diſtruſt ſtill carrying his Inſtructions in his boſome: Burleigh cauſed ſuch a Jeſuite to be apprehended, as by reaſon of former miſcarriages could not expect mercy; and imparts his deſires to him under as large promiſes if he brought them about, as threats to be revenged on him and his Aſſociates, if he found himſelf abuſed. All which, though with ſome reluctancy he undertook, and performed, through the mediation of a fair Lady that firſt took away his Commiſſion, and then again layd it under his pillow whileſt he ſlept.

His early endeavours for Peace by Addreſſes to London, Scotland, Cornwal, ſpeak his integrity, and his prudence. Every inconſiderable perſon may be powerful at diſturbances: but to forme Peace, requires much wiſdome and great vertues) and his obſervations upon the diviſion of the great Faction to two parties, Independent, and Presbyterian. His care and watchfulneſs; none of their claſhes eſcaping his reach, which was ready to accommodate as occaſion ſerved their reſpective Intereſts, in their New models and alterations; making as good uſe of Fears and Jealouſies between them, as they had done between the King and his People. Theſe and other his ſervices recommended him to the attendance of his moſt excellent Majeſty when Prince, in the perfecting of the Weſtern Aſſociation, when it was thought fit to put the happineſs and hope of the Kingdom in two bottomes, with whom he continued with a conſtant fidelity in all difficulties, performing ſeveral Embaſſies during their baniſhment with honour (particularly one to the Emperour, who had great reſpects for his Maſter, and an aweful regard of his Cauſe) till it pleaſed God to bring his Majeſty by his and others counſel to his Father's Throne; which he juſt ſaw, and dyed Maſter of the Rolls, June 1660. From one of whoſe Relations I have theſe Notes and Poſtils, containing ſome of the policy of the late Times, from 1642. to 1659.—which I ſet down nakedly, as I finde them; not ſuppoſing they are his, but that they were among his Papers.

1. It is againſt the experience of the wiſeſt Princes of France and England, to leave their chief City in times of tumult;—yet it was neceſſary for the King to do ſo, as well to break the fury of the worſt people there by diſtance and time, as to diſ-abuſe the beſt abroad by his preſence and time:—and indeed it had been a ſhame for him to have periſhed in a tumult.

2. It was urged, that the King ſhould not delay any longer the War,—but beſides that nothing could perſwade his gracious Majeſty to a War, but pure neceſſity; It's uſually obſerved, that if Boutefeus make not the feud irreconcileable by a deſperate action, Rebels cool, conſider, break, ſuſpect, fear, and fall off to nothing.

3. The repulſe of Hotham did the King excellent ſervice, by alarming all the Loyal in the Kingdome with their deſigned plot.

4. Eſpecially when the Country ſaw the King ſo unwilling to engage, that he diſcharged their guards ſeveral times.

5. It was thought unfit to ſend to the Faction from Nottingham, until it was rejoyned that men of underſtanding and fidelity are uſually employed to thoſe perſons againſt whom a War is to be managed, to diſcover their deſign, humour, forces, ſuccours, and what-ever might ſuccour or ſtrengthen them; which none but they who were ſecured with the priviledg of Agents might do; and none were judged fitter than they that were beſt acquainted with the knowing Ladies, and the talkative Lords.

6. It was offered that Intelligence ſhould be written to ſatisfie the people, and make the vulgar pretences ridiculous: But quaere, whether it is poſſible for the Areana Imperii to remain always under ſo exact a diſcipline as may admit a thorowinſpection of the multitude without danger.

7. When it was urged as the fundamental Principle the King ſhould proceed upon, that the Faction at Weſtminſter was no Parliament, the King being firme to his promiſe (as there was not a juſter man alive) not to diſſolve them without their leave—it was judged that ſelf-preſervation being the firſt principle in nature, that conceſſion which wiſdome ſaw then, and experience ſince, ſo contrary to that principle, was rather to be repented of, than performed.

8. It is a very great advantage to the King's Cauſe, that his Meſſages of Peace were ſent alwayes after his Victories; and his Enemies after their defeats: And that his Declarations were natural, eaſie, as grounded upon obvious principles of Scripture, Law, and Reaſon; and theirs harſh, forced, and wilde, as grounded onely upon Pretences and Fancies.

9. It's a probable opinion, that it is in vain to treat with the Rebels, who can never truſt the King with their guilty heads.

10. It is in vain to yield them any thing, ſince all Conceſſions have no other iſſue than either or both of theſe two inconveniences. 1. That they make the Faction ſo inſolent, that the King ſhould not be able to deny nor grant them any thing. 2. That they juſtified former proceedings, and layd the blame upon the King for not granting that ſooner, which he thinks fit to grant now. Beſides, it's more fit Propoſitions come to the King, than from him.

11. It may be wondered that the King doth not cut off the chief of the Rebels, as they fall into his hands, according to the uſual Maxime in that caſe; but that his inclination to clemency is inexpreſſible—and that the principle he goeth upon is fure, though deep, viz. That ſo much are Man-kinde in general, and the Engliſh in particular obliged by fair uſages, that the generality of this Nation returned nine times in 1300 years after long intervals of Uſurpation, out of gratitude as well as duty unto their Allegiance to the poſterity of good, pious, mercifull, but unhappy Princes.

12. When it was urged againſt the King's going to London upon the ſucceſſe in the Weſt, that the City would pour out freſh men upon him, as at Brainford; It was replied, that the City & Country were not under ſuch ſtrong deluſions as then, but were more ſenſible of the miſeries they had been trepanned into. Beſides, there was a more miraculous power of converſion went along with the King's preſence where ever he came, convincing all he converſed with.

13. Whether the King beng ſo wiſe and able, it were not convenient to contrive it ſo, that the people might ſee how well he acted by himſelf,—provided he had ſufficient ſecurity?

14. Whether it being dangerous that the Rebels ſhould ſeize (as God forbid they ſhould) on the whole Court at once, it were not convenient that his Majeſty and the Prince did part, that the Kingdome might know its hope as well as its happineſs; and that their intereſt when ſeparated, might be more ſpreading than when together?

15. It was judged prudence to let the ſucceſſe wherein their ſouls were unequal, overthrow the Faction by mutual Jealouſies and Animoſities, till it diſſipated all pretences, and the people ſaw none oppreſſed them in their Eſtates, Liberties, Conſciences, more than the pretended Patrons of them all. An Indempnity without regard to any Faction, being moſt likely to render the miſled as jealous for the King, as they had been againſt him.

16. It were to be wiſhed that the Parliament did draw into entire Propoſitions their deſign, that his Majeſty and his People might make a clearer judgement of it in order to an accommodation.

17. His Majeſty muſt be ſecured of the Militiae, and againſt tumults, and all perſons inveſted in their firſt right without any controverſie—As to other matters, a full debate may ſettle them, with ſuch explanations and qualifications as may ſatisfie all parties.

18. It's thought his Majeſty may concur with the Parliament about the Presbyterian Government for three years, the time allowed by themſelves; and that at the three years end the very Kingdome will throw it off as inconſiſtent with the Engliſh temper, and unſuitable with the Britiſh Monarchy:—And ſo likewiſe in other things which look plauſible in the general, but are unpracticable in the particular.

19. Though many things are neceſſary to avoid jealouſies, which are inconvenient, yet they may be allowed, upon the reſpect of the likelihood that all things will in time return to their proper chanel—onely a general Act of indemnity is the beſt bond of Peace, whereby the numerous diſcontents of many perſons and families otherwiſe expoſed to ruine, might not become Fuel to new diſorders, or Seeds to future troubles, with particular regards to the priviledges of the City, notwithſtanding non-uſer, miſ-uſer, abuſer, and the intereſt of the Army,—an indulgence that would help the world to ſee clearly the Kings intentions in matter of future government.

20. No Act to paſſe till the Peace be concluded, leſt what his Majeſty grants, may be an argument to urge what he muſt deny; ſo that he cannot treat in Honour, Freedome, or Safety.

21. Time is the beſt cure of Faction.

22. When the Treaty is broken off, ſo that neither ſide could reaſſume it without a ſeeming yielding, it ſhould be renewed upon the Queens motion, provided always that her name was not uſed or intimated till the Rebels willingneſs to complyance were preaſſured.

But ſtay, I am fallen upon mine own knowing time, wherein I am fitter to read others Obſervations, than to write my own: and it becomes me rather to be inſtructed, than to inſtruct. Induſtry and Curioſity bid me begin this Collection where Sir W. F. Sir R. N. Sir J. H. Characters end: and modeſty enjoyns me to finiſh it, where my Contemporaries own knowledge begins,—with whom I ſhall quietly paſſe my time, obſerving how far the affairs I ſee or hear of agree with thoſe I have read of. Having gained thus much (if no more) by this Eſſay; That by looking into the Intrigues of former times, I have learned a great deal of reaſon to bleſſe GOD I was born in theſe: being aſſured, that murmurs, diſcontents, complaints, whiſperings, ſpeaking evil of Dignities; the common, but unreaſonable faults of this Age, are kept up onely becauſe men are ignorant of the Ages foregoing: And as my Lord Bacon ſaith of the Schoolmen in the Church, ſo I ſay of troubleſome perſons in the State; that they are ſo, becauſe they know nothing beyond their own time: whereas if the moſt diſcontented perſon did but compare his own dayes with thoſe before, he muſt confeſſe, that there wants nothing in the general frame of our Government (particular perſons miſcarriages muſt be always allowed) to make us moſt happy, but thankefulneſſe, content, and the continuance of theſe bleſſings under our dread Soveraign, for whom it's as much our intereſt as our duty to pray according to St. Chryſoſtoms Liturgy, that God would give him ſtrength, victory, health, ſafety, length and tranquillity of dayes: or in Tertullian's form; Long life, a ſecure government, ſafe Court, valiant Army, faithful Senate, good People, quiet world, & what-ever he can deſire as a King, or as a man. Or once more, in Lactantius his words, That God will keep him, who is the keeper of all things in his Dominions, to his Felicity, and our Tranquillity.

The End of the Obſervations upon the Lives of the Stateſmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of K. Charles I.

Books printed for Samuel Speed at the Rainbow in Fleetſtreet.

PHaramond, or the Hiſtory of France, a new Romance, by the Author of Casſandra and Cleopatra, in Folio.

The precedency of Kings, a diſcourſe, by James Howel Eſquire, in folio.

Actions on the Caſe for Deeds, by William Shepheard Eſquire, in folio.

Declarations and Pleadings, by the Lord Cook, in folio.

The Body of Divinity, written in Latine by Bucanus, and rendered into Engliſh, in quarto.

The Golden Coaſt, or a Deſcription of Guinney, in quarto.

FINIS.