The Roman history written in Latine by Titus Livius. With the supplements of John Freinshemius and John Dujatius from the foundation of Rome to the middle of the reign of Augustus.

portrait of Romulus ROMVLVS REX.

portrait of King Numa NVMA REX.

portrait of Lucius Junius Brutus L. IVNIVS BRVTVS.

portrait of Fabius Maximus FAB: MAXIMVS.

portrait of Scipio Africanus P. C. SCIPIO AFR:

portrait of Hannibal HANNIBAL.

portrait of Gaius Marius C. MARIVS.

portrait of Lucius Cornelius Sulla L. C. SVLLA.

portrait of Marcus Tullius Cicero M. T. CICERO.

portrait of Pompey the Great CN. POMPEIVS MAGNVS.

portrait of Julius Caesar C. IVLIVS CAESAR.

portrait of Marcus Junius Brutus M.I. BRVTVS.

portrait of Augustus AVGVSTVS CAESAR.

portrait of Marc Antony M. ANTONIVS.

portrait of Marcus Claudius Marcellus MARCELLVS AVG: N. ex Imaginibus Fulvij Ʋrſini.

THE ROMAN HISTORY Written in LATINE BY TITUS LIVIUS.

WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS Of the LEARNED John Freinſhemius, and John Dujatius.

From the Foundation of Rome to the middle of the Reign of Auguſtus.

Faithfully done into Engliſh.

portrait of Livy T. LIVIVS PATAVINVS

LONDON, Printed for Awnſham Churchill, at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane, near Paternoſter-Row, MDCLXXXVI.

THE Tranſlators Preface.

I Intend not to enter into a large Diſcourſe of the Excellency and Uſefulneſs of Hiſtory: That Province has been undertaken by a thouſand abler hands. Tully's ſhort Character is juſt, and very ſignificant, when he calls it, Times Witneſs; Truths Light; The Life of Memory; The Herald of Antiquity; and the Miſtreſs of Life.

But as amongſt all prophane Hiſtories, none can for Greatneſs of Action, prudence of Counſels, and Heroick Examples of all ſorts of Vertue, compare with That of the Commonwealth of Rome; ſo of all Roman Hiſtorians, Titus Livius, both for Copiouſneſs and Elegance, for Accuracy and unblemiſh'd Fidelity, is juſtly preferr'd. Whoſe Excellent Works (as far as Extant, with Supplements for all that is wanting) we undertake to preſent you with in Engliſh; and the buſineſs of this Preface is to give 1. Some Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings. 2. An Account of this preſent Tranſlation.

Titus Livius was born at Padua (whence his common Addition is, Patavinus) a City of Italy, renowned for its Antiquity (ſaid to be built by Antenor, four hundred Years before Rome) as well as for its ſtrength, having been able to bring into the Field one hundred thouſand Combatants, and from which, as Venice was but a Colony, ſo it ſtill belongs to that Illuſtrious Republick (ſuch being the fate of Towns, as well as Perſons, that ſometimes the Mother is forc'd to depend on the Daughter) and remains to this day a place famous for Learned Men, being honour'd with an Univerſity, renowned eſpecially for the ſtudy of the Noble Art of Medicine. He was born about the Year 694. after the building of Rome; that is, (according to the beſt Chronologers) in the Year of the World 3906. and fifty ſix years before the Incarnation of our Bleſſed Saviour.

How he ſpent his younger years, though no Authors particularly mention, yet we may eaſily gueſs at the Tillage by the Crop, and conclude him then laboriouſly and no leſs ſucceſsfully employ'd in the Studies of Literature and Eloquence, whereof he gave an early Specimen in certain Philoſophical Dialogues mention'd by Seneca (Epiſt. 100.) which 'tis likely he might preſent to Auguſtus, and thereby firſt attract the Eſteem of that moſt Illuſtrious Prince, and grand Patron of Learned men. For 'tis certain, our Author was not only well known to him, but ſo much in his Favour, that though afterwards he gave him a very free Account of the Civil Wars, and ſpoke ſo honourably of the Republican Party, that the Emperour Caeſar jocularly called him Pompeianus, one of Pompey's Faction; yet that Generous Prince did not for all that refuſe him his Friendſhip, as is atteſted by Tacitus in the fourth Book of his Annals, but made choice of him (of all the Famous men then at Rome) to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Claudius, afterwards Emperour.

Thus he flouriſht under the Reign of Auguſtus, and began to write this Hiſtory after the thirteenth and before the eighteenth year of that Emperour, as we may gather from thoſe words in his firſt Book: Since Numa's time Janus's Temple has twice been ſhut; once when T. Manlius was Conſul after the firſt Punick War ended, and again the Gods vouchſafed the ſame favour to our Times, when after the Actian War the Emperour Auguſtus Caeſar had obtain'd Peace both by Land and Sea. Now 'tis well known, that Janus's Temple was thrice ſhut up by Auguſtus: Firſt, after his Victory over Mark Anthony and Cleopatra at Actium here mentioned, which was in his fifth Conſulſhip: And again, when he had ſubdued the Calabrians in his tenth Conſulſhip; and the third time in the Year of the City 748. (within two years after which our Bleſſed Lord was born of the Virgin.) Since therefore Livy mentions it to have been then only twice ſhut, 'tis plain, that he wrote (at leaſt that firſt Part of his Hiſtory) before Auguſtus's ſecond Cloſure thereof.

'Tis likely, that he repaired very young to Rome, and spent there moſt of his time. For as in that Imperial City he had the beſt Advantages of Books, and all the Records of Antiquity to furniſh him with Matter, ſo he had alſo the beſt Company both to inform his Judgment, and improve his Stile. And in this respect never was Author more happy, as living in an Age when Letters were at the higheſt pitch both of Perfection in themſelves, and Eſtimation from others.

For 'tis not improbable but he might have ſeen, heard, and been acquainted with Cicero, that great Maſter of the Latine Eloquence (for he was twenty years old at his death) with the moſt Learned, and in Roman Antiquities incomparably skilful, Varro; with that ingenious Parent of Lyrick Elegance, Catullus; with Virgil, the Prince of Poets, and Saluſt, the moſt excellent (at leaſt till this our Livy out-vy'd him) of Hiſtorians; with Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus, both no contemptible Authors in Hiſtory. Certain it is, that he was Contemporary, not only with thoſe moſt famous Poets, Ovid, Horace, Propertius, and Tibullus, but alſo with Seneca the Declaimer, and Vitruvius the Architect, and Dionyſius Halicarnaſſeus, who wrote the Roman Story moſt exactly in Greek. Nor was he much elder than Strabo the Grecian Geographer, than Valerius Maximus and Velleius Paterculus, none of the leaſt conſiderable Roman Hiſtorians. In a dark Night Glow-worms may ſhine, and Sporad's in the Suns abſence caſt a glimmering luſtre; but for a Star to appear in open Day-light, is almoſt miraculous. Amongst ſuch a Crowd of Excellent men in the moſt polite Age that the World can boaſt of, for Wit, Learning, and Eloquence, that our Author ſhould come behind none of them, and in his Hiſtorical Province outſtrip all (as in the Judgment of the literate World he has done) is certainly an Argument of a moſt happy Genius, and Accompliſhments altogether extraordinary.

Nor is it eaſie to determine, whether his Induſtry, or his Sufficiency were the greater; for he wrote the whole Hiſtory (as well Civil as Military) of the People of Rome for the ſpace of ſeven hundred forty five years, viz. from the Foundation of that City till the Death of Druſus, that is, until within eight years of our Saviour's Incarnation.

This mighty Undertaking (which by what hath been ſaid, appears to have taken him up at leaſt above twenty years time) he performed in one hundred and forty Books (or as Petrarch and others think, one hundred and forty two) which were divided (but whether by Livy himſelf, or afterwards by the Tranſcribers for better conveniency, is disputable, though not much material) into fourteen Decads, that is, ſo many Tomes of ten Books apiece, of which there are now only five and thirty Books extant; for the ſecond Decade, and all the reſt after the fifth Book of the fifth Decade, are loſt. But we have ſtill the Epitomes of the whole one hundred and forty, of which L. Florus is commonly reputed to have been the Author.

The Cauſes that contributed to this unhappy Shipwrack, ſo paſſionately regretted by the whole Commonwealth of Learning, were probably theſe.

1. The Malice of the Emperour Caligula, who whether out of Envy, or his natural Averſion to all Learning, Vertue and Induſtry, endeavoured to remove both Livy's Works and Statues out of all Libraries; alledging, That he was too full of Words, and falſe in his Relations: Reproaches which ought to leave no ſtain on our Hiſtorian, ſince they proceeded from the ſame ignorant Monſter who condemned Virgil as a Sot; and was contriving to have aboliſht both his and Homer's incomparable Poems out of the World, and to have made a Bonfire of all the Law-Books in Rome. We could expect no better from a Caligula, but I am ſomewhat ſurprized at the zeal of S. Gregory, who (as S. Antoninus tells us) burnt Livy's Works for this Reaſon, Quòd in Superſtitionibus & Sacris Romanis perpetuò verſetur; Becauſe he was ſo perpetually mentioning the Roman ſuperſtitious Rites and Idolatries. I confeſs his over-frequent Stories of Prodigies and their Expiations, cannot but be ſomewhat nauſeous to a judicious Chriſtian Reader, but we muſt conſider him as he was an Heathen, and then we can ſcarce blame him for ſhewing ſo much respect to thoſe ſeigned Deities, which were all he knew: and Bodin's Apologie may excuſe him, Superſtitione praeſtat quàm impietate obligari, & falſam quàm nullam habere Religionem; Better Superſtition than Impiety, and to be zealous in a falſe Religion, than either to have no Religion at all, or to neglect and profane with irreverence that which we do profeſs.

2. The vaſt Bulk of his whole Work, not to be tranſcribed without a world of pains. And here ſome could have wiſht the Epitomizer (whoever he was) had spared himſelf that trouble, it being ſuſpected, that many out of Lazineſs contenting themſelves with his Abridgments, the Original thereby became the more neglected, which otherwiſe, perhaps, had not periſht; however this accidental Conſequence was unforeſeen, and thoſe Breviats, now in the want of the whole, have proved of great uſe.

3. Add to this the Rage of the Goths and Vandals (and other Barbarians that ſince over-run Europe) againſt all Monuments of Literature, and how many choice Volumes have been ſwallowed by the devouring Jaws of Time, in the Revolutions of above ſixteen hundred years, and we may rather wonder how five and thirty Books of Livy came to eſcape, than that one hundred and five are periſht.

What we have, came not all at once to light; for the firſt five Books of the fifth Decade were found Anno 1531. at Wormes by Simon Gryneus in the Library of the Lauriſſene Monaſtery: And in the Year 1615. the beginning of the forty third Book was regained from an old Manuſcript belonging to the Chapter of the Church of Bamberge, by John Horrion a Jeſuit, and firſt printed at Venice.

Some have formerly reported, That all Livy or the greateſt part of what we want, might be found in his moſt Catholick Majeſty's Library at the Eſcurial; but if it had been ſo, yet that Library being not many years ſince caſually conſumed by Fire, we muſt despair of retrieving it from thence. And as little hopes are there to have it from the Grand Seignior's Palace at Conſtantinople, where others have fanſied it to be. Paulus Jovius in his Deſcription of the Orkney Iſles, ſeems to inſinuate as if in that remote Corner of the World, the ſame lay dormant, preſerved by King Ferguſius, a Companion of Alaricus the Goth, when he ſackt Rome, and laid up there for ſecurity, when the Danes made their Invaſions on Scotland. I could heartily wiſh our Sacred Sovereign of Great Britain might have the Honour to oblige the World with this Treaſure from any part of his Dominions, but ſtill muſt fear that we are no more to expect them than the loſt Leaves of Solomon.

But though Livy publiſht his Hiſtory under the auſpicious Reign of Auguſtus, yet he lived ſomewhat longer; though after the death of that good Emperour, weary, 'tis like of Rome, he retired back to his own native City Padua; for there we find he dyed on the firſt of January in the fourth year of Tiberius's Reign, the twentieth after our Lord's Nativity, and the ſeventy ſixth of his own Age. He had two Wives, the firſt named Caſſia; two Sons, T. Livius Priſcus and T. Livius Longus (to one of them he wrote an Epiſtle of the Art of Rhetorick, mentioned by Quintilian) and four Daughters. The Names of his firſt Wife and two Sons are found in a moſt ancient Inſcription on Marble, extant not long ſince in the Houſe of Annibal Capiliſti, a Captain of Horſe in the ſervice of the moſt Serene Venetian Republick, near St. Daniel's Church in Padua. Thus

T. Livius C. F. Sibi & ſuis T. Livio T. F. Priſco, & T. Livio T. F. Longo, & Caſſiae Sex. F. Primae Uxori.

He was buried at Padua, in the Temple of Juno, where ſince was erected the Monaſtery of S. Juſtina, poſſeſſed by Monks of the Order of S. Benet. By whom long ſince was found a Marble Inſcription with theſe words.

V. F. T. LIVIUS Liviae T. F. Quartae L. Halys Concordialis Patavi Sibi & ſuis Omnibus.

This the Monks and others took to be made by Livy himſelf, interpreting ſo thoſe Letters V. F. that is, Vivens Fecit, T. Livius, &c. That Livy living made it. But Marquardus Gudius, and from him Dujatius, conclude that it was put there by Halys, the Freed man of Livia his Daughter; And thus it ought to be read in Engliſh. T. Livius Halys the Freedman of Livia, the fourth Daughter of Titus, being Prieſt of the Temple of Concord at Padua, in his Life time, made this for himſelf and all his; That is, to teſtify their reſpects to the Great Livy there Interr'd, plac'd this Monument and Inſcription.

In the Year of our Lord 1413. upon occaſion of digging to lay the Foundation for ſome new Building in that place of the Monaſtery, the Bones of Livy were found in an Iron Cheſt; upon the Report of which, there was ſuch a vaſt concourſe of people, that the good Monks had thoughts to have burnt them, to prevent ſuch unuſual veneration to the Reliques of a Pagan; But at laſt, they were given to the Nobility, (at their earneſt requeſt) to remain as an honour to their City. Then was the Coffer carried on the ſhoulders of divers perſons of the firſt Quality to the Town-Hall, where their Courts of Juſtice are held [Palazzo delle Ragioni, they call it] under the Weſt Wall whereof the ſame was repoſited, with this Epitaph.

Oſſa T. Livii Patavini Unius Omnium Mortalium Judicio Digni, Cujus Invicto Calamo Invicti P. R. Res Geſtae Conſcriberentur.

The Bones Of T. Livy of Padua The only Man By the Judgment of all Mortals Worthy to write With his Matchleſs Pen The Actions of The Invincible Romans.

Anno 1548. theſe Bones were again remov'd to a more eminent place in the aforeſaid Hall, and a magnificent Tomb erected to be ſeen there at this day, with braſs Tables and Inſcriptions, and a moſt antient Figure of him in Marble, given the City by Alexander Baſſianus, a great Antiquary (the very ſame which you have here in the Frontiſpiece) under which was placed the before-recited Inſcription, V.F.T. Livius, &c. On the right hand was the Statue of Eternity, on the left that of Minerva, under their Feet the Rivers Tibris and Po, between them a Wolf ſuckling Romulus and Remus. And under all in a braſs Table this Hexaſtick compoſed by Lazarus Bonamicus.

Oſſa tuúm que Caput, Cives tibi, Maxime Livi, Prompto Animo hîc omnes compoſuêre tui. Tu Famam aeternam Romae, Patriae que dediſti, Huic Oriens, illi ſortia facta canens. At tibi dat Patria haec, & ſi Majora liceret, Hoc totus ſtares Aureus ipſe loco.

It would be too tedious to recite the ſeveral Eulogies given of our Author by Learned men, in their Writings, ſcarce any mentioning his Name without Epithets of Honour. Pliny the younger L. 2. Epiſt. 3. relates, That whilſt he was living, his Fame and Renown was ſuch, That people came to Rome from the farther parts of the World on purpoſe to ſee him; And St. Hierome takes notice thereof more at large in theſe words to Paulinus, We read that ſeveral Noblemen came from the furtheſt parts of Spain and France for a view of Livy, and thoſe whom the City of Rome (though then in its higheſt Glory) could not attract with all its ſplendour, the Fame of one Man drew to make Journeys thither, and to prefer a ſight of him before all the Magnificence of that Metropolis of the World. The ſame moſt Learned Father in his Proem before Daniel, recommends the reading of Livy for the better underſtanding of that Myſterious Prophet: and of more modern Writers, the Judicious Comines affirms, That Livy (whom he calls the Polybius of the Latines) is moſt neceſſary to be peruſed by Princes, Governours, Senators, and all perſons concern'd in Political Affairs.

It remains now, that we ſay ſomething of this preſent Tranſlation, and perhaps it may be objected, That the ſame is needleſs, Livy's Hiſtory being long ſince in Engliſh; which is acknowledged; but yet we conceive the ſame ought to be no Bar to our Tranſlating it anew. For

1. Though that was perform'd by a Learned Man Philemon Holland Doctor in Phyſick., and very converſant in Labours of that kind, yet without any reflections on his worthy pains, we may have leave to ſay, That our Engliſh Language is much refined within the last fourſcore years (for his Work is Dedicated to Queen Elizabeth.) And we have been very unhappy if we have not expreſs'd the Authors ſenſe more briefly and ſomewhat more ſignificantly, and agreeable to the Guſto of modern Engliſh Readers; But that muſt be left to their Judgment who ſhall be pleas'd without prejudice, to compare the one with the other, and both with the Original.

2. The Latine Original it ſelf is ſince that time not a little improved. A great part of the forty third Book diſcovered, which was then unknown; each Book divided into diſtinct Chapters, the Year of the City placed at the beginning of each Book; a multitude of depraved paſſages reſtored, and obſcurities illuſtrated, by induſtrious Criticks; and eſpecially by Monſieur Dujatius, (who not long ſince Printed it, with large Notes, by the expreſs Command of his preſent Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, for the uſe of his Son the Dauphin;) From whoſe diligent pains we have borrowed much Light.

3. Our intent is to give the Engliſh Reader the whole Roman Hiſtory to the Times of Auguſtus, where Livy left off, to which purpoſe we have in this First Volume, inſerted (in its proper place), A Supplement of the ſecond Decade, Written in Latine by the Learned Johannes Freinſhemius. As alſo have added, at the end of the five Books extant of the Fifth Decade, Supplements of ſixteen ſeveral defective paſſages therein, compoſed by the before-mentioned Dujatius.

4. You have here not only a more exact and uſeful Table of the principal Contents, but the Faſti Conſulares better methodiz'd, with Chronological Notes, ſhewing in what Year of the City, and under whoſe Conſulſhip, the moſt remarkable Occurrences happen'd.

5. That nothing might be wanting to ſerve the meer Engliſh Reader, becauſe in the Tranſlation, the retaining of divers Terms (uncouth perhaps to his Ears and underſtanding) could not be avoided, as Dictator, Praetor, Comitia, &c. We have annext An Alphabetical Index, wherein the ſame are Explained, and thereby a general inſight given into the whole Roman Policy, Civil and Military.

This firſt Volume brings down the ſtory to the Year 588. after the Building of Rome. The remainder (which Livy had compil'd in ninety five Books, that are loſt) being excellently ſupplied in two Tomes, by the aforeſaid Freinſhemius, we are now preparing for the Preſs, in a ſecond Volume; whereby the intire Body of Roman History, from Romulus to the latter part of the Reign of Auguſtus, will be compleat.

This is all I have to advertize the vulgar Reader; and from the Learned beg, That whereever I may have need of their Candour and Pardon, they would be ſo generous as to afford it; Conſidering, how difficult, or rather impoſſible it is, in ſo long a Journey not to tread ſometimes awry; and that 'tis no eaſy matter to make a Maſter of Roman Elegance, vers'd in the Court of Auguſtus, after ſixteen Ages, to expreſs his Sentiments freely in another Language.

map of Rome TYPVS URBIS ROMAE Constitutae qualis Sub exitum Romuli

map of Rome Delineatio URBIS ROMAE qualis fuit Seculo Reip. 1.

The HISTORY OF TITUS LIVIUS, Native of PADƲA. DECADE I.

BOOK I. EPITOME.

1. 2. THE coming of Aeneas into Italy, and what he did there. 3. The reign of Aſcanius at Alba, and of Silvius Aeneas, with the other ſucceeding Kings called Silvii. Numitors Daughter got with child by Mars, who brought forth two Sons called Romulus and Remus. Amulius murthered. 6. The City built by Romulus. 8. The Senate choſen. 11. A War with the Sabines. 10. Rich Spoils conſecrated to Jupiter Feretrius. 13. The People divided into Curias. 14, 15. The Fidenates and Veians conquered. 16. Romulus canoniz'd. 18. &c. Numa Pompilius makes a Scheme of Religion, he builds a Temple to Janus, and was the firſt that ſhut the gates of it, when he had made peace with all the neighbouring Nations, pretending to have ſecret converſation with the Goddeſs Aegeria, he converts the vehement Spirits of the people to holy Duties. 22. &c. Tullus Hoſtillus makes War upon the Albans. 25. After that, the Combat of the Three to Three. 26. Horatius abſolved. 28. The Puniſhment of Metius Suffetius. 29. Alba demoliſhed. 30. The Albans received into the City: and a War proclaimed againſt the Sabines. 31. At laſt Tullus was conſumed by a Thunderbolt. 32. Ancus Martius renewed the Ceremonies inſtituted by Numa. 33. He aſſigned the Aventine Mount to the Latines, being now overcome and taken into the City, he demoliſhed Politorium a City of the Latines, which the ancient Latines inhabited, he made a wooden Bridg over the Tiber: added the Hill Janiculum to the City: enlarged the bounds of the Kingdom: built Oſtia; and reigned 33 years. 34 In his Reign Lucumo the Son of Damaratus a Corinthian, came from Tarquinil, a City of Etruria, to Rome, where being received into Ancus's friendſhip, he began to bear the Name of Tarquinius, and after the death of Ancus, ſucceeded in the Kingdom. 35. He augmented the number of the Senators, by making an hundred more, ſubdued the Latines, appointed a particular place called the Circus, for Games, and gave the People an entertainment in it with ſuch ſports: being attack'd with a War from the Sabines, he augmented the Centuries of Horſemen. 36. He likewiſe to try the ſkill of Attius Naevius the Augur, is ſaid to have asked him, whether that which he thought of could be done or no? to which he anſwering, yes; he commanded him to cut a Razor with a Whetſtone, which Attius immediately did. 37. He alſo conquered the Sabines in a pitch'd Battel. 38. He encloſed the City with a Wall, and made common Sewers. 40. He was killed by Ancus's Sons, when he had reigned 38 years. 41. Servius Tullius ſucceeded him, who was the Son of a noble Lady taken in War at Corniculum; and they ſay, when he lay in his Cradle, his head was all on a flame. He defeated the Veians and Etrurians. 42, 43. He was the firſt that made a Poll. He ſet up a Luſtrum [a ſurvey and purgation of th • people] at which the people were rated in 8000 Seſterces. He determined and ſet in order the Claſſes and Centuries. • 4 He enlarged the bounds of the City. He added to the City the Viminal, Quirinal, and Eſquiline Hills. 45. He built a Temple to • iana in the Aventine among the Latines. 47, 48. He was killed by L. Tarquinius, the Son of Priſcus, by the contrivance of his Daughter Tullia, when he had reigned 34 years. 49. After him Tarquinius Superbus uſurpt the Kingdom, without the conſent either of the Senate or the People; on which day impious Tullia drove her Chariot over the dead body of her Father, that lay in her way: he had a Lifeguard. 50, 51. He killed Turnus Herdonius by a Stratagem. 53. He waged War with the Volſci, and out of their ſpoils built a Temple to Jupiter in the Capitol. 54. Terminus did not conſent to it, whoſe Altars could not be removed. 55. He reduced Gabli into his own power by the treachery of his Son Sext. Tarquinius. 56. His Sons going to Delphi, and asking of the Oracles which of them ſhould reign at Rome, they were told he ſhould be Sovereign there, who firſt kiſs'd his Mother; which anſwer they interpreting the wrong way, Junius Brutus, who went along with them, pretended to fall down, and kiſs'd the Earth: which action of his had the foretold event; for when Tarquinius Superbus by his Tyranny had made himſelf odious to all men; at laſt, for a Rape committed in the night by his Son Sextus upon Lucretia (who calling her Father Tricipitinus, and her Husband Collatinus to her, who • ſhe engaged to revenge her Death, with a knife ſtab'd herſelf) 59. Was expelled by Brutus's means more than any body elſe, after he had reigned 25 years. 60. Then Conſuls were firſt created, whoſe names were L. Junius Brutus, and L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

PREFACE. WHether I ſhall make it worth my while to write the Hiſtory of the Romans from the time their City was firſt founded, I neither well know, nor if I do, dare be ſo bold to declare: Becauſe I obſerve it is the old and uſual way, for new ſucceeding Writers, to pretend that they out do miſtaken antiquity, either in the certainty of their account, or their ſtile and method of writing. However this will be my ſatisfaction, that I, among others, as much as in me lay, have preſerved the • nory of thoſe great Actions which have been performed by the moſt glorious People in the whole world. And, if amidſt ſo great a throng of Writers, my fame be eclipſed, yet I ſhall pleaſe my ſelf in the renown and grandieur of thoſe whoſe very luſtre obſcures my Name. Beſides, it ſeems a vaſt, laborious enterprize, to collect all the records of things done above ſeven hundred years ago, and of a Nation that from ſo ſmall an Original grew to ſuch an height, that it now tires under its own bulk: Nor do I doubt, but the account of its firſt riſe, and that which thereupon immediately fell out, will be too tedious for moſt Readers, who will therefore haſten to take a view of thoſe more modern Exploits, which long ago have ruined a powerful People, even by their own ſtrength. I on the contrary will deſire this one other reward for my pains, that I may not be in ſight of thoſe Ills, which our Age for ſo many years has ſuffered, at leaſt ſo long as I am ſtudiouſly bent to relate thoſe former Events, but that I may be free from all care, which though it do not carry a Writers mind away from what is truth, may diſcompoſe it. Thoſe things which before the City was built, or deſign'd to be built, may ſeem more fit to employ a Poets pen, than one who delivers down the uncorrupted memories of real Actions, I ſhall neither confirm nor confute. 'Tis a liberty always granted to Antiquity, that by mingling divine and humane things together, it might make the riſe of Cities more Auguſt and Venerable. Now therefore, if any People ought to have that freedom to conſecrate their Original, and make Gods the Authors of it: The Roman People have gained ſuch Glory in War, that, having Mars above all the Gods, for yours and their Founders, Father and Protector; mankind may as eaſily allow them this Liberty, as ſubmit to their Dominion. But theſe things and all ſuch others as ſhall occur (however they may be cenſur'd or eſteem'd of) I ſhall not make any great account of; I only deſire every Reader, for his own ſake, carefully to mind the Lives and Manners that I deſcribe, by what Men and Arts both at home and abroad, that Empire was both gained and augmented. And then, when their Diſcipline fell by degrees to decay, let him obſerve how their manners firſt declined; as alſo, how they afterwards ſlid down ſtill farther and farther, till at laſt they tumbled headlong down the Precipice, and rowled into theſe times, wherein we cannot indure either our own Vices, or even the Remedies againſt them. This is that, which in the knowledg of things is moſt for your benefit and advantage, that you ſee all the inſtructions of former Examples, ſet up as it were on ſome conſpicuous Monument; from whence you may take for your ſelf, and the State you live in, what may be worth your imitation, and have a view of all the ill Enterpriſes and Events which you ought to avoid. And truly either I am too fond of what I have undertaken, or there never was any Republick, either greater, more religious, or richer in good Examples, or into which Avarice and Luxury ſo lately crept; or where ſo long Men bore ſo much reſpect to Poverty and Parſimony; inſomuch that the leſs they had, the leſs they deſired. 'Tis but of late that Riches have introduced Covetouſneſs, and laviſh Pleaſures want, through a prodigal inclination that Men have had to ruine and confound themſelves and the State. But Complaints perchance will ſcarce be grateful, even when they are neceſſary, and therefore ought not to come in the front of ſo great a Work as this; let us begin then with good boadings, Wiſhes and Prayers to the Gods and Goddeſſes, that (if we may do like Poets) they would proſper this our undertaking.

NOW in the firſt place 'tis well known, that when Troy was taken, though the other Trojans were Maſſacred, the Greeks gave quarter to two of them, Aeneas, and Antenor, not only upon the ſcore of former friendſhip and acquaintance, but becauſe they had ſtill been Sticklers for Peace and the reſtoring of Hellen. And then that Antenor after many Adventures, came with a company of People called Heneti, (who being driven out of Paphlagonia upon an Inſurrection there, were to ſeek a new Country as well as a Captain or Commander (for they had loſt their Governour Pylaemenes at the Siege of Troy,) into the innermoſt bay of the Adriatick Sea, and that the Heneti and Trojans, having beaten out the Euganei, who dwelt between the Sea and the Alps, took poſſeſſion of that Countrey, and that the place where they firſt landed, is called Troy, which we Latines (as the Trojans did their City) call Troja, and the whole Nation are ſtiled Veneti or Venetians. That Aeneas upon the ſame ſad occaſion being forced to fly his Country, but led by Fate to be the founder of a far greater Empire, came firſt into Macedonia, and thence carried into Sicily to find an abode, was from Sicily driven upon the Italian Coaſt near Laurentum, which place was likewiſe named Troja. There the Trojans being got on ſhore, and having nothing left after their tedious Voyage, beſides their Arms and their Ships, went into the Country foraging; whereupon Latinus and the Aborigines (or ancient Natives) who at that time lived in thoſe parts, came flocking out of the City and Country with Arms, to repel the violence of thoſe invading Strangers. Concerning which there goes a double report. Some ſay, that Latinus being defeated, firſt made a Peace, and after that an Alliance with Aeneas. Others ſay, that when two Armies were ſet in Battalia, before the Signal was given, Latinus march'd forth attended by ſome of his chief Officers, and demanding a Parley with the Captain of thoſe Strangers, ask'd 'em, What kind of Mortals they were, how they happened to leave their own Country, or what they meant by landing on the Coaſt of Laurentum? But when he heard, That they were Trojans, and their Captain Aeneas, the Son of Anchiſes and Venus; who being forced to fly their own Country and City, which was all deſtroyed by Fire, came thither to ſeek an Habitation and a place wherein to build a City. They ſay, that he admiring the Grandieur of their Nation, and of Aeneas above the reſt, as well as his equal temper of Mind, which was prepared alike for War or Peace, gave him his hand, and with that eſtabliſhed a ſolemn promiſe of future Friendſhip. Thereupon their two Leaders having entered into a League, the two Armies ſaluted each other; and Aeneas was entertained by Latinus, with all the Civility due to a Stranger. That then Latinus reinforced and confirmed their publick Agreement by a domeſtick Obligation before his own Houſhold Gods, and gave Aeneas his Daughter in Marriage; which Alliance made the Trojans hope they ſhould at laſt ſettle there, and wander about the World no more. There then they build a Town, which Aeneas calls Lavinium, from his Wifes name, (which was Lavinia.) And in a ſhort time this new Marriage produced a Son, whom his Parents called Aſcanius.

After that the Aborigines and Trojans were at once invaded; for Turnus, King of the Rutuli, to whom Lavinia had been betrothed before the arrival of Aeneas, taking it ill that a Stranger ſhould be preferred before him, made War againſt Aeneas and Latinus at the ſame time. But neither of the Armies had any cauſe to triumph for that Battel: The Rutuli were defeated; whilſt the Aborigines and the Trojans loſt their General Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutuli finding their own weakneſs, fled for ſuccour to the flouring power of the Etrurians, and Mezentius their King; who at that time keeping his Court in a rich Town called Caere, and being at firſt diſſatisfied with the building of a new City, but at that time eſpecially, ſuppoſing that the growth and incouragement of the Trojans would be too great a ſecurity to their Neighbours, was very willing to aſſiſt the Rutuli. Aeneas, to take off the terrour of ſo great an Enemy, and that he might engage the Aborigines to love him, call'd both the Nations, Latines, and put them all, not only under the ſame Diſcipline, but Denomination too. Nor did the Aborigines from that time forward ever come behind the Trojans in their reſpect and duty to their King Aeneas. Aeneas therefore relying upon the Affections of theſe two Nations, which were every day more and more united, (though Etruria were ſo ſtrong and terrible, that it had filled not only the Land, but the Sea too, all along the Coaſt of Italy, from the Alps, to the Sicilian Streights, with the renown of its Name,) yet notwithſtanding that he could have defended himſelf within his Walls, drew out his Army into the field: That was the ſecond Battel that the Latines fought, and the laſt thing that Aeneas did whilſt he lived, who was buried (what Title ſoever we may lawfully attribute to him,) upon the banks of the River Numicius, and his Stile there is, Jupiter Indiges, (a Man become a God.)

Aſcanius, the Son of Aeneas, was not then old enough to govern, but the Empire however was kept entire for him till he came of Age; and in the mean time the Latine State, his Grandfathers and Fathers Kingdom was preſerved for the Child, under the Protection of Lavinia, who was a Woman of extraordinary parts and conduct. I queſtion (for who can be certain of a thing done ſo long ago?) whether it were this Aſcanius, or an Elder than this, who was Son to Creuſa, (Aeneas's Wife) born whilſt Troy was ſtanding, and a Companion to his Father in his flight thence, being the ſame, that the Julian Family call Julus, and make the Author of their Name. But this Aſcanius, let him be born where he would, or of what Mother you pleaſe, ('tis certain he was Aeneas's Son) left behind him to his Mother or Stepmother a flouriſhing (as things then went) and a rich City, Lavinium being now grown very Populous: Beſides that he built another new one alſo under the Mountain Albanus, which from the ſituation of it, as being carried on to a great extent upon the foot of the Hill, is called Longa Alba, or Long Alba. It was almoſt thirty years between the time that Lavinium was built, and that when the Colony of Longa Alba was drawn out of it; yet notwithſtanding, ſo ſtrong they grew (eſpecially when they had conquered the Etrurians) that neither Mezentius and the Etrurians or any other neighbouring Nations durſt engage with them, no, not when Aeneas was dead, nor ever afterward, when a Woman was their Protectreſs, or when the Youth Aſcanius with his raw Politicks was firſt poſſeſſed of the Kingdom. They therefore made a Peace upon condition, that the River Albula, now called Tyber, ſhould be the boundary both to the Etrurians and the Latines. After which Silvius begins his Reign, being Son to Aſcanius, and by ſome accident or other, born in the Woods (in Latine, Silvae) he begat Aeneas Silvius, and he, after that Latinus Silvius, by whom ſome Colonies were planted, and called the Ancient Latines. From that time Silvius was the Surname of all that reigned at Alba. Latinus begat Alba, Alba Atys, Atys Capys, Capys Capetus, and Capetus Tiberinus, who was drowned in his paſſage over the River Albula, and made the River ever ſince famous for his Name. Tiberinus had a Son called Agrippa, whom his Son Romulus Silvius ſucceeded in the Kingdom, till being Thunderſtrook himſelf, he left it to Aventinus, who was buried in that Hill, which is now a part of Rome, and was thereby the occaſion of its being named Mons Aventinus (the Hill Aventine.) After him ſucceeded Proca, who begat Numitor and Amulius, and to Numitor, who was the eldeſt Son of the Family, bequeathed the ancient Kingdom of the Silvian Race. But power prevailed beyond either the Will of a Father, or the reſpect due to primogeniture; for Amulius depoſed his Brother, and reigned in his ſtead, nor only ſo, but adding one Wickedneſs to another, killed his Brothers Iſſue Male, and bereft Rhea Silvia his Brothers Daughter, whom under a pretence of Honour, he had choſen to be a Veſtal Nun, of all hopes ever to have any Children, becauſe ſhe was by her Vow obliged to perpetual Virginity.

But the original of ſo great a City, and the founding of an Empire more powerful than any, except that of the Gods, was, I ſuppoſe, the effects of Deſtiny it ſelf. That Veſtal Maid being raviſhed, and having two Children at a birth (either becauſe ſhe thought he really was, or becauſe a God would ſeem a more honorable Gallant, and by his Dignity leſſen her Crime) declares Mars the Father of her Baſtards. But neither do Gods or Men ſave her or her Children from the Kings cruelty; but ſhe was bound and committed to cuſtody, whilſt he commanded the Boys to be thrown into the River. The Tiber by good luck (as if Heaven had ſo ordained it) was at that time out, ſo that a Man could not come near the main Channel; but the water upon the banks was not deep or rapid; yet the Perſons that carried the Children thither, were in good hopes the poor Infants might be drowned even in that, as ſhallow and ſtill as it was: So they, as if they had thereby executed the Kings command, expoſe the Children in the next water they came to, where now there ſtands the ſtreet called Vicus Ruminalis, which was formerly they ſay, called Romularis. Thoſe parts were then all deſert, and the ſtory goes, that when the water of that ſtream, in which the Children were expoſed, was fallen ſo low, that the dry land appeared; a thirſty ſhe-Wolf hearing the Children cry, came that way out from the Mountains which are there round about, and that ſhe gave the Infants ſuck ſo tenderly, that the Kings Shepherd found her licking them with her tongue; the Shepherds Name they ſay, was Fauſtulus, and that he gave them to his Wife Laurentia to nurſe in the Sheepcoats. There are ſome that ſay Laurentia was called Lupa [i. e. Whore, or She-Wolf] among the Shepherds, becauſe ſhe was a common Proſtitute; and that from thence this Fable or miraculous report was firſt occaſioned. Thus were they begotten, and thus brought up: and as ſoon as they grew to ſome ripeneſs, they could not indure to lie like Sluggards in the Stables or Coats among the Sheep, but roved about the Woods a hunting. And by that means gaining not only ſtrength of body, but of mind too; they encountered not only wild Beaſts alone, but ſet upon Robbers too, whom they met laden with booty, and divided the Spoil among their brother Shepherds, among whom they worked and played with other Youths that daily flock'd to their Society.

At that time, they ſay, the Feaſt of Pan was kept upon the Mountain Palatine, and that Palatium was derived from an Arcadian City, called Palanteum, from whence that Mountain came to be called Mons Palatinus, and that Evander, who came of that race of Arcadians, and for many years before, had been in poſſeſſion of thoſe parts, commanded the keeping of that Feſtival according to rules brought thither out of Arcadia, which were, that ſo many young Men ſhould run up and down naked in a wanton and laſcivious manner, to the honour of Pan, ſurnamed Lycaeus, whom the Romans afterward called Innuus. And that whilſt they were celebrating this Feſtival (it being a noted time) the Thieves who were vexed to loſe their booty, ſet upon them by ſurprize; and tho Romulus defended himſelf by main ſtrength, took Remus Priſoner, delivered him to Amulius, and accuſing him, made it the greateſt charge againſt him, That they invaded Numitors Territories, and from thence with the help of a company of young Fellows, whom they two had muſtered up, drove away his Cattel in an hoſtile manner; ſo Remus was put into Numitors hands to be puniſhed as he thought fit. In the mean time Fauſtulus was always in good hopes that he had brought up two Children of the Family Royal, for he not only knew that they were expoſed by the Kings order, and that the time when he found them agreed with that ſame circumſtance; but he was not willing the thing which was not yet ripe for publick knowledg ſhould be diſcovered, unleſs it were, either upon a good occaſion, or out of neceſſity, of which two neceſſity firſt took place, and ſo being frighted into it, he revealed the whole matter to Romulus. It happened alſo that Numitor, whilſt Remus was in his cuſtody; having heard that they were Twin Brothers, by comparing their Age, and conſidering that their Genius ſhewed them to be of no ſervile extract, had ſome recollecting thoughts of his Grandſons, and by enquiring, proceeded ſo far, that he almoſt owned Remus to be one of them. Thus was the King beſet with Plots on every ſide, for Romulus attack'd him, not with a multitude of young Fellows (as not being able to cope with him fairly, had to hand) but ordered the Shepherds to go ſeveral ways, and meet at the Palace at ſuch a time, and Remus too got a company from Numitors houſe, to aſſiſt in the Affair, by which means they ſlew the King.

Numitor as ſoon as the Tumult began, crying out, That an Enemy had invaded the City, and attack'd the Kings Palace; when he had called together the youth of Alba into the Caſtle, which he deſign'd to make himſelf Maſter of by force of Arms, and when he ſay the young Men, after the Murther was committed, draw up towards him with gratulations in their mouths, immediately called a Council, and declared the injuries that his Brother had done him, the extract of his Grandſons, how they were born and bred, and how they were diſcovered, together with the death of the Tyrant, and that he himſelf was the Author of it. The young men marching through the midſt of the Aſſembly, with a great number attending on them; when they had ſaluted their Grandfather, by the name of King, an unanimous conſent of all the Company confirmed that name, and eſtabliſhed him in the Empire. Thus the Government of Alba being ſetled upon Numitor, Romulus and Remus had a mind to build a City in that place, where they were expoſed and educated; for there were a great many Albans and Latines alive, beſides Shepherds, who all gave them great hopes that Alba and Lavinium would be but inconſiderable places to that City which ſhould be there built. But whilſt they were deliberating of this matter, the old misfortune intervened, that is, an immoderate deſire of Dominion, and thence aroſe a fatal difference between them, though from a ſmall cauſe: For they being Twins, and ſo not diſtinguiſhed in point of Age or precedence, would needs have the Gods (under whoſe protection thoſe places were,) declare who ſhould give the name to their new City, and, when it was built, who ſhould Reign over it.

Romulus choſe the Mount Palatine, and Remus the Aventine, for their ſeveral quarters to view the Augury. The Augury, they ſay, came firſt to Remus, and that was ſix Vultures: which when it was interpreted, and, after that, a double number had ſhewn themſelves to Romulus, their parties and followers ſaluted both of them as King at the ſame time; the former pretending to the Kingdom as precedent in time, and the latter upon the account of the double number of Birds. Thereupon at firſt they wrangled, but fell at laſt from words to blows, and in the Crowd Remus was ſlain. The more vulgar report is, that Remus in deriſion of his Brother, leapt over his new Walls, and for that was kill'd by Romulus, who was vex'd at it, and ſaid in his fury, ſo ſhall every one be ſerved that leaps over my Walls. Thus Romulus made himſelf ſole Governour, buit the City, and call'd it by a name derived from his own. He firſt of all fortified the Palatine, where he was bred, and offered Sacrifice to other Gods after the Albane manner, bult to Hercules, the Greek Heroe, he did it as Evander had formerly ordered. They tell you, that Hercules when he had kill'd Geryon, brought thither an Herd of very beautiful Oxen and Cowes, and that near the River Tiber, over which he ſwam and drove the Cattel before him, he being tired with his journey, lay down upon the graſs, to refreſh himſelf and them with reſt and convenient Food. But having eaten and drank ſo much Wine as that he fell aſleep, a certain Shepherd that lived there hard by, called Cacus, a very ſtrong fellow, being taken with the beauty of the Beaſts, and having a great deſire to rob him of them; becauſe he knew, that if he drove them into his Cave, their very foot-tracts would lead their Owner that way to ſeek for them, he took the lovely brutes each one by the tail, and drew them backwards into his Den. Hercules, awaking early in the Morning, ſervey'd his Herd, and finding part of them miſſing, went to the next Cave to ſee if perchance the tracts of them went that way, where when he ſaw they were all turn'd as if they came out from thence, and did not go any other way, he was amazed, and did not know what to do, but began to drive his Cattel forward out of that unlucky place: But afterward when ſome of the Cows that he was driving along, low'd, as they uſe to do, for lack of their fellows which were left behind, the lowing of thſoe that were ſhut up in the Cave, by way of anſwer, brought Hercules back again: Whom when Cacus endeavoured to hinder from going to the Cave, he received a blow with his Club, of which, though he call'd upon the Shepherds to aſſiſt him, he immediately Died. Evander at that time who was baniſhed Peloponneſus, govern'd thoſe parts more by his Authority, than any regal Power; for he was a Man that deſerved a great deal of reverence upon the ſcore of his wonderful Learning, which was a thing wholly new to thoſe People who underſtood not the Arts, but much more venerable for the ſuppoſed divinity of his Mother Carmenta, whom thoſe Nations admir'd as a Propheteſs, before the coming of Sibylla into Italy. And this ſame Evander being at that time ſtartled at the concourſe of the Shepherds, who trembled to tell of a ſtrangers being guilty of a palpable Murther, when he heard the relation of the Fact, and the reaſon of it, and ſaw the habit and ſhape of the Man, which was ſomewhat larger and more auguſt than that of ordinary mankind, he demanded of him, Who he was: And when he new his name, who was his Father and what his Country, accoſted him, ſaying, Hail Hercules! Son of Jupiter; my Mother who was a true Propheteſs told me, that thou ſhouldeſt augment the number of thoſe that dwell in Heaven, and that an Altar ſhould here be erected to thee, which the moſt wealthy Nation in the World in time to come ſhould call Maxima [the Greateſt] and Sacrifice upon it according to thy command. Hercules gave him his right hand and told him, he received the Omen, and would fulfil the Propheſie, by building and dedicating an Altar. And that was the firſt time that Sacrifice was made there, when he, taking a choice Heifer out of his Herd, ſlew it, calling the Potitij and the Pinarij (Prieſts of Hercules) who then were a very noble Family in thoſe parts to aſſiſt him in performing of the ceremonies, and to partake of the feaſt. It ſo fell out, that the Potitij were then preſent, and that the Entrals were ſet before them; but the Pinarij came to the reſt of the entertainment when the Entrals were eaten, and thence it became a rule, as long as the race of the Pinarij continued, that they ſhould not eat of the holy Entrals. The Potitij, taught by Evander, were the chief Prieſts in that Solemnity for many Ages, till all the whole ſtock of the Potitij was decaied, and the miniſterial function of their Family conferr'd upon publick Servants. And theſe holy foreign rites above all others did Romulus then undertake to perform, being even at that time a great admirer of Immortality, gained by Vertue and Courage, to which his very Deſtiny led him.

Having performed the holy Rites according to order, and called the multitude to council, who could not be united into one body by any means, except Laws, he made ſeveral, which he ſuppoſed would be the better obſerved, if he made himſelf venerable by ſome enſigns or badges of Kingly power; and therefore as he appear'd more aguſt in his other habit, ſo alſo and moſt eſpecially he did in that he choſe twelve Lictors, (or Sergeants) to go with rods and axes before him. Some ſay he made uſe of that number from the number of birds that in the Augury had portended his being King. But I am willing to be of their opinion, who ſay that Apparitors or Serjeants and that ſort of officers came from the Etrurians that were a neighbouring Nation, from whence alſo they derive the Sella Curulis [or Chair of State,] the Toga praetexta [a white Gown, that Children wore, guarded with purple] and this very number: and that the Etrurians had juſt ſo many, becauſe their King being choſen out of twelve ſeveral ſorts of People, each of them choſe one Lictor (or Sergeant.) In the mean time the City increaſed in fortifications, in that they went ſtill farther and farther with their works, more out of hopes of a multitude to come, than for the ſafeguard of thoſe men they then had. And then leſt the City ſhould have been made ſo big to no purpoſe, He, according to the ancient rule of all thoſe that ever built Cities (who when they had gathered into their walls an obſcure and mean rabble of People, pretended their inhabitants were born out of the Earth) ſet open the Aſylum, a place which is now hedg'd in with thick brambles between two Groves, and into that from the neighbouring Nations all the rabble ran, as being greedy of novelties, without diſtinction, or being queſtioned whether they were Free-men or Slaves: And that was the firſt ſtep towards the greatneſs of his ſtrength. When he thought himſelf ſtrong enough, he prepared a Council to manage that ſtrength, to which end he makes an hundred Senators, either becauſe that number was ſufficient, or becauſe there were but one hundred only that could be created Patres (i. e. Fathers or grave Senators.) Now they no queſtion, were called Patres [i. e. Fathers] out of reſpect and honour, and their deſcendants Patricij [i. e. ſuch as were of a Senatorian Family.]

By this time Rome was grown ſo ſtrong, that it was able to cope with any of the neighbouring Cities, but for want of Women, its Grandeur was like to continue no longer than a Mans age; becauſe they neither had hopes of Children at home, nor intermarried with their Neighbours. Then by advice of the Senate Romulus ſent Embaſſadours to the adjacent Countries, to deſire an Alliance and Nuptial Engagements between his and their People, and to tell them, That Cities, like other things, roſe from ſmall beginnings, and then, that ſuch, as their own Virtue and the Gods advance, gain to themſelves great power and renown; as alſo, that they knew very well, not only that the Gods were aſſiſtant in the production of Rome, but likewiſe that no Virtue would be wanting in that Nation; wherefore they ſhould not think it any degradation to them as Men to mingle bloud and contract an intimate relation with thoſe who were Men as well as themſelves. But this Embaſſy was no where kindly received, ſo much they all deſpiſed, and fear'd ſo great a power that was then growing up among them, not only in reſpect to themſelves, but their poſterity. Many diſmiſſed them with this queſtion, Whether they had opened any Aſylum for Women too? for that would make their Marriages juſt and equal. The Roman youth took that in great dudgeon, and had a great inclination to uſe violence: for which that Romulus might give a good opportunity, he counterfeited himſelf out of humor, and ordered Games to be ſolemnly kept in honour of Neptunus Equeſtris purpoſely, [i. e. The God of Horſemanſhip,] which he call'd Conſualia. Whereupon he commanded that the adjacent Countries ſhould have notice given them of a Show that was to be made, and with as much preparation as they poſſibly could, they ſet things out, that they might do ſomething that was extraordinary, and anſwer Peoples expectations. A great many people met together, not only upon that account, but likewiſe out of curioſity to ſee the new City; eſpecially all the neighbouring People, as the Caeninenſes, the Cruſtumini, and the Antemnates. Thither alſo came all the Sabines, with their Wives and Children; who being invited very hoſpitably from houſe to houſe, and ſeeing the ſituation, the walls and all the City ſo full of houſes, admir'd that Rome was grown ſo great in ſo ſhort a time. When the time for the Show was come, and their minds and eyes were all intent upon it, then by conſent they made the attack; and giving the ſignal, the Roman youth ran up and down to raviſh, or ſeize their Virgins, of whom great part were forced away at a venture, as each man litt upon them, though ſome great beauties deſign'd for the Chiefs of the Senate were carried to their houſes by inferior perſons imployed for that purpoſe. They tell you, that one much handſomer than all the reſt, was carried away by the retinue of one Talaſſius, of whom when many people enquired to whom they were carrying her, the parties that had her in cuſtody cried out by way of anſwer (leſt any one ſhould take her from them) ſhe is going to Talaſſius, from whence that became a Nuptial word. The ſport being all ſpoiled by the fear that people conceived, the ſad parents of the Maids ran away as faſt as they could, accuſing the Romans for violating the laws of Hoſpitality, and calling upon that God to whoſe Solemnity and Games they came, and were deceived even after a religious promiſe of the contrary. Nor had the Maids that were taken any better hopes of themſelves, or leſs indignation within them; but Romulus went all about and told them, that what they ſuffered was for the pride of their Fathers, who had denied to contract any Marriage with their neighbours, but that however they ſhould be Married, and bear a part not only in all their fortunes, but be free of their City, and (than which nothing is more dear to Mankind) ſhare in the procreation of Children. That they would do well to remit their fury, and reſign their affections to thoſe men whom fortune had made maſters of their bodies. That many times love had afterward ſprung from injuries precedent, and that they were like to have the better Husbands, inaſmuch as every man endeavoured as much as poſſible not only to ſatisfie his turn, but to fulfil the deſire of his Parents and Country. Beſides this too, the men ſhew'd a great deal of kindneſs, whilſt they excuſed themſelves, and ſtrove to attone for their fault by love and addreſs, which are the beſt arguments to pacifie a Womans ſoul.

By this means the Maids minds were very much reconciled; but their Parents, in ſordid habit, with tears in their eyes and great complaints, endeavored more than ever at that time, to inſtigate their ſeveral Cities: nor did their indignation contain it ſelf within their own Towns only, but they flock'd from all parts to Titus Tatius, King of the Sabines; and Embaſſies were ſent thither, in that the name of Tatius was moſt renowned of any in thoſe parts. The Caeninenſes, Cruſtumini, and Antemnates, were they who were partly concerned for that injury: and Tatius with his Sabines ſeemed to them to make but ſlow progreſs in the Affair; wherefore thoſe three Nations prepared for a War at their own common charge, though the Cruſtumini and the Antemnates were not ſpeedy enough for the heat and fury of the Caennienſes; inſomuch that the Caeninenſes made an inrode into the Roman Territories all alone. But as they were ravaging the Country without any controul or conſideration, Romulus met them with an Army, and in a light skirmiſh taught them, that fury without ſtrength is a very vain thing, ſcattered and routed their Army, and after that, purſued them, killed and rifled their King in the Battel; and having ſlain the Leader of his Enemies, took their City upon the firſt effort. Then bringing his Army back with Victory, he (who as he was a perſon that had done great exploits, ſo he would brag as much of them) hung up the ſpoils of the Enemies General whom he had ſlain, and carrying them upon a Machine conveniently framed for that end, went up into the Capitol: where when he had laid them down under an Oak which the Shepherds held to be ſacred, he not only preſented his Gift to Jupiter, but deſigned the bounds of a Temple for him, giving that god a new Surname; Jupiter Feretrius, ſaid he, I King Romulus, having been victorious, bring thee here the Arms of a King, and dedicate to thee a Temple in that place that I have in my mind juſt now marked out, as a Repoſitory for rich Spoils, which all Poſterity, when they have ſlain Kings and Generals of their Enemies, in imitation of me, ſhall bring hither. This is the original of that Temple which was firſt Conſecrated at Rome. And accordingly afterwards the Gods were pleaſed, that neither the Founder of the Temple ſhould ſpend his breath to no purpoſe, when he ſaid, that poſterity ſhould bring their Spoils thither, nor that the multitude of ſuch as were capable of doing ſo ſhould leſſen the value of his Offering. For there were not above two ſuch rich Prizes taken after that in ſo many years and ſo many Wars; ſo rare was the fortune of ſuch an Atchievement.

Whil'ſt the Romans were doing thus in thoſe parts, the Army of the Antemnates taking their opportunity, and having no body to reſiſt them, made an hoſtile Incurſion into the Roman Dominions; but a Legion of the Romans coming ſpeedily up to them, defeated them as they were ſtragling about the Fields. So the Enemy was routed at the firſt attack and ſhout that the Romans gave; their Town taken, and Hirſilia, Romulus's Wife; who was tired with the importunities of the forced Maids, deſired him, now that he came home in Triumph for a double Victory, That he would pardon their Parents, and take them into the City; for by that means the whole matter might be compoſed in Peace and Concord: which ſuit of hers was eaſily obtained. Then ſetting out in an expedition againſt Cruſtumini, who made War againſt him, he had leſs to do than before, becauſe their courage was cooled by the ſenſe they had of other peoples miſadventures. Colonies were ſent to both places, and many were found, who by reaſon of the fertility of the Soil, were willing to go and live in the Country of the Cruſtumini; and on the other ſide, many of the Parents eſpecially, and Relations of the forced Virgins came from thence to Rome. The laſt War that happened was from the Sabines, and that by much the greateſt: for they did nothing out of fury or heat, nor made any ſhew of a War before they were able actually to engage in it. And to their Counſels they added Policy and ſtratagem alſo. Sp. Tarpeius was Governor of the Caſtle at Rome, whoſe Virgin daughter Tatius corrupted with mony, to let his Soldiers into the Caſtle, as ſhe happened one day to be going without the Walls for Water to uſe at a Sacrifice. But when ſhe had let them in, they threw their Arms upon her and killed her, either out of a deſign, that the Caſtle might ſeem to be taken by main force, or to ſhew an example of what ill ſucceſs all Treachery has, and that Traitors may never think themſelves ſecure. Some make this addition to the ſtory, That the Sabines commonly wore golden Bracelets of a great weight upon their left Arms, and ſtone Rings that made a glorious ſhow; whereupon ſhe bargained to have all that which they had in their left hands, and that inſtead of their golden Preſents, they gave her their Bucklers which they held in the ſame hand. And ſome again ſay, that ſhe according to the compact of having what was in their left hands, demanded their Arms, and ſo ſeeming fraudulent in her requeſt, was deſtroyed by her own reward.

But however the Sabines got poſſeſſion of the Caſtle; nor did they the next day (when the Roman Army was ſet in Battalia, and fill'd all the Plain that lies between the Hill Palatine and the Capitol) come down into the Field, before the Romans (who were hurried on with fury and zeal to recover the Caſtle) came up on the other ſide. The Generals on both ſides animated the Soldiers to fight: on the Sabines ſide, Metius Curtius, and on the Romans, Hoſtus Hoſtilius; who upon the firſt onſet maintained the Roman cauſe even in an ill Poſt, by the ſtrength of his courage and audacity. As ſoon as Hoſtus fell, the Roman Army gave way, and were driven as far as the Old Palace-gate; and Romulus himſelf being forced along by the croud of them that fled, lifting up his arms toward Heaven, cryed out, Jupiter! by the command of thy Birds I laid the firſt Foundations of this City here on the Mount Palatine: Now the Sabines have got my Caſtle which they have purchaſed by Treachery, and are coming from thence hither all in Arms over the Valley that lies between us. But do thou, O Father of Gods and Men! repel the Enemy at leaſt from this place, remove this terror from the Romans, and ſtop their diſhonorable flight. I vow, that here I will build thee a Temple by the name of Jupiter Stator [ſo called, for ſtopping thoſe that fled] which may be a Monument to all poſterity, that by thy preſent aid our City was preſerved. Having made this Prayer (as if he had been ſenſible that his Prayers were heard) he cryed out: From this place, Romans! the good and great Jupiter bids you rally and renew the Fight. Immodiately the Romans faced about, and fought as if they had been commanded by a voice from Heaven, whil'ſt Romulus made all the haſt he could to the head of the Army. Metius Curtius, the Sabine General, ran down from the Caſtle and had driven the Romans the breadth of the whole Forum [or Market-place] nor was he now far from the Gate of the Palace, crying out, We have routed the perfidious Villains, cowardly, effeminate Fellows; and now they know it is quite another thing to force young Maids, than it is to engage with Men. Upon whom (as he was boaſting on this wiſe) Romulus, with a company of brave young fellows made an attack. Metius by chance at that time fought on Horſeback, and conſequently was the eaſier defeated; which when the Romans had accompliſhed, they purſu'd him, and the other part of the Roman Army, encouraged by the example of their King, routed the Sabines. Metius, whoſe Horſe was ſcared at the noiſe of them that purſu'd him, got into a bog, and that made the Sabines alſo concern'd for the danger that ſuch a great Man was then in. But he, by the conſent and advice of his own Men, whoſe kindneſs increaſed his reſolution, made his eſcape; whil'ſt in the mean time the Romans and Sabines in a Valley between two Hills renewed the Fight, but the Romans won the day.

Then the Sabine Women, who were the unhappy cauſe of the War, with their hair about their ears, and their garments all torn, having conquered all feminine fear by their misfortunes, were ſo bold as to run in among the flying darts, and acroſs between the two Armies to part them and decide the quarrel, begging and intreating on the one hand the Sabines, as Fathers; and on the other, the Romans, as Husbands; That they who were all Fathers and Sons in law would not ſtain themſelves with blood: that they would not defile their own Offſpring with parricide, the Sabines the Progeny of their Grandchildren, or the Romans that of their Children. If you are vexed at the alliance and intermarriage that is between you, turn your anger upon us; we are the cauſe of the War, and of all the wounds or ſlaughter that has been made either of Husbands or Parents: 'tis better for us to die, than live either Widows or Childleſs without one part of you. This moveth both the common Soldiers, and the Commanders alſo: and immediately there was ſilence and a ceſſation of Arms, upon which the Generals marched forth to make a League; nor did they conclude a Peace only, but made one City out of two, join'd both the Kingdoms into one, and tranſlated the Empire wholly to Rome. Thus the City was doubled; but, as a complement to the Sabines, the Citizens were after that called Quirites, from Cures [a Town of the Sabines:] and as a Monument of that fight, they called the place where Curtius, having eſcaped out of a deep Fen, firſt ſtop'd his Horſe upon the Strand, the Lacus Curtius [or Curtian Lake.] That Peace which ſo ſuddenly ſucceeded ſuch a fatal War, made the Sabine Women much dearer to their Husbands and Parents, and above all, to Romulus himſelf. And therefore when he divided the People into thirty Curiae [or Wards] he called thoſe Curiae by their names. It is not ſaid, whether thoſe Women who gave their names to the ſeveral Wards (which were not ſo many, queſtionleſs, as there were Women) were choſen out upon the ſcore of their age, the dignities of their Husbands, their own virtue, or by lot. At the ſame time alſo there were three hundred Horſe raiſed; the Ramnenſes, ſo called from Romulus; the Tatienſes, ſo called from Titus Tatius, and the Luceres, the cauſe of whoſe name and original is uncertain. And from that time two Kings enjoyed that Kingdom, not only in common, but with peace and concord alſo.

Some years after, certain Relations of King Tatius abuſed the Ambaſſadors that came from Laurentum; concerning which, the Laurentes deſired to be tryed by the Law of Nations, but the kindneſs that King Tatius had for his Kindred, and their intreaties prevailed more with him. Wherefore he turned their puniſhment upon himſelf; for at Lavinium, when he came thither to a ſolemn Sacrificing, they made a riot and killed him. Which thing, Romulus, they ſay, took not ſo ill as he might have done; either becauſe he thought Tatius an unfaithful partner in the Kingdom, or that he lookt upon him as juſtly ſlain. Wherefore he abſtain'd from making War; but yet, to expiate for the injuries of the Ambaſſadors, and the death of the King, the League between thoſe two Cities, Rome and Lavinium, was renewed. But when this unexpected Peace was made with that People, another War broke out more near at hand, even almoſt at their very Gates. The Fidenates thinking that a great and powerful Empire was growing too near them, took an occaſion to make a War by way of prevention, before it attained to that ſtrength which in time it was likely to have; wherefore they ſent their youth all armed to ravage the Country that lies between Rome and Fidenae. Then turning to the left (for on the right hand the Tiber hindred their paſſage) they waſted all before them, to the great conſternation and terror of the Country people, who, being put into a ſudden tumult, by that means brought the news into the City. Romulus, ſurprized at it, and being much concerned, immediately (for a War ſo near at hand would not admit of any long deliberation) drew out his Army, and pitch'd his Camp a thouſand paces from Fidenae. Where having left a ſmall Guard, he marched out with all the reſt of his Forces, and ordering ſome part of his men to make an Ambuſcade in the thickets thereabout, went on himſelf with the greater part of his Foot and all his Horſe, and (as his deſire was) by a tumultuous, daring way of fighting, and riding about before their very Gates, provoked the Enemy to take notice of him; beſides, that way of Fighting on Horſe-back gave them leſs reaſon to wonder at that flight, which his men were to counterfeit: and ſo when the Horſe ſeemed to be in a quandary, whether they ſhould fight or run, and the Foot too gave back; the Enemy came full drive out upon them, and ſeeing the Roman Army make way, were ſo eager to preſs up and follow them, that at laſt they were decoy'd to the place where the Ambuſcade lay. From whence the Romans ſtarted up all on a ſudden and ſet upon the Enemies flank. But it was an addition to their fear, to ſee the Enſigns which were left in the Garriſon, move out of their Camp. Thus the Fidenates, ſtrook with manifold dread, before Romulus and they that were with him could turn their Horſes, turned their backs, and with more ſpeed (for this was a real flight) than they followed the Romans, who a little before pretended to fly, made to the Town again: yet they did not ſave themſelves from the Enemy; for the Romans ſtuck cloſe to their back, and before they could ſhut their Gates, broke all together into the Town.

At the calamity of this War with the Fidenates, the minds of the Veientes were likewiſe highly provoked, as well as upon the ſcore of Conſanguinity, (for both they and the Fidenates were Etrurians) beſides that the nearneſs of the place, if the Roman Arms muſt needs be ſo uneaſie to all their Neighbors, was a ſufficient inſtigation: wherefore they made an excurſion into the Roman Dominions, committing more havock than conſiſted with the rules of a juſt War. To which end they pitch'd no Tents, nor expected the Enemy, but carrying away what Forage they found in the Fields, returned to Veii [their City.] The Roman on the other hand, finding no Enemy in the Field, but being prepar'd and reſolv'd to fight it out to the laſt Man, paſſed the Tiber. Whom when the Veientes heard of, that he had pitch'd his Camp, and was drawing up toward their City, they marched out to meet him, as chooſing rather to make a Field-battel of it, than be ſhut up and fight from the tops of their Houſes and Walls. But though they had ſtrength, they had no Art, and therefore the Roman King overcame them with the declining ſtrength of his old Soldiers, and purſuing them as they ran away even to their Walls, he retired from the City, becauſe it was ſtrong both in its fortifications and very ſituation too. But as he came back, he waſted the Country, more out of revenge than deſire of prey. The Veientes were tamed by that ſlaughter which was then made among them, as much as if they had fought a ſet Battel, and therefore ſent Orators to Rome to deſire a Peace. Whereupon they were ſentenced to loſe part of their Country, but had a Truce granted them for 100 years. Theſe things were tranſacted in the Reign of Romulus, at home and in the Wars; of which there is nothing that contradicts the belief of his divine Original, or that divinity, which 'tis thought he after his death attained to: not his zeal for the recovery of his Grandfathers Kingdom; not his deſign in building the City; nor his ſtrengthning of it by the arts of Peace and War: for from that glorious beginning, when he came to have ſtrength enough, he was ſo powerful and prudent, that he preſerved a Peace entire for forty years after. But he was more beloved by the common People, than the Senators; and the Soldiers admired him far beyond any other, of whom he had 300, called Celeres [Light-Horſemen] in his Life-guard, not only in War, but in Peace alſo.

After he had done all theſe immortal Exploits, as he was muſtering his Army in the Field next to the Fen called Caprae palus [the Goat-Fen] there roſe ſuch a ſudden ſtorm with claps of Thunder, and covered the King with ſuch a thick veil of tempeſtuous Darkneſs, that the Aſſembly could not ſee him; nor was he ever ſeen upon Earth any more. The Roman youth (when the fright at laſt was over, and the troubled Sky clearing up, grew calm and ſerene again) ſeeing the Kings ſeat empty, though they were ſufficiently perſwaded by the Senators that ſtood next him, that he was carried up from them in the Storm; yet being ſtrucken as it were with the fear of loſing a Father, for ſome time continued in doleful ſilence, though ſoon after a few of them began, who were ſeconded by all the reſt, and cryed out, All hail! to Romulus, a God, born of a God, the King and Father of Rome, we all pray to him for Peace, and that he would always be ready propitiouſly to protect and preſerve his own Progeny. There were alſo, I ſuppoſe, ſome perſons at that time, who privately reported, that the King was torn in pieces by the Senators, for ſuch a rumor went abroad, though it were but a blind ſtory. But the other is made creditable by the admiration which they ſhew'd for the Man, and their preſent conſternation. And this they ſay was confirmed by the contrivance of one perſon; for Proculus Julius, when the City was all in great concern for the loſs of their King, and angry with the Senate, came into a publick Aſſembly, and was, they ſay, the Author of a heinous lie, though a matter of great conſequence. Romulus, ſays he, (O ye Romans!) the Father of this City, came down from Heaven on a ſudden this morning at break of day, and ſtood in my way; at which I was aſtoniſhed and ſtood trembling before him, but begged of him, that I might ſee his face; no, ſays he, get you gone, and tell the Romans, the Gods have ſo ordained it, that my Rome ſhall be the Head of the World; wherefore let them ſtudy Mi ••• ary Diſcipline: and let them know and deliver the ſame to their Poſterity, that no human • ower can withſtand the Roman Arms: Having ſaid this, ſays he, he fled up. 'Tis ſtrange to tell you, what credit they gave to this mans relation, and how the grief both of the People and the Army for the loſs of Romulus was mitigated, when they were once induced to believe that lie was grown Immortal.

In the mean time the Senate had great differences among them, and were each of them mighty ambitious of being King: but no ſingle perſon could make a party, becauſe no one among that new People was much more eminent than another; but the controverſie lay between the ſeveral ranks of men. Thoſe that were deſcended from the Sabines, leſt they (becauſe ſince Tatius's death had none of them govern'd in equal dignity with Romulus) ſhould loſe the poſſeſſion of the Empire, deſired to have a King choſen out of their Body. The old Romans, on the other ſide, contemned and ſlighted the name of a Foreign King; but though they were divided in their Opinions, yet all of them were for having a King, having not yet had experience how ſweet Liberty was. Then the Senate was afraid, leſt any external force ſhould invade the City now that it was without a Governor, the Army without a General, and many Cities round about their incenſed Enemies: wherefore they thought it fit to make ſome body Head; but no one of them could endure the thoughts of ſubmitting to another. The Senate therefore made up the matter among themſelves, by making of ten Decuriae [or Precincts] and ſetting one Senator over each of them to manage all Affairs. So ten bore Rule, of which one had the Enſigns of Empire and Lictors [Serjeants] before him. Their Dominion laſted but five days, and ſo went round to all the Houſe; and at that time there was an interval of Government for a year, from whence we have the word Interregnum, the ſpace between one Kings Reign and the beginning of another. But this made the People murmur, and ſay, that their Slavery was multiplied, in that they now had an hundred Lords inſtead of one; nor did they ſeem to be willing any longer to have any other than a King, and him too of their own chooſing. When the Senate ſaw that, they thought fit to offer what they muſt needs part with, and therefore to win upon them, they gave the People the ſupreme Authority, but in ſuch a manner, that they granted no more power than they reſerv'd for themſelves; for they Decreed, That when the People had named a King, their choice ſhould ſtand, if the Senate would agree to it; (and even to this day the ſame method is obſerved in the making of Laws and Magiſtrates, ſave only the animoſity) but before the People had given their Voices, the Senate gave their conſent at random, let the event be what it would. Then the Interrex, having called an Aſſembly, told them, Romans! I hope it will be to your advantage, and therefore pray chooſe a King; for ſo the Senate would have you do. And if you make choice of ſuch a Perſon as is fit to be the ſecond from Romulus, they will confirm it. This pleaſed the People ſo well, that leſt they might ſeem to be outdone in Civility, they only ordered and required, That the Senate would Decree and Appoint one to be King of Rome.

The Juſtice and Religion of Numa Pompilius was at that time very famous. He lived at a Sabine Town, called Cures, and was a Perſon, conſidering the Age he lived in, very well verſed in all Laws, both divine and humane. They tell you (but falſly) that Pythagoras the Samian was his Maſter, (becauſe they know of no other) though it is well known that he kept a School of young ſtudious Lads above an hundred years after, in the Reign of Servius Tullius, upon the utmoſt borders of all Italy about Metapontus, Heraclea and Croton. From which diſtant places (though he had lived in the ſame Age) how ſhould the Sabines have heard of his Fame, or by what intercourſe of Language could he have excited any Perſon in that Country to the deſire of Learning? or with what ſafety ſhould a ſingle man have travelled through ſo many Countries of different languages and manners? I therefore ſuppoſe, that his Soul was rather naturally endued with virtuous inclinations, and inſtructed not ſo much with Foreign Arts, as by the ſevere and rigid diſcipline of the old Sabine; than which none heretofore was more free from corruption. The Senate having heard of Numa's name (though they thought it might be a means to advance the Sabines above the Romans, if they ſhould take a King from thence, yet) there was not any one of them that durſt prefer either himſelf, any one of his party, nor in fine, any Senator or Citizen before that great Man; and therefore nemine contradicente, they Decreed, That Numa Pompilius ſhould be King. Thereupon he was ſent for, and like Romulus who built the City by the admonition of an Augury, took poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. For he ordered, that the Gods ſhould be conſulted concerning him; and then being led into the Caſtle by the Augur [or Sooth-ſayer] (who, from that time, out of reſpect to the preſent circumſtance, was publick and perpetual Prieſt) he ſate him upon a Stone with his Face towards the South. The Augur ſate on his left hand with his head covered, holding a crooked ſtaff without any knot (which they call'd Lituus) in his right hand: and when, having taken a proſpect of the City and the Country round about, he had paid his Devotion to the Gods; he marked our the ſeveral regions of the Air, from Eaſt to Weſt, with his right ſide to the South, and his left to the North. After which he looked towards a certain place, which in his mind he pitch'd upon, as far as his eyes could ken. Then removing his Lituus [or Augurs ſtaff] into his left hand, and putting his right hand on Numa's head, he made this Prayer; Great Father Jove! If thou thinkeſt fit, that this ſame Numa Pompilius, whoſe head I now have in my hand, ſhould be King Rome; I beg of Thee, that thou wouldeſt ſhew us thy certain and manifeſt tokens of it within thoſe bounds which I have marked out. When he had ſo done, he performed all other ceremonies belonging to his office; which being ended, Numa was declared King, and came down from the place where he ſate.

Numa being thus put into the poſſeſſion of the Kingdom, made it his buſineſs afreſh to build that new City which Romulus had founded by force of Arms, and to adorn it with Laws and moral Inſtitutions: To which, ſeeing he could not make that warlike People comply, (for they had loſt all ſenſe of Morality and Civility, by being ſo long in Arms) and thinking the beſt way to molify them, was by diſuſing and taking them off from the fierce toils of War, he built a Temple to Janus at the lower end of the ſtreet called Argiletum, to be an advertiſement both of Peace and War; which when it was open, might ſignifie the City was in Arms; and when ſhut, might ſhew they had Peace with all Nations. That Temple was twice ſhut after the Reign of Numa; once when Titus Manlius was Conſul, at the end of the firſt Punick War; and a ſecond time, after the Battel at Actium, by the Emperour Auguſtus Caeſar, who gained a general Peace by ſea and land, which the Gods have been ſo favourable to let us ſee even in this our Age. Numa having ſhut up this Temple, and obliged all the neighbouring Nations by Leagues and Alliances which he made with them, was now freed from all fear of foreign dangers; yet, leſt his Peoples minds might grow luxurious for want of imployment, (for the continual fear of ſome Enemy and Military Diſcipline had formerly kept them within bounds) he thought Religion the beſt and moſt efficacious thing which he could introduce, to keep the then rude and unskilful multitude in awe. But, becauſe it was not like to have any great effect on their minds, without the help of ſome feigned miracle or other; he pretended that he had nocturnal converſation with the Goddeſs Aegeria; and that by her advice, he appointed ſuch holy rites as were moſt acceptable to the Gods, and ordained peculiar Prieſts to each particular God. And firſt of all, he divided the year into twelve Months, according to the courſe of the Moon; which (becauſe the Moon does not make up full thirty days each Month, but there are ſome days wanting of a compleat year) he ſo rectified, by putting in ſome odd days, that every twentieth year the days agreeed exactly with that order and account by which they were at firſt computed. He alſo appointed which ſhould be working-days, and which holy-days, becauſe ſometimes it might be convenient to give the People liberty.

Then he created the ſeveral Prieſts, though he himſelf performed many ſacred offices, eſpecially ſuch as now belong to Jupiter's Flamen or High-prieſt. But becauſe in ſuch a warlike City, he ſuppoſed there would be more Kings like Romulus, than there would be like Numa, and that they would go to the Wars in their own perſons; for fear the holy Rites which the King was to perform ſhould be omitted, he created a Prieſt who was to be a daily Flamen [or ſacrificer] to Jupiter; adorning him with a peculiar Robe, and ſeating him in a royal chair of State: beſides whom he made two other Flamens [or Prieſts] one for Mars, and the other for Romulus. He likewiſe choſe out Virgins for Veſta; which was a Female Prieſthood that came originally from Alba [an adjacent City] and out of the ſame Country where their Founder was born: appointing them to be continual attendants in her Temple, allotting them a ſtipend out of the Publick Treaſury, and making them venerable as well as ſacred, on the ſcore of their Virginity, and other ceremonies which they were obliged to. He alſo choſe twelve Salij [or Prieſts] devoted to Mars Surnamed Gradivus, [from his ſtately marching to War] and gave them a painted Coat for a Badg of diſtinction, over which they wore a brazen Breſt-plate, ordaining that they ſhould carry thoſe ſacred Shields, called Ancilia, and go about the City ſinging and dancing in ſuch a ſett and ſolemn manner. After that, he choſe Numa Martius the Son of Marcus out of the Senate, to be Pontifex [or High-Prieſt] and gave him a tranſcript of all the Holy Rites as he had deſigned them; that is to ſay, what Sacrifices ſhould be offered, upon what days, in what Temples they were to be made, and whence Money ſhould be had to defray the charge of them. Beſides which, he put all holy things, both publick and private under the Jurisdiction of this ſame Pontifex [or High-Prieſt] that the People might have ſome certain perſon to come and adviſe with; leſt there ſhould happen any confuſion in their religious Worſhip; either by neglecting the ancient Rites of their Country, or by introducing ſuch as were foreign. Nor did he intend, that this ſame Pontifex ſhould inſtruct the People in ſacred ceremonies only, but in the Rites of Burial too, and how to appeaſe the Ghoſts of men deceaſed: and, for the interpretation of all prodigies that happened by Thunder, or other extraordinary events, he dedicated an Altar in the mount Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, and conſulted the God by Auguries, to know which were to be taken notice of, or what was to be done upon any ſuch preſent occaſion.

The People being turned from force and arms to conſult and mind theſe ſacred rules, their thoughts were wholly taken up with this affair; and their daily devotion to the God (now that Divinity it ſelf ſeemed to dwell among them) had ſo inflamed all their Souls with heavenly zeal, that truth and Honeſty governed the City without the help of Laws, or fear of Puniſhment. And, as they themſelves ſquared their manners according to their Kings, who was their ſole Example, ſo likewiſe all the neighbouring Nations, who before that time, believed that a Camp more like than a City was founded in the midſt of them, to diſturb their Peace, were reduced to that modeſty and civility, that they thought it a very great crime to violate ſuch a place which was now wholly converted to the Worſhip of the Gods. There was a Grove through the middle whereof there ran a ſtream out of a dark Grotto ſpringing from a continual Fountain; whither becauſe Numa oftentimes retir'd without any company as it were to meet his Goddeſs, he conſecrated that Grove to the Camaenae [or Muſes;] becauſe, he pretended, they adviſed him at the ſame time when he converſed with his Wife Aegeria. He appointed Solemnities to the Goddeſs call'd Fides [or common Honeſty] only; to whoſe Temple he ordered the Prieſts to be carried in a Chariot, with an arched Canopy drawn by two Horſes, and that they ſhould ſacrifice with their arms covered as low as their fingers; ſignifying, that Faith and common Honeſty ought to be preſerved, and that the ſacred Seat of it is even in the right hand. He inſtituted many other Sacrifices, and conſecrated many other places which the Pontifices [or High Prieſts] call Argei. But the greateſt thing that ever he did was his preſerving of Peace, no leſs than the Honour of the Kingdom all the time of his Reign. So, two Kings one after another, though in a different way, one by War, the other by Peace, advanced the Grandieur of the City. Romulus Reigned thirty ſeven years, and Numa forty three. Then the City was ſtrong and well exerciſed in the arts both of War and Peace.

Upon the death of Numa, there was another Interregnum [or ſpace of time between the Reign of two Kings;] and then the People choſe Tullus Hoſtilius the Grandſon of Hoſtilius King, who had behaved himſelf very bravely at the Foot of the Caſtle, againſt the Sabines. To which choice of the People the Senate gave their conſent. But this Man was not only unlike his Predeceſſour, but more warlike even than R • mulus himſelf: for, not only his age and ſtrength but his Grandfather's glory alſo excited his ambition. He therefore fancying that the City grew old and lazy for want of imployment, ſought all occaſions to make a War. It happened at that time, that the Roman Country People pillaged the Alban Dominions, and the Albans on the other hand, as much the Roman territories. Caius Cluilius was then Governour of Alba, and there were Ambaſſadours ſent from both places about the ſame time to ſeek redreſs for mutual injuries done to each other: but Tullus had given his a charge that they ſhould do nothing before they had executed his commands; for he knew very well, that the Alban would deny what he demanded, and ſo he might lawfully and plauſibly proclaim War againſt him. The Albans were more negligent in their affairs, and Tullus's Ambaſſadours were very kindly treated by the King at a Feaſt. But whilſt they ſtaied, the Romans did not only demand back again what the Albans had taken from them; but upon their denial, declared they would make War in thirty days; all which negotiation they made Tullus acquainted with. Then Tullus gave the Alban Ambaſſadours audience; but they not knowing his deſign, at firſt delaied the time in making Apologies for themſelves; That they ſhould be unwilling to ſay any thing that might diſpleaſe Tullus, but muſt be obedient to their Maſters commands: that they came thither for redreſs of injuries which they had ſuffered, and unleſs they could have it, were commanded to declare War. To which Tullus replyed and ſaid, Tell your King, that the King of the Romans takes the Gods to witneſs, that whichſoever of the two People ſhall firſt deſpiſe and diſmiſs an Embaſſy that comes to demand Juſtice, he deſires that all the calamities of this War may fall upon them. Which anſwer of his the Albans related to their King.

Upon this, thre were very great preparations made for a War on both ſides, which looked much like a Civil War, as being a quarrel almoſt between Fathers and their Children: for they both came of the Trojan Race, Lavinium from Troy, Alba from Lavinium, and the Romans from the Albans. But the event of the War made the quarrel leſs conſiderable, becauſe they did not fight in the open field, and beſides that, the houſes of one City being lately deſtroyed, thoſe two People were united into one. The Albans firſt with a great Army made an incurſion into the Roman Dominions, pitching their Camp not above five thouſand paces from the City, and encloſing it with a ditch, which from the name of their General, was called Cluilius's Ditch, for ſome ages, till, by tract of time, the name was loſt together with the thing it ſelf. In this Camp Cluilius the Alban King died, in whoſe ſtead the Albans created a Dictator, Metius Suffetius. In the mean time Tullus grew very inſolent, eſpecially upon the death of the King, and ſaying, That, the Gods having begun at the head, would puniſh the whole body of the Albans, for the unjuſt War which they had made, he paſſed by the Enemies Camp in the Night-time, and with a dreadful Army marched into the Alban Territories. This removed Metius from his Camp, who drew his men up as near to the Enemy as he could, and thence ſent an Embaſſadour before him to tell Tullus, That it was convenient before they began the Fight, for them to have a parley; and that if he would meet him, he was well aſſured, that he could tell him ſomething no leſs advantageous to the Roman, than to the Alban State: which proſſer Tullus did not ſlight, though it was but frivolous, and therefore led his men forth into the field, where the Albans met him. When the two Armies ſtood in Battalia on both ſides, the two Generals marched up into the midway between them, with ſome few of the Nobility attending him. Then the Alban thus began; I underſtand that certain injuries, and the not reſtoring what was demanded back, has made our King Cluilius to ſeem the cauſe of this War; nor do I doubt, O Tullus! but you pretend the ſame thing: but if we may ſpeak truth, rather than what ſeems ſpecious and plauſible only, it is deſire of Empire which at preſent ſets two people who are allyed and Neighbours, at variance. Nor do I pretend to ſay whether it be well or ill done on either ſide: let him look to that, who undertakes the War; the Albans have choſen me their General in it. But this (O Tullus!) I muſt needs tell you, you have more reaſon to know how ſtrong the Etrurians are, who border very near upon us, but are much nearer to you. They are very powerful by land, but much more by Sea; and therefore pray take notice, that when you joyn Battel, theſe two Armies will be in their ſight only like a ſhow or ſpectacle; ſo that when we have tired and ruined one another, they will ſet upon the Conquerour, as well as on the conquered. Wherefore, if the Gods have any favour for us, or we any care of our ſelves, at this juncture, when not content with certain liberty, we run the hazard of Empire or Slavery, let us take ſome courſe to decide the queſtion, which of us ſhall govern the other, without any ſlaughter or bloudſhed on either ſide. This propoſal did not much diſpleaſe Tullus, though he were heated both by his natural inclination and the hopes of victory. They therefore fell to conſultation in the affair, and fortune herſelf found out an expedient.

There happened to be at that time three Brothers in each Army, whoſe age and ſtrength was equal, and thoſe were the Horatij and the Curiatij, than whoſe engagement againſt each other there is ſcarce any thing more famous in all antiquity: but yet even concerning a thing of that moment, men are at a loſs, nor can any body certainly tell which ſide the Horatij were on, or which ſide the Curiatij. Authors are divided in their opinions, but I find moſt make the Horatij to be Romans, and I am very much inclined to believe they were ſo. The two Kings treated with theſe two ternaries of Brethren, that they would each fight a combat for their Country, and that that ſide ſhould enjoy the Empire that got the victory. They did not at all decline it, but agreed upon the time and place. Before they fought, there was a compact made between the Romans and the Albans upon theſe conditions, that, That People whoſe Citizens won the day, ſhould govern the other in peace and quietneſs. Some leagues are made with different Articles, but all in the ſame nature. At that time this we hear was thus made, nor is there any record of any league more ancient. The Herald asked King Tullus this queſtion: Does your Majeſty command me to ſtrike a league with the Herald of the Albans? To which the King complying, the Herald made anſwer and ſaid, I demand Vervain of your Majeſty. The King replyed, Take it up clean. Whereupon the Herald brought from the Caſtle ſome clean leaves of that Plant, and then asked the King, Sir, do you make me the Royal Meſſenger of the Roman Pe • ple, with all my carriages and retinue? The King anſwered, I do all that may be done wit • Juſtice to my ſelf and the Roman People. The Herald's name was M. Valerius, and he made Spurius Fufius the Pater Patratus [or Chief Herald] by touching his head and his hair with Vervain (the Pater Patratus was made to confirm and ſtrengthen their Oath) and men he perfected the league in many words, and thoſe in verſe too, which are too long • o relate. After that, having recited the conditions, he ſaid. Hear, (O Jupiter!) Hear thou O Herald of the Albans! and all ye People of Alba! How that all thoſe words which I ſpea • both firſt and laſt here in publick frrom theſe waxed tables, without any fraud or deſign are to be underſtood, according to the plain ſenſe of them; and that the Roman People will not firſt revolt from theſe conditions by any deceitful dealing, though they have gone contrary to publick advice; No, in that day, do thou, O Jupiter! ſo ſmite the Roman People, as I this day ſhall ſmite this hog; nay, do it as much more fatally as thy omnipotence is able! Having ſo ſaid, he ſmote an hog with a flint-ſtone: and then the Albans, by their Dictator and their Prieſts, repeated their verſes and their Oath.

When the league was thus made, the three Brothers on each ſide according to the agreement, took up their Arms: and having admoniſhed each other, that the Gods of their Country, their Country and their Parents, and all their fellow Citizens, whether at home or in the Army, had their eyes fixed upon their Arms and their hands; being animated both by their own natural courage, and filled with the exhortations of all the by-ſtanders, march forth into the midſt between the two Armies. The two Armies ſate down on both ſides before their Camps, more free from preſent danger than from care; for their Empire was at ſtake, and ventured upon the courage and fortune of thoſe few men: wherefore, with great ſuſpence of mind, they were very intent on that ungrateful ſpectacle. The Signal was given, and the three young men on each ſide fell fiercely to it, with a courage and fury of two great Armies: nor were they concerned, either one or t'other for their own particular danger, but publick Empire and ſlavery poſſeſſed their minds, and the thoughts that ſuch would be the fortune of their Country as they themſelves procured. Upon the firſt onſet, when their Arms claſh'd and their Swords glitter'd, a great dread ſeized all the Spectatours, for the Combat enclining to neither ſide, the People had almoſt loſt their voice and breath. But ſoon after when they came to grappling, and ſhewed not only agility of body and their dexterity in handling their Arms, but bloud and wounds, two of the Romans fell down dead one over the other, having wounded the three Albans, at whoſe fall, the Alban Army gave a great ſhout for joy; which made the Roman Legions deſpair, and yet they were extremely concerned for that one ſingle Perſon who was encompaſſed by the three Curiatij. But it ſo happened, that he was yet unhurt, and though being a ſingle perſon, he was not able to cope with them all, yet he was ſtrong enough for any one of them: wherefore, to divide the Combat, he pretended to fly; ſuppoſing, that they would each of them follow him as their wounds would permit. When he was got ſome diſtance from the place where the Combat began, looking back, he ſaw them purſue him a good way behind, but one of them, not far from him; and therefore he returned and ſet upon him very ſeverely. And while the Alban Army cried out to the Curiatij to help their Brother, the Horatius had now killed his Enemy, and being victorious, made what haſte he could to engage a ſecond of them. Then the Romans with a ſhout like that of People who are beyond all expectation animated to favour any party, encouraged their Champion; and he did all he could to make an end of the fight. Wherefore before the third who was not far off could overtake him, he diſpatched the ſecond Curiatius. And now they were upon equal terms, as being one to one, though there was no parity between them either of hope or ſtrength; for the Roman body which was untouched, and the double victory which he had gained, made him fit and eager to engage in a third encounter, while the Alban who was tired with his wounds had run ſo far, that he could hardly crawl, and was in a manner conquered by ſeeing his Brethren ſlain before him, was expoſed to a victorious Enemy; nor was that Duel any difficulty at all to him. Wherefore the Roman exulting, cryed out, I have ſent two of theſe Brethren to Hell already; and will now ſend the third who is the cauſe of this War, that the Romans may bear Rule over the Albans. With that, the Alban being ſcarce able to ſupport his arms, he ran him into the Throat, and rifled him when he was down. The Romans with ſhouts and gratulations, received the Horatius, and their joy was ſo much the greater, by how much more their fears had been. Whereupon they went with very different thoughts to bury their dead; for one ſide was advanced to Empire, and the other ſide made ſubject to Foreigners. Their Sepulchres are to be ſeen in the ſeveral places where each of them fell; thoſe of the two Romans in one place nearer to Alba, and thoſe of the three Albans toward Rome, but at a diſtance from each other according as they fought.

Before they went thence Metius asked Tullus, according to the league which they had made, what his commands were? To which he replyed, that all the young men ſhould be ready in Arms; for he ſhould make uſe of them, if he had occaſion to make War againſt the Vientes: So the Armies were thence led home. Horatius marched in the head of them, carrying his triple Spoils before him, and being met near the gate called Porta Capena, by a Virgin his Siſter who was betrothed to one of the Curiatij; ſhe knowing her Lovers robe upon her Brothers ſhoulders, which ſhe herſelf had wrought, ſhe let looſe her hair, and in a mournful tone, called out upon the name of her dead Sweet-Heart. The moan which his Siſter made much moved the generous Youth, even amidſt his Victories, and all that publick joy. He therefore drew his Sword, and chiding her, ran the Maid through: Get you gone (ſaid he) with your untimely amour to your Lover; you, that have forgot your Brothers that are dead, nor care for him that is alive, but with him and them neglect your Country too; and ſo may every Maid be ſerved that is a Roman, and weeps for the death of an Enemy. That ſeemed a cruel act, both to the Senate and the People, but his freſh deſert did ſomewhat leſſen the fact: yet, nevertheleſs he was convened before the King. The King, leſt he ſhould ſeem the Author of ſo ſad and ungrateful a Judgment in the opinion of the vulgar, or, after judgment of puniſhment,This was the Crime call'd Perduellio. i. e. An Action done either in oppoſition to the Intereſt or Honour of the Romans. called an aſſembly of the People, and ſaid, I conſtitute two Officers called Duumviri to judg of Horatius's Crime according to Law. That Law was very ſevere and ran thus; Let the Duumviri judg of ſuch facts, and if any appeal from the Duumviri, let the appeal be tryed, in which, if the Duumviri carry the cauſe, let the Offenders head be covered, and he hanged upon a Gallows, and let him have ſo many ſtripes either within or without the Walls. By this Law the Duumviri were created, who thought, that they thereby were obliged not to abſolve even an innocent perſon, when they had once condemned him; and therefore one of them ſaid to him, P. Horatius, I judg thee guilty of Enmity to thy Country: go, Officer, bind his hands. Accordingly the Officer came and tyed him; whereupon Horatius by the conſent of Tullus, who was a favourable Interpreter of the Law, cryed out, I appeal; and ſo the appeal was tryed before the People. All men were concerned at that tryal, eſpecially, when P. Horatius his Father, declared, that he thought his Daughter was juſtly ſlain; and if it had not been ſo, that he would have corrected his Son according to the duty and power of a Father. Then he deſired them, that they would not make him whoſe Sons they had ſo lately ſeen to be ſo conſpicuous for their valour, quite childleſs. With that the old man, embracing his Son, and pointing to the Spoils of the Curiatij, ſet up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia [or Horatius's Trophies] Can you (ſaid he) O Romans, endure to ſee this youth whom you ſo lately beheld adorned with Victory and march triumphantly before you, bound, whipped and tortured under a Gallows? when even the eyes of the Albans could hardly bear ſo horrid a ſpectacle. Go, Officer, bind thoſe hands, which not long ſince were armed to gain an Empire for the Roman People. Go, veil the head of him that freed this City. Hang him up; drub him even within the Walls, ſo it be near thoſe Trophies and Spoils he took from the Enemy; or without the City, ſo it be within view of thoſe Sepulchres where the Curiatij lie buried. For, whither can you lead this youth, where his own brave Actions will not reſcue him from the Diſhonour of ſuch a baſe kind of Puniſhment? the People were ſorry to ſee his Fathers tears, and that he himſelf ſhould ſhew ſo little concern in all that danger; wherefore they acquitted him more out of admiration of his Courage, than for the juſtice of his cauſe. But, that the manifeſt Murther might be attoned for by ſome means or other, 'twas ordered, that his Father ſhould expiate his Sons guilt, by a publick expence. He therefore having performed ſome propitiatory Sacrifices, which were afterwards tranſmitted to the Family of the Horatij, made a Gallows croſs the way and ordered his Son to paſs under it, as Soldiers do when they are ſold for Slaves. And that Gallows is ſtill kept in repair at the publick charge, even to this day, being called Sororium Tigillum [or the Gallows ſet up on the account of a Siſter.] The Sepulchre of the Maid that was killed was built in the place where ſhe fell, of ſquare Stone.

But the Peace with Alba did not long continue; for the Envy of the Common People, who took it ill, that the publick fortune of their Country ſhould be committed to three Soldiers only, corrupted the vain diſpoſition of their Dictators; and ſeeing that good Counſels had not ſucceeded well, he endeavoured to reconcile the minds of his Country-men by ill means. To which end, as before in time of War he had deſired Peace, ſo now in time of Peace he deſired War. But, becauſe he ſaw their City had much more courage than ſtrength to declare and wage an open War, he inſtigated other people thereunto, reſerving the treacherous part to be acted by his own Country-men, under a ſhew of alliance and friendſhip. The People of Fidenae, who were a Roman Colony, having taken advice with the Veientes, were moved to make War and take up Arms, upon condition, that the Albans would revolt to their party. When Fidenae was in open Rebellion, Tullus ſent for Metius and his Army from Alba, whom he led againſt the Enemy: and having paſt the River Anien, he pitched his Camp at the meeting of the two Rivers. Between that place and Fidenae the Army of the Veientes got over the Tiber, and were poſted in the right wing near the River, whileſt thoſe of Fidenae ſtood in the left, more near to the Mountains. Tullus led his men againſt the Veian Enemy, and planted the Albans over againſt the Legion of the Fidenates. The Albans had no more courage than honeſty; and therefore, not daring either to ſtand or move with any confidence, crept, by degrees to the Mountains. Where, when they thought themſelves ſafe enough, they ſet their whole Army in array; but, being in doubt what to do, and willing to delay time, they took a great deal of pains to range their men. Their deſign was, which way ſoever Fortune ſhould incline, that way to bend their forces. The Romans, who ſtood next to them, began to wonder at firſt when they ſaw themſelves deſerted by the going off of their Allies: and immediatly, a Trooper galloping away, went and told the King, that the Albans were gone. At which Tullus was put into ſuch a conſternation, that he made twelve Salij [or Prieſts of Mars] and dedicated Temples to Pallor and Pavor, [i. e. to Paleneſs and Fear] wherewithal he chid the Trooper ſo loud that the Enemy might hear him, and bid him return into the Battel; telling him, They had no need to fear, in that the Alban Army had wheeled about by his order to ſurprize the Fidenates in their unguarded Reer. He likewiſe commanded the ſame Perſon to bid all the Horſe advance their Javelins; which Action of theirs intercepted the ſight of the Alban Army marching off, from a great part of the Roman Foot; but thoſe who ſaw them, ſuppoſing it to be as they had heard the King ſay, fell on the more eagerly. The Enemies were terrified, for they heard what the King ſo loudly ſaid: and many of the Fidenates, as being a Colony belonging to the Romans, underſtood Latin. Wherefore, laſt on a ſudden they ſhould have been blocked up by the deſcent of the Albans from the Hills, and hindered of regaining the Town, they turned their backs. Tullus purſued them, and having routed the wing of the Fidenates, he returned more fiercely upon the Veians, who were ſtruck with a ſtrange dread. Nor could they endure the ſhock; but, running haſtily away, were driven to a River that was behind them; to which when they were come ſome of them ſhamefully threw away their Arms, and ran headlong into the water; the reſt ſtaying on the banks and doubting whether they ſhould ſly or fight, were all ſlain: nor was there ever, before that time, a bloudier Battel fought by the Romans.

Then the Alban Army, who had been Spectators of the Fight, was led down into the plains; and Metius congratulated Tullus his conqueſt over his Enemies: in anſwer whereunto, Tullus ſpoke very kindly to Metius and told him, He hoped it would be for both their advantages, if the Alban and the Roman Camp were both united into one; wherefore he gave order it ſhould be ſo, and againſt the next day, prepared a Sacrifice to purifie the Army. Next morning, as ſoon as it was day, when all things were ready, He, as the cuſtom is, commanded both Armies to meet in one Aſſembly. The criers began at the end and cited the Albans firſt; who, being concerned at the novelty of the thing, as much as at any thing elſe, that they might hear what the Roman King ſaid, ſtood next to him. A Roman Legion all in Arms was ordered to encloſe them, and the Centurions were imployed to put their orders in execution without any delay. Then Tullus thus began; Romans! If ever you had reaſon, in any Battel before this time, firſt, to thank the immortal Gods and then congratulate your own valour, it was for yeſterdays atchievement. For you fought, not with Enemies more than (which is the moſt difficult and dangerous engagement) with the treachery and perfidiouſneſs of your Allies. For, to undeceive you, the Albans went into the Mountains without my knowledg: nor was it my command, but my ſtratagem and only the pretence of a command, which I then made uſe of; to the end, that neither you, who knew nothing of your being deſerted, might be diſcouraged from fighting, and the Enemy, ſuppoſing themſelves to be circumvented in their reer, might be terrrified and tempted to fly. But that fault which I now find, is not to be charged upon all the Albans; they followed their leader, as you alſo would have done, if I had been to have drawn you off to any other Poſt. That ſame Metius was the Ring-Leader in that Treachery, That Metius who was the contriver of this War, That Metius who broke the League betwixt the Romans and the Albans. Let ſome other hereafter dare to do the like, if I do not make him a ſignal example to all mankind. The Centurions ſtood about him, while the King went on as he began. I have a deſign, O ye Albans! which I hope will prove an happineſs not only to the Romans in general, but to me and you alſo, that is, to tranſlate all the People of Alba to Rome: to make the Commonalty free of the City, and to chuſe the Noblemen into the Senate; to make them one City and one Commonwealth; to the end, that as the Alban State was heretofore divided into two People, ſo now it may revert into one again. At that, the Alban youth, being themſelves unarmed, but ſurrounded with Soldiers all in Arms, were in twenty minds, though common fear compelled them to hold their tongues. Then Tullus went on; Metius Suffetius, (ſaid he) If thou couldeſt learn to keep thy word and not to break Leagues, thou ſhouldeſt live and I would teach thee how to do ſo. But now, ſeeing thy diſpoſition is incurable, do thou by thy puniſhment, inſtruct mankind to believe thoſe things ſacred, which thou haſt violated. As, therefore, thou didſt lately ſhew thy ſelf a Neuter, and that thy mind was divided between the Fidenate and the Roman intereſt, ſo now ſhall thy body be. Having ſo ſaid, he cauſed two Wagons to be placed near each other, and tyed Metius with his body diſtended to the bodies of them; which being done, the Horſes were driven contrary ways, and carried his torn body upon each Wagon to which his limbs were faſtened. The Company all turned away their eyes from ſuch a cruel ſight. That was the firſt and laſt Puniſhment among the Romans that was an inſtance of Inhumanity; for, in all others, they may very well boaſt, that no Nation was ever ſatisfied with eaſier penalties.

At this time there was a party of Horſe already ſent to Alba to bring the multitude over to Rome; and after them the Legions were carried thither to demoliſh the City, who, when they entered the City, there was not that tumult nor conſternation as uſually is in Cities that are taken, when the Gates are broken open, the Walls battered down, or a Caſtle ſtormed; and when the noiſe of the Enemy and the fury of the Soldiers over all the Town mingles every thing with Fire and Sword; but a ſad ſilence and a dumb ſorrow put all their minds into ſuch a malancholy poſture, that they, through fear, forgetting what they left behind and what they carried with them, not knowing what to do and enquiring of one another, ſtood ſometimes at their doors and other whiles ran diſtractedly about their Houſes, which that was the laſt time they ever were like to ſee. But when the clamour of the Soldiers, who bid them be gone, was very urgent upon them, they heard the craſh of the Houſes that were pulling down in the remoteſt parts of the City, and the duſt that aroſe from places diſtant covered all the Air as with a Cloud, each man in haſt took what he could away, being he was to march off and leave his Native home, his houſhold-Gods and that habitation, where he was born and bred. And now the whole troop of theſe departing Inhabitants having filled the ſtreets, the ſight of each other renewed their tears out of mutual commiſeration; beſides the lamentable cries that werre heard, eſpecially of the Women when they paſſed by the ſtately Temples, which were encompaſſed with Soldiers, and left their Gods, as it were, in captivity. The Albans having quitted their City, the Romans made all buildings both publick and private even with the ground, and one hour ruined and deſtroyed the work of thoſe four hundred years that Alba had been ſtanding. But they with-held their hands from the Temples of the Gods, becauſe the King had ſo commanded.

In the mean time, Rome grew out of the Ruines of Alba, and the number of the Citizens was doubled. The Mount called Coelius was added to the City, and, to draw the more Inhabitants thither, Tullus had a Palace there, and dwelt upon it from that time forward. He choſe the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate, that that part alſo of the Commonwealth might be augmented, that is to ſay, the Tullij, Servitij, Quintij, Geganei, Curiatij and the Claelij, and made a Temple to the Court for that order which he himſelf had augmented, which was called Hoſtilia even to our Fathers days. And, that he might make ſome addition out of this new People, to the ſtrength of every order of men, he choſe ten Troops of Horſe out of the Albans. He alſo ſupplied the old Legions with the ſame number, and likewiſe raiſed new ones. In confidence of this his ſtrength, Tullus declared War againſt the Sabines, a Nation, at that time, more opulent than any other except the Etrurians, both for Men and Arms. There were injuries done on both ſides, and Goods in vain demanded back; Tullus complained, that the Roman Merchants were ſeized on at a great Fair kept near the Temple of Feronia; the Sabines, that theirs fled firſt into the Grove, and were detained at Rome: which actions are ſaid to be the cauſe of the War. The Sabines well remembring, not only that part of their ſtrength was carried to Rome by Tatius, but likewiſe, that, of late alſo the Roman State was augmented by the addition of the Albans, began themſelves to look out for foreign aſſiſtance. Etruria was near them, and next to the Etrurians, the Veians; from whence, through their remaining animoſities, which very much inclined them to a revolt, they had a great many Voluntiers, beſides that their pay alſo prevailed upon ſome Vagrants among the poor People. They had no publick aſſiſtance; for, the Veians (amongſt whom it was a greater wonder than for any of the reſt to do ſo,) kept the Truce which they had made with Romulus. When they had made very great preparations for the War on both ſides, and the whole ſtreſs of the buſineſs ſeemed to lie in this, which of them ſhould make the firſt onſet; Tullus marched firſt into the Sabines Territories. They had a bloudy Battel, hard by a Wood called Sylva Malitioſa; where the Roman Army was very ſucceſsful, not only through the ſtrength of their Foot, but of their Horſe too, which was ſo lately augmented. For, by the Horſe, which ruſhed in ſuddenly upon them, the Sabine ranks were broken; ſo that, they from that time, could neither fight nor run away without confuſion and great ſlaughter.

The Sabines being conquered, and Tullus, together with all the State of Rome, being in great glory, and advanced to great opulency, there was news brought to the King and the Senate, that upon the Mount Albanus it rained Stones; which being hard to be believed, there were certain perſons ſent to ſee that Prodigy; in whoſe ſight there fell a ſhower of Stones from Heaven, in the ſame manner, as when the winds drive heaps of Hail together upon the Earth. They likewiſe thought they heard a ſhrill voice from the top of the Grove, which bad the Albans do Sacrifice after the faſhion of their own Countrey, which they had forgotten as much as if they had forſaken their Gods as well as their native ſoil; and, either had taken up with the Roman Rites, or, being angry with Fortune, as men in their circumſtances generally are, had quitted the Worſhip of their Gods. The Romans alſo were moved by the ſame Prodigy, to appoint a publick Sacrifice of nine days continuance: whether by a voice from Heaven conveyed from the Mount Albanus, (for, that alſo is part of the tradition) or by the advice of the Soothſayers, is uncertain: but this we know, that the ſame ſolemnity continued, ſo that whenever they were told of the ſame prodigy, they ſacrificed for nine days together. Not long after, there was a Plague among them; which, though it indiſpoſed them to Military imployments, yet their Warlike King would not permit them to lay down their Arms; becauſe, he thought, the young mens bodies were more healthy even in the Camp than at home; till he himſelf alſo languiſhed under a lingering Diſtemper. Then was his furious Spirit ſo far tamed, as well as his body, that he, who before thought nothing leſs becoming a King, than to give his mind to ſacred things, became on a ſudden, a very Bigot to all Superſtitious both great and ſmall, and filled even the People alſo with his religious notions. And now, the Commonalty, deſiring to ſee that ſtate of things renewed which they had enjoyed in the Reign of Numa, believed, that the only remedy that was left to recover their diſtempered bodies, was to make their peace and beg pardon of the Gods. They ſay, that the King himſelf having looked into the Commentaries of Numa, and there found ſome ſecret though ſolemn Sacrifices, made to Jupiter Elicius, performed them privately by himſelf: but that that Sacrifice was neither rightly prepared, nor carefully offered; and that he had not only no ſign of favour ſhewn him from Heaven, but, that Jupiter alſo was enraged at his mock-Religion, and with Lightning burned Him and his Houſe. Tullus Reigned and gained great glory in War, two and thirty years.

When Tullus was dead, the Government, as it had been cuſtomary from the foundation of the City, revolved into the Senate, and they nominated an Inter-Rex, [or one that ſhould rule between the Death of a former, and the Inauguration of a ſucceeding King] who called an Aſſembly, in which, the People choſe Ancus Martius their King, and the Senate confirmed it. Ancus Martius was the Grandſon of Numa Pompilius, being the Son of his Daughter; who, as ſoon as he began his Reign, being mindful of his Grandfathers glory, and becauſe the laſt Kings Reign, though it was very remarkable for other things, yet was deficient in one pa • t, and that was, either the neglect of Religion in general, or the diſgrace he did it even by his pretence to it; and, ſuppoſing, it would be much the beſt way to perform the publick holy Rites in the ſame manner that Numa had ordained them, he commanded the chief Prieſt fairly to tranſcribe them out of the King's Commentaries, and make them publick: by which means, the Citizens, who were deſirous of Peace, and the neighbouring Cities too, were put in good hopes, that the King would prove of a temper and inclination much like his Grandfather. Wherefore the Latines with whom King Tullus had made a League, grew very inſolent, and when the Romans demanded ſatisfaction for an incurſion, which that People had made into their Territories, they gave them a ſawcy anſwer; ſuppoſing, that the King of Rome would lead a ſlothful life, and reign only in Temples, and before the Altars. Ancus was of a middling diſpoſition, as being mindful as well of Romulus as Numa; and, beſides that he thought Peace more neceſſary in the Reign of his Grandfather, when the Romans were not only a new, but a fierce kind of People: He alſo thought that the leiſure and eaſe which Numa had, himſelf ſhould hardly enjoy without ſome inconvenience: that his patience was tried, and being tried contemned; and that the time of Tullus's Reign was much more ſutable to his affairs, than that of Numa's. But yet, ſeeing Numa had inſtituted religious Worſhip in time of Peace, that he might ſet forth the due Ceremonies of War, and that Hoſtility might not only be maintained but proclaimed too with ſome formality, he promulgated the Laws which he received from the ancient People called Aequicoli (and are now in the hands of the Heralds) by virtue whereof, ſuch things as are unlawfully taken away are redemanded. The Embaſſadour, when he comes to the confines of their Country from whom the repriſal is deſigned, has his head covered; (the covering is a woollen Shaſh) and ſaies, Hear, O Jupiter! Hear, O yee Confines! (and names the Countrey, whoſe borders thoſe are) and let Juſtice hear me. I am the publick Meſſenger of the Roman People, who come upon a juſt and a righteous account, and therefore deſire I may be credited. Then he repeats his demands, and calls Jove to witneſs in this manner; If I require thoſe men or thoſe things to be delivered up to me, who am the Meſſenger of the Roman People, unjuſtly, and without reaſon, then mayſt thou never ſuffer me to ſee my own Country again. Theſe words he repeats when he paſſes the bounds of any Country, to whomſoever he firſt meets, as he enters in at a Gate, and when he is come into the Forum [or Market-place] though, with ſome little alteration, in the form and manner of them. If thoſe perſons whom he demands are not ſurrendered in three and thirty days, (for that is the uſual time given) he proclaims War, in this manner; Hear, O Jupiter! and thou, O Juno! Romulus! All the Coeleſtial, Terreſtial and Infernal Gods, give ear to what I ſay! I call you all to witneſs, that, that People (and names the People who ever they be) is unjuſt, and does not do righteous things. But of theſe things we will conſult the ancient men in our own Country to know how we may gain our right. Having ſo done, the Meſſenger returns to Rome, to adviſe in the Affair. Whereupon, immediately, the King, in words to this purpoſe, conſulted the Senate; concerning controverſies or cauſes, wherein the Herald of the Roman People demanded ſatisfaction from the Herald of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latins themſelves, as thinking it reaſonable for them to be done, decided or reſolved, ſince nothing is yet in that caſe by them performed; Tell me, (ſaid he, to the Perſon whoſe opinion he asked) what think you of it? To which the party made anſwer; I think, thoſe things are to be required in a juſt and lawful War; that is my opinion, which I will ſtand by. After him, the reſt were asked in order; and when the greater part of them that were preſent agreed in the ſame opinion, they uſually made a War by common conſent; in which the ceremony was this, that the Herald carried a Javelin with an iron head or all bloudy and burned at the end, to the confines of their Country, and in the preſence of three young men at leaſt, ſaid theſe words; Whereas, the People of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latins themſelves have committed ſeveral Offences againſt the People of Rome, and whereas, the People of Rome have commanded a War to be proclaimed againſt the ancient Latins, to which the Senate of Rome have thought fit to conſent; for that reaſon, I and the People of Rome denounce and make War againſt the People belonging to the ancient Latins, and againſt the ancient Latins themſelves. When he had ſo ſaid, he threw his Javelin into their Confines. This was at that time the manner in which the Latins redemanded things formerly taken from them, and how they declared War; which cuſtom their Poſterity alſo retained.

Ancus, having committed the care of Holy things to the Flamins, and other Prieſts, and raiſed a new Army, went to Politorium, a City of the Latins, and took it by ſtorm; and imitating the cuſtom of former Kings, who had augmented the Roman State, by taking their Enemies into the City, brought all the multitude to Rome; where, ſince the ancient Romans inhabited near the Palace, the Sabines, in the Capitol and the Caſtle, the Albans in the Mount called Cloelius, and the ſtrange People in the Aventine, new comers were not long after planted there alſo, when Telleni and F • cana were taken. After that, he made War againſt Politorium a ſecond time, becauſe the Latins had taken poſſeſſion of it, being at that time empty: and that was the reaſon, why the Romans demoliſhed that City, leſt it ſhould be a continual receptacle of their Enemies. At laſt, when the War againſt the Latins was reduced to Medullia only, they fought there for ſome time upon equal terms, and the Victory was uncertain; for, the City was not only fortified with Rampiers and Walls, and ſtrengthened with a good Guard, but they had a Camp in the plains too, and the Latin Army engaged ſeveral times, hand to hand with the Romans. At laſt, Ancus drew out all his forces, and firſt overcoming them in a pitch'd Battel, where he gained great Spoils, he returned to Rome; and then, having admitted many Thouſands of the Latins into the City, he joyned the Palace to the Aventine, by appointing them to inhabit near the Temple of the Goddeſs called Mercia. Janiculum was alſo added thereunto, not for want of room, but leſt that might ſometime prove a refuge for the Enemies: and that he thought good to joyn to the City, not only with a Wall, but alſo, for the convenience of paſſing, with a wooden Bridg, which was then firſt made over the Tiber. That Ditch alſo called Foſſa Quiritium, which is no ſmall defence againſt thoſe that come from the Plains, was the work of King Ancus. And now, the City having receiv'd a vaſt encreaſe, ſeeing, that amongſt ſuch a multitude of men, it would be hard to judg, whether private Actions were well or ill done, he built a Priſon in the middle of the City, near the Forum, for a terror to their increaſing boldneſs. Nor did the City only flouriſh under this King, but their Territories and Confines were enlarg'd. The Wood call'd Sylva Moeſia, was taken from the Veians; their Empire was propogated even to the Sea, the City Hoſtia was built at the mouth of Tiber, about which Salt-pits were made, and ſince their great Succeſs in War, the Temple of Jupiter Pharetrius was enlarg'd.

In the Reign of Ancus, one Lucumo, a diligent man, and one that was very wealthy, came to Rome, out of a great deſire and hope that he had of much Honour, which the Tarquinii (for there, he alſo, as well as they, was come of a Foreign Race) were not able to • btain. He was the Son of one Damaratus a Corinthian, who, flying his Country upon the A • count of Sedition, and coming by chance to live at Tarquinii, [a City of Etruria] had there Married a Wife, by whom he had two Sons, whoſe Names were Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo ſurviv'd his Father, and was Heir to all his Eſtate; but Aruns died before his Father, leaving his Wife big with Child. Nor did the Father long ſurvive the Son; but not knowing that his Daughter in Law was with Child, forgot his Grand-ſon in his Will, and dying, left him nothing; upon which Account, the Child, born to the inheritance of no part of the Eſtate after his Grand-fathers Death, was, from his Poverty, call'd Egerius [i. e. the Beggar.] Lucumo, on the contrary, who was Heir to the whole Eſtate, was not only proud of his Riches, but much the more ſo, becauſe he had married one Tanaquil, a Woman of Quality, and one that would not eaſily be brought to live below her Birth. When ſhe was Married, and ſaw the Etrurians deſpiſe Lucumo, as being one that was the Son of a baniſh'd Stranger, ſhe could not bear the indignity; and therefore, forgetting her natural Love to her Country (ſince ſhe ſaw her Husband a man of ſuch Worth and Honour) deſign'd to remove from Tarquinii. For which end, Rome ſeem'd the fitteſt place; for ſhe ſuppos'd, That among that new People, where all Nobility ſprung on a ſudden from virtuous Actions, there might be ſome room found for a good and a brave man: ſhe knew, that Tatius, a Sabine, had Reign'd there; that Numa was ſent for from Cures, to enjoy the Crown; and that Ancus was the Son of a Sabine Woman, and renown'd upon the Account only of his being like Numa: wherefore, ſhe eaſily prevail'd on her Husband, as being a Perſon ambitious of Honour, and one to whom the City Tarquinii was Country, only by the Mothers ſide. They therefore pack'd up what they had, and went for Rome. It happen'd, that, when they came to Janiculum, as he was ſitting with his Wife upon the Chariot, an Eagle falling gently down, with her Talons took off his Cap; and then, flying above the Chariot, with great frilling and clapping of her Wings, ſhe, as if ſent from Heaven to do him that piece of ſervice, came again and plac'd it exactly on his Head; which, when ſhe had done, ſhe flew aloft again. Tanaquil (they ſay) receiv'd that Augury with great joy, being a Woman well skill'd, as the Etrurians generally are, in Coeleſtial Prodigies: wherefore, embracing her Husband, ſhe bad him hope for high and lofty matters; telling him, That that Bird was a Meſſenger from that Region of the Heavens, and from that God who there prefided: that ſhe made a ſign about the uppermoſt part of him; that ſhe took up the ornament of his head, in order to reſtore it, by Divine Command. With theſe hopes and thoughts about 'em, they went into the City, and having taken an Houſe there, gave out, that his Name was L. Tarquinius Priſcus. And now, not only his being a new-comer, and his Riches made him conſpicuous among the Romans, but he, likewiſe, advanc'd his Fortune by his Affability, Hoſpitality and Bounty, whereby he made all thoſe he could his Friends: till, at laſt, the Fame of him was carried even into the King's Palace, and he grew, in a ſhort time, ſo well known, by being very ready and liberal in the Kings ſervice, that he became familiar at Court, and was concern'd in all publick, as well as private Councils, both at home and abroad: and having been every way try'd, was, at length, by the Kings laſt Will and Teſtament, made Tutor alſo to his Children.

Ancus Reign'd four and twenty years, and was inferiour to none of the former Kings in the Arts or Glory of War and Peace. His Sons were now almoſt of Age, and therefore Tarquinius was the more urgent, that, aſſoon as poſſible, an Aſſembly ſhould be call'd for the chooſing of a King. Which being appointed, he, a little before the time, ſent the Lads a Hunting; and himſelf firſt, not only ambitiouſly deſir'd the Throne, but likewiſe (as 'tis ſaid) had a Speech ready made to reconcile the minds of the Common People; in which he told 'em, That he deſir'd no new thing, in that he was not the firſt (to make any man angry or wonder at him) but the third Stranger that deſir'd to be King of Rome; that Tatius was choſen King, though he was not only a Stranger, but an Enemy too, and that Numa, who was unacquainted with the City, and never ſought it, was voluntarily ſent for by the Romans, to be their King. That he himſelf, ever ſince he was at his own diſpoſal, came to Rome with his Wife and all his fortunes, and that he had liv'd at Rome a greater part of his time, ſince he was fit for publick buſineſs, than in his own Country: and that he had learn'd the Roman Laws, together with their Cuſtoms, both at home and abroad, under a very Honourable Maſter, even King Ancus himſelf. That he had always vy'd in his Allegiance and obſervance to the King, with all Mankind, and in his bounty towards others, with the King himſelf. Thus he ſpoke, and, becauſe all he ſaid was true, the Roman People unanimouſly choſe him King. Whereupon the ſame ambition which he ſhew'd in ſuing for it, attended him when he had gain'd the Kingdom; though he were otherwiſe a very excellent Perſon. Nor was he leſs mindful of ſtrengthening his own Dominion, than of augmenting the Commonwealth in general; wherefore, he choſe an hundred into the Senate, who, from that time, were call'd, Patres minorum gentium [i. e. Senators of a lower rank,] and prov'd a certain Faction for the King, becauſe, by his bounty they came into that Court. He wag'd the firſt War with the Latins, and took a Town of theirs by Storm, call'd Appiolae; from whence, having brought back more Spoils than was ever talk'd of in that War, he ſet forth Games with more Opulency and Pomp than any former Kings. The place was then firſt deſign'd, for that Circus, [or place for Exerciſes] which is now call'd, Circus Maximus; and Partitions were made for the Senators and Knights, where each of 'em might ſet forth Shews, call'd Fori. They ſate and look'd upon theſe Shews, which were rais'd upon props of Wood twelve feet from the Ground; and the ſport was Horce-Racing, and Wreſtlers, eſpecially ſuch as were ſent for out of Etruria. And, from that time, there were ſolemn Annual Games kept, call'd by the various Appellations of Ludi Romani, and Ludi Magni. By the ſame King alſo, there were places ſet apart, about the Forum, for private Perſons to Build upon, as well as Portico's and Shops made.

He likewiſe deſign'd to encloſe the City with a Stone Wall, but the Sabine War prevented him; and that was ſo ſudden, that the Enemy paſs'd the River Anien before the Roman Army could meet and ſtop 'em. Thereupon, the Romans were much affrighted, and at firſt, while the Victory was doubtful, a great many men were kill'd on both ſides. But, ſoon after, the Romans having put their Forces into the Enemies Camp, and gain'd ſome time to reinforce the War, Tarquinius, thinking that he wanted Horſe-men more than any other part of his Army, reſolv'd to add a new Troop to the Ramnenſes, Titienſes, Luceres, which Romulus had formerly rais'd, and to leave them behind him remarkable on the account of his own Name. But, becauſe Romulus had done that by an Augury, Accius Naevius, a famous Augur at that time, deny'd his Propoſal, and ſaid, there could be no alteration made, nor any new Troop eſtabliſhed, unleſs the Birds foretold it. At that the King was much diſpleas'd, and cluding his Act, (as the Story goes) Come (ſaid he) you Diviner, tell me, by your Auguries, whether that be poſſible to be done, that I now think of. Whereupon, when Accius had found, by the Augury, that it might, and had told the King it would certainly come to paſs, I thought (ſaid the King) that you would cut a Whetſtone with a Razor: here, take 'em, and do what your Birds portend is poſſible: with that (they ſay) he preſently cut the Whetſtone in two. The Statue of Accius was plac'd with the head cover'd, juſt there where the thing was done, at the Court of Aſſembly, upon the very Stairs on the left hand: and (they ſay) that the Whetſtone too was put in the ſame place, for a Monument to poſterity of that Miracle. This is certain, that, from that time, Auguries and the Prieſtly Office of the Augurs were had in ſuch Honour and Eſteem, that nothing was afterwards done, either in War or Peace, without their Predictions; for the Aſſemblies of the People, the Armies and the greateſt Affairs were Diſſolv'd, Disbanded and Diſappointed, when the Birds did not admit of 'em. Nor did Tarquinius at that time make any alteration in the Troops of Horſe, but only added ſomething to their Number, ſo that there were one thouſand three hundred Horſe in three Troops. The later that were added were only call'd by the ſame Names, being thoſe, that now, ſince they are doubled, they call the ſix Troops.

This part of their Forces being augmented, they had a ſecond Conflict with the Sabines. But, beſides that the Roman Army was now increaſed in ſtrength, they made uſe of ſecret Policy and Stratagem alſo; ſending a Party of Soldiers, to burn a great heap of Wood that lay upon the Bank of Anien and throw it into the River: which being help'd on by the Wind, a great deal of the flaming Timber got hold on the Wood of the Bridg, and ſet it on fire. That thing not only terrified the Sabines as they were fighting, but when they were Routed, was alſo a ſtop to their Flight; and therefore many of 'em, though they ſcap'd the Enemy, periſh'd in the River: whoſe floating Arms being found in the Tiber at Rome, and known, diſcover'd the Victory there, even almoſt before News could otherwiſe be brought of it. In that Battel, the Horſe got the greateſt Renown, for ('tis reported) that they, being plac'd in the Wings, when the main Body of their Foot was now in a manner Defeated, ran in ſo furiouſly from each ſide, that they did not only ſtop the Sabine Legions who preſs'd ſo hard upon the yielding Infantry, but on a ſudden alſo, put 'em to Flight. The Sabines made all the haſte they could to the Mountains, of which, ſome few poſſeſs'd themſelves; but the greateſt part (as I ſaid before) were driven into the River. Tarquinius, thinking it the beſt way to purſue them whil'ſt they were in that Conſternation, having ſent the Booty and Captives to Rome, and burn'd the Spoils of the Enemies (for ſuch was his Vow to Vulcan) in a great Pile, proceeded to March his Army into the Sabine Dominions: and though the Sabines had had but ill ſucceſs, nor could well hope for better, yet they met him with a tumultuary Army: and being there a ſecond time Defeated, when they were almoſt utterly undone, deſir'd a Peace. Collatia, and all the Country round about it, was taken from the Sabines, and Egerius, who was the Son of the King of Collatia's Brother, was left in the Gariſon. The People of Collatia (my Author tells me) made a Surrender, of which this was the form. The King ask'd 'em, Are you Embaſſadors and Agents ſent from the People of Collatia to ſurrender your ſelves and them? We are. Are the People of Collatia in their own Diſpoſal? They are. Do you ſurrender the People of Collatia, the City, their Land, their Water, their Bounds, their Temples, their Utenſils, with all things Divine and Humane, into the Poſſeſſion and Power of me and the Roman People? We do. Then I receive 'em.

When the Sabine War was ended, Tarquinius return'd in Triumph to Rome. After which, he made a War with the Antient Latins; in which, though they never came to hazard all at once, yet he, by carrying his Arms about to every ſingle Town, extinguiſh'd the whole Race of the Latins. Corniculum, old Ficulnia, Cameria, Cruſtumerium, Ameriola, Medullia and Nomentum, were Towns that were taken either from the Antient Latins, or ſuch as had Revolted to the Antient Latins. Then he made a Peace, and from that time, began the Works of Peace, with greater vigour than he had carry'd on the Toils of War; to the end, that his People might not be leſs imploy'd at home than they had been abroad. For, he not only began to encompaſs the City, where it was not yet Fortified, with a Stone-wall, the beginning of which Work was interrupted by the Sabine War, but he alſo drein'd the lower parts of the City, about the Forum, and the other Valleys that lay between the Hills, (becauſe they could diſcharge the Water from thoſe plain places) by Common-fewers, which he made from thence into the Tiber; beſides that, he laid Foundations in a void ſpace of Ground, by the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, which he had Vow'd to Build upon, in the Sabina War, becauſe his mind did then Preſage the future Glory of that place.

At that time, there was a ſtrange and wonderful Prodigy ſeen in the Palace, where, as a certain Boy, whoſe Name was Servius Tullius lay aſleep, (they ſay) a great many People ſaw his Head all on a Flame: whereupon, there being a great ſhout made, at that extraordinary Miracle, the King was much concern'd; and when one of his Servants was going to carry Water to quench it, the Queen ſtop'd him; till, at laſt, the Tumult being over, ſhe gave Order, the Boy ſhould not be ſtirr'd, till he waked of himſelf; and, that, ſoon after, the Clouds of ſleep and that Flame vaniſh'd together. Then Tanaquil, taking her Husband into a private place, (ſaid ſhe) Doeſt thou ſee this Boy, which we breed at ſuch a mean rate? Know, that he will one day be a Luſtre to our doubtful affairs, and a Guard to our afflicted Palace; wherefore, let us cheriſh him with all poſſible Indulgence, who is like to prove the Author of our great Honour, both publick and private. From that time, they began to look upon the Boy as one of their own Children, and to inſtruct him in thoſe Arts, whereby ingenious Lads are raiſed to great Fortunes. And, indeed, that eaſily came to paſs, which the gods were willing to have; for the Youth grew up into a very Princely Diſpoſition: nor, at that time, when Tarquin was looking out for a Son-in-law, could any of the Roman Youth be compared to him in any Art; wherefore, the King gave him his Daughter in Marriage. This great Honour, upon what account ſoever confer'd on him, forbids us to believe that his Mother was a Slave, or, that he himſelf was ſo, when young: I am rather of their opinion, who ſay, that when Corniculum was taken, the Wife of Servius Tullius, a Nobleman of that City, being, at the death of her Husband big with Child, and taken notice of amongſt the reſt of the Captives, was preſerved from Slavery upon the Account of her Birth only, by the Queen of the Romans, and was brought to Bed at Rome, in the Houſe of Tarquinius Priſcus: upon the ſcore of which great favour, ſhe was not only her ſelf introduced into the familiarity of the Court-Ladies, but the Child alſo, who was bred in the Family from his Infancy, was much beloved and reſpected: nor was it any thing elſe but his Mothers fortune, who, when her Country was taken, fell into the hands of the Enemy, that made him be ſuppoſed to be Son of a Bond-woman.

About the Eight and Thirtieth year of Tarquinius's Reign, Sorvius Tullius was very much honour'd, not only by the King, but by the Senate and the People alſo. At which juncture, the two Sons of Ancus, who before had always reſented it as a very great piece of Treachery, that they ſhould be depriv'd of their Father's Kingdom by the fraud of their Guardian, and that a ſtranger ſhould Reign at Rome, who came, not only of a foreign, but alſo, not ſo much as of an Italian race; did then conceive more indignation than ever, when they ſaw the Crown was not like to return to them, even after Tarquinius's Death, but that it would fall ſucceſſively to a Slave: that in the ſame City, after almoſt an hundred years, ſince Romulus, who was the Son of a God, and now a God himſelf, poſſeſs'd the Throne as long as he remained upon earth, a ſervant, and the Son of a ſervant ſhould enjoy it, it would be, not only a diſgrace to the Roman name in general, but more particularly, to their Family, if, whileſt any male Iſſue of King Ancus were alive, the Kingdom of Rome ſhould be govern'd, not only by ſtrangers, but even Slaves alſo: wherefore, they reſolved to avert that contumely by the Sword. But their concern for that injury, did not only excite them more againſt Tarquinius himſelf, than it did againſt Servius, but alſo, becauſe the King, if he ſurvived, was like to be a more ſevere revenger of the Murther, they thought, if they killed Servius, that whomſoever Tarquinius choſe for his Son in Law, he would make Heir of the Crown; and for that reaſon, laid a deſign againſt the King's life, which was this. They choſe two of the ſturdieſt Shepherds for that purpoſe, both armed with Country Weapons, ſuch as they uſed to carry; who, making as great a Riot as they could before the King's Palace, under pretence of a quarrel, cauſed all the King's Officers to come about them: whereupon, they both appeal'd to the King, and the noiſe of them reaching even the inmoſt rooms of the Palace, they were commanded to appear before the King; where both of them, at firſt began to bawl and rail at each other: but being reſtrained by the Lictor or Officer, and commanded to ſpeak by turns, they, at length gave over their ill Language. Then, one of them began to tell the whole ſtory, according as they had agreed; and while the King was wholly intent to what he ſaid, the other lifting up an Ax that he had, gave him a cut in the head, and leaving his weapon in the wound, they both ran out of doors. While thoſe that were about Tarquinius, who was now a dying, took all the care they could of him, the Officers caught hold of one of the Ruffians that were making their eſcape: upon which, there was a great noiſe and concourſe of the People, admiring what the matter was.

Tanaquil, amidſt the tumult, commanded the Palace Gates to be ſhut, and turned out all ſtrangers; procuring, at the ſame time, with all induſtry, whatever was neceſſary to heal the wound, as if ſhe had ſome hopes of a cure, and planting f • eſh Guards, in caſe her hopes ſhould fail her. Then, ſending for Servius in all haſte, and ſhewing him her Huſband, who had now almoſt bled to death, ſhe took him by the right hand, and deſired him, that he would not ſuffer the death of his Father in Law to go unrevenged, nor permit her, his Mother in Law, to be a Laughing-ſtock to her Enemies. Servius (ſaid ſhe) If thou art a Man, the Kingdom is thine, and not theirs who have committed the greateſt villany, by the hands of other men: take courage then, and follow the Gods, thy Leaders, who formerly pretended, that thou ſhouldeſt be a great Light to the World, by that divine fire which hovered round thy head; let that Coeleſtial Flame now warm thee: be thou now truly awake: even we that are ſtrangers have reigned here: think who thou art, not where thou waſt born: and, if thy Councils •• e at a ſtand, by reaſon of this ſurprizing accident, follow mine. The clamour and violence of the Multitude growing almoſt intolerable, Tanaquil ſpoke to the People, from the upper part of the houſe, through the windows that looked into the new ſtreet, (for the King then kept his Court near the Temple of Jupiter Stator.) bidding them be of good chear; that the King was ſtounded with a ſudden blow, but the weapon did not go very deep into his body, and that he was now come to himſelf again: that the bloud was waſhed away, the wound ſearched, and all things well, and that ſhe was in good hopes, that they would ſee him very ſhortly. That, in the mean time, he ordered the People to obey Servius Tullius, who would adminiſter juſtice to them, and perform all other Kingly Offices. Accordingly, Servius went forth with a Royal Robe, and the Lictors before him, and ſetting on the King's Tribunal, determined ſome Controverſies, and concerning others, pretended he would conſult the King. By which means, he, for ſome days, after the King was dead, concealing his death, and under the pretence of executing another man's Office, confirmed his own authority. Then, upon a common lamentation, which was made in the Palace, Servius having got a good guard about him, was the firſt that Reigned without the conſent of the People, and by the authority of the Senate only. The Sons of Ancus, when the Regicides were taken, being told that Servius was King, and lived attended with ſo much Grandieur, went into baniſhment to Sueſſa Pometia.

Nor did Servius now ſeek to fortifie himſelf more by publick than private deſigns, but leſt Tarquinius's Children might be ſo affected towards him, as Ancus's had been to Tarquinius, he married two of his Daughters to the Kings Sons, whoſe names were Lucius and Aruns Tarquinius: but yet, his human Counſels did no way interrupt the neceſſity of fate, for, the envy which he gained by being King, made all things, even among his domeſtick Servants, faithleſs and troubleſom. The War with the Veians and other Etrurians (for now the Truce was out) was very opportunely taken up in order to the preſent Peace of the State. In that War, not only the valour, but the fortune of Tullius was very ſignal; for having routed a vaſt Army of the Enemies, and not caring whether he loſt the good will either of the Senate or the People, he returned to Rome: where he from that time, began the greateſt work of Peace; and, as Numa had been the Author of divine Ceremonies, ſo he reſolved to be eſteemed, in the opinion of all poſterity, the Founder of thoſe ſeveral diſtinctions in the City, and of thoſe degrees betwixt man and man, that make any difference, either in Dignity or Fortune. For, he made a Rate or Eſtimate of every mans Eſtate, which was like to be a very convenient conſtitution in that great, growing Empire; by which, the duties of War and Peace might be performed, not according to the number of ſingle perſons, as before, but as every man was able: and then he made ſeveral Claſſes and Centuries, and ſuch a diſcrimination, by that Eſtimate, as might be convenient, either in War or Peace.

Of thoſe who had a thouſand Pounds, or a greater Eſtate, he made eighty Centuries, that is to ſay, forty out of thoſe perſons who were called Seniores and Juniores [or the Elder and the Younger part of the Citizens;] all which were called the firſt, or chief Claſs: the Seniors, to be always ready for the preſervation of the City, and the Juniors, to make War abroad. The latter were ordered to have for their Arms, an Helmet, a Sheild, Boots and a Coat of Male, all of Braſs, for the defence of their Bodies: beſides which, they had Darts, a Javelin and a Sword to charge the Enemy. To this Claſs there were added two Centuries of Artificers, who were to be in pay, but unarmed, and their buſineſs was, to make Engines for War. The ſecond Claſs was raced between a thouſand and ſeven hundred pounds; out of which, both Seniors and Juniors, there were twenty Centuries raiſed; whoſe Arms were to be a Target, inſtead of a Shield, and beſides the Coat of Mail, all things as before. The third Claſs he rated at five hundred pounds, and they made up the like number of Centuries, with the ſame diſtinction of Age; nor was there any alteration made in their Arms, ſave only the Boots. In the fourth Claſs the Eſtimate was, two hundred and fifty pounds, and out of them as many Centuries made, but their Arms were changed, and nothing allowed them, except a Javelin, and a picked Dart like a Spit. The fifth Claſs was augmented, and thirty Centuries made out of it, who carried Slings and Stones with them: among whom were numbred the Trumpeters and Pipers, diſtributed into three Centuries; and this Claſs was rated at an hundred and odd pounds. But, the reſt of the Multitude were aſſeſſed at a lower rate, and therefore one Century was diſcharged from the Duties of War. Having thus equipped and diſtributed the Foot Soldiers, he raiſed twelve Centuries of Knights, out of the beſt of the City; and eſtabliſhed ſix other Troops, beſides thoſe three that Romulus had raiſed, by the ſame names under which they were by Augury liſted. To buy them Horſes, he gave an hundred pounds out of the publick Treaſury; and the Widows were Aſſeſſed to pay twenty pounds every year, toward the keeping of thoſe Horſes. All theſe Taxes were laid upon the Rich to eaſe the Poor. After that, he made a diſtinction in point of Honour; for every man had not the priviledg, (as it had been cuſtomary from Romulus downwards) promiſcuouſly to give his Vote; but there were Degrees made in ſuch a manner, that no one ſhould ſeem to be excluded from Voting, and yet all the Power might remain in the Nobility of the City. For the Knights were firſt called, and then the eighty Centuries of the firſt Claſs, among whom, if there happened to be any difference, which rarely fell out, thoſe of the ſecond Claſs were called, nor did they hardly ever go ſo low, as to deſcend to the meaner ſort of People. Nor ought we to wonder, that this diſtinction, which now obtains, ſince the making of five and thirty Tribes, the number of them being doubled, does not agree with thoſe Centuries of Juniors and Seniors which Servius Tullius eſtabliſhed: for, the City being divided into four Regions, according to the Hills on which they dwelt, he called thoſe Diviſions Tribes, as I ſuppoſe, from the word Tribuo [i. e. to pay Scot and Lot;] for he computed, by their Eſtates, what every one ought to contribute to the publick Stock: but theſe Tribes did not at all belong to the diſtribution or number of the Centuries.

Having ſetled this Rate, which he had the ſooner done, for fear of the Law, which was made againſt them, who gave not in the value of their Eſtates to the Cenſor, he ſet out an Edict, threatning Impriſonment and Death, to all the Citizens of Rome, whether Horſe or Foot, who did not appear in their ſeveral Centuries at the Campus Martius [or Field of Mars,] aſſoon as 'twas day: where, having ſet all the Army in Array, and purified them by Sacrificing a Boar, a Sheep and a Bull; which was called, at that time, Conditum Luſtrum [or a ſet day of Purifying the People,] becauſe he then made an end of his Aſſeſſments. Eighty thouſands Crowns were ſaid to be rated in that luſtration of the Citizens, and Fabius Pictor, a very ancient Writer, ſays, Thas was the number of thoſe that could then bear Arms. But, beſides this, he thought fit to enlarge the City according to the Multitude of the Inhabitants, adding two Hills, one called Quirinalis, the other Viminalis; after which, he Augmented the Eſquiliae, where he himſelf alſo dwelt, in Honour to the Place; beſides which, he Incloſed the City, with a Mound, Ditches and a Wall, and extended the Bounds of the Suburbs, called, Pomerium; which, ſome, who look only into the obvious ſignification of the Word, ſay, is ſo called, as if it were poſt maerium, [i. e. behind the Walls] though it is rather, a place near the Wall, which, the ancient Etrurians, when they built their Cities, by Augury Conſecrated within certain Bounds, where they were to Build their Walls; to the end, that neither within, any Houſes might be contiguous to the Walls, as they now commonly joyn them, and likewiſe, that without there might be ſome ſpace left, where men neither Built nor Planted. This ſpace of ground, which it was neither lawful to dwell upon, nor cultivate, the Romans called Pomerium, not becauſe it was poſt murum [i. e. behind the Wall,] any more, than, becauſe, murus erat poſt id [i. e. the Wall was behind that,] and, as the City was enlarged ſo far as the Walls extended, theſe Conſecrated Bounds reached.

The City being augmented by the extent of their Walls, and all things ready at home, for the uſe both of War and Peace, he, leſt they always ſhould ſeem to gain advantage by their Arms, endeavoured with Policy to increaſe the Empire, and, at the ſame time, to add ſome new Ornament to the City. There was, at that time, a famous Temple Dedicated to Diana, at Epheſus, which was reported to have been Built at the common Charge of all the Cities of Aſia. When Servius therefore had commended their unanimity, and magnified the gods that joyned with them, among the Nobility of the Latins, with whom he had both publickly and privately, on purpoſe, entered into bonds of mutual Hoſpitality and Friendſhip, he often repeated the ſame, and, at laſt, perſuaded the Latins to joyn with the Roman People, and Build a Temple to Diana at Rome: for they all confeſſed, that Rome was that Metropolis for which they had ſo often fought. And though all the Latins ſeemed now to neglect it, as having had ſuch ill ſucceſs ſo often with their Arms, yet, fortune ſeemed to offer her ſelf to one of the Sabines, with a private deſign of recovering the Empire. There was an Heifer ſaid to be Calv'd, belonging to a certain Yeoman in the Country of the Sabines, of a wonderful bigneſs, and very beautiful, (the Horns of it were fixed, for many Ages in the Porch of Dianas Temple, as a Monument of that Miracle) inſomuch, that ſhe was looked upon as a Prodigy, and the Diviners foretold, that, in that City whereof any Citizen Sacrificed that Heifer to Diana, the Empire ſhould afterwards be eſtabliſhed. And that Propheſie came to the hands of the chief Prieſt belonging to Dianas Temple. The Sabine, aſſoon as he thought it a fit day for Sacrifice, drove the Heifer to Rome, brought her to the Temple of Diana, and ſet her before the Altar. Then the Roman Prieſt, being moved, with the Celebrated Fame of ſuch a great Victim, and mindful of the reſponſe, accoſted the Sabine in theſe words: What doeſt thou mean, Friend? (ſaid he) to make an impure Sacrifice to Diana? Art thou waſhed in the living ſtream? See, Tiber runs in yonder Valley. At which, the Stranger, being awed, (for he deſired to do every thing according to order, that the event might anſwer the Prodigy) went down immediately to the Tiber, and in the mean while, the Roman Prieſt Sacrificed the Heifer to Diana: which Action of his was exceeding grateful, both to the King and the City.

Servius, although by tract of time, he was now put into undoubted poſſeſſion of the Kingdom, yet, becauſe he heard that young Tarquinius ſhould ſometimes ſay, He Reigned without the Peoples conſent; having firſt reconciled the minds of the Multitude by dividing certain Lands that he had taken from the Enemy, among them, he ventured to refer it to the People; Whether it were their will and pleaſure that he ſhould Reign? Whereupon, he was Declared King, by a conſent more Univerſal than any man had hardly been before him. But that did not diminiſh Tarquinius's hopes of gaining the Kingdom; no, he therefore conceiv'd a greater Animoſity, (becauſe he perceived, that the Peoples Property was Invaded againſt the will of the Senate) and thought he had a good opportunity to accuſe Servius before the Fathers, and to grow great himſelf in that Court, being himſelf a young man of an hot Spirit, nor only ſo, but having at home a Wife called Tullia, who inſtigated his reſtleſs mind; for even the Roman Palace produced an example of Tragick wickedneſs, that out of hatred to the Tyranny of Kings, their Liberty might be the ſooner accompliſhed; and that might be the laſt Kings Reign that was gain'd by injuſtice. It is not very well known, whether this Lucius Tarquinius was the Son or Grand-ſon of Tarquinius Priſcus, but moſt Authors ſay, he was his Son. He had a Brother, called Aruns Tarquinius, a young man of a mild diſpoſition; and theſe two, as aforeſaid, had Married the two Tullias, Daughters to the King, who were likewiſe very different in their inclinations. It ſo fell out, leſt two violent natures ſhould be coupled in Marriage; through the good fortune, I ſuppoſe, of the Roman People, that the Reign of Servius might be the longer, and the Conſtitutions of the City in his time be made. The fiercer Tullia was mightily vexed, that ſhe found nothing in her Husband that looked like Ambition or Audacity; wherefore, ſhe was wholly inclin'd to the other Tarquinius, admired him, ſaid, he was a Man, and came of Royal Blood; but deſpiſed the Siſter, in that, ſhe, by being Married, had loſt the true Courage of a Woman. In a little time, the likeneſs of their manners, engaged them two, as it commonly happens; and their miſchievous Deſigns were very ſuitable to each other; but the beginning of all confuſion ſprang from the Woman. For, ſhe being accuſtomed to the ſecret converſation of another man, ſpared no diſgraceful Words, either of her Husband to his Brother, or of her Siſter to her Husband, but ſaid, It had been better for her to be a Widow, and for him to have been ſtill a Batchellor, than to be ſo unequally yoaked, that ſhe her ſelf muſt languiſh under anothers ſloth: that, if the gods had given her the man whom ſhe deſerved, ſhe ſhould quickly have ſeen that Dominion in her own Houſe, which now her Father enjoyed. With theſe raſh words, ſhe ſoon fired the young man. Aruns Tarquinius, and Tullia the younger, when they, by almoſt continual Funerals, had made the Houſes empty, upon their new Marriage, were joyned in Matrimony; not only with Servius's allowance, but approbation too.

But then, Tullius's Age began every day to be more tedious to him, and his Reign more uneaſie; for that Woman daily contrived ſome new Villany, nor did ſhe ſuffer her Husband to reſt, either night or day, leſt her former Parricides ſhould ſeem too little to deſerve thanks: telling him, She did not lack a man who bore the Name of an Husband, nor one to whom ſhe was a ſilent Slave, but ſhe wanted one, who could think himſelf worthy of a Crown; who could remember, that he was the Son of Tarquinius Priſcus; who could be deſirous rather to have, than hope for a Kingdom. If thou (ſaid ſhe) art that man to whom I think I am married, I may make bold to call thee, not only Husband, but King; if not, the caſe is now much altered for the worſe, ſince Villany here is joyned with ſlothfulneſs. Rouze up thy ſelf! Thou haſt no need to ſeek for Foreign Kingdoms, from Corinth or from Tarquinii, as thy Father had, thy Houſhold-gods, and thoſe of thy Country, thy Fathers Image, the Kings Palace, the Regal Throne in that Palace, and the Name of Tarquin, creates and calls thee King: But, if this be not enough to raiſe thy Soul, why doeſt thou fruſtrate the expectations of the City? Why doeſt thou go under the Name of a young Prince? Get thee hence, to Tarquinii or Corinth; run Retrograde into thy Family, and prove more like thy Brother than thy Father. With theſe, and other taunting words, ſhe teazed the young man, nor could ſhe reſt her ſelf to think, that Tanaquil, who was a Foreigner, could carry on ſuch great Deſigns, as to confer two Regal Succeſſions, upon her Husband firſt, and then upon her Son-in-law, and yet ſhe, though come of Royal Blood, could be no inſtrument at all, either in the giving, or taking away a Crown. Tarquinius, being poſſeſs'd with this Female Fury, went about to get the Votes of the inferior Senators eſpecially, whom he put in mind of his Fathers kindneſs to them, and upon that Account, deſired their favour. He made the young men his friends by Mony, and then, promiſing great things of himſelf, and laying great crimes to the Kings charge, advanc'd his Credit among all People. At laſt, when he thought he had a fair opportunity to effect his Deſign, he came on a ſudden, guarded with a Company of Soldiers into the Forum (at which, all People were affrighted) and there, ſitting down, in the Kings Seat, he commanded the Senators to be ſummoned into Court, by the common Cryer, and to appear before their King Tarquinius; whereupon, they immediately came, ſome being prepared for it before-hand, and others, for fear, leſt their not coming, might turn to their Damage, but were aſtoniſhed at the Novelty and Strangeneſs of the ſight, and thought alſo, that Servius was taken off. Then Tarquinius began, with all the reviling Language that he could think on, and told them, That a Slave, and the Son of a Slave, after the death of his Father, who was baſely murthered, without any Interregnum [or ſpace between the Reign of two Kings] which had been formerly uſed, without any publick Aſſembly, without the Votes of the People, or the approbation of the Senate, but by the gift of a Woman, had been poſſeſſed of that Kingdom: and that he ſo Born, and ſo made King, being a great Patron of the baſeſt ſort of men, among which, himſelf is one, had, out of envy to other Peoples proſperity, taken their Lands from all the beſt in the City, and divided it among a pack of ſordid fellows: that he had laid all the Impoſts and Taxes, which were formerly paid by the whole City in general, upon the Nobility only; and that, he made a Rate or Eſtimate of every mans Eſtate, to make the fortunes of rich men only more viſible to the eye of Envy, and that he might have them ready to beſtow upon Beggars whenever he pleaſed.

As he was making this Speech, Servius came in, who, being much concerned at the frightful News, immediately at his entrance into the Court, cryed out aloud, Tarquinius, What meaneſt thou? How dareſt thou Convene the Senate whileſt I am alive, or ſit in my Throne? To which, Tarquinius as briskly anſwered, That he was then in the Throne of his Father, and much fitter to be Heir of the Kingdom, being the Son of a King, than any Slave could be: that he had too long licentiouſly inſulted over thoſe, who were by right his Maſters. Upon that, there was a great Shout made, by ſuch as were favourers of both Parties, and the People thronged into the Court, where it appeared, that he was moſt likely to Reign that was the ſtronger. Then, Tarquinius, who was now forced of meer neceſſity, to make his laſt effort, being much ſtronger, both for his Age and Conſtitution, caught Servius by the middle, and carrying him out of the Court, threw him down Stairs to the very bottom. Then he went back into the Court, to reduce the Senate; at whoſe return, the Kings Officers and Retinue fled all away, and the King himſelf, who was almoſt dead, going homeward, with his Attendants, who were themſelves half dead, when he came to the upper end of the Street, call'd Vicus Cyprius, was overtaken and murthered by certain Perſons whom Tarquinius had ſent to purſue him. It is believed, that this was done by the advice of Tullia, becauſe it is ſo like her other Villanous Actions: but, this is certain, and very well known, that ſhe rode upon a Chariot into the Forum, and not at all fearing the Concourſe of ſo many People, called her Huſband out of the Court, being the firſt who ſaluted him by the Name of King. But he, deſiring her to be gone out of that great Tumult, as ſhe was going home, when ſhe came to the upper end of the Street, called Vicus Ciprius, where the Image of Diana lately ſtood, as they were turning up the ſide of the Hill, called Clivus Virbius, to go into the Eſquiliae, the Charioteer ſtopt, as if he had been frightned, and check'd the Reins of his Horſes, to ſhew his Lady the Body of Servius, who lay there ſlain in the Street. Whereupon (they tell you) of a Barbarous and Inhuman Action, which ſhe then did, and the place it ſelf is a Monument of it; for, they call that Street, Vicus Sceleratus [i. e. Villains Street] in which, Tullia, inſtigated by the fury of her Siſter and her Husband, drove over the Body of her Father; and that, ſhe carried part of his Blood upon her Chariot, being her ſelf alſo, contaminated and beſprinkled with it, to the Houſhold-gods of her and her Husband, who being diſpleaſed at it, the latter end of her Husbands Reign was full as miſchievous as the beginning. Servius Tullius Reigned four and forty years, with ſuch prudence, that even a good and a moderate Succeſſor would have found it an hard task to have been equal to him. But this alſo was an addition to his Glory; that, with him, all Juſt and Lawful Reigns came to an end: Yet, his ſo mild and moderate Government, becauſe it was in the hands of one only (ſome Authors ſay) he had a mind to lay down, had not that Domeſtick Villany intervened and ſpoiled all his Deſigns of ſetting his Country at Liberty.

Then, Lucius Tarquinius began his Reign, whoſe Actions gave him the Name of Superbus, becauſe he denied his Father-in-law the Common Rites of Burial (ſaying,) That Romulus alſo was never Buried after his Death; and killed all the chief Men of the Senate, whom he thought favourers of Servius. Afterwards, being conſcious that he got the Kingdom by ill means, and that he himſelf might afford an example of the like Injuſtice, even againſt himſelf, he got a Guard about him; for he had no pretenſion to the Kingdom, beſides force, in that, he Reigned, neither by Order of the People, nor Approbation of the Senate. Wherefore, his only refuge, was, ſince he could repoſe no Truſt in the love of the Citizens, to ſecure his Reign by Fear: with which, that he might poſſeſs the minds of moſt People, he himſelf, in Perſon, took cognizance of all Capital Cauſes, without any Advice or Aſſiſtance: and by that means could put to Death, Baniſh, or Fine People at his Pleaſure; not only thoſe whom he ſuſpected, or hated, but even them alſo, from whom he could hope for nothing elſe but a Prey. He likewiſe contracted the number of the Senate eſpecially, reſolving, to chooſe none into that Dignity, that by their being the fewer, their Order might grow the more contemptible, and they might be the leſs concerned that nothing was tranſacted by them. For he was the firſt King that abrogated the old cuſtom of conſulting the Senate in all caſes; and governing the Commonwealth by private Councils, he himſelf alone made War and Peace, Entered into and Diſſolved all Leagues and Alliances with whomſoever he pleaſed, without the conſent of the People and Senate. But, above all others, he made the Latins his Friends, that he might be the more ſecure at home, even in the ſtrength of Foreign Allies: nor did he only engage the Chief of Hoſpitality and common Friendſhip, but in Affinity alſo. For he gave his Daughter in Marriage to Octavus Mamilius Tuſculanus, who was the greateſt Man among all the Latins, deſcended (if we may believe common Fame) from Ulyſſes and the Goddeſs Circe; by which Marriage, he obliged a great many of his Friends and Kindred.

By this time, Tarquinius's Authority among the Latin Nobility, was very great; when, on a certain day, he ordered them to meet at a Place called, Lucus Ferentin • e [i. e. the Grove of Ferentina] telling them, that he had ſemething to ſay concerning publick Affairs. Accordingly, they met in a great Number, aſſoon as 'twas day, and Tarquinius himſelf indeed obſerved the day, but came a little before Sun-ſetting only, though, all day long, there were many and various Diſputes in that Aſſembly. Turnus Herdonius, who came from Aricia, inveighed very ſeverely againſt Tarquinius who was then abſent; ſaying, It was no wonder, that the Romans called him Tarquinius Superbus, [i. e. Tarquinius the Proud] (for ſo, they, now, though privately, yet generally called him) for can any thing be a greater ſign of pride, than thus to ſlight the whole Nobility of the Latins? For him, who appointed this Aſſembly of ſo many Nobles, that are come ſo far from home, not to be here himſelf: that he did it to try their patience, and to find out, how much he could impoſe on them, if they would ſubmit to his yoke; For who did not plainly ſee, that he affected Dominion over the Latins; which, if his own Citizens had freely offered him, or had it been entruſted to him, and not extorted by Paricide, the Latins alſo ought to entruſt him, (though it were very hard, even in that caſe, to truſt a Stranger) but if his own Countrymen were weary of him (ſince they were Killed, Baniſhed and undone in great Numbers,) What better things could the Latins expect? If they would take his Counſel, he would adviſe them to go home again and take no more of the Aſſembly-day, than he did, who appointed it. As this Seditious and Mutinous fellow was ſaying this and a great deal more to the ſame purpoſe, who had, by this means, made a great Party in his own Country, in the midſt of his Diſcourſe, in came Tarquinius, which put an end to his Speech. Immediately they all turned from him, to ſalute Tarquinius; who, when they were all ſilent, being adviſed by thoſe that were next him to excuſe himſelf for coming at that time of the day, he told them, That he was choſen Umpire in a difference between a Father and a Son, that he ſtaid to reconcile them, and becauſe that buſineſs had taken up that day, he would do what he deſigned, the day following. To which (they ſay) Turnus could not forbear to reply, but told him, There was no quicker determination of any difference, than between a Father and a Son, and that it might be compoſed in a few words; that is to ſay, unleſs he obeyed his Father, he ſhould come to ſome misfortune.

Turnus, having thus inveighed againſt the Roman King, went out of the Aſſembly. Which thing Tarquinius taking ſomewhat worſe than he ſeemed to do, immediately contrived his Death; to the end, that he might put the Latins into the ſame terror, wherewith he had awed the minds of his own Citizens at home: but, becauſe he could not conveniently be murthered in Publick, with any ſhew of Juſtice, he laid falſe Crimes to his charge, and took him off, though he were guiltleſs. He, by the help of certain of Aricia, who were of a contrary Faction, corrupted Turnus's Servant with Mony, to let him privately put a great many Swords into his Lodging; which being done in one night, Tarquinius, a little before day, ſent for the Latin Nobility, as if he were diſturbed at ſome new thing, and told them, That his delay the day before fell out by a kind of Providence, to be both his, and their preſervation: that he heard Turnus had deſign'd to kill him and all the chief of the People, that he might, himſelf, be King of the Latins: that he was to have gone about it yeſterday at the Aſſembly, but the buſineſs was put off, becauſe, he, who ſummoned them, and was the Perſon moſt aimed at, was abſent. And, thence it was that he inveighed ſo much againſt him behind his back, becauſe by his delay, that Villains hopes were diſappointed: that he did not doubt, if all he heard were true, but that, in the morning when they came to Council, he would be there ready with a band of Conſpirators all in Arms; for, 'twas reported, that a great number of Swords were conveyed into his Lodgings: which, whether it were true, or no, might ſoon be known; and therefore he deſired them, that they would go along with him to Turnus. The fierce diſpoſition of Turnus, with the Speech that he made the day before, and Tarquinius's delay, made the thing very much ſuſpected, for they thought, that the latter was the cauſe, why that Maſſacre was deferred; they therefore went along with him, inclined to believe what he ſaid, but yet were reſolved, to take all the reſt for an idle Story, unleſs they found the Swords. When they came thither, the Officers waked Turnus, and ſtood round about him; and having laid hold of his Servants, who out of love to their Maſter, were going to make reſiſtance; when the Swords, which were hid, were brought forth, out of every corner of the Room, the Fact ſeemed clear enough, and they Fettered Turnus: whereupon, the Aſſembly of the Latins was immediately called in great haſte, who, when they ſaw the Swords, were ſo incenſed at it, that, without hearing him ſpeak for himſelf, they contrived him a new ſort of Death; that he ſhould be thrown into the head of a River, called, Aqua Ferentina, with an Hurdle upon him, on which, Stones ſhould be piled, and he, by that means Drowned.

After that, the Latins being again ſummoned to Council, Tarquinius, having praiſed thoſe who had puniſhed the Traitor Turnus, for his manifeſt Paricide, according to his Deſerts; made this Speech, That he could treat with them, upon the old account, becauſe, ſeeing all the Latins came originally from Alba, they were obliged by that League, whereby, all the Alban State, from the time of Tullus, together with all its dependencies, was put under the Roman Juriſdiction: but, that he thought it more for the advantage of them all, to renew that League; and that the Latins ſhould rather enjoy the proſperity of the Romans as Partners, than always either expect, or endure that Sacking of their Cities and Devaſtation of their Country, which, under Ancus firſt, and afterwards, in the Reign of his Father, they had ſuffered. The Latins were eaſily perſuaded, though in that League the Romans had the advantage; for they ſay, not only that the Heads of their Nation were of the Kings Party and Opinion, but Turnus alſo was a freſh Example of the danger that each of them would be in, who oppoſed it. So, the League was renewed, and a ſummons ſent to the Junior Latins, That, according to that League, they ſhould appear upon a certain day, at the Grove called, Lucus Ferentinae, all in Arms. Who, when they came, according to the Edict of the Roman King, from all Quarters, and then, leſt they ſhould have a Leader of their own, a ſeparate Command by themſelves, or peculiar Signals, he mixed the ſeveral Bands of them, with Latins and Romans together, putting a Roman between every two Latins, and ſo, doubling their Companies, over which he ſet Centurions of his own chooſing.

But, though he were an unjuſt King in Peace, yet he was not an ill General in War, but would have equalled the former Kings in that Art, his ill behaviour in other matters detracted from his perfection in that. He was the firſt that made War againſt the Volſci, for above two hundred years after his time; and took Sueſſa Pometia from them by Storm; where, when he had ſold the Booty, for four hundred Talents of Silver and Gold, he deſigned ſo large a Model for the Temple of Jupiter, as was fit for the King of gods and men, worthy of the Roman Empire, and equal to the Majeſty of that place; and for the Building of that Temple, he ſet apart all the Mony that he got in the War. After that, he was ingaged in a War, much longer than he expected, againſt Gabii, a Neighbouring City, which he had in vain attempted to Storm, and which he at laſt, not like a Roman, by any means, but by Fraud and Stratagem, Attacked, ſince he was beaten from the Walls thereof, ſo far, as, that he had no hopes even to lay Siege to it; wherefore, whilſt he pretended to ſet aſide all thoughts of a War, that he might lay the Foundations of that Temple, and other Edifices in the City, his Son Sextus, who was the youngeſt of three, fled away, by compact, to Gabii, complaining of his Fathers intolerable cruelty to him; telling them, that, Now he had turned all his pride, from Strangers, upon his own Family; that he was now grown weary, even of his own Children, and reſolved to cauſe the ſame ſolitude in his own Houſe, as he had made in the Court, leſt he ſhould leave any off-ſpring behind him, or any one to Inherit his Kingdom: that he, indeed had eſcaped his Fathers Darts and Swords, but, thought himſelf ſafe in no place, unleſs it were among the Enemies of Lucius Tarquinius. Leſt they ſhould miſtake in their meaſures, that War ſtill continued, which he pretended to have given over, and, that he, upon occaſion would ſurprize them. And that, if among them, poor men that Petitioned could find no admittance, he would wander over all Latium; whence, if he were expelled, he would go to the Volſci, the Equi and the Hernici, 'till he came to thoſe, who know how to protect Children, from the Cruel and Impious Puniſhments of their Fathers: and beſides that, too, he hoped, he might find ſome inclination, to War, and Arms againſt that proud King, and his Savage People. When he, if they regarded not what he ſaid, ſeemed angry at them, and reſolved to go forward from thence to ſome other place, he was kindly entertained by the Gabines; who told him, it was no wonder, if he at laſt proved to his own Children, what he had always been to his Countrymen and Allies: that, he would, in time, offer violence to himſelf, if he wanted another ſubject: but, that his coming was very grateful to them, and they believed, that in a ſhort time, the War might be transferred from the Gates of Gabii, to the Walls of Rome.

After that, he was admitted into their publick Councils, where, though he ſaid, that he, in other things, aſſented to the ancient Gabines, to whom ſuch things were better known, yet, he approved of continuing the War, and ſaid, The greateſt thing he pretended to, was, that he knew the ſtrength of both People, and that the Kings pride was really hated by all his Subjects, ſeeing his very Children were not able to endure it. Thus, by degrees, inciting the Gabine Nobility, once more to renew the War, he went, with the moſt active of their Youth, to Forage the Country; and upon other Expeditions, gaining Credit by all that he ſaid or did, ſo well was his Cheat contrived; 'till, at laſt, he was choſen General of the War, in which, the Multitude, being ignorant what his Deſign was, when ſome ſmall Skirmiſhes had paſſed, between Rome and Gabii, in which the Gabines, for the moſt part, had the better on it, the Gabines all, from the higheſt to the loweſt, thought, Sextus Tarquinius was ſent to them as a Bleſſing from the gods. And, among the Soldiers, by running upon, danger and difficulties, as well as munificently diſtributing the Booty, he was ſo much beloved, that his Father Tarquinius was not more powerful at Rome, than he at Gabii. Wherefore, when he ſaw that he had gathered ſtrength enough for all his Deſigns, he ſent a Meſſenger to his Father at Rome, to know, What he would have him do: For; at Gabii, the Gods had ſo ordered it, that he alone could do what he pleaſed. This Meſſenger, (becauſe, I ſuppoſe, he was ſuſpected, had no expreſs Anſwer; but the King, as if he were going to deliberate upon the matter, walked into his Garden, and his Sons Meſſenger followed him: where, walking without ſilently along, (they ſay) he, with his Staff, cut off the heads of the Poppies. The Meſſenger being wearied with asking for, and expecting his Anſwer, deſpaired of having what he came for, and therefore, returning to Gabii, told all that he himſelf ſaid, and what he ſaw; ſaying, that whether out of anger, or hatred, or natural pride, the King ſaid never a Word. Sextus, diſcovering what his Father meant, and what his Commands were, even by thoſe dumb ſigns, he cauſed the chief men of the City to be put to Death, by Accuſing ſome of them to the People, and inſtigating others, by their own mutual Envy. Many of them were ſlain publickly, though ſome, againſt whom his Accuſation was not like to be ſo ſpecious and plauſible, were Murthered privately. Some, that were willing, fled their Country, and others were Baniſhed, and the Goods of thoſe that were abſent, as well as of thoſe that were put to Death, were divided. Whereupon, by the ſweetneſs of that diſtribution, the ſhare which each one received of the Booty, and upon the ſcore of their private advantage, they loſt the ſenſe of publick misfortunes, 'till at laſt, the Gabine State, deprived both of Council and Power, ('tis ſaid) was ſurrendred to the King of Rome, without any Bloodſhed.

Having gotten Gabii, Tarquinius made Peace with the Aequi, and renewed his League with the Tuſci. After which, he applied his mind to the Affairs of the City; whereof the firſt was, a deſign that he had to leave the Temple of Jupiter upon the Tarpeian Mount, as a Monument of his Reign and Name, for two Kings of the Tarquinian Race were engaged in that buſineſs, the Father, who vowed to build it, and the Son who made an end of it. And, that the whole Body of that Temple, might be free from all other Religions, he reſolved, to unhallow thoſe Temples, and Chappels, which, in the War againſt Romulus, were deſigned, Conſecrated, and afterwards with Auguries ſet apart by King Tatius. When he firſt began this Structure, ('tis ſaid) that the gods were concerned at it, and gave ſome indications of the future growth of that Empire: for, though the Birds permitted the unhallowing of all other Temples, yet, in the Temple of the god Terminus, they did not allow it: which Omen and Augury was ſo interpreted, as if the god Terminus by not removing out of his Place, nor leaving his holy Bounds, portended, that all things ſhould continue firm and ſtable. When they had received this Prediction of the perpetuity of their Empire, there was another Prodigy after that, which ſignified the greatneſs of it; and it was this: (they ſay) that, as they opened the Foundations of the Temple, there appeared a mans Head with an intire Face; which ſight did plainly and directly portend, that that Caſtle ſhould be the Head of all the World: and ſo likewiſe ſaid the Diviners, not only ſuch as lived in the City, but thoſe alſo whom they had ſent for, to that purpoſe, out of Etruria. The Kings Deſign encreaſed according to his expences, and therefore, the Plunder, taken at Pometia, which was deſigned for the perfecting of that Work, would ſcarce ſerve to lay the Foundation. Wherefore, I rather give credit to Fabius, who, beſides that, he is the ancienter Author, ſays, there were forty Talents only, than to Piſo, who ſays, there were forty thouſands of Silver ſet apart to that uſe: for ſuch a ſum of Mony was not to be expected out of the ſpoils of any one City, beſides, that it exceeded the magnificence even of any, nay, even of that Foundation.

Being intent to perfect this Temple, he ſent for Workmen from all parts of Etruria, and did not only make uſe of the publick Stock, to that end, but of the common People too, for Labourers; who, though they had great additional Impoſitions, in point of Military Affairs, yet they did not grudg to build the Temples of the gods, with their own hands. But they were afterwards drawn into other Tasks, which, though they ſeemed leſs, required greater pains; that is to ſay, to make Partitions in the Circus, [or place of Games and Exerciſe] and a great Common-ſewer under Ground, to be a receptable for all the filth in the City: to which two Works, this new Magnificence of his could hardly find any thing to compare. The common People being exerciſed by theſe Labours, he, thinking the Multitude, if they were not employed, would be a burthen to the City, and being deſirous to enlarge the Bounds of the Empire, by ſending Colonies out of it, he ſent one to Signia and Circeii, to be a future ſecurity to the City, both by Sea and Land. While he was thus employed, a terrible portent appeared to him, and that was, a Snake crawling out of a Wooden Pillar, which putting him into a fright, made him run into the Palace, but did not aſtoniſh him ſo much with ſudden fear, as it filled his Breaſt with anxious thoughts. Therefore, though the Etrurian Diviners only were made uſe of, in caſe of publick Prodigies, he ſent this, as being a private Wonder, to Delphos, to the moſt famous Oracle upon the face of the whole Earth: nor daring to commit the truſt of the anſwer to any other, he ſent his two Sons, through Lands unknown at that time, and Seas much ſtranger, into Greece. Their Names that went, were Titus and Aruns, who had for their Companion, Lucius Junius Brutus, Son to Tarquinia, the Kings Siſter, a young man of a quite different temper, from what he ſeemed. He having heard that the chief men of the City were murthered by his Uncle, and that his Brother was one, reſolved to give the King no occaſion of fear, from any deſigns of his, nor any reaſon to covet his fortune, but to be ſafe, by being contemned, ſince there was little ſecurity in Law and Juſtice. He therefore induſtriouſly feigned himſelf a Fool, and permitting the King to diſpoſe of his Perſon and Eſtate as he thought fit, he did not refuſe even the Surname of Brutus; [that is, fooliſh or ſottiſh] to the end, that under the covert of that Surname, his latent Soul which, once, was like to be the deliverer of the Roman People, might in due time ſhew it ſelf. He therefore, at that time, being taken to Delphi, along with the Tarquinii, for a Laughing-ſtock, more than a Companion; ('tis ſaid) he carried a Golden Staff, encloſed in one of Corneil-wood, which was hollowed for that purpoſe, as a preſent to Apollo, which was an Emblem of his own Ingenuity. Where, when they came, having executed their Fathers Commands, the young men were very deſirous to know, To which of them the Roman Kingdom ſhould fall: whereupon (they ſay) there came a Voice out of the bottom of the Cave, ſaying, He among you three ſhall have the chief Dominion at Rome, who gives his Mother the firſt kiſs. The Tarquinii, to the end that Sextus, who was left at Rome, might not know the Anſwer, and ſo be deprived of the Empire, commanded it to be kept with all ſecrecy imaginable; and drew Lots among themſelves, which of them, when they came to Rome, ſhould firſt kiſs his Mother. But Brutus imagining that the Oracle had ſome other meaning, pretended to fall down by chance, and kiſſed the Earth; for that, he conſidered, was the common Mother of all men living. Then they came back to Rome, where there were very great preparations making againſt the Rutuli.

The Rutuli were then poſſeſſed of Ardea, being a People, who, conſidering that Country and that Age were very rich, which was indeed the very cauſe of that War; for the King of Rome deſired not only to enrich himſelf, being now Exhauſted by his Magnificence in publick Works, but endeavoured likewiſe, with Spoils and Plunder, to engage the Affections of his Country-men, who, beſides their inſolence, were alſo very uneaſie, and took it mighty ill, that their King ſhould keep them ſo long in the ſervile Employments of Maſons and Carpenters. They tryed firſt to take Ardea, by a ſudden Onſet, but that not ſucceeding, Attacked the Enemies by Siege and Counter-works. In that Campaign (as it is more uſual in a long than a ſharp War) they had liberty enough of paſſing to and fro, but the Officers more than the common Soldiers. The Kings Sons and Kinſmen did often ſpend their time in Feaſting and Treating one another, and as they were Drinking with Sextus Tarquinius, where Collatinus Tarquinius, the Son of Egerius, then alſo ſupped, there happened a Diſcourſe concerning their Wives, upon which, each man moſt wonderfully praiſed his own, and thence a quarrel ariſing, Collatinus ſaid, It was in vain to talk, ſince it might eaſily be known, and in a ſhort time, how much his Lucretia excelled the reſt; wherefore, if you have any vigour in you, let us mount our Horſes, and go ſee with our own eyes, what kind of Women our Wives are; and that ſhall be the Teſt, which occurs to each man upon his ſudden arrival. They were all heated with Wine, and therefore cryed, Come on, 'tis agreed; and ſo Galloped to Rome: whither when they came, about the edg of night, they went forward thence to Collatia; where they found Lucretia, not like the reſt of the Kings Daughters-in-law, whom they ſaw ſpending their time with their Equals in Banqueting and Luxury, but ſitting late at night in the middle of her Houſe amongſt her Maids a ſpinning. Whereupon, Lucretia was moſt commended, who received her Husband and the Tarquinii very kindly, and her Husband who was the Victor in that Controverſie, very courteouſly invited the Royal Youths to Supper: at which time, Sextus Tarquinius was ſeized with a luſtful deſire to Raviſh Lucretia, being incited both by her Beauty and known Chaſtity; and when they had ended their Juvenile Paſtimes for that Night, they returned to the Camp.

Some few days after, Sextus Tarquinius, without the privity of Collatinus, took one Companion only with him, and came to Collatia; where being received very kindly by them who knew nothing of his Deſign, when, after Supper, he was conducted into his Lodging Chamber, being inflamed with Love, aſſoon as he thought all things ſecure enough, and every body faſt aſleep, he came, with his Sword drawn, to Lucretias Bed-ſide, and laying his left hand upon her Breaſt, Lucretia (ſaid he) hold your tongue, I am Sextus Tarquinius, and I have my Sword in my hand; if you ſpeak one word you ſhall die. The Woman being frighted out of her ſleep, and ſeeing Death ſo nigh, without any hopes of relief, Turquinius began to tell her how he loved her, to intreat her, and to mix menaces with his intreaties, and indeavoured to perſuade her by all manner of means. But when he ſaw her obſtinate, and that ſhe could not be prevailed upon, even by the fear of Death, he added diſgrace to fear, and told her, He would ſtab a Slave, and lay him naked by her when ſhe was dead, ſo that a report ſhould be raiſed, how ſhe was killed in the very Act of ſuch ſordid Adultery. By which terror, when his prevailing Luſt had overcome her obſtinate Chaſtity, and Tarquin having conquered the honour of a Woman, was gone to Rome, Lucretia being very ſad upon ſuch a diſmal occaſion, ſent the ſame Meſſenger to Rome to her Father, and to Ardea to her Husband, to deſire them, that they would come thither each of them with a truſty friend, and that with ſpeed too, for a grievous accident had befallen her. Sp. Lucretius came with P. Valerius the Son of Voleſus, and Collatinus with L. Junius Brutus, in whoſe Company, as he was accidentally coming back to Rome, he was met by his Wifes Meſſenger. They found Lucretia ſitting very penſive in her Chamber, and their coming made her break out into tears. Her Husband asked her, Art thou not well, my Dear? No, (ſaid ſhe) How can a Woman be well that has loſt her Chaſtity? there are yet the ſigns of another man, Collatinus, in thy Bed: but my Body only is violated, and my mind guiltleſs, of which my Death ſhall be a witneſs: but give me your hands and your promiſes, that the Adulterer ſhall not eſcape unpuniſhed. Sextus Tarquinius is the man, who like an Enemy, inſtead of a Gueſt, the laſt night came Armed to my Bed, and thence forced pleaſures, which, if you are men, will prove as fatal to him as me. They all, one after another, gave her their words; comforting her grieved heart, and turning the guilt from her who was compelled, upon him who was the Author of the Crime; and telling her, That her Mind, not her Body could only commit the offence, and where there was no conſent, there could be no fault. Do you (ſaid ſhe) conſider what he deſerves; though I abſolve my ſelf from the Crime, I will not be free from the Puniſhment; nor ſhall any unchaſt Woman live to ſay, Lucretia was her Example. With that, ſhe took a knife which ſhe had got under her Garment, and ſtuck it into her heart, and falling forwards upon her Wound, dropt down Dead; at which her Husband and her Father ſet up a loud cry.

Brutus, whileſt they were full of grief, drew forth the bloody knife out of Lucretias Wound, and ſaid, I ſwear, by this Blood, which was ſo chaſt before the King ſtained it, and you, ye gods, I take to witneſs it, that I will cut off L. Tarquinius Superbus, his wicked Wife and all his Children, with Sword, Fire, or any other violent means that I can; nor will I ſuffer either them, or any other, from this time forward, to be King of Rome. Then he delivered the knife to Collatinus, and after that, to Lucretius and Valerius, who wondered to ſee that Brutus's his diſpoſition ſhould be ſo ſuddenly altered: wherefore they ſwore, as he had done before them; and being wholly turned from Lamentation to Fu • y, immediately followed Brutus, who incited them to go and extirpate Kingly Government. They carried the Body of Lucretia out of the Houſe into the Market-place; where they ſtirred up the People (as it uſually happens) at the ſight and indignity of ſuch a ſtrange Action, and every one complained of the Kings outrage and violence, nor did her Father's Lamentations only move them, but Brutus reſtraining their tears and vain complaints, perſuaded them to do what became men and Romans, by taking up Arms againſt the common Enemy. Immediately each brisk young man came voluntarily in, ready Armed, whom the reſt of the Youth ſoon after followed; and then, having left a ſufficient Guard upon the Gates of Collatia, and planted Sentinels, ſo that no body could come out to tell the news of that Inſurrection to the King, the reſt went armed after Brutus to Rome, where when they arrived, they being in Arms, put the People into dread and tumult whereever they went; for they ſeeing the chief of the City in the head of them, thought, that whatever the matter was, it was no raſh Attempt. Nor did that heinous fact create leſs diſturbance at Rome, than it had done at Collatia. Wherefore the People ran from all parts of the City into the Market-place, where they were no ſooner come, but the Cryer ſummoned the People to appear before the Tribune of the Celeres, [or Light Horſemen, who were the Kings Guard, which Office Brutus at that time happened to bear.] Then he made an Oration, which ſhewed much ſenſe and ingenuity beyond what he to that time had pretended to, Concerning the Violence and Luſt of Sextus Tarquinius, concerning the horrid Rape and miſerable Death of Lucretia, concerning the loſs of Tricipitinus [or Lucretius] who was more concerned and ſorrowful for the cauſe of it, than for the Death of his Daughter. Then he inveighed againſt the pride of the King, together with the miſeries and ſlavery of the People, who were even drowned, to cleanſe Ditches and Common-ſewers; and aggravated the matter, with this circumſtance alſo, that the Romans, who were Conquerors of all the Nations round about them, ſhould be made Artificers and Stone-cutters, inſtead of Warriors. After which, he remembred the baſe murther of King Servius Tullius, and his Daughters curſed act of driving over her Fathers dead Body, with an invocation of the gods, that uſed to revenge Impiety to Parents. Having ſaid thus, and other things much worſe (I ſuppoſe) which the preſent Barbarity made it difficult for Writers to relate, he induced the incenſed Multitude to abrogate the Kings Power, and to Baniſh L. Tarquinius, with his Wife and Children; whileſt he himſelf, with the younger men that he had choſen out and Armed, as Voluntiers, went to Ardea to the Camp to raiſe the Army there againſt the King; leaving the Government of the City to Lucretius, who was then Prefect of it by the Kings Commiſſion. Amidſt this tumult, Tullia left her Houſe, on whom both Men and Women heaped Curſes whereſoever ſhe went, invoking the Furies that puniſh Children for diſrepect to Parents.

When the Camp had notice of theſe things, the King was much concerned, and went to Rome to repreſs thoſe Inſurrections there; and therefore Brutus (who was ſenſible of his coming) leſt he ſhould meet him, went another way about the ſame time, Brutus to Ardea, and Tarquinius to Rome. The Gates were ſhut againſt Tarquinius, and his Baniſhment Proclaimed; whileſt the rejoycing Camp received Brutus as the Deliverer of the City, expelling thence the Kings Children; of whom, two followed their Father, and went into Baniſhment to Caere, a Town in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius going to Gabii as into his own Kingdom, was killed by certain men, who had a mind to revenge the ancient quarrels, which he himſelf, by Slaughter and Rapine had been the Author of. L. Tarquinius Superbus Reigned five and twenty years, and the Reign of Kings of Rome, from the time the City was built, to the deliverance of it, continued two hundred and forty four years: at which time, two Conſuls were Created in the Aſſembly, called, Comitia Centuriata [or an Aſſembly wherein every man gave his ſuffrage vivâ voce in the Century that he belonged to,] by the Prefect of the City according to the method that Servius Tullius had preſcribed, whoſe names were, L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

DECADE I. BOOK II. EPITOME.

1. Brutus obliged the People by an Oath, not to ſuffer any of the Tarquins to Reign at Rome, 2. He ſuſpected his Colleague Collatinus by reaſon of the Affinity that was between him and the Tarquins, and therefore compelled him, not only to lay down his Conſulſhip, but quit the City too. 5. He ordered the Kings Family to be plundered, and Conſecrated that Field to Mars, which was called Campus Martius [or the Field of Mars.] He Beheaded ſeveral Noble Youth, among which, were ſome even of his own and his Siſters Sons, for Conſpiring to bring in Kings again; giving his Slave, whoſe Name was Vindicius, his Liberty, for Diſcovering it: from whoſe Name, the word Vindicta (made uſe of in the manumiſſion or frecing of a Slave) was derived. 6. Having led an Army againſt the Royal Party, who had raiſed the Veians and the Tarquinians to make a War, he died in the Field at the ſame time with Aruns, the Son of Superbus; and the Matrons mourned for him a whole year. 7, 8. P. Valerius being Conſul, he made a Law concerning an Appeal to the People. The Capital was Dedicated. 9, 10. Porſena, King of Cluſium, having undertaken a War in the Defence of the Tarquinii, and come as far as Janiculum [the Southwark of Rome,] was hindered from paſſing the Tiber, by the Valour of Horatius Cocles; who, whileſt others cut down the Wooden Bridg, alone endured the ſhock of the Etrurians: and when the Bridg was broken, throwing himſelf all Armed into the River, ſwam over to his Party, 12. There was another example of great conſtancy ſhewn by Mucius, who, having entered the Enemies Camp with a Deſign to kill Porſena, but murthering a Secretary, whom he miſtook for the King, and being laid hold on, laid his hand upon an Altar, where they had juſt ſacrificed, and held it there 'till 'twas burnt off: ſaying, that there were three hundred Conſpirators in a Deſign to murther the King, At which Porſena was ſo amazed, that his fear forced him to make conditions of Peace, to lay down his Arms and receive Hoſtages. 13. Amongſt whom, one Cloelia, a Virgin, having ſtollen from her Keepers, ſwam over the Tiber to the Romans, and being brought back again to Porſena, was honourably ſent home, and graced with a Statue of her ſelf on Horſeback. 16. Ap. Claudius fled from the Sabines to Rome; and thence came the Tribe called Tribus Claudia. The number of the Tribes was enlarged, ſo as to make them one and twenty. 19, 20. A. Poſtumius, the Dictator, ſought with ſucceſs, near the Lake called Lacus Regillus, againſt Tarquinius Superbus, who made War with an Army of the Latins. 23, &c. The Common People, who had ſeparated themſelves into the Mount, called Mons Sacer, for the ſake of ſome who were in Priſon for Debt, were recalled from their Sedition by the Counſel of Menenius Agrippa. The ſame Agrippa, when he died, was, by reaſon of his poverty, buried at the publick Charge. 33. Five Tribunes of the People were Created. A Town belonging to the Volſci, called Corioli, was taken by the Valour and Conduct of C. Marcius, who, for that reaſon, was called Coriolanus. 36. Tib Atinias, a mean man, having been admoniſhed by an Apparition, to adviſe the Senate concerning certain Religious Duties, but neglected the ſame, loſt his Son, and grew a Cripple; but being carried to the Senate in a Litter, and having told them what he had to ſay, recovered the uſe of his feet, and walked home. 39, 40. When C. Marcius Cor • olanus, who had been Baniſhed, was made General of the Volſci, and had brought an Army of the Enemies near to the City of Rome, there were Embaſſadors firſt ſent to him; after whom, when the Prieſts had in vain deſired of him not to make War againſt his Country, Veturia his Mother, and Volumnia his Wife, obtained the favour of him to retire. 41. The Law, called Lex Agraria [i. e. concerning the Diviſion of Lands] was firſt made. Sp Caſſiùs, a Conſuls fellow, was Condemned for Treaſon, and put to Death. 42. Oppia, a Veſtal Virgin, was buried alive for Inceſt. 46, &c. When their Neighbouring Foes, the Veians, became more troubleſome than intolerable, the Family of the Fabii deſired to have the management of that War; and ſent to it three hundred and ſix Soldiers, who were every one of them killed by the Enemy at Cremera, having left at home only one Lad who was not then of Age. 58. Ap. Claudius being Conſul, and having, through the Contumacy of his Army, loſt a Battel againſt Volſci, knocked every tenth Man of his own Soldiers on the head with a Club. 60, &c. Shews the Tranſactions againſt the Volſci, the Aequi and the Veians; together with the Seditions between the Senate and the People.

I Come now to ſhew you what the Roman People, who from this time were at Liberty, did both in Peace and War, together with their Annual Magiſtrates, and the force of their Laws, which were more powerful than any ſtrength of Men. Which Liberty of theirs grew the more pleaſant by their reflection on the pride of their laſt King. For the former Kings governed ſo, that they deſerved ſucceſſively to be reckoned as Founders of the ſeveral parts of that new City, which they themſelves added by way of augmentation to it, for their encreaſing Multitude to dwell in: nor is it to be doubted, but that ſame Brutus, who won ſo much Glory by expelling King Superbus, would have done the Publick the greateſt miſchief imaginable, if, through a too haſty deſire of Liberty, he had extorted the Scepter from any of the former Kings. For what was like to come of it, if that crowd of Shepherds and Strangers that came thither from their own Countries, having gained either their Liberty, or, at leaſt, impunity, under the refuge of an inviolable Sanctuary; and being freed from the fear of Kings, had then been moved and inſtigated by the Seditious Tribunes of the People? and in a ſtrange City had begun to ſow ſtrife between the People and the Senate, before the endearments of Wives and Children and the love of that ſoil, to which, by Tract of time, Men grow accuſtomed, had united their affections. For the State of things, which was but in its infancy, would have been ruined by Diſcord; which yet the calm moderation of Government cheriſhed, and by due nurſing of it, brought to that paſs, that they now come to their full ſtrength, could well bear the ſtronger nutriment of Liberty. But you may reckon the original of that Liberty more from the Conſulſhips being made, and Annual Government, than that any thing was diminiſhed from Kingly Power. For the firſt Conſuls reteined all the Prerogatives and all the Badges of Royal State; only this one thing they were cautious of, not to have both of them Faſces [or bundles of Rods] carried before them, leſt the terror of the People might be doubled. Brutus, by the conſent of his Colleague, had firſt the Faſces; and did not with more earneſtneſs regain, than he afterwards preſerved their Liberty. In the firſt place, he made the People more covetous of their new Liberty (leſt they ſhould afterwards be perſuaded by the entreaties, or corrupted by the gifts of the late King) to ſwear that they would never ſuffer any one to Reign as King of Rome. Whereupon, that he might make the Senate ſtronger, by making their order more numerous, which had been leſſened by thoſe many ſlaughters which the King had made amongſt them, he choſe all the chief of the Gradus Equeſtris [or Knightly Order] into them, which made their number up three hundred; and thence (they ſay) came the cuſtom and form of calling them into the Senate by diſtinct appellations, of Patres and Conſcripti [i. e. ſuch as had been Senators before, as that were newly choſen in,] for ſuch, as were then Elected into the Senate, were called, Conſcripti, [i. e. whoſe Names were written in the ſame Catalogue with the former.] 'Tis very ſtrange to tell how that conduced to the Concord of the City, and to unite the Peoples affections to the Senate.

After that, they regulated things Divine; and becauſe ſome publick Holy Rites were uſed to be performed by the Kings themſelves, leſt the People ſhould deſire a King again, to ſatisfie them in the Name, they made a Religious Miniſter, called Rex Sacrificulus [or the Petit King of the Sacrifices,] but made him ſubject to the Pontifex, leſt, his having Honour proportionable to his Name, might detract ſomething from the publick Liberty, to which, they, at that time, had the greateſt regard. And indeed, I cannot tell, whether by their extraordinary care to confirm it, even in the moſt inconſiderable reſpects, they did not exceed the bounds of prudence; for when nothing elſe offended them, the very Name of one of the Conſuls was hateful to the whole City. For they ſaid, That the Tarquins had been too long poſſeſſed of that Kingdom; of whom Priſcus was the firſt, and that though after him, Servius Tullius was King, yet Tarquinius Superbus did not forget himſelf in the mean time, or lay down his pretenſions to the Crown, as if it were the right of another; but by force and ill means ſought to regain it, as being the inheritance of his Family. That now, ſince they had expelled Superbus, the Sovereign Power remained in Collatinus [who was alſo a Tarquin] That the Tarquins could not endure to live a private life. That they hated the very name, inaſmuch as it was dangerous to their Liberty. This kind of Diſcourſe was ſpred by degrees all over the City, to try how People ſtood affected; and Brutus ſeeing the People ſo full of ſuſpicion, ſummoned them to an Aſſembly. In which, he firſt of all recited the Oath which the People had taken, that they would ſuffer no man to Reign, or be at Rome, who ſhould endanger their Liberty. For that was to be their chiefeſt care, nor could any thing be contemptible that conduced thereunto. That he was unwilling to ſpeak in the mans behalf, nor would he have ſpoken, unleſs his love to the Commonwealth had ſtrongly induced him. That the Roman People did not believe they had intirely recovered their Liberty; becauſe there was ſome of the Kings Family, and of the Kings name, not only in the City, but likewiſe, in ſupreme Authority; which they thought, was a diminution and an obſtacle to their Liberty. L. Tarquinius (ſaid he) do you voluntarily remove this fear from them. We remember, we muſt confeſs, you expelled the Kings: Now therefore to perfect your kindneſs to the City, take hence the very name of the King; your fellow Citizens will not only deliver you what is your own, and that by my perſuaſion, but if you lack any thing, will very munific • ntly augment your Eſtate. Depart then as a friend, and eaſe the City of their jealouſie, though (perchance) it be groundleſs; for they are verily perſuaded, that with the Family of the Tarquins, the Government of Kings will leave this City. The Conſul was at firſt ſo much ſurpriſed at that new and ſudden Propoſal, that he had no power to ſpeak. But, ſoon after, when he began to utter himſelf, the Nobility of the City ſtood about him, and earneſtly deſired of him the ſame thing. But indeed all others did not much move him, till Sp. Lucretius, to whoſe Age and Authority he owed a deference; and who, beſides that, was his Father-in-law, began to treat with him after a different manner, ſometimes deſiring and ſometimes perſuading him, that he would ſuffer himſelf to be overcome by the conſent of the whole City; the Conſul, fearing leſt afterwards, when he was a private Man, the ſame things might happen to him, with loſs of Goods and other Ignominy to boot, he withdrew himſelf from the Conſulſhip; and having removed all his Goods to Lavinium, left the City. Brutus, by Order of the Senate, preſcribed a Law to the People, that all of the Tarquinian Family ſhould be baniſhed; and made P. Valerius Colleague, in the Comitia Centuriata, by whoſe aſſiſtance, he had expelled the Kings. When every body believed that the Tarquinii were going to Levy War, it happened indeed ſomewhat later than any body expected, but (what they did not fear) their Liberty was almoſt loſt; through fraud and treachery. There were, among the Roman Youth, ſome young Men, of good Families, whoſe manners had been more diſſolute and debauched than ordinary, in the time of the King, they being of the ſame Age and Companions with the young Tarquins, and uſed to live like Princes; they therefore, at that time, when all People had the ſame priviledges, expecting the ſame freedom, complained among themſelves, that the Liberty of others became their Slavery, and ſaid, That the King was a Man, of whom you might ſeek for redreſs, in a diſpute concerning right and wrong; that in him there was room for favour and kindneſs; that he could be angry, or pleaſed to pardon, as knowing the difference between a friend and an Enemy. But that the Laws were deaf, inexorable and more for the advantage of a Beggar than a Gentleman, for there is no Latitude left in them, whereby to gain a pardon, if you tranſgreſs their bounds; that it was dangerous, amidſt ſo many errors that men are obnoxious to, for a Man to think he could live proſecuted by his own innocence. Whileſt they were thus diſturbed in mind, there came Embaſſadors from the Kings, who made no mention of their return, but only demanded their Eſtate. Whoſe Meſſage having been heard in the Senate, there was a Conſultation held for ſome days concerning it; leſt, if it were not returned, it might be the cauſe of a War, or on the other ſide, if it were, it might be a ſupply for the carrying of it on. In the mean time, the Embaſſadors endeavoured ſeveral ways to accompliſh their Deſigns, demanding the Eſtate only, to open view, but privately Conſulting how to regain the Kingdom; and as if that were the Deſign, they went about to engage the affections of the noble young men. By whom their Addreſs was kindly received, and to whom they delivered Letters from the Tarquinii, diſcourſing with them concerning the reception of the Royal Family into the City privately in the night time.

This affair was firſt committed to the Vitellii and Apulii, who were Brethren. The Siſter of the Vitellii was married to Conſul Brutus; who had by her, two Sons then of Age, called Titus and Tiberius, whom their Uncles likewiſe took for their Aſſiſtants in that Conſult. But beſides them, there were alſo ſome of the young Nobility who were conſcious of the other Deſign, taken in, whoſe Names Antiquity hath obliterated. In the mean time, it having paſt the Vote of the Senate, that the Eſtate ſhould be reſtored, and the Embaſſadors, having a juſt pretence for ſtaying in the City all that time, which the Conſuls had given them, to prepare Waggons for the carrying of the Kings Goods away, they ſpent all that interval in conſulting with the Conſpirators; and, by their importunity, at laſt, induced them to ſend Letters to the Tarquinii: for how ſhould they otherwiſe believe, that in ſuch a weighty Affair, the Embaſſadors did not deceive them? The Letters which they ſent, a confirmation of the Embaſſadors Fidelity, made the thing manifeſt. For when, the day before the Embaſſadors were to go to the Tarquinii, they happened to ſup with the Vitellii, where the Conſpirators, being all alone, had much Diſcourſe among themſelves (as is uſual in ſuch caſes) concerning their new Deſign; a Servant over heard them, who had formerly ſome inkling of it, but expected that occaſion, when Letters ſhould be given to the Embaſſadors, which being ſeized on, might evince the whole matter. When he knew that they had them, he went and told the Conſuls. Whereupon the Conſuls going to ſeize the Embaſſadors, huſhed up the whole matter without any noiſe; but took the greateſt care of the Letters, leſt they ſhould be dropt. And though they preſently impriſoned the Traytors, yet they made ſome ſmall doubt, in the caſe of the Embaſſadors; for though their fault was ſo great, that they might be looked upon as publick Enemies, yet the Law of Nations prevailed above that conſideration.

But now, the whole matter concerning the Kings Goods which they had formerly ordered to be delivered up, was again debated in the Senate; who being incenſed forbad the reſtoring of them, or that they ſhould be brought out into publick view. Wherefore they were divided among the common People, that they, being, as it were, contaminated with the ſpoils of the Royal Family, might loſe all hopes of ever having Peace with them. A piece of Land belonging to the Tarquinii, which lay between the City and the River Tiber, was Conſecrated to Mars, and afterwards called Campus Martius [i. e. Mars's Field.] It happened then (as the Report goes) that there was in that Field Wheat growing, which was ripe for the Sickle, but becauſe it was not lawful to conſume the fruit of that Field, a great number of men, who were ſet to work there, having Reaped it down, threw it, by Baskets full, into the Tiber, which was at that time but very low, (as it uſually is in the middle of Summer) and therefore the heaps of Corn, being ſtranded, ſtuck upon the mud. From whence, by degrees, with other things which the River accidentally brought down to the ſame place, there was an Iſland made: to which, I ſuppoſe, there were Moles added, and Humane Art uſed, to make that riſing Plain ſo ſtrong, as to bear even Temples and Porticoes. The Kings Goods being divided among the People, the Traytors were condemned and ſuffered Puniſhment; which was the more remarkable, becauſe the Conſuls injoyned each Father to inflict it upon his Children, and him who was to have been not ſo much as a Spectator, fortune now made the Executioner. The Nobleſt young Men ſtood bound to a Stake, but the Conſuls Children turned the eyes of all People off from the reſt, as People of no note, upon themſelves, and men were no more ſorry for their Puniſhment than for the Crime by which they deſerved it; but lamented very much, that they ſhould deſign in that year eſpecially to betray their Country which was then delivered, their Father the Deliverer of it, the Conſulſhip raiſed out of the Family of the Junii, the Senate, the People, with all the Gods and Men in Rome, Superbus, who though he was formerly their King, was at that time their Enemy, and in Baniſhment. The Conſuls took their places, and the Lictors were ſent to inflict the Puniſhment, who having ſtript the Offenders, and beaten them with their Rods, ſmote them with the Ax, whilſt their Father all the while turned his face to the crowd, and ſhewed an eminent love to his Country, even amidſt the Execution of that publick Puniſhment upon his own Children, When the Execution was over, (to make this a ſignal Example for the deterring People, on both ſides, from either acting in or not diſcovering ſuch wicked Practices) they gave the Informer a Reward in Mony out of the publick Treaſury, beſides his Liberty and the Freedom of the City. He is ſaid to be the firſt who was freed by the way of Vindicta, [i. e. laying a Rod upon the Head of the Party who was to be ſet at Liberty] and ſome think alſo, that the Word Vindicta was derived from him, becauſe his name was Vindicius: for after him, it was obſerved, that thoſe who were ſo ſet at Liberty ſeemed to be received into the freedom of the City.

6. Theſe things being related, juſt as they were Acted, Tarquin incenſed, not only with grief to think that his great hopes were all fruſtrated, but with hatred and anger too, and ſeeing that his private Deſigns were obſtructed; thought it the beſt way to make an open War; and therefore went about to the Cities of Etruria, to beg their aſſiſtance; but moſt of all, intreated the Veians and Tarquinians, That they would not ſuffer one, who was extracted from themſelves, and of the ſame Blood, to be Baniſhed, Neceſſitous, and from ſuch great Pomp, which whilſt a King he lived in, to Periſh (both him and thoſe Youths his Sons) before their eyes: telling them, that other Kings were ſent for from ſtrange Countries to Reign at Rome, but that he, who by his Wars augmented the Roman Empire, while he governed, was beaten out by the wicked Conſpiracy of his own Kinſmen; that they divided the Kingdom amongſt them, becauſe no one of them ſeemed fit to Reign alone, and made his Goods a common prey to all the People, leſt any one of them ſhould be innocent, that he was now a going to regain his Country and his Kingdom; and that he would perſecute his ungrateful Country-men. Wherefore, he deſired them that they would aid and aſſiſt him, to revenge even their old Quarrels too, the killing of ſo many Legions, and the taking away of their Land from them. Theſe things moved the Veians, who were all very eager, at leaſt now they had a Roman for their General, to recover their loſt Honour. and make repriſals of what had been taken from them in the Wars. Their Name and their Alliance incited thoſe of Tarquinii, to whom it ſeemed a glorious thing, that Men deſcended from their City, ſhould be Kings of Rome. Therefore two Armies out of thoſe two Cities marched after Tarquin, to re-demand the Kingdom, and make War upon the Romans. When they came into the Roman Territories, the Conſuls met the Enemy. Valerius led the Foot in a ſquare Body, whileſt Brutus went before to ſcout with the Horſe. In like manner, the Enemies Horſe marched firſt, Commanded by Aruns Tarquinius, the Kings Son, and the King himſelf came after with the Legions. Aruns, aſſoon as he found, by the Lictors, that the Conſul was coming at a great diſtance, and then more nearly, and certainly knew Brutus by his face too, being inflamed with anger, That (cry'd he) is the fellow who drove us out of our Countrey: ſee how ſtately he moves, adorned with our Enſigns: aſſiſt, ye gods! who are the Revengers of Injuries done to Kings. With that, he ſpurred his Horſe, and fiercely rode up to him. Brutus perceived it was at him that Aruns made; wherefore, he thought it fit, for them two, who were the Generals, to begin the Battel; and thereupon, made up with all ſpeed to engage him. They met with ſuch fury, that neither of them, ſo he did but wound his Enemy, had any regard to the preſervation of his own Perſon; and both of them, being at the ſame time, by mutual thruſts through their Shields, run into their Body, ſo that they were fixed to each other by their two Javelins, fell down dead from their Horſes. Then alſo began the Fight between the reſt of the Horſe; nor was it long before the Foot came up, and there they fought; but the Victory was doubtful, and inclined to neither ſide. The right Wings on both ſides had the better, and the left the worſt on it. The Veians, who had formerly been often Conquered by the Romans, were Routed and put to Flight; but the Tarquinians, a new Enemy, did not only ſtand their Ground, but alſo drave the Romans off from their Party.

This being the ſucceſs of that Battel, Tarquinius and the Etrurians were ſeized with ſuch a terror, that thinking it in vain to ſtay, both Armies, as well Veians as Tarquinians, marched in the night time to their ſeveral homes. They tell you, of Miracles that were done at the time of this Fight; ſuch as was this, that in the dead of the next Night, there was a mighty voice heard out of the Wood, called, Sylva Arſia, and thought to be the voice of the God Sylvanus, which ſpake theſe Words; That in that Battel there were more Etrurians, by one, than Romans ſlain; and therefore upon the whole Account, the Romans in that Fight had the better. Thereupon, 'tis certain, the Romans marched off as Conquerors, and the Etrurians as an Army Defeated. For aſſoon as it was day, and none of the Enemies appeared in ſight, P. Valerius the Conſul collected the ſpoils, and returned from thence in Triumph to Rome; where he Celebrated the Funeral of his Collegue, with as much Ceremony as he then could. But the publick ſorrow was a far greater Honour to Brutus, as being remarkable above all other things, in that the Matrons lamented him a whole year, as he had been their Father; becauſe he was ſo ſevere a Revenger of Lucretias violated Chaſtity. After that, the other Conſul who ſurvived, inſtead of being favoured by the People, (whoſe minds are always mutable) was not only envyed, but ſuſpected and accuſed of a very heinous Crime; for the report went, that he was ambitious of being King, becauſe he did not, in the firſt place, take another Collegue in the room of Brutus, and ſecondly, becauſe he built him an Houſe upon the top of the Mount Palatine, upon the higheſt part of it, called Velia; for there, upon that ſo well Fortified place, they were told, He would make a Caſtle which ſhould be Impregnable. Theſe Reports being generally believed by the People, gave the Conſul great diſturbance; and therefore having ſummoned the People to Council, he came into the Aſſembly with the Faſces down. That was a ſight wery grateful to the Multitude, to ſee the Enſigns of Government lowered in reſpect to them, and a confeſſion thereby made, that the Majeſty and the Power of the People was greater than that of the Conſul. Aſſoon as the People were warned to keep ſilence, the Conſul, in a Speech to them, began to ſet forth the good fortune of his Collegue, that having freed his Country, he died in the bed of Honour, fighting for his Country, with full blown Glory, which had not yet degenerated into envy; whilſt he himſelf ſurvived his Glory, to be ſuſpected and accuſed, and inſtead of the Deliverer of his Country, was reckoned as bad as the Aquilii or the Vitellii. Will you never think (ſaid he) you know any mans vertue ſo well, as not to ſuſpect it? Could I have believed that I ſhould be thought guilty of a deſire to be King, who was the moſt inveterate Enemy the Kings had? Could I have believed, that though I had lived even in the Caſtle, in the Capitol, I ſhould have been feared by my fellow Citizens? Does my Credit with you depend upon ſo ſmall a circumſtance? Is your confidence in me ſo ſlightly grounded, that you are more concerned, where I am, than what I am? The Houſe of P. Valerius (O you Romans!) ſhall never obſtruct your Liberty; but you ſhall have Velia ſtill ſecured. I will bring my Houſe not only down into the Plain, but I will likewiſe ſet it under the Hill, that you may dwell above me, whom you ſo much ſuſpect: Let thoſe build Houſes upon Velia, who may be better truſted with your Liberty, than P. Valerius is thought to be. With that, he immediately ordered all the Materials of his Houſe to be carried down below Velia, and built a Houſe at the bottom of the Hill, in that place where the Temple of Victory (called by the Ancients Vicaepota) now ſtands.

Thereupon they made Laws, not only to acquit the Conſul from the ſuſpicion of his being ambitious to be King, that turned the Tide ſo much the other way, that they made him even Popular; from whence he came to be Surnamed Poplicola. But, before all others, they made the Law concerning the appealing to the People againſt Magiſtrates, and Out-lawing any Man, both in his Life and Goods, who ſhould Conſpire to make himſelf King. Theſe Laws were grateful to the People, which when he had made by himſelf, that he alone might gain the favour of the People, he afterwards called an Aſſembly, to chuſe himſelf a Collegue; Sp. Lucretius was created Conſul, who being very ancient, and wanting ſtrength to perform all the Duties of a Conſul, within a few days Deceaſed, and M. Horatius Pulvillus was put in his place. I do not find, in ſome ancient Authors, that Lucretius was ever Conſul, but that Horatius immediately ſucceeded Brutus; which, I ſuppoſe, was occaſioned for that he had ſignalized his Conſulſhip with no remarkable Action, and therefore it was not taken notice of. The Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol was not as yet Dedicated; wherefore, Valerius and Horatius, being Conſuls, caſt Lots which of them ſhould Dedicate it; it fell to Horatius's Lot, and in the mean time, Poplicola went to the War againſt the Veians. The Relations of Valerius were more concerned than they ought to have been, that the Dedication of ſo famous a Temple ſhould be committed to Horatius; and therefore indeavouring, by all means they could, to hinder it, and having in vain tryed other ways, they brought an ill Meſſage to him, whileſt he had his Hand upon the Poſt, and was Praying to the gods, that his Son was dead, wherefore, his Family being Contaminated with a dead Corps, he could nor Dedicate that Temple. Whether he had ſo much ſtrength of mind as not to believe it, it is neither certainly related, nor can I well tell; but this is certain, he did not deſiſt from what he was about when the Meſſenger came, ſave only, that he ordered the Body to be buried; but ſtill held the Poſt, went on with his Prayers, and Dedicated the Temple. Theſe were the Tranſactions, both at home and abroad, in the firſt year after the Kings were expelled.

Then P. Valerius was a ſecond time made Conſul with Titus Lucretius; and now the Tarquinii had fled to Lar. Porſena King of Cluſium; where, mixing advice with entreaties, they deſired him, That he would not ſuffer them, who were Deſcended from the Etrurians, of the ſame Blood and Name, to be put upon ſuch neceſſities, and Baniſhed: and now eſpecially they begged of him, not to let that growing cuſtom of Depoſing Kings, to go unrevenged; that Liberty it ſelf was ſweet enough, and that if Kings did not defend their Kingdoms, with as much vigour as Cities deſired Liberty, all things would be levelled; the loftieſt with the loweſt; nor would any thing be high or eminent above others, in any City whatſoe • er; but Kingdoms would come to an end, which were the moſt glorious things, known either to the gods or men. Porſena thinking that at that time there was a King of Rome, and alſo that the King of Etruria was ſtrong in his Forces, came to Rome with a dreadful Army. Nor were the Senate ever poſſeſſed with ſuch a terror, before that time, ſo ſtrong were the Cluſians at that juncture, and the name of Porſena ſo great. Nor did they only fear their Enemies, but even their own Citizens too, leſt the Roman Commonalty, aſtoniſhed with fear, ſhould re-admit the Royal Family into the City, and accept of Peace, even with ſlavery. The Senate therefore, upon that occaſion, were very kind to the People, taking eſpecial care for Proviſions, and ſending ſeveral Perſons, ſome to the Volſci, and others to Cumae, to buy Corn. The priviledg alſo of ſelling Salt, becauſe it was dear, ſhould be put into publick hands, and taken from private Perſons; beſides that, they freed the People from paying of Freight and Tribute, which they made the rich pay, who were able to bear the burthen of it. For the poor (they ſaid) paid enough to the State, if they bred up their Children; and this Indulgence of the Senate, when the City was afterwards ſtreightned by Siege and Famin, kept it in ſuch Concord, that the loweſt, as well as the higheſt, abhorred the name of King, nor was there any one from that time, who grew ſo popular by ill Arts, as all the Senate then was, upon the count of their good management.

When the Enemy came up, all the Country People removed into the City, which they Fortified with ſtrong Guards; while ſome part ſeemed ſufficiently fenced with Walls, and others with the Tiber. But the Wooden Bridg did almoſt afford a paſſage to the Enemy, had it not been for one Man, whoſe name was Horatius Cocles; for the fortune of Rome prepared him, that day, as a Bulwark; who being by chance, then poſted upon that Bridg, when he ſaw Janiculum taken at a ſudden Attack, from whence, the Enemies ran down as faſt as they could, and that the Romans left their Arms, as well as their Ranks, he ſtop'd them; and calling to witneſs both gods and men, told them, That 'twas in vain for them to fly, if their Gariſon were Deſerted, for if they left the Bridg behind them, free for the Enemy to go over, there would ſoon be more of the Enemies in the Palace and the Capitol, than in Janiculum. Wherefore, he adviſed them, that they would break down the Bridg with fire or Sword, or any other violent means; and that he would receive the ſhock of the Enemy with as much vigour as one man could do. With that, he went to the end of the Bridg, and being remarkable amongſt thoſe that fled, for facing about to engage the Enemy, he aſtoniſhed them to ſee ſuch a Miracle of Audacity. But ſhame kept two Perſons to be his Aſſiſtants, whoſe names were Sp. Lartius, and Titus Harminius, who were both deſcended from Noble Families, and renowned for their Atchievements. With them, he, for ſome time, ſuſteined the firſt ſtorm of the danger, and the moſt tumultuous part of the Fight. But ſoon after, he made them alſo retire to a ſafe ſtation, when there was but a ſmall part of the Bridg remaining, and thoſe who were cutting it down, recalled them. Then hurling round his baleful eyes upon the Etrurian Commanders, one while he Challenged ſingle Perſons, and anon inveighed againſt all of them together; telling them, That being the Slaves of proud Kings, and negligent of their own Liberty, they came to deſtroy that of others. Thereupon they ſtaid for ſome time, while one looked upon the other, to begin the Battel. Then ſhame made the Etrurian Army move; who, ſetting up a great ſhout, threw all their Darts upon one ſingle Enemy, which he receiving in his Shield, ſtood ſtoutly to it upon the Bridg, from which they endeavoured to force him. But at that inſtant, the craſh of the falling Bridg, and the noiſe that the Romans made for joy that the work was done, ſtruck ſuch a ſudden terror into the Enemies, that it reſtrained their violence. Then Cocles cryed out, Great Father Tiberinus! I beſeech thy Deity, propitiouſly to receive theſe Arms and this Soldier into thy River. With that, being all in Armour, he leaped into the Tiber, through which, though many Darts were thrown upon him, he ſwam very ſafe over to his Party; having done an Exploit, that will be more talked of than believed, by all Poſterity. The City was very grateful to him for ſo great an Atchievement; and therefore his Statue was ſet up near the Comitium [or place of publick Aſſembly,] and he had as much Land given him as he could mark round with a Plough in one day. The Affections alſo of private men were very eminent amidſt his publick honours, for when he was in great neceſſity, there was no body but gave him ſomething towards Houſe-keeping, though they wanted it themſelves.

Porſena being repulſed in his firſt Attempt, and therefore changing all his meaſures, from a deſign of Storming, to beſieging the City; when he had placed a Guard in Janiculum, himſelf pitched his Camp in the Plain, and upon the Banks of Tiber. He likewiſe ſent for Ships from all parts, both as a Guard to hinder any Corn from being carried to Rome, and for the convenience of paſſing his Soldiers over the River in ſeveral places, to forage, as occaſion ſhould ſerve. By which means, in a ſhort time, he ſo infeſted all the Country about Rome, that not only other things, but even all their Sheep too were driven out of the Fields into the City; neither durſt any one drive them without the Gates. But this ſo great liberty was granted to the Etrurians, not ſo much of fear as policy. For Valerius the Conſul, being intent on the opportunity of ſurprizing a great many ſtraglers at once, ſeemed negligent to revenge ſmall injuries, becauſe he kept himſelf for ſome greater Action. He therefore, to draw in the Foragers, commands his Soldiers, that the next day they ſhould drive out a great many Sheep, at the Gate called Porta Eſquelina, which was moſt remote from the Enemy, ſuppoſing, that the Enemy would come to know of it, becauſe in that time of Siege and Famin, ſeveral faithleſs Slaves had fled the City. And ſo indeed they did, by the Information of a Renegado: upon which, a great many more of them, in hopes to have all the Prey, paſs'd the River. In the mean time P. Valerius ordered Herminius, with a ſmall Party, to make an Ambuſcade, at the ſecond Stone [i. e. two Miles off,] in the way that leads to Gabii, and Sp. Lartius, to ſtand with the nimble young men, at the Gate called Porta Collina, till the Enemy came by; and then to block them up, that they might not return to the River. The other Conſul, Titus Lucretius, marched out at the Gate, called Porta Naevia, with ſome few Companies; whileſt Valerius himſelf led a choice Party down from the Mount, called Mons Coelius, who were the firſt that appeared to the Enemy. Herminius, when he heard the tumult, made haſte from his Ambuſcade, and fell upon the Etrurians Rere, whileſt their Van was engaged with Valerius. There was a ſhout ſet up, and returned both from the right hand and the left; that is to ſay, from the Gate called Porta Collina on the one ſide, and that called Naevia on the other. So the Foragers were ſlain in the middle of the Romans; being neither ſtrong enough to cope with them, nor having any way to eſcape: and that was the laſt time that the Etrurians ſtragled ſo diſorderly into the Roman Territories.

But nevertheleſs the Siege continued; Corn being very ſcarce and very dear, and Porſena had ſome hopes, that by continuing there, he ſhould at laſt take the City; 'till Caius Mucius, a Noble Youth, who thought it a diſgrace that the Roman People, who though they were Slaves, while they lived under Kingly Government, yet were never Beſieged in any War, nor by any Enemy; that the ſame People, now they were free, ſhould be Beſieged by thoſe very Etrurians whoſe Armies they had ſo often Routed: he was incenſed, and thinking that he ought to revenge that indignity, by ſome great and bold exploit; he firſt reſolved, of his own accord, to force his way into the Enemies Camp: but fearing leſt if he ſhould go without the conſent of the Conſuls, or the knowledg of any body elſe, he might poſſibly be taken by the Roman Centinels, and be brought back as a Run-away, in which caſe, the preſent ſtate of the City would make his Accuſation the more probable; wherefore he went to the Senate: Fathers (ſaid he) I have a mind to paſs the Tiber, and get, if I can, into the Enemies Camp; not as a Robber, nor to revenge that havock which they have made amongſt us; but, if the Gods will give me leave, I deſign to do a greater exploit. The Senators approved of his propoſal, and therefore, with a Sword hidden under his Garment, he went upon his Enterprize. When he came thither, he ſtood in a great crowd, near to the Kings Tribunal; where, ſeeing the Souldiers came to receive their Pay, and that the Secretary who ſate by the King in an habit very like him, was mighty buſie, with the Soldiers thronging about him; he fearing to ask which was Porſena, leſt, by not knowing the King, he might diſcover who he was; as fortune unluckily would have it, he ſtabbed the Secretary inſtead of the King. Then walking off, as far as he could make way through the affrighted Crowd, with his Bloody Weapon in his hand, the People flocked together, upon the noiſe of it, and the Kings Guards laying hold on him, brought him back. Then being placed before the Kings Tribunal, he, even at that time, amidſt ſo many menaces of fortune, like one to be feared, rather than fearing any thing himſelf, cryed out, I am a Roman Citizen, and they call me Caius Mucius, wherefore, as an Enemy, I had a mind to kill my Enemy, nor do I deſire to avoid my own death, any more than I did to miſs killing him. 'Tis like a Roman, both to do and to ſuffer great things. Nor was I the only Perſon that bore that ſpleen to thee; I have a long Train behind me, of ſuch who deſire to do the ſame glorious Act. Wherefore, prepare thy ſelf, if thou pleaſeſt, againſt this danger, that thou mayeſt be ready every hour to fight for thy life; and ſee thou have both Arms and Men continually at the entrance of thy Palace. We, the Roman Youth, declare this War againſt thee. Thou needeſt not fear any formed Army, nor any pitched Battel, for we ſhall engage with thee only, and that hand to hand. At which, the King being at once enraged and frighted at the danger, commanded, in his fury, that a Fire ſhould be made round about him, unleſs he would declare preſently what ſnares thoſe were that he had been ſo tedious in threatning him with; but he cryed out, Look here! to let thee ſee how little they value their Bodies, who have a proſpect of eminent Glory, and with that, he put his right hand into the Fire, that was kindled for Sacrifice. Which the King ſeeing him burn, as if he had been diſtracted, was almoſt aſtoniſhed at the ſight, leaped from his Throne, and having commanded the young man to be removed from the Altar, cryed out, Get thee gone, for thou haſt ſhewn more enmity to thy ſelf than to me. I would bid thee go on and proſper in thy Courage, if that Courage ſtood up for my Country. Now, by the right of War, I ſend thee hence free, untouched and unviolated. Then Mucius, to return his kindneſs, told him, Since you have ſuch a value for Courage, that your Generoſity makes me grant what your Menaces could not extort; I muſt tell you, That three hundred Noble young Romans of us have Conſpired to attempt thy Death, in this manner. My turn was firſt; and the reſt, as it ſhall fall out to be every particular mans Lot, will come one after another, 'till ſuch time as fortune gives them a fair opportunity to deſtroy thee.

Thereupon Mucius was diſmiſſed, who was afterwards Surnamed Scaevola [or left-handed] from the loſs of his right hand, and Embaſſadors followed him, from Porſena, to Rome. For that not only the accident of the firſt danger, in which caſe, nothing had ſaved him except the miſtake of the Aſſaſinate; but thoſe ſeveral Combats which he was like to be engaged in, as long as any of the Conſpirators were alive, had ſo far moved him, that he voluntarily offered Conditions of Peace to the Romans. Among which, it was in vain that he inſerted any thing concerning the reſtoring of the Tarquinii, though he was forced to do ſo, more out of complaiſance to them, than that he thougnt the Romans would grant his requeſt. He obtained the reſtoration of that Land which the Romans had taken from the Veians; and the Romans lay under an abſolute neceſſity of giving Hoſtages, if they would have the Garriſon drawn off from Janiculum. Porſena having made a Peace upon theſe Conditions, led his Army from Janiculum, and Marched out of the Roman Dominions. The Senate gave Caius Mucius, upon the account of his Valour, a Field that lay beyond Tiber, which was afterwards called, Mucia prata [or Mucius's Meads.] Wherefore, ſeeing Valour ſo much eſteemed, the Women too were excited to publick Acts of Courage. Cloelia, a Virgin, being one of the Hoſtages, when the Etrurian Camp was happily pitched not far from the Banks of Tiber, got from her Keepers, and in the head of a whole Troop of Virgins, ſwam over the Tiber, amidſt the Darts of the Enemy, returning all her Companions ſafe to their Friends at Rome. Which when Porſena heard of, he was at firſt incenſed with anger, and ſent certain Envoys to Rome, to demand his Hoſtage Cloelia; for he did not greatly value any of the reſt. Then, being wrapt with admiration, he ſaid, Her Action out-did all the Cocles's and the Mucii; and pretended, how that if his Hoſtage were not delivered up, he would look upon the League as broken; but if ſhe were, he would ſend her home again unviolated. They kept their words on both ſides, for the Romans reſtored the Pledg of Peace, [i. e. Cloelia and the other Virgins] according to the League; and in the Court of the Etrurian King, their Virtue was not only ſafe guarded, but honoured alſo. For the King ſaid, he would give Cloelia, whom he ſo highly commended, ſome part of the Hoſtages to diſpoſe of, and that ſhe ſhould chuſe out whom ſhe would of them. When they were all brought forth ('tis ſaid) ſhe choſe ſuch as were not yet of Age; which was not only an Act moſt becoming her Virginity, but alſo commendable in the opinion of the Hoſtages themſelves; who muſt needs agree, that thoſe Perſons were moſt fit to be freed from the Enemy, whoſe tender Age made them moſt liable to Injuries. When the Peace was renewed, the Romans rewarded that ſtrange Courage in a Woman, with a ſtrange and new ſort of Honour; for they ſet up her Statue, which was a Maid on Horſeback, at the top of the Street, called Via Sacra, [i. e. the Holy way.]

Now there is a Cuſtom, very diſſonant to the peaceful Retreat of that Etrurian King from the City, which was delivered down from our Anceſtors, and remains amongſt other Solemnities, that when Goods are ſold that were taken from an Enemy, they are propoſed to Sale in the name of King Porſena. The Original of which cuſtom muſt of neceſſity have been either derived from War, and not omitted in Peace; or have ſprung from a milder ſource than this title pretends, of ſelling Goods in an Hoſtile manner. For the next thing that they ſay, is, that Porſena, when he Marched from Janiculum, left his Camp well furniſhed with all ſorts of Proviſions, which he brought from the Neighbouring fertile Fields of Etruria, and gave them freely to the Romans, the City being at that time in great want, by reaſon of the long Siege which they had laboured under. Wherefore (they likewiſe tell you) that all thoſe Proviſions were ſold, (leſt, if the People were admitted, they might make havock of them, as Enemies uſed to do) and were called the Goods of Porſena, though the title ſignifies rather their grateful remembrance of his kindneſs, than an Auction, or publick Sale of the Kings Fortune, which never was in the diſpoſal of the Roman People. Porſena having laid down the War againſt Rome; leſt his Army ſhould ſeem to have been brought into thoſe parts to no purpoſe, ſent his Son Aruns with part of the Forces to Attack Aricia [a City or Latium;] which ſudden Invaſion did at firſt ſurpriſe the Aricians, but they, ſoon after, ſending for Aid both from the Latins and from Cumae, were ſo far encouraged, that they reſolved to fight him in a pitched Battel. Which was no ſooner begun, but the Etrurians charged ſo briskly, that at the firſt effort, they routed the Aricians. The Cuman Party, uſing Art againſt Force, for ſome ſmall time declined the Fight; but when the Enemy was got a good way before them, and in their full Career, faced about and ſet upon them in the Rere. By which means, the Etrurians, who were now almoſt Conquerors, were ſlain in the middle, between the Aricians in the Front, and the Cumans in the Rere: but ſome few of them having loſt their Leader Aruns, and having no other nearer Refuge, went to Rome unarmed, both with the fortune and guiſe of ſuppliants. There they were kindly received and Quartered; and when their Wounds were cured, ſome of them went home, and told what kindneſs they had received, though many of them ſtaid at Rome, becauſe they found ſuch Hoſpitality and Love among the Citizens, to whom there was a place aſſigned for them to dwell in, which they afterwards called Vicus Tuſcus [or the Etrurian Street.

Then P. Lucretius and P. Valerius Poplicola were the third time made Conſuls; and that Year, Embaſſadors came the laſt time from Porſena about reſtoring of Tarquin into the Kingdom; to whom the Anſwer was, that the Senate would ſend Embaſſadors to the King, and thereupon immediately all the moſt Honourable Senators were diſpatched away: Not but that they could have given their Anſwer in ſhort, that the Royal Family ſhould not be re-admitted; nor did they upon that account rather ſend choſen Senators to him, than give his Embaſſadors their Anſwer at Rome; but they did it to make a final end of that Propoſal, and that ſince they had mutually received ſuch Obligations from each other, they might not make themſelves uneaſie; he by deſiring that which was againſt the Liberty of the Roman People, and the Romans, unleſs they would comply with their own Ruin, by denying his Requeſt, to whom they were unwilling to refuſe any thing. That the Roman People lived now, not under a King, but at Liberty, and were reſolved to open their Gates rather to an Enemy than a King; for they all wiſhed, that their Liberty and their City might be deſtroyed together. Wherefore, if he had a mind to preſerve Rome, they deſired him that he would ſuffer it to enjoy its freedom. The King, overcome with modeſty, told them, Since it is ſo reſolved and determined, I will not importune the Romans any more; nor will I fruſtrate the Tarquins hopes of Aid, which I cannot lend them. Let them ſeek another Country to ſpend their Exile in, whether they have occaſion for War or Peace, and not break off my Alliance with you. To which words, he added deeds that were much kinder; for he reſtored all the Hoſtages that he had left, and that Land of the Veians which was taken from them, according to a League made at Janiculum; whileſt, in the mean time, Tarquinius deſpairing to return, went into Baniſhment to Tuſculum, to his Son-in-law Mamilius Octavius. And thus the Romans made a firm Peace with Porſena.

Then M. Valerius and P. Poſtumius were Conſuls, in whoſe Year there was a ſucceſsful Battel fought againſt the Sabines, for which the Conſuls Triumphed. But after that, the Sabines made a War with greater Preparations; wherefore in oppoſition to them, and leſt any ſudden danger might alſo ariſe from Tuſculum (when, though no open ſigns of War appeared, yet ſuch a thing was ſuſpected) P. Valerius was a fourth time, and Titus Lucretius a ſecond time made Conſuls. But a Sedition ariſing among the Sabines, between two Factions, who were one for Peace and the other for War, brought over ſome part of their Forces to the Romans. For Attius Clauſus, who at Rome was afterwards called Appius Claudius, being a ſtickler for Peace, and upon that Account, moleſted by thoſe that were for a War, he not being ſtrong enough for the adverſe Faction, fled from Regillum [a Town of the Sabines,] with a great Retinue of his Creatures to Rome: where they were made free of the City, and had a piece of Land given them beyond the River Anien. The old Tribe, formerly inſtituted by Servius Tullius, by the addition of thoſe new People who came out of that place, was called Tribus Claudia: and Appius being choſen into the Senate, came not long after to have the eſteem and honour of the beſt men among them. The Conſuls having Marched with a powerful Army into the Country of the Sabines, where they waſted and ſo deſtroyed the Enemies ſtrength, that they needed not to fear any War from thence in a long time, they returned with Triumph to Rome. P. Valerius, who, by the conſent of all men, was beſt skilled in the Arts both of War and Peace, died the next year (when Menenius Agrippa and P. Poſtumius were Conſuls) with great Glory, but an Eſtate ſo ſmall, that it would not defray the Charge of his Funeral; wherefore he was Buried by the Contribution of the People, and the Matrons mourned for him as they did for Brutus. In the ſame Year, two Latin Colonies, Pometia and Cora, Revolted to the Aurunci; with whom they went to War, and having Defeated a vaſt Army, which fiercely oppoſed the Conſuls, at their entrance into thoſe Confines, the whole Auruncian War was reduced to Pometia. Nor did they abſtain from Slaughter more after the Battel, than in it; but there were many more ſlain than taken, and moſt of thoſe they did take they killed. Nor did the fury of War contain it ſelf even from the Hoſtages, who were three hundred in number. And this Year they two Triumphed at Rome.

The next Conſuls, who were Opiter Virginius and Sp. Caſſius, Attacked Pometia, firſt, by main force, and then with Mining Galleries and other Works; againſt whom the Aurunci, being now inſtigated by an implacable hatred, more than any hopes or good opportunity they had, run forth more with Fire than Sword, filling all places with Slaughter and Flames; for having burnt the Galleries, and wounded and ſlain many of the Enemies, they almoſt killed one of the Conſuls too, who, by reaſon of a grievous Wound that he received, fell from his Horſe; but which of them it was, my Authors do not mention. Then having had ſuch ill ſucceſs, the Romans returned home and left the Conſul amongſt many other wounded men, with little hopes of life. But not long after, when their Wounds were Cured, and they had had time to recruit their Army, they made War againſt Pometia, not only with greater Animoſity, but with augmented Forces too; and having mended their Vineae [or Galleries] and got the reſt of their Preparations in ſuch a readineſs, that the Soldiers were ready to ſcale the Walls, the Town was ſurrendred. But becauſe the ſurrender ſeemed diſhonourable, as if it had been taken, the Auruncian Nobles were moſt of them Beheaded, and the meaner ſort were ſold for Slaves; the Town was demoliſhed, and the Land belonging to it ſold. The Conſuls Triumphed more for the revenge which they had taken, than for the greatneſs of the War which they had ended.

The next Year Poſtumus Cominius and Titus Lartius were Conſuls; and that Year, at Rome, a Company of Sabine young men, having in ſport and wantonneſs forced a company of Whores, there was a great Concourſe and a Riot of People occaſioned, inſomuch that it almoſt came to a Battel, and from that ſmall beginning, ſeemed very likely to run into Rebellion. But over and above the fear of a Latin War, there was this addition alſo of danger, that they were ſure, thirty ſeveral People had Conſpired againſt them by the inſtigation of Octavius Mumilius. Wherefore, the City being much concerned at the apprehenſion of theſe great things, they firſt diſcourſe concerning the making of a Dictator, but it does not appear what Year he was made in, nor who were Conſuls at that time, (for thoſe of that Year, being of the Tarquinian Faction, as the Story likewiſe goes, were not thought fit to be truſted) nor who was firſt made Dictator. But I find in the moſt ancient Authors, that Titus Lartius was firſt Created Dictator, and Sp. Caſſius Maſter of the Horſe. Men of Conſular Dignity only were concerned in the choice, for ſo the Law, regulating the choice of a Dictator, ordained. I am more induced to believe, that Lartius, who was a Conſuls fellow, was choſen into this Office, rather than Manius Valerius, the Son of Marcus and Grandſon of Voleſus, who never had been Conſul, and therefore was unfit to be a Moderator or Guide to Conſuls; who if they had had a mind that a Dictator ſhould have been choſen out of that Family, would much rather have pitched upon the Father, Marcus Valerius, who was a man of known virtue, and had been Conſul. When therefore the Dictator was firſt Created at Rome, and they ſaw the Axes carried before him, the People were much affrighted, and thereby grew very careful to obey him. For he had not, as the Conſuls, whoſe Power was equal, the help of any other, nor was there any Appeal from him, or any redreſs in any caſe, ſave from their care of doing what he ordered. The Sabines alſo were in great fear, when they heard that a Dictator was choſen at Rome; and that, ſo much the more, becauſe they believed him Created upon their Account. Wherefore they ſent Embaſſadors for Peace; who deſiring the Dictator and the Senate to pardon the error of a company of young men, had this anſwer returned them, that it was poſſible to pardon young men, but not old ones, who raiſed one War out of another; but nevertheleſs they had a Treaty concerning Peace, which had been granted, if the Sabines had been willing to pay what the War coſt them. Thereupon they declared War, but a ſilent Truce kept all that Year in Peace.

Then Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullus were Conſuls, but did nothing worth the ſpeaking of; being ſuccecded by T. Aebutius and Cains Viturius: in whoſe time, Fidenae was beſieged, Cruſtumeria taken, and Praeneſte Revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the Latin War, which had now raged for ſeveral years, any longer carried on. Aulus Poſtumius the Dictator, and T. Aebutius, who was Maſter of the Horſe, going with a great Army of Horſe and Foot, to the Lake called Lacus Regillus, in the Confines of Tuſculum, met a Party of the Enemies: and becauſe they heard that the Tarquins were in the Latin Army, they were ſo enraged, that they muſt needs fall to fighting without any farther delay. By which means, that Battel was ſomething more fierce and bloody than any of the reſt. For the chief Officers were there, not only to give Command, but they alſo Combated each other in their own Perſons; nor did ſcarce any of the Nobility Retreat out of either Army without a Wound, except the Roman Dictator. Tarquinius Superbus, though he was now very ancient and weak, rode up very eagerly to charge Poſtumius, who was encouraging his men, and ſetting them in Rank and File at the Head of his Army. In which Engagement, Tarquinius was wounded in the ſide, but by the help of his own men, who came in to his Aſſiſtance, was carried ſafe off. In the mean time, Aebutius, Maſter of the Horſe, Charged Octavius Mamilius in the other Wing; who was aware of his coming, and rode up briskly to him, meeting with ſuch force, that Mamilius with his Spear ran Aebutius through the Arm, and Aebutius him into the Breaſt. The Latins took Mamilius into the main Body of the Army; and Aebutius, not being able to hold any Weapon with his Lame Arm, went out of the Field. The Latin General being no way diſmayed at his Wound, encouraged his men to fight; but becauſe he ſaw them dejected, he ſent for a Party of Baniſhed Romans, Commanded by Lucius Tarquinius's Son; and they, becauſe they fought with greater fury, upon the account of their Goods which had been taken from them, and their Country, out of which they were expelled; did for ſome time renew the fight.

When the Romans began now to Retreat from that ſide, M. Valerius the Brother of Poplicola, ſeeing young Tarquin very brisk, and vaunting himſelf in the head of his Exiled Troop, was fired with Domeſtick Glory, and thought to make thoſe Kings, who by their being expelled, were the honour of the Valerian Family, to add a new Ornament thereto by their Death; wherefore, ſetting ſpurs to his Horſe, he threw a ſharp Dart at Tarquinius, who retired from his furious Enemy into the midſt of his men. But as Valerius was raſhly Charging this Party of Baniſhed Perſons, ſome Soldier or other came on one ſide of him and ran him through: whereupon, his Horſe not ſtaying, though his Rider was wounded, the Roman fell down to the ground, with his Shield and Spear upon his Body. Poſtumius, the Dictator, obſerving that ſuch a Perſon was fallen, that the Baniſhed People Charged very fiercely, and that his own men, being diſmayed, gave way; commanded his own Troop, which he had about him as the Guard of his Body, that whomſoever of his Soldiers they ſhould ſee running away, they ſhould reckon as an Enemy: by which means, the Romans being through doubtful fear turned back from Flight, and facing the Enemy, the Army Rallied. Then the Dictator's Troop firſt entered the Battel; who being freſh men, and of good Courage, ſet upon the Baniſhed Perſons, who were now tired, and ſlew them. Then there aroſe another Conflict between the Commanders; the Latin General, when he ſaw the Party of the Baniſhed Perſons almoſt ſurrounded by the Roman Dictator, immediately drew forth certain Companies out of the Reſerve, which lay in the Rere, into the Front of the Army, whom T. Herminius, the Lieutenant, eſpying as they came, Ranged in good Order, and knowing Mamilius amongſt them, who was remarkable for his Garment and his Arms, he Charged up to him, with ſo much greater force than the Maſter of the Horſe, who had a little before Engaged the General of the Enemies, that he not only killed Mamilius, with a Wound that he made in his ſide at one blow, but was himſelf alſo, whileſt he Rifled the Enemies Body, run through with a Javelin; and, when he was carried as Victor into the Camp, expired upon the firſt dreſſing of his Wound. Then the Dictator made haſte up to the Horſe, beſeeching them, that, now the Foot were tired, they would alight and take their places. They complied with his Requeſt, and Diſmounting, made all the ſpeed they could into the Head of the A • my, where they ſtood with their Shields in the room of the Anteſignani [or ſuch Soldiers as ſtoo • before the Colours.] Upon that, the Foot immediately recovered their Courage, when they ſaw the young Nobility in the ſame manner with themſelves ſuſteining part of the danger: and then, the Latins being Shocked, their Army was diſmayed, and began to Retire. Which when the Romans ſaw, the Horſemen mounted again the better to purſue the Enemy, and the Foot followed them. At that time, the Dictator omitting nothing, either Divine or Humane, that might be for their Aſſiſtance, and therefore, is ſaid, to have reſolved to Dedicate a Temple to Caſtor, and to have propoſed rewards to ſuch of his Soldiers, as ſhould be the firſt or ſecond that entered the Enemies Camp. Which ſo much animated them, that at the ſame inſtant in which they Routed the Enemy, the Romans. poſſeſſed themſelves of their Camp. This was the ſucceſs of the Battel at the Lake called Lacus Regillus; from whence, the Dictator and the Maſter of the Horſe returned with Triumph into the City.

For three Years after that, they had not either certain Peace or War. Q. Cloelius and T. Lartius were Conſuls; and after them A. Sempronius and M. Minucius; in whoſe time, a Temple was Dedicated to Saturn, and an Holy-day, called Saturnalia [or the Feaſt of Saturn] was then inſtituted. After that, A. Poſtumius and T. Virginius were made Conſuls; and I find ſome Authors ſay, the Battel of the Lake Regillus was fought in this Year; as alſo, that A. Poſtumius, becauſe his Collegue was a man not to be truſted, withdrew himſelf from the Conſulſhip, being afterwards made Dictator. There are ſuch errors in the account of time, and ſuch difference in the ſeries of their Magiſtrates, which ſeveral Authors have made, that a man cannot tell what Conſuls were then in Office, nor what was done in each Year, it is ſo long ago; and things, as well as Authors, are ſo confounded. Then Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were made Conſuls; whoſe Year was very remarkable, for the news of Taquinius's Death. He died at Cumae, whither, after the Latins were Defeated, he fled to King Ariſtodemus. At that News, the Senate were very much pleaſed, and ſo were the People; but the joy of the Senate was too immoderate, and began to inſult over the People, whom, till that time, they had endeavoured by all manner of means to oblige. The ſame Year, Signia, a Colony which King Tarquinius had Planted, was again ſupplied with a freſh number of Inhabitants; Rome was divided into one and twenty Tribes, and the Temple of Mercury was Dedicated upon the Ides of May, [i. e. the fifteenth.]

In the Latin War, the Romans had neither Peace nor War with the Volſci: for the Volſci raiſed Forces to ſend to the Latins, leſt the Roman Dictator ſhould make too much haſte, and the Romans on the other ſide, made what haſte they could, leſt they ſhould be forced to fight with the Latius and the Volſci at the ſame time. At which, the Conſuls being enraged, led their Legions into the Country of the Volſci; who not fearing that they ſhould be puniſhed for their Deſigns, were put into a Conſternation, by a War which they did not foreſee. Wherefore, neglecting their Military Preparations, they gave three hundred Hoſtages, which were Noble mens Sons of Cora and Pometia; by which means, the Legions were drawn off without fighting. But not long after, the Volſci being eaſed of their fears, reſumed their former diſpoſition, and privately prepared, a ſecond time, for a War; taking the Hernici into their Alliance. They alſo ſent Ambaſſadors all about, to ſollicite the Latins: but the Defeat which they had lately received at the Lake Regillus, poſſeſſed the Latins with ſuch anger and hatred againſt any one that ſhould perſuade them to take up Arms, that they could not forbear laying violent hands, even upon the Embaſſadors themſelves. Wherefore they ſeized upon them, and carrying them to Rome, delivered them to the Conſuls; by whom it was declared, that the Volſci and the Hernici were preparing for a War againſt the Romans. The matters being brought before the Senate, it pleaſed them ſo much, that they not only ſent back to the Latins, ſix thouſand Captives, but alſo referred the Debate concerning a League, which had been almoſt always denyed to new Magiſtrates. At which, the Latins mightily rejoyced, as being proud to be the Authors of Peace; and upon that account, they afterwards ſent a Crown of Gold into the Capitol, for an Offering to Jupiter; with which, and the Embaſſadors that brought it, there came a great Multitude of thoſe Captives that had been ſent home: who, going to the Houſes of them whom they had formerly ſerved, gave them thanks for their Liberality and Kindneſs to them in their Calamity, making perpetual Agreements of mutual Friendſhip and Hoſpitality among them. For, before this time, the Latins were never, both publickly and privately, more nearly Allied to the Roman Empire.

But now not only the Volſcian War was coming on, but the City it ſelf alſo, being at variance, was all inflamed with an Inteſtine hatred between the Senate and the People, which happened moſtly upon the account of thoſe who were obliged to work out their Debts. For they murmured, that they who fought abroad for Liberty and Empire, ſhould be Captivated and Oppreſs'd by their own Citizens at home; and ſaid, that the Liberty of the People was more ſecure in War than in Peace, among their Enemies more than among their fellow Citizens. But that which kindled their Envy, though it increaſed faſt enough of it ſelf, was the ſignal Calamity of one ſingle Perſon. That was an ancient man who came into the Forum, with all the marks of hardſhip that he had ſuffered under the reſtraint of his Creditor. His Garments were all ſqualid and naſty, but his Body in a much worſe plight, being pale, and looking as if he were almoſt ſtarved to Death. Beſides which, his Beard and his Hair were grown ſo long, that they made him look like a Savage: yet he was known with all that Deformity, and the People ſaid, he had been a Commander, commending him alſo for other Military Atchievements, and commiſerating him before the Rabble. He alſo ſhewed them the Scars in his Body, which were his witneſſes of what honourable Fights he had engaged in. And when they asked him how he came to look ſo ill (a Crowd ſtanding round about him, in manner of an Aſſembly) he told them, That being a Soldier in the Sabine War, the Country ſo Pillaged, that he not only wanted the Fruits of his Land, but his Houſe was burnt, all his Goods Plundered from him, his Cattel driven away; and at that very Calamitous juncture, a Tribute was impoſed, that made him borrow Mony: which by Uſury riſing to a great ſum, deprived him firſt of his Fathers and his Grand-fathers Eſtate, and then of his other fortunes; 'till at laſt, like a Conſumption, it ſeized his very Body, and he was haled by his Creditor, not only into Slavery, but a ſevere Work-houſe and a Goal. With that, he ſhewed them his Back, which was all raw with the freſh marks of thoſe ſtripes he had received. Which, when they ſaw and heard, there aroſe a great Clamor among them; nor did the Tumult now contein it ſelf within the Forum [or Market-place,] but ran immediately through all the City. Whereupon, not only thoſe that were Bound, but ſuch as were free too, came forth from all parts into the Streets, imploring the Aſſiſtance of the Romans their fellow Citizens. Nor was there any place that wanted a Voluntier for Sedition; but they ran in whole Troops through all the Streets, with Clamors into the Market-place; where ſome of the Senators that happened to be there, were in great danger of the Multitude. Nor had they eſcaped, if the Conſuls, P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius had not come ſpeedily in to repreſs the Tumult. But the Multitude turned even upon them alſo, and ſhewing their Bonds, with their other Deformities, ſaid, Thoſe were all that they had deſerved, upbraiding them with the ſeveral ſervices which they had done in the Wars. Which having done, they required them, with Menaces, rather than like Petitioners, to call a Senate; and they themſelves, who were reſolved to be Judges and Moderators of that publick Council, ſtood round about the Court. Some very few of the Senators, that came that way by chance, were got about the Conſuls, but the reſt, fear kept not only from the Court, but from the Forum alſo; ſo that nothing could be done, becauſe the number of the Senators was ſo ſmall. With that, the Multitude thought they were derided, and put off with idle delays; and that the Senators who were abſent, did not ſtay away by chance, or for fear, but to obſtruct the preſent affair, yea, the Conſuls themſelves prevaricated; nor did they queſtion, but their miſeries pleaſed them. And now, the very Majeſty of the Conſuls could hardly reſtrain the fury of the People; when being uncertain, whether by ſtaying or coming, they ſhould incur moſt danger: at length, they came into the Senate, and in a full Aſſembly, had a long Debate, not only between the Senators, but even the Conſuls themſelves. Appius, a man of a violent Spirit, thought the matter might be beſt compoſed by the Abſolute Authority of the Conſuls, and that if one or two of them were laid hold on, the reſt would be quiet. But Servilius, who was more inclined to uſe gentle Remedies, ſuppoſed it more ſecure, as well as more eaſie, to bend, than to break their ſtubborn mind.

Amidſt this Tumult, another far greater terror ſurprized them; for the Latin Horſe came with a frightful Meſſage, that the Volſci were a coming with a great Army to Attack the City. Which News (ſo far had Diſcord divided the City into two inſtead of one) made an impreſſion upon the Senators, to what it did upon the People. For the People leaped for joy, and ſaid, That the gods were come to revenge the pride of the Senators. In which, one of them confirmed another, with perſuaſions, Not to liſt themſelves for the War; but to die with the whole City, rather than periſh alone: to let the Senators fight and take up Arms, that they might undergo the dangers of War, who had the reward of it. In the mean time, the Senate being much concerned, and trembling for fear, as well of their own Citizens as of the Enemy, deſired Servilius the Conſul, who was of a more popular diſpoſition, to free the Commonwealth from thoſe Terrors with which it was now circumvented. Then, the Conſul, having diſmiſſed the Senate, came forth into the Aſſembly of the People; where he ſhewed them, What care the Senate had taken of the Peoples welfare; but that amidſt their deliberation concerning that, which was indeed the greateſt part, though but a part of the City, they were ſurprized with fear, upon the account of the whole Commonwealth; nor could they, when the Enemy was ſo near their Gates, think of any thing before a War: nor, if they ſhould give the People any relief, would it either become them to refuſe the taking up Arms for their Country, becauſe they did not firſt receive their reward, or would it agree with the honour of the Senate, to be forced by fear, to remedy the Calamities of their fellow Citizens, ſo much as afterwards it would, upon their own free will. Then, by an Edict, he put an end to the Aſſembly, by which Edict, he commanded, That no man ſhould keep a Roman Citizen in Bonds or Reſtraint, ſo as to hinder him from giving his Name to the Conſul. That no one ſhould take or ſell the Goods of any Soldier, ſo long as he was in the Camp, or detein his Children or Grand-children. This Edict being Proclaimed, not only thoſe Debtors who were preſent, immediately gave their Names, but they flocked from all private corners of the City (now that their Creditors had now Power to detein them) into the Forum, to take the Military Oath. And indeed they made a great Party; nor was the Valour and Induſtry of any other, beſides theſe, more eminent, in the War againſt the Volſci. Wherefore the Conſul drew forth his Forces, and pitched his Camp at a ſmall diſtance from them.

The next night, the Volſci relying upon the Roman Diſcord, attacked the Camp, to try if any of them would come over, or betray it to them in the night time. The Sentinels perceived them coming, and gave notice to the Army, who were preſently Alarmed, ſo that the Attempt of the Volſci was to no purpoſe. The reſt of the night both ſides lay ſtill; but the next morning, aſſoon as 'twas morning, the Volſci having filled the Trenches, Invaded the Rampier. And now they were pulling down the Fortifications on every ſide, when the Conſul (though all the Army, and the Debtors eſpecially, called out upon him to give the Signal) delayed for ſome ſmall time, to try the Soldiers Inclinations; but when he ſaw they were mighty eager upon it, at laſt, having made a ſign for them to Sally forth, he ſent them out with violent appetites to the Battel. The Enemies were Defeated upon the firſt Attack; and as they ran away, their Rere was cut in pieces as far as the Foot could follow them; but the Horſe drove the frighted Creatures even to their Camp. Thereupon, the Camp it ſelf, being ſurrounded with the Legions, (now that the fear had driven the Volſci from thence alſo) was taken and Plundered. The next day, the Legions were drawn to Sueſſa Pometia, whither the Enemies were fled, which Town, within a few days, was taken and given to the Soldiers as free Plunder. By that means, the needy Soldiers were in ſome meaſure recruited; and the Conſul, to his great Honour, led his Victorious Army back to Rome. In his March home, the Embaſſadors of the Ecetrani, a People dwelling in a famous City of the Volſci, fearing their own circumſtances, now that Pomotia was taken, made application to him, and had a Peace granted them, by order of the Senate; but part of their Land was taken from them.

Immediately after that, the Sabines put the Romans into ſome ſmall fear, for that was a Tumult more properly than a War. News came by night into the City, that the Sabine Army was come, and had Pillaged the Country as far as the River Anien, and that all the Villages thereabouts were Plundered and Burnt. Upon which, A. Poſtumius, who had been Dictator in the Latin War, was preſently ſent thither with all the Horſe, and Conſul Servilius followed him with a choice Party of Foot. The Horſe encloſed a great many of them as they were ſtragling about the Fields; nor did the Sabine Legions withſtand the Body of Foot when they came up. For a great part of them being tired, not only with Marching, but with the Plunder which they had been employed in, and having filled themſelves in the Villages, with good Chear and Wine, had ſcarce ability enough to run away. The Sabine War, therefore, being firſt heard of and ended in one and the ſame night, the next day, in great hopes of Peace with all Nations, Embaſſadors came to the Senate from the Aurunci, and told them, That if they did not depart out of the Dominions of the Volſci, they came to declare War againſt them. With thoſe Embaſſadors, there came likewiſe an Army of the Aurunci; who, having been ſeen not far from Aricia, put the Romans into ſuch a tumult, that neither the Senators could give a fitting Anſwer to the Conſul in due order, nor could the Conſuls to the Embaſſadors, who came to make War; ſince they themſelves were ready to take up Arms. Wherefore they went with a ſtrong Army to Aricia, and not far from thence, Engaging with the Aurunci, overcame them in that one Battel.

The Auruncians being Defeated, the Roman Army, which within a few days had gotten ſo many Victories, expected the promiſe of the Conſul ſhould be performed by the Senate; but Appius, both out of his Native pride, and to falſifie his Collegues word, was as ſevere as poſſibly he could be, in giving Judgment concerning Debts; and thereupon, not only they who had before been in Priſon, were delivered to their Creditors, but others alſo were put into the ſame condition. Which, as faſt as any Soldier had ſuffered, he Appealed to Servilius, to whom they all flocked; Telling him of his promiſe, and upbraiding him with what each one of them had deſerved in the Wars, and the Scars which they had received. They deſired him to let the Senate know of it, and that he would not only aſſiſt his fellow Citizens, as Conſul, but his Soldiers, as their General. This moved the Conſul, but he was forced by the neceſſity of the preſent Juncture, not to proſecute their Deſires, becauſe not only his Collegue was engaged on the other ſide, but all the Faction of the Nobility too; ſo that he, by ſtanding Neuter, neither eſcaped the hatred of the People, nor won the love of the Senate, the later thinking him effeminate and ambitious, and the former, deceitful; whereby it ſhortly appeared, that he was hated as much as Appius. There was a Controverſie between the Conſuls, which of them ſhould Dedicate the Temple of Mercury; for the Senate had left it to the People, and Ordered, that he whom they appointed to Dedicate that Temple, ſhould be Praefectus Annonae [or Steward of the Proviſions,] regulate the Company of Merchants, and determin of ſuch and ſuch Solemnity for the Pontifex [or High Prieſt.] But the People committed the Dedication of that Temple to M. Laetorius, the eldeſt Captain of their Army, not ſo much out of reſpect to him (for it was a thing very much above him) as out of diſreſpect to the Conſuls. Thereupon Appius Claudius and the Senate grew very ſevere: but the People were the more encouraged, and went to work a far different way from what they firſt deſigned. For deſpairing of any relief from the Conſuls and the Senate, when they ſaw a Debtor haled into Court, they immediately flocked together from all parts; nor could the Decree of the Conſul be heard, for noiſe and clamour, nor when he had made his Decree, did any body obey it, but by reaſon of the violence which the People uſed, all the fear and danger was turned from Debtors upon Creditors, ſince, in the Conſuls ſight, each one of the latter was ſet upon by many of the former. Beſides this, they were poſſeſſed with the fear of a Sabine War; in order whereunto, though there were a Levy Decreed, yet no body gave in their Names. At which, Appius was enraged and inveighed againſt the ambition of his Collegue, who, by his popular ſilence, Betrayed the Commonwealth, and ſaid, that beſides his refuſing to do Juſtice to the Creditors, he was unwilling to raiſe men, though the Senate had ſo Decreed; yet that the Commonwealth was not totally deſerted, nor the Power of the Conſuls ſo little, but that he alone would uphold the Authority and Majeſty, not only of his own Place, but of the Senate too. Thereupon, as the Multitude, who behaved themſelves very licentiouſly, ſtood round about the Tribunal, which they daily uſed to do, he ordered one notorious Ring-leader of the Sedition to be laid hold on: who, as he was haled along by the Lictors, Appealed from the Conſul to the People; but the Conſul would not have yielded to his Appeal, (becauſe the Judgment of the People was certain to go on his ſide) had not he been, with much ado, perſuaded to it, more by the Counſel and Authority of the Nobility, than by the Clamer of the People: ſuch a high ſpirit he had to bear and contemn the envy of the People. From that time, the miſchief grew greater every day than other; not only with open Clamors, but, which was much worſe, by Caballing and ſecret Conſults, 'till, at laſt, theſe Conſuls, whom the People hated, went out of their Office; Servilius beloved by neither Party, but Appius much admired by the Senate.

Then A. Virginius and T. Veturius were made Conſuls; in whoſe time, the People being uncertain what kind of men they would prove, had mighty Meetings; ſome in the Eſquiliae and ſome in the Aventine, leſt, when they came into the Forum, at any publick Aſſembly, they might be put to a plunge, and do things hand over head. The Conſuls ſuppoſing that to be, as it really was, a very pernicious way of proceeding, acquainted the Senate with it; but when it came before them, they could not proceed in their deliberations concerning it, ſo regularly as they uſed to do, there was ſuch a tumult and a noiſe in the Houſe, when the Bill was brought in; for the Senate was very angry, that the Conſuls ſhould caſt the envy of that which they ought to have executed by their own Authority, upon their Houſe, and told them, That if there were Magiſtrates in the Commonwealth, there would be no Meetings at Rome, but what were publick; though now the People were diſperſed and divided into a thouſand Conventicles and Aſſemblies, ſome in the Eſquiliae and ſome in the Aventine; and that one man of reſolution (for that was more than a Conſul) ſuch as was Ap. Claudius, would diſſolve thoſe Meetings in a moment. The Conſuls being thus chid by the Senate, deſired to know what they would have them do, (for they would be as diligent and as Couragious as the Senate would have them) to which the Senate anſwered, That they ſhould make a ſtrict Levy of Soldiers among the People, for that they grew petulent and unruly, for want of employment. Having adjourned the Senate, the Conſuls went up to the Tribunal, where they called over all the younger men by their Names, but no body anſwered, for the Multitude ſtanding round, in the nature of an Aſſembly, cryed out, They could no longer be deceived; nor ſhould the Conſuls ever have one Soldier, unleſs they performed their publick promiſe. They muſt give every man his Liberty, before they ſhould force any Arms upon him, that they might fight for their Country and their fellow Citizens, not for their Lords and Maſters. The Conſuls ſaw what the Senate had enjoyned them, but diſcovered never a one of thoſe who were ſo brisk within the Walls of the Court, to ſtand by them there, and partake of the envy which they lay under; wherefore they were like to have a cruel tug with the People. For that reaſon, before they tryed the extremity, they reſolved once more to conſult the Senate: upon which, all the younger part of the Senators ran up to the Conſuls Seats, commanding them to lay down their Office, and quit their Authority which they wanted Courage to maintain.

The Conſuls having tryed both the Senate and the People, at laſt they told them, Fathers, that you may not deny our propoſals, we muſt inform you, that there is a great tumult; and therefore, we deſire, that thoſe who blame us moſt of all for our ſlothfulneſs, would be our Aſſiſtants while we make the Levy: then, ſince you will have it ſo, we will be very induſtrious to pleaſe each one of you. With that, they returned to the Tribunal, and ordered a certain Perſon, that ſtood there in view, to be Cited by his Name on purpoſe: who ſtanding ſilent, with a crowd of men about him (to keep him from being ſeized on) the Conſuls ſent an Officer to him; who being repulſed, the Senators that were there aſſiſting the Conſuls, cryed out, it was a ſhame, and immediately ran down, from the Tribunal, to help the Officer: who being only kept off from laying hold upon the fellow who was Cited, and did not anſwer, the Peoples fury was all turned upon the Senators, but by the interpoſition of the Conſuls, the Tumult was appeaſed; in which, there being no Weapons uſed, there was more noiſe and wrangling than there was hurt done. Upon that, the Senate was tumultuouſly ſummoned, whoſe Conſultations were much more tumultuous; for thoſe who were affronted by the People, deſired ſatisfaction, and being each of them, in a very great heat, gave their Voices, not quietly, as wiſe men ſhould have done, but with Noiſe and Clamor. At length, when their heat was abated, the Conſuls upbraided them, ſaying, There was as little Prudence and Sobriety in the Senate-houſe as in the Forum, and then they began to give their Opinions, regularly and in order, of which, there were three. P. Virginius did not think fit that they ſhould be all dealt with in the ſame manner, but that they ought to conſider ſuch only as laid claim to the promiſe, which the Conſul P. Servilius had made, upon the account of their having been Soldiers in the Volſcian, Auruncian and Sabine Wars. T. Largius ſaid, That was not a fit time to reward thoſe only who had deſerved well, ſince all the People in general were in Debt, nor could the Sedition be remedied, unleſs they conſulted the good of all; for if the circumſtances of ſome were better than thoſe of others, their Diſcord was like rather to be heightened than allayed. Ap. Claudius who was naturally of a violent and fierce diſpoſition, fomented on the one hand, by his hatred to the People, and on the other hand, by the commendations of the Senate, told them, That great diſturbance aroſe, not from their miſeries, but licentiouſneſs; and that the People were rather too much indulged than inclined to mutiny. That the preſent miſchief ſprang from the Liberty of Appealing; for if all thoſe who had offended might Appeal, the Conſuls, inſtead of Authority, would have nothing but Menaces. Come then (ſaid he) let us create a Dictator, from whom there is no Appeal; then this fury, that now puts all things into a flame, will certainly abate. Then let him, who knows that the power over his Body and Life is in one man, abuſe my Officer, and violate that one mans Authority.

The Opinion of Appius was dreadful and ſevere, as many thought; while thoſe again of Virginius and Largius were of ill conſequence, eſpecially that of Largius, which deſtroyed the credit of the whole City, ſo that Virginius's Counſel ſeemed to be moſt moderate, and to proceed in a middle way betwixt both. But through Faction and Reſpect to private ends, which always have done, and always will obſtruct publick Councils, Appius prevailed, and had like to have been made Dictator himſell. Which, if he had, it had certainly diſobliged the People, even at the moſt dangerous juncture, when the Volſci, the Aequi and the Sabines happened to be at the ſame time in Arms. But the Conſuls and the graver Senators took care, that that Office which carried ſuch abſolute Authority, in its own ſtyle, ſhould be beſtowed upon a Perſon of a more gentle diſpoſition; and therefore they choſe Manius Valerius, the Son of Voleſius. The Common People, though they ſaw a Dictator made in oppoſition to them, yet becauſe they had their Appeal granted, by a Law which his Brother made, they feared no miſchief nor tyranny from that Family. In which Opinion, an Edict ſet forth by him, after he was Dictator, confirmed them, it being almoſt of the ſame tenour with that which Conſul Servilius had formerly made: wherefore, ſuppoſing that they might truſt, not only the man, but his Authority too, they ceaſed to Mutiny, and gave in their Names. By which means, there were ten Legions raiſed, (ſuch an Army as they had never had before) of which, the Conſuls had three apiece, and the Dictator four. Nor could the War be now deferred; for the Aequi had invaded the Latin Dominions, and Envoys ſent from the Latins, deſired of the Senate, That they would either ſend them aid, or permit them to defend themſelves. Upon which, the Senate thought it more ſecure for them to defend the Latins, who were now naked, than to ſuffer them any more to take up Arms. So they ſent Conſul Veturius who put an end to that Ravage which the Enemy had made; while the Aequi, leaving the Plains, and relying more upon the circumſtance of place, than the ſtrength of their Arms, ſecured themſelves upon the tops of the Mountains. In the mean time, the other Conſul Marching againſt the Volſci, and deſigning to ſave time, provoked the Enemy to bring their Camp nearer and fight him, by Pillaging their Country as much as he could. Each Army ſtood in the Plain between their Camps, and before their out-works all in Battalia, but the Volſci ſomewhat out-did them in number. Wherefore they joyned Battel without any Order, and with Contempt. The Roman Conſul, neither permitted his Army to ſtir, nor ſuffered them to hollow, but commanded them to ſtand to their Arms which they had fixed in the ground; but when the Enemy came up to Engage them, that then they ſhould fall on with all their might, and Engage hand to hand with their Swords. The Volſci being tired with running and the Clamor they had made, came up to the Romans, who ſeemed aſtoniſhed with fear, but when they perceived them to make oppoſition, and their Swords glittered before their eyes, being diſmayed, they turned their backs, as if they had fallen into an Ambuſcade; nor had they ſtrength enough to run away, becauſe they were tired with the ſpeed they made into the Fight. The Romans, on the other hand, having ſtood ſtill before, were very vigorous, and eaſily commanded their tired Enemies, poſſeſſed themſelves of their Camp, and having purſued them as far as Velitrae [a City of the Volſci] preſſed into the Town, both Conquerors and Conquered at the ſame time, where by the promiſcuous ſlaughter of all ſorts of People, there was more Blood ſpilt than in the Battel it ſelf, ſave only, that to ſome few they gave Quarter, becauſe they came unarmed and ſurrendred themſelves.

Whileſt theſe things were tranſacted in the Country of the Volſci, the Dictator Defeated, Routed and Seized the Camp of the Sabines, againſt whom, they had much more to do. For he, by ſending in his Horſe, had confounded the main Body of the Enemies Army, which they, by extending their Wings, had very irregularly Fortified by the Files within. He therefore ſet upon them in this Confuſion, on foot; by which means, he not only, at the firſt Onſet, took their Camp, but totally overcame them. Since the Fight at the Lake Regillus, there was never another, in thoſe years, that was more famous than this. The Dictator was carryed in Triumph into the City, where, over and above the uſual Honours, there was a place aſſigned in the Circus, for him and his Poſterity, to ſee the Exerciſes and Games in; beſides that, a Sella Curulis [i. e. a Chair of State] was ſet for him in the ſame place. The Volſci being Conquered, the Land belonging to Velitrae was taken from them, and a Colony ſent thither from Rome. Not long after, they had a Battel with the Aequi, but againſt the Conſul's will, becauſe the place, in which he was to Attack the Enemy, was much to his diſadvantage; yet, ſeeing the Soldiers accuſed him of delaying the time, as if he had a mind the Dictator ſhould go out of his Office before they came home, and ſo his promiſes, like thoſe of Conſul Servilius's before, ſhould ſignifie nothing, they forced him to lead the Army at a venture up into the oppoſite Mountains. Which unadviſed Action, through the ſlothfulneſs of the Enemies, proved very ſucceſsful; for they, before the two Armies came within a Darts caſt of each other, being amazed at the audacity of the Romans, forſook their Camp, which they had pitched in the ſtrongeſt parts of the Hills, and ran down into the Valleys on the other ſide: by which means, the Romans got not only Plunder enough, but a Victory without Bloodſhed. Thus having ſucceeded well in their Wars againſt three Nations, the Senate and the People too were not unmindful of the ſtate of affairs at home; though the Bankers had made ſuch preparations by Bribery and other Arts, as might not only diſappoint the common People, but even the Dictator himſelf. For Valerius, after the return of Conſul Veterius, made it the firſt Debate that was in the Senate, to conſider the victorious People; and deſired to know, what they would pleaſe to do with the Debtors: which Propoſal of his being rejected, he told them, I do not like your proceedings, I am for Peace; and take my word for it, you will wiſh ere long, that the Roman People had more ſuch Advocates as I am. For my part, I will no longer diſappoint my fellow Citizens, nor be my ſelf Dictator to no purpoſe. Our Inteſtine Broils and our Foreign Wars put the Commonwealth upon the neceſſity of having ſuch a Magiſtrate as I am; and now we have made Peace abroad, we obſtruct it at home: I therefore will live rather like a private man than a Dictator, whileſt this Sedition continues; and with that, going out of the Court, he quitted his Dictatorſhip. The People knew, the reaſon why he laid down his Authority, was, the indignation which he conceived upon their account: wherefore, as if he had diſcharged his promiſe, (becauſe it was not his fault that he could not perform it) they followed him to his Houſe with Praiſes and Acclamations.

Thereupon the Senate were afraid, leſt, if they Disbanded the Army, there might be Caballing and private Conſpiracies as there were before; wherefore, although the Levy of them had been made by the Dictator, yet, becauſe they had given their Oaths to the Conſuls, they ſuppoſed them to be obliged by it, and therefore, under pretence of the Wars being renewed by the Aequi, they commanded the Legions to be drawn out of the City. By which the Sedition was augmented; and (as they ſay) the firſt thing they conſulted of, was, how thay ſhould kill the Conſuls, that they might be diſcharged from their Oath: but being taught afterwards, that no Religious Vow can be diſcharged by a wicked Act, they, by the advice of one Sicinius, but without the conſent of the Conſuls, withdrew themſelves into the Mount called Mons Sacer, on the other ſide the River Anien, three thouſand paces from the City (for that is more commonly reported, than what Piſo tells us, that they retired into the Mount Aventine) where, without any Captain, having Fortified their Camp with a Rampier and a Trench, they lay ſtill for ſome days without taking any thing; except what was neceſſary for Food, neither moleſted themſelves, nor diſturbing any body elſe. The City, in the mean while, was filled with great dread, and all People were in ſuſpence, through mutual fear of each other; for the common People being deſerted by the Soldiers of their Rank, were afraid of the Senate, and the Senate, on the other hand, were as apprehenſive of the Commonalty, which yet remained in the City, not knowing whether it were better to let them ſtay or go; but how long (ſaid they) will the Multitude be quiet that have withdrawn themſelves? what will become of us, if any Foreign War ſhould happen in the mean time? There was no hope, they thought, but in the mutual Concord of the Citizens; and that muſt be purchaſed at any rate. They therefore agreed, to ſend an Agent to the People, whoſe name was, Menenius Agrippa, en Eloquent man, and one that the People loved, becauſe he was Deſcended from a Family of Plebeians. Who, being admitted into their Camp, is reported, in that old uncouth manner of ſpeaking, to have ſaid nothing to them but this, Upon it time, when all the parts of man, not diſagreeing, as men do now, conſented in the main, but every member had its particular Opinion, and a peculiar way of Diſcourſe, the other parts were vexed that they muſt take care and pains to provide all neceſſaries for the Belly, whileſt that lay idle in the middle of the Body, and did nothing but enjoy its pleaſure. Wherefore, they conſpired that the hands ſhould not lift the meat to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it when offered, nor the teeth chew it. By which envious method, whileſt they endeavoured to famiſh the Belly, the members themſelves, at the ſame time, and the whole Body were ſtarved. Whence it appeared, that the Belly was inſtrumental in the ſervice of the whole, nor did it receive more nouriſhment than it ſupplied, in that it diſtributed and equally divided into the Veins that Blood made out of well digeſted food, whereby w • live and enjoy our health. Then comparing the Inteſtine Sedition of the Body to the Animoſity of the People againſt the Senate, he thereby reconciled them.

Thereupon they began to Treat of Peace, and agreed upon Terms, That the People ſhould have certain peculiar and inviolable Magiſtrates to aſſiſt them againſt the Conſuls, and that no Senator ſhould be capable of that Office. So there were two Officers Created by the Title of Tribuni Plebis [or the Tribunes of the People] whoſe Names were Cains Licinius and L. Albinus: and they choſe themſelves three Collegues, of which Sicinius the Author of the Sedition was one, but who the other two were is uncertain. Some Authors ſay, that there were only two Tribunes Created, in the Mons Sacer [i. e. the Holy Mount,] and that there alſo thoſe Laws were made, called Leges Sacratae [i. e. Sacred Laws.] During this Suceſſion of the People, Sp. Caſſius and Poſtumus Cominius began their Conſulſhip; in whoſe time there was a League made with the Latins, for the Ratifying whereof, one Conſul ſtayed at Rome, and the other was ſent to the War againſt the Volſci, in which, he Defeated and Routed thoſe of Antium [a City of the Volſci,] and driving them into a Town called Longula, he made himſelf Maſter of it. Then he took Poluſca, another Town of the Volſci; from whence he marched and Stormed Corioli. There was at that time in the Camp, among the reſt of the young Nobility, one Caius Marcius, a young man, very witty and active, who was afterwards Surnamed Coriolanus. When therefore the Volſcian Legions, coming from Antium, had ſet upon the Roman Army, which then ſate down before Carioli, being intent upon the Townſmen which they had blocked up, and free from any fear of a War without, and at the ſame time, the Enemies had made a Sally out of the Town, this Marcius was by chance upon the Guard; and he, with a choice Party of men, did not only repel the violence of thoſe that Sallied forth, but bravely forced his way through the open Gate, and having killed all he met in the adjacent parts of the City, he took the next Fore that came to his hands, and threw it into the Houſes next the Wall. Thereupon, the noiſe of the Townſmen, mixed with the cries of Women and Children, (which was at firſt deſigned, as it uſually is for terror) encouraged the Romans, and diſheartened the Volſci, to hear that their City was taken which they came to Relieve. Thus the Volſci of Antium were Routed, and the Town of Corioli taken; in which Actions, Marcius ſo much obſcured the Conſuls Fame, by his Honourable Atchievements, that unleſs the League made with the Latins, (by Sp. Caſſius alone, in the abſence of his Collegue) and graven upon a Pillar of Braſs, had been a Monument of it, Poſterity would never have known that Poſtumus Cominius ever waged War with the Volſci. The ſame Year Agrippa Menenius died, a man all his life-time, beloved both by the Senate and the People: but after his death, became more dear to the People, yet he, who was the Mediator and the Umpire for Concord between his fellow Citizens, as being Embaſſador from the Senate to the People, and the man who brought back the Roman Commonalty into the City, wanted Mony to defray his Funeral Charges, wherefore the People buried him at their expence, Contributing every one three Farthings.

Then T. Geganius and P. Minucius were made Conſuls; in whoſe time, though all things were quiet abroad, and the Diſcord compoſed at home, another misfortune, much worſe than all the reſt, befell the City; and that was, firſt a Dearth of Proviſions, for want of having had their Land Manured, at the time of the Peoples Seceſſion: after which, ſucceeded a Famin, like that which Towns beſieged are wont to ſuffer. In which Calamity, the Slaves eſpecially, and the meaner ſort of People had all died, if the Conſuls had not taken care to ſend into all parts to buy Corn; not only into Etruria, all along the Coaſts, on the right hand of Oſtia, but on the left hand too, through the Country of the Volſci, and down by Sea as far as Cumae: yea, they went even into Sicily alſo, ſo far did the hatred which their Neighbours bore to them, compel them to go for ſupplies. When they had bought Corn at Cumae, their Ships had an Embargo laid upon them by Ariſtodemus the King of that place, to make amends for the Goods of the Tarquins, to whom he was Heir. In the Country of the Volſci, and about Pometia there was none to be bought; nor only ſo, but the Merchants themſelves were alſo in danger of their lives; they had Corn out of Etruria, by way of the Tiber, wherewith the People were ſuſteined. Amidſt this ſcarcity, they had been harraſſed with very unſeaſonable War, had it not been for a raging Peſtilence which ſeized upon the Volſci, whileſt they were now taking up Arms. At that deſtructive calamity the minds of their Enemies were ſo diſmayed, that even when that was abated, they were poſſeſſed with ſome terror; while the Romans augmented their Colony at Viletrae, and ſent a new one into the Mountains to Norba, which is a Caſtle near Pometia. After that, when M. Minucius and A. Sempronius were Conſuls, there was a great quantity of Corn brought out of Sicily; and 'twas Debated in the Senate at what rate the People ſhould have it. Amongſt whom, many were of Opinion, that then the time was come to make the People ſubmit, and to recover thoſe Priviledges, which by their Seceſſion and Violence, had been extorted from the Senate; but M. Coriolanus, more than any other, being an Enemy to the Tribunes Power. If they (ſaid he) will have their old allowance, and at the ſame rate that they had it before the Sedition, let them give back to the Senate their ancient Priviledges. Why ſhould I ſee Magiſtrates made out of the People, or Sicinius ſo great and powerful, whileſt I my ſelf am a Slave and redeemed, as it were, out of the hands of Robbers? Shall I endure theſe indignities any longer than I am forced to it? Shall we endure Sicinius that could not brook King Tarquin? Let him withdraw now and call the People after him, the way is open to the Sacred Mount, as well as the other Hills. Let them ſteal the Corn out of our Fields, as they did three years ago. Let them enjoy and make uſe of ſuch Proviſions, as by their fury they have made. I dare be bold to ſay, that they themſelves will be ſo tamed by this Calamity, that they will rather chaſe to Till the Ground than take up Arms, and ſeparating themſelves, prohibit the Manuring of it. It could ſcare the ſo eaſily ſaid, whether they ought to have done it or no, as it might, I ſuppoſe, have been in the power of the Senate, by making Proviſions cheap, not only to remove the Power of the Tribunes, but all thoſe new inconveniences which were impoſed upon them.

This Opinion ſeemed not only very ſevere to the Senate, but fury likewiſe almoſt armed the People, who ſaid, That they were now treated with famin, like Enemies, being defrauded of their very food, and that the Corn which came from foreign Countries by meer fortune, to be their only ſuſtenance, muſt now be ſnatched from their mouths, unleſs the Tribunes were delivered up in Bonds to C. Marcius; unleſs he wreeked his revenge upon the Bodies of the Roman People. That he was riſen up to be a new Executioner to them, and to force them either to be Slaves or die. As he was going out of the Court, they had ſet upon him, if the Tribune had not very ſeaſonably given him notice to appear before them ſuch a day; for by that means their fury was ſuppreſt, ſince every one of them ſaw himſelf made Judg and Maſter of the life and death of his Enemy. Marcius, at firſt, heard the Tribunes Menaces with contempt, and told them, that their Office was to aſſiſt the People, not to puniſh their betters, in that they were the Tribunes of the People not of the Senate. But the People roſe with that violence, that the Senate were forced to allow of one mans puniſhment, in order to avoid the preſent imminent danger. Nevertheleſs they made reſiſtance, whatever the Tribunes could do; and uſed, not only each man his own, but the Authority even of the whole Order. And firſt, they tryed by diſpoſing of their Clients, into ſuch and ſuch parts of the City, whether they could Defeat the Deſigns by deterring and keeping ſingle Perſons from Cabals and Conſults. After which, they went all together (in which caſe, you may well ſay, all the Senators there were Guilty) beſeeching the People, to deliver up to them one of their fellow Citizens, one Senator, if they would not acquit him as Innocent, under the Notion of an Offender. He not appearing at the day appointed, they perſevered in their fury; whereupon, he was Condemned, though abſent, and went as a Baniſhed Perſon into the Country of the Volſci, with Menaces to his Country, and a mind now filled with Hoſtility. The Volſci received him very kindly; and their kindneſs encreaſed more and more every day; which made the hatred of the Romans the more conſpicuous; from whom there were ſent very frequently, one while complaints, and other-whiles Menaces. He lived with one Attius Tullus, who was at that time the greateſt man of all the Volſci, and a perpetual Enemy to the Romans. They two therefore, the one upon the account of an old grudg, and the other for a late indignity, conſulted together, how they ſhould make a War againſt the Romans. But they did not think it an eaſie matter to perſuade that People to take up Arms, ſince they ſo often had ſuch ill ſucceſs. For having loſt moſt of their young men, very lately, by Peſtilence, and in many Wars before; they ſuppoſed, that now their Spirits being broken, they muſt uſe ſome Art, and find out a new occaſion of inſtigating their fury, ſeeing the old quarrel was now, by Tract of time, quite worn out and forgot.

The Games called Ludi Magni were then a going to be Celebrated a new; and the reaſon of it was this, On the day that the Games were to be Celebrated, in the Morning, before they began, a certain Houſholder had driven his Slave through the middle of the Circus, and cauſed him to carry a ſmall Gallows upon his neck, whileſt, all the way, he was whipped along. Which notwithſtanding, the Games were begun, as if that Action did not at all concern Religion. But not long after, one Tib. Atinias, a mean Perſon, dreamed, that Jupiter came to him, and told him, The man that led the Dance in the Games that day, did not pleaſe him; and that if they were not magnificently renewed, the City would be in great danger, bidding him go and tell the Conſuls the ſame. Now, though the man was not altogether void of Religion, yet his modeſty and the Reverence he had for the Majeſty of thoſe great Officers, overpowered his fear of the Deity; beſides that, he was afraid the People would jear him for it. But his delay coſt him dear, for in a few days he loſt his Son; of which ſudden misfortune, to make the cauſe plain, as he lay diſcontented, but aſleep, the ſame Viſion appeared to him; and ſeemed to ask him, Whether he had Reward enough for his Contempt of a Deity. And told him, That there was a greater now at hand, unleſs he made haſte and told the Conſuls. This made a greater Impreſſion upon him; yet ſtill he delayed and protracted the time, 'till a grievous Diſeaſe, and a ſudden feebleneſs ſeized upon him. Then the anger of the gods had ſufficiently admoniſhed him: wherefore, being tired with his paſt and preſent Calamities, he adviſed with his Neighbours, to whom, having related what he had ſeen and heard, and how Jupiter appeared to him ſo often in his ſleep, together with the Menaces and the Misfortunes which he had afflicted him with; they all conſented immediately that he ſhould be carried in a Litter into the Forum, to the Conſuls. By whoſe Order, being carried thence into the Senate-houſe, and having, to their great admiration, told the ſmae Story there, behold another Miracle: for he, who being Lame of all his Limbs, was carryed thither, (they ſay) having done his Duty, returned home a foot. Whereupon, the Senate Decreed, that the Games ſhould be Celebrated with all the Magnificence imaginable.

Now, to thoſe Games, there came, by the advice of Attius Tullus, a great number of th • Volſci; and before they began, Tullus, according to a compact which he had made at home with Marcius, came to the Conſuls, and told them, that he had ſomething to ſay to them in private, which concerned the Commonwealth. The Company being removed; ſaid he, I am unwilling to ſay any thing that is ill of my Country-men; nor do I come to accuſe them of any thing which they have done, but to take care that they be not guilty of any Miſdemeanour. I muſt confeſs, our People are much more fickle than I could wiſh they were. That we have found, by frequent blood-ſhed, who owe our ſafety, not to our own merit, but your patience, There are here now a great number of the Volſci; your Games are beginning, and the whole City will be intent upon the Shew. I remember what the young Sabines did in this City upon the like occaſion. I am in great fear, leſt they ſhould do any thing that were raſh or unadviſed; but this I thought good (Conſuls) to tell you before-hand, upon my own, as well as your account. For my part, I am reſolved immediately to go home, leſt, ſtaying here, I be infected with the Contagion of any mans deeds or words. Having ſo ſaid, he went his way. The Conſuls having related the matter to the Senate, which, though it were doubtful in it ſelf, came from a certain Author, the Perſon (as it is uſual) moved them more than the thing, to an unneceſſary Caution: they therefore made an Order, that the Volſci ſhould depart the City; and ſent their Officers to bid them all be gone before night. Whereupon, the Volſci were at firſt poſſeſſed with great terror, and ran to their Lodgings to pack up their Goods; but, as they went away, they were very much incenſed, that they ſhould be forced to quit the City at that Feſtival time when the Games were Celebrated, and amidſt a Concourſe, as if it were, both of men and gods, like ſo many Villains.

As they were going, almoſt all in a Body, Tullus, who was got before them to the head of the Ferentine River, as each of them came up to him, applied himſelf to the chief of them, enquiring what the matter was, and ſeeming very angry; by which means, they liſtening diligently to what he ſaid, which was enough (be ſure) to move their ſpleen, he drew, not only them, but the reſt of the Multitude into the Plain near the way: where, ranging them into the form of an Aſſembly, he made this Speech, ſaid he, Though yon have forget the former Injuries and Maſſacres which the Roman People have been guilty of, with all their other abuſes offered to the Nation of the Volſci, yet how can you bear this days affront from them who have begun their paſtimes ſo much to our diſhonour? Are you not ſenſible that they have Triumphed over you this day? and that you, by coming away, are made the ſcorn of all their Citizens, all ſtrangers and neighbouring People? What do you imagin they thought, who ſaw you come away? or they that met you coming in ſuch an ignominious Troop, but that our Nation is guilty of ſome great crime, whereby, if we were preſent at the Shews, we ſhould pollute their Games? and need an expiation; for which reaſon, we were forced away from the Society and Convention of all good men. What then? Can we be ſatisfied that we live, becauſe we made haſte to come away? But indeed this is not coming, but running away. And, can you think, this City is not your Enemies, where if you had ſtayed but one day, you muſt all have died for it. In ſhort, by this they have proclaimed a War againſt you, but much to the diſadvantage of thoſe that did it, if you are men. With that, they being themſelves before enraged, but farther incited by what he ſaid, went to their ſeveral homes, where each of them inſtigating their Neighbours, they cauſed the whole Nation of Volſci to Revolt.

The Generals that were choſen for that War by univerſal conſent, were Attius Tullus and C. Marcius, a Baniſhed Roman, in whom they repoſed more hope than ordinary. Nor did he any ways fruſtrate that hope, to make it eaſily appear, that the Roman State was ſtrengthened more-by their Commanders than their Army. He therefore went to Circaei, from whence he firſt drove out the Roman Colony, and delivered that City free into the hands of the Volſci: and thence, croſſing over into the Road called Via Latina, took from the Romans Satricum, Longula, Roluſca and Corioli, their new Conqueſts. From thence he went and took Lavinium, Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Labici and Pedum; laſtly, from Pedum he marched toward the City, and at the Ditches called Foſſae Cluiliae, which are five thouſand paces from it; having pitched his Camp, fell a pillaging the Roman Dominions. But he ſent, amongſt the Pillagers, a Party of Soldiers to ſave the Lands of the Patricii [or ſuch as were of the Senatorian Order] from being Ravaged; either, becauſe he hate • the common People moſt, or thereby to create a Diſcord between the Senate and them. And ſo indeed it had certainly been, (the Tribunes did ſo much incenſe the People, who were themſelves enraged, by accuſing the Nobility) had not the fear of a foreign Enemy united them in the ſtricteſt bonds of Concord; yea, though they ſuſpected and hated one another. But this one thing only they did not like, that the Senate and the Conſuls placed all their hopes in Arms; for the People deſired any thing rather than War. Sp. Nautius and Sext. Furius were now Conſuls; who, whileſt they were calling over the Legions, and diſtributing their men upon the Walls, and in other places where they thought fit to ſet Guards and Sentinels, they were ſtartled with the Seditious Clamor of a great Multitude, who cryed out for Peace, and then forced them to call a Senate, and to propoſe the ſending of Embaſſadors to C. Marcius. The Senate accepted the Propoſal, when they ſaw the People were diſcouraged, and ſent ſeveral Agents to Marcius to Treat for Peace; but they brought back a ſharp Anſwer, which was this, If the Volſci had their Land again, they might poſſibly hear of Peace; but if the Romans would enjoy the ſpoil of War, whileſt they themſelves lived at eaſe, he remembred what injuries his Countrymen had done him, as well as what kindneſs he had received from the Volſci, and therefore would endeavour to make it appear, that Baniſhment did but provoke, much leſs ſubdue his Spirit. Soon after, the ſame Perſons were ſent a ſecond time, but were not admitted into the Camp: whereupon (they ſay that) the Prieſts alſo went in their Robes, as Petitioners, to the Enemies Camp, but prevailed no more than the Embaſſadors had done before them.

Then the Matrons flocked in great numbers to Veturia, Coriolanus his Mother, and Volumnia his Wife; though I do not find, whether that were done by publick advice, or were the effect of female fear; but this is certain, they ſo far prevailed, that not only Veturia, who was an ancient Woman, but Volumnia alſo, carrying along with her two little Boys whom ſhe had by Marcius, went into the Enemies Camp, and defended that City by their Prayers and Tears, as Women, which they could not protect with Arms, as Men. When they came to the Camp, and Coriolanus was told, that there was a great Troop of Women come from Rome, he, who had not been concerned either at publick Majeſty, in the Embaſſadors, or at the ſight or thoughts of any Religious thing, when the Prieſts came, was at firſt much more obſtinate to the Womens tears; 'till one of his Familiars, who diſcovered Veturia ſtanding between her Daughter-in-law and her Grand-children, with greater ſhew of ſorrow than any of the reſt, told him, if my eyes do not deceive me, yonder's your Mother, your Wife and your Children. At which, Coriolanus was ſo ſurprized, and almoſt diſtracted, that he leaped from his Seat, and going to embrace his Mother, who was then coming toward him, ſhe changed her Prayers into Expoſtulations, and ſaid, Before I admit of your embrace, let me know whether I am come to a Son, or to on Enemy: whether I am your Mother or your Captive in your Camp. Was my long life and my unhappy Age protracted only for this end, that I might ſee thee Baniſhed, and after that, an Enemy? Couldeſt thou pillage this Country which brought thee forth and fed thee? Did not thy anger abate when thou cameſt into theſe Confines; though thou wert never ſo revengeful and reſolute before? Did it not come into thy mind, when thou waſt in fight of Rome, to ſay with thy ſelf, within thoſe Walls is my Family and Houſhold-gods? My Mother, my Wife and my Children? So then, if I had never born thee, had not Rome been Attacked? If I had never had a Son, might I have died free, and in a free Country? but now I can ſuffer nothing that is either more diſhonourable to thee, or more afflicting to me; though, let me be as miſerable as I can be, I ſhall not long be ſo; all that I beg of you, is, to take care of theſe poor Creatures, who, if you go on, muſt needs expect either an untimely death, or tedious Captivity. Then his Wife and Children embraced. him, whileſt the whole Crowd of Women, by their Tears and Lamentations, both for themſelves and their Country, with much ado, at laſt prevailed upon him. With that, embracing his Children, he diſmiſſed them, and ſtreight removed his Camp back from the City. Having led the Legions out of the Roman Territories, (ſome ſay) he died by the malicious contrivance of thoſe that hated him for what he had done; though, others ſay, he died by other means; and Fabius, who is the moſt ancient Author of them all, tells us, that he lived till he was very old; with this remark upon him, that he often uſed to ſay, when he grew Aged, 'Tis a miſerable thing for an old man to be Baniſhed. The men of Rome did not envy the Women their due commendations, ſo far they were from diminiſhing that glory, which others had won; but beſides that, Built a Temple, which was Dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris [or the Fortune of Women,] to be a Monument of what they had done. After that, the Volſci and the Aequi together came again into the Roman Dominions; but the Aequi could no longer endure to have Attius Tullus for their General; wherefore, upon the Debate, whether the Volſci or the Aequi ſhould find a General, for that Confederate Army, there happened, firſt, a Mutiny, and then a ſharp Engagement: in which, the fortune of the Roman People deſtroyed two Armies of their Enemies, in a Conflict which was as fatal as it was reſolute. T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius were then Conſuls, to the former of which, fell the Province U. C. 265 of the Volſci, and to the latter, that of the Hernici, who were then alſo in Arms; for the Hernici were that Year quite ſubdued, though the Volſcians came off at firſt upon equal terms.

Then Sp. Caſſius and Proculus Virginius were made Conſuls, in whoſe time there was a League made with the Hernici, and two parts of their Poſſeſſions taken from them; of which, Conſul Caſſius reſolved to give the one half to the Latins, and the other to the common People; to which Preſent, he added ſome part of that Land which, being publick, he found fault ſhould be in. the poſſeſſion of private men. That put many of the Senators who were themſelves in poſſeſſion of ſuch Lands, into a fear, upon their own account; but beſides that, they were likewiſe ſollicitous, leſt, by his Bounty, the Conſul ſhould make the People ſo rich as to endanger the publick Liberty. That therefore was the firſt time the Lex Agraria was promulgated; concerning which, there never was afterwards any Debate, from that time to this, without great Tumults. In the mean time, the other Conſul reſiſted the largeſs, by the conſent of the Senate, and not againſt the mind of all the People, who, at firſt, began to take it ill that the preſent ſhould be made common to their Allies as well as themſelves; and then they often heard the Conſul Virginius alſo at publick Aſſemblies, as if he had Propheſied, ſay, His Collegues bounty would be of very ill conſequence; that thoſe Lands would bring them into Slavery who received them: for by that means, he made way for Kingly Government; to what other end were their Aſſociates and all the Latins taken in? What was the reaſon that the third part of the Land which was taken ſhould be given to the Hernici who were ſo lately their Enemies? unleſs it were, that thoſe People might take Caſſius their General inſtead of Coriolanus. He therefore diſſuaded the People againſt the Lex Agraria [i. e. the Law for Diviſion of Lands. From that time, both the Conſuls ſtrove who ſhould moſt indulge the People. Virginius ſaid, he would agree that the Lands ſhould be aſſigned, ſo they were aſſigned to none but Romans; and Caſſius, becauſe he had been extravagant in diſtribution of the Lands to their Allies, whereby, he became the cheaper to the Citizens, endeavouring to reconcile them to him, another way, propoſed, That the Mony which had been received for the Corn ſent out of Sicily, ſhould be repayed to the People. But that the People refuſed, as if it had been an earneſt to make him King; for they had a natural ſuſpicion, that every great man was ambitious of Reigning alone, and therefore, as if they had enough of every thing, they all refuſed his offers; who, aſſoon as he went out of his Office was Condemned and put to Death. Some ſay, that his Father was the cauſe of his Puniſhment, and that he, having examined the cauſe in his own Houſe, firſt beat him, and then killed him; nor only ſo, but Conſecrated his Sons Eſtate to Ceres, of which he ſet up a Monument, with this Inſcription, Ex Caſſiâ Familiâ Datum [i. e. Given By The Family Of The Caſſii] I find, in ſome Authors, and that more credible, that he was tryed for Treaſon by the Quaeſtors, Caeſo Fabius and L. Valerius; and being Condemned by the Judgment of the People, that his Houſe was publickly Demoliſhed, which ſtood in the Court which now is before the Temple of Tellus. But whether it were a private or a publick Judgment, Condemned he was, U. C. 267 when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Fabius were Conſuls.

The fury of the People did not continue long againſt Caſſius: the very ſweetneſs of the Agrarian Law did naturally inſinuate it ſelf into their minds, now that the Author of it was taken off. And their deſire was the more inflamed by the ſeverity of the Senate, who, when they had Conquered the Volſci and the Aequi, that Year, defrauded the Soldiers of the Plunder: for whatſoever was taken from the Enemies, the Conſul Fabius ſold, and put into the publick ſtock. Wherefore the Fabian Name was hateful to the People, for the laſt Conſuls ſake; yet the Senate ſo far prevailed, that they made Caeſo Fabius Conſul at the ſame time with U. C. 268 L. Aemilius. By which, the People were ſo provoked, that through a Domeſtick Sedition, they raiſed a foreign War; whereupon, their Inteſtine Diſcords were intermitted, whileſt the Senate and the People, with one conſent, overcame the Rebellious Volſci and the Aequi under the Conduct of Aemilius. But in that War more of the Enemies were ſlain in their Flight than in the Battel; ſo eagerly did the Horſe purſue them. The Temple of Caſtor was Dedicated that Year upon the Ides of July, which was reſolved upon in the Latin War, when Poſtumius was Dictator, whoſe Son Dedicated it, as being Created Duumvir for that purpoſe. The Peoples minds were tempted that Year alſo, with the ſweetneſs of the Agrarian Law, and the Tribunes of the People ſignalized their popular Authority, with a popular Law. The Senate thinking the People were inclined ſufficiently, of themſelves, to Sedition, abhorred all largeſſes and encouragements that might invite them to go on in their raſh Actions; to which end, the Conſuls were a great aſſiſtance to the Senate, in reſiſting the torrent of the People; by which means, that part of the Commonwealth got the upper-hand; and that, not only at preſent, but the next Year alſo they made M. Fabius, Caeſo's Brother, and another Conſul, U. C. 269 (more hateful to the People than he, as being accuſed by Sp. Caſſius) whoſe Name was L. Valerius. That Year alſo, they had a Conteſt with the Tribunes; the Law was vilified, and the Authors of it, as much, who made a Preſent to the People to ſo little purpoſe; thereby the Fabian Name grew great, after three continued Conſulſhips, which had been all ſpent in perpetual Conteſts with Tribunes: wherefore that honour remained for ſome time, as being well placed in that Family. Then they entered upon the War againſt the Veians, and the Volſcians alſo Rebelled; but the Romans, though they had almoſt ſtrength enough to make foreign Wars, abuſed it, by contending among themſelves. In the mean time, to encreaſe their ſollicitude, there appeared Coeleſtial Prodigies, which threatned both the City and Country almoſt every day; and the Southſayers, concerned to ſee the gods ſo angry, declared there was no other cauſe of it (though they were conſulted both publickly and privately, ſometimes by Intrails, and otherwhiles by Birds) than that the Religious Rites were not duly performed: but notwithſtanding, their fears grew to that heighth, that Oppia, a Veſtal Virgin, was Condemned, and ſuffered for her Unchaſtity.

Then Q. Fabius and C. Julius wore made Conſuls; in whoſe Year, the Diſcord continued U. C. 270 as fierce at home, and the War was more fatal abroad. For the Aequi took up Arms, and the Veians alſo came in and Pillaged the Roman Dominions: which War, encreaſing U. C. 271 their ſollicitude, Caeſo Fabius and Sp. Furius, were made Conſuls. The Aequi Attacked Ortona, a City of the Latins; and the Veians, being now loaded with ſpoils, threatned to take even Rome it ſelf. Which terrors, though they ought to have reſtrained them, the more encreaſed the Peoples Animoſity; and they, though nor on their own accord, refuſed to go to War, as they had formerly done; for Sp. Licinius, the Tribune of the People, ſuppoſing that to be the time when the Senate muſt, of meer neceſſity, ſubmit to the Agrarian Law, had undertaken to ſtop their Preparations for War. But all the envy of the Tribunes Power was thrown upon the Author of that advice; nor did the Conſuls Animadvert more ſeverely upon him, than did his own Collegues; bv whole aſſiſtance, the Conſuls made a Levy. By that means, there was an Army raiſed for two Wars at the ſame time; to be Commanded by Fabius againſt the Veians, and by Furius againſt the Aequi; in whoſe Country there was nothing done worth taking notice of. But Fabius had ſomewhat more to do with his own Countrymen, than with the Enemies; for he himſelf, being Conſul, in his own ſingle Perſon, ſupported the Commonwealth, which the Army, through their hatred to him, as much as in them lay, endeavoured to betray him. For, when the Conſul, beſides his other Military Acts, of which he had ſhewn very frequent Examples, both in preparing for, and managing the War, had ſo drawn up his Army, that, by ſending out the Horſe only, he Routed the whole Forces of the Enemies; the Foot would not Purſue them as they fled; nor would they be prevailed upon, (not to ſay, by their Captains perſuaſions, whom they hated, but) even to avoid the preſent publick Diſhonour, or the danger which might enſue, if the Enemy ſhould take Courage and Rally, to mend their pace. No, not ſo much as to purſue the Enemy in a full Body; but, without Command, they Marched back very melancholy, (you would have thought they had been Conquered) into their Camp, curſing one while then General, and another while the Horſe, for the Service they had done. Nor did their General endeavour to find out any Remedy for ſuch a peſtilent Example: ſuch excellent Perſons as he was, ſtand in more need of Policy to Rule their Citizens, than Skill to Conquer their Enemies. The Conſul therefore returned to Rome; without having advanced his Glory upon the account of the War, ſo much as he had provoked and exaſperated the hatred of the Soldiers againſt him. Yet notwithſtanding, the Senate ſo far prevailed, that the Conſulſhip remained U. C. 272 in the Fabian Family; for M. Fabius was choſen Conſul, and his Collegue was Cn. Manlius.

And this Year alſo, there was a Tribune who ſtood up very much for the Agrarian Law. His Name was Tib. Pontificius; who, as though Sp. Licinius had had good ſucceſs, trod in the ſame ſteps, and, for ſome ſmall time, obſtructed the Levy. Whereupon, the Senate being again diſturbed, Ap. Claudius told them, That the Tribunes Power, which was overcome the Year before, was then alſo, by good fortune, ſubdued; and by example, was for ever like ſo to be: for they found, that it fell even by its own weight. For there would never be wanting ſome one or other, who would be ambitious to baffle his Collegue, and oblige the Nobility to promote the publick good. That ſeveral of the Tribunes, if ſeveral were neceſſary, would be ready to aſſiſt the Conſuls, though only one were ſufficient, in oppoſition even to all the reſt; only, he would have the Conſuls, and all the chief Senators to do their utmoſt endeavour, to oblige and reconcile, if not all, at leaſt, ſome part of the Tribunes, to the Commonwealth and themſelves. The Senate being thus adviſed by Appius, ſpoke very courteouſly to the Tribunes; and all the Conſular Party, according to the private relation they had to each of them, obteined ſo far, partly by Kindneſs, and partly by Authority, to make the Tribunes Power conduce to the publick welfare; and, by that means, the Conſuls, by the help of four Tribunes, in oppoſition to one, who was an obſtructor of Publick good, made their Levy. When they had ſo done, they Marched to the Veian War, to which, there came Auxiliaries from all parts of Etruria, not ſo much out of Love to the Veians, as that they were in hopes the Roman State would be Diſſolved by Inteſtine Diſcords. For the chief men in all Councils, through all the Nations of Etruria, were mightily concerned, That the Power of Rome was like to be everlaſting, unleſs they fell out among themſelves; for that was the only Poyſon, that the only Bane to Opulent Cities, which made great Empires mortal. That the Romans had long endured that miſchief, partly by the wiſdom of the Senate, and partly by the patience of the People; but that they were now reduced to an extremity; for they were become two Cities out of one; of which, each Party had their peculiar Magiſtrates, and peculiar Laws. That they uſed firſt of all to quarrel at their Levies of Soldiers, and yet obeyed their Generals in the War; for, in whatſoever ſtate the City was, while the Military Diſcipline continued, they might be reſtrained: but now, their ill cuſtom of not obeying their Magiſtrates, had followed the Roman Soldiers even into their Camp: and that in the very laſt War, when the Army was in Battalia, at the very time of the Fight, the Victory was, even by their own conſent, delivered up to the Conquered Aequi: their Enſigns were Deſerted, their Gen • ral left in the Field, and they returned to the Camp without his Order. And now, they might be ſure, if they would wake good uſe of that opportunity, Rome might be Conquered, even with its own Soldiers: they had nothing more to do, than to declare and wake a ſhew of War; for the fates and the gods would do the reſt for them. Theſe hopes armed the Etrurians, who had been Conquered and Conquerors at ſeveral times, in many Battels.

The Roman Conſuls, on the other hand, were afraid of nothing elſe, ſave their own Strength and their own Arms; for they were deterred by the memory of that ill Example in the late War, from joyning Battel upon ſuch circumſtances, where two Armies were to be feared at the ſame time. Wherefore, they kept themſelves within their Camp, not willing to run ſuch an hazard, and conſidering, That time, perchance, might ſoften their furious temper, and heal their minds. In the mean time, the Veians and the Etrurians made ſo much the more ſpeed, provoking them to fight, firſt, by riding up to their Camp, and Challenging them forth; and laſt of all, ſince that would do no good, Inveighing one while againſt the Conſuls, and another while againſt the Army; and telling them, That their pretence of Inteſtine Diſcord, was but a cloak which they had found out for their fear; and that the Conſuls did not ſo much diſtruſt the good Will of their Soldiers, as they did their Courage: that it was a new kind of Sedition, which could be carried on with ſilence and ſitting ſtill, amongſt a Camp of Armed Men: beſides which, they upbraided them, by ſaying what they could, either true or falſe, concerning the Novelty of their Nation, and its Original. As they made this noiſe, juſt under the Rampire and the Gates of the Camp, the Conſuls indeed were well enough able to bear it, but the rude Multitude, whoſe Breaſts were filled, ſometimes with indignation, and anon with ſhame, were now alſo grown averſe to their Inteſtine feuds. They were unwilling their Enemies ſhould go unrevenged, yet at the ſame time they wiſhed no good ſucceſs either to the Senate or the Conſuls, but their minds were divided between Domeſtick and Foreign Animoſities; 'till at laſt the Foreign heats prevailed, for that the Enemy did ſo proudly and inſolently Inveigh againſt them; wherefore, thronging to the Generals Tent, they deſired they might begin the Fight, and beg of him to give the Signal. The Conſuls, as if they would deliberate of it, laid their heads together, and had a great deal of Diſcourſe with one another. They had a mind to fight, but yet thought fit to conceal and ſtiſle their inclinations for ſome time, that by their ſeeming averſion and delays, the Soldiers, who were already incited, might grow the more eager. For that reaſon, they made this anſwer, That what the Soldiers deſired was unſeaſonable; nor was it yet convenient to fight: that they would continue in their Camp; beſides which, they made an Order, That no man ſhould ſtir; and if any one did, they would look upon him as an Enemy. Being thus diſmiſſed, they believed the Conſuls had no intentions to fight, but were themſelves thereby the more enflamed to be at it. And then the Enemies alſo came with much more inſolence than before, aſſoon as they underſtood that the Conſuls would not fight; for they ſuppoſed they might inſult with all the freedom imaginable; that the Soldiers were not truſted with their own Arms; that the buſineſs would break out into the extremity of Sedition, and that they ſhould ſee an end of the Roman Government. In confidence whereof, they ran to the Gates of the Camp, through which, they threw in their taunts and reproaches upon the Romans, and could hardly forbear to Attack it. In the mean time, the Romans, who could no longer endure the Contumely, ran from all parts of the Camp to the Conſuls, whom they applied themſelves to, not ſneakingly, as before, by their Captains, but with loud Clamours, and in a full Body. The matter was now ripe for Action, yet they ſtill made delays; whileſt Fabius, ſeeing the Tumult increaſe, and having his Collegues conſent, who was afraid of a Mutiny, commanded ſilence, and ſaid, I know, Cn. Manlius! theſe men can get the Victory, but they themſelves have kept me from knowing whether they will or no: wherefore I am reſolved, not to give the ſignal, unleſs they ſwear they will return Conquerors from the Battel. The Army have deceived a Roman Conſul once already, when they were in the Field, but they will never diſappoint the gods. There was one M. Flavoleius, a Centurion [or Captain] who among the reſt of the ſuperior Officers was very importunate, and told him, M. Fabius! I will come a Conqueror from this Fight; deſiring, if he did not, that Jupiter, Mars, and all the other gods, might ſhow the effects of their wrath upon him. After whom, the whole Army took the ſame Oath; which when they had done, the ſignal being given, they armed themſelves, and marched into the Field, full both of indignation and hopes, bidding the Etrurians now revile them, or let them ſee the man that durſt ſay ſuch a word as they had lately done. Indeed the Courage of them all in general, both Senate and People, was very conſpicuous that day. But the Fabian Name, and the Fabian Family, was moſt remarkable: who propoſed in that Fight to reconcile the People, who were by many Civil Broils ſo much exaſperated: and thereupon they ſet the Army in Array.

Nor did the Veians and the Etrurians refuſe the offer; for they were pretty confident, that the Romans would not fight with them, any more than they had done with the Aequi: yea, that they ought not to deſpair (now that the Enemy was ſo incenſed, and in ſuch doubtful circumſtances) of accompliſhing ſome greater end. But it fell out quite contrary; for the Romans never came into the Field with greater Reſolution, than at that time; ſo far had the reproaches of their Foes, and the d • lay of the Conſuls exaſperated their Spirits. The Etrurians had hardly time enough to Marſhal their men, before the Romans, upon the firſt effort, threw down their Javelins in haſte, rather than Darted them at the Enemy, and the Fight came to handy-ſtrokes with their Swords, wherein Mars is moſt deſtructive. Among the Nobility, the Fabian Family made an eminent ſhow, and gave a very good example for the reſt to follow: one of whom, called Quint. Fabius (who had been Conſul three years before) being in the Front of the Army, Attacked the Body of the Veians; but being unwary and amidſt a crowd of his Enemies, was run through the Breaſt by a Tuſcan, who was no leſs vigorous than skilful: ſo that when the Weapon was drawn out of his Body, he ſunk down and died of that Wound. Both the Armies were ſenſible of the fall of that great man, and that cauſed the Roman Army to retire: 'till M. Fabius, the Conſul, leapt over the Corps, as it lay along, and holding his Shield againſt them, cryed out, Was this what you ſware, fellow-ſoldiers? That you would return with flight to your Camp? Are you more afraid of ſuch contemptible Foes, than you are of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you ſware? I am reſolved, though I took no Oath, either to return a Conqueror, or fighting to fall by you, dear Q. Fabius. With that Caeſo Fabius, who had been Conſul the year before, replied, Do you think, Brother, to prevail upon them to fight by uſing ſuch words as thoſe? The gods, by whom they have ſworn, will make them do it: but let us inflame their minds, as it becomes men of Honour, as befits the Fabian Name, rather by fighting our ſelves, than by exhorting them thereunto. Which he had no ſooner ſaid, but the two Fabii fell furiouſly upon the Enemies Van, and with them drew on the whole Army.

By this means, the Battel being renewed in one ſide, the Conſul, Cn. Manlius, was as induſtrious in the other Wing to encourage his men: who were almoſt in the ſame condition. For as in the other Wing the Soldiers cheerfully followed Q. Fabius, ſo they did in this the Conſul Cn. Manlius, who was now as it were in purſuit of the routed Enemy. But when being grievouſly wounded he retired out of the Fight, they ſuppoſing him to be ſlain, gave way, and had quitted the Field, if the other Conſul (coming briskly up to them with ſome Troops of Horſe, and crying out, His Collegue was yet alive, and that he had routed the other Wing,) had not kept up their drooping ſpirits. Manlius alſo to reinforce the Battel appeared before them: and then the Soldiers, ſeeing both the Conſuls preſent, were mightily encouraged; whileſt at the ſame time the Enemy was very indiſcreet, in that, relying upon their Multitudes, they drew off their Reſerves and ſent them to Attack the Roman Camp. Into which having made an irruption without much ado, they ſpent more time in looking after the Plunder, than in oppoſing the Enemy; ſo that the Roman Triarii [old, and ſtout Soldiers that were placed in the Rere] who could not withſtand their firſt Shock, ſending Meſſengers to the Conſuls with advice how the caſe ſtood, returned in a full Body to the Praetorium [or Generals Tent] and on their own accord themſelves renewed the Fight: beſides that Conſul Manlius alſo returning to the Camp, ſet a Guard upon each Gate thereof to block the Enemy up. Which deſperate circumſtance enflamed the Tuſcans more with rage, than audacity: for having ran to all places, where-ever they had hopes of getting out, but ſtill to no purpoſe; a Party of young men among them made up to the Conſul himſelf, who was at that time remarkable for his Armour, which he wore: and though their firſt Darts were received by thoſe that ſtood about him, yet afterward their force became inſupportable; the Conſul had a mortal Wound, of which he preſently died, and all the men about him were defeated. Whereupon the Tuſcans grew much bolder, whileſt the Romans were in a conſternation over all the Camp; nor had they ever recovered themſelves, had not ſome of the Officers, who took away the Conſuls Body, opened a Gate and made way for the Foe; who thereby breaking out, and going in confuſion away, fell into the hands of the other Conſul, who was Victorious, and were a ſecond time by him not only many of them killed, but the reſt put to flight. By this means the Romans got a glorious Victory, though it was obſcured and clouded with the death of two ſuch great men. For which reaſon, the Conſul, when the Senate ordered him to Triumph; and ſaid, That if an Army could Triumph without their General, they would readily ſuffer it for the extraordinary ſervice done in that Battel, made anſwer, That he (ſeeing his Family was all in tears for the death of Q. Fabius his Brother, and the Commonwealth partly deſtitute, as having loſt one of her Conſuls) now that he was forced to Mourn both upon a publick and a private account too, would not accept of the Lawrel. Which refuſal of his was more honourable than any Triumph that ever was made; ſo much is glory ſometimes advanced by being ſeaſonably contemned. Then he led the two Funeral Pomps of his Brother and the Conſul, one after another; and made both the Funeral Orations, in which, by giving them their due commendations, he gained a very great ſhare of Elogy himſelf; remembring well, what he had reſolved on in the beginning of his Conſulſhip, which was, to reconcile the People; and diſtributing the maimed Soldiers among the Senators for their Cure. The Fabii had a great many allotted to them; nor had any more care taken of them: from whence the Fabii grew popular, but that by no other Arts than what were conſiſtent with publick good.

Then Caeſo Fabius being made Conſul with T. Virginius, as well by the conſent of the People as of the Senate, concerned himſelf neither in Wars nor Levies of Men, or any U. C. 273 other Affair, before he had done his endeavour (now that there was ſome hopes of an accommodation) aſſoon as poſſible to unite the People with the Senate. For which reaſon, in the beginning of his Year, before there was any Tribune to ſtand up for the Agrarian Law, he thought fit that the Senate ſhould make their preſent, and give the People the Land taken from their Enemies, in equal portions; for it was reaſon and juſtice that they ſhould enjoy it, by whoſe blood and ſweat it was purchaſed. The Senate ſlighted the propoſal; and ſome of them complained, That through too much glory that once vivid Soul of Caeſo was grown luxuriant and effeminate: but after that time there were no more factions in the City. In the mean while the Latins were teazed with the Incurſions of the Aequi; againſt whom Caeſo was ſent with an Army and plundered all their Country; whilſt they themſelves fled into their Towns, and were ſecured within the Walls; nor was there any memorable Battel then fought. But the Veians ſlew a great many Romans through the inadvertency of the other Conſul; and the whole Army had periſhed, if Caeſo Fabius had not come in time to relieve them. From that time they had neither Peace nor War with the Veians; but were to one another like ſo many Robbers. The Veians one while gave ground before the Roman Legions, and removed into their City; but then again, when they ſaw the Legions drawn off, made incurſions into the Roman Territories; by which means, War and Quietneſs did interchangeably ſucceed each other: nor could the diſpute be either omitted or made an end of. Beſides, other Wars either at the preſent lay upon them (as from the Aequi and the Volſci, who were never quiet any longer than they ſmarted for ſome late Conflict) or it was manifeſt, that the Sabines, who were always their Enemies, would ſhortly riſe againſt them, together with the whole Country of Etruria. But the Veians, who were their more conſtant, than vexatious Foes, diſturbed them more by contumely than any danger, which they apprehended; becauſe they could not be either at any time neglected, nor would they give them leave to turn their Arms upon any other People. Whereupon the Fabian Family went to the Senate; before whom the Conſul ſpake in behalf of the reſt: The War, ſaid he, (grave Fathers!) againſt the Veians, lacks a conſtant rather than a great ſupply, as you your ſelves can tell. Do you therefore take care of other Wars, and commit this againſt them to the Conduct of the Fabii: we'll promiſe you, the Roman honour ſhall be ſecure, being reſolved to carry on that War at the peculiar coſt and expence of our own Family. Nor ſhall the Commonwealth be concerned either in raiſing or paying the Soldiers. The Senate gave them hearty thanks; and the Conſul going out of the Court with a company of Fabii following him (who ſtood at the door to hear what the Senate determined) returned home: and then the Souldiers, being firſt ordered to come the next day to the Conſuls Houſe, went to their ſeveral Houſes.

This news ran through the whole City, who extolled the Fabii up to the skies; That one Family ſhould undertake the burden of the whole City; that the Veian War was become a private concern, and menaged by private Arms; that if there were two more Families in the City of the ſame ſtrength, let the Volſci and the Aequi demand what they would, all the neighbouring Nations might be ſubdued, whilſt the Roman People were at eaſe. The next day the Fabii armed themſelves and met where they were ordered. The Conſul coming forth into his Portal in a Military habit, ſaw all his Family in Battalia: and being received into the midſt of them, commanded the Enſigns to move: nor did there ever any Army either leſs in number, or more renowned and admired, march through the City. For they were three hundred and ſix of them, all Patricians, and of the ſame Family, each one of which was fit to make a General upon any occaſion, even in the opinion of the grave Senate; and theſe men went with the united forces of their Family, proteſting, they would be a plague to the Veians; but after them there followed a great number, which was made up partly of their friends and acquaintance, (who propoſed to themſelves no ordinary matters; no hopes, nor cares, but the moſt glorious things imaginable) and partly of ſuch as were concerned for the publick good, ſtanding amazed to ſee them, and bidding them go on with courage; go on with ſucceſs; and make the iſſue of it equal to their enterprize; then they might hope for Conſulſhips and Triumphs with all other rewards and honours that were in their diſpoſal. As they paſſed by the Capitol, the Caſtle, and other Temples, they made their ſupplications to all the gods, that they either ſaw or thought of; to proſper that Army with good ſucceſs, and bring them back to their Parents as well as to their Country, with ſpeed and ſafety. But they prayed to no purpoſe; for going out at that unlucky Gate, called Porta Carmentalis, near the Temple of Janus (which ſtands on the right hand of it) they came to the River Cremera, where they thought fit to make a Garriſon. At that time L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were made Conſuls. U. C. 274 And as long as the Plunder laſted, the Fabii were not only ſtrong enough to defend their Garriſon, but alſo ſecured the whole Country that borders upon Etruria, with eaſe to themſelves, but annoyance to the Enemy, having free ingreſs into both Confines. After that there was ſome reſpit between their Ravages; in which time, the Veians, with an Army that they got out of Etruria, attacked the Garriſon of Cremera; and the Roman Legions led by the Conſul L. Aemilius fought hand to hand with the Etrurians in a pitched Battel: though the Veians had ſcarce time enough to marſhal their men; by reaſon that, upon the firſt motion, whilſt the Army advanced after the Enſigns, and were ſetling their Body of Reſerves, a wing of Roman Horſe came ſuddenly upon them, and deprived them not only of conveniency to begin the Fight, but even of ranging their Forces. Whereupon, being routed and driven back as far as the Saxa Rubra [or, red Rocks] where their Camp was, they humbly petitioned for Peace; but repented of it, through their innate levity, before the Garriſon of the Romans marched from Cremera.

The Veians had another Conflict with the Fabii, without any greater preparations than before: nor did they only make Incurſions into the Country, with ſudden Inroads, but ſeveral times fought in the Plains, and at a ſmall diſtance from each other: in which Battels, one Family of Romans won many Victories from the richeſt City in Etruria, as things then ſtood. That ſeemed at firſt very ſevere and diſhonourable in the opinion of the Veians; and thence aroſe their deſign of laying an Ambuſcade for their proud Foes: beſides that, they were very glad to ſee the Fabii grow ſo audacious and inſolent by their ſucceſs. For which reaſon alſo they drove Sheep into their way ſometimes, as if it had been by chance, when they were plundering the Country; nor only ſo, but the Country People ran away and let the Land lie waſte, whilſt the ſupplies that were ſent to hinder ſuch Devaſtations, fled back again more out of a pretended than any real fear. By this time, the Fabii ſo far con • emned the Enemy, that they thought themſelves not only invincible, but irreſiſtable at any ti • e or in any place. Which hopes of theirs was ſuch an encouragement to them, that whe • 〈◊〉 ſaw a ſlock of Sheep at a great diſtance from Cremera, they ran towards them (though •• e Enemy appeared here and there in many places) and having, t • o •• h inadvertency, paſſed the place where the Ambuſcade was planted, they ſtraggled fro • each other to catch the Sheep, that being frighted (as in ſuch a caſe they uſe to be) were diſperſed over all the Fields; till on the ſudden, the Enemy roſe up and oppoſed them on every ſide. Whereupon the noiſe ſet up quite round the Plains, at firſt ſurprized them, and then the Darts, which flew upon them from all parts; and the Etrurians gathering into a Body, the • were ſo hedged in with, that as the Enemy came on, they were forced to draw themſelves into a narrower compaſs: which made them appear very few, and the Etrurians, very many, now that their Ranks were reduced to their cloſe Order. Then quitting their deſign of engaging the whole Army, they made toward one place only, and forced their way by putting themſelves into a poſture called Cuneus [i. e. the form of a Wedg.] The way that they took led gradually up an Hill; where they at firſt ſtopt; but ſoon after, having taken breath there, and recovered themſelves from the fright they were put into, they drove back the purſuers. By which means, though they were few, they might, with the advantage of the place, have gotten the Victory, had not the Veians gone round the Hill and come up to the very top: for by that contrivance the Enemy became a ſecond time too hard for them. Whereupon the Fabii were every man of them ſlain, and their Garriſon taken. It is certain, that three hundred and ſix of them then died; nor was there any more of the Fabian Family left, ſave one young Lad, to be a ſtrong ſupport to the Roman People (who were or might be in dubious circumſtances) upon many future occaſions as well at home as in the Wars.

When this ſlaughter happened among the Fabii, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were Conſuls. U. C. 275 Of which two, Menenius was preſently ſent againſt the Tuſcans, who were now proud of their Victory: but he alſo had bad ſucceſs, and the Enemies poſſeſſed themſelves of Juniculum: nor had the City ſcaped a Siege (for the Etrurians having paſſed the Tiber had made all proviſions ſcarce, as well as brought a War upon them) if the Conſul Horatius had not been recalled out of the Country of the Volſci. Yea, ſo near did that War approach their very Walls, that they fought firſt upon equal terms near the Temple of Hope, and a ſecond time by the Gate called Porta Collina. Where though the Romans had but little the better of it, yet that Conteſt made the Soldiers more fit for future Action, becauſe they thereby recovered their former Courage. Then A. Virginius and Sp. Servilius were created Conſuls: U. C. 276 and the Veians after their late Defeat came no more to a pitched Battel, though they ravaged the Country, and made havock of the Roman Territories even from Janiculum it ſelf; nor were either the Cattel or the Country People ſecure from their violence. But they were taken by the ſame Stratagem, whereby they had taken the Fabii; for following the flocks of Sheep, which were driven forth on purpoſe to invite them that way, they ran headlong into a great Ambuſcade, who made a greater ſlaughter of them. Yea, that was ſuch a provocation to them, as cauſed a farther deſtruction among them; for paſſing the Tiber in the night time, they attacked the Camp of Conſul Servilius, from whence being repelled with great loſs of men, they with much ado retired into Janiculum. With that the Conſul alſo immediately paſſed the Tiber, and pitching his Camp under Janiculum, the next day, early in the morning, being fluſhed with the ſucceſs of the day before, but more becauſe he wanted Proviſions (which made him too precipitate in his Deſigns) he haſtily led his Men up Janiculum to the Enemies Camp; from whence being beaten with more diſhonour, than he the day before had routed the Enemy, himſelf and his men were preſerved by the interpoſition of his Collegue; whilſt the Etrurians were all ſlain between the two Armies, as they were running away from both of them. Thus was the Veian War made an end of by a ſucceſsful piece of raſhneſs.

Now therefore when the City was at peace, the proviſions grew again more plentiful, not only upon the account of Corn that was brought out of Campania, but inaſmuch as every one, being now no longer in fear of a Famin, produced the ſtock that they had formerly concealed. Whereupon they enjoyed ſuch ſtore and eaſe, that they began again to grow wanton, and for lack of miſchief at home, to ſeek it abroad. The Tribunes began to infeſt the People with their poyſon, which was, the Agrarian Law, inciting them againſt the Senate who oppoſed it; and not only againſt them all in general, but againſt ſingle Perſons too. Q. Conſidius and Genutius were the promoters of the Agrarian Law and gave T. Menenius warning to appear and make his defence on ſuch a day; whoſe crime was, that he had loſt the Garriſon of Cremera, though his Poſt, when Conſul, was not far from thence. Him therefore they ruined, though the Senate ſtood up in his behalf as much as they had done for Coriolanus; yea, though his Father Agrippa's name was not yet forgotten. But the Tribunes were pretty moderate in the mulct they laid upon him; for when he was convicted, they impoſed no greater fine upon him than 34 pounds. Yet even that proved his death; for they ſay, he could not bear the diſgrace and diſſatisfaction of it, but died with grief. After whoſe death there was another accuſed, and that was Sp. Servilius U. C. 277 (aſſoon as he quitted the Conſulſhip) when C. Nautius and P. Valerius were Conſuls; being ſummoned to his Tryal in the beginning of their Year by C. Caeticius and T. Statius, who were then Tribunes: but he did not (like Menenius) oppoſe the Tribunes fury, either with intreaties of his own or the Senate, but with great confidence in his own innocence and integrity: whoſe crime was the Battel he fought with the Tuſcans at Janiculum. But he being a man of a ſtout ſpirit, behaved himſelf at that time, in his own caſe, as he had done formerly in publick danger; and baffling not only the Tribunes, but the People alſo by an Oration that he made, wherein he upbraided them with the Condemnation and Death of Menenius, (whoſe Father was formerly the reſtorer of the People, who by his means obteined thoſe very Laws and Magiſtrates, which made them then ſo inſolent) by his courage eſcaped the danger. Virginius alſo his Collegue, being brought as a Witneſs againſt him, did him ſome ſervice by ſpeaking in his commendation; but the Judgment againſt Menenius was moſt to his advantage; ſo much were the minds of the People changed.

By this time their Domeſtick feuds were over; but there aroſe another Veian War, in which the Sabines alſo joyned their Forces. Whereupon P. Valerius, being then Conſul, and having muſtered up the Auxiliaries of the Latins and the Hernici, was ſent with an Army againſt the Veii, and ſtreightway attacked the Sabine Camp, which lay before the Walls of their Allies: by which he put them into ſuch a fright, that whilſt they ran confuſedly in ſeveral ſmall Companies to repel the Enemy, he took that Gate where he firſt made the Aſſault. After which there happened, within the Bulwark, rather a Maſſacre than a Battel. From whence the noiſe got even into the City, as if Veii had been taken; and the Veians who took up their Arms in great conſternation of mind, went, part of them to relieve the Sabines, whilſt the reſt with all their might attacked the Romans, as they were endeavouring to poſſeſs themſelves of the Camp. By which means the Romans were for ſome ſmall time diverted and diſturbed from their attempt; but ſoon after facing about to both Enemies they made reſiſtance, and their Horſe being ſent in by the Conſul utterly routed the Tuſcans; ſo that in the ſame hour two Armies, conſiſting of two moſt powerful and very great Nations, were overcome. In the mean time, while theſe things paſſed at Veii, the Volſci and the Aequi had pitched their Camp in the Latin Territories, where they ravaged all the Country: whom though the Latins of themſelves, with the ſole aſſiſtance of the Hernici, and without any Commander, or aid from the Romans, had forced to Decamp, and had got a vaſt Booty, beſides their own Goods again, yet C. Nautius the Conſul was ſent from Rome to fight againſt the Volſci. They were not pleaſed, I ſuppoſe, that their Allies ſhould wage War upon their own ſtrength and their own head, without a Roman General or Roman Auxiliaries; wherefore they omitted no kind either of calamity or contumely againſt the Volſci; but all would not provoke them to fight a ſet Battel.

Then L. Furius and C. Manlius were Conſuls: the latter whereof had the Veians for his Province: but he did not fight them, becauſe, upon their Petition, they had a Truce granted for U. C. 278 forty years, with an order for Corn and Money. But their Peace abroad was ſtraight attended with diſcord at home; for the people were mad through the inſtigation of the Tribunes, who ſtood up for the Agrarian Law. In oppoſition whereunto, the Conſuls not at all diſmayed either at the condemnation of Menenius, or the danger which Servilius was in, made great reſiſtance; for which Genucius the Tribune accuſed them when they went out of their office. After them, L. Aemilius and Opiter Virginius were Conſuls; though I find in ſome Annals, U. C. 279 Vopiſcus Julius named as Conſul, inſtead of Virginius. But this year (whoever were the Conſuls) Furius and Manlius went about to the people in ſordid habits like guilty perſons (though not to the People more than to the younger part of the Senators) perſuading and adviſing them, To abſtein from Honours and the adminiſtration or menagement of publick affairs; Enſigns of Magiſtracy. nor to think the Faſces, the Pretexta, and the Sella Curalis any other than the pomp of a Funeral: that men who were cloathed with the badges of Authority were like Beaſts crowned for Sacrifice: but if the Conſulſhip were ſo inviting a Dignity, let them conſider that at that very time it was enſlaved and oppreſſed by the power of the Tribunes; to whoſe command a Conſul muſt pay as much obedience as if he were their Servant: and if he ſtirred, gave any reſpect to the Senate, or believed there was any thing but the People in the whole Commonwealth, he muſt propoſe to himſelf the baniſhment of C. Marcius, or the Condemnation and Death of Menenius. The Senate being incenſed with this Diſcourſe of his, conſulted, not publickly, but in private, where few could know their Deſigns: and having reſolved whether the Parties accuſed ſhould be reſcued by fair or violent means, they agreed upon the moſt ſevere methods; nor did they lack ſuch as would joyn with them in their bold attempt. Wherefore upon the day appointed for Judgment, when the People ſtood in the Forum in full expectation of it, they wondered at firſt why the Tribune did not come into the Aſſembly; and after that, growing more jealous by his delay, believed he was deterred by the Nobility, and complained that the publick Intereſt was deſerted and betrayed: 'till at laſt, thoſe that attended at the Tribunes Houſe Door, brought word that he was found dead at home. Which when the whole Aſſembly had notice of, they were diſperſed ſeveral ways, like an Army when their General's ſlain. But the Tribunes were moſt affrighted, as being admoniſhed by the death of their Collegue, that the ſacred Laws had now no force at all. Nor did the Senate behave themſelves with due moderation in their joy, but were all of them ſo far from repenting of what was done, that they would fain have been thought altogether guiltleſs, and publickly declared, That the power of the Tribunes ought to be retrenched by any ill means.

Upon this Victory, which was of very bad example, the Tribunes being in a fright, the Conſuls ordered a Levy, and made it without any interceſſion at all. At which the People grew very angry, though more upon the account of the Tribunes ſilence, than the Conſuls Commands; ſaying, Their Liberty was quite loſt, that they were now in their former condition, and that the Tribunes power was now dead and buried at the ſame time with Genutius: that they muſt contrive ſome other way to oppoſe the Senate; and that could not be done by any likelyer method than for the People, ſince they had no other help left to defend themſelves: that the Conſuls had four and twenty Lictors [or Serjeants] and thoſe all Commoners: that nothing could be more contemptible or weak, if any one would contemn them; and that each man made ſuch things great and terrible by his own apprehenſion of them. When they had inſtigated each other on this wiſe, there was a Lictor ſent from the Conſuls to one Volero Publilius a Commoner, for that having been a Captain, he ſaid, he ought not to be made a private Sentinel. Volero therefore appealed to the Tribunes; but having no body to take his part, the Conſuls ordered him to be ſtript, and the Rods made ready. To whom Volero cryed out, I appeal to the People: ſeeing the Tribunes had rather ſee a Roman Citizen whipt before their faces, than be themſelves murthered by you in their beds. But the lowder he bawled, ſo much the more ſevere was the Lictor to him. Whereupon Volero, being himſelf very ſtrong, and with the aſſiſtance of ſome friends that he called to aid him, having repelled the Lictor, whilſt the enraged multitude that were concerned upon their own ſcore made a great noiſe, got into the thickeſt of the crowd, ſtill crying out, I appeal to, and implore the patronage of the People! aid me, my fellow-citizens! aid me, my fellow-ſoldiers! 'tis in vain to exſpect the Tribunes, who themſelves lack your aſſiſtance. With which the People were ſo much incited, that they prepared as for a Battel; for they thought themſelves in great danger, and that nothing, in which they had either a publick or private Intereſt, would from that time be ſecure from violence. The Conſuls having expoſed themſelves to this mighty Tempeſt, were quickly perſuaded, that Majeſty and Authority can never be ſafe without ſtrength: for their Lictors were abuſed, the Faſces [or Rods] broken, and they driven out of the Forum into the Senate-houſe, being uncertain how far Volero would purſue his Victory. But when the tumult was allayed, and they had ordered the Senate to be called, they complained of the injuries they had received, the violence of the Commons, and Volero's audacity. Upon which occaſion having ſaid many ſharp things, at laſt the Seniors carried it, who did not think fit to oppoſe the Senats anger againſt the temerity of the Common People.

For this reaſon, the People had ſo great a love for Volero, that they choſe him Tribune for the next Year, in which L. Pinarius and P. Furius were Conſuls. But, contrary to all mens expectations, who believed he would permit the Tribunes to teaze the Conſuls of the laſt Year, he preferred the publick good before his own private injury, and ſaying not one word againſt the Conſuls, brought in a Bill before the People, for the chuſing of Plebeian Magiſtrates in the Aſſembly, called, Comitia Tributa [i. e. an Aſſembly of the ſeveral Tribes of Rome.] Which though it was a matter of great moment, becauſe it lookt very well at firſt view, was paſſed; whereby the Senate were deprived of all the power which formerly they had of makeing who they pleaſed Tribunes by the Votes of their Clients. Which action, though it were very grateful to the People, the Senate oppoſed with all their might; but the Conſuls and the Nobility being not able to perſuade any one of the Tribunes (which was their only way to make reſiſtance) to interpoſe in the affair; yet notwithſtanding, the caſe being very important U. C. 281 in it ſelf, was protracted with great debates for a whole Year together. Then the People choſe Volero Tribune again: upon which, the Senate, ſuppoſing that they muſt fight for it, made Ap. Claudius, the Son of Appius (whom for his Fathers ſake the People ſo much hated) Conſul; and T. Quintius was his Collegue. In the very beginning of whoſe Year they treated firſt of all concerning Volero's Law: of which as he was the Inventor, ſo al • o was Laetorius, his Collegue, not only a later but a more earneſt aſſerter of it. For his great glory that he had got in the Wars made him undaunted and bold, for that there was ſcarce one man of that age who was more active than he. He therefore, whilſt Volero talked of nothing but his Law, refraining from Invectives againſt both the Conſuls, began to accuſe Appius, who came of a proud Generation, that were extremely cruel to the Roman People; but ſtriving to prove that the Senate had choſen, not a Conſul, but an Executioner to vex and butcher the People, his tongue could not utter what he had in his heart; wherefore for want of more words, he told them, Romans! becauſe I cannot tell any thing ſo eaſily, as I can perform what I ſay, come hither to morrow; and I will either die in your ſight, or have the Law paſſed. The next day the Tribunes took poſſeſſion of the Temple; whilſt the Conſuls and the Nobility aſſembled to obſtruct the Law. Laetorius ordered all thoſe to be put out who had no Voices; though the young Noble-men ſtood ſtill, and would not ſtir though the Officer ſpoke to them: for which reaſon, Laetorius commanded ſome of them to be laid hold on. But the Conſul Appius ſaid, a Tribune had nothing to do with any one but a Commoner; for he was not a Magiſtrate in reſpect to the People in general, but only to the common People; nor could he lawfully command any one to depart, according to the ancient uſage; becauſe the form and method was, to ſay; Romans! if you think fit, depart hence. It was eaſie for him by talking of Law, with contempt, to put Laetorius into a great huff: and ſo he did; whereupon the Tribune, enflamed with anger, ſent a Meſſenger to the Conſul, and the Conſul a Lictor to him, ſaying, that he was a private Perſon, without any Authority, without any Office: at which time, the Tribune had been very roughly dealt withal, had not the whole Aſſembly riſen up in his defence againſt the Conſul, and a concourſe happened of the affrighted multitude, who ran into the Forum from all parts of the City. Yet Appius by his reſolution endured the Storm: though they had certainly engaged in a bloody Battel, if the other Conſul, Quintius, who had imployed ſeveral Conſular men to get his Collegue by force (if they could not by any other means) out of the Forum, had not molliſied the tumultuous People with fair and gentle words; if he had not deſired the Tribunes to diſmiſs the Aſſembly; to give them time to cool; and told him, that time would nor diminiſh their ſtrength, but would add policy to their ſtrength; for the Senate would in time be at the diſpoſal of the People, and the Conſuls in the power of the Senate.

With much ado Quintius appeaſed the People, but the Senate had more trouble with the other Conſul: 'till at laſt, when the aſſembly of the People was diſmiſſed, the Conſuls called a Senate; in which, now that fear and anger had mutually changed their minds, the longer time they had to deliberate, the farther they were from quarrelling; ſo that they gave Quintius thanks, for that by his means the diſcord was compoſed: deſiring of Appius, that he would not wiſh the Conſular Authority to be any greater than it might well be in a peaceful City: for whilſt the Tribunes and the Conſuls each of them would draw all things to themſelves, there was no ſtrength left between them; that the Commonwealth was diſtracted and torn apieces by its Magiſtrates, it being inquired more in whoſe hands it was, than whether it were ſecure. Appius, on the other hand, proteſted before God and man, that the Commonwealth was betrayed and deſerted through fear: that the Conſuls were not wanting to the Senate, but the Senate to the Conſuls: and that they ſubmitted to Laws more grievous, than thoſe that were made in the Sacred Mount. But being overcome by the conſent of the Senate he ſaid no more; ſo that the Law was paſſed whilſt he and his Party held their tongues.

That was the firſt time that the Tribunes were Created in an Aſſembly called Comitia Tributa: and had three added to their number, being but two before, as Piſo tells us; who alſo ſets down their names, which were Cn. Sicinius, L. Numitorius, M. Duillus, Sp. Joilius, and L. Mecilius. In the time of this Sedition at Rome, a War broke out from the Volſci and the Aequi, who had ravaged all the Country; to the end, that if the People ſhould ſeparate themſelves, they might come to them for refuge; and then having compoſed their affairs return back again. Whereupon Ap. Claudius was ſent againſt the Volſci and Quintius againſt the Aequi. In which expedition, Appius was as fierce as ever he uſed to be at home; nay, ſo much the freer, becauſe he was delivered from the controul of the Tribunes; and hated the People more than his Father ever did, becauſe he ſaw himſelf out-done by them; and that the Law was paſſed, which other former Conſuls had obſtructed with leſs endeavours, though the Senate never had ſo great hopes of it from them as from him, who was the only man that ſtemmed the Tide of the Tribunes power. This rage and indignation that he was now poſſeſſed with, incited his furious mind to vex the Army with ſevere Commands; who had imbibed ſuch an animoſity, that it was utterly impoſſible to tame them. They did all things lazily, idly, negligently, and doggedly; nor did either ſhame or fear reſtrain them. For if he had a mind to have the Army march faſter, they would go as ſlow as they could; if he ſtood by and encouraged them to take pains in any thing, they would all preſently abate of their former induſtry; hang down their heads before him, and curſe him to themſelves as he walked by; inſomuch that his ſoul, which had formerly always been an unconquered Enemy to the People, was ſometimes moved. For having tryed all ways of ſeverity to no purpoſe, as being unable to do any good of the Soldiers, he ſaid, The Centurions had corrupted the Army, calling the Tribunes, many times (as a jeer to them) Plebeians and Voleroes.

The Volſci had intelligence of all they did; and were ſo much the eagerer to fight, becauſe they hoped the Roman Army would have the ſame quarrel againſt Appius, as they had againſt Conſul Fabius. But they were much more violent againſt Appius than they had been againſt Fabius: for they did not only refuſe to Conquer, as the Fabian Army did, but choſe to be Conquerors. For being led forth into the Field, they ſhamefully ran away toward their Camp, nor did they ſtand ſtill, before they ſaw the Volſcians within their Out-works and a dreadful ſlaughter of their Rere. Then they were forced to fight, in order to remove their victorious Foe from their Rampire: but it appeared plain enough, that the Roman Soldiers had a mind not only to have their Camp taken, but ſome of them rejoyced in the ſlaughter and ignominy of their Countrymen. At which notwithſtanding Appius was ſo ſtout as not to be any way diſcouraged, but, more than that, having a mind to be ſomewhat ſharp upon them, he called an Aſſembly: at which the Military Officers and Tribunes came about him, and adviſed him, not to make tryal of ſuch a kind of power, as conſiſted wholly in the conſent of thoſe that ſhould obey it; that the Soldiers in general ſaid, they would not go to the Aſſembly; and that they were heard very frequently to deſire, that the Camp were removed out of the Volſcian Territories: that their Victorious Enemy was very lately almoſt at their Gates and within their Bulwark; and that at this time they did not only ſuſpect a great miſchief to hang over them, but had a manifeſt proſpect of it before their eyes. At laſt being overcome (ſeeing the Soldiers got nothing there but only the delay of their puniſhment) diſmiſſing the Aſſembly and having given order for their March the day following, he gave the ſignal for it by break of day. Aſſoon as the Army was drawn out of the Camp, the Volſci, who were excited by the ſame ſignal, fell upon the hindmoſt; from whom the tumult being propagated even to the Van, put the Enſigns and the Ranks into ſuch a fear and diſorder, that they could neither hear what was commanded, nor be put into any convenient poſture: nor were any of them mindful of ought, except flight; wherefore they ran away over the dead Bodies and Arms that lay in their way in ſuch confuſion and ſo far, that the Enemy deſiſted from following them, before the Romans ſtood ſtill. At length having muſtered up the Soldiers which were left, after that diſorderly eſcape, the Conſul, who had followed and recalled them, but all in vain, pitched his Camp in a quiet Country, and having called an Aſſembly, inveighed very juſtly againſt the Army who betrayed all the rules of Military Diſcipline, and deſerted their Colours, asking each of them, where the Enſigns were, and where their Armies were? becauſe the Soldiers were diſarmed and the Standard-bearers had loſt the Colours. Beſides which he likewiſe whipt and beheaded ſeveral Centurions and others that had left their ſtations: and the reſt of the Multitude were every tenth man of them choſen out by lot for Puniſhment.

On the contrary, in the Country of the Aequi, the Conſul and the Soldiers ſtrove who ſhould oblige each other moſt; for Quintius was not only of a milder diſpoſition, but the unhappy ſeverity of his Collegue made him the more pleaſed with himſelf. Whereupon the Aequi, ſeeing this Army and their General agreed ſo well together, durſt not engage them, but ſuffered the Enemy to Ravage and Plunder all their Country: nor was there a greater booty taken thence in any former War: which was all given to the Soldiers; together with commendations, which pleaſe them well as rewards. The Army therefore came home, not only better ſatisfied with their General, but, for his ſake, with the Senate too, and ſaid, The Senate had given them a Father, but to the other Army a Maſter. But this Year, which was ſpent in the various fortune of War, and fatal diſcord both at home and abroad, was moſt remarkable for the Comitia Tributa: though that buſineſs was more valuable for the Victory that they got when they had once engaged in the quarrel, than for the uſe they made of it: for there was more of the Aſſemblies dignity taken off by removing the Senators out of it, than there was ſtrength added to the People or diminiſhed from the Senate.

The next was a more turbulent Year, in which L. Valerius and Tib. Aemilius were Conſuls, U. C. 282 not only upon the account of the difference between the ſeveral Ranks of Romans concerning the Agrarian Law, but alſo by reaſon of the Tryal of Appius Claudius; who being a reſolute Enemy to that Law, and undertaking to vindicate the poſſeſſors of publick Lands, as if he had been a third Conſul, was ſummoned to appear upon ſuch a day before M. Duilius and Cn. Sicinius. Nor was there ever any man accuſed before the People, whom the Vulgar ſo much hated, not only upon his own, but alſo upon his Fathers account. The Senate on the other hand were ſcarce ever before ſo much concerned, That the defender of the Senate, and the aſſerter of their Honour, who was always an Enemy to the tumults cauſed by the Tribunes and the Commonalty, and had exceeded his bounds only in one conteſt, ſhould be expoſed to the fury of the rabble. But Appius himſelf, who was one of thoſe Senators, valued not either the Tribunes, the People, or his Accuſation: nor could the menaces of the populace, or the intreaties of the Senate ever induce him, not only to change his Cloaths, and go about to beg the favour of the People, but he would not ſoften or remit ſo much even as his uſual manner of ſpeaking, when he was to make his defence before them. No, he look'd juſt as before, with the ſame reſolution, and the ſame Spirit in diſcourſe; inſomuch, that moſt part of the People feared Appius as much when he was upon his Tryal, as they had done when he was Conſul. He therefore at that time pleaded for himſelf with the ſame vehemence as he was always uſed to do when he accuſed another; aſtoniſhing both the Tribunes and the People ſo much by his conſtancy, that they themſelves of their own accord gave him a farther day of Tryal, and even then put it off again too. To which time though it were not very long, yet before the day came, he died of a Diſtemper: whoſe praiſes whilſt the Tribunes of the People endeavoured to hinder, the People would not endure that the death of ſuch a great Man ſhould be unattended with that ſolemnity: wherefore they heard his Funeral Commendations when he was dead, with as much ſatisfaction, as they had his Accuſation when he was alive, and waited upon his Corps in great numbers.

The ſame Year Valerius the Conſul going with an Army into the Country of the Aequi, ſince he could not tempt the Enemy to fight, was going to attack their Camp; but was hundred by a mighty Tempeſt of Hail and Thunder: though that which afterward increaſed his admiration, was, that when they were going to Retreat, the Heavens were all calm and ſerene as before; ſo that it ſeemed an heinous crime again to attempt the taking of that Camp which was, as it were, defended by ſome God. By this means, all the fury of the War turned into Plundering of the Country; whilſt the other Conſul Aemilius made War in the Sabine Dominions, whoſe Country was all laid waſte, becauſe the Enemy kept within their Walls. But after that, the Sabines being provoked, by ſeeing, not only their Villages, but even the Towns, where there were a great many Inhabitants, burnt down, went out to meet the Ravagers, but going off with no great ſucceſs, the next day pitched their Camp at a more ſecure Poſt: which was enough to make the Conſul think, he might give the Enemy over for Conquered, and therefore he Marched off though the War was not yet made an end of.

Whilſt theſe Wars continued, there being ſtill animoſities at home, T. Numitius Priſcus, and A. Virginius were made Conſuls. And now the People ſeemed no longer able to endure U. C. 283 the delay of the Agrarian Law, but prepared all the force they poſſibly could; yet having notice that the Volſci were near at hand, by the ſmoak which aroſe from the burnt Village, and the flight of the Country People, the Sedition, which was now juſt ripe and ready to break forth, was thereby repreſſed. The Conſuls were forced out of the Temple from the Senate into the Field, who, by drawing all the Youth out of the City, made the reſt of the People the more quiet. And the Enemies did nothing elſe, but, having put the Romans i •• o a vain fright, made haſte away. Numicius went toward Antium againſt the Volſci, and V • rginius againſt the Aequi: where having like to have received a great ſlaughter by an Ambuſ • a • e, the Courage of the Soldiers recovered what the negligence of the Conſul had loſt. But they uſed better Con • uct againſt the Volſci; who were defeated in the firſt Battel, and driven into Antium, a ve • y rich City (as things then ſtood;) which the Conſul, not daring to Attack, he took from the Antians another Town called Ceno, not near ſo rich as Antium. In the mean time, whilſt the Aequi and the Volſci imployed the Roman Armies, the Sabines came and Plundered their Country even as far as the Gates of the City: though in a few days after they received from the two Armies (who were led into their Confines by both the enraged Conſuls together) more damage than they had done.

In the end of this Year, they had ſome Peace, but it was, as it always uſed to be, diſturbed by a Conteſt between the Senate and the People. For the People being diſguſted would not come to the Conſula Aſſembly; wherefore the Conſuls, whoſe Names were T. Quintius and U. C. 284 Q. Servilius, we • e choſen by the Sen • te and their Clients: whoſe Year was very like the precedent, Seditious in the beginning, but quieted by a Foreign War. For the Sabines marching over the Cruſtumine Plains with all ſpeed, and having made a great ſlaughter, as well as burnt ſeveral places about the River Anien, were beaten back almoſt from the Gate, called, Porta Cellina, and the very Walls, but notwithſtanding drove away before them great numbers of Men and Cattel. Whom Servilius the Conſul purſuing with a powerful Army, could not indeed come to engage their Forces in a convenient place, but plundered their Country to that degree, that he left nothing untouched by his Arms, and having taken a great Booty, marched back again. Among the Volſci too they behaved themſelves very well, not only through the Conduct of their Leader, but the induſtry of the Soldiers too. For there at firſt they fought upon a Plain, receiving great hurt on both ſides, with much blood-ſhed; and the Romans, whoſe ſmall number made them the more ſenſible of their loſs, had given way, had not the Conſul with a ſeaſonable lie (crying out, That the Enemy fled on one ſide) animated the Men; who from thence took Courage, and by thinking themſelves Victorious, gained the Victory. The Conſul fearing, leſt he, by preſſing too hard upon the Enemy, might renew the Fight, retreated: and for ſome days after there was a tacit kind of Truce on both ſides. In which time, there came a vaſt multitude of People from all quarters of the Volſci and the Aequi into the Camp, not doubting, but that the Romans, if they knew of it, would march off in the night time: wherefore about the third Watch they came to attack the Camp. Quintius having appeaſed the tumult that their ſudden fear had cauſed, and commanded the reſt of the Soldiers to lie ſtill in their Tents, drew forth a Party of the Hernici for a Guard before the Camp, giving orders to the Cornicines [ſuch as blew a Military Horn or Cornet] and the Trumpeters to mount themſelves upon Horſes and ſound before the Rampire, ſo as to keep the Enemy in ſuſpence 'till Morning: by which means, the remaining part of the night, all things were quiet in the Camp, inſomuch that the Romans had alſo ſleep enough to refreſh them. This ſhew of armed Foot, whom they thought not only more than they really were, but Romans too, together with the neighing of the Horſes, which having ſtrange Riders, and being hared by the great noiſe about their Ears, grew very skittiſh, kept the Volſci in expectation, when the Army would ſet upon them.

As ſoon as it was day, the Romans, being refreſhed with ſleep, were drawn out into the Field, where upon the firſt effort they defeated the Volſci, who were tired with watching and ſtanding all night in their Arms: though the Enemy indeed rather gave way, than was beaten off: becauſe upon their backs there were Hills, to which all but their Front might very ſafely retreat. The Conſul when he came to that diſadvantageous place, made his Army ſtand, though the Soldiers could hardly be ſtopt, but cryed out, and begged of him, That he would let them purſue their defeated Foes; whilſt the Horſe came about him, and being more reſolute, cryed out, That they would go before the Enſigns. So that whilſt the Conſul delayed the time, relying indeed upon his Soldiers Courage, but being very diffident as to the place, they all cryed out, they would go, and ſo they did; for fixing their Javelins in the ground, to make themſelves the lighter to climb the Hills, they ran up. The Volſci at their firſt approach threw Darts and kicked Stones that lay in their way, down upon them as they came up, whereby they forced them downward. Inſomuch that the Romans left Wing had given out, if the Conſul, by chiding their raſhneſs, and their ſloth at the ſame time had not diſpelled their fear, and made them aſhamed to retire. Wherefore they ſtopt, but were at firſt very obſtinate, though afterwards (as much as their ſtrength would permit them to do againſt an Enemy that ſtood upon higher ground) they began to move of their own accord, and renewing the clamour, marched up toward the Enemy: againſt whom they made another extraordinary effort, and overcame the difficulty of the place, ſo that they were got well nigh to the top of the Hill, when the Enemy turned their Backs; who running away as faſt as they could, both they that fled and they that purſued arrived at the Camp in almoſt one and the ſame Body: and in that confuſion the Camp was taken. Thoſe of the Volſci, that could eſcape, went to Antium; whither the Roman Army was likewiſe led; and that City within a few days ſurrendred, without any new violence from the beſiegers, but becauſe the Volſci ſince that late unhappy Fight, and the loſs of their Camp, had loſt their Courage too.

DECADE I. BOOK III. EPITOME.

1, 19. Seditions raiſed about the Agrarian Laws. 18. The Capitol taken by baniſhed Perſons and Slaves, was retaken and they ſlain. 3. A double Tax or Rate made: in the former whereof the Pole came to one hundred twenty four thouſand two hundred and fourteen Seſterces, without taking any thing of ſuch as were Fatherleſs and Motherleſs, and ſuch like Perſons: and in the later, to an hundred thirty two thouſand four hundred and nine. 26. When they had had ill ſucceſs againſt the Aequi, L. Quintius Cincinnatus was made Dictator, being ſent for from the Plow, to carry on that War. 28. He defeated the Enemy and ſold them for ſlaves. 29. The number of the Tribunes of the People was enlarged, ſo as to make them ten; in the 36th Year from the time that ſuch Tribunes were firſt made. 31, 32, 33. They ſent Embaſſadors into Attica, who deſired and brought from then • e a Scheme of their Laws; for the conſtituting and propounding whereof there were a ſort of Officers, called Decemviri, inſtead of Conſuls, created, without any other Magiſtrate to aſſiſt them: which was in the three hundredth and firſt year after the building of Rome: and as the Government was transferred from Kings to Conſuls, ſo it was from Conſuls to the Decemviri. 34, &c. They having ſet up ten Tables of Laws, and behaved themſelves modeſtly in that honourable ſtation, for which reaſon it was agreed that the ſame men ſhould continue in that dignity the Year following, they afterward having done ſeveral enormous things, would not lay down their Authority, but kept it even a third Year alſo: 'till ſuch time as the luſt of Ap. Claudius put an end to their Tyranny. 44, &c. Who falling in Love with a certain Damſel, ſuborned a Perſon privately to demand her as his ſlave; whereby he laid a neceſſity upon her Father Virginius to take a knife out of the next Shop he came to, and kill his Daughter (ſince he had no other way to ſave her) leſt ſhe ſhould fall into the hands of one that would certainly deflower her. 50, &c. The People being provoked by this great example of his extravagance, poſſeſſed themſelves of the Mount Aventine; and forced the Decemviri to quit their Office; among whom Appius and one other of his Collegues, that had been more guilty than the reſt, were thrown into Priſon; the reſt being baniſhed. 60, &c. Contains what was afterward acted againſt the Sabines, the Volſci, and the Aequi, with good ſucceſs. 72. And the diſhoneſt Arbitration of the Romans, who being choſen to decide a Controverſie between the Ardeans and the Aricians, adjudged that Land to themſelves which was the occaſion of the Diſpute.

WHEN Antium was taken, Tib. Aemilius and Q. Fabius were made Conſuls; that fame Fabius, who was the only Perſon remaining of all that Family who were ſlain U. C. 285 at Cremera. Aemilius already in his former Conſulſhip had been the occaſion of dividing the Land among the People: wherefore in this his ſecond Conſulate alſo, the Agrarians were in Goods of that Law: and the Tribunes, who had often attempted to carry it in oppoſition to the Conſuls, were now very ready to do ſo again, eſpecially ſeeing they had one Conſul on their ſide toward the obtaining of their ends. The Conſul likewiſe continued of the ſame opinion; whilſt the Poſſeſſors, and a great part of the Senate, complaining, That one of the heads of the City concerned himſelf in matters belonging to the Tribunes, and made himſelf popular by giving what belonged to other men, caſt all the envy of the thing off from the Tribunes upon the Conſuls: whereupon there had ariſen a great commotion, had not Fabius reconciled them by advice which was not diſliked of either ſide; and that was this, he told them, That by the Conduct and good management of T. Quintius there was a pretty quantity of Land the laſt Year taken from the Volſci. That Antium was near at hand, being an opportune City, and near the Sea, to which they might ſend a Colony, and the People by that means go into the Country without any complaints from the poſſeſſors of ſuch Lands as had been formerly taken from the Enemies; ſo that then the City would be at Peace. This advice of his pleaſed them: and with that they made a ſort of Officers called Triumviri, whoſe names were T. Quintius, A. Virginius, and P. Furius, to divide the Lands; all People, that woul • have any ſhare, being ordered to give in their Names. But plenty (as it always does) ſoon made them loath what they before ſo much deſired; wherefore ſo few of them gave in their Names, that to fill up the number, there were ſome of the Volſci added to them; whilſt the remaining Multitude choſe rather to demand the Land at Rome, than take Poſſeſſion of it in another place. The Aequi Petitioned Q. Fabius (who was come into their Country with an Army) for Peace, but made it void themſelves by a ſudden Incurſion into the Latin Dominions.

Q. Servilius the Year following, being Conſul with Sp. Poſthumius, was ſent againſt the Aequi and pitched his Camp in the Latin Territories; where he was forced to ſtay becauſe U. C. 286 his Army was ſick. This War was protracted to the third Year, whilſt Q. Fabius and T. Quintius were Conſuls: and that Province was allotted to Fabius out of courſe, becauſe he U. C. 287 when he was Victorious againſt them, had granted the Aequi a Peace. He therefore going with great aſſurance, that the very fame of his Name would make the Aequi ſubmit, ſent Embaſſadors to the Council of that Nation, to tell them, That Q. Fabius the Conſul ſaid, that he brought Peace from the Aequi to Rome, but that he now came from Rome with a War againſt them, the ſame right hand being now armed, that he had formerly given them as a confirmation of friendſhip; whoſe perfidiouſneſs and perjury was the cauſe of it, the gods were now witneſſes, and would be by and by revengers: yet he, be it how it would be, could ſtill wiſh, that the Aequi would rather comply of their own accord, than undergo the hardſhips of War: if they repented, they ſhould have free acceſs to his experienced clemency; but if they went on in their perjury, they were like to make War in oppoſition to the gods more than their Enemies. Which Meſſage was ſo far from having any effect upon them, that the Embaſſadors had like to have been abuſed; and an Army was ſent into Algidum [a Town of the Aequi] againſt the Romans. Of which when News was brought to Rome, the indignity of the thing more than the danger brought the other Conſul out of the City: ſo that two Conſular Armies came to meet the Enemy in ſuch order, as that they could joyn Battel at the ſame inſtant. But it being almoſt night, one of the Enemies cryed out; This, Romans! is more out of oſtentation than any deſign you have to fight; you ſet your Army in Battalia, when night is coming on; but we ſhall need more day-light to make an end of the diſpute which we are like to have: to morrow, at Sun-riſing, come again into the Field, and you ſhall have your fill of fighting, ne'r fear it. At which words, the Soldiers being incenſed (whilſt they were led back into their Camp 'till the next day) thought the night would be very long, ere they ſhould come to fight, and therefore refreſhed themſelves with meat and ſleep. The next day, aſſoon as it was light, the Roman Army was ready ſomewhat ſooner than the Enemy; but at laſt the Aequi too marched forth. The Battel was vehement on both ſides, for that the Romans fought out of anger and hatred, whilſt the Aequi being conſcious of the danger they were in by what they had done, and deſpairing of any future favour, were thereby induced to attempt and try the utmoſt that they could. Yet the Aequi were not able to withſtand the Roman Forces: and therefore being defeated, they fled into their own Confines, where being ſtill averſe to Peace, the bold Multitude began to blame their Leaders, For running the hazard of a pitched Battel, wherein the Romans ſo far out-did them. Saying, That the Aequi were better skilled in Devaſtations and Incurſions; and that many ſtragling Parties did more execution with them, than a vaſt Body of one formed Army.

They therefore leaving a Garriſon in their Camp, went out with ſuch a tumult into the Roman Dominions, that they created a terror even in the very City. And that which put them into a greater fright, was, that they could imagin nothing leſs, than that the Enemy whom they had Conquered, and beſieged almoſt in their very Camp, would remember to Plunder the Country: wherefore the fearful Country folks ran into the Gates, and magnifying not only the ravage or the ſmall Bands of thoſe who committed it, but even all things elſe by their vain fear, cryed out, That the Armies and Legions of the Enemies were come upon them, and were advancing in a full Career toward the City. From theſe the next took the uncertain Story, and made a worſe of it to others; inſomuch that the tumult and clamour of this Alarm was very little different from the conſternation that a City is uſually in upon its being taken. It happened then that Conſul Quintius was come back from Algidum to Rome: which was a remedy for their fear. For he having appeaſed the uproar, and chid them for fearing a Conquered Foe, ſet a Guard upon the Gates: and then calling a Senate, after he had by their Authority ordered a Ceſſation of all Judicial proceedings, he went to defend their Confines, leaving Q. Servilius Prefect of the City; but found not the Enemy in the Country. The matter was very well managed by the other Conſul, who ſetting upon the Enemy (in the way, which he knew they would come) whilſt they were loaded with the Booty, and conſequently more uneaſie in their March, he made their prey their ruin. For there were but few of the Enemies who eſcaped the Ambuſcade, beſides that all the ſpoils were re-taken by the Romans. By which means Q. returning to the City put an end to the Juſtitium [or Intermiſſion of Juſtice] which laſted but four days. After that there was a Tax made, and a Luſtrum [or time to take a view of the Citizens] appointed by Quintius. In which the Poll-Bill came to an hundred twenty four thouſand, two hundred and fifteen Seſtercies, without reckoning Orphans, and the like. From that time there was nothing which was memorable done in the Country of the Aequi, but they retire into their Towns, permitting all they had to be burned and laid waſte; and the Conſul, when he had gone over all their Country ſeveral times with an Army that Pillaged each part of it, returned to Rome with great applauſe, and equal ſpoils.

Then A. Poſthumius Albus and Sp. Furius Fuſus were Conſuls: the latter of whoſe Names, U. C. 288 ſome write, Furius Fuſius; which I take notice of to you, that Readers may not think there is any difference in the man, though there be in the name. There was no doubt of it, but one of theſe Conſuls would make War againſt the Aequi: wherefore the Aequi deſired aid of the Volſci of Ecetra: which they being ready to afford (ſo much did theſe Cities always ſtrive to ſhew their hatred to the Romans) there were mighty Preparations made for the War. This the Hernici perceived, and told the Romans before-hand, that the Ecetranes had Revolted to the Aequi. The Colony of Antium was alſo ſuſpected; for that a vaſt number of men, when that City was taken, fled thence to the Aequi; who, as long as the Aequian War laſted, were the keeneſt Soldiers. But afterward when the Aequi were driven into their Towns, that Multitude getting away came back to Antium, where of their own accord they perſuaded the Inhabitants of that place, who were already diſaffected, to Revolt from the Romans. But before the thing was brought to an head, the Senate having information, that ſuch a defection was intended, gave order to the Conſuls, to ſend for the chief men of that Colony to Rome, and ask them, What the matter was? Who coming thither very chearfully, and being introduced by the Conſuls to the Senate, made ſuch replies to what was asked of them, that they were diſmiſſed more ſuſpected than they came. Whereupon there was no doubt of a War: and in order thereunto, Sp. Furius, one of the Conſuls (to whom that Province fell) going into the Country of the Aequi, found the Enemy Pillaging the Hernici: and being ignorant what Multitudes they had (for he never ſaw them all together) he raſhly engaged with them though his Army was too weak. For which reaſon, upon the firſt onſet being Defeated, he retired into his Camp; though that was not the end of his danger; for all the next night and the day after his Camp was ſo beſet and attacked, that they could not ſo much as ſend a Meſſenger thence to Rome. In the mean while the Hernici ſent word, That they had very ill fortune, and that the Conſul together with the whole Army was beſieged; which ſtrook ſuch a terror into the Senate, that (in an order of Senate, the form of which always ſhews an abſolute neceſſity for it) they ordered Poſtumius the other Conſul, To take care, that the Commonwealth received no detriment. For they thought beſt for him to ſtay at Rome, in order to raiſe what men he could for the War; but to ſend T. Quintius in the nature of a Proconſul to relieve the Camp with an Army of Allies; for the filling up whereof they had commanded the Hernici, the Latins, and the Colony of Antium to ſupply Quintius with ſome ſudden Auxiliaries, which in thoſe days they called Milites Subitarii, i. e. Soldiers levied at ſhort warning.

In thoſe days they made many motions, and many attempts to and fro, becauſe the Enemy being more in number, began in many reſpects to diſable the Roman Forces, who were not ſtrong enough for all occaſions. Wherefore they attacked the Camp, and at the ſame time ſent part of their Army to ſpoil the Roman Territories; yea, if fortune favoured them, to make an Attempt upon the very City it ſelf. For which reaſon, L. Valerius was left to Guard the City, and Conſul Poſtumius ſent to repreſs the Devaſtations of the Country. Nor was there any care or pains omitted in any caſe: for there were Watches in the City, Guards at the Gates, and Sentinels upon the Walls, beſides that all proceſs of Juſtice (which in ſo great an hurry was but neceſſary) was for ſome days intermitted. In the mean time, Furius the Conſul, who was in his Camp, having at firſt lain ſtill and endured the Siege, Sallied out upon the Enemy at the Gate called Porta Decumana, before they were aware of him; but though he could have purſued them, yet he ſtopt for fear, leſt any Attempt might be made upon the other ſide of the Camp. Yet Furius, the Lieutenant (who was the Conſuls Brother) went after them ſomething too far; nor did he obſerve (ſo eager he was in the purſuit) that either the Romans retreated, or that the Enemies came upon him in the Reer: by which means being intercepted by the Foe, though he made many attempts to force his way back to the Camp, he was ſlain, but behaved himſelf very bravely before he fell. The Conſul alſo, hearing that his Brother was ſo circumvented faced about to the Fight, but whilſt he engaged in the midſt of the Enemies more raſhly than wiſely, receiving a wound, was very hardly ſaved by ſome that ſtood about him; which accident not only much diſcouraged his men, but made the Enemy more eager; for being animated by the death of the Lieutenant, and the wound that the Conſul had received, they could not be by any means withſtood; ſo that the Romans, being forced back into their Camp, were again Beſieged, as being inferior to the Enemy both in hope and ſtrength. At which time their Empire it ſelf had been in danger, if T. Quintius had not come up with the foreign Forces, the Hernican and the Latin Army. For he, whilſt the Aequi were intent upon the Roman Camp, and ſhewing the Lieutenants Head with inſolence and oſtentation, ſet upon their Reer; whilſt thoſe in the Camp, upon a ſignal by him given at a great diſtance, ſallyed out at the ſame time, and with him circumvented a great number of the Enemies. In the mean time there was a leſs ſlaughter, but the flight was more tumultuous of the Aequi in the Roman Territories; upon whom, as they ſtragled about to Pillage thoſe parts, Poſtumius made an Attack in ſeveral places, where he had planted Garriſons: whereupon thoſe wanderers running away in a confuſion, fell into the hands of Quintius who was Victorious, and coming home with the wounded Conſul. Then the Conſuls Army revenged the Conſuls wound, with the death of the Lieutenant and the reſt of their fellow Soldiers in a remarkable Battel: for there were great loſſes on both ſides at that time; inſomuch that it is hard to ſay exactly, how many fought, or fell, it is ſo long ago ſince the thing was done. Yet Antias Valerius pretends to give us a true account, that there fell in the Hernican Fields, of Romans five thouſand and three hundred; that of the Pillagers, belonging to the Aequi, that ravaged the Roman Confines, there were two thouſand four hundred ſlain by A. Poſtumius; but that the reſt of the Plunderers, who fell into the hands of Quintius were not taken off in numbers near ſo great. After that, ſays he, there were cut off four thouſand, and (to ſhew how exactly he could tell you) two hundred and thirty. Then they returned to Rome, and the Juſtitium was remitted. At which time the Heavens ſeemed to be all on a flame, with ſeveral Comets, and other ſtrange ſights appeared either to the eyes or the apprehenſions of the affrighted People. For the averting of which terrors, there were three Feriae [or Holy days] appointed together; during which, all the Temples were filled with crouds of Men and Women, imploring the mercy of the gods. Then the Hernican and Latin Forces were ſent home again by the Senate, after they had received thanks for their induſtrious ſervice in the War. But the thouſand men of Antium, becauſe they came too late, when the Battel was over, were diſmiſſed with little leſs than ignominy.

After that they called a publick Aſſembly, and made L. Aebutius with P. Servilius Conſuls; who entered upon their Office the firſt day of Auguſt, as the beginning of the Year at that time U. C. 289 was computed. That was a grievous ſeaſon, and it chanced to be a Peſtilent Year both to City and Country; nor to the Men more than their Cattel. But the fear of being Plundered increaſed the violence of the Diſeaſe, by their taking of Sheep and the like, as well as Country People into the City. For the mixture and conflux of all ſorts of Animals, did not only annoy the Citizens with unuſual ſmells, but the Country folks too were crouded up into little huts, where the heat and watching was very offenſive to them; yea, the friendly Offices that they were fain to do each other, together with the Contagion it ſelf, promoted the Diſtemper all over the Town. When they were in this condition, and hardly able to endure their preſent calamities, the Hernici ſent Embaſſadors in haſte to tell them, That the Aequi and the Volſci, having united their Forces, had encamped in their Country, and by that means had pillaged all their Confines. But beſides that the thinneſs of the Senate was an argument to their Allies that the City was afflicted with a Plague, they went away with a very ſad anſwer, That the Hernici might joyn with the Latins and defend themſelves; for that the City of Rome was, through the ſudden anger of the gods, depopulated by a Diſeaſe: not but that, if that calamity ſhould by any means be removed, they would aſſiſt their Allies, as they had done the Year before and at all other times. The Embaſſadors thereupon departed, carrying back a ſadder Meſſage than they brought, in that they were to carry on that War by themſelves only, which when they were ſupported even with the ſtrength of Rome, they were hardly able to ſuſtein. But the Enemy made no great ſtay in the Hernican Territories; for they Marched on thence into the Roman Dominions, which lay deſerted even without the injuries of War [now that the Inhabitants were all fled into the City.] Where ſeeing they met with no body, no, not ſo much as without Arms; but paſſed through all the Country, which was not only unguarded, but untilled too, without any interruption, they came to the third Stone [i. e. three Miles from Rome] in the Road called Via Gabina. In the mean time Conſul Aebutius was dead, nor had his Collegue Servilius any great hopes of recovering: beſides that many of the Nobility, the greater part of the Senate, and almoſt all that were of a fit age to make Soldiers, were now infected, inſomuch that they were not only diſabled for Foreign Expeditions, ſuch as the caſe at that exigence required, but had hardly men enough to ſupply even their quiet Garriſons. For the Senators themſelves as many as were able, did Duty on the Watches like common Soldiers; whilſt one of the Aediles of the People went the rounds, and lookt after other things; to whom alſo the chief Adminiſtration of Affairs and the Sovereign Power of the Conſuls was devolved.

But the gods who were the Guardians of the City and its good fortune together, defended all they had, though they were now, as it were, without an head and without ſtrength: which gave the Volſci and the Aequi the hearts rather of Robbers than of Enemies. For they had little hopes not only of making Rome their own, but even of coming ſo much as up to the Walls of it, (ſeeing the Houſes a great way off, and the high Hills, whereby they were mightily diſcouraged) that ſetting up a general murmur through their whole Camp, and crying, Why did they ſtay and loſe time in a deſart waſt Country, amidſt a rot of Cattel and Men too, without any hopes of Plunder, when they might go into freſh Quarters near Tuſculum, where all things were to be had in abundance? They took up their Enſigns immediately, and Marched croſs the Country through the Lavinian Fields to the Tuſculan Hills; for thither all the force and ſtreſs of the War was now tranſlated. In the mean while the Hernici and the Latins, being moved, not only with pity but ſhame too, that they ſhould neither oppoſe a common Enemy, that came againſt Rome with ſuch a deſtroying Army, nor lend any aid to their Beſieged Allies, went with a joynt Army toward Rome: where ſeeing they could not meet with the Enemy, they followed the directions of Paſſengers, and the tracts of their feet, 'till they met them coming down from Tuſculanum into the Albane Vale. But there they had much the worſt of it; nor was their conſtancy to their Allies ſucceſsful to them at that time. Mean while there was as great a Mortality at Rome by the Peſtilence, as there was in the War of their Allies by the Sword: and then died the Conſul, who lived alone 'till that time; beſides other famous men, as M. Valerius, T. Virginius Rutilus, the Augurs, and Ser. Sulpicius, who was chief Curio [like an Arch-Deacon to a Company of Pariſh Prieſts,] beſides that, the Diſtemper raged far and near among all People of mean Quality: inſomuch that the Senate, being deſtitute of human aſſiſtance, made all the People apply themſelves to the gods in publick acts of Devotion; commanding them to go with their Wives and Children, and make their ſupplications to Heaven for mercy and pardon. They therefore being called forth by publick Authority to do what each mans Calamities force him to, filled all the Temples; where Mothers lying proſtrate on the ground, and bruſhing the Pavement with their hair, implored the mitigation of Heavens wrath, and prayed that the Plague might ceaſe.

Then by degrees, whether they had obteined Pardon of the gods, or foraſmuch as the unſeaſonable time of the Year was over, their Bodies being pretty well diſcharged of their Diſtempers, began to be more healthful; and therefore applying their minds to publick affairs, when ſeveral Interregnums [that is, the Intervals of five days, when there was no chief Magiſtrate in the City] were paſſed, P. Valerius Publicola, the third day of his Interregnum made two Conſuls, whoſe Names were L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and T. Veturius [or, it may be, Vetuſius] Geminus; who entered upon their Conſulſhip upon the 9th of Auguſt, when the City was now in good health, and able not only to defend it ſelf from an Enemy, but of it ſelf alſo to wage a War. When therefore the Hernici brought them Intelligence, That the Enemy was come down into their Confines, they ſtraightway promiſed them aſſiſtance, and raiſed two Armies under the Command of the Conſuls. Veturius was ſent againſt the Volſci to make an offenſive War againſt them; whilſt Tricipitinus being ſet to repreſs the Devaſtations of their aſſociated Contries, went no farther than the Country of the Hernici. Veturius routed and defeated the Enemy in the very firſt Battel; but the Army of Pillagers got away and eſcaped Lucretius, whilſt he continued in the Country of the Hernici, being led over the Preneſtine Mountains; whence being ſent down into the Plains, they waſted the Fields of Preneſte and Gabii. From Gabii they turned their courſe toward the Tuſculan Hills; putting the City of Rome alſo into a great fright, more for the ſurpriſe, than that they were not ſtrong enough to make their defence. Q. Fabius was then Governour of the City, who arming the young men, and ſetting Guards at all convenient Paſſes, made all ſecure and quiet. Wherefore the Enemy, though they Plundered all places, durſt not approach the City; but wheeling about in order to their return homeward, as they got farther from the City, were more negligent of themſelves, and by that means fell into the hands of Lucretius, who, having ſent out Scouts before to ſecure his Marches, was ready and very deſirous to have a bruſh with him. The Romans therefore coming upon them with minds prepared (which put them into a ſudden fright) though they were ſomewhat fewer, defeated and put to flight a vaſt Multitude; whom they encompaſſed in hollow Valleys, whereinto they had driven them, and out of which there was no eaſie paſſage. There the name of the Volſci was almoſt extinguiſhed; for I find in ſome Annals, that there were ſlain in the Battel and the Purſuit thirteen thouſand, four hundred and ſeventy Men; a thouſand two and fifty taken Priſoners; and twenty ſeven Enſigns of War brought away: in which though there be ſome addition made to the number, yet 'tis certain, the ſlaughter was very great. The Conſul having got the Victory returned to his Camp with great ſpoils: whereupon the two Conſuls united their Camps, whilſt the Volſci and the Aequi alſo joyned their forces into one Army. That was the third fight in that Year; in which the ſame fortune gave the Romans the Victory, who having routed the Enemy took their Camp too.

Thus the Roman Commonwealth was reſtored to its former ſtate; and the ſucceſs of the War ſtrait cauſed new commotions in the City. C. Terentillus Arſa was that Year Tribune of the People, who ſuppoſing he had a good opportunity, now that the Conſuls were abſent, to promote the Intereſt of the Tribunes, made it his buſineſs for ſome days to rail before the People at the pride of the Senate; but moſt eſpecially at the Power of the Conſuls, as exceſſive and intolerable in a free City: For it was only a leſs odious name, the thing it ſelf being, if it were poſſible, more Tyrannical than that of Kings; in that they now had two Sovereigns inſtead of one, with immoderate and boundleſs Authority: who being themſelves free and unconfined, turned all fear of Laws, and all ſorts of Puniſhment, upon the People. Which Power of theirs, leſt it ſhould be eternal, he would put forth a Law, that five Men ſhould be choſen to make Laws concerning the Power of the Conſuls: that the Conſul ſhould uſe no more Authority over the People, than they allowed him; nor ſhould they eſteem their own will and pleaſure as a Law. Which Law being promulgated, the Senate feared that, in the abſence of the Conſuls, they might be forced to ſubmit, and therefore Q. Fabius, the Prefect of the City, called an Aſſembly of them: in which he inveighed ſo bitterly againſt the deſign and the preferrer of that Law, that, if both the Conſuls had ſtood by the Tribune, they could not have expreſſed more menaces or terror than he did: for he told him, He had laid an Ambuſcade, and taking his opportunity, attacked the Commonwealth: if the angry gods had ſent them ſuch an one, as he was, the laſt Year, amidſt the Plague and the War, they never ſhould have ſeen an end of their Calamities. When both the Conſuls were dead, and the City lay languiſhing in a confuſion, he would make Laws to abrogate the Power of the Conſuls; and for the ſame reaſon would be General of the Aequi and the Volſci, when they ſhould come to attack the City. For Heavens ſake, what might not he already do? He might call the Conſuls to account, if they had behaved themſelves Arbitrarily or cruelly to any Citizen; and accuſe them even before thoſe who had been injured. But indeed he did not make the Power of the Conſuls ſo odious and intolerable as he did that of the Tribunes; which after it had been reconciled to the Senate, was by him again reduced into its old miſchievous circumſtances; nor die he, for his part, deſire him not to perſiſt as he had begun. But as for you, ſaid Fabius, the reſt of the Tribunes, we entreat you, that you would firſt of all conſider that your Power was deſigned for the aid of each ſingle Man, not for the ruin of all in general; that you were created Tribunes of the People, not Enemies to the Senate: to us 'tis a ſad thing, and it will prove invidious to you, that the Commonwealth, which is now deſerted, ſhould be invaded. You will not diminiſh your own priviledges, but the odium that will otherwiſe attend you. Perſuade your Collegue to defer the whole matter 'till the Conſuls come home. The very Aequi and the Volſci themſelves, when the two Conſuls died laſt Year of the Plague, did not oppreſs or attack us with a Cruel and a Tyrannical War. Then the Tribunes treated with Terentillus, and thereupon the matter being only deferred to all appearance, but really quite ſtifled, he ſent immediately for the Conſuls.

Lucretius therefore returned home with vaſt ſpoils, but greater Glory: yet augmented that too at his arrival, by laying down all his Booty in the Campus Martius, that for three days together every one might come and take what he knew to be his own; and the remaining part, which had no owners, was ſold. For which the Conſul deſerved a Triumph by general conſent; though that was deferred, becauſe the Tribune at that time was ſtickling to paſs the Law; which the Conſul thought a matter of greater moment. That therefore was banded for ſome days both in the Senate and before the People; 'till at the laſt the Tribune gave way to the Authority of the Conſul and deſiſted. Then all due honour was paid to the General and the Army: for he Triumphed upon the ſcore of the Volſci and the Aequi, being attended by the Legions. The other Conſul was allowed a leſs honourable ſort of Triumph, called Ovation, in which he was to come into the City without the Soldiers. The Year following, the Lex Terentilla (or Terentillus's Law] being again preferred by the whole Collegue of Tribunes, gave ſome diſturbance to the new Conſuls, who were P. Volumnius, and Ser. Sulpitius. U. C. 291 In whoſe time the Heavens ſeemed to be on fire, and there was a great Earthquake; beſides that it was now believed, an Heiſer ſpoke, to which there was no credit given the Year before. Among other Prodigies alſo it rained fleſh, which ſhower, they ſay, a great flock of Birds came and partly carried it away, before it fell to the ground; whilſt what eſcaped them lay ſcattered for ſome days without any alteration in th • ſmell of it. Whereupon the Sybils Books were conſulted by the Duumviri [who had the keeping of them] out of which were foretold the danger that ſhould happen from the coming of ſtrangers into the City, leſt any violence or ſlaughter ſhould be committed in the chief parts thereof: and among other things it was adviſed, that they ſhould abſtein from Sedition: This the Tribunes ſaid was done on purpoſe to hinder their Law from being paſſed, and a great buſtle there was. Mean while behold (to bring each Year about in the ſame courſe) the Hernici brought them intelligence, That the Volſci and the Aequi, though very much diſabled, were fitting out their Armies again: that their head Quarters was at Antium: that at Ecetra the Antian Colony held publick Councils, that being the chief place of meeting, where all their great Deſigns for the War were laid. When this news was told in the Senate, they preſently ordered a Levy to be made; the Conſuls being commanded to ſhare the management of the War between them: the one to have the Volſci, and the other the Aequi, for his Province. With that the Tribunes cryed out in the Forum, That the Volſcian War was a ſtory of their own contriving; that the Hernici were always ready to aſſiſt them in ſuch lies; and that now the Liberty of Rome was not ſo much endangered by any foreign force, as eluded by art; for the Aequi and the Volſci, who were almoſt utterly ruined and deſtroyed, could not poſſibly be thought at that time of day to make a voluntary War: that they ſought for new Enemies: that a faithful neighbouring Colony was ſcandalized: that the Antians who were innocent, had the War proclaimed againſt them, though it were really intended againſt the People of Rome, whom they would load with Arms, and turn them headlong, in that poſture, out of the City; revenging; themſelves of the Tribunes by the exile and expulſion of the Citizens. By this means (that they might ſee the deſign of it) the Law would be evaluated; unleſs they took great care, whilſt they had power enough, whilſt they were at home and continued Romans, not to be put out of poſſeſſion of the City, leſt they ſhould be made ſlaves. If they had courage, they could not want aſſiſtance: for that the Tribunes were all of opinion, there was no cauſe of fear from without, nor any danger at all; and that the gods took care, the Year before, that they might ſafely defend their Liberty. Thus the Tribunes.

On the other ſide the Conſuls, ſitting at ſome little diſtance, made the Levy in their ſight. Wherefore the Tribunes ran to them, with all the Aſſembly at their heels; and upon that, after ſome few were cited or called (for an experiment, as it were, what they would do) a Tumult preſently aroſe: in which, whomſoever the Lictor, by order of the Conſul, laid hold of, the Tribune commanded him to let go. Nor was there any equity or reaſon in what they did, but each of them ſtrove to gain their ends by force, upon the confidence they had in their own ſtrength. As therefore the Tribunes behaved themſelves in obſtructing the Levy, ſo did the Senators in impeding their Law, which was propoſed every Comitial or Aſſembly day. The beginning of the quarrel was, when the Tribunes had ordered the People to depart, that the Senators would not ſtir. But indeed there were ſcarce any of the Seniors there: becauſe in that caſe there was not ſo much occaſion for advice and management, as for temerity and boldneſs. The Conſuls alſo were very cautious, leſt in ſuch a confuſion they might bring any diſhonour upon their dignity. Among the reſt there was one Caeſo Quintius, a brisk young Man, not only upon the account of his Birth, but his bulk and ſtrength of Body: to which endowments from the gods, he himſelf had alſo ad • ed many warlike Ornaments, together with Eloquence upon civil occaſions; inſomuch that no Man was reckoned more nimble either of his tongue or hands through the whole City. He therefore ſtanding amidſt the throng of Senators, much higher than the reſt, as if he had born all Conſulates and Dictatorſhips in his ſole voice and ſtrength, alone ſuſteined the ſhock of the Tribunes, and all the popular Storms. For by his Conduct the Tribunes were often beaten out of the Forum, and the People routed. Whomſoever he met, he ſent away with ſome puniſhment and ſtript: inſomuch, that if that were the way of proceeding, all the World might ſee the Law was at an end. Mean time, though all the other Tribunes were much affrighted, A. Virginius, one of the Collegues, gave Caeſo warning to appear on ſuch a day to be tryed for his Life: by which he rather enflamed than terrified that furious Man: for he upon that account was the more induſtrious to hinder the Law, to vex the People, and perſecute the Tribunes, as it were, with a juſt War. The Accuſer let him run on, that by his Crimes he might increaſe the flame and fewel of envy; preferring the Law in the mean time, not ſo much out of any hopes he had to carry it, as to provoke Caeſo's raſhneſs. Thereupon many things that were ſaid and done by the young men unadviſedly, were laid to the charge of Caeſo only: yet notwithſtanding the Law was put off. Then A. Virginius oft-times asked the People; Are you ſatisfied now, Romans! that you cannot have Caeſo to continue one of your fellow Citizens, and at the ſame time obtain the Law that you deſire? But what do I talk of a Law? He withſtands their Liberty, out-doing all the Tarquins in Pride and Tyranny: ſtay 'till you ſee him made Dictator or Conſul, whom now you ſee, though he be a private Perſon, already reigning in his own ſtrength and audacity. Many of the hearers aſſented to him, and, complaining that they were abuſed, incited the Tribune to go through with what he had undertaken.

And now the Day of Tryal was come; when all men generally believed their Liberty depended upon the Condemnation of Caeſo; who being at laſt forced to it went about to deſire the Peoples favour, though with much regret of mind, attended by his Relations and the beſt men in the City. T. Quintius Capitolinus, who had been three times Conſul, relating many honourable things of himſelf and his Family, affirmed, That there never was either in the Quintian Family, or the whole City of Rome ſo great a Wit or a Perſon of ſuch early Courage. That he was his Soldier firſt of all, and that he ſaw him oftentimes engage the Enemy. Sp. Furius ſaid, That Quintius Capitolinus ſent Caeſo to him to relieve and aſſiſt him when he was in great danger (which he did) and that there never was any man before, by whoſe means the Commonwealth was more ſupported. L. Lucretius, who had been Conſul the Year before, ſhining with freſh glory, was pleaſed to let Caeſo partake in his praiſes, by remembring the Eights, recounting the noble exploits which they had done ſometimes in Skirmiſhes, and other-whiles in pitched Battels: perſuading and telling them, He was a brave Youth, full fraught with all the gifts both of nature and fortune, and would be the greateſt ſupport of any City, whereever he came, though he wiſhed to be a Citizen of Rome rather than of any other place. As to what was offenſive in him (his heat and audacity) age daily took off that; and what was lacking in him (prudence) was every day increaſing; his vices growing old, and his virtues coming to maturity: wherefore they ought to let ſuch a great Man live in their City 'till he was an old Man. Among the reſt, his Father L. Quintius, Surnamed Cincinnatus, though he did not think fit to repeat his Commendations, leſt that might heap more envy upon him, begging Pardon for his error, and youthful carriage, deſired them, that they would pardon his Son for his ſake, who had never offended any Man living either by word or action. But ſome of them would not hear his intreaties, either out of modeſty or fear, whilſt others complaining, that they and theirs were mulcted and abuſed by him, gave him a croſs anſwer, and reſolved to go on with the Tryal.

But there was one crime, beſides the common envy of the People, that lay very hard upon him: and that was, that M. Volſcius Fictor, who ſome years before had been Tribune of the People, came in as a Witneſs againſt him; That he, not long after the Plague was in the City, came and caught the young Men playing their mad pranks in the ſtreet, called Subura: [where the Whores dwelt] that there a Quarrel aroſe, and his elder Brother, who was not yet very well recovered of his Diſtemper, was knocked down by Caeſo, who hit him ſuch a blow with his fiſt, that he lay for dead: whereupon they carried him home, and thought he thereby got his bane. But he could not proſecute Caeſo for the Fact, becauſe of the Conſuls that had been for ſome years laſt paſt. When Volſcius declared this, the People were ſo netled, that they had like to have murthered Caeſo upon the place: but Virginius ordered him to be laid hold on and put in Priſon; whilſt in the mean time the Patricians oppoſed force with force. T. Quintius cryed out, Whereas they had given warning of a Capital Tryal, the Man they deſigned ſo ſoon to paſs Sentence upon, ought not to be ſo roughly uſed, before he was Convicted, or had ſpoken for himſelf. The Tribune on the other hand ſaid, He would not puniſh a Perſon uncondemned, but yet he would keep him in Bonds 'till the day of Tryal, that the Roman People might fairly revenge themſelves of him for killing one of their Fellow Citizens. Nevertheleſs the Tribunes being appealed to all together thought fit to mitigate the rigour of their Authority by a moderate Decree between the two extremes; ſo they ordered him not to be put in Priſon: yet that he ſhould appear at the day appointed, and if he did not, ſhould engage to pay ſo much mony to the People: though they had ſome diſpute what the ſum ſhould be, and therefore referred it to the Senate: he remaining in Cuſtody whilſt they were conſulted. They therefore ordered him to give Bail (one of whom they bound in a Recognizance of 3000 l.) but how many ſhould be bound for him was left to the Tribunes; who pitching upon ten, the Accuſer let him go upon their ſecurity. He was the firſt that ever gave publick Bail. When by this means he was diſmiſſed out of the Forum, the next night, without the knowledg of the Conſuls, he baniſhed himſelf into Tuſcany. Wherefore upon the day of Tryal, when they excuſed or eſſoigned him, by ſaying, he had fled his Country and was gone into Baniſhment, the reſt of the Tribunes being Appealed to, though Virginius called it, diſmiſſed the Council. But the Mony was cruelly exacted from his Father; inſomuch, that when all he had was ſold to raiſe it, he was fain to live beyond the Tiber for ſome time, like one Exiled, in a pitiful little Cottage.

This Tryal and the Law being promulged, found the City ſomething to do; for they were not engaged in any Foreign War. When therefore the Tribunes, like Conquerors (now that the Senate was ſo terrified by the Baniſhment of Caeſo) ſuppoſed the Law was as good as paſſed, and that all the Seniors of the Senate had withdrawn themſelves from publick buſineſs; the Juniors (eſpecially all that were Caeſo's friends) were more incenſed againſt the People, ſo far they were from abating in their animoſities: but that which proved their greateſt advantage was, that they kept their paſſion within bounds. For when, after Caeſo's Baniſhment, the Law was firſt propoſed, though they were ready prepared with an Army of Clients, yet they attacked the Tribunes (aſſoon as, by offering any violence to them, they gave them cauſe) in ſuch a manner, that never an one of them gained more credit or envy by it: but the People complained, They had got a thouſand Caeſoes inſtead of one. Though upon other days, when the Tribunes did not ſtickle for their Law, there were no Men more civil and quiet than thoſe Juniors were; for they would ſpeak kindly and familiarly to the Commonalty, invite them to their Houſes, be in the Forum, and permit the Tribunes to hold other Aſſemblies without any diſturbance; nor ever look ſtern or be rough with any Man either in publick or private, ſave when they talked of that Law: for in other caſes thoſe young Men were popular enough. Nor did the Tribunes manage other matters only without any diſturbance, but being alſo continued for the Year following, had not ſo much as an ill word given them, ſo far were the young Senators from offering any violence to them. For their main deſign was to ſooth and win upon the People ſo much as to reconcile them: and by thoſe Arts the Law was eluded for a whole Year.

Then C. Claudius, the Son Appius, and P. Valerius Poplicola being made Conſuls, found the City much quiter than it had been: nor had the new Year brought forth any new accident; U. C. 292 for the City was wholly taken up with the thoughts of preferring and the fear of paſſing that Law. But the more the Junior Senators inſinuated themſelves into the People, ſo much the more induſtrious the Tribunes were to make the People ſuſpect them, ſaving, There was a Conſpiracy among them; for Caeſo was at Rome; and that they deſigned to kill the Tribunes and murther the People: that the Senior Senators employed the Juniors to extirpate the Power of the Tribunes out of the Commonwealth; and to reduce the City into the ſame f •• m as it was of before they poſſeſſed themſelves of the Holy Mount. Beſides this, they were afraid of that conſtant and almoſt annual War from the Aequi and the Volſci; though in the mean time another new miſchief, more near at hand, ſurprized them. Four thouſand five hundred baniſhed Men and Slaves, poſſeſſed themſelves of the Caſtle and Capitol in the night time, under the Command of Ap. Herdonius, a Sabine: who cauſed all thoſe in the Caſtle, that would not enter into the Conſpiracy and take up Arms, as they had done, to be immediately ſlain: whilſt the reſt being ſcared, ran headlong amidſt the tumult down into the Forum: from whom you could hear no words but theſe, To your Arms, and, There are Enemies come into the City. Thereupon the Conſuls were afraid as much to Arm the People, as to let them continue without Arms; being uncertain what ſudden misfortune, whether Foreign or Domeſtick, from the Peoples animoſities, or villany of their Slaves, had invaded the City. They ſtrove indeed to appeaſe the tumults, but by ſo doing ſometimes the more increaſed them: for the fearful conſternated Multitude would not be ruled by reaſon. However they diſtributed Arms; though not to every body, but to ſuch a number only, as that they might have (ſince it was not known how ſtrong the Enemy were) a ſufficient reſerve if occaſion were. Which having done, they ſpent the reſt of the night in ſetting of Guards and Sentinels at all convenient places in the City, not knowing either what Countrymen or what number the Enemy were. But the next morning diſcovered both the Foe, and the General of them: and Ap. Herdonius tempted all the Slaves out of the Capitol to take their freedom; ſaying, He undertook the cauſe of every poor Man that was in miſery; to reſtore ſuch as had been injuriouſly Baniſhed, to their own Country again, and take off the heavy yoke of Slavery: that he would rather the People of Rome would do it for him; but if there were no hopes from them, he would try and inſtigate the Volſci and the Aequi with all extremity.

The thing appeared much plainer to the Senate and the Conſuls than to any body elſe: but beſides what was related to them, they were afraid leſt that might be a deſign of the Veians or the Sabines, with an intention, that now they had got ſo many Men into the City, the Sabine and Etrurian Legions ſhould ſtraight come up: and likewiſe, that their eternal Enemies, the Volſci and Aequi, might now come, not as before, to ravage their Country, but even to the City, which was now in part taken. Mean while there were many and various fears among them; but among others, the apprehenſions they had of their Slaves was the greateſt; leſt they ſhould each of them have an Enemy in his own Houſe, whom it was neither ſafe to truſt, nor by ſhewing their diffidence to put him upon doing what he ſaw they ſuſpected. At this juncture it was ſcarce poſſible to make them agree: for at that time, when ſo many miſchiefs ſprung up ſo much exceeding any former ones, no one feared the Tribunes or the People. But that ſeemed a ſmall inconvenience, which always proceeded from a ceſſation of other evils, and then to be removed by Foreign fears; but indeed, that thing alone was a great addition to their miſeries; for the Tribunes were in ſuch a fury, that they ſaid, It was not a War, but the vain fanſie of a War, that was pretended to have taken up its Quarters in the Capitol, to avert the Peoples minds from any thoughts of their Law: that the Friends and Clients of the Patricians, if they ſhould find by the paſſing of that Law, that they had rioted to no purpoſe, would go away more ſilent than they came: Whereupon they called a Council to prefer the Law, having perſuaded the People from taking up of Arms. In the mean time the Conſuls alſo ſummoned a Senate, from whence the Tribunes diſcovered greater terror, than that which the Enemy by coming in the night time had ſtrook into them.

When the news was brought, that the Men had laid down their Arms and were departed from their ſtations, P. Valerius (whilſt his Collegue held the Senate) ran out of the Court, and into the Temple to the Tribunes, ſaying, Tribunes! What's the meaning of this? Do you intend to oveturn the Commonwealth by the Conduct and encouragement of Ap. Herdonius? Has he been ſo happy in corrupting you, who could not prevail upon your Slaves? When your Enemies are over your heads, would you lay down your Arms and make Laws? Then turning to the Multitude; If you, Romans! ſaid he, have no care either of the City or your ſelves; yet you fear the gods of your Country, who are now taken by your Enemies. Jupiter, the Good and Great, Juno, the Queen of Heaven, Minerva, and other gods and goddeſſes are beſieged: and a Camp of Slaves are now in poſſeſſion of your publick Deities. Does this look like a well regulated City in your eyes? There are a vaſt number of Enemies, not only within the Walls, but alſo in the Caſtle above the Forum, and the Senate Houſe: yet at the ſame time there is an Aſſembly in the Forum, and another in the Senate Houſe; where each one gives his opinion as gravely and as deliberately as if this was a time of the greateſt leiſure; whilſt other Citizens are giving their Votes in other caſes. Inſtead whereof, is it not more fitting that all the Senate and the People, the Conſuls, the Tribunes, together with all the gods and men ſhould take up Arms, and run into the Capitol, to deliver and reſcue that moſt auguſt Houſe of the Good and Great Jupiter from violence? Father Romulus! do thou infuſe that Courage into thy Race, whereby thou formerly recoveredſt this Caſtle from theſe ſame People, when they had taken it with Gold: bid them go that way which then, their Captain, and thy Army went. Lo I, the Conſul, (as far as a mortal Man can go in the ſteps of a God) will firſt follow thee. Then the end of his Speech was; That he intended to take up Arms, and expected all the People of Rome to do the ſame. If any one obſtructed the doing of it, whoever he was, or whereſoever (whether in the Capitol, or the Forum) he ſhould take him at that time for an Enemy of the Conſuls Power, of the priviledg •• of the Tribunes, and one that had forgotten the ſacred Laws. If therefore the Tribunes, who had forbidden People to take up Arms againſt Ap. Herdonius, ſhould command them to do the ſame againſt P. Valerius the Conſul, he ſhould make bold to do the ſame by them, as the firſt of his Family did by the Kings. Thereupon they ſeemed to be reduced to the laſt extremity, and the Enemy was like to have the ſatisfaction of ſeeing Rome in an uproar, for the Law could not be paſſed, nor the Conſul go into the Capitol; though the night put an end to their contentions, and the Tribunes for that reaſon gave out, as fearing the Conſuls ſtrength. When therefore the heads of the Sedition were removed, the Senators went about to the People, and mixing with their Aſſemblies, talked to them in ſuch language as was at that time moſt ſeaſonable, admoniſhing them, To take care what danger they brought the Commonwealth into: and telling them, the Controverſie was not between the Senate and the People, but that the Senate, the People, the Caſtle, the Temples of their gods, with all religious things, both publick and private, were betrayed and given up at once into the hands of the Enemy. Whilſt theſe things paſſed in the Forum, in order to appeaſe the Sedition, the C •• ſuls, in the mean time, leſt the Sabine, or the Veian Army ſhould ſtir, went and Poſted themſelves about the Gates and the Walls of the City.

The ſame night alſo there was news brought to Tuſculum, that the Caſtle was taken, the Capitol ſeized, and the City in a tumult, L. Mamilius being then Dictator of that place. He therefore calling a Senate, and bringing in the Meſſengers, was ſtrongly of opinion, That they ought not to ſtay 'till Embaſſadors came from Rome to deſire aſſiſtance; for that the danger it ſelf, the jeopardy that they were in, who worſhiped the ſame gods, and the Religious Obligation of their Leagues required that from them: nor would the gods ever give them the like opportunity of obliging ſo Puiſſant, and ſo near and dear a City. Whereupon they agreed to ſend Auxiliaries, and forthwith put all their young Men in Arms; who coming to Rome at break of day, appeared a far off like Enemies, as if the Aequi and the Volſci had been coming. But when the vain fright was over, they were received into the City in a full Body, and marched down into the Forum: where P. Valerius, having left his Collegue to Guard the Gates, was now a Marſhalling his Army. For the Authority of that Man had won the Commonalty, foraſmuch as he aſſured them. When he had recovered the Capitol, and quieted the City, if they would let him learn, what treachery the Tribunes palliated under the pretence of paſſing their Law; that he ſhould remember his forefathers, his Surname, whereby it appeared, that he had the care of ſerving the People committed and derived down to him from his Anceſtors, and would not obſtruct the Peoples deſigns. Whe • efore they following him as their Captain, (though the Tribunes were much againſt it, but all in vain) drew up upon the ſide of the Capitol Hill. To them alſo was added the Tuſculan Legion: and there, between the Allies and the Citizens, was a conteſt who ſhould have the honour of regaining the Caſtle, both Generals encouraging their Men as much as they could. Then the Enemy began to tremble, nor could they truſt in any thing, beſides the ſtrength of the place: amidſt whoſe fears the Romans fell upon them, as the Allies alſo did. And they had forced their way into the Porch of the Temple, when P. Valerius ſtanding in the Van, and animating his Men to the Battel, was ſlain. P. Volumnius, a Conſuls fellow, ſaw him fall; and therefore, commanding ſome of his Soldiers to cover the Body, ran up to ſupply the Conſuls place. But the Army did not know (ſo hot and intent they were upon the fight) what great misfortune had befallen them; yea, they got the Victory before they were ſenſible that they fought without their General. Many of the Baniſhed Perſons defiled the Temple with their Blood, and many were taken alive; but Herdonius was killed: and ſo the Capitol was recovered. The Captives were puniſhed according to their quality, as every one was either a Freeman or a Slave; the Tuſculans had thanks for their pains; the Capitol was purged and luſtrated [or Conſecrated by Sacrifices] and the People, 'tis ſaid, threw Mony into the Conſuls Houſe in order to bury him with the greater Pomp and Solemnity.

They having by this means appeaſed the City, the Tribunes being very urgent with the Senate, to perform what P. Valerius had promiſed, importuned Claudius to diſcharge the Ghoſt of his Collegue of all imputations of fraud, and to ſuffer them to treat about their Law. To which the Conſul replyed, He would not permit them to debate concerning the Law, before he had choſen himſelf a new C • llegue. Wherefore theſe contentions continued 'till the very time of that Aſſembly in which the new Conſul was to be elected. So in the Month December, by the great endeavours of the Senate, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, the Father of Caeſo, was created Conſul, and to begin his Office immediately from that time. At which the People were much diſheartened, being to have a Conſul who was an angry Man, very powerful in the favour of the Senate, in his own Courage, and three Sons that he had; who were each one of them as ſtout as Caeſo, but far beyond him in Prudence and Conduct, whenever the caſe required it. He therefore, when he entered upon the Office, was as vehement in his reproofs the Senate, as in his Invectives againſt the People, ſaying, That their ſloth was the occaſion why the Tribunes reigned ſo perpetually in their calumnies, and other crimes, not as in a Commonwealth of the Romans, but as it ſometimes happens in a diſſolute Family. That with his Son Caeſo, all virtue, conſtancy, and other glories that uſually adorn young Men either in Peace or War, were Baniſhed and Expelled out of Rome: whilſt the Tribunes, thoſe prating ſeditious fellows, who were the Seminaries of all Diſcord, being twice or thrice together put into the ſame Office, through their ill Acts lived with all the licentiouſneſs of Kings. Aulus Virginius, ſaid he, for not being in the Capitol, deſerved as much puniſhment as Ap. Herdonius: nay, more indeed, if we conſider the thing aright. For Herdonius, if he did nothing elſe, by confeſſing himſelf an Enemy, did as good as give you notice and advice to Arm your ſelves: but this Man, by denying that there was any Enemy to fight withall, deprived you of thoſe Arms, expoſed you naked to your Slaves and Baniſhed Perſons: and could you draw your Men up the Capitol Hill (which deference I ſpeak to C. Claudius, and the memory of P. Valerius, who is dead) before you had removed that Enemy out of the Forum? I am aſhamed to appear before either gods or men; when I conſider, that at the ſame time that the Foe was in the Caſtle, and the Capitol; ſo that the Leader of Slaves and Banditti, having prophaned all things and places took up his Quarters in great Joves Temples, the People of Tuſculum ſhould be Armed before thoſe of Rome; it being a queſtion, whether L. Mamilius the Tuſculan General, or P. Valerius and C. Claudius the Conſuls delivered this City. For we, who heretofore would not ſuffer the Latins ſo much as to touch any Arms even in their own cauſe, and when the Enemy was in your Country, had now our ſelves (if the Latins had not prevented it) been taken and utterly deſtroyed. Is this, ye Tribunes! to aid the People? To expoſe them naked to the Enemies cruelty? I'll warrant you, if any Man, though the meaneſt of the People (whom you have made your peculiar Province, apart, as it were, from the reſt of the Commonwealth) if any Man, I ſay, of that Quality ſhould tell you his Houſe was attacked by his Servants all in Arms, you would think fit to aſſiſt him. Was Jupiter then, that good and great God, when hedged about with Armed Slaves and Banditti, worth no Mans help? Or do thoſe men deſire to be accounted ſacred, to whom the gods themſelves are neither ſacred nor holy? Do you, who have broken all Laws both Divine and Humane, pretend to ſay, you'll make a Law this Year? No, if you do, that day on which I was created Conſul, the Commonwealth was put into a much worſe condition than when Conſul P. Valerius died. But, Romans, ſaid he, at preſent, my Collegue and I deſign, the firſt thing we do, to lead the Legions againſt the Aequi and the Volſci; for I cannot tell by what Decree of Fate, we find the gods more propitious to us in War than Peace: and what danger we ſhould be in from thoſe People, if they knew the Capitol was beſieged 'tis better for us to gueſs by what's paſt, than make an experiment of it.

The Conſuls Speech excited the People, and the Senate were thereby ſo incouraged, that they thought the Commonwealth reſtored to its former ſtate. The other Conſul was a warmer aſſiſtant to him than he was an author of the whole enterprize; and though he freely ſuffered his Collegue to be the firſt actor in ſuch a weighty affair, yet he alſo did what became him as a Conſul. Then the Tribunes jeering him, as though he had ſpoken very fooliſhly, went on, and asked, How the Conſuls would draw forth their Army, when no Man would ſuffer them to make a Levy? We, ſaid Quintius, have no need to make a Levy; for when P. Valerius put the People in Arms to retake the Capitol, they all ſwore they would rendezvous at the Conſuls command, and would not depart without his Order: wherefore we require you all, that took ſuch an Oath, to come to morrow Armed to the Lake Regillus. Then the Tribunes began to cavil; and would fain have diſcharged the People from their Religious Obligation; ſaying, that Quintius was but a private Perſon at that time when they were bound by that Oath. But People did not then ſlight the gods ſo much, as now adays they do: nor did every Man make his Oath and the Laws comply with his Inclinations by a Sophiſtical Interpretation of them, but rather accommodated his own actions to them. The Tribunes therefore, having no hopes to hinder the expedition, began to conſult how they might defer it: and that ſo much the more, becauſe it was reported, That the Augurs were ordered to attend at the Lake Regillus; and that a certain place was hallowed, where they might treat with the People in a ſolemn and a Religious manner: that whatſoever at Rome had been preferred as a Law, by the Power of the Tribunes, ſhould be abrogated in the Aſſembly there: that all People would comply with the Conſuls; there being no Appeal to be brought above a thouſand paces from the City: and that the Tribunes, if they came thither, muſt be ſubject to the Command of the Conſuls, like other Romans. Theſe things frighted them; but that which terrified them moſt, was, that Quintius often ſaid, He would not hold a Conſular Aſſembly; the City was not troubled with ſuch a Diſtemper, as that the uſual Remedies would heal it: the Commonwealth had need of a Dictator, that whoſoever gave any diſturbance to the City, might know a Dictatorſhip admitted of no Appeal.

The Senate was in the Capitol; and thither the Tribunes came with the diſſatisfied Commonalty; who, with great clamors implored ſometimes the Patronage of the Conſuls, and otherwhiles that of the Senate. But they prevailed not upon the Conſuls, before the Tribunes promiſed that they would be ruled by the Senate. Whereupon the Conſul declaring the deſires of the Tribunes and the People, there was a Decree made to this purpoſe: That the Tribunes ſhould not propoſe the making of any Law that Year, nor ſhould the Conſuls lead the Army out of the City: and for the reſt, the Senate thought, it was againſt the Intereſt of the Commonwealth for thoſe Magiſtrates to be continued, or the ſame Tribunes choſen again for the next Year. The Conſuls were governed by the Senate, but the ſame Tribunes were continued though the Conſuls withſtood it. Wherefore the Senate alſo, being unwilling to be outdone by the People, made L. Quintius Conſul for the next Year again. Nor was there any thing that whole Year which the Conſul ſaid more vehement than this: Can I wonder, grave Fathers! if your Authority be ſlighted by the People? You your ſelves make light of it; for you, becauſe the People have broken a Decree of Senate by continuing of Magiſtrates, your ſelves do the ſame thing, leſt you ſhould come behind them in folly and imprudence: as though it were an argument of more Power in a City, to be guilty of more levity, and take a greater freedom than ordinary: for indeed it is a more light and fooliſh action to abrogate our own Decrees than thoſe of others. You, Fathers! imitate the unthinking rabble: and you who ſhould give others good example, will rather offend by your pattern than make them do well by yours; whilſt I am reſolved, for fear of imitating the Tribunes, I will not be declared Conſul contrary to a Decree of Senate. I likewiſe adviſe you, Caius Claudius! that you alſo reſtrain the People of Rome in this particular; and as for me, aſſure your ſelf, I will take it ſo kindly, that I will not think my Honour impaired by you, but my Glory for refuſing Honour augmented; beſides, that the envy, which by the continuation of it would accrue, will be the leſs. Thereupon they both put forth an Edict; That no Man ſhould chuſe L. Quintius Conſul; if any did, they would not give any heed to ſuch a Vote.

Then Q. Fabius Vibulanus and L. Cornelius Maluginenſis (the former a third time) were made Conſuls. In whoſe Year there was a Poll: but it was repugnant to their Religion, ſeeing that the Capitol was taken, and the Conſul ſlain, to make a Luſtration. When therefore Q. Fabius and L. Cornelius were Conſuls, there were Commotions in the very beginning of their Year, for the Tribunes incited the People; the Latins and the Hernici brought news of a great War from the Volſci and the Aequi: that the Volſcian Legions were already at Antium: which Colony they were in great fear would Revolt: upon which ſcore the Tribunes with much ado conſented to the War. Then the Conſuls divided the Provinces between them: Fabius being ordered to lead the Legions to Antium, and Cornelius to ſtay as a Guard to Rome, leſt any part of the Enemies (according to the cuſtom of the Aequi) ſhould come to pillage the Country. The Hernici and the Latins were ordered to ſupply their Quota of Men by vertue of a League; and the Army was two parts of it Allies, and the third Romans. The Allies therefore being come at the day appointed, the Conſul pitched his Camp without the Gate called Porta Capena: where having purged the Army, he went to Antium, near which he ſate down not far from the Enemy. There ſeeing the Volſci, becauſe the Army was not yet come from the Aequi durſt not fight, but were making Proviſions to ſecure themſelves within their Bulwark, the next day Fabius formed, not one mixt Army of Romans and Allies together, but three ſeparate ones of the ſeveral People, of which he commanded the middlemoſt conſiſting of the Roman Legions. Then he ordered them all to obſerve the common ſignal, that the Allies too might fall on, and come off again at the ſame time, if a Retreat were ſounded; placing the Ho • ſe to the Reerward of each Body. Thus having put himſelf into this triple poſture he ſurrounded the Camp, and being very ſharp upon them on all ſides, the Volſci were not able to ſuſtein the ſhock, and therefore we • e forced down from their Bulwark. By which means getting over the Fortifications, he drave the fearful crowd, who were bent all one way, out of the Camp: and ſo, as they were making all ſpeed to get away, the Horſe, who could not well climb over the Mounds, but were ſpectators only of what was done, having gotten them in a ſpacious Plain, enjoyed a ſhare of the Victory by killing the affrighted Enemies. For there was a great ſlaughter of thoſe that fled both in the Camp and without the Works too: but the Plunder was more, becauſe the Enemy could hardly take away with them ſo much as their Arms, and the whole Army had been utterly deſtroyed, if the Woods had not proved a refuge to them in their flight.

Whilſt theſe things paſſed at Antium, the Aequi in the mean while, having ſent the flower of their Youth before them, ſurprized the Caſtle of Tuſculum in the night time; ſitting down with the reſt of their Army not far from the Walls of the Town, with deſign to breadthen and diſſipate the Enemies Forces. Which news being told at Rome, and coming from thence to the Camp at Antium, made the Romans as much concerned as if the Capitol had been ſaid to have been taken; not only becauſe the Tuſculans had deſerved well of them ſo lately, but alſo for the very reſemblance of the danger which ſeemed to challenge their aſſiſtance. Fabius therefore omitting all things elſe, conveyed the Booty as faſt as poſſible out of the Camp to Antium: where having left a ſmall Guard, he made all the haſte he could with his Army to Tuſculum; who were permitted to carry nothing along with them, ſave only their Arms, and what Bread or Meat they had ready dreſſed; though in the mean time Conſul Cornelius ſent them Proviſions from Rome. So for ſome Months they were engaged at Tuſculum; before which Place the Conſul with part of his Army attacked the Camp of the Aequi, but gave the other part to the Tuſculans to regain their Caſtle withall; for he could never get into that by force. But at length Famin made the Enemy remove from thence: whereby being reduced to extreme neceſſity, they were all ſold by the Tuſculans for Slaves, diſarmed, and naked: whom, as they were ignominiouſly flying home, the Roman Conſul overtook in Algidum, and killed every Man. Being now Victorious, he pitched his Camp at Columen (a Towns name) where he received his Men again: and the other Conſul when the Enemy was now beaten from the Walls of Rome, and the danger over, went himſelf alſo from Rome. So the Conſuls going two ſeveral ways into the Enemies Confines, did the Volſci on the one hand, and the Aequi on the other, a great deal of miſchief. The ſame Year alſo, I find in many Authors, that the Antians Revolted; but that L. Cornelius managed that War, and took the Town, I dare not affirm, becauſe there is no mention of it among the more ancient Authors.

When this War was ended, another at home with the Tribunes put the Senate in a fright; for they cryed out, It was a cheat to keep the Army abroad ſo, and nothing but a trick to hinder their Law from paſſing: yet for all that they would go through with what they had undertaken. But notwithſtanding, P. Lucretius, Prefect of the City, prevailed ſo far, that the Tribunes complaints were deferred 'till the coming of the Conſuls: about which time, there aroſe alſo a new cauſe of Commotion. A. Cornelius and Q. Servilius being Queſtors, had appointed a day to Try Volſcius, for that, without doubt, he was a falſe Witneſs againſt Caeſo; there being very good evidence to prove not only, that Volſcius's Brother was never ſeen abroad after he once fell ſick, but alſo, that he never recovered of his Diſtemper, but having languiſhed under it for many Months, at laſt died of the ſame: nor was Caeſo ever ſeen at Rome all that time, in which Volſcius had ſworn he was there: for ſeveral of his fellow Soldiers came in and teſtified, He was with them all the while in the Wars without any furlow: which if Volſcius denyed, there were a great many who privately offered him to name an impartial Judg. When therefore he refuſed to go to his Tryal, all thoſe circumſtances agreeing together, made Volſcius's Condemnation as certain as that of Caeſo againſt whom he had been a Witneſs. But the Tribunes put off the Tryal, by ſaying, They would not ſuffer the Queſtors to call an Aſſembly for the Trying of a Criminal, unleſs they had another firſt about their Law: ſo both Cauſes were deferred 'till the arrival of the Conſuls. Who when they came in Triumph with their Victorious Army into the City, many People believed, becauſe there was no talk of the Law, that the Tribunes were diſheartened. But they (it being now the latter end of their Year) deſiring to be a fourth time choſen Tribunes, turned the diſpute concerning the Law into a debate about Aſſemblies. In which though the Conſuls were as hot againſt the continuation of the Tribuneſhip, as if the Law to diminiſh their Power had been preferred, yet the Tribunes carried it. The ſame Year the Aequi had a Peace granted them upon their Petition: and the Poll, which began the Year before, was now made an end of, that Luſtrum [or ſurveying of the People] being the tenth from the time that the City was firſt Built. The Rate laid upon the Citizens came to one hundred thirty two thouſand four hundred and nine Seſterces. In that Year the Conſule gained great honour both at home and abroad, in that they not only made Peace with their Enemies, and reduced the City, though not to a perfect Concord, yet into ſuch a ſtate, that it was leſs mutinous than before.

Then L. Minutius and C. Nautius, being made Conſuls, undertook the two omitted Cauſes U. C. 294 of the precedent Year. In which the Conſuls ſtrove as much to obſtruct the Law, as the Tribunes to hinder the Tryal of Volſcius: but the Power and Authority of the new Queſtors was now greater. For that Year M. Valerius, the Son of Valerius, and Grandſon of Voleſus, was Queſtor with T. Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice Conſul: and he, becauſe he ſaw Caeſo, a Noble Youth, was utterly loſt both to the Quintian Family, and the Commonwealth, was juſtly very zealous to perſecute the falſe Witneſs, who had not ſuffered the innocent Man ſo much as to make his own defence. When Virginius on the other ſide was moſt importunate of all the Tribunes to paſs the Law; the Conſuls had two Months given them to conſider of it, that when they had ſhewn the People the Cheat which was deſigned in it, they might then ſafely permit them to Vote: and this interval, which was allowed, made all things quiet in the City. But the Aequi did not ſuffer them to be long at reſt; for they b • oke the League which they made the Year before with the Romans, and choſe Gracchus Cluilius, who was the greateſt Man at that time among them, their, General. Under whoſe Command they came into the Lavican and then into the Tuſculan Fields in an Hoſtile manner, and having loaded themſelves with Plunder, pitched their Camp in Algidum. To which Camp Q. Fabius, P. Volumnius, and A. Poſthumius came as Embaſſadors from Rome, to complain of the injuries they had done, and to demand their Goods back again according to the League: but the General of the Aequi bid them tell their Meſſage from the Roman Senate to the Oak, and he would mind ſomething elſe in the mean time (Now that was a great Oak that grew over his Tent, and made it very ſhady.) Then one of the Embaſſadors, as he was going away, cryed out, Let this ſacred Oak, and all the gods take notice that you have broken the League; for which reaſon, I beſeech them not only to hear our preſent complaints, but to aſſiſt our Arms alſo, when we ſhall revenge the violation of Laws at once both Divine and Humane. When the Embaſſadors came back to Rome, the Senate ordered one of the Conſuls to lead their Army againſt Gracchus into Algidum; injoyning the other to Pillage the Confines of the Aequi. In the mean time the Tribunes, as they uſed to do, endeavoured to hinder the Levy; and it may be they totally obſtructed it, had not a freſh terror ſurprized them.

There came a vaſt number of Sabines, who Plundered all the Country even almoſt to the very Walls of the City; the Fields being all Ravaged, and the City put into a fright. Then the common People were glad to take up Arms, though the Tribunes were never ſo much againſt it; and two great Armies were raiſed; whereof Nautius led the one againſt the Sabines; and having pitched his Camp at Eretum, with ſmall Parties, and inroads made for the moſt part in the night time, did ſo much damage to the Sabines Country, that compared to that the Roman Territories ſeemed as it were untouched. In the mean time Minucius had neither the ſame Fortune, nor Courage to carry on the War; for having pitched his Camp not far from the Enemy, he kept within it for fear, though he had received no very great loſs of Men. Which when the Enemy perceived, their boldneſs was augmented (as it uſually happens) by another Mans fear; and therefore having attacked his Camp in the night time, againſt which they found that open force did little good, the next day they encloſed it quite round with Counterworks: which before they had blocked up all the Paſſes, five Troopers, ſent out through the Enemies Guards, carryed news to Rome, That the Conſul and his Army were Beſieged. Than which nothing could have happened ſo ſurprizing or unlooked for: wherefore they were in ſuch a fear and trembling condition, as if the Enemy had Beſieged the City, not the Camp; They therefore ſent for Conſul Nautius, who being little able to help them, they had a mind to make a Dictator, who might recover them out of their preſent evil circumſtances: and ſo by general conſent L. Quintius Cincinnatus was pitched upon to be the Man. 'Tis pleaſant to hear ſome Men talk, who contemn all things belonging to Mankind in compariſon to riches, nor think any Man deſerves honour, or can be brave, who has not a great deal of Mony; when at the ſame time, L. Quintius, the ſole hope of the Roman Government, himſelf manured a Field of four Acres (called Prata Quintia) beyond the Tiber, over againſt that place, where now the Dock is. Where being found by the Embaſſadors either making a Ditch with a Spade in his hand, or a Plowing, or about ſome other Country work; after they had ſaluted him, and he returned their Complement, being deſired by them (for his own good, they hoped, as well as that of the Commonwealth) to put on his Gown and hear what the Senates Meſſage to him was, he ſtared upon them, and asking, Whether all things were well? bad his Wife Racilia fetch his Gown with all ſpeed out of their Cottage; with which being Cloathed, he wiped off the duſt and ſweat from his face and went forth to them. Whereupon they ſaluted him as Dictator, wiſhing him Joy of the Office; told him he was ſent for into the City, and what a fright the Army was in. There was a Boat prepared for him at the publick charge, and when he came over the River, his three Sons met him, together with other Relations and Friends of his, and the major part of the Senate; with which Retinue being attended, and with the Lictors before him, he was carryed to his Houſe, where there was a great concourſe of the People. But they were not at all pleaſed to ſee Quintius, becauſe he had born too many great Offices, and was a very vehement Man in his Place. That night therefore they ſate up 'till morning.

The next day the Dictator coming into the Forum before it was light, made L. Tarquitius, a Man of Patrician Birth, Magiſter Equitum [Maſter of the Horſe] who though he had been a Foot Soldier becauſe he was poor, yet was accounted the beſt Warriour of all the young Men in Rome. Then coming to the Aſſembly with the Maſter of the Horſe, he ordered an intermiſſion of Judicial proceedings, commanded all the Shops in the whole City to be ſhut up, and forbad the doing of any private buſineſs. After which, He required all that were fit for Military Service to come with Arms, Proviſions for five days, and twelve Palliſadoes a Man before Sun-ſetting, into the Campus Martius: and thoſe who were not fit for War he ordered to Prepare and Cook the Meat for the neighbouring Soldiers, whilſt he got himſelf ready and looked out for his Palliſadoes. This made the young men run about to look for Stakes, which they took where-ever they found them: for no Man was to hinder, but immediately they were all ready according to the Dictators Order. Then having put the Army into ſuch a poſture, that it was as ready for fighting as marching (if occaſion had been) the Dictator himſelf led the Legions, and the Maſter of the Horſe his Horſe. Both Armies were encouraged according to the nature of their circumſtances; being deſired, to make haſte, for the affair required their ſpeed, that they might come to the Enemy in the night: and being told that the Roman Conſul and Army was Beſieged, having been ſo for theſe three days; and that it was uncertain what each day or night might produce: that the greateſt and moſt momentous affairs depended many times upon a minute: wherewithal they cryed out, Make haſte Enſign, and march on Sold • ers! which words the Army alſo, in complaiſance to their Commanders, repeated. So at midnight they came to Algidum, and there perceiving the Enemy was pretty near, ſet up their Standard.

Then the Dictator (as well as he could ſee in the night time) riding round to view the Situation and form of their Camp, Commanded the Tribunes of the Soldiers, To order all the Baggage to be carried into one place, and then that the Soldiers ſhould return with their Arms and Palliſadoes into their Ranks; which was accordingly done. And then, in the ſame poſture as he Travelled, he drew all his Army in a long Train round the Enemies Camp, commanding them all to hollow when he gave the ſignal: which when they had done, that each Man ſhould make a Trench before himſelf, and ſet up his Palliſado. Whereupon when the Dictator gave the word, the ſignal was given; the Soldiers did as they were bidden, and a great noiſe rung all round the Enemies; nay, going beyond the Enemies Camp, it went as far as the Conſuls, in which it created not only great fear but as much joy alſo. For the Romans thought it was the clamour of their Countrymen, and congratula ••• g each other that they had aid ſo near, ſtraight ſcared the Enemy from their Guards and Watches. The Conſul therefore told them, They muſt not delay time; for that noiſe ſignified not only the approach of their friends, but that they had begun the attack, and that it would be very ſtrange if they were not then attempting the outſide of the Enemies Camp: wherefore he bad his Men ſtand to their Arms and f • llow him. The Battel began in the night, the Dictators Legions giving notice by their clamour, that they on that ſide alſo put the Foe in great jeopardy. By this time the Aequi endeavoured to hinder the Romans from making of works quite round them, but the Enemy within having made an effort, they were forced to turn their Arms from thoſe who were raiſing Works without, to thoſe that were fighting on the inſide, leſt they ſhould make an eruption through the middle of their Camp; by which means, the Dictator had time all night to perfect his Deſign. They fought therefore with the Conſul 'till day; but aſſoon as it was light, being blocked up round by the Dictator, could hardly ſuſtein the ſhock of one Army. Then the Quintian Forces, who immediately after they had done their Work, took up their Arms again, invaded the Bulwark, and began a new Fight, whilſt the former continued as hot as before. Whereupon the Aequi being ſore preſſed on both ſides, betook them, inſtead of fighting, to praying, and begged of the Dictator on the one ſide, and of the Conſul on the other, That they would not place the Victory in the ſlaughter of their men, but let them go thence without their Arms. But they were ordered to go from the Conſul to the Dictator, who being inraged, impoſed this ignominy upon them, That he would have Gracchus, and all their chief Officers brought to him bound; and that they ſhould quit the Town of Corbio: for he did not ſtand in need of Aequian blood; but they might depart; though they ſhould be publickly ſold, to let the World ſee, their Nation was utterly ſubdued and vanquiſhed. The manner of ſelling their Priſone • s of War, was by ſetting up three Spears, two or them erected; and the third acroſs, like a Gallows, under which [which was called Jugum] the Dictator made the Aequi paſs.

Having taken the Enemies Camp, which was full of all ſorts of Proviſions (for he ſent them forth naked) he gave all the Booty to his own Soldiers only, and blamed the Conſuls Army as well as himſelf, ſaying, You ſhall go without the ſpoils of that Enemy, to whom you had like to have been your ſelves a prey: and thou, L. Minucius! 'till thou haſt the Soul and Courage of a Conſul, ſhalt be only a Lieutenant in theſe Legions. So Lucius quitted his Conſulſhip, and ſtayed with the Army according to the Dictators Order. But nevertheleſs the excellent Conduct of the Dictator ſo far obliged them to obedience, that the Army being more mindful of his kindneſs, than of the ignominy which he laid upon them, not only agreed to give him a Golden Crown of a pound weight, but when he Marched away, ſaluted him by the name of Patron. When he came to Rome, Q. Fabius, then Prefect of the City, having called a Senate, gave order that Quintius, with his Army, ſhould enter the City with Triumph: the chief Officers of the Enemies being led before his Chariot, their Military Enſigns carried before him; and the Army following laden with ſpoils. At which time, they ſay, there were Feaſts prepared before every Houſe, and thoſe that partook thereof followed his Chariot with Songs of Triumph and ſolemn Sports, like Men that are at merry makings. The ſame day alſo, L. Mamilius Tuſculanus was made free of the City by gene al conſent and approbation: and the Dictator had then laid down his Office, if it had not been for the Aſſembly in which M. Volſcius the falſe Witneſs was to be Tryed, which the Tribunes were notable to hinder, for fear of the Dictator. Volſcius being condemned, went and lived in Baniſhment at Lanuvium; and Quintius the ſixteenth day after he was made Dictator, for ſix Months withdrew himſelf from that Dignity. In which time Conſul Nautius fought very bravely againſt the Sabines at Eretum; where beſides the pillaging of their Country, the Sabines received a great loſs of Men. Q. Fabius was made Succeſſor to Minucius and ſent into Algidum; and in the end of that Year the Tribunes began to talk of their Law: but becauſe the two Armies were abſent, though the Senate ſo far prevailed, that no Law ſhould be propoſed before the People, yet the Commons were ſo powerful as to Create the ſame Tribunes again the fifth time. They ſay, there were Wolves ſeen in the Capitol chaſed by Dogs; for which Prodigy, the Capitol was luſtrated [i. e. purged by Sacrifice:] and theſe are the tranſactions of that Year.

The next Conſuls were Q. Minucius and C. Horatius Pulvillus: in the beginning of whoſe U. C. 295 Year, though they had Peace abroad, yet at home Seditions ſprung from the ſame Tribunes and the ſame Law: which had proceeded much farther (ſo hot their fury was) had not the news come, as it were deſignedly, that the Garriſon at Corbi was loſt by an Aſſault of the Aequi, made in the night time. Thereupon the Conſuls called a Senate, in which they were ordered to raiſe an Army with all ſpeed, and lead it into Algidum. By which means they laid aſide their Debate concerning the Law, and raiſed a new conteſt touching the Levy: in which the Power of the Conſuls was out-done by the aſſiſtance of the Tribunes, beſides another fear which then alſo came upon them: For it was reported, That an Army of Sabines was come down into the Roman Territories for Plunder, and were advancing from thence toward the City. Which dreadful Meſſage ſo ſcared them, that the Tribunes permitted the Soldiers to be raiſed, though not without this condition; That ſeeing they themſelves had been fooled for five years together, and that would be but a ſmall ſecurity to the People, there ſhould be ten Tribunes made for the time to come. To which, neceſſity compelled the Senate to agree: only with this exception, or proviſo, That they ſhould never chuſe the ſame Tribunes twice together. Wherefore the Tribunes (leſt that, as well as other things, ſhould be made void after the War was over) immediately called an Aſſembly; and in the thirty ſixth Year from the time, that the firſt Tribunes of the People were made, choſe ten Tribunes: two out of each Claſſis; and ſo they ordained them to be afterward elected. Then having made their Levy, Minucius went againſt the Sabines, but found not the Enemy; whilſt Horatius engaged the Aequi in Algidum, who, having ſlain all the Gariſon at Corbio, had now taken Ortona alſo: There he killed a great many Men, and drove the Enemy not only out of Algidum, but from Corbio and Ortona alſo, the former of which places he likewiſe demoliſhed for betraying the Gariſon.

Then M. Valerius and Sp. Virginius were made Conſuls: in whoſe time there was Peace both at home and abroad, but they wanted Proviſions by reaſon of the illneſs of their Waters. U. C. 296 There was a Law made for dividing the Aventine Mount among the People; and the ſame U. C. 297 Tribunes were choſen again; who, the Year following, when T. Romilius and C. Veturius were Conſuls, extolled their Law in all their Aſſembles, and ſaid, They were aſhamed of their number, which was augmented to no purpoſe, if that affair muſt lye in their two years continuance, as it had done all the five years before. But whilſt they were ſo buſie in theſe matters, there came ſad news from Tuſculum, That the Aequi were in the Country about that place. Whereupon the late merit of that People made the Romans aſhamed to defer their aſſiſtance; and therefore both the Conſuls being ſent with the Army found the Enemy poſted in Algidum. There then they fell on fighting, and having killed above 7000 of the Enemies, put the reſt to flight, and got a great Booty; which, becauſe the Treaſury was exhauſted, the Conſuls ſold. But that made the Army hate them, and gave the Tribunes an occaſion to accuſe them before the People. Wherefore, when they went out of their Office, in the time that Sp. Tarpeius, and A. Haterius were Conſuls, were ſummoned to their Tryal, Romilius by C. Claudius Cicero, U. C. 298 Tribune of the People, and Veturius by L. Alienus, Aedile of the People, and both of them condemned, to the great grief of the Senate, Romilius in 6750, and Veturius in 1125 pounds. But this Calamity of theſe former Conſuls did not make the following Conſuls any thing ſlacker in their Duty: but they ſaid, They might indeed be condemned as thoſe two had been, yet the People and the Tribunes could not paſs their Law. Then throwing aſide the Law, which had been ſo long talked of, the Tribunes applied themſelves to the Senate with more civility, and told them, That they would at laſt put an end to all their Debates; and if the Plebeian Laws diſpleaſed them, deſired they would ſuffer ſuch Law-makers to be choſen out of the People and the Senate too, as might equally ſtudy the benefit and liberty of both ſides. The Senate did not contemn the Propoſal, but ſaid, No Man ſhould propoſe a Law, unleſs he were a Senator. So then, having agreed of Laws, their only difference was about a Law-giver. Wherefore they ſent Embaſſadors to Athens, whoſe names were Sp. Poſthumius Albus, A Manlius, and P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to Tranſcribe the famous Laws of Solon, and to obſerve the Inſtitutions, Cuſtoms and Manners of other Grecian Cities.

This Year was quiet from all foreign Wars, but the next, in which P. Horatius and Sext. U. C. 299 Quintilius were Conſuls, was much more peaceable in that the Tribunes were all the time ſilent. But that was occaſioned firſt by their expectation of the Embaſſadors that were gone to Athens, and of the Foreign Laws which they ſhould bring back; and afterward by two extraordinary Calamities which befell them, that is to ſay, a Famin and a Peſtilence, which was fatal both to Man and Beaſt, the Fields being laid waſte, the City exhauſted with daily Funerals, and many great Families in Mourning. To which you may add, that the Flamen Quirinalis [i. e. the chief Prieſt concerned in Sacrifices to Romulus] whoſe name was Ser. Cornelius, was dead, and the Augur C. Horatius Pulvillus too, into whoſe place the other Augurs choſe C. Veturius, ſo much the rather, for that he had been Condemned by the People: At which time Conſul Quintilius was alſo dead, and four Tribunes of the People; for that Year was defiled by a great Mortality, though they were free from diſturbance by any Enemy. Then C. Menenius, and P. Seſtius Capitolinus were Conſuls; in whoſe time though U. C. 300 there was not any Foreign War, yet there were ſtirs at home. And now the Embaſſadors were come back with the Attick Laws; which made the Tribunes the more urgent to have Laws drawn up. In order whereunto, they thought fit to make a ſort of Officers called Decemviri without any Appeal, and ſo, as there ſhould be no other Magiſtrate that Year. In that the doing of which, whether the Commons ſhould be permitted to have any ſhare was for ſome time diſputed; but at laſt it was wholly referred to the Senate, provided they ſhould not abrogate the Icilian Law concerning the Mount Aventine, or any of the ſacred Laws, touching the Authority of the Tribunes.

In the three hundred and firſt Year therefore after the Building of Rome, the form of their Government was again altered, the Sovereign Power being tranſlated from Conſuls to Decemviri, U. C. 301 as it had been formerly from Kings to Conſuls. But this change was leſs ſignal, becauſe not laſting. For the joyful beginning of that Magiſtracy was too luxuriant, and therefore it fell the ſooner to decay; inſomuch that the People deſired, The Name and Authority of Conſuls might be given to two perſons again. But then the Decemviri were Created, whoſe names were Ap. Claudius, T. Genutius, P. Seſtius, S. Veturius, C. Julius A. Manlius, Serv. Sulpicius, P. Horatius, T. Romilius, and Sp. Poſtumius. Of whom Claudius and Genutius were made amends for the Honour of Conſulſhip, which that Year they were deſigned to have had by this other honourable Office, and ſo likewiſe was Seſtius, one of the Conſuls the Year before, for having referred that matter to the Senate againſt his Collegues conſent. Next to whom were the three Embaſſadors that went to Athens, but that, not only to reward them with Honour for their long Embaſſy, but becauſe the Romans believed, they being well skilled in Foreign Laws would be Men wery uſeful in making of new ones. As for the reſt, they only filled up the number: of whom they ſay, That they were very old Men, and choſen laſt, that they might not too pertly thwart the Orders or Propoſals of the others. But the command of the whole Magiſtracy was in Appius only, through the favour of the People: for he had ſo changed his diſpoſition, that he was grown a very Poplicola [i. e. a Courter of the People] all on the ſudden, and mighty ambitious of popular applauſe, inſtead of being (what he once was) a violent and ſevere Perſecutor of them. Every tenth day they each of them in their turns adminiſtred Juſtice to the People: on which day he who was the chief Juſtice for that time had twelve Lictors [or Serjeants] and the other nine of his Collegues had each of them one under Officer, called Accenſus, to attend him. But there was an exact agreement between themſelves (which might ſometimes prove diſadvantageous to private Perſons) though the higheſt equity in reſpect of others at the ſame time. To ſhew their moderation, 'twill be enough if I give you but this one example of it. Though they were Created without Appeal; yet when a dead Corps, that was buried in the Houſe of one P. Seſtius, a Patrician, was found out, and brought forth into the publick Aſſembly, C. Julius, being the Decemvir in that caſe, which was as manifeſt as heinous, appointed Seſtius a day for Tryal, and was his Accuſer before the People, though he himſelf was the lawful Judg of it; foregoing his own right, and making an addition to the Peoples Liberty, by what he diminiſhed from the Authority of his own Office.

This way of adminiſhing Juſtice ſo incorruptly, as from an Oracle, both rich and poor took great notice of; and then they applied themſelves to making of Laws: in which affair having raiſed the Peoples expectation to a pitch, by ſhewing them the ten Tables, they ſummoned the Commons to an Aſſembly; where wiſhing all happineſs and proſperity to the Commonwealth, themſelves, and their Children, they bad them go and read the Laws propoſed; for they (as much as ten Men were capable to do) had made ſuch Laws as were equitable and agreeable both to the higheſt and the loweſt rank of Men: but they knew the underſtanding and advice of the People might make ſome addition to them. Wherefore they deſired them to weigh every part of them, and to diſcourſe with one another about it, producing their Reaſons for what was too much or too little in any caſe. For the Roman People ſhould have ſuch Laws, as the general conſent of all the People might not ſeem to have paſſed, when they were preferred ſo much, as to have preferred them. When therefore the People had conferred concerning each Article of thoſe Laws, and found them correct enough, they were confirmed in the Aſſembly, called Comitia Centuriata, by the Name of the Laws of the ten Tables; being to this day even amidſt ſuch an heap of other Laws, which have been made one upon another, the fountain of all publick and private Juſtice. But then there was a rumour ſpread abroad, That there were two Tables wanting; which if they were added, the Body, as it were, of the whole Roman Law would be compleat. Which expectation, when the day of the Aſſembly drew nigh, made them have a mind to make the ſame Decemviri again. For the People, beſides that they hated the name of Conſuls as much as that of Kings, did not ſo much as ſeek after the Tribunes aſſiſtance, becauſe the Decemviri allowed one another to hear any great Cauſe over again, as if they had granted an Appeal.

But when the Aſſembly for chuſing of the Decemviri was appointed to be holden 27 days after, there aroſe ſuch a general ambition among Men, that the very Heads of the City (for fear, I ſuppoſe, leſt if they ſhould not take it, ſome mean unworthy fellows would get the poſſeſſion of that great Honour and Authority) went about to beg Votes, and humbly ſued for Honour, which they themſelves with all their induſtry impugned, from that People, with whom they had before contended. Now therefore his dignity being in danger, his being at that Age, and having enjoyed ſuch Honours, ſo netled Ap. Claudius, that you could not tell whether you ought to have reckoned him among the Decemviri or the Candidates; for he ſometimes look'd more like to one that ſtood for, than one that bore an Office: being uſed to accuſe the Nobility, but extoll even the ſlighteſt and meaneſt of the Candidates, and running into the Forum through the midſt of the Duilians and Icilians, to recommend himſelf by them to the People: 'till ſuch time as his Collegues, who at that time extremely devoted to him, turning their eyes upon him, admired what his deſign was, and thought there was no ſincerity in him; for they ſaid, His courteſie could not be without ſome end, in him eſpecially who was a perſon of ſo much pride: that he ſubmitted and debaſed himſelf too much, and that to converſe ſo much with private Perſons was not the part of a Man who was haſtening to quit an Office, as of one that ſought out means to continue it. But yet not daring to withſtand his ambition with open force, they endeavoured to defeat him by a ſeeming compliance and reſpect: for they conſented to put him, though he was the youngeſt of them, upon holding the Aſſembly. But their deſign was, to hinder him from chuſing himſelf, which beſides the Tribunes of the People (who in that ſhewed a very ill example) no man had ever done. Whereupon he, in good time, he hoped, declaring, that he was to hold the Aſſembly, made that his opportunity which they intended as an obſtruction: and having at the meeting degraded the two Quintii (Capitolinus and Cincinnatus) with his Uncle C. Claudius, a moſt conſtant defender of the Nobility, beſides ſome others of the beſt Citizens, created Decemviri much inferior to them, of which himſelf was the firſt: which action all good Men ſo diſapproved, that they did not believe he would have dared to do it. With him were choſen M. Cornelius Maluginenſis, U. C. 302 M. Sergius, L. Minucius, Q. Fabius Vibulanus, Q. Paetilius, T. Antonius Merenda, Caeſo Duilius, Sp. Oppius Cornicen, and Man. Rabuleius.

That was the laſt time that Appius took upon him the guiſe of another Man; beginning from thence forward to live like himſelf, and to make his new Collegues even before they were got into their places, conform to his own manners. In order whereunto they met every day where no body was by to hear them; and there being inſpired with tyrannical deſigns, which they in ſecret hatched, they now began to ſhew their pride, being very ſeldom acceſſible, and difficult to be ſpoken withall, 'till they brought the matter to bearing upon the Ides of May, which at that time was the ſolemn time for Magiſtrates to enter upon their Offices. They therefore at the beginning of that Magiſtracy made the firſt day of their Honour very ſignal by the denunciation of great terror to the People: for whereas the former Decemviri had always uſed to have the Faſces ſingly, and that Enſign of Sovereignty went round to them all in their turns, they preſently appeared each one with twelve Faſces [i. e. bundles of Rods with Axes in the middle of them] an hundred and twenty Lictors filling the Forum, with Rods and Axes bound up in them. Nor would they keep their Axes at home [but ſhew them publickly] ſince they were choſen without Appeal. Inſomuch that they look'd like ſo many Kings; which multiplied the fears not only of the meaneſt ſort of Men, but even the beſt of the Senate, who thought they had a mind to find ſome pretence and occaſion for ſlaughter; ſo that if any one either of the Senators or the People ſpoke but a word concerning Liberty, the Rods and Axes might be made ready for a terror to others. For beſides that the People had no ſecurity, now that their Appeal was taken away, they had by conſent aboliſhed that practice alſo of referring matters, for a ſecond hearing, to one another: though the former Decemviri had permitted the Judgments by them given to be corrected by their Collegues: yea, had referred ſome things to the People, of which they themſelves were the proper Judges. Wherefore for ſome time all People were poſſeſſed with equal fears; which by degrees were all concentred in the Commons. For they medled not with the Senators, but were very extravagant and cruel in their deſigns againſt the meaner ſort of Men. Nor did they at all conſider the cauſe, but the Man; but ſuch Magiſtrates, as ſet up favour in the room of equity. For they contrived their determinations at home, and only pronounced them in the Forum. If any one appealed to a Collegue, he went away from him, that he came to, repenting that he had not ſtood to the Decree of the former. There was alſo a report (though no body knew the Author of it) that they had not only conſpired to do great miſchief at the preſent, but had made a private agreement and ſworn to it among themſelves, that they would not hold any publick Aſſemblies; but would make themſelves a perpetual Decemvirate by keeping that power in their hands which they were then poſſeſſed of.

Thereupon the Commons began to look into the Senators faces, to ſee if they could find any hopes of Liberty from them, whom they had ſo much feared would be the Authors of their Slavery, as to reduce the Commonwealth into its preſent ſtate. But the chief of the Senate all hated both the Decemviri and the People; and though they did not approve of what was done, yet they thought the Commons deſerved it; nor would they aſſiſt ſuch Men, as running headlong after Liberty had met with ſlavery inſtead on't. Yea, they did heap upon them all the injuries they could, to the end, that through the uneaſineſs of their preſent condition, they might be brought at length to deſire two Conſuls and the former ſtate of things again. By this time the great part of the Year was gone, and two Tables of Laws were added to the ten, ſet up the Year before: nor was there any thing now remaining, if thoſe Laws were once confirmed, to make that Magiſtracy neceſſary in the Commonwealth, and People expected, that an Aſſembly ſhould be ſuddenly held for the creating of two Conſuls. But the Commons chief care was, how they ſhould reſtore the Power of the Tribunes, that fence of Liberty, which had been ſo long broken down; whilſt in the mean time there was no talk of any Aſſembly, and the Decemviri, who at firſt were attended by none but ſuch as favoured the Tribunes (becauſe that was popular and grateful to the Commons) had gotten a Retinue of Patrician Youths about them, who ſtood in Troops all round the Tribunals. Theſe Men committed what violence they pleaſed upon the Perſons and Eſtates of the Commons; ſince fortune (whatſoever they deſired) was of the ſtronger ſide. Now therefore they abſteined not even from corporal puniſhments; ſome being beaten with the Rods, and others beheaded with the Ax; which cruelty leſt it ſhould ſeem undeſerving, the Eſtates of them that ſuffered were made to follow their poſſeſſors puniſhment. By which reward the young Nobility being corrupted, would not only not reſiſt the Tyranny of the Decemviri, but alſo publickly ſhewed, that they deſired to enjoy their own licentious humour, more than the Liberty of the People.

The Ides of May were now come, but no new Magiſtrates being choſen, thoſe ſame Perſons (though private Men, and not Decemviri) uſurping as much authority as ever they did, came forth into the publick with all the Enſigns of Honour. That look'd ſo like a Kingly Government, that the People lamented the loſs of their Liberty which they were never like to regain; for they neither had any preſent view or future proſpect of one to vindicate them. Nor did they only deſpond among themſelves, but began to be contemned by their Neighbours alſo, who could not endure to ſee thoſe People Govern, who themſelves had loſt their Liberty. Wherefore the Sabines made an incurſion into the Roman Territories with a great Army; and having pillaged the Country far and near (from whence they had driven great numbers of Men and Beaſts without any moleſtation) they muſtered up their ſtragling Forces, and pitched their Camp at Eretum: placing all their hopes in the diſcord at Rome, which they ſuppoſed would be a ſtop to any new Levies. Whereupon not only Meſſengers, but the Country folks themſelves running about the City poſſeſſed the People with fear: the Decemviri conſulted what they had beſt do, whilſt Fortune alſo added new terror to their dubious circumſtances, who between the hatred of the Senate and the People were already deſtitute of any means to help themſelves. For the Aequi pitched their Camp on the other ſide in Algidum; from whence, Embaſſadors out of Tuſculum came, and brought news, that they made excurſions and plundered the Tuſculan Fields, deſiring the Romans to aſſiſt them. But ſuch a fear ſeized upon the Decemviri, that ſeeing two Enemies lay round the City, they were forced to conſult the Senate. Wherefore they ordered the Senators to be ſummoned, though they were not ignorant what a ſtorm of env • was coming upon them; ſuppoſing, That the Senate would lay all the guilt of the Countries being pillaged, and the imminent dangers in which the City was, at their door; and that then the Senate would attempt to aboliſh their Magiſtracy, if they did not unanimouſly reſiſt it, and by being ſevere upon ſome few bold men prevent the endeavours of others. When the Cryers voice was heard in the Forum, calling the Senate into the Court to the Decemviri, it was ſo ſtrange a thing (for the • had long intermitted the cuſtom of conſulting the Senate) that the People wondered, what the matter was, or how they came to reſume a thing which they had ſo long left off; ſaying, they might thank their Enemies, and even War it ſelf, that any old cuſtom was reſtored which had been uſual in that once free City. Wherefore they began to look all about the Forum for Senators, but finding very few, they look'd toward the Senate-houſe, in which they ſaw none but the Decemviri (for the Decemviri themſelves knew that their Authority was generally hated, and the People thought the Senators did not meet, becauſe no private Perſons (as the Decemvi •• then were) had Power to ſummon them;) wherefore they took this for a good opportunity to attempt the recovering of their Liberty, if the People ſhould accompany the Senate, and as the Senators, though ſummoned, did not appear, ſo the People ſhould withſtand the Levy. Thus the People muttered: whilſt there was hardly e're a Senator in the Forum, and but very few in the City; for the • were ſo diſguſted at the management of affairs that the • were gone into the Country; minding their own buſineſs only, but neglecting the publick; and thinking themſelves ſo far out of harms way, as they could get from the converſation or ſight of ſuch T • rannical Maſters. They therefore not coming according to the Summons, the Decemviri ſent their Officers all about to their ſeveral Houſes, not only to diſtrain upon their Goods, but to enquire, Whether they ſtaid away on purpoſe? But they brought anſwer back, That the Senators were in the Country. With which the Decemviri were better pleaſed, than if they had been at home, and refuſed to obey their Authority. Wherefore they ordered, that they ſhould be all ſent for, and appointed a Senate the day following: which being more numerous than was exſpected, the People thought their Liberty was betrayed by the Senators, for that they appeared at the Summons of ſuch Perſons (who being out of Office, were no more, nor had no more Power than private Men, unleſs they uſed violence) as though they had called them thither by Legal Authority.

But though they came pretty readily into the Court, we hear they did not ſo eaſily ſubmit in giving their opinions there. For 'tis reported that L. Valerius Potitus, after Ap. Claudius had ſpoken, and before their opinions were deſired, asking leave to ſay ſomewhat of the Commonwealth, the Decemviri with menaces forbad him; whereupon proteſting he would go forth to the People, he went and raiſed a Tumult. M. Horatius Barbatus too was as fierce, they ſay, as he; calling them ten Tarquins, and putting them in mind that the Kings were baniſhed by the Valerii and Horatii. Not that Men were then aweary of the Name of King (for it was a Title fit for Jove himſelf, and a ſtile given not only to Romulus the founder of their City, but to all the ſucceeding Kings, being yet alſo ſolemnly reteined among the Prieſts) but it was the pride and violence of a King which they hated. If then ſuch vices were not tolerable either in their preſent King, or the Son of that King, who can brook them in ſo many private Men? Let them take heed, leſt by forbidding Men to ſpeak freely in the Senate-houſe they provoked them to make a noiſe when they were out of it. Nor could he ſee any reaſon, why he, though a private Man, might not as well aſſemble the People, as they the Senate. Whenever they pleaſed they might try how much harder it was to vindicate their Liberty, than for them to deſire a continuation of their unjuſt Dominion. They talk of a Sabine War, as if there could be any War more fatal to the Roman People, than what they waged with them; who though they were made on purpoſe to eſtabliſh Laws, had left no Law in the City: having aboliſhed all Aſſemblies, annual Magiſtrates, and the turns of Governing, which was the only means to make all People equally free, yea, though they were private Men, had the Enſigns and Authority of Kings. There had been formerly, after the Kings were expelled, Magiſtrates made out of the Patricians, and after that (when the People ſeparated themſelves into the ſacred Mount) out of the People too; deſiring to know, which Order they were of. Of the People? What did they do with the Peoples advice or conſent? Of the Nobility? Why had they not had a Senate then almoſt this whole Year; and now they had one, forbad any Man to ſpeak in behalf of the Commonwealth? He therefore admoniſhed them not to plaoe too much hopes in other folks fears; for Men now thought they ſuffered more than they feared.

Horatius having made this bold Speech, the Decemviri could not tell whether they ſhould be angry or pleaſed, nor what would become of the buſineſs, 'till at laſt C. Claudius, who was Uncle to Appius the Decemvir, made a Speech more like a Petition, than an invective, or reprimend, deſiring him, for his Brothers and Appius's Fathers ſake, to remember that civil Society in which he was born, rather than that curſed League which he had made with his Collegues: that he deſired he would ſo do much more upon his own account than that of the publick. For the Commonwealth would have right done it, if not by Men of violence, at leaſt by ſome body even againſt their wills: but that great quarrels commonly ariſe from great diſputes, of which he dreaded the event. Now though the Decemviri forbad any Man to ſpeak of any thing but what they had propoſed, yet they could not in modeſty interrupt Claudius; wherefore he made an end of his Speech, and told them he was of opinion, That no Decree of Senate ought then to be made. Which ſaying of his, all Men interpreted, as if he had look'd upon the Decemviri as private perſons: for upon that ſcore many Conſular Men ſubſcribed to what he declared. But there was another opinion amongſt them, which though it ſeemed ſomewhat harſher, had leſs force in it; by which it was adviſed, that the Senators ſhould meet and make an Interrex. For thoſe that were of that opinion, by applying themſelves to the Court in ſuch a manner, acknowledged ſome kind of authority in thoſe that called that Senate, whereas the other party, who would have no Decree made at that time, had made them only private perſons. By this means the Cauſe of the Decemviri growing weak, L. Cornelius Maluginenſis, Brother to M. Cornelius the Decemvir, being reſerved, of all the Conſular Men, on purpoſe to ſpeak laſt, pretended a great concernment for the War, and took occaſion thereby to defend his Brother and all his Collegues; ſaying, He wondred how it ſhould happen, that they who had ſought after the Decemvirate ſo earneſtly themſelves, ſhould either alone, or more than any others, oppoſe the Decemviri? Or how it came to paſs, that though for ſo many months when the City was at quiet, no Man made any queſtion, whether they were legal Magiſtrates that had the ſovereign Power in their hands, they ſhould now engage in Civil Quarrels, when their Enemies were almoſt at their Gates; unleſs perhaps they thought, amidſt ſuch diſturbances, it might not ſo well be diſcerned what they did. But he thought it not fair or juſt for any Man, now when their minds ſhould be imployed with greater matters, to make any other thing the ground of delay to ſuch a weighty affair. For his part he would agree, that whereas Valerius and Horatius pretended the Decemviri were out of their Office before the Ides of May, the Senate, when the Wars were over, and the Commonwealth at reſt, ſhould debate of it: and that even now Appius Claudius ſhould ſo prepare himſelf as to give an account of that Aſſembly, which he, being a Decemvir himſelf, held for the creating of the Decemviri; and ſhould put it to the queſtion, whether they were created for one year only, or for ſo long time 'till what Laws were lacking ſhould be paſſed. But he thought beſt at preſent to omit all other things except the War: concerning which, if common ſame was falſe, and not only other Meſſengers, but even the Tuſculan Embaſſadors alſo brought them wrong intelligence, they ſhould ſend out Scouts, to find the certainty, and bring a true relation of it. But if they believed the Meſſengers and the Embaſſadors, they ought to make a Levy aſſoon as they could: and the Decemviri to lead the Armies whereever they pleaſed, without any other cauſe to obſtruct them.

The Junior Senators ſo over-voted the reſt of the Houſe as to make them comply with this advice. Therefore Valerius and Horatius riſing up again more vehement than before, cryed out, They would have leave to ſpeak touching the Commonwealth; that they would ſpeak to the People, if the Faction would not let them do ſo there: for no private perſons could hinder them either in the Senate-houſe, or any other Aſſembly; nor would they yield to ſuch imaginary Authority. Then Appius, ſuppoſing that their Power was like to be ruined, if they did not reſiſt the violence of thoſe Men with equal audacity, cryed out, It had been better for you to have ſpoken to the buſineſs in hand; and to Valerius, who ſaid, He would not hold his tongue for any private perſon, he commanded a Lictor to go and ſeize him. Upon which Valerius, at the door of the Senate-houſe, calling the Romans to witneſs of what he had done, L. Cornelius took Appius in his Arms, and though he did not conſult the good of him which he ſeemed to ſave, decided the conteſt: ſo that Valerius, by Cornelius's means, had leave to ſay what he would. But his Liberty reaching no farther than words, the Decemviri had their ends. The Conſular Men alſo and the Seniors, by reaſon of that remaining grudg they had to the Tribunes Power, which they thought the People were more in love with than the Authority of the Conſuls, were even better pleaſed afterward that the Decemviri ſhould go out of their Office voluntarily, than that the People ſhould riſe again through hatred to them. For if the matter were gently managed, ſo as to put the Conſuls into their former ſtate without popular noiſe and tumult, the People might poſſibly (either by the interpoſition of Wars, or moderation of the Conſuls in their Office) be brought to forget the Tribunes. So then the Senate agreed to make a Levy; and the Juniors, ſeeing the Power of the Decemviri was without Appeal, anſwered to their Names. When therefore the Legions were raiſed, the Decemviri choſe among themſelves fit Perſons to go into the War, and to Command the Army. The chief of the Decemviri were Q. Fabius and Ap. Claudius: but the War ſeemed greater at home than abroad. They therefore thought that Appius's violence was more fit to appeaſe the City Tumults; and that Fabius, though a Perſon of no great conſtancy in good Actions, was very skillful in Military Affairs. For the Decemviri and his Collegue had ſo altered this Man, who had been formerly very famous for his Conduct both in Peace and War, that he choſe rather to be like Appius than himſelf. To him therefore they committed the management of the War againſt the Sabines, making Man. Rabuleius, and Q. Petilius his Collegues; whilſt M. Cornelius, with L. Minucius, T. Antonius, Caeſo Duilius and M. Sergius, was ſent into Algidum; Sp. Oppius being, by general conſent, left aſſiſtant to Ap. Claudius in the Government and Defence of the City.

But the Commonwealth was managed no better in the Wars than it was at home: though the Commanders only fault was, that they had made themſelves odious to their fellow Citizens; but the reſt of the blame lay all upon the Soldiers: who to hinder any thing f • om being ever done proſperouſly under the Conduct of the Decemviri, permitted them to be ove • come, though to their own as well as their Leaders diſhonour. So they were routed not only by the Sabines at Eretum, but by the Aequi in Algidum. Whereupon making haſt from Eretum in the night time they pitched their Camp on a riſing ground more near the City, between Fidenae and Cruſtumenia: to which place ſeeing the Enemies purſued them, they never engaged in a fair Battel, bu • de • ended themſelves by the Situation of the place, and with a Bullwark, not by their Courage or Arms. But their offence in Algidum was far greater, and ſo was their ſlaughter too: beſides that, they loſt their Camp alſo, with all their Baggage, and ran away to Tuſculum, where they hoped (nor failed they then of their expectation) to live by the kindneſs and mercy of thoſe old friends they had there. In the mean time ſuch dreadful news was brought to Rome, That laying aſide their hatred to the Decemviri, the Senate thought fit to ſet Watches all about the City: commanding all that could bear Arms to ſecure the Walls, and ſtand in Gariſons before the Gates. Nor only ſo, but they ordered Arms and ſupplies to be ſent to Tuſculum; and that the Decemviri ſhould go from the Caſtle of Tuſculum into a Camp: that the other Camp ſhould be transferred from Fidenae into the Sabine Territories; and that, by a voluntary Attack upon them, the Enemies ſhould be deterred from making any attempt upon the City.

To the ſlaughter received from the Enemy, the Decemviri added two horrid Exploits, the one in the Wars, and the other at home. The firſt of which was this: There was one L. Siccius in the Country of the Sabines, who, through the hatred which he bore to the Decemviri, having talked privately with the common Soldiers about creating Tribunes, and of a ſeceſſion or departure of the People, was ſent before as a Scout to view the place where they ſhould incamp; the Soldiers that were ſent along with him, being commanded, when they came to a convenient place, to murther him. But they did not do it without ſome kind of retaliation: for many of the Ruffians fell before him as he made reſiſtance; for he defended himſelf, though ſurrounded by them, with a Courage proportionable to the mighty ſtrength of his Body. The reſt came and brought news to the Camp, that Siccius was ſurprized, but loſt his life very manfully, and that ſome of the other Soldiers died with him. They believed the Meſſengers, and ſent a Party to bury thoſe who were ſlain, by permiſſion of the Decemviri: who when they ſaw ne'r a Body there rifled, but Siccius lying in the middle, Armed, with all their Bodies turned toward him, and no body or footſteps of any Enemy that either was there or gone away, they concluded he was certainly killed by their own Soldiers, and ſo brought back the Corps. Whereupon the Camp was filled with envy, and would have had the Body of Siccius ſtraight carried to Rome, had not the Decemviri made haſte to prepare a Military Funeral for him at the publick expence. So he was buried with great lamentations among the Soldiers, and the Decemviri were very ill ſpoken of among the vulgar People.

This was attended with another crime in the City which was occaſioned by luſt: being no leſs fatal in the event, than that, which for the Rape and death of Lucretia, had expelled the Tarquins out of the City and Kingdom: ſo that the Decemviri did not only come to the ſame end, as the Kings had done, but the cauſe alſo of their loſing their Authority was the very ſame. Ap. Claudius was inſtigated by Luſt to raviſh an ordinary Plebeian Damſel; whoſe Father, L. Virginius, was a Captain in Algidum; being a Man of a good life both at home and in the War, nor were his Wife and Children leſs vertuous. This Virginius had eſpouſed his Daughter to one L. Icilius, a favourer of the Tribunes, who was a keen Man, and very well known to be a great ſtickler for the People • I • tereſt. Appius therefore being inflamed with Love, endeavoured to win this Maid (who was at Womans eſtate, and very Beautiful) by mony and fair promiſes; but when he ſaw he • every way guarded with modeſty and chaſtity, applied his mind to cruel and outragious violence. He imployed and ſuborned M. Claudius, a Client of his, to challenge her for his Slave, and not to yield to any who ſhould require ſhe might be free 'till the Tryal of her Liberty was over: for he thought; that now her Father was abſent, he had the better opportunity to do her wrong. Whereupon, as the Maid was coming into the Forum (where in Shops were petit Schools) the Decemvirs ſervant laid his luſtful hands upon her, ſaying, She was the Daughter of his Bondwoman, and herſelf a Slave; and commanding her to follow him, or he'd drag her away by force. The poor Girl being amazed at the ſurprize, her Nurſe cryed out, and deſired the People to aſſiſt her, which made a great concourſe about them. By which means the crowd, who knew her Father Virginius and her Lover Icilius to be very popular Men, were upon their account, and the indignity offered to her, ready to help the Virgin. So ſhe was reſcued from his violence; but he told them, They need not make a tumult; he would take a more legal courſe, and not uſe force. He therefore warned her to appear before the Magiſtrate, whilſt thoſe that were preſent, adviſed her to follow him. When they came before Appius, the Plaintiff tells the ſtory to the Judg (who knew it all before, as being himſelf the contriver of it,) That ſhe was born in his Houſe, and thence by ſtealth conveyed to the Houſe of Virginius, whoſe Wife brought her up as her own Child: that he could prove, and would prove it by Virginius's own Confeſſion, who was moſt concerned in that injury: but that, in the mean time, it was but juſt a Servant, as ſhe was, ſhould go along with her Maſter. To which the Girls Advocates made anſwer, and ſaid, That Virginius was abſent in the ſervice of the Commonwealth, but would be there in two days, if he had notice of the affair: that it was unreaſonable there ſhould be any diſpute concerning his Children in his abſence; wherefore they deſired the whole matter might be put off 'till his return: that he would ſuffer her to have her freedom (according to a Law, which he himſelf had made) 'till the Tryal were over, and not let a Maid of her Age undergo the hazard of her good Name, before that of her Liberty.

Then Appius told them in a Preface to his Decree, That very Law, which Virginius's friends brought to back their requeſt, declared how much he favoured Liberty: but that would not be a ſure guard for Liberty, where the cauſe was altered and varied by difference of caſes and perſons. For to thoſe perſons, who were to be made free, becauſe any Man may ſue, what they ſaid was Law; but in the caſe of that Maid, who was in her Fathers cuſtody, there was no body elſe, to whom the Maſter of her could reſign his poſſeſſion: wherefore he thought fit that her Father ſhould be ſent for, though in the mean time he that challenged her ſhould not loſe his right, but ſhould take the Girl home with him, upon ſecurity, to bring her again into Court, when he came, who was her pretended Father. Againſt this unjuſt Decree there were many who murmured, but ne'r an one of them durſt ſa • a word; 'till P. Numitorius the Girls Uncle, and her Lover Icilius came in: for whom the crowd made way; but juſt as the Multitude were thinking that by the Interpoſition of Icilius they might be able to thwart Appius, the Lictor cryed out, He has Decreed it, and with that put by Icilius, who was very loud upon the point. Whereupon, though his nature was very mild, he was inflamed by that indignity, and ſaid, Appius! You ſhould remove me hence with a Dagger, that you may have that kept private which you would fain conceal. Know, I am to marry this Maid, who is to be my chaſt Wife. Wherefore call all your own Lictors, and thoſe of your Collegues too, about you, and bid them make ready your Rods and Axes, yet Icilius's Sweetheart ſhall not tarry any where without her Fathers Doors. No, though you have taken away the Tribunes aid, and their Appeal from the People of Rome (which were the two forts, whereby to defend our Liberty) it does not follow that your Luſt muſt tyrannize over our Children, and our Wives too. Exert your malice upon our backs and necks, but let our Chaſtity at leaſt be ſecure. If ſhe ſuffer any violence, I will conjure the Romans, as ſhe is my Spouſe, Virginius the Soldiers, as ſhe is his Daughter, and all of us implore both Gods and Men to vindicate her quarrel; nor ſhalt thou ever repeat that Decree without firſt killing of me. I deſire thee, Appius, to conſider well what thou art going to do: And let Virginius, when he comes, take care what he does concerning his Daughter: only let him know this, that if he does not vindicate her, he muſt get her another Husband. But in the mean time I'll loſe my life in aſſerting my Miſtriſſes Liberty, rather than my honour by deſerting her.

With that the Multitude was much incenſed, and a tumult like to ariſe; but the Lictors ſtood about Icilius, and ſo it proceeded no farther than hard words: upon which Appius began and ſaid, Virginius was not defended by Icilius, but a turbulent Man, who even at that time had a great deſire to be a Tribune, ſought an occaſion to move Sedition: though he'd give him no reaſon at that time. Yet, that he might know, he did not refrain upon the ſcore of his petulance, but for the ſake of Virginius (who was abſent) out of reſpect to the name of a Father, and the care he had to preſerve every ones Liberty, though he would not paſs ſentence that day, nor make any Decree, but would deſire of M. Claudius, to quit his right in ſome meaſure, and let the Girl be vindicated next day, yet if her Father did not then appear, he aſſured Icilius, and others like him, that his Law ſhould not want an aſſerter, nor a Decemvirs conſtancy. Not that he would call together his Collegues Lictors to correct the Authors of ſedition, but would be content with his own. Wherefore the time of Tryal being put off, and the Girls Advocates being gone away, they thought good firſt of all, that Icilius's Brother, and Numitorius's Son, two active young Lads, ſhould go immediately and fetch Virginius with all ſpeed out of the Camp: for thereupon depended the Girls Life, that the vindicator of the injury done to her, ſhould be preſent in Court next day, at the time appointed. They therefore went as they were ordered, and being on Horſeback Galloped the ſooner to carry Virginius the news. In the mean time, he that challenged the Girl, being very urgent to have Security for her appearance (which Icilius ſaid he was ſeeking as faſt as he could, as being mighty induſtrious to delay the time 'till the Meſſengers were got to the Camp) the Multitude all round him held up their hands, and thereby ſhewed, they were ready each man of them to be ſecurity for Icilius. To whom he replied, I thank you; to morrow I'll make uſe of you, at preſent I have Security enough. So Virginia was vindicated by the Security which her Relations gave. Appius having ſtaid there ſome little time, leſt he ſhould ſeem to have ſate upon that account only, and ſeeing that all the People neglected their own affairs out of the care and concern they had upon them for that ſingle Damſel, (ſo that no Body applied themſelves to him) he went home, and wrote to his Collegues in the Camp, That they ſhould not give Virginius any furlow [or leave to come away from his Colours] but, more than that, to keep him in ſafe Cuſtody. Which wicked advice was, as it ought to have been, too late: for Virginius having got leave, was come away at the firſt Watch [about the edg of night] and the Letter for his detainment came to no purpoſe the next morning.

Aſſoon as it was day, the whole City ſtood in the Forum, full of expectation, 'till Virginius, clad in ſordid Apparel, [as Mourners uſe to be] led his Daughter (who was in the like attire) down into the Forum, being accompanied with ſeveral Matrons, and a great number of Advocates. There going about to get the Peoples ſavour, he did not beg of them, but challenged their aſſiſtance as his due: ſaying, That he ſtood every day in the Army for their Wives and Children; nor was there any other Man that had more ſtrenuous and brisk actions to brag of. What good did it do him, though the City were ſafe, if his Children muſt ſuffer all the extremities of captivity? Thus he went about talking to the People, as if he had been, in a manner, at a publick Aſſembly. Icilius alſo ſaid the like; but the Women that went along with them moved the People much more with their ſilent tears than they did with all they ſaid. Againſt all which Appius was very obſtinate (ſo great is the force of madneſs rather than love) and went up into the Tribunal: where the Plaintiff beginning to complain, that he was hindered by popular ambition from having juſtice done him the day before; before either he could make an end of his requeſt, or Virginius be admitted to ſpeak, Appius prevented and interrupted them. What he ſaid before his Decree (though perchance old Authors have told us true enough, yet) becauſe I find nothing probable to be ſaid in the caſe of ſuch an unworthy Decree, I think fit to give you that which is certain juſt barely as it lies, That he Decreed ſhe ſhould be a ſlave. Whereupon all People were at firſt amazed with admiration to ſee ſo heinous a thing done: but then were for ſome time ſilent. After which, as M. Claudius amidſt all the Matrons went to ſeize the Maid, being received with a lamentable moan which they made, Virginius offering to ſtrike Appius, told him, I have betrothed my Daughter to Icilius, not to thee; and have bred her up to make a Wife, not a Whore on. Wouldſt thou, like Beaſts, make uſe promiſcuouſly of any bedfellow? I cannot tell, whether theſe People can endure it, but I hope they will not that have Arms about them. With that he that challenged the Maid being repelled by the crowd of Women and Advocates that ſtood about her, the Cryer commanded ſilence.

Then the Decemvir, having his mind abandoned to luſt, ſaid, He could prove, not only by Icilius's railing, and Virginius's violence, whereof the Roman People were his witneſs, but by certain evidence alſo, that there were Cabals in the City all night long for raiſing of Sedition. For which reaſon he, who knew their Deſign, came thither attended with Men in Arms; not to hurt any Man, that was quiet, but by his Authority to reſtrain ſuch as diſturbed the Peace of the City: therefore it had been better for them to have been quiet. Go, Lictor! ſaid he, put by the crowd, and make way for the Maſter to ſeize his Slave. Aſſoon as he had ſo ſaid (with a thundring voice and full of rage) the Multitude removed of their own accord, and the deſerted Maid ſtood there as a prey to injuſtice. Then Virginius ſeeing he had no manner of aſſiſtance by him, ſaid, I beſeech you, Appius! firſt to pardon a Fathers grief, if I have ſaid any thing too ſevere againſt thee: and then, ſuffer the nurſe, here in the preſence of the Maid, to inquire what the matter really is: to the end, that if I am falſly called her Father, I may go hence the better ſatisfied. Having obtained leave, he led his Daughter and the Nurſe near to the Temple of Cloacina by the Shops, which are now called, The new ones, and there ſnatching a knife from a Butcher, cryed out, Thus, Daughter! (ſince I can do it no other way) do I vindicate thy Liberty: and with that he ſtabbed her; looking back toward the Tribunal, and ſaying, Appius! with this blood I deſtine thee to Death. Thereupon a great uproar being made at the ſight of ſuch an horrid act, Appius was moved, and commanded Virginius to be laid hold on; but he with his Sword made way whereever he went, 'till he, and the Multitude alſo that followed him, came to the Camp. In the mean time Icilius and Numitorius taking up the dead Body, ſhewed it to the People, deploring Appius's Injuſtice, the Girls unhappy Beauty, and the neceſſity of her Fathers doing what he did: Whilſt the Matrons that followed cryed out, Was that the conſequence of getting Children? Was that the reward of Chaſtity? With other expoſtulations, which in ſuch a caſe female ſorrow the more it drowns their weak reaſon, with the greater aggravation ſuggeſts. But the Men, and eſpecially Icilius, were wholly taken up in exclaiming, that the Tribunes Power, and the Appeal to the People, were taken away, beſides other publick abuſes.

The Multitude was ſtirred up, partly by the heinouſneſs of the Fact, and partly through hopes of having then an opportunity to recover their Liberty. Appius gave order one while that Icilius ſhould be called, another while, that if he would not come willingly, he ſhould be dragged thither; and at laſt, ſeeing the Serjeants could not get to him, he himſelf, with a company of Patrician young Men, going through the crowd, commanded him to be carried to Priſon. But at this time there were about Icilius, not only the Multitude, but the Leaders of the Multitude alſo, L. Valerius, and M. Horatius; who, repelling the Lictor, told him, If he were come to take him upon a legal account, they would vindicate Icilius from any private perſon: and if he endeavoured to take him by force, there were thoſe, that would be hard enough for him. Hence aroſe a great ſquabble, the Lictor ſetting upon Valerius and Horatius, whilſt the Multitude broke his Faſces [i. e. Rods] all to pieces. Appius therefore went up into the Aſſembly; Horatius and Valerius followed him, and them the Aſſembly would hearken to, though they bawled when Appius ſpoke. And now Valerius with Authority commanded the Lictors to depart from that private Man; inſomuch that Appius, whoſe heart was broken, being in fear of his life, got into an Houſe near the Forum, unknown to his Adverſaries, with his head covered. Then Sp. Oppius, to aſſiſt his Collegue, came furiouſly into the Forum on the other ſide; but ſaw the Government overcome by ſtrength. Whereupon adviſing with ſeveral People, and agreeing to every thing they ſaid, he was afraid, though he had many to back him, when he ordered a Senate to be called. Which Action, becauſe great part of the Senators ſeemed to diſlike the Acts of the Decemviri, appeaſed the Multitude out of hopes which they had that in that Senate their Power would come to an end. The Senate alſo thought fit not only to avoid provoking the Multitude, but much more to provide, leſt Virginius's arrival ſhould cauſe any commotion in the Army. Wherefore ſome of the Junior Senators were ſent to the Camp, which was at that time on the Mountain Vecilius, to tell the Decemviri, That they muſt do their utmoſt to keep the Soldiers from mutinying; among whom, Virginius cauſed a greater diſturbance than he had left behind him in the City. For beſides, that he was ſeen to come with a Party of almoſt four hundred Men, who, moved by the indignity of his misfortune, had made themſelves his Companions, the knife was alſo naked in his hand, and himſelf all ſprinkled with Blood, which made the whole Camp ſtare upon him; and the ſight of ſo many Roman Gowns in the Camp made the Multitude of Citizens ſeem ſomewhat more than they were. When they asked him, What the matter was? he cryed, and for a good while ſaid never a word, but after the crowd of thoſe that flocked about him ſtood ſtill, and ſilence was commanded, he told them all things in order as they were tranſacted. Which having done, he held up his hands, and begged of his fellow Soldiers, That they would not impute that to him which was Ap. Claudius's crime, nor hate him as a Murderer of his own Children. That his Daughter was more dear to him than his life, if ſhe could have lived to enjoy her Liberty and preſerve her Chaſtity: But when he ſaw her dragged like a Slave to be made a Whore on, he thought it better for him to loſe his Child by death than by diſgrace. That he through his mercy to her was fallen into a ſhew of cruelty; nor would he have ſurvived his Daughter, unleſs he had been in hopes, by the help of his fellow Soldiers to revenge her Death. They alſo he knew, had Daughters and Wives; nor was the luſt of Ap. Claudius extinguiſhed by his Daughters death, but that the more he eſcaped puniſhment, the more extravagant he would be. That by another Mans calamity they were taught to provide againſt the like injury. As for his part, his Wife was dead; his Daughter, becauſe ſhe could live no longer in Chaſtity, died a miſerable, but an honeſt death: wherefore Appius's luſt had now no temptation in his houſe. That he would vindicate his own Body from any other violence which he could offer, with the ſame Courage that he did that of his Daughter. Let other men look to themſelves and their Children. As Virginius raved out to this purpoſe, the Multitude anſwered him with ſhouts, and ſaid, They would not be wanting either to revenge his grief, or vindicate their own Liberty. Upon which the Citizens that were mixt in the crowd of Soldiers, complaining to the ſame effect, and telling them how much worſe things would have look'd if they had ſeen them, than they were repreſented; affirming alſo, that Rome was in a tumult, and that there was news brought of Appius's being almoſt killed and gone into Baniſhment, they perſuaded them to make an Alarm, to take up the Enſigns, and march toward Rome. The Decemviri being ſtartled at what they ſaw, as well as that which they had done at Rome, ran to the ſeveral parts of the Camp, to appeaſe the tumults. Where though they proceeded with all mildneſs, they had no anſwer but this, that if any of them pretended to Government, they [i. e. the Soldiers] were Men and in Arms. So they went into the City with a full body, and ſate down upon the Aventine; from whence, as the People came that way, they exhorted them to retrieve their Liberty, and make new Tribunes of the People: nor was there any other angry word heard. Sp. Oppius called a Senate; in which they did not think fit to proceed roughly, for that they themſelves had given the occaſion for that Sedition: but they ſent three Embaſſadors, who were Conſular Men, viz. Sp. Tarpeius, C. Julius and P. Sulpicius, to ask them in the name of the Senate, By whoſe Order they left their Camp? or what they meant by poſting themſelves upon the Aventine? and turning the War from their Enemies, to invade their own Country? To which they wanted not an anſwer, but only ſome body to give it; as having yet no certain Leader, nor daring ſingly to expoſe themſelves to envy. Only this the Multitude ſaid all together, if they would ſend L. Valerius and M. Horatius to them, they would give them their anſwer.

The Embaſſadors being diſmiſſed, Virginius told the Soldiers, They had wavered in a buſineſs of ſome conſequence juſt before, becauſe the Multitude was without an Head: for their anſwer was made, though not to their diſadvantage, yet more by chance than any unanimous deſign of theirs. Wherefore he would have them make ten Officers, who ſhould govern in Chief, and in a Military ſtile, be called the Tribunes of the Soldiers. Whereupon that Honour being firſt offered to him, he replied, Reſerve this your good opinion of me 'till I and you are in better circumſtances. My Daughter will not let any Honour be agreeable to me as long as I live, nor is it convenient, whilſt the Commonwealth is thus diſturbed, for them to govern you, who are themſelves moſt obnoxious to envy. If you have any occaſion for me, I'll ſerve you nevertheleſs though I am a private perſon. So they made ten Tribunes Military. Nor did the Army in the Sabine Country he ſtill: for there alſo Icilius and Numitorius had perſuaded them to a Revolt from the Decemviri; the death of Siccius being remembred with as much abhorrence, as the late news of Virginias being ſo baſely attempted, was heard. Icilius, when he heard that there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made in the Aventine, leſt the Aſſemblies in the City ſhould follow the example of the Soldiers, and chuſe the ſame Men Tribunes of the People, he (who was well verſed in popular affairs, and had a mind to that Dignity) himſelf alſo, before he went to the City, took care to have the like number choſen among his Soldiers, with the ſame Authority. After that, they enter the City at the Gate Collina with their Colours Diſplayed, and marched in a full Body through the middle of the City up to the Aventine. Where joyning the other Army, they imployed the twenty Tribunes of the Soldiers, to chuſe two out of themſelves, who ſhould have ſovereign Authority. They therefore choſe M. Oppius and Sex. Manilius. In the mean time the Senate being concerned for the publick, though they ſate every day, ſpent more time in wrangling, than ſober conſultations. The Murther of Siccius, Appius's luſt, and the diſhonours of the War were laid upon the Decemviri; though 'twas at laſt reſolved, that Valerius and Horatius ſhould go into the Aventine. But that they refuſed to do, unleſs the Decemviri would lay down the Enſigns of that Magiſtracy, which they ſhould have quitted an Year before. At which the Decemviri complaining, that they were affronted, ſaid, They would lay down that Authority, 'till they had eſtabliſhed thoſe Laws, upon the account of which they were firſt made.

The People having notice by M. Duilius, who had been Tribune of the People, that by reaſon of their daily contentions, there was nothing done, they removed out of the Aventine into the ſacred Mount; Duilius affirming to them, That no care would ſink into the Senators hearts, before they ſaw the City deſerted: that the ſacred Mount would put them in mind of the Peoples conſtancy; and then they would know, that unleſs their Power were reſtored, there could be no hopes of Peace. Thereupon they marched along the Way called Via Momentana (but at that time Ficulnenſis) and pitched their Camp in the ſacred Mount, following the example of their Fathers modeſty, and doing no hurt. The People too all followed the Army, nor did any ſtay behind whoſe age would give them leave to go. Yea, the Wives and Children alſo went along, demanding of their Husbands and Fathers in a moſt miſerable accent, Who they would leave with them in that City; in which neither Chaſtity nor Liberty was ſecure, and free from violence. Now therefore ſince at Rome an uncouth ſolitude had made the City look like a Deſart, and that in the Forum there was no body but a few old Men (for even that too appeared like a forſaken place, now that the Senators were all ſummoned into their Houſe) a great many more beſides Horatius and Valerius cried out, What is it, Grave Fathers! that you ſtay for? Will you let all things decay and come to ruin, becauſe the Decemviri will not comply? Pray tell me, you Decemviri! what is that Authority, that you are ſo obſtinate in aſſerting? You will ere long talk Law to the Houſes and Walls. Are not you aſhamed that there ſhould be as many Lictors of yours ſeen in the Forum as of Citizens and others? What will you do if an Enemy come to the City? What if the Commons, when they ſee us unconcerned at their departure, ſhould come all in Arms? Will you not lay down your Authority upon the account of the City? I am ſure we muſt have Tribunes of the People, or have no People at all. We ſhall ſooner want Patrician Magiſtrates, than they Plebeians. They forced our Fathers to make that new ſort of Magiſtrates which they had never had any experience of, much leſs will they now endure the lack of them, ſince they are pleaſed with the ſweetneſs of their adminiſtration: eſpecially ſeeing that we our ſelves give them cauſe even from our management of things to think they want aſſiſtance. Theſe kind of Speeches being caſt forth from all parts of the Houſe, and the Decemviri out-voted, they declared, They would be, ſince the Senate would have it ſo, at the diſpoſal of that Court; deſiring and admoniſhing them only this, that they would have a care they did not expoſe them to envy; nor would cauſe the People by taſting their blood to long for that of the Senators.

Then Valerius and Horatius being ſent to recall the People by what means they thought fit, and to compoſe all differences, were likewiſe ordered to take care that the Decemviri might be ſecure from the rage and violence of the Multitude. They therefore going were received by the People with great joy into the Camp; as being their undoubted Deliverers both in the beginning of the Commotion and in the iſſue of it: upon which account they had thanks given them. Then Icilius made a Speech before the Multitude, and again, when they came to treat of the Conditions, (the Embaſſadors asking what the Peoples demands were) he having contrived the matter before the arrival of the Embaſſadors, ſaid, they deſired that they might have reaſon to put more truſt in the equitable management of affairs, than in their Arms: For they demanded the Tribuneſhip and the Appeal again, which had been the great aids of the People before the Decemviri were created; and to let the World know the truth of it, had ſtirred up the Soldiers or the People to regain their Liberty by a ſeceſſion. Only their Demand touching the puniſhment of the Decemviri was very cruel: For they deſired to have them ſurrendred up into their own hands, and threatned, they would burn them a •• ve. To which the Embaſſadors anſwered: That which you demanded like ſober Men, was ſo reaſonable that we could have granted it on our own accords; for thoſe things were only guards for their own Liberty, not a Licenſe to offend others. But we muſt rather pardon than indulge your paſſion; becauſe, out of hatred to cruelty you run into it; and even before your ſelves are well free, would be lording it over your Adverſaries. Will our City never be quiet from puniſhments, which either the Senate inflict upon the People, or the People upon them? You want a Shield more than a Sword: he is a good Citizen enough, that lives without doing or ſuffering any wrong. If ever you grow dreadful, 'twill be when you have recovered your Magiſtrates, and your Laws, ſo that the power is all in your hands; then you may determine of our lives and fortunes according to the nature of each caſe; but at preſent I think it ſufficient for you to redemand your Liberty.

Whereupon the Multitude all cryed out, they might do what they pleaſed, the Embaſſadors replying, They would return very ſpeedily with all things perfected. So when they came and told the Senate what the People ſaid; the other Decemviri, ſeeing there was mention of their puniſhment (as they expected there ſhould have been) did not at all refuſe to comply But Appius, a Man of a cruel diſpoſition, and extraordinary envious, meaſuring the hatred of others toward him by his toward them, ſaid, Fortune favours no ſluggard. Now I ſee the conteſt againſt us was deferred 'till our Adverſaries were Armed: our Blood muſt be ſacrificed to envy. Were it not for that, I ſhould not care how ſoon I quitted the Decemvirate. Then there was a Decree of Senate made; That the Decemviri ſhould quit their Office aſſoon as poſſible; that Q. Furius the High-Prieſt ſhould create Tribunes of the People; and that the ſeceſſion of the Soldiers and the Commons ſhould not turn to any Mans diſadvantage. Theſe Orders of Senate being paſſed, and the Senate diſmiſſed, the Decemviri came forth into the Aſſembly, and publickly laid down their Office to the great joy of all the People. This news was carried to the Commons, all the Men that were left in the City attending upon the Embaſſadors, who were met by another glad Multitude out of the Camp; both of then congratulating each other for the Liberty and Concord which was reſtored to their City. Then the Embaſſadors in an Aſſembly made this Speech. For the good, happineſs and proſperity of your ſelves and the Commonwealth, return into your Country, to your Houſhold-gods, your Wives and Children: and ſince you have lived here with that modeſty, as not to injure any Mans eſtate to ſupply even the neceſſities of ſuch a Multitude, carry the modeſty with you into the City: go into the Aventine, from whence you came: in that happy place, where you laid the firſt foundations of your Liberty, you ſhall make Tribunes of the People: the High-Prieſt will be ready to hold the Aſſembly. To which they lowdly and cheerfully gave their aſſent, approving all that he ſaid. With that they faced about with their Enſigns, and marching toward Rome, vied in joy with all they met. But though they were in Arms, they went ſilent through the City into the Aventine, where the High Prieſt immediately calling an Aſſembly, they created Tribunes; of which the firſt of all was A. Virginius, then L. Icilius, and P. Numitorius, the Uncle of Virginia, who were the cauſe of the ſeceſſion. Then C. Sicinius deſcended from him, who is reported to have been the firſt Tribune of the People made in the ſacred Mount: and M. Duilius, who had been an honourable Tribuneſhip before the Decemviri were created, nor had been wanting to the People in their Conflicts with the Decemviri. Then out of hope more than for any deſert, they elected M. Titinnius, M. Pomponius, C. Apronius, P. Villius, and C. Oppius. At his entrance into the Office, L. Icilius immediately preferred a Bill to the People, and they agreed to it, That the ſeceſſion from the Decemviri ſhould turn to no Mans diſadvantage. And then M. Duilius got another paſſed for creating of Conſuls with Liberty of Appeal; all this being done by a Council of the People in the Prata Flaminia, now called Circus Flaminius [i. e. a place for Exerciſes.]

Then L. Valerius and M. Horatius were created Conſuls by an Interrex [one that Governed when there was no chief Magiſtrate] who immediately from that time began their Office: U. C. 304 whoſe Conſulate, though it were managed without any injury to the Senate, yet, being popular, gave offence. For whatſoever was done in favour of the Peoples Liberty they thought diminiſhed their Power. Firſt of all; when it was as it were a Moot point, Whether the Senate ſhould be obliged by any order of the People, they made a Law in the Comitia Centuriata, That what the Commons eſtabliſhed in their Tribes, ſhould bind all the People: by which Law they gave a keen Weapon to the Tribunes. After which they not only reſtored, but alſo for the future fortified another Conſular Law about Appeals (which was the ſole guard to their Liberty, but had been overthrown and evacuated by the Power of the Decemviri) by paſſing a new Act; That no Man ſhould make any Magiſtrate without Appeal; or if he did, it ſhould be lawful to kill him; nor ſhould the killing of him be counted a Capital Crime. When they had thus fortified the Commons, on the one hand with Liberty of Appeal, and on the other with the aid of the Tribunes, they made the Tribunes alſo Holy or Inviolable (which was a thing almoſt quite forgotten) by renewing of ſome very ancient Ceremonies. Nor did they make them ſo only in a Religious ſenſe only, but in point of Law too; ordaining, That whoſoever ſhould offer any injury to the Tribunes, Aediles, Judges, or Decemviri [for ſo the Tribunes here are called from their number] ſhould be reckoned a publick Enemy, whom any one might kill, and his Goods be ſold at the Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. By which Law the Learned ſay no Man is made Holy or Inviolable; but that he who hurts any of them, is ordained to be lookt upon asSacrum. curſed. Therefore an Aedile may be ſeized, and carried away by a Superior Magiſtrate; which though it be not legally done (for it is hurting him, who by this Law is not to be injured) yet it is an argument, that an Aedile is not reckoned Holy or Inviolable: but, they ſay, that the Tribunes are Inviolable by an old Oath and Obligation that the Commons were under, when they firſt created that Authority. There have been ſome, who have ſaid, that by this ſame Horatian Law proviſion was made for the Judges and Praetors alſo, becauſe they were created with the ſame Ceremonies as the Conſuls: for they called a Conſul, Judex, i. e. a Judg. Which Interpretation is eaſily confuted, becauſe in thoſe days it was not yet the cuſtom to call a Conſul, Judg, but Praetor. Theſe then were the Conſular Laws. But it was ordained alſo by the ſame Conſuls; That the Acts of the Senate ſhould be carried to the Temple of Ceres, to be kept by the Aedile of the People: they being formerly ſuppreſſed and vitiated at the pleaſure of the Conſuls. Then M. Duilius, a Tribune of the People, preferred a Bill, and the Commons paſſed it, That, whoever left the People without Tribunes, or created a Magiſtrate without Appeal, ſhould be whipt with the Rods, and then beheaded with the Axes. All theſe things, though they were done againſt the Patricians minds, yet they did not oppoſe them; becauſe there was no ſeverity yet uſed againſt any one particular Man.

By this means, having laid the foundation both of the Tribunes Power and the Peoples Liberty, the Tribunes ſuppoſing it to be now both ſafe and ſeaſonable to ſet upon ſingle Perſons, made Virginius the firſt Accuſer, and Appius the Party accuſed. When therefore Virginius had ſummoned Appius, and Appius was come amidſt a throng of Patrician young Blades into the Forum, all People preſently called to mind his Tyrannical Autho • ity, ſeeing him with his Myrmidons about him. Then Virginius. Oratory, ſaid he, was invented in matters doubtful: wherefore I will neither ſpend time in accuſing him, from whoſe cruelty you were fain by your Arms to vindicate your ſelves; nor will I ſuffer him to add impudence to his other crimes, by making any defence. Now therefore, Appius Claudius! for all that thou haſt ſo neſariouſly and impiouſly done theſe two years following, I give thee thanks. Only for one crime, when thou wert Judg, and wouldſt not let my Daughter vindicate her Liberty, I cannot pardon but command thee to be carried to Goal, unleſs thou clear thy ſelf. Appius had no hopes to rely upon either in the aid of the Tribunes, or in the judgment of the People; yet he appealed to the Tribunes, and, though no body cared for it, being ſeized by an Officer, cried out, Provoco, i. e. I Appeal: ſo that the ſame voice being heard to vindicate Libe • ty, which had refuſed all legal proceedings in order to it before, cauſed a deep ſilence. But ſoon after, when every one muttered to himſelf, That there were gods at laſt come into the World, who did not neglect Mankind; that Pride and Cruelty at length ſuffered, though late, not ſlight penalties; that he appealed, who had taken away all Appeals; that he implored the Peoples aid, who had diſanulled all the rights of the People; and that he was dragged into fetters, wanting the priviledges of Liberty, who had adjudged a free-born Maid to Slavery; they over-heard Appius's voice amidſt the murmur of the Aſſembly, begging the aſſiſtance and favour of the Roman People, and commemorating the deſerts of his Anceſtors upon the Commonwealths account both in Peace and War; ſaying, That his was an unhappy zeal for the Commons of Rome, in that he quitted the Conſulate to the great diſpleaſure of the Senate to make righteous Laws; Laws, which though they were ſtill in force, the maker of them muſt be dragged to Goal. But he hoped to ſhew what good or hurt he had done, when he had leave to ſpeak for himſelf. At preſent, he deſired that, according to the common uſage of the City, and as he was a Roman, he might have a day given him to make his defence, and ſee what the People of Rome would pleaſe to determine of it. For he did not fear the malice of any body ſo much, as to have no hopes in the equity and mercy of his fellow Citizens. But if he muſt be dragged to Priſon without being heard, he would again Appeal to the Tribunes, and admoniſh them not to imitate thoſe they hate. And if the Tribunes owned themſelves under the ſame obligation to evacuate all Appeals, as they ſaid the Decemviri conſpired to do, he ſaid, he appealed to the People, begging the benefit of thoſe Laws concerning Appeals, that were made by the Conſuls and Tribunes too that very year. For who ſhould Appeal, if he might not, who was uncondemned, nor had yet pleaded for himſelf? What ordinary Plebeian fellow could have any ſecurity from the Laws, if Appius Claudius had none? He therefore was like to be an argument, whether Dominion or Liberty were aſſerted by their new Laws; as alſo, whether the priviledg of an Appeal in oppoſition to the injuſtice of Magiſtrates were only written for vain ſhew and oſtentation, or really paſſed into a Law and allowed.

On the other ſide Virginius ſaid, that Ap. Claudius, above all others, was unacquainted with all Laws, and a ſtranger to all civil, human obligations: Let the People look back to his Tribunal, which was the Fort and Caſtle of all wickedneſs: where that perpetual Decemvir, who was an Enemy to the fortunes, Bodies and Blood of his fellow Citizens, threatning all People with Rods and Axes; a contemner of Gods as well as Men, and guarded with a company of Executioners inſtead of Lictors, having now turned his mind fron rapine and ſlaughter to Luſt, gave an ingenious Virgin (in ſight of all the Romans, as if ſhe had been a Captive of War) out of her Fathers embraces, into the hands of a Client of his, who was his Valet de Chambre: where by his cruel Decree, and denying of common Juſtice, he had armed the hand of a Father againſt his Daughter: where he ordered the Lover and Uncle of the Maid, who took away the dead Body, to be dragged to Priſon, being more concerned that his baſe deſign was interrupted, than that the Damſel was killed. That he built a Priſon, and was wont to call it, The common People of Romes dwelling Houſe. Wherefore, as often as he Appealed, he would as often refer it to any competent Judg, Whether he did not deny his Daughter the ordinary proceſs for aſſerting her Liberty; and if he would not accept of that proffer, he ordered him to be carried to Goal as a condemned perſon. Now as no body diſapproved of what Virginius ſaid or did, ſo there was a ſtrange commotion in Peoples minds, when he was caſt into the Priſon, the Commons themſelves being of opinion, that ſeeing they could puniſh ſo great a Man, their Liberty was grown too exceſſive. But the Tribune gave him a longer day of hearing. At this juncture there came to Rome Embaſſadors from the Latins and the Hernici, to congratulate the concord between the Senate and the Commons, bringing an Offering to great Jupiter in the Capitol, which was a Golden Crown of a ſmall weight; according to their ability in thoſe days, when Religious Duties were performed with Piety more than Magnificence. They likewiſe informed the Romans, that the Aequi and the Volſci were preparing for War as faſt as they could. Wherefore the Conſuls being ordered to divide the Provinces between them, the Sabines fell to Horatius's, and the Aequi and Volſci to Valerius's lot. When therefore they had given notice of a Levy to be made for thoſe Wars, the People encouraged it ſo much, that not only young Men, but even a great many old Soldiers came in and gave their names as Voluntiers: ſo that the Army was much the ſtronger, not only in numbers, but alſo in the ſort of Soldiers, ſince the Veteranes were mingled among them. But before they marched out of the City, they ſet up in publick the Decemviral Laws, called the Laws of the twelve Tables, all cut in Braſs: though ſome ſay the Aediles did this by order of the Tribunes.

C. Claudius, who hated the Villany of the Decemviri, and was above all an Enemy to the pride of his Brothers Son, had retired to Regillum the ancient Country of his Family; but now, though very old, came back to deprecate his dangers, whoſe vices he had ſhunn'd; and going through the Forum in a ſordid habit, with his Kinsfolks and Clients about him, begged the favour of the People; intreating them, That they would not lay ſuch a blot upon the Claudian Family, as to think any of them deſerved a Goal and Fetters: nor let a Man, whoſe Image would be honourable to all poſterity; a contriver and maker of the Roman Laws, lie bound among Thieves and Robbers. That they would turn away their minds a little while from wrath, and conſider the caſe; and rather pardon one Claudius, when ſo many begged for it, than out of hatred to one, ſlight the prayers of ſo many. He himſelf did the very ſame thing out of reſpect to the name and family; for he was not friends with the perſon, whoſe misfortunes he notwithſtanding would fain relieve. That by their courage they had regained their Liberty, and that by their clemency the concord of all orders among them might be eſtabliſhed. Hereupon there were ſome whom he moved more by his piety and regard to the honour of his Family, than upon the ſcore of him for whom he pleaded. But Virginius deſired them, That they would rather pity him and his Daughter; and would not hear the Petitions of the Claudian Family, who were Tyrants to the Commons, but thoſe of three Tribunes, nearly allied to Virginia; who, as they were created to aid the People, ſo now on the other hand implored that Peoples favour and aſſiſtance. The tears ſeem the moſt juſt; and therefore Appius, having no hopes left him, before the day of his Tryal came, killed himſelf. Then Sp. Oppius, being the next object of envy, was ſeized by P. Numitorius, becauſe he was in the City when his Collegue gave that unjuſt Judgment in the caſe of Virginia. But the injury done by Oppius brought upon him more envy, than what he did not hinder: for there was a witneſs produced, who, though he had been extraordinarily in ſeven and twenty ſeveral Campaigns, and eight times extraordinarily rewarded with gifts that he had then about him, ſhewed his back all torn with the Rods, and deſired nothing, but that if Oppius could ſay he was in any fault, he ſhould, though a private Man, inflict all the cruelty upon him that he had done before. So Oppius alſo was carried to Priſon, and before the day of Tryal put an end to his days. The Tribunes confiſcated the Goods both of Claudius and Oppius too; whoſe Collegues went into Baniſhment, their Eſtates being diſpoſed of in the ſame manner. Then Claudius, who challenged Virginia as his Slave, being condemned on the day appointed, had the extremity of his Sentence taken off even by Virginius himſelf, and went to Tibur, where he lived in Baniſhment. So that the Soul of Virginia (more happy when ſhe was dead than being yet alive) having wandred through ſo many Families for revenge, at length, when no criminal was left, enjoyed its reſt.

Upon this the Senate was poſſeſſed with great fears; for the Tribunes look'd very like the Decemviri, 'till M. Duilius, a Tribune of the People, giving a gentle and wholeſome check to their extravagant power, ſaid, We have had enough of Liberty, and taken ſufficient revenge of our Enemies: wherefore, this Year, I will not hereafter ſuffer any Man either to be ſummoned to Juſtice, nor put in Priſon: for beſides that I am not willing to repeat old faults, that have been long obliterated, ſince even new ones have been expiated by the puniſhment of the Decemviri; the perpetual care of both the Conſuls alſo in the defence of your Liberty, engages there ſhall be nothing done that may require the Tribunes aid. At firſt this moderation of the Tribunes removed the Senates fears, though it increaſed the Conſuls envy; that they ſhould be ſo much the Peoples creatures, that a Plebeian Magiſtrate ſhould ſooner take care of the Senates life and liberty, than a Patrician: and that their Enemies ſhould ſooner be a weary of puniſhing them, than they ſhould obviate ſuch licentious proceedings: beſides that there were many Men who ſaid the Senate were very Cowards in agreeing to ſuch Laws as they made, nor did any body queſtion, but, in that troubleſom ſtate of the Commonwealth, they did it meerly to comply with the times.

The Conſuls having compoſed all affairs in the City, and laid a foundation for the Government of the Commons, went into their ſeveral Provinces. Of whom Valerius deſignedly kept off the War in Algidum againſt the united Forces of both the Aequi and the Volſci; whereas, if he had committed the event to fortune immediately, I queſtion, whether that Battel (conſidering what thoughts the Romans as well as their Enemies had of the Decemvirates unhappy Conduct) might not have been much to their diſadvantage. He therefore kept his Army in a Camp a thouſand paces from the Enemy; whilſt they ſtood ready in Battalia between their two Camps. From whence though they challenged the Romans to fight, there was no one that made them any anſwer. At laſt the Aequi and the Volſci being tired with ſtanding, and vain expectation of the fight; believing that the Romans did as good as yield the Victory, went part of them into the Country of the Hernici, and part among the Latins to forage; leaving in their Camp a Garriſon only rather than Men enough to engage the Enemy. Which when the Conſul perceived, he returned the terror which they before had infuſed into his Men, and ſetting his Army in Battalia attacked the Foe. Who being conſcious what numbers of their Forces were abſent, and therefore declining the Fight, made the Romans preſently far more brisk than before, inſomuch that they look'd upon the Enemies (now that they trembled and lay within their Bulwark) to be already Conquered. But when they had ſtood ready for the Battel all day, in the night they retreated; and the Romans being full of hopes made much of themſelves; whilſt the Enemy, who were not half ſo merry, ſent Meſſengers all about with ſpeed to recall the foragers. Accordingly the Meſſengers went, and came ſtraightway back with the Soldiers from all adjacent places; but the more remote ſtraglers could not be found. Aſſoon as it was day, the Romans marched out of their Camp, deſigning to invade the Enemies Bulwark, if they would not give them an opportunity to fight. So therefore, when the day was pretty far ſpent, ſeeing the Enemy did not ſtir, the Conſul gave command to begin the Attack. But when the Army began to move, the Aequi and the Volſci being filled with indignation, that two Victorious Armies ſhould defend themſelves with a Rampire, rather than their own Courage and Arms, petitioned their Leaders alſo, and had the ſignal of Battel given them. And now ſome part of them were got out at the Gates; whilſt others followed in Rank and File, when the Roman Conſul, before the Enemies Army was all in Array, began the fight. So that attacking them before they were all come forth, or thoſe that were, well ranged, he ſet upon a floating crowd of fearful Men, that look'd to and fro upon one another (like People amazed) being yet more ſcared and diſturbed with the clamour and violence of the congreſs. At firſt therefore the Enemy retired; but afterward, when they had recovered their Courage, and their Commanders asked them, What? would they yield to thoſe they had conquered? they renewed the fight.

The Conſul on the other ſide, bad the Romans remember, that they were then engaged as freemen, in their firſt Battel for the free City of Rome; being like to Conquer for themſelves, and not to be, when Conquerors, a prey to the Decemviri. That they did fight now under the Conduct of Appius, but Conſul Valerius, who was deſcended foom thoſe that freed the Roman People, he himſelf alſo being their deliverer, deſiring them, that they would make it appear, it was the Generals not the Soldiers faults they did not get the Victory in former Battels. And telling them, that it was degenerous to ſhew more Courage againſt their fellow Citizens than againſt their Enemies, or to fear ſervitude more at home than abroad. That Virginia was the only Perſon whoſe Chaſtity was in danger in times of Peace; and that Appius was the only Citizen whoſe luſt was then dangerous; but if the fortune of War ſhould then incline to the Enemy, all their Children were in danger from ſo many thouſand foes. That he would not forebode what Jupiter, and their great Father Mars would never ſuffer to befall a City built by ſuch a Heavenly Commiſſion. Then he admoniſhed them of the Aventine and the ſacred Mount, with exhortations, that, where they ſome few months paſt procured their Liberty, thither they would carry back their Government inviolate; and ſhew, that the Romans had the ſame inclinations now ſince the Decemviri were expelled, as they had before the creation of them; nor was the Roman Courage diminiſhed, though their Laws were pruned. Having ſaid thus among the Foot, he ran to the Horſe, and ſaid, Conrage, brave Youths! do you endeavour to out-do the Foot as much as you excel them in honour and quality. The Foot at the firſt onſet removed the Foe; do you ride in and drive them out of the Field. They cannot ſuſtein the ſhock; for even now they tarry here for a ſhow, rather than make any reſiſtance. With that they ſpurred on their Horſes, and riding up with a full career to the Enemy, whom the Foot had already put into diſorder, broke through their Ranks quite to the Reer; where part of them wheeling about in the plain Field, kept a great many of the Enemies, who were flying away, from getting into their Camp, and deterred thoſe that would have rode by them. In the mean time the Foot, the Conſul himſelf, and all the ſtreſs of the War was turned upon the Enemies Camp; which being taken with great ſlaughter, the Romans had a far greater booty. The fame of this Battel was carried not only into the City, but alſo into the Sabines Country to the other Army. Whereupon there was indeed great joy in the City, but glory in the Camp inflamed the Soldiers minds with mutual emulation. For Horatius by exerciſing them with excurſions and light skirmiſhes, had made them ſo expert, that they truſted in their own Courage and Conduct more than they remembred the diſgrace which they received under the Command of the Decemviri, and thoſe ſmall Rencounters had advanced them to the higheſt pitch of hopes. Yet the Sabines did not ſtick, as being fleſhed with ſucceſs the Year before, to provoke and urge them with theſe queſtions; Why they ran forward and backward in ſuch ſmall numbers, to ſpend time, like ſo many Robbers? dividing the glory of one pitched Battel into ſo many little velitations and bickerings? Would they ſet to it with all the Forces they had, and hazard all at once?

Which when the Romans heard, though they had armed themſelves with ſufficient reſolution before-hand, were all inflamed with the indignity: that the other Army was like juſt then to return into the City with Victory, but that the Enemy inſulted over them with contumelies, and diſdainful language: yet when ſhould they be, if they then were not, fit to engage the Enemy? When the Conſul perceived that the Soldiers murmured thus in the Camp, he called an Aſſembly, and told them, I ſuppoſe, fellow Soldiers, you have heard how the buſineſs was carried in Algidum; where the Army was ſuch as the Army of a free People ought to be, and the Victory was gained by the Conduct of my Collegue, and the Courage of his Soldiers. As for my part, fellow Soldiers, I am reſolved to take ſuch meaſures as you ſhall think good. The War may be very well protrac • ed, and yet, at the ſame time, ſoon made an end of. If you will have it protracted, I'll do (what I have done hitherto) my daily endeavour by good Diſcipline to augment your hopes and raiſe your Courage; but if you have enough of that already, and be minded to fight it out preſently, come on, give a ſhout like what you uſe to make when you are going to Battel, as a teſtimony of your willingneſs and Courage. Thereupon they having ſet up a mighty ſhout with great alacrity, he told them, He would comply with their deſires (to good purpoſe he hoped) and would lead them next day into the Field: the remainder of the day being ſpent in preparing their Arms. The next day, aſſoon as the Sabines ſaw that the Romans were ſetting their Men in Array, they alſo, greedy of coming to it, marched forth: and the Fight was as between two Armies that were very confident in themſelves, the one upon account of the ſtanding and perpetual honour that they had won, and the other, as being proud of a late Victory. But the Sabines added policy alſo to their ſtrength; for though they had evened the Front of their Army, and ſo adjuſted it that all their Forces ſeemed to be therein compriſed, they reſerved two thouſand over and above, to make an impreſſion upon the left Wing of the Romans in the time of the flight. Which ſupernumerary forces whilſt they flanked that Wing, and almoſt ſurrounded it, about ſix hundred Horſe out of two Legions diſmounted, and running into the head of their own Men, as they were giving back, at the ſame time charged the Enemy. By which means the danger being firſt made pretty equal, they put the Foot to the bluſh; who were aſhamed to ſee the Horſe fight in their own and another capacity too, and that the Foot was not comparable to the Horſe even when they fought upon the ground.

Then they went to their poſt again from whence they came; and in an inſtant the fight was not only renewed, but the Sabines Wing alſo gave way. The Horſe that were mixt among the Foot, betook themſelves to their Horſes; and then riding over to the other ſide, to tell their Party how they had got the day, at the ſame time briskly attacked the Foe, who was now ve •• much diſmayed, ſeeing their ſtrongeſt Wing was routed: nor was there any party in that Battel whoſe Courage was more ſignal than that of theſe Horſemen. Mean while the Conſul was very careful and active, praiſing the Valiant, and chiding any that he ſaw backward in the Fight: and the Soldiers when corrected, did the part of brave fellows. For ſome were as much excited by ſhame, as others by commendations. Then giving another ſhout, they all fell on with might and main from every ſide, and force the Enemy to give ground; nor could the Roman force be from that time ſuſteined. Whereupon the Sabines being routed, and made to fly all over the Fields, left their Camp a prey to the Enemy. There the Romans recovered not their Allies Goods, as they had done in Algidum, but their own, which they had loſt by the Devaſtation of their Country. Now though in this caſe two Victories were gained in two ſeveral Fights, yet the Senate very unworthily Decreed that there ſhould be ſupplications for the Conſuls upon one day only. But the People met in great numbers and went to Prayers a ſecond day, though without any order; and this accidental popular ſupplication drew full as much company together, as that which was publickly injoyned. The Conſuls out of deſign came the ſame two days to the City, and called forth the Senate into the Campus Martius; where talking of things that they had done, the chief of the Senators complained, That they called a Senate among the Soldiers on purpoſe to ſcare them. Wherefore the Conſuls, to avoid all objections, called them thence into the prata Flaminia [Meadows ſo called] where now ſtands the Temple of Apollo (they then called it Circus Apollinaris) where when they were denied a Triumph by the almoſt unanimous conſent of the Houſe, L. Icilius, Tribune of the People, preferred a Bill to the People touching the Conſuls Triumphing. Many as they came forth were diſſuaded, eſpecially when C. Claudius cried out, The Conſuls would Triumph over the Senate not their Enemies: and that they deſired thanks for their private deſert toward the Tribune, not honour upon the account of their Courage. That the People never medled before in the buſineſs of Triumphs; but that the Senate were always the proper Judges when and why that Honour was to be granted. That even the Kings themſelves did not diminiſh the Authority of that higheſt Order. That it was not fit the Tribunes ſhould arrogate ſo much to their Authority, as not to ſuffer any publick Determinations. For the only way to make the City truly free, and the Laws juſt and equal, was for every Order to obſerve and ſtick to their own Priviledges and their own Authority. But notwithſtanding what he ſaid, and all that the reſt of the Senior Senators added to the ſame purpoſe all the Tribes accepted of L. Icilius's propoſal; and that was the firſt time that ever any one Triumphed by order of the People without the approbation of the Senate.

This Victory of the Tribunes and the People turned to an almoſt fatal Luxury; there being a Conſpiracy among the Tribunes to chuſe the ſame Tribunes again; and to make their own ambition the leſs conſpicuous, they would continue the Conſuls alſo in their Office. But they blamed the Senats unanimity, in that they generally conſented in what would wrong the People and diſparage the Conſuls: What, ſaid they, would have become of us, ſince the Laws are not yet confirmed, if the Conſuls had ſet upon the new Tribunes by your Factions? For they would not always have Valerius's and Horatius's for Conſuls, who would prefer the Peoples liberty before their own welfare. It fell out very opportunely at that time, that M. Duilius, a prudent Man, who ſaw envy hanging over their heads if they continued in their Office, was Preſident of the Aſſembly: who denying that he would have reſpect to any of the old Tribunes, (ſo that his Collegues were very urgent with him to put the Tribes upon voting for it, or let them manage the Aſſembly, and that he would hold Aſſemblies rather according to Law, than the pleaſure of the Senate) and having raiſed a Debate, ſent for the Conſuls, and asked them, what they U. C. 305 deſigned to do in that Conſular Aſſembly; to which they anſwered, They would create new Conſuls. Whereupon he, finding he had thoſe to back his popular opinion, who themſelves were no popular Men, he walked along with them to the Aſſembly. Where the Conſuls appearing before the People, and being asked, If the Roman People remembring the Liberty which by their means they recovered at home, and in reſpect to their Military performance abroad, ſhould make them Conſuls again, what they would do? were ſtill of the ſame opinion: Duilius therefore commending the Conſuls for perſevering to the laſt in ſentiments different from thoſe of the Decemviri, proceeded to hold the Aſſembly. In which having made five Tribunes of the People, and ſeeing that there were more Candidates that ſtood for the Office, than could be regularly Voted for by the Tribes, he diſmiſſed the Council. Nor did he call them any more upon that ſcore, becauſe, he ſaid, he had ſatisfied the Law, which ordained that the Tribunes ſhould not be ſtinted to any certain number, but that thoſe, who were firſt created, might take in what Collegues they pleaſed; and repeated the Bill that was preferred in that caſe, wherein it was ſaid, If I deſign to make ten Tribunes of the People, and there are fewer this day choſen; theſe ſhall have power to take in their own Collegues, who ſhall be as legal Tribunes of the People, as thoſe whom you the Commonalty ſhall this day create. Duilius having preſevered, even to the laſt, in denying, that the Commonwealth could have 15 Tribunes, (inſomuch that he fruſtrated the ambition of his Collegues) was equally careſſed both by the Senate and the Commons, and laid down his Office.

The new Tribunes in the choice of their Collegues ſubmitted to the will of the Senate, and U. C. 306 choſe two Patricians of Conſular rank; to wit, Sp. Tarpeius and A. Haterius. The Conſuls that were created were Lar. Herminius and T. Virginius Caelimontanus, who being no greater favourers of either the Senate or the People, enjoyed their eaſe both at home and abroad. L. Trebonius a Tribune of the People, who was no friend to the Senate, becauſe, he ſaid, he was deceived by them, and betrayed by his Collegues in the choice of the Tribunes, preferred a Bill, that whoever went about to Petition the Roman People for the making of Tribunes, ſhould not exceed the number of ten; and bore his Tribuneſhip ſo, as that he continually inveighed againſt U. C. 307 the Senate, for which reaſon he was Surnamed Aſper [Rough.] Then M. Geganius Macerinus and C. Julius were made Conſuls, who appeaſed the differences between the Tribunes and the young Nobility, without diminiſhing either the Power of the one, or the Honour of the other, and keeping the People in fear of a Levy for a War againſt the Volſci and the Aequi cleared the City from all Seditions. They ſaid, that if the City were quiet all things elſe would be ſo abroad, for that by their civil Diſcords they increaſed the inſolence of Foreigners; by which means, their care of Peace in general became the cauſe of inteſtine Unity at home. But the one order of Men was always vexatious to the others modeſty; for the young Noble Senators began to moleſt the quiet Commons. Whereupon though the Tribunes were aſſiſtant to the meaner ſort, it did at firſt but little good. Yea, they themſelves were ſoon after abuſed, eſpecially in their laſt Months, by the Nobility, when all their ſtrength began to languiſh; and the Commons thought they might repoſe ſome hopes in the Tribuneſhip, if they had Tribunes like Icilius; for they had only Titular Tribunes the laſt ten Years. On the other hand, the Senior Senators, as they were of opinion that their young Men were too fierce, ſo they deſired, that if any exceſs were to be made, it might rather appear in the Courage of their Party than their Adverſaries: ſo hard it is to preſerve a moderation in the defence of Liberty; whilſt every Man, pretending to wiſh that all things were adjuſted, extols himſelf ſo far as to depreſs another; and by taking too great care that others may not live in fear, makes himſelf dreadful; ſo that we throw an injury which we keep off from our ſelves upon another, as if it were neceſſary either to do or ſuffer it.

Then T. Quintius Capitolinus (the fourth time) and Agrippa Furius being made Conſuls, had no Sedition at home or War abroad; though both were like to befall them. For now U. C. 308 no longer could the Diſcord of the People be repreſſed, the Tribunes and the Commons too being incited againſt the Senate, and new heats every day ariſing in their Aſſemblies upon the account of a certain Nobleman being ſummoned to his Tryal. At the firſt noiſe of which, as it were by a ſignal, the Aequi and the Volſci were Alarmed, beſides that their Leaders, who were deſirous of a Plunder, perſuaded them that the Levy which was ordered to be made two years before could not be had, now that the Commons reſiſted the Authority of the Senate; for that reaſon there were no Armies ſent againſt them; that the manner of making War was diſſolved by their licentiouſneſs, nor did they look upon Rome as their common Country: that whatſoever quarrels or feuds they had with Foreigners, were all turned upon themſelves, and that thoſe Wolves of Rome being blinded with inteſtine rage gave them a good occaſion to deſtroy them. They therefore joyning their Forces together, firſt ravaged the Latin Territories; where, ſince they met with no oppoſition, they followed their exulting Leaders even to the Walls of Rome, pillaging all the Country 'till they came near the Gate called Porta Eſquilina, to ſhew the City what havock they made in deſpight of them. From whence when they were returned without moleſtation, but with a vaſt Booty, in a Body back to Corbio. Quintius the Conſul called the People to an Aſſembly, where, I am told, he ſpoke to this purpoſe.

Romans! though I am not conſcious of any crime, yet I came into this Aſſembly with the greateſt ſhame that could be; that you ſhould know, and that Poſterity ſhould one day hear, that the Aequi and the Volſci, who were of late ſcarce equal to the Hernici, ſhould come to the Walls of Rome, when T. Quintius was in his fourth Conſulate, all in Arms, without any reſiſtance made againſt them. This ignominy (though we have lived ſo this great while, and ſuch is the preſent ſtate of Affairs, that I foreſee no good that can befall us) if I had known it had been deſtined for this Year above any other, I would have avoided either with Exile or Death, if there had been no other way to eſcape being Conſul. Is it ſo then, that if Men had been Maſters of thoſe Arms, which were at our Gates, Rome might have been taken when I was Conſul? Then I had enjoyed my Eſtate and lived long enough; nay, ſhould have died when I was in my third Conſulate. Whom, I pray, did the moſt Slothful and Cowardly of the Enemies contemn? Us Conſuls? or you Romans? if the fault be on our ſide, take away the Authority from Men that are ſo undeſerving of it; yea, if that be too little, inflict what puniſhment you will upon us: but if it be on your ſide, Romans! I wiſh no God or Man may puniſh you for your offences, though I would have you repent of them. They did not contemn your Sloth, nor were they confident of their own Courage; for having been ſo often Routed and Defeated, forced out of their Camp, deprived of their Country, and ſold for Slaves, they knew both themſelves and you. The Diſcord of the ſeveral Orders of Men is the bane of this City. The differences between the Senate and the Commons, whilſt we have no certain bounds ſet to our Authority, nor you to your Liberty; whilſt you are aweary of the Patrician, and we of the Plebeian Magiſtrates, have raiſed your Spirits. For Gods ſake, what would you have? You deſired Tribunes of the People, and we for quietneſs ſake granted your requeſt; you deſired Decemviri, and we ſuffered them too to be created; you were aweary of the Decemviri, we made them lay down their Office: yea, whilſt your animoſity continued againſt them, as private perſons, we permitted the nobleſt and moſt honourable Men (ſome of them) in the whole City to undergo Death and Baniſhment for your ſatisfaction. You would create Tribunes of the People again; you did ſo. You would have the Conſuls be of your Party; though we ſaw it was quite contrary to the inclinations of the Senate, we ſaw the Patrician Magiſtracy made an offering and a Sacrifice to the People. You had the aſſiſtance of the Tribunes, the Appeal to the People, and the Determinations of the Commons impoſed as Laws upon the Senate: under the pretence of making the Laws juſt and equal, we then did and ſtill do ſuffer all our rights to be invaded. What will be the end of theſe Diſcords? When ſhall we have the City at Unity? When will this be our common Country? Are we more content to be Conquered than Conquerors? Is it enough that you are dreadful to us? You took the Aventine Hill againſt us, as you did the ſacred Mount in like manner. But none of you removed the Volſcian Enemy, when they were like to take the Eſquiliae, and climbing up the Rampire: it is againſt us that you are Men, and take up Arms.

But let me perſuade you all, who have beſieged the Senate here, made the Forum a dangerous place, and filled the Priſon with Noblemen, to march forth beyond the Eſquiline Gate with the ſame reſolutions: or if you dare not do this, look from your Walls into the Fields, how they are laid waſte by Fire and Sword, the Cattel driven away, and the burnt Houſes ſmoaking. For the Government in general is now in a ſad condition; the Country is burnt, the City beſieged, and the Glory of War is with the Enemies. What matter is it in what ſtate your private affairs are? You'l every one ſhortly hear of your loſſes in the Fields. What have you at home to make them up again? Will the Tribunes reſtore and give you back what you have loſt? They'l give you as much talk and words as you can deſire, with crimes laid to the charge of the Nobility and Laws one after another made in a great many Aſſemblies; but none of you ever returned home from thoſe Aſſemblies a penny the richer. Did any Man carry any thing back to his Wife and Children except hatred, feuds, and quarrels both publick and private? from which you have always been defended, not by your own virtue and innocence, but by the aſſiſtance of others. But (oh! Hercules) when you were Soldiers under me, not under the Tribunes, and in the Camp, not in the Forum; when in the Field the Enemy, not the Roman Senators in an Aſſembly, heard and were afraid of your ſhouts; when you took your Country from the Enemy, and returned home in Triumph to your houſhold gods, loaded with riches, and crowned with Glory both publick and private; can you now ſuffer the Foe to go away laden with your Fortunes? Stay here, if you pleaſe, fixt to your Aſſemblies, and live in the Forum; but the neceſſity of a War which you ſo induſtriouſly avoid, will ſtill purſue you. Was it hard for you to go againſt the Aequi and the Volſci? The War is even at your Gates: if it be not driven thence, it will be ſhortly within your Walls; it will ſcale the Caſtle and the Capitol, and perſecute you into your very Houſes. 'Tis two years ago ſince the Senate ordered a Levy to be made, and an Army to march into Algidum: yet we ſit lazily at home, like Women, ſcolding at one another, content with our preſent Peace, and not foreſeeing that from our eaſe there will ſhortly ariſe a manifold War. I know I might ſay many other things that would pleaſe you better than this: but neceſſity compells me to tell you truth inſtead of what may be grateful, though my own genious did not prompt me to it. I muſt confeſs, I ſhould be glad to pleaſe you, Romans! but I deſire much more to preſerve you, whatever you may hereafter think of me. Is it natural for him, who ſpeaks before the Multitude in his own behalf, to be more accepted than a Perſon whoſe mind aims at nothing but publick good? unleſs perchance you think, thoſe publick Flatterers, thoſe Courters of the People, who will not let you be either in Arms or at reſt, incite and ſpur you on for your own ſakes. No, when they have raiſed you to an animoſity, be ſure they gain either honour or riches by it: and ſince they ſee they are never like to thrive if the ſeveral Orders of Romans are at unity, they chuſe to be the ring-leaders of an ill thing, rather than nothing at all, that is, of troubles and ſeditions. Of which, if you can at laſt be aweary, and will aſſume the antient manners of your fore-fathers and your ſelves, inſtead of theſe new ones, I will ſubmit to any puniſhment, if I do not force theſe Ravagers of our Country in a few days out of their Camp, and transfer the terror of this War, with which you are now ſo aſtoniſhed, from our Walls and Gates to their Cities.

There hardly ever was any popular Speech of a Tribune more welcome to the People, than this of that grave Conſul at that time. The young Men alſo, who amidſt ſuch fears, uſed to make the refuſal of a War the ſharpeſt Weapon againſt the Senators, were inclined to take up Arms; for the Country People running into Town, out of the Fields, where they were ſpoiled and wounded, and relating things more barbarous than what appeared to the Citizens eyes, put all the City in a rage. When he came into the Senate, all Peoples eyes were turned upon Quintius, whom they look'd upon as the only preſerver of the Roman Honour, the Senior Senators ſaying, That his Oration became the dignity of a Conſul, and was worthy of his ſo many former Conſulates, as of all his whole life, that had been full of Honours often received, but oftner deſerved. That other Conſuls either betrayed the Dignity of the Senate to pleaſe the Commons, or by being too rough in the defence of their rights, provoked the People to be more obſtinate by endeavouring to ſubdue at that rate. That T. Quintius's Oration had a ſpecial regard not only to the Majeſty of the Senate, but to the concord of the ſeveral ranks and the preſent juncture of affairs. Wherefore they deſired him and his Collegue to undertake the management of the Commonwealth: and that the Tribunes would joyn unanimouſly with the Conſuls to remove the War from their City Walls, and make the People in thoſe doubtful circumſtances obedient to the Senate: yea, they ſaid their common Country called on the Tribunes and implored their aid, now that the Fields were all laid waſte, and the City almoſt beſieged. Whereupon by general conſent they ordered and made a Levy: and the Conſuls having declared in the Aſſembly, That that was not a time to try Cauſes, but that all the younger ſort of Men muſt be the next day aſſoon as 'twas light in the Campus Martius: that they would find a time when the War was over to hear their excuſes who did not give in their names, and that he ſhould be puniſhed as a Deſerter of the publick Intereſt whoſe reaſon they did not approve of; all the Youth came thither next day; the Cohorts or Regiments choſe their Centurions; two Senators being ſet to command in chief over every Regiment. And all this I am informed was done ſo ſoon, that the Enſigns which were brought out of the Treaſury by the Queſtors that very day into the Field, were carried thence as they marched away, by ten of the Clock: and the new Army who had only ſome few Regiments of old Voluntiers among them, lay the ſame day ten miles from the City. The next day brought them within ſight of the Foe; near to whoſe Camp they pitched theirs, at a place called Corbio. The third day, the Romans being enraged, and the Enemy, who had ſo often rebelled, being conſcious of a fault for which they deſpaired of being pardoned, they made no more ado, but engaged each other.

Now in the Roman Army, though the two Conſuls had equal Commiſſions, Agrippa reſigned all his Power (which is the beſt courſe in the management of great affairs) to his Collegue. For which condeſcenſion of his, Quintius was very kind to him, and adviſing with him as well as commending of him, made him equal with himſelf. In the Field Quintius commanded the right Wing and Agrippa the left, whilſt Sp. Poſtumius Albus the Lieutenant led the main Body, the other Lieutenant called Serv. Sulpicius, being made Captain of the Horſe. The Foot in the right Wing fought bravely, and the Volſci made a very brisk reſiſtance. But Ser. Sulpicius broke through the middle of the Enemies with his Horſe; from whence though he could have retreated to his own Party, before the Enemy could compoſe their diſordered Ranks, yet he thought it better for him to fall upon the Reer of them, by which means he had in a moment diſſipated the whole Body, had not the Volſcian and Aequian Horſe given him a diverſion for ſome time with the ſame ſort of fighting that he uſed. Whereupon Sulpicius cried out, It was no time for his Men to dally, for that they were circumvented, and divided from the reſt of the Army, and in great danger to be loſt, unleſs they charged with all the violence and reſolution imaginable. It was not enough for them to rout the Foe, but they muſt kill both them and their Horſes, for fear they ſhould return into the Battel, and renew the fight: nor could they reſiſt that force, which had made the main Body of their Army give way. They heard very well and minded what he ſaid; inſomuch that at one charge they defeated the whole Body of Horſe, and killed a great many, whom and their Horſes they ran through with their Javelins: and that was the end of the Horſe engagement. Then ſetting upon the Foot, they ſent the news of what they had done to the Conſuls, who by this time had got the better of it; which when they heard, it put new Courage into the Conquering Romans as much as it dejected and diſheartned the retiring Aequi. They were firſt over-powered in the main Body, where the Horſe that had been ſent that way before had diſordered their Ranks: and then the left Wing began to yield to Conſul Quintius; but they had much ado with the right. Agrippa being in that Poſt, who was a very ſtrong and ſtout Man, and ſeeing they had better ſucceſs in all parts of the Battel, than where he ſtood, took the Enſigns from the Bearers of them, and carrying them up toward the Foe, threw ſome into the middle of them: the fear of which ignominy ſo incited his Soldiers that they ran upon the Enemy, and the Victory was by that means equal on all hands. Then there came a Meſſenger from Quintius, to tell them, That he was victorious and juſt entering into the Enemies Camp; but that he would not break in, before he knew that they in the left Wing had gotten the better: that if Agrippa had routed the Enemy there, he would have him march up and joyn him, ſo that the whole Army might enjoy the Booty all together. Agrippa being alſo Victorious, came with mutual congratulations to his Conquering Collegue and the Enemies Camp; which there being but few to defend, and thoſe too in a moment overcome, they broke into the Works without any trouble; and led their Army back again, not only laden with vaſt ſpoils, but having alſo recovered the things which they had loſt by the Plunder of their Country. I do not find that they either deſired, or that the Senate offered them any Triumph. Nor is there any cauſe aſſigned why they neglected, or did not hope for ſuch honour, but as far as I can gueſs at ſuch a diſtance of time, ſeeing that Senate had denied a Triumph to the Conſuls Valerius and Horatius, who beſides the Aequi and the Volſci had the honour of making an end of the Sabine War, theſe Conſuls were aſhamed to deſire a Triumph for doing only half ſo much as thoſe: for fear leſt if they had obtained their requeſt, the Senate might have ſeemed to have had more reſpect for perſons than to their deſerts.

But this honourable Victory gained over their Enemies, was attended by a very unjuſt and unworthy Judgment, which the People of Rome gave concerning the Confines of their Allies. Thoſe of Aricia and Ardea having fought ſeveral times for a piece of Ground that was in diſpute between them, and being tired with ſo much ſlaughter on both ſides, made the Roman People Umpire in the Controverſie. When they came to plead the Cauſe, and the Magiſtrates had aſſigned a Council of the People to hear, it was argued with great eagerneſs: but when the Witneſſes were produced, the Tribes called over, and the People juſt going to give their Votes, one P. Scaptius an old Commoner ſtood up, and ſaid, If I may ſpeak, Conſuls! touching the Commonwealth, I will not ſuffer the People to err in this affair. But when the Conſuls ſaid he ought not to be heard, as being an idle fellow, and ordered him to be taken away (whilſt he cried out all the while that the publick Cauſe was betrayed) he appealed to the Tribunes. The Tribunes, as they are for the moſt part more ruled by the Multitude than they rule them, permitted Scaptius, for the ſake of the Commons, who were greedy of hearing him, to ſay what he would. Then he began, That he was 84 years of Age, and had been a Soldier in that very place, which was then under diſpute, not only when he was a young fellow, but in twenty ſeveral Battels, of which the laſt was when they engaged at Corioli: by which means he could tell them of a thing, which though obliterated by tract of time, was ſtill fixed in his memory; to wit, that the ground in queſtion did belong formerly to Corioli, which being taken, it became the publick poſſeſſion of the Roman People by right of War. That he admired how the Aricians and the Ardeans ſhould hope to hinder the Roman People (whom, inſtead of Lords, they had made Judges of it) from enjoying that tract of Ground, which they had never any right to whilſt Corioli was in proſperity. That he had but a little time longer to live; yet could not forbear, even now he was ſo old, to vindicate with his tongue (the only weapon he had left) that Land, which, when a Soldier, he had done his beſt with his Arms to take: and therefore that he adviſed the People by all means, not to deſert their own Cauſe through any diſadvantageous modeſty.

The Conſuls obſerving that Scaptius was heard, not only with ſilence, but aſſent alſo, took both the Gods and Men to witneſs, that he had put the People upon doing a very great piece of injuſtice. Wherefore they ſent for the chief of the Senate; with whom they went about to the Tribunes, and deſired them, That they would not do a thing which was ſo very evil in it ſelf, and would be of far worſe example; for Judges to make themſelves parties in the Cauſe, eſpecially ſince, though it were lawful in them ſo to do, they ought to have a care of their Intereſt in this caſe; for they were not like to gain half ſo much by ſeizing the Land, as they would loſe by alienating the minds of their Allies from them by the injury; the loſs of their reputation and credit being above any value. Would they ſuffer the Embaſſadors to carry that news back with them to Aricia and Ardea? Would they let the World know it? their Allies hear of it? their Enemies be acquainted with it? With what grief would the former, and with what joy the latter, receive ſuch tidings? Could they think that the neighbouring Nations would lay the fault upon Scaptius an old talkative Aſſembly Man? That the Scaptian Family would be honoured with an Image upon this ſcore: that the Roman People ought to bear the Name and Character of an Informer, or one that intercepts anothers right: for who, that were Judg even in a private caſe, would adjudg the thing in controverſie to himſelf. No, Scaptius himſelf, though he had out-lived all ſhame, would not do it. Thus did the Conſuls and the Senators cry out; but covetouſneſs and Scaptius the Author of it were more prevailing: ſo the Tribes being called, adjudged the Land to be the publick poſſeſſion of the Roman People. And doubtleſs ſo it had been very juſtly determined to be, if others had been Judges of the Caſe: but now the diſhonour of their Judgment is not at all leſſened by the goodneſs of their Cauſe, or juſtice of their Pretenſions: nor did it appear worſe, or more ſevere to the Aricians and Ardeans than to the Roman Senate. The remaining part of that Year was free from all diſturbances either at home or abroad.

DECADE I. BOOK IV. EPITOME.

1. &c. The Law concerning the Marriage of the Senators and the Commons was paſs'd by the Tribunes with great earneſtneſs, though the Senate was againſt it. 6. Tribunes of the Soldiers. The publick affairs of Rome were managed for ſome Years by this kind of Magiſtrates, both at home and abroad. 8. Cenſors alſo were then firſt made. 11. The Ardean Land which was taken from them by the Judgment of the Roman People, after a Colony had been ſent thither was reſtored to them again. 12, 13, &c. When there was a Famin at Rome, Sp. Maelius, a Roman Knight, gave the People Corn at his own charge: by which having gained the love of the People, ſo far as that it made him affect being a King, he was killed by C. Servilius Abala, Maſter of the Horſe, at the command of Quintius Cincinnatus the Dictator. 16. L. Minutius was honoured with a Monument in form of a Golden Bull. 17. The Roman Embaſſadors being murdered by the Fidenates, becauſe they died upon the account of the Commonwealth, had Statues ſet up for them before the Roſtra [a place where Orations were made.] 19. Cornelius Coſſus, Tribune of the Soldiers, having killed Tolumnius King of the Veians, got rich ſpoils a ſecond time. Manercus Aemilius the Dictator having reduced the Cenſorſhip, which uſed to be held five Years together, to an Year and half, was for that reaſon taken notice of and puniſhed by the Cenſors. 31, 34. Fidenae was taken, and a Colony ſent thither: who being all ſlain, the Fidenates revolted from the Romans, but were Conquered by Manercus Aemilius the Dictator, and Fidenae retaken. 45. The Conſpiracy of the Slaves detected. 50. Poſthumius, a Tribune of the Soldiers, was killed by the Army for his cruelty. 59. That was the firſt time that the Soldiers had their pay out of the Treaſury. 60, 61. Many exploits againſt the Volſci, the Veians, the Fidenates and the Faliſci.

AFTER them ſucceeded M. Genutius and P. Curtius, whoſe Conſulſhip was full of diſturbances U. C. 309 both at home and abroad. For in the beginning of that Year C. Canuleius a Tribune of the People, promulgated a Bill touching the Marriage of the Senate and of the Commons: by which the Senators thought their blood would be ſtained, and the priviledges of their Families confounded. Beſides which, the mention that was firſt made cautiouſly and privately by the Tribunes, about having one of the Conſuls choſen out of the Commons, proceeded at laſt ſo far, that nine of the Tribunes promulgated a Bill, That the People ſhould have Power to make Conſuls either out of the Senators, or the Commons, as they pleaſed. Which if it paſſed, they ſuppoſed, that the Sovereign Power would not only be communicated to Men of the meaneſt quality, but rather quite removed from the Nobility to the Populace. The Senators therefore were glad to hear, that the Ardeans revolted upon the ſcore of their Land which was taken away by the late Judgment; as alſo that the Veians had waſted the Roman Borders, and that the Aequi and the Volſci were offended that Verrugo was fortified: ſo much did they prefer even an unhappy War before ignominious Peace. Wherefore making more of theſe things than they really were, to the end that the Tribunes mouths might be ſtopped amidſt the noiſe of ſo many Wars, they ordered a Levy to be made, and other preparations for the War, with all ſpeed; yea, with more expedition, if it were poſſible, than when T. Quintius was Conſul. Then C. Canuleius declaring briefly in the Senate, That the Conſuls endeavoured to little purpoſe to divert the People by fears from the thoughts of new Laws; for they ſhould never make any Levy as long as he lived, before the Commons had eſtabliſhed what he and his Collegues had promulgated, immediately called an Aſſembly.

At the ſame time the Conſuls incited the Senate againſt the Tribune, and the Tribune the People againſt the Conſuls. The Conſuls ſaid, The fury of the Tribunes was now no longer ſufferable: it was come to the extremity; that there was more of a War at home than abroad; nor did that come to paſs, more by default of the People than the Senate, or of the Tribunes than the Conſuls. That whatſoever was attended with a reward in the City, that ſtill encreaſed moſt: that by that means Men were made good both in Peace and War: that at Rome the reward of Sedition was the greateſt; for that brought a general and a particular Honour to every Man concerned in it. That they would remember what Dignity they had received, as Senators, from their Fathers, and then conſider, what they were they were like to leave to their poſterity; whether they ſhould be able to boaſt, as the Commons could, that they had increaſed and amplified their Authority. He therefore told them, there would be no end on't, as long as the Authors of Sedition were made as honourable as their deſigns ſucceſsful. What great alterations did C. Canuleius attempt? a confuſion in Families, and in all auſpicies both publick and private; leſt there ſhould any thing remain that were free from mixture or corruption: that all diſcriminations being removed, no man may know either himſelf or his relations: for what other end could promiſcuous Marriages have, but to make the Senate and the Commons mix with each other almoſt as Beaſts do? ſo that he that is born ſhall not know of what blood he is, or what holy Rites he ought to perform, but be half Senator and half Plebeian, divided, as it were, in his very nature. They did not ſee, that all things both Divine and Human were like to be put into diſorder: That now the diſturbers of the People were aiming at the Conſulate; and firſt of all had attempted, in words at leaſt, to make one of the Conſuls be choſen out of the Commons: but now deſired, that the People might chuſe the Conſuls out of the Senators or the Commons, as they thought fit: and every ſeditious perſon would be ſure to make them out of the Populace. That then they ſhould have Canulciuses and Iciliuses made Conſuls; but Jupiter forbid, that the Sovereign Power ſhould fall into ſuch hands: and that he would die a thouſand deaths rather than they ſhould permit ſo diſhonourable a thing to be done. He was ſure, that if their Anceſtors had foreſeen, that by granting what they did, they ſhould have made the People not more tractable toward them, but ſo much the rougher, and ſtill craving one thing after another without any reaſon or equity, they would have undergone any hazard whatſoever, rather than have ſuffered thoſe Laws to be impoſed upon them. Becauſe they then granted the People a power to chuſe Tribunes, muſt it be granted a ſecond time? That there could be no end of their diſturbances, 'till either the Senators or the People were removed out of that City; either this Order or that Magiſtracy muſt away, and it were better late than never to obviate their boldneſs and temerity. Are ſuch Men to be endured who firſt of all ſowing diſcord cauſe a War with our Neighbour Nations, and then hinder the City from taking up Arms, and defending it ſelf againſt thoſe Enemies whom they have raiſed? yea, when they themſelves have as good as ſent for an Enemy, that they ſhould not ſuffer an Army to be Levied againſt him? But that Canuleius ſhould dare to declare in the Senate, that unleſs that Houſe would receive his Laws, as if he were a Conqueror, he would obſtruct the Levy; What is this elſe but to threaten that he would betray his Country? that he would ſuffer it to be attacked and taken? What courage will ſuch a declaration put (not into the Roman People, but) into the Volſci, the Aequi, and the Veians? Will not they hope, that under the Conduct of Canuleius, they ſhall ſcale the Caſtle and the Capitol, if the Tribunes who have bereft the Senate of all its rights and authority, take from them their Courage and Reſolution too? But nevertheleſs that the Conſuls were ready to engage againſt the enormities of their fellow Citizens, ſooner than againſt the Arms of their Enemies.

Whilſt theſe things were hotly debated in the Senate, Canuleius ſpoke for his own Laws, and againſt the Conſuls, to this effect:

Romans! I have often told you heretofore how the Senate contemn you, and how unworthy they thought you to live within the ſame Walls with them: but now they ſeem to do ſo more than ever, in being ſo mightily offended at my Propoſals; in which what do I do other than put them in mind that we are their fellow Citizens, and though we have not the ſame quantity of riches, yet live in the ſame Country? By the one of my Bills, I deſire an Intermarriage; which is uſually granted to Neighbouring and Foreign Nations: nay, we gave the freedom of the City (which is more than an Intermarriage) even to Enemies that we had Conquered. By the other I propoſe no new thing, but only demand back and would vindicate that which is the Peoples Right; to wit, that the Roman People may confer honours upon whom they will. Why muſt the Laws needs put all things into confuſion? Why had I like juſt now to have been ſet upon in the Senate? Why don't they tell us plainly they will not forbear any longer, but will violate the ſacred Power of the Tribunes? Cannot this City ſtand, though the Roman People have their Votes free, to give the Conſulſhip to whom they pleaſe; or, unleſs a Plebeian, though he be worthy of the greateſt honour, be cut off from all hopes of ever enjoying it? Is the Government ruined? Why then to ſay, Can a Plebeian be Conſul, is as much as if a Man ſhould ſay, Can a Slave or one made free, that was a Slave, be in that Office. Are you ſenſible in what contempt you live? If they could they would deprive you of half the Sun's light: they are mad that you breath, that you ſpeak, or that you have the ſhapes of Men: and then (good Gentlemen!) they ſay 'tis an horrid thing for a Plebeian to be made a Conſul. I pray you, Gentlemen! conſider: though we are not admitted to the Regiſters and Commentaries of the High-prieſts, yet we know what even all Foreigners are not unacquainted with, That Conſuls ſucceeded in the room of Kings: and that they have no right or authority, but what was in the Kings before. Do you believe that Numa Pompilius, who was not only no Patrician, but not ſo much as a Roman Citizen, was ſent for out of the Sabine Territories and Reigned at Rome, by the Order of the People, and conſent of the Senate? That after him, L. Tarquinius, who came not only not of a Roman, but not ſo much as of any Italian Race (being the Son of Demaratus a Corinthian, and an inhabitant of Tarquinii) was made King, whilſt Ancus's Children were alive? That Servius Tullius after him, born of a Corniculan Captive, having no Father, and a Slave to his Mother, gained and kept the Kingdom by his Policy and Courage? What ſhould I ſpeak of Titus Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himſelf, the Father of this City, made his Co-partner in the Kingdom? By which means, whilſt no ſtock of Men was deſpiſed, in whom there appeared any eminent virtue, the Roman Empire grew. Now ſee if you can think ſo ill of Plebeian Conſuls, when our Forefathers did not refuſe even Foreign Kings: nor was the City ſhut, even when the Kings were expelled, againſt the virtue of ſtrangers. We received the Claudian Family, after the Kings were baniſhed out of the Sabine Country, not only into the City, but alſo into the number of the Patricians. Now ſhall a ſtranger be made a Patrician, and then a Conſul? yet a Roman Citizen, if he be a Plebeian, be cut off from all hopes of ever coming to that honour? Do we not think it poſſible, that a ſtout brave Man, who has behaved himſelf well both in Peace and War, though he be a Plebeian, may be like Numa, L. Tarquinius, or Serv. Tullius? Or, if he be, ſhall not we ſuffer him to riſe to the honour of managing the Commonwealth? and rather chooſe to have Conſuls like thoſe Villains, the Decemviri, who were all made out of the Senate, than like the beſt of Kings, who were ſtrangers?

But no Conſul, ſay they, was ever choſen out of the Commons ſince the Kings were expelled. What then? May no new thing be ever done? or ought what has never yet been done (as many things there are, that among us, who are but a new People, were never yet done) not to be now done, if it be for publick good? There were no Pontifices [or High-Prieſts] and Augurs in Romulus's time: but they were created by Numa Pompilius. There was no Pole or Rate in the City, nor any diviſion made of it into Centuries and Claſſes: but it was made by Servius Tullius. There had never been any Conſuls; but when the Kings were baniſhed, they were created. There never had been any ſuch thing known as either the Authority or the Name of a Dictator: but the Senate were the Authors of both. There were once no Tribunes of the People, no Aediles, or Queſtors: but they were thought fit to be made. We created a ſort of Officers called Decemviri to make Laws, and aboliſhed their Authority again within theſe ten Years. Who queſtions, but in this City, which was built for an everlaſting Duration, and ſhall grow up to an infinite extent of Empire, new Honours, Prieſthoods, with rites of Families, and Men may be invented and ordeined? Did not the Decemviri make that Law, that the Senators ſhould not intermarry with the Plebeians, ſome few years ago, to the diſadvantage of the Commonwealth in general, and the great damage of the Populace in particular? Can there be any greater, or more ſignal diſgrace, than for one part of the City, as though it were polluted, to be held unworthy of intermarrying with the other? What is this but being baniſhed within the ſame Walls? leſt we ſhould be mingled among them by way of affinity or relation. They are afraid to be allied in blood: What? If this pollutes your Nobility, which moſt of you, who are deſcended from the Albines and the Sabines, have not by birth or blood but by being choſen into the Senate, either by the Kings, or after their expulſion, by the Order of the People; could not you keep it clear by your own private reſolutions, neither to marry any Plebeian, nor to let your Daughters or Siſters marry out of the rank of Senators? No Plebeian would offer violence to any Patrician Virgin: the Patricians are the luſtful Perſons. No Plebeian would have compelled any Man to make a Marriage compact againſt his will. Oh! but there's a Law againſt the Marriage of Senators with Plebeians. And that is a great diſparagement to the People: For why don't you make another Law, that rich Men ſhall not marry into poor Families? For that which was always at the choice of private Perſons; that a Woman might be married, wherever ſhe got a good Husband, and a Man take any Woman that he liked, out of any Family, for his Wife; you have reſtrained by the obligations of a tyranical Law, whereby you divide all civil Society, and make this City two inſtead of one. Why don't you make a Law, that no Plebeian ſhall live near a Patrician? that he ſhall not Travel the ſame Road? that he ſhall not go to the ſame Feaſt? that he ſhall not ſtand in the ſame Forum? For what is there elſe in the caſe, if a Plebeian marries a Patrician? or a Patrician a Plebeian? What Priviledg, I pray, is changed? The Children follow their Father; nor is it any thing that we deſire by marrying with you, ſave that we may be reckoned among the number of Men, and their fellow Citizens: nor do you (unleſs you take delight to promote our diſgrace and ignominy) contend for any thing at all.

In fine, is the ſovereign Power in the Roman People or in you? When the Kings were expelled, did you only gain Dominion, or the whole Commonwealth an equal Liberty? 'Tis fit the Roman, if they pleaſe, ſhould make a Law. Shall you, aſſoon as any Bill is propoſed, ſtreight order a Levy as a penalty for ſo doing? And when I, as Tribune, begin to call the Tribes to Vote, will you, as Conſul, give the young Men a Military Oath, and lead them forth into a Camp? Will you threaten the People and the Tribunes? What have you found by experiment, if not this (twice over) how much your menaces prevailed againſt the conſent of the Commons? Good Men! you kept from mutinying, becauſe you conſulted our good. Or rather, did you not therefore abſtein from quarreling, becauſe that Party which was the ſtronger was alſo the more moderate? But you are not like, even now, neither, Romans! to ſee any violence offered by the People: they will try what your inclinations are; they will not try your ſtrength. Wherefore the People, Conſuls! is ready to follow you to thoſe Wars, whether falſe or real, if by admitting them to make intermarriages you do unite this City; if they be joyned, allied, and mixed among you by private Relations: if ſtout and brave Men may hope to have the way to Honours open: to be Sharers and Partners in the Commonwealth: if (which is but the effect of equal Liberty) they may mutually Obey and Command in regard to annual Offices. If any one ſhall obſtruct theſe things; make Speeches, and prate of as many Wars as you will, no Man will give in his Name, or take up Arms, to fight for Tyrants, with whom they have no ſhare, either in the Commonwealth, of Honours, or in their private capacities of Matrimonial Alliance.

Then the Conſuls alſo coming into the Aſſembly, the buſineſs was altered from long harangues to wrangling; ſo that when the Tribune asked, Why a Plebeian might not be made a Conſul? the Conſul replied, though truly, perhaps, yet not ſo ſeaſonably for the preſent purpoſe; Becauſe no Plebeian had any thing to do with the auſpicies: and that therefore the Decemviri took away the priviledg of marrying where the People pleaſed, leſt the auſpicies ſhould be confounded by an uncertain breed of Men. At that the People were much enraged, that they ſhould be denied the uſe of auſpicies, as if they had been hated by the gods: nor was there any end of their contentions (the Commons having got a vehement Tribune on their ſide, whom they themſelves alſo endeavoured to out-vie in reſolution) 'till the Senators were over-power'd, and fain to ſubmit to the making of the Law touching intermarriages: for by that means they thought the Tribunes would either totally lay down the Controverſie concerning Plebeian Conſuls, or defer it 'till the War was over, and that the People, being content in the mean time with marrying into Patrician Families, would be ready for the Levy. But now ſince Canuleius was grown ſo great by having overcome the Senate, and in the favour of the People, the other Tribunes were as eager to engage in the ſame quarrel, and contended very ſtifly for the paſſing of their Bill: inſomuch that though the noiſe of a War increaſed every day, they obſtructed the Levy. The Conſuls therefore, ſeeing they could do nothing in the Senate, now that the Tribunes interpoſed, had Cabals of the Nobility at home: wherein it was evident, that they muſt give up their Victory either to the Enemy or the People. Valerius and Horatius were the only two, who were not at thoſe Conſults. C. Claudius's opinion armed the Conſuls againſt the Tribunes: but the ſeveral judgments of the Quintii, Cincinnatus and Capitolinus were mighty averſe from ſlaughter, or violating thoſe Officers whom by a League made with the People they had accepted of as ſacred. By theſe conſultations the buſineſs was brought to that paſs, that they would ſuffer Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority to be promiſcuouſly made out of the Senators and the Commons: though nothing ſhould be altered in the choice of Conſuls: with which the Tribunes and the People too were all content. Thereupon an Aſſembly was appointed for the chuſing of three Tribunes, who ſhould be of Conſular Authority: which was no ſooner done, but all thoſe Perſons, who had either ſaid or done any thing tending to Sedition, (eſpecially ſuch as were of the Tribunes Party) began to run about the Forum and beg Peoples Votes, as Candidates for the new Office. In which affair, though the Patricians firſt deſpaired, ſeeing the People were ſo provoked, of gaining that Honour, and ſecondly thought it below them to bear any Office in Partnerſhip with the Commons, yet at length being forced to it they did apply themſelves to the Nobility; leſt they might ſeem to quit the poſſeſſion of the Commonwealth. But the Reſult of that Aſſembly demonſtrated, that Mens minds are very different, when they contend for Liberty or Honour, from what they are when they have laid aſide all animoſities and freed themſelves from prejudice: for the People choſe all the Tribunes out of the Patricians, being content with that reſpect which had before been ſhewn to Plebeians. Where can you find, at this day, that moderation, equity and heighth of mind in one ſingle Man, that then was in all the People together?

In the Year 310. after the Building of Rome, the Tribunes of the Soldiers firſt entered U. C. 310 upon their Office in the room of Conſuls, their names being A. Sempronius, L. Attilius, and T. Caecilius, in whoſe time Concord at home procured Peace abroad alſo. There are ſome that ſay, theſe three Tribunes were created upon neceſſity; for that the Veians as well as the Aequi and the Volſci made War againſt the Romans, at the ſame time that the Ardeans Revolted from them; and ſo two Conſuls were not able to manage ſo many Wars (without any mention of a Law being promulgated for the chuſing of Conſuls out of the Commons) and likewiſe that they had both the Authority and Enſigns of Conſuls. But yet the Power of that Magiſtracy was not of long continuance; for the third Month after they entered upon their Office, they, by the Augurs Decree, as if they had been irregularly made, laid down their Honour; and the reaſon was, becauſe C. Curiatius, who was Preſident of the Aſſemly, had not taken the Tent as he ought to have done. Then Embaſſadors came from the Ardeans to Rome, making ſuch a complaint concerning the injury done them, that if they had redreſs in that point, it was manifeſt they would, upon the reſtoration of their Land, ſtand to their League, and continue in friendſhip with the Romans. But the Senate told them, The judgment of the People could not be reſcinded by the Senate, not only becauſe they had no right or example ſo to do, but alſo upon the ſcore of preſerving that Concord which now was between the ſeveral ranks of Men. If the Ardeans would ſtay 'till they had an opportunity, and would leave the method of redreſſing that injury to the Senate, they ſhould not, in time, repent that they had checked their paſſion; but ſhould alſo be convinced, that the Senate took as much care to prevent any injury •• at might be done to them, as to repair it when it was offered. So the Embaſſadors, telling the Senate they would relate the whole matter to their Maſters at Ardea, were kindly diſmiſſed. Then the Patricians, ſeeing the Commonwealth was without a chief Magiſtrate, met, and created an Interrex: before whom the Debate, whether they ſhould chuſe Conſuls or Tribunes Military, laſted for ſeveral days. The Interrex and the Senate contended for a Conſular Aſſembly; but the Tribunes of the People, and the People, would needs have an Aſſembly for the chuſing of Tribunes Military. At laſt the Senate carried it, becauſe not only the People, who were reſolved to confer either one or the other Honour upon Patricians, would ſtrive no longer to no purpoſe; but the heads alſo of the Commons were moſt deſirous of ſuch an Aſſembly, in which they ſhould not be at all regarded, thn where they might be paſs'd by as unworthy: yea, the Tribunes of the People too would ſtickle no more in complaiſance to the Nobility. Thereupon T. Quintius Barbatus the Interrex created two Conſuls, whoſe names were L. Papirius Mugilanus, and L. Sempronius Atratinus. In whoſe time the League was renewed with the Ardeans: and upon them there is this remark, that their names who were Conſuls that Year, are not found either in the ancient Annals or in the Books of the Magiſtrates: of which I ſuppoſe the reaſon to be, becauſe the Tribunes Military governed at the beginning of the Year, and therefore the names of theſe Conſuls, who were made in their room, were omitted, as if thoſe Tribunes had continued the whole Year round. But Licinius Macer tells us that they were to be found in the Ardean League, and in the Linnen Books which lay in the Temple of Juno Moneta. In their time alſo, though ſo many terrors appeared from the neighbouring Countries, there was Peace both abroad and at home.

This Year (whether it had Tribunes only or Conſuls alſo put in the room of thoſe Tribunes) U. C. 311 was attended by another, in which the Conſuls names were well known, being M. Geganius Macerinus a ſecond time, and T. Quintius Capitolinus a fifth time. This Yeas was likewiſe the beginning of the Cenſorſhip; a thing, which though it ſprang from a ſmall original, yet afterward increaſed to ſuch a degree, that the regulation of Manners and Diſcipline among the Romans was ſubject to it; the Senate and the Centuries of Knights, the Power diſtinguiſhing between decency and undecency was within the juriſdiction of that Magiſtrate; yea, the ordering of all places both publick and private, and the Cuſtoms or Tribute of the Roman People were at the diſpoſal and in the hands of that Officer. Now the firſt reaſon, why Cenſors were made, was, becauſe the People having been Unpolled, or Rated for ſo many Years, that buſineſs could neither be deferred, nor had the Conſuls leiſure to mind it, they had ſo many Wars to provide againſt. Thereupon the Senate ſaid, It being a troubleſome buſineſs, and unbefitting the Dignity of a Conſul, it ought to have a Magiſtrate peculiar to it; who ſhould have Clerks under him, together with the keeping and making the Tables of Rates, as well as power to preſcribe the form of every particular Mans Pole. The Senators gladly received the propoſal, though it was a ſmall matter, becauſe it increaſed the number of Patrician Magiſtrates in the Commonwealth: ſuppoſing alſo, I ſuppoſe, (what afterward came to paſs) that in a ſhort time the riches of thoſe that ſhould bear that Office, would make an addition of State and Majeſty to the honour it ſelf. The Tribunes alſo (conſidering the preſent circumſtances) look'd upon it to be neceſſary rather than a ſpecious piece of ſervice, and therefore, leſt they ſhould ſeem to thwart the Senate in ſuch ſmall things, were willing to comply. Since therefore this dignity was ſlighted by the chief of the City, the People Voted, that Papirius and Sempronius, whoſe Conſulate occaſioned ſome diſpute, ſhould make up their Year in that Office of Cenſorſhip; being called Cenſores, à cenſendo [i. e. from Taxing the People, &c.]

Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted at Rome, Embaſſadors came from Ardea, deſiring the Romans for old Alliance-ſake, and the late League renewed between them, to ſend aid to their City which was almoſt ruined: for they could not enjoy that Peace which they had wiſely preſerved with the Roman People, for their inteſtine broils, the original of which, is ſaid to be the difference between ſeveral Factions, which always have been, and ſtill will prove more fatal to many People than Foreign Wars, than Famin or Diſeaſes, or any other thing, that men aſcribe to the wrath of Heaven, as the moſt deplorable of all publick calamities. Two young Men made love to a Damſel of the Plebeian rank, who was very beautiful: the one of them being of the ſame quality with her, and relying upon his Guardians, who themſelves alſo were of the ſame condition: the other, being a Nobleman, was taken with nothing but her beauty only. Him therefore the Nobility aſſiſted ſo far, that both the Rivals came a Wooing to her at the ſame time. But the Noble Youth prevailed upon the judgment of her Mother, who had a mind to have her Daughter married into a great Family: whilſt the Guardians ſtickled all they could for their Pupil; being in that alſo mindful of their priviledges, as Plebeians. At length, ſeeing the matter could not be determined within thoſe Walls, they went to Law about it: where when the Mother and the Guardians had been heard, the Magiſtrates gave it as their opinions, that the Mother might diſpoſe of her Daughter in Marriage as ſhe pleaſed. But force was above Law; for the Guardians complaining openly in the Market-place, among People of their own Quality and Party, of the injuſtice of the Decree, got a Band together, and forced the Maid out of her Mothers Houſe: againſt whom a ſtronger company of Noble Youths riſing up in Arms followed the young Man, who was much concerned at the indignity, and occaſioned a fierce encounter. In which the populace having the worſt on it, went, nothing like the Roman Commonalty, out of the City Armed, and having poſſeſſed themſelves of a certain Hill, made excurſions into the Lands belonging to the Nobility with Fire and Sword: yea, they prepared to Beſiege the City alſo, and the rich Citizens that had been concerned on neither ſide, calling out all the Mechanicks, in hopes of Plunder, to aſſiſt them. And now the face of War and Slaughter appeared in all its ſhapes, the City being as it were infected with the madneſs of two young fellows, that contended for a fatal Marriage through the ruin of their Country. Each Party had but a ſmall force either at home or abroad; wherefore the Noble Men ſent to the Romans to come and relieve their Beſieged City, whilſt the Commonalty inſtigated the Volſci to help them in the taking of Ardea. The Volſci came firſt under the Conduct of Cluilius, and made a Rampire againſt the Enemies Walls. Which being told at Rome, immediately M. Geganius, the Conſul marching forth with an Army, pitched his Camp three thouſand paces from the Enemy, and being it was late in the day, bid his Soldiers refreſh themſelves. After which, about the fourth Watch he marched forth; and the Work which he began was carried on with ſuch ſpeed, that at Sun-riſing the Volſci ſaw themſelves encloſed by the Romans with a ſtronger Bulwark than that which they had made againſt the City: the Conſul having alſo made a Line of Communication up to the Wall of Ardea, whereby his friends might come to him out of the Town.

The Volſcian General who had to that day maintained his Men not with Proviſions prepared before-hand, but with Forage and Plunder that he took out of the Country for his preſent occaſion; ſeeing himſelf encompaſſed on a ſudden with ſuch a Mound, and being unprovided of all neceſſaries, deſired the Conſul to let him ſpeak with him, and told him, That if the Romans came to raiſe that Siege, he would draw the Volſcians off from thence; to which the Conſul anſwered, That thoſe who were Conquered ought to take, not to make Conditions of Peace; nor ſhould the Volſcians go away as they came to oppoſe the Allies of Rome, at their own pleaſure: but he commanded them to ſurrender their General, lay down their Arms, confeſs themſelves Conquered, and obey his Commands: otherwiſe both thoſe that went away, and thoſe that ſtayed there too ſhould find him ſuch an Enemy as would rather carry back to Rome a Victory over the Volſci, than an unfaithful Peace. The Volſcians therefore put little truſt in their Arms, and having found that all other means were quite cut off, engaged, beſides other inconveniencies, in a place which was very incommodious to fight in, and worſe to run away from: by which means, being killed on every ſide, they turned from fighting to praying; and having delivered up their General, together with their Arms, underwent the diſgraceful ceremony of being made Captives of War by going under a Gallows made of three Javelins, and then with one Garment on their backs were diſmiſſed, after they had ſuffered ſo much ignominy, and loſt ſo many of their Men. And ſoon after, as they ſate down together not far from the City Tuſculum, being unarmed, they were ſet upon and ſuffered for an old grudg between them and the Tuſculans, inſomuch that there were hardly two Men left to carry the news of their ſlaughter. The Roman Conſul in the mean time compoſed the Ardean Sedition, Beheading the Ringleaders of it, and Confiſcating their Goods into the publick Treaſury of that City. Then the Ardeans were of opinion that the Romans had made them full ſatisfaction for the injury which was done them in the judgment concerning the Land; but the Senate thought they ought to do ſomething more ſtill to obliterate the remembrance of ſuch a publick piece of avarice. The Conſul therefore came back with Triumph into the City, Cluilius the Volſcian General being led before his Chariot, and the ſpoils too carried before, of which he had diſarmed the Enemies Forces, when he made them paſs under the Jujum or Gallows. Mean while Quintius in his Gown (which is not eaſie) equalled the Glory of his Collegues in Arms. For he took ſuch care at home to preſerve Concord, by moderating the Laws in reſpect both to the higheſt and the loweſt, that the Senate thought him a ſevere Conſul, and the Commons believed him mild enough. He likewiſe gained more upon the Tribunes by his Gravity and Authority, than by contending with them. In fine, five Conſulſhips managed all after the ſame rate, and all his life having been ſpent in the affairs belonging to the Conſuls made him full as venerable as the Dignity he bore: for which reaſon there was no talk of the Tribunes Military in the time of theſe Conſuls.

The next Year they choſe for Conſuls M. Fabius Vibulanus, and Poſtumus Aebutius Cornicen; U. C. 312 who conſidering they ſucceeded two ſuch Men that had gained ſo much honour by their Conduct both at home and abroad (but eſpecially, that their Year was very memorable among their Neighbours, whether Allies or Enemies, for the great care that they had taken to relieve the Ardeans in their neceſſity) they endeavoured ſo much the more ſtudiouſly to raze the memory of that infamous Judgment out of the minds of Men, by making an Order of Senate. That ſeeing the City of Ardea was reduced by their inteſtine tumults to a ſmall number, there ſhould a Colony be ſent thither as a Guard againſt the Volſcians. This was ſet up in Tables publickly, to conceal the deſign they had of reſcinding the Judgment from the People and the Tribunes. For they had agreed, that a far greater number of the old Rutilian Colony, than of the Romans, ſhould be taken in, and that no Lands ſhould be divided among them, but what had been taken away by that infamous Judgment, of which no one Clod ſhould be aſſigned to any Roman, before all the Rutulians were ſerved. Thus their Land came again into the hands of the Ardeans. The three that were appointed to carry the Colony to Ardea, were Agrippa Menenius, T. Claelius Siculus, and M. Ebucius Aelua; who, having offended the People in acting ſo much againſt their minds, when they aſſigned that Land to their Allies, which the Romans had judged to be their own; and having likewiſe diſobliged the chief Senators in not ſhewing any extraordinary reſpect to e're an one of them, were fain to ſtay in that Colony, which could teſtifie for their Integrity and Juſtice, to avoid vexatious Accuſations at Rome, where the Tribunes had appointed a Day for their Tryal.

There was Peace both at home and abroad all this and the following Year, in which C. U. C. 313 F. Pacilus, and M. Papirius Craſſus were Conſuls. Then the Games which the Decemviri, in the time of the Peoples ſeceſſion from the Senate, had deſigned, were performed. Petilius ſought to move ſedition, but in vain; for though when he was Tribune of the People, he declared the very ſame things again, he could not only not get the Conſuls to leave the matter, touching the diviſion of Lands among the Commons, to the Senate; but beſides that, when he had with much ado obtained that the Senate might be Conſulted, whether they would have any Aſſemblies for Conſuls or Tribunes, there was an Order made for the chuſing of Conſuls: ſo that they ſlighted the Tribunes menaces, when he threatened to hinder the Levy; for their Neighbours being all at quiet, there was no need of War or any Preparations for U. C. 314 it. But after this calm ſeaſon of Affairs, there came an Year (in which Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus were Conſuls) remarkable for many ſorts of death and dangers; for Seditions, Famin, and the Peoples receiving almoſt the yoke of Kingly Government upon their necks through the ſweetneſs of a bounteous largeſs made among them: There wanted only a Foreign, with which if they had been oppreſſed, they could hardly have withſtood, though all the gods in Heaven had taken part with them. Their Calamities began with a Famin (whether the Year was unſeaſonable, or that the People, allured with the pleaſure of being at Aſſemblies and in the City, had neglected the manuring of their Land, I know not; for both cauſes are aſſigned) for which the Senate accuſed the Commons as ſlothful, and the Tribunes of the People blamed ſometimes the knavery and ſometimes the negligence of the Conſuls. At laſt the Commons prevailed, with the Senates conſent too, that L. Minucius ſhould be made Prefect of the Proviſions, who was more likely to be ſucceſsful in that Office as to the preſervation of his Liberty, than diligent in his buſineſs: though at laſt he was much beloved and honoured (as he deſerved) for the Proviſions which he raiſed. He therefore, after many Embaſſies had been ſent round about to the neighbouring Nations, both by Sea and Land, but all in vain (ſave that ſome ſmall quantity of Corn was brought out of Etruria) having got no conſiderable quantity of Proviſions together, and being reduced to an extremity, did, by compelling People to produce their Corn, and ſell what remained above enough for a Month; as likewiſe by defrauding Servants of ſome part of their days allowance, accuſing and expoſing the Corn-Merchants to the fury of the People, rather diſcover than relieve their want, many of the Common People being now without all hopes, rather than live in Torment, threw themſelves headlong into the Tiber.

Then Sp. Maelius, a very rich Man, of the Knightly Order, as the City then was, began a buſineſs, which though it were to publick advantage, was of very ill example, and a worſe deſign. For he having bought Corn in Etruria with his own Mony, by means of his Acquaintance and Clients (which very thing, I believe, was the cauſe why they could not buy Proviſions at the publick Charge) began to make largeſſes of it among the People; whom he drew after him wherever he went, with much more vanity and pride than became a private Perſon; they being pleaſed with his gifts, for which they promiſed him, through their favour, he ſhould be Conſul. But he, as Mans mind is never ſatisfied with what Fortune promiſes, was ambitious of higher things, that were not to be allowed of; and therefore, ſeeing the Conſulſhip muſt be wreſted from the Senators, began to conſult of his being King: for that he thought was the only reward that could requite all that trouble and pains, which he muſt undergo before he attained even to a Conſulſhip. And now the Conſular Aſſembly was at hand; which, ſince his deſigns were not yet ripe for execution, deſtroyed his enterpriſe. For T. Quintius U. C. 315 Capitolinus was the ſixth time made Conſul, who was a Perſon very unlikely to favour one that would make any innovation; and his Collegue was Agrippa Menenius, Surnamed Lanatus; L. Minucius being Prefect of the Proviſions: who whether he were newly created again, or at firſt made for an uncertain time, as long as occaſion required is not known, there being no evidence of it, but his name, as Prefect, put in the Linnen Books among the Magiſtrates both Years. This Minucius taking the ſame care of the Commonwealth, as Maelius privately had undertaken to do, ſince there were the ſame ſort of Men in both their Houſes, diſcovering the matter, told the Senate, That there were Arms carried into Maelius's Houſe, and that he had Meetings at home, which without doubt were Conſults how to gain a Crown: that the time for execution was not yet come, but all things elſe were agreed on. That the Tribunes alſo were bribed to betray their Liberty; as likewiſe that the ſeveral Commiſſions were given to thoſe that ſhould head the Multitude. That he came to tell them ſomewhat later, than was conſiſtent with their ſafety, leſt he ſhould have informed them of what he did not know to be certainly true. Which when they heard, the chief of the Senate did not only chide the laſt Years Conſuls for ſuffering ſuch largeſſes or conventions of the People to be in any private Houſe, but blamed the new Conſuls alſo, for tarrying 'till the Prefect of the Proviſions came and informed the Senate of a thing ſo weighty, which might require a Conſul, not only for its detector, but revenger too. Then T. Quintius told them, The Conſuls were not at all to blame; who being bound up by Laws that were made concerning Liberty of Appeal in order to diſſolve Authority, had not ſo much ſtrength in their Office as they had Courage to revenge that audacious attempt according to the heinouſneſs of it: that would require not only a ſtout Man, but alſo one that were free and diſengaged from the fetters of Law. Wherefore he would make L. Quintius Dictator; for he had a ſoul equal to that great Authority. Thereupon when they all approved of the propoſal, Quintius at firſt refuſed it; and asked them, What they meant to expoſe ſuch an old Man as he was to ſo much difficulty and danger? But ſoon after, when they all around him cried out, that there was more Policy and Courage too in that old Soul of his than in all the reſt that were there; commending him as he deſerved, whilſt the Conſul continued of the ſame mind, Cincinnatus having made his ſupplication to the gods, that his old Age might not prove either a damage, or diſhonour to the Commonwealth in ſuch dangerous circumſtances, was declared Dictator by the Conſul; and made C. Servilius Ahala Magiſter of the Horſe.

The next day having planted Guards in ſeveral places, he came down into the Forum, where the People ſtared upon him as a new and wonderful ſight: the Maelians, and their Leader, ſaw the force of that great Authority deſigned againſt them: thoſe that knew nothing of a deſign to make Maelius King, asked, What Tumults, what ſudden War required a Dictator, or Quintius to be Governour of the Commonwealth when he was above eighty years of Age; whilſt in the mean time Servilius, Maſter of the Horſe, being ſent to Maelius by the Dictator, told him, The Dictator would ſpeak with you: to which he in a fear replying, What would he have with me? Servilius anſwered, You muſt make your defence againſt Minucius, who hath accuſed you before the Senate. Whereupon Maelius retired into the crowd of his followers, and firſt, looking about him, was very unwilling to move; but at laſt the Apparitor [or Serjeant] dragging him along by the Order of the Maſter of the Horſe, he was reſcued by thoſe that ſtood about him, and running away, implored the favour of the Roman People: ſaying, He was oppreſſed by conſent of the Senate, for having been kind to the Commonalty; and deſiring, that they would aſſiſt him now in his laſt extremity, nor ſuffer him to be murdered before their eyes. As he bawled out to this effect, Ahala Servilius overtook him and ſlew him: by which means, being beſpattered with the blood of the Party ſlain, and guarded with a Company of Patrician young Men, he carried the news to the Dictator; that Maelius, who when he was ſummoned to come before him, had repelled the Serjeant and raiſed the Multitude upon them, had what he deſerved: upon which the Dictator ſaid, Go and proſper, C. Servilius! in thy Courage, now thou haſt freed the Commonwealth.

Thereupon ſeeing the Multitude in a Tumult, becauſe they were divided in their opinions of the matter, he ordered an Aſſembly to be called, in which he told them, That Maelius was juſtly ſlain, though he were not guilty of a Deſign to be King, for not coming to the Dictator when the Maſter of the Horſe called him; for he was then ſitting to hear the Cauſe; which when he had examined, Maelius ſhould have had as much favour as the caſe would have born. That he who made what reſiſtance he could rather than ſubmit to the Law, was reſtrained by violence; nor ought a Magiſtrate to have dealt with him like a fellow Citizen, who though he were born among a free People, among Laws and Priviledges, in a City, from whence he knew all Kings were baniſhed; and where, the ſame Year, the Sons of a Kings Siſter, and of the Conſul that delivered his Country, were Beheaded with an Ax for a Plot in which they were known to be engaged, for bringing in of the Kings again: a City, from whence Collatinus Tarquinius the Conſul, out of hatred to the name, was forced to quit his Office, and go into baniſhment: a City, in which Sp. Caſſius ſuffered after ſome Years for a deſign he had to be King: a City, in which of late the Decemviri were amerced in all their Eſtates, and puniſhed with Exile or Death for their Kingly pride. He, I ſay, ſhould not have been dealt with like a fellow Citizen, that would hope, as Sp. Maelius did, to make himſelf King. And pray what a Man is he? that he ſhould aſpire to Dominion without any Nobility of birth, any honours or deſerts. For though the Claudii and the Caſſii were high-minded, they had the Conſulſhips, the Decemvirates, and other honours of their Anceſtors and the ſplendor of their Families to brag of, ſo that it was no fault in them. But that Sp. Maelius, who ſhould rather wiſh, than hope, to be Tribune of the People, who was only a rich Corn-Merchant ſhould hope to buy the Liberty of his fellow Citizens for two pounds of Wheat apiece, or ſhould think that by giving them a meals Meat he could wheedle a People into ſlavery, who had conquered all their neighbour Nations; or that the City ſhould ſuffer him to be King, whom they could ſcarce find in their hearts to make a Senator, and to have all the Enſigns of State and all that Power which Romulus their Founder, who was deſcended from the gods, but now was one of their number, had, was not more wicked than monſtrous. Nor was it enough that he atoned f • r it with his blood, except his Houſe too were demoliſhed, in which ſo much madneſs was conceived; and his Goods, that were infected with the Deſign of their being the price of a Kingdom, all confiſcated. Wherefore he ordered the Queſtors to ſell thoſe Goods, and put them into the publick Treaſury.

Then he commanded his Houſe, that the place where it ſtood might be a monument of the fruſtration of his wicked purpoſe, to be immediately Demoliſhed; and the ſpace was called Aequimelium. L. Minucius was honoured with a figure of a Golden Bull, without the Gate called Porta Trigemina; nor were the People unwilling to have it ſo, becauſe he divided Maelius's Corn amongſt them at an As [i. e. a Buſhel.] I find in ſome Authors, that this ſame Minucius went over from the Senate to the People, being made the eleventh Tribune of the Commons, and appeaſed the Sedition cauſed by the death of Maelius. But it is ſcarce credible, that the Senate ſuffered the number of the Tribunes to be augmented; or that ſuch an example ſhould be introduced by a Patrician eſpecially. Nor is it likely that the People ever obtained ſuch a Priviledg, or ſo much as ſtickled for it. But, above all, it is plainly confuted by a Law that paſs'd ſome few years before; That the Tribunes ſhould not have the power to take in any Collegue above their juſt number. Q. Caecilius, Q. Junius, and Sext. Titinnius were the ſole Perſons of all the College of Tribunes, that did not favour the Law touching Minucius's honour, but accuſed, one while Minucius, and another while Servilius, before the People, complaining perpetually of the foul murder of Maelius. By which means they brought it to paſs, that an Aſſembly ſhould be held for the chuſing of Tribunes Military rather than Conſuls; not doubting but, ſince there were ſix to be choſen (for that was now their legal number) ſome Plebeians, that ſhould profeſs themſelves revengers of Maelius's death, would be elected. The Commons though, that Year, they were diſturbed with many and various Commotions, created no more than three Tribunes with power Conſular; U. C. 316 among whom was L. Quintius, Cincinnatus's Son; from the envy of whoſe Dictatorſhip they ſought an occaſion to raiſe a Tumult: but Mamercus Aemilius, a Man of great Quality, was choſen before Quintius, and L. Junius was the third.

In the time of their Magiſtracy, Fidenae, a Roman Colony, revolted to Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians, and to the Veians. But there was a worſe offence added to that Revolt. For by the command of Tolumnius, they killed C. Fulcinius, C. Julius Tullus, Sp. Nautius, and L. Roſcius, the Roman Embaſſadors, that came to know the reaſon of their new deſigns. Some extenuate the Kings fault, and ſay, that as he threw a lucky Caſt at Dice, his doubtful words, being taken by the Fidenians as though he had meant they ſhould kill them, was the cauſe of their Death. But that is incredible; that when the Fidenates, his new Allies, came to him to conſult about a Murder that was like to break the Law of Nations, his mind ſhould not be off from his Game: nor that afterwards he ſhould be concerned for the fact. It is more likely, that the People of Fidenae had a mind to be ſo engaged by that action, that being conſcious of its heinouſneſs, they might never after hope for any friendſhip from the Romans. The Embaſſadors, who were ſlain at Fidenae, had their Statues ſet up publickly in the Roſtra. And now a bloody Fight drew nigh, in which they were to engage with the Veians and the Fidenates, who, beſides their being two neighbour Nations, occaſioned a War by ſuch an horrid Act: wherefore the People and their Tribunes being at quiet, that publick affairs U. C. 317 might be the better managed, there was nothing ſaid to the contrary, but that M. Geganius Macerinus (a third time) and L. Sergius Fidenas, ſhould be made Conſuls; of which the later, I ſuppoſe, took his Surname of Fidenas from the War which he then waged. For he was the firſt that fought on this ſide the River Anien with any ſucceſs againſt the King of the Veians; but he did not obtain a bloodleſs Victory. Wherefore the Romans were more grieved for the Citizens they had loſt, than they rejoyced at the Defeat of their Enemies: and the Senate, as in a caſe of extremity, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be proclaimed Dictator. Who was no ſooner made, but he created L. Quintius Cincinnatus (a Youth very worthy of ſuch a Father) who had been of the College the laſt Year, when they were Tribunes Military together, with power Conſular. To the Levy which the Conſuls made were added the old Centurions, who had experience in Warlike affairs, and the number of thoſe that were loſt in the late Battel made up. The Dictator commanded Quintius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibulanus to follow him as Lieutenants. As therefore he had greater authority than ordinary, ſo the Man was equal to his Commiſſion; for he drove the Enemy out of the Roman Territories beyond Anien, where they took poſſeſſion of the Hills betwixt that and Fidenae, removing their Camp backward: nor did they deſcend into the Plains, before the Faliſcan Legions came to their aſſiſtance: and then at length the Etrurians Camp was pitched before the Walls of Fidenae. In the mean time the Roman Dictator ſate down not far from thence at the meeting of the two Rivers upon the Banks of them both, and raiſing his Out-works as faſt and as far as he could to defend himſelf for the preſent, the next day, led his Army into the Field.

There were ſeveral opinions among the Enemies. The Faliſcans, being a great way from Home, very uneaſie in a Campaign, and confident in their own ſtrength, deſired to engage: but the Veians and the Fidenates thought beſt to protract the War. Tolumnius therefore though he was better pleaſed with the ſentiments of his own Countrymen, yet leſt the Faliſcans ſhould undergo too much hardſhip, declared, He would fight the next day. The Dictato • and the Romans were the more encouraged, when they ſaw the Enemy declined the Battel; and the day following, when the Soldiers murmured among themſelves, and ſaid, that they would attack their Camp and City, if the Enemy would not come out to fight, both the Armies marched forth into the Plain between their two Camps. The Veians abounding in numbers, ſent a Party round the Mountains to attack the Roman Camp in the time of the Battel. The Army of thoſe three Nations ſtood in ſuch order, that the Veians were in the right Wing, the Faliſcans in the left, and the Fidenians in the middle. On the other ſide the Dictator with his right Wing engaged the Faliſci, and Capitolinus Quintius with the left Wing, the Veians; whilſt the Maſter of the Horſe marched with his Cavalry againſt the main Body. For ſome ſmall time there was ſilence and quiet; the Etrurians reſolving not to joyn Battel, unleſs they were compelled to it, whilſt the Dictator look'd back to the Caſtle at Rome, to obſerve when the Augurs, by the flying of the Birds, thought fit to give the appointed ſignal: which aſſoon as he beheld, he ſent the Horſe out firſt with a ſhout againſt the Enemy. Then the Foot marched after and fought very ſmartly; inſomuch that the Etrurian Legions were not able in any part to ſuſtein the ſhock of the Romans. Their Horſe made the leaſt reſiſtance, and amongſt them all the King himſelf, who was by far the ſtouteſt Man they had, riding up to the Romans in a full Career, prolonged the Fight.

There was at that time among the Horſemen a certain Tribune, named A. Cornelius Coſſus, a very handſome ſhaped Man, and of equal Courage and Strength, who being mindful of his noble Birth and Family (which he made much more renowned among Poſterity) and ſeeing the Roman Troops very hard put to it by Tolumnius, which way ſoever he bent his Forces, no ſooner diſcovered him, as he flew in a Kingly Habit to and fro over the whole Army, but he cried out, Is this the breaker of Human Leagues, and the violater of the Law of Nations? I'll preſently make him a Sacrifice (if the gods will permit any thing here on earth to be ſacred) to the Ghoſts of our Embaſſadors. With that ſetting ſpurs to his Horſe, and riding full Tilt at him, he with his Spear diſmounted him; but ſo, that Tolumnius, leaning on his Javelin, lit upon his feet: from whence riſing up to ſtrike at Coſſus again, he knock'd him down with his Buckler, and repeating his ſtrokes upon him, with his Spear ſtuck the King to the Ground. Then having rifled his Body, cut off his head and got it upon the point of his Spear, to ſhew his Victory over him, he routed the Enemy with pure terror which they were in to ſee their King ſlain: and by that means alſo the Horſe were defeated, who alone had made the Victory doubtful. The Dictator in the mean time purſuing the routed Legions, drove them into their Camp, where he ſlew them. A great many of the Fidenates, being acquainted with the Country, fled into the Mountains; whilſt Coſſus with the Horſe, paſſing over the Tiber, carried a vaſt Booty with him to the City. But in the midſt of the Fight they had another Engagement on the back of their Camp with part of the Enemies Forces whom Tolumnius, as I ſaid before, had ſent round the Hills. There Fabius Vibulanus at firſt defended the Rampire with a Company of Men whom he planted all round it: but whilſt the Enemy was intent upon that part, going out at the right-hand Gate of the Camp with a Party of Triarii [commonly the beſt Soldiers the Romans had] he ſo ſurprized them, that they were all in a fright; and though the ſlaughter was leſs, becauſe they were fewer, yet they ran away with as much conſternation as the reſt did out of the Field.

Having had ſuch ſuch great ſucceſs upon all occaſions, the Dictator, by order of the Senate and conſent of the People, returned Triumphant into the City. But that which made the greateſt ſhow of all the Triumph was Coſſus's carrying the rich ſpoils of the King whom he had ſlain: whilſt the Soldiers ſung extemporary Verſes of their own making to his praiſe, comparing him even to Romulus. Thoſe ſpoils he fixed with great ſolemnity as an Offering in the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, (near the ſpoils of Romulus, which were the firſt that were called Spolia Opima [i. e. rich ſpoils] and the only ones at that time there) turning the eyes of the People from the Dictators Chariot upon himſelf, and being almoſt the only perſon that enjoyed the benefit of that day. The Dictator offered a Crown of Gold of a pound weight, made out of the publick ſtock, by the Peoples Order, to Jupiter in the Capitol. Now in this affair, having followed all Authors that have written before me, I have told you, that A. Cornelius Coſſus a Tribune of the Soldiers, was he that brought the ſecond rich ſpoils into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. But beſides, that thoſe are properly called rich ſpoils, which one General takes from another, nor do we call any one a General, but him under whoſe Conduct a War is managed, the title it ſelf, inſcribed upon the ſpoils, convinces both them and me, that Conſul Coſſus took them. And ſince I heard Auguſtus Caeſar himſelf, who was the Builder or reſtorer of all the Temples in the City, when he went into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which he repaired, (it being ready to fall down for age) read the ſame thing, which was written upon a Linnen Breaſt-plate, I thought it almoſt ſacriledg to rob Coſſus of ſuch a witneſs of his ſpoils as Caeſar, the Rebuilder of that very Temple was. But if there be any miſtake in the caſe, becauſe not only the ancient Annals, but the Magiſtrates Linnen Books, laid up in the Temple of Moneta, which Macer Licinius quotes, make A. Cornelius Coſſus to be Conſul ſeven Years after with T. Quintius Pennus, yet mine is the common received opinion. But for a farther argument, that ſuch a famous Fight cannot be transferred to that Year, we know, that about the time that A. Cornelius was Conſul, there was no Wars for almoſt three Years together, beſides that there happened a Peſtilence, and great ſcarcity of Fruits: inſomuch that ſome Annals, to ſhew the fatality of that time, give us nothing but the names of the Conſuls: and the third Year from Coſſus's Conſulſhip, he is ſaid to have been Tribune of the Soldiers with power Conſular. That the ſame Year alſo he was Maſter of the Horſe, and in that Dignity fought another famous Battel on Horſeback: in which I leave every one to their own free conjecture. But in this caſe I am apt to think Men will take the freedom to queſtion the truth of any thing if they make a doubt of it; when the Warrior himſelf laying the freſh ſpoils in the Holy-place, and looking in the face of almoſt Jupiter himſelf, and Romulus, ſuch venerable witneſs of his falſe Title, wrote himſelf A. Cornelius Coſſus, the Conſul.

When M. Cornelius Maluginenſis, and L. Papirius Craſſus were Conſuls, there were Armies U. C. 318 led into the Veian and the Faliſcan Territories: from whence they drove great numbers of Men and Cattel, but found no Enemy in all the Country, never had any occaſion of fighting, nor attacked any of their Towns, becauſe the Plague was in them. At the ſame time there were Seditions attempted at home, but not accompliſhed, by Sp. Maelius, Tribune of the People, who thinking he could make ſome buſtle upon the ſcore of his Name, had not only ſummoned Minucius to his Tryal, but likewiſe preferred a Bill for the Confiſcation of the Goods of Servilius Ahala: ſaying, that Maelius was falſly accuſed by Minucius, and that Servilius had killed a Citizen uncondemned: but the People ſlighted what he ſaid more than they did himſelf. In the mean time, though they were much concerned for the ſickneſs which grew very fatal among them, as likewiſe for thoſe terrible Sights and Prodigies which appeared; but moſt of all for that they were told the Houſes in the Country tumbled down with frequent Earthquakes. Wherefore the People, with the Duumviri going before them, made U. C. 319 publick Obſecrations to the gods. But the next Year, when C. Julius (a ſecond time) and L. Virginius were Conſuls, being much more Peſtilential, made ſuch a Deſert of the City as well as the Fields, that (not to ſay, that no body went a foraging out of the Roman Confines, or that the Senate and People were careleſs of their Warlike affairs) the Fidenates on their own accord, who at firſt had ſecured themſelves either in ſome Town, the Mountains, or within their Walls, came down to Plunder the Roman Territories. From whence ſending for the Veian Army (for the Faliſcans could not be perſuaded to renew the War, either by the Mortality among the Romans, or the intreaties of their Allies) thoſe two Nations croſſed the Anien, and ſet up their Standards not far from the Gate Collina. Thereupon they trembled as much in the City as in the Country: wherefore Julius the Conſul planted all their Forces upon the Rampire and Walls; whilſt Virginius conſulted the Senate in the Temple of Quirinus: where they thought fit to make A. Servilius Dictator, whoſe Surname, ſome ſay, was Priſcus, and others, Structus. But Virginius ſtaying 'till he had conſulted his Collegue, had his permiſſion, and declared Servilius Dictator in the night, and he made Poſtumus Aebutius Elua his Maſter of the Horſe.

Then the Dictator commanded all the People to be, aſſoon as it was day, without the Gate Collina: and accordingly all that were able to bear Arms appeared: whereupon the Enſigns were brought out of the Treaſury to the Dictator. Which being done, the Enemy betook themſelves into higher places, into which the Dictator with his Army followed them, and not far from Nomentum, joyning Battel, routed the Etrurian Legions; whom he drove thence into the City Fidenae, and ſurrounded that City with a Bulwark. But the Town was ſo high and well Fortified, that it could not be ſo much as ſcaled, nor was there any hardſhip felt all the time of the Siege: becauſe they had Corn not only enough to ſupply their neceſſities, but to ſpare alſo, their ſtore was ſo great, which they had formerly laid in. So therefore having no hopes of taking by Storm, or forcing it by Famin to ſurrender, the Dictator began in places which, being adjacent, he was acquainted with, and on the back part of the City which was moſt neglected, as being naturally Impregnable, to dig a Mine into the Caſtle. About which, when he had ſet his Miners to work, he himſelf approaching the Walls in ſeveral very diſtant places, with his Army divided into four parts, to ſucceed each other in the Fight, by keeping the Enemy imployed upon the Walls continually night and day, gave them no leiſure to be ſenſible of his deſign; 'till having digged from his Camp quite through the Hill, they had made a way ſtreight up into the Caſtle; inſomuch that whilſt the Etrurians were apprehenſive of vain threats inſtead of certain danger, the noiſe of the Enemy above their heads ſhow'd that the City was taken. That Year C. Furius Pacilus, and M. Geganius Macerinus being Cenſors, approved of the Villa Publica [a Place railed in and made convenient for publick uſes] in the Campus Martius, and the Pole of the People was then firſt managed in that place.

I find in Macer Licinius that the ſame Conſuls, to wit, C. Julius (a third time) and Virginius (a ſecond time) were made again the Year following. But Valerius Antias, and Q. Tubero U. C. 320 ſay that Marcus Manlius, and Q. Sulpitius were Conſuls for that Year; and yet though they differ ſo much in their account, both Tubero and Macer acknowledg the Linnen Books to be their Authors for what they ſay: nor does either of them deny but that old Authors ſay there were Tribunes of the Soldiers that Year. Licinius queſtions not the Authority of the Linnen Books, though Tubero makes ſome doubt; granting that among other things that time has made uncertain, this may be one. The People of Etruria were in a great fright after the taking of Fidenae; nor did the Veians only dread the like misfortune, but the Faliſcans too, when they conſidered that they had joyned with them in the War, though when they firſt rebelled they were not with them. Wherefore when thoſe two Cities, ſending Embaſſadors round about to all the two and twenty Nations of Etruria, had deſired of them, that there might be a convention of all Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna, the Senate, ſeeing a great ſtorm, as it were, acoming, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be again declared Dictator: by whom A. Poſtumius Tubertus was made Maſter of the Horſe: and the preparations for that War were ſo much the greater, by how much there was more danger to be feared from all Etruria, than from thoſe two Nations only.

But that affair was ſomething eaſier than any body expected. Wherefore when the Merchants brought news, That the Veians were denied any aid, and told, that ſeeing they had begun a War on their own heads, they might end it with their own Forces, and not ſeek partners in their adverſity, with whom they had not communicated the bleſſings of their proſperity; the Dictator, for fear he ſhould have been created to no purpoſe, now that the occaſion of gaining glory in War was taken away, deſiring to do ſomething even in Peace, that might be a Monument of his Dictatorſhip, endeavoured to leſſen the Cenſorſhip, either becauſe he thought their power too great, or that he was offended, not ſo much at the greatneſs of their honour, as at the length of their continuance in the Office. He therefore calling an Aſſembly, told them, The gods had undertaken to manage the affairs of the Commonwealth abroad, and keep all things ſafe: that he, as for what was to be done within the Walls, would conſult the Liberty of the Roman People. And the beſt way to preſerve that, was, not to ſuffer great Offices to be long in one Magiſtrates hands; but to bound that with time, to which the Law had ſet no bounds. That other Magiſtrates were annual, but that the Cenſorſhip was of five years continuance: that it was hard for the People to live ſo many years, a great part of their life, obnoxious to the ſame perſons; wherefore he would make a Law, that the Cenſorſhip ſhould not laſt above a Year and half. Accordingly, the next day, with general conſent of the People he paſs'd the Law: and then told them, Romans! that you may ſee I don't at all fanſie Offices of long continuance, I at this inſtant lay down my Dictatorſhip. Whereupon having quitted his own Office, and limited that of others, he was attended to his Houſe with great applauſe and favour of the People. The Cenſors taking it ill, turned him out of his Tribe, for having diminiſhed a Magiſtracy of the Roman People, and ſetting a rate upon him of eight times as much as he ought to pay, made him only a Tributary to the State. Which thing they ſay he bore with great courage, as conſidering the cauſe of his diſgrace, more than the diſgrace it ſelf: and that the chief of the Senate, though they had deſired before to have the Cenſors powers reſtrained, did now much more approve of it, being offended to ſee ſuch an example of their ſeverity: for each of them foreſaw he might be longer and oftner ſubject to the Cenſors, than he ſhould bear the Office. But the People were ſo inraged, that no body, ſave Mamercus, could have kept them from laying violent hands upon the Cenſors.

The Tribunes of the People, by their daily aſſemblies, obſtructing the Conſular Convention, ſo that the matter was almoſt reduced to an Interregnum, they at laſt prevailed to have Tribunes of the Soldiers choſen with Conſular Authority. But they had not what they deſired (though they carried the day) which was, to have a Plebeian choſen; for they were all Patricians, and their names were M. Fabius Vibulanus, M. Foſlius, L. Sergius Fidenas. That U. C. 321 Year a Peſtilence kept them from minding any thing elſe; and a Temple was vowed to Apollo for the recovery of the People; the Duumviri doing many things preſcribed in their Books, to appeaſe the wrath of the gods, and turn the Plague away from the People. But for all that they could do, there was a great Mortality in the City and Country both of Men and Cattel: Yea, they feared a Famin too, for want of Men to Till the Land, and therefore ſent into Etruria, Pometia, to Cumae, and at laſt even into Sicily for Corn. In the mean time there was no talk of any Conſular Aſſembly: but there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made U. C. 322 with Conſular Authority, and all Patricians, whoſe names were L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Furius Medullinus, and Sp. Poſtumius Albus. That Year the force of the Diſeaſe was abated, nor was there any danger of their wanting Corn, they had ſo much before-hand. Mean while there was a Council held among the Aequi and the Volſci, and in Etruria, at the Temple of Voltumna, concerning a War. But there they put off the buſineſs for a Year, and made a Decree, That no Council ſhould be held before ſuch a time: whilſt the Veians to no purpoſe complained, That the ſame fortune attended Veii, by which Fidenae was deſtroyed. Whilſt this was done, the heads of the Commons at Rome, having long waited in hopes of greater honour, (but all to no end) whilſt there was peace abroad, they began to call Conventions into the Houſes of the Tribunes of the People. And there making ſecret Cabals, they complained, That the People ſo deſpiſed them, that though for ſo many Years there had been Tribunes of the Soldiers made with Conſular Authority, no Plebeian was ever yet admitted to that Honour. That their Anceſtors indeed were very provident in taking care, that no Patrician ſhould ever be a Plebeian Magiſtrate, or elſe the Tribunes of the People had been moſt commonly Patricians; ſo deſpicable were they even in the ſight of their own Party, nor contemned leſs by the Commons than by the Senate. Thereupon ſome began to acquit the People, and lay the blame upon the Senate; That by their ambition and ill arts it was, that the Peoples way to honour was blocked up: if the People could but once be rid of their intreaties, mixt with menaces, they would bethink themſelves and Vote for Commoners; and having the aſſiſtance of the Tribunes, would vindicate the Authority of the Commons. Then it was thought fit, in order to the taking away all canvaſſing for Offices, that the Tribunes of the People ſhould promulgate a Law, That no Man ſhould make his Garment whiter than ordinary, when he went to get Votes: which Law, though it now may ſeem a ſmall matter, and ſcarce worth ſerious conſideration, yet then inflamed the Senate and the People to a very great degree. At laſt the Tribunes got the day and paſt their Law: and it appeared very plainly, when their minds were provoked, that the People would for the future favour their own Party. Wherefore, leſt they ſhould be totally free to do what they pleaſed, there was an Order of Senate made, for the holding of a Conſular Aſſembly. At which juncture there was a ſudden tumult in the City, cauſed by the news which the Latins and the Hernicans brought from the Aequi and the Volſci.

Thereupon T. Quintius, the Son of Lucius, Surnamed Cincinnatus, (and Pennus too) and U. C. 323 C. Julius Mento were created Conſuls; nor was the terror of the War any longer deferred. By a ſacred Law, which with thoſe People is of greateſt force for the raiſing of Soldiers, they having made a Levy, two mighty Armies marched forth and met in Algidum; where the Aequi and the Volſci fortified their Camps apart from each other; their Generals being at that time more induſtrious than ever before they had been, not only to defend, but to exerciſe their Men: which put the Romans into a greater fear. Then the Senate ordered a Dictator to be made; becauſe thoſe Nations, though they had been often Conquered, yet ſtill rebelled again with greater ſpirit than ever before: beſides that ſome part of the Roman Youth was taken off by the ſickneſs; but, above all, the private quarrel between the two Conſuls, and their thwarting of each other in all their Counſels, increaſed their dread. There are, who ſay, theſe Conſuls had but ill ſucceſs in a Battel in Algidum, and that that was the reaſon why a Dictator was created. But this is manifeſt, that though they diſagreed in other things, they conſented even againſt the will of the Senate in this one thing, that they would not make a Dictator; 'till one thing coming ſtill more terrible after another, and yet the Conſuls would not ſubmit to the Senate, Q. Servilius Priſcus, one who had bore the greateſt Offices with extraordinary applauſe, applying himſelf to the Tribunes, ſaid, You, Tribunes of the People! ſince things are come to ſuch an extremity, the Senate Appeals to; that you, in ſuch a dangerous caſe as the Commonwealth is now in, would force the Conſuls by your Authority to create a Dictator. Which when he had ſaid, the Tribunes thinking they had gotten a good occaſion to augment their Power, withdrew; and ſoon after, in the name of the College, declared, It was their pleaſure, that the Conſuls ſhould ſubmit to the Senate; and if they any longer oppoſed the Will of that moſt honourable Order, they would command them to be carried to Goal. The Conſuls choſe rather to be out-done by the Tribunes, than by the Senate, ſaying, That the Sovereign Authority was betrayed by the Senators, and the Conſulſhip put in ſubjection to the Power of the Tribunes: ſeeing that now the Conſuls might be compelled by Power of the Tribunes, and (than which, what has any private Perſon more to fear?) be carried to Goal too. It fell to T. Quintius's lot (for the Collegues could not agree upon it very well) to name the Dictator, and accordingly he declared A. Poſtumius Tubertus, his Father-in-law, a very ſevere Governour, Dictator; by whom L. Julius was created Maſter of the Horſe. At the ſame time alſo, there was a ſtop put to all Judicial proceeding; nor was there any thing done all over the City, but what was in order to preparations for the War. The hearing of their defence that did not take up Arms, was deferred 'till the War was over: but indeed ſo ready all People were, that even thoſe who might poſſibly have been excuſed gave in their names; and when the Latins and the Hernici were ordered to bring in their Quota: they both very readily obeyed the Dictator.

All this was done with great celerity: and C. Julius the Conſul being left to Guard the City, with L. Julius, Maſter of the Horſe, who ſtaid to provide with all ſpeed for their preſent neceſſities in the Camp; the Dictator, with A. Cornelius the High-Prieſt going before him, vowed to Celebrate the Ludi Magni [or great Games, Celebrated not above once in an Age] upon the ſcore of that War: and then marching out of the City, and having divided the Army between himſelf and Quintius the Conſul, came up to the Enemy. As therefore they ſaw the Foe had two Camps at a ſmall diſtance from each other, they likewiſe about a thouſand paces from the Enemy (the Dictator nearer to Tuſculum, and the Conſul nearer to Lanuvium) pitched their Camps. So four Armies and as many entrenchments had the Plain before them, in the middle, which was wide enough not only to make little excurſions for skirmiſhing, but even to ſet their whole Armies on both ſides in Battalia. Nor were they, ſeeing their Camps were oppoſite to each other; at any time diſengaged from thoſe little Rencounters; the Dictator being very willing, that his Men, by trying the Enemies ſtrength in ſuch light bickerings, might be able to tell him, what hopes they had of the general Victory. Wherefore the Enemy deſpairing of any ſucceſs in a pitched Battel, attacked the Conſuls Camp in the night time, and put the whole affair to the hazard of a doubtful event. Whereupon the ſudden ſhout which they made alarmed not only the Conſuls Sentinels, and conſequently the whole Army, but awaked the Dictator alſo, who was then aſleep. The Conſul, though he were ſo ſurprized, wanted neither Courage nor Conduct; ſetting part of his Men to guard the Gates, and the reſt round about the Rampire. In the other Camp, where the Dictator was, the tumult being leſs, made them the more careful of their buſineſs. Wherefore they immediately ſent reliefs to the Conſuls Camp, under the Command of Sp. Poſtumius Albus, a Lieutenant, whilſt the Dictator himſelf marched a little about to a place moſt remote from the noiſe, that he might attack the Enemy in their Rere, before they were aware of his coming. When he went away, he left Q. Sulpicius, a Lieutenant, Maſter of the Camp, and M. Fabius, another Lieutenant, to Command the Horſe, bidding him not to ſtir before day, becauſe he knew the Horſes were hard to be managed in ſuch Nocturnal Conflicts. In ſhort, he did and ſaid all things that an active and a prudent General in ſuch a caſe ought either to ſay or do. But that was an extraordinary inſtance of his Courage and Conduct, and a thing for which he was highly to be commended, that he on his own accord ſent M. Geganius with a choice Party to attack the Enemies Camp, from whence, as his Scouts brought word, they were marched with the greater part of their Men. So that Geganius ſetting upon them, whilſt they were intent upon the event of that danger which others were in, and neglected their own ſafety, took their Camp before the Enemy well knew themſelves to be attacked. Then, as they had agreed, he gave the ſign by making a great ſmoak; which when the Dictator ſaw, he cried out, The Enemies Camp's taken; and commanded the news to be told through all the Army.

By this time it was day-light and all things were viſible; ſo that Fabius with his Horſe Charged up to them, and the Conſul made a Sally out of his Camp upon the trembling Foe: whilſt the Dictator, on the other ſide, giving Battel to the Body of Reſerves, and the middle part of the Army, oppoſed the Enemy (who were in great diſtraction upon ſuch different clamours and ſudden hurly-burlies) on all ſides with his Victorious Horſe and Foot. By which means, being now environed in the middle, they had every Man of them ſuffered for their Rebellion, had not Meſſius Vechius, a Volſcian, more famous for his Actions than his Birth, when his Countrymen were now putting themſelves into a circular poſture, crying out with a loud voice, asked them, What? will you ſtand here to be pelted by your Enemies without making any defence, or being revenged of them? Why then have you any Arms? or why were you the aggreſſors in this War? Are you tumultuous in Peace, and ſlothful in War? What can you hope for whilſt you ſtand here? Do you think ſome God will protect you, and ſnatch you hence? No, you muſt make your way with your Swords, as you ſee me do before you. Courage then; all you that intend to ſee your own Houſes, your Parents, or your Wives and Children any more, come along with me. 'Tis not a Wall or a Bulwark but armed Men that can oppoſe armed Men. You are equal to the Enemy in Courage, but in the neceſſity of your preſent cricumſtances, which is the laſt and greateſt Weapon you have, you far out-do them. When he had ſaid this, and did as he ſaid, they ſet up another ſhout and followed him; making an Attack upon that ſide where Poſtumius Albus was with his Party: and indeed they made him, though he had then the better of it, give ground, 'till ſuch time as the Dictator came up to aſſiſt his retiring friends: and that turned all the Fight the other way. The fortune of the Enemy depended upon one ſingle Man, which was Meſſius, though there were many wounds on both ſides, and a great many Men killed. Nor did the Roman General now fight without ſome loſs of blood; but though Poſtumius, and he only, having his head broke with a ſtone, went out of the Field, yet the Dictator, for all he was wounded in the Arm▪ nor Fabius, though he was almoſt nailed to his Horſe with a thruſt through his Thigh, nor the Conſul, though his Arm was cut off, would not ſtir out of ſo hazardous a Battel.

But Meſſius made ſuch an effort through the ſlaughtered Enemy, with a company of ſtout young Men about him, that he got into the Volſcian Camp, which was not yet taken; and thither therefore the whole Army bent their Forces. The Conſul purſuing them even to the Rampire, attacked both that and the very Camp it ſelf: whilſt the Dictator came up with his Men on the other ſide. Nor was their ſtorming of the Camp leſs ſmart than the Fight had been: and they ſay the Conſul alſo flung an Enſign over within the Rampire, to make the Soldiers more eager to ſcale it: and that the firſt effort was made to regain their Enſign. Mean while the Dictator having broke through the Bulwark, was fighting within the Camp: whereupon the Enemies, moſt of them, threw down their Arms and ſurrender'd themſelves, being all, except Senators, (now that they and their Camp were taken) ſold. Part of the Booty was given to the Latins and the Hernicans, according as every Man knew what was his own: the reſt the Dictator made publick ſale of: and having left the Conſul to Command in the Camp, he coming with Triumph into the City laid down his Dictatorſhip. Thoſe Authors make the memory of his famous Dictatorſhip very grievous, who ſay, that he beheaded his Son for leaving his Poſt, and fighting without Orders, though he came off with Victory. But I am not apt to believe it, (though among ſo many Opinions I may if I will) and my reaſon is, becauſe ſuch ſeverities are called Imperia Manliana, not Poſtumiana [i. e. Manlius's, not Poſtumius's Commands] and to be ſure, he that was the firſt Author of ſuch a barbarous example, would have the proverbial remark upon his cruelty. Manlius was alſo Surnamed Imperioſus, whilſt Poſtumius was not diſtinguiſhed by any infamous title. Mean while C. Julius the Conſul Dedicated the Temple of Apollo in his Collegues abſence, without caſting Lots for it: which Quintius took very ill, and when he had disbanded the Army, returning into the City, complained of it in the Senate, but to no purpoſe. In this Year which was ſo ſignal for great Actions, there happened a buſineſs which at that time ſeemed not at all to concern the Roman State, and that was, that the Carthaginians, who were in time to be ſuch mortal Enemies to them, then firſt ſent over an Army into Sicily to aſſiſt one of the Factions of the Sicilians who were then ſeditiouſly up in Arms.

The Tribunes of the People in the City, indeavoured to have Tribunes of the Soldiers created U. C. 324 with Conſular Authority; but could not obtain their ends. L. Papirius Craſſus, and L. Julius were made Conſuls. Then the Embaſſadors of the Aequi having deſired a League with the Romans, (inſtead of which, the Senate told them they ought to ſurrender themſelves) at laſt obtained a Truce for eight years. The Volſcian State, upon the Defeat which they received in Algidum, was torn all to pieces with quarrels and ſeditions among ſuch as ſtickled for Peace and War: but the Romans were at eaſe on all hands. Then the Conſuls hearing by one of the College of Tribunes, who betrayed the ſecret to them, that the Tribunes had a deſign to prefer a Bill for the commuting of Mulcts [which were formerly taken of Cattel, into Mony] they prevented them and did it before, as knowing it would be very U. C. 325 acceptable to the People. Then L. Sergius Fidenas [a ſecond time] and Hoſtus Lucretius Tricipitinus were Conſuls; in whoſe time there was nothing done worth the ſpeaking of. U. C. 326 To them there ſucceeded A. Cornelius Coſſus, and T. Quintius Pennus, a ſecond time: in whoſe Year the Veians made excurſions into the Roman Territories. And the report went, that ſome of the Fidenean Youth were concerned in that ravage; which was referred to L. Sergius, Q. Servilius and Mamercus Aemilius to be inquired into. Whereupon ſome of them were baniſhed to Hoſtia, becauſe they could not give a good account why they were abſent from Fidenae at that time: and then the Romans augmenting that Colony, divided the Lands, that belonged to thoſe who were ſlain in the War, among them. That Year there was a very great droughth: nor did they want rain only, but the Earth alſo being bereft of her native moiſture, could ſcarce ſupply the running ſtreams: inſomuch that in ſome places the defect of water, about thoſe dried Rivers and Fountains, cauſed a great many Cattel to die for thirſt, whilſt others were taken off by the murrain. Yea, there was a Contagion very rife at laſt among Men alſo, which though at firſt it ſeized upon the Country folks and Servants, ſoon after filled all the City. Nor were their Bodies only infected, but their Minds alſo with many ſorts of Religion, and thoſe moſt Foreign too; whilſt thoſe whoſe gain it is to make People mad with ſuperſtition, introduced new Rites of Artifices and Propheſying, into ſeveral Families; ſo long, 'till the chief of the City were aſhamed, when they ſaw in all the Streets, and Chappels, ſtrange and unuſal Offerings made to appeaſe the angry gods. Wherefore the Aediles were ordered, To take care that none but Roman gods ſhould be worſhipped, nor in any other manner, U. C. 227 than what had been the conſtant uſage of their Country. Their revenge upon the Veians was deferred 'till the next Year when C. Servilius Ahala, and L. Papirius Mugilanus were Conſuls. And then too Religion hinder'd them from declaring War ſo ſoon as they would have done, or ſending out their Armies: for they thought fit to ſend Heralds firſt to demand back what was taken from them. They had fought with the Veians lately at Nomentum and Fidenae in a pitched Battel; after which they made a Truce only, not a Peace: of which Truce, both the time was out, and they alſo before the day had riſen again up in Arms. Nevertheleſs the Heralds were ſent, but though they ſwore, after their Country faſhion, when they demanded back the Plunder, were not at all regarded. Thereupon aroſe a Controverſie, Whether the War ſhould be proclaimed by Order of the People, or whether an Order of Senate would be ſufficient. At length the Tribunes prevailed ſo far, by threatning that they would hinder the Levy, that the Conſuls did refer the declaring of the War to the People, who in all their Centuries allowed of it. And in that too the Commons were too hard for them, that they hindred Conſuls from being choſen for the next Year.

There were four Tribunes of the Soldiers created with Conſular Authority, that is to ſay, T. Quintius Pennus, (ſometime Conſul) C. Furius, M. Poſtumius, and A. Cornelius Coſſus: of U. C. 328 whom Coſſus had the Government of the City, and the other three having made a Levy went to Veii; where they were an argument to us, how inconvenient it is in War to have more than one General. For they by inclining each one too much to his own opinion, as being of different Judgments, gave the Enemy an opportunity of doing their buſineſs: and accordingly the Veians, whilſt the Roman Army was at a ſtand which Officer they ſhould obey, (one ordering the ſignal to be given for Battel, and another to ſound a retreat) took the occaſion to fall upon them, and putting them into diſorder made them run away; but their Camp being near received them: ſo that they ſuffered more diſgrace than loſs of Men. The City was very ſad, as being not uſed to be Conquered, and hating the Tribunes deſired a Dictator, for in ſuch a Perſon they thought all the Cities hopes lay: but ſeeing that in that caſe alſo Religion hindered them, ſo that a Dictator could not be declared but by a Conſul, the Augurs being conſulted removed that ſcruple. So A. Cornelius declared Mamercus Aemilius Dictator, and himſelf was by him made Maſter of the Horſe: ſo that aſſoon as the fortune of the City ſtood in need of true Courage, the Cenſors ſeverity was no impediment, but that the Conduct of affairs might be committed to a Perſon of a branded Family. The Veians, proud of their ſucceſs, ſent Embaſſadors all over Etruria, to brag, that they had defeated three Roman Generals in one fight: and though they could not get any of thoſe People formerly to joyn in an alliance with them, yet they now came in as Voluntiers, in hopes of booty, from all parts of the Country. Only the Fidenians reſolved to riſe again, and, as though it had been a crime not to begin their War with ſome wicked action, they having embrued their Weapons in the blood of the new Colony then, as of the Embaſſadors before, aſſociated themſelves to the Veians. Then the heads of thoſe two Nations conſulted, whether they ſhould make Veii or Fidenae the ſeat of War. Fidenae ſeemed the more opportune place; and therefore the Veians, paſſing over the Tiber, transferred the War to Fidenae. There was a great conſternation at Rome; inſomuch that having ſent for their Army from Veii, which upon the ſcore of its ill ſucceſs there was much diſheartned, they placed their Camp before the Gate Collina; and planting Soldiers upon the Walls, they ordered a Stop of Juſtice in the Forum, all the Shops being ſhut up, and every thing looking like the face of a Camp more than a City.

Then, ſeeing the City in ſo much fear, the Dictator ſent Cryers or Beadles through all the Streets to ſummon the People to an Aſſembly, wherein he chid them, for being ſo anxious upon ſuch a ſlight occaſion; that they ſhould fear the Veians whom they had ſo often conquered, upon the account of ſo ſmall a loſs which they had received (and that too not through the Courage of the Enemy, or the ſloth of the Roman Army, but the diſſention of the Generals among themſelves) or Fidenae either, which they had taken e'en almoſt more often than they had attacked it. That the Romans and the Enemies were the ſame Men they had been for ſo many Ages; having the ſame Courage, the ſame ſtrength of Body, and the ſame Arms: and that he alſo was the ſame Dictator, Mamercus Aemilius, who formerly defeated the Armies of the Veians and Fidenates; yea, when the Faliſcans too were joyned with them, at Nomentum. Beſides which, that A. Cornelius would be Maſter of the Horſe and in the Army, being the ſame Perſon, who in the former War being a Tribune of the Soldiers, when Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians was ſlain in ſight of the two Armies, brought the rich ſpoils into the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Wherefore remembring that Triumphs, and Spoils, and Victory, were all on your ſide; and on the Enemies part a great deal of guilt for their horrid crimes, murthering the Embaſſadors againſt the Law of Nations, killing the Colony at Fidenae in time of Peace, breaking the Truce, and that their ſeventh unhappy defection, he adviſed them to take up their Arms: and told them, he was confident, that aſſoon as ever they had joyned Camp to Camp, the wicked Enemy would not only quickly ceaſe to Triumph in the ignominy of the Roman Army, but the Roman People likewiſe would underſtand, how much better they deſerved of the Commonwealth that made him the third time Dictator, than they, who becauſe he abrogated the tyrannical Power of the Cenſors, would have laid a blot upon his ſecond Dictatorſhip. Then having made his Vows he marched forth, and pitched his Camp a thouſand and five hundred paces on this ſide Fidenae, being defended on the right hand by the Mountains, and on the left by the River Tiber. He therefore commanded T. Quintius Pennus to take poſſeſſion of the Mountains, and plant himſelf privately upon that part of them which was behind the Enemies: and himſelf the next day, ſeeing the Etrurians march forth full of Courage upon the account of their former ſucceſs which was owing to a good occaſion rather than any thing which they did, he having ſtaid a little while too, 'till his Scouts brought word that Quintius was got to the top of the Hill near the Caſtle of Fidenae, he moved forward, and led the Body of Foot in Battalia at an ordinary rate of marching againſt the Enemy: commanding the Maſter of the Horſe, That he ſhould not begin the fight without his order: for that he, when there was any need of the Horſes coming in, would give the ſignal: and likewiſe, that remembring the fight with the King, the rich Offering, Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius, and behave himſelf accordingly. The Legions engaged with a mighty force, and the Romans being incenſed with indignation, called the Fidenians Villains, the Veians Robbers, but both of them Truce-breakers, and ſaying, that they were polluted with the barbarous ſlaughter of their Embaſſadors; that they were embrued with the blood of their Colony, being perfidious Allies, and cowardly Enemies, revenging themſelves upon them both by words and deeds.

For immediately upon the firſt onſet they had ſhock'd the Enemy; when on a ſudden, the Gates of Fidenae being opened, a new Army ſallied forth, which came in ſuch a manner as had never been heard of or in uſe before that time: for a great Multitude, all armed with fire, and blazing all over with burning Torches, ran furiouſly upon the Enemy as though they had been mad: which ſtrange kind of ſighting did for ſome time a little ſtartle the Romans. Then the Dictator ſending for the Maſter of the Horſe with his Cavalry, and likewiſe for Quintius out of the Mountains, himſelf ran up to the left Wing, which being affrighted at the flames, that lookt more like a Town on fire, than an Army, and with a loud voice ſpoke to them in this manner: Will you yield to an unarmed Enemy, and be driven away from your Poſt like an hive of Bees with ſmoak? Will you not extinguiſh their fires with your ſwords? Will you not take theſe very Torches, if you muſt fight with fire and not with any other more proper Weapons, away from them, each of you one, and manage them your ſelves againſt the Enemy? Courage, remember the Roman name, the valour of your Fathers and your own, and turn this fire upon the Enemies City; demoliſh Fidenae with its own flames, which by your kindneſs you could not reconcile: the blood of your Embaſſadors, and of your Colony, beſides your Plundered Country exacts this at your hands. With that upon the Dictators Command all the Army was moved; and the Torches were partly received as they were thrown at them, and partly taken away from the Enemy by force; ſo that both Armies were now armed with fire. The Maſter of the Horſe alſo put the Horſe too upon a new way of fighting; Commanding them to take their Horſes Bridles off; and he himſelf was the firſt, that ſetting Spurs to his Horſe rode without a Bridle into the midſt of the fires: all the other Horſes charging up full ſpeed to the Enemy in the ſame manner. By which means the duſt being raiſed and mingled with the ſmoak, made the Men and their Horſes too almoſt blind; but that which frighted the Riders, did not at all ſcare the Horſes: ſo that wherever they attacked the Foe, the Horſemen made a ſlaughter, like a general ruin. Then there was heard a new noiſe, which, ſeeing it ſtartled both the Armies, the Dictator cried out; that Quintius the Lieutenant, and his Men had ſet upon the Enemies Rere, whilſt he himſelf, with another ſhout, fell on more briskly than before. And now, ſince two Armies, and thoſe in two different kinds, preſs'd hard upon the Etrurians both before and behind, ſo that they had no way to eſcape, either into their Camp, or back to the Mountains, from whence the freſh forces came down upon them, the Horſes, which were unbridled, having ſcattered their Riders into all parts, the Veians, moſt of them, ran toward the Tiber, and the Fidenians, all that were alive, made toward Fidenae. But, being in a conſternation, their flight only expoſed them to the fury of their Enemy; and they were killed upon the banks of the River: ſome of them, who were forced into it, being ſucked in by the Whirlpools, and even thoſe who could ſwim, being ſo weary, ſo mortally wounded, and in ſuch a fear, that they ſunk. Some few indeed among many got over, whilſt the others fled through their Camp into the City, whither the Romans alſo followed them as faſt; eſpecially Quintius, and his Men, that came ſo lately from the Mountains, who were beſt able to undergo the fatigue, becauſe they came laſt into the fight.

They therefore having mix'd themſelves among the Enemy, and got into the Gate, climb'd up upon the Walls, from whence they gave their friends the ſignal of the Towns being taken: which when the Dictator ſaw (for by this time he himſelf alſo was come into the Enemies deſerted Camp) he led his Men, who would fain have fallen on plundering, to the Gate, in hopes, as he perſuaded them, that they ſhould have more Booty in the City. So, being received within the Walls, he marched to the Caſtle, whither he ſaw the crowd of the Enemies run. Nor was there leſs ſlaughter in the City than there had been in the Fight, 'till throwing down their Arms, they deſired nothing elſe ſave their lives only, and ſurrendred themſelves to the Dictator. Thereupon they rifled all the Camp and City; and the next day each Horſeman and Centurion having one Captive, which they caſt Lots for, and thoſe who had behaved themſelves extraordinarily, two, the reſt were publickly ſold, and the Dictator led his Victorious Army, laden with ſpoils, in Triumph back to Rome. Where ordering the Maſter of the Horſe to quit his Office, he himſelf alſo laid down his the ſixteenth day, reſtoring that Command in Peace, which he had taken in War upon a criſis of State. There are ſome Authors, that will tell you, there was alſo a Naval Engagement with the Veians at Fidenae; a thing not only difficult, but incredible; for the River is not broad enough even at this day for ſuch a Fight, which at that time, as I have it from ancient Writers, was ſomewhat narrower: unleſs perchance, whilſt they magnifie (as People uſe) the concourſe of Ships to hinder the Enemies paſſing over the River, they had a mind to make you believe a ſtrange Story of a Naval Victory.

The following Year produced Tribunes Military with Conſular Power, whoſe names were A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Furius Medullinus, and L. Horatius U. C. 329 Barbatus. In whoſe time the Veians had a Truce granted them for twenty Years, and the Aequi for three, though they deſired to have it of a longer date; the City being now free from all Seditions. The next Year was very remarkable; for there was not any War abroad, U. C. 330 or Sedition at home, but the Games, which were vow'd in the War being then celebrated made it extraordinarily ſignal upon the account of the preparations, which the Tribunes Military made, and the great concourſe of neigbouring Nations. The Tribunes had Conſular Power, and their names were, A. Claudius Craſſus, Sp. Nautius Rutilus, T. Sergius Fidenes, and Sex. Julius Julus: and the ſhow was more grateful to the ſtrangers, who came to it by publick conſent, upon the ſcore of their civil entertainment. After the Games were over, there were ſeditious Aſſemblies of the Tribunes of the People, who chid the Multitude, for that they, ſtanding in admiration of thoſe whom they hated, kept themſelves in eternal ſlavery; and, beſides that they durſt aſpire to any hopes of ever gaining the Conſulate, did not ſo much as remember themſelves or their friends even in the caſe of chuſing Tribunes Military; which was to be done in a common Aſſembly both of the Senate and People. Wherefore they might well ceaſe to wonder, why no body talked of the intereſt of the People: for People uſed to be at the expence of labour and danger in no affairs, ſave where there were ſome hopes of profit or honour: but Men would attempt any thing, if the reward would anſwer the greatneſs of the enterpriſe. If a Tribune of the People ſhould run himſelf, like a blind Man, into quarrels and great danger to no purpoſe; for which he were ſure, that the Senate, againſt whom he contended, would perſecute him with an irreconcilable hatred, he ſhould not be a whit the more eſteemed among thoſe very Commons upon whoſe ſcore he engaged: no, that's a thing that he muſt neither hope nor deſire. That great ſouls are made by great honours; and that no Plebeian, ſince they were now in general no longer contemned, ought to contemn or diſparage himſelf, but try in one or two inſtances, whether any Plebeian were fit to bear any great and honourable Office, or whether it were a Prodigy and a Miracle for any ſtout and brave Man to be found among the Commons. That it was obtained by mere dint of reſolution, that the Tribunes of the Soldiers ſhould be inveſted with Power Conſular, and choſen out of the People: and that ſeveral Men had ſought that honour who had behaved themſelves very well both at home and abroad: but for all that, they, the firſt Years, were laſhed with Satyr, repulſed and laughed at by the Senate, inſomuch that they at laſt thought fit no longer to expoſe themſelves to contumely. Nor did he ſee any reaſon why that Law ſhould not be abrogated, which made that lawful which was never likely to be put in execution: for there would be leſs ground for ſhame if there were no ſuch juſt and reaſonable conſtitution, than there is now, when Men are paſt by out of contempt.

This and ſuch kind of ſpeeches, heard with applauſe, incited ſome Men to ſue for the Tribuneſhip of the Soldiers, who profeſſed, each one of them, they would do ſomething in their time for the good of the Commons. They gave the People ſome hopes, that the publick Lands ſhould be divided amongſt them, and new Colonies Planted; beſides an overture, that a Tax ſhould be laid upon the Tenants of ſuch Lands, out of which the Soldiers ſhould be paid. But then the Tribunes of the Soldiery took an occaſion, when People went into the Country, to ſummon the Senators back againſt a certain day, and make an Order of Senate in the abſence of the Tribunes of the People; contriving the matter ſo, that, ſince there was a report, that the Volſci were gone out a foraging into the Territories of the Hernieans, they themſelves might be imployed to ſee what the buſineſs was, and a Conſular Aſſembly be held in the mean time. When they marched out they left Appius Claudius, Son of the Decemvir, Governour of the City; who from his very Cradle had a natural hatred to the Tribunes and the People: and by this means the Tribunes of the People had no opportunity to quarrel (the thing being effected) either with them, who were abſent, though they had made the Order of Senat, or with Appius.

Then C. Sempronius Atratinus, and Q. Fabius Vibulanus were made Conſuls; in whoſe Year a Foreign thing, but very well worth our obſervation, is ſaid to have been done: and that is, U. C. 331 that Vulturnum, a City of the Etrurians, now called Capua, was taken by the Samnites, having its preſent appellation from their General, whoſe name was Capys, or (which is more likely) from Campus which ſignifies a Champaign place. The Samnites took it, after they had firſt tired the Etrurians out with a long fatigue of War, and were made ſharers both in the priviledges of the City and the Lands thereunto belonging: for then, upon an Holy-day, in the night time, the new Inhabitants killed the old ones when they were drunk and aſleep. When this was done, the Conſuls, that I juſt now ſpoke of, began their Magiſtracy upon the Ides [i. e. the 13th] of December. And now not only they that were ſent upon that errand, brought word the Volſcian War was at hand, but Embaſſadors alſo from the Latins and the Hernici told the news; that the Volſci were never more intent upon their choice of Officers, or raiſing an Army; for that the common People generally murmured and ſaid, that either they muſt for ever lay by their Arms, and not think of a War, but take the yoke upon their necks; or elſe not yield to thoſe with whom they contended for Empire, either in Courage, Reſolution, or Military Diſcipline. This was no ſlight report; though the Senate was not ſo much concerned at it; and C. Sempronius, to whoſe Lot that Province happened to fall, relying upon Fortune, as his moſt conſtant friend, becauſe he led a Conquering Army againſt a Conquered Nation, carri • d every thing very raſhly and negligently: inſomuch that there was more of the Ro • an Diſcipline in the Volſcian, than in the Roman Army; wherefore Fortune, as often it uſes to do, attended upon their induſtry. The firſt time, Sempronius joyned Battel without any caution, or advice, and they engaged before they ſtrengthened themſelves with reſerves, or Poſted their Horſe as they ſhould have done. The extraordinary and frequent ſhouts made by the Enemy was the firſt argument which way the buſineſs was like to go; for the Romans made a confuſed, unequal, faint, though often repeated noiſe, and by their uncertain clamors betrayed the fear of their minds. For that reaſon the Enemy came on the more briskly, preſſing forward with their Shields, and brandiſhing their glittering Swords. On the other ſide the Romans ſhew'd by the motion of their Helmets that they look'd behind them; for they were at a ſtand and trembled, retiring to the Body of the Army. By which means, the Enſigns of them that fought were either quite deſerted by the Anteſignani [ſuch as fought in the Front, before the Enſigns] or received into the Maniples [i. e. Companies of Soldiers, whoſe Enſigns were anciently Bottles of Hay;] ſo that neither their flight was certain, and determined any more than the Victory, but the Romans ſeemed to be rather protected than to fight. Mean while the Volſci bore up, and lying very hard upon them, ſaw more likelihood of their killing all the Enemy, than that they would run away.

And now the Romans gave ground on all ſides, though Sempronius the Conſul chid and exhorted them; for neither his Command nor Authority prevailed upon them: and they had certainly ſoon turned their backs upon the Foe, had not Sex. Tempanius a Decurion [ſomewhat like a Serjeant or Corporal in our Forces, [one that had the Command or Regulating of ten Men] when they were juſt a going, recovered them by his Courage. For he having cried out, That all thoſe Horſemen, who deſired the preſervation of the Commonwealth, ſhould alight off their Horſes, all the Troops were as much moved, as it had been at the Conſuls Command; and then he told them, If this Party, ſaid he, does not give a check to the Enemies career, the Empire's ruined. Follow then, ſaid he, my Spear inſtead of a Standard, and ſhow both the Romans and the Volſci, that there are neither any Horſe like you on Horſeback, or any Foot equal to you when on Foot. His exhortation was approved by a ſhout, he going with his Spear up aloſt, they forced their way wherever they went. But they made, with their Shields before them, to that part moſt, where they ſaw their own Men moſt put to it: by which means the Fight was reſtored in all places where they came in; nor was there any queſtion, but, ſeeing ſo few could do the whole buſineſs of the day, the Enemies would turn their backs.

Now therefore ſeeing they were too ſtrong for him in all parts, the Volſcian General gave Order, that his Men ſhould make way for thoſe new Footmen of the Enemies, 'till ſuch time as they were carried in ſo far among them as to be cut off from their own Army. Which being accordingly done, they were encloſed, and could not get back the ſame way they came, becauſe the Enemy had doubled their Files upon them to obſtruct their return. The Conſul therefore and the Roman Legions, having loſt the ſight of thoſe who were ſo lately the defence of the whole Army, leſt the Enemy ſhould deſtroy ſo many brave fellows by ſo encloſing them, ventured into any danger. Whereupon the Volſci being divided ſeveral ways to receive the Conſul with the Legions on the one hand, and on the other to preſs upon Tempanius with the Horſemen (who ſeeing, though they had made ſeveral attempts, they could not break through to their own Party, got upon a ſmall Bank and defended themſelves in a circular poſture, nor were unrevenged of the Enemy) the Fight continued 'till night. For the Conſul, following his blow on all ſides, as long as there was any day-light, kept the Enemy in play, 'till night parted them upon an even lay; each Army being in ſuch a taking to think of the uncertain event of the Battel, that leaving their wounded Men and great part of their Carriages, both of them fled, as though they had been Conquered, into the adjacent Mountains. But yet, the Bank was ſurrounded 'till after midnight; though when the news was brought to them that ſate about it, that their Camp was deſerted, they fancying their Army to be Conquered, themſelves ran which way ſoever their fear, in the dark, carried them. Tempanius for fear of a wile, kept his Men there 'till day; and then going himſelf with a few after him to ſee how things ſtood, he, underſtanding by the wounded Perſons belonging to the Enemy, that the Volſcian Camp was deſerted, called the reſt of his Men with joy down from the Bank, and went quite through into the Roman Camp. Where when he ſaw all things lying waſte and forſaken, as he found it in the Enemies Camp, before the Volſci knew their error and came back, he taking as many of the wounded as he could along with him, as being ignorant which way the Conſul was gone, marched the neareſt way toward the City.

The report of their ill ſucceſs, and of the Camps being deſerted, was brought to Town before-hand: and above all, the Horſemen were lamented not with private more than publick grief. Fabius the Conſul (for the City too was in a great fear) kept a Guard before the Gates: who when they ſaw the Horſemen at a diſtance, not knowing who they were, at firſt were terrified, but ſoon after diſcovering them to be friends, turned their fear into ſo much joy, that a ſhout ran through the whole City, congratulating the ſafe and Victorious return of the Horſemen: and inſtead of mourning in their Houſes, as they had done a little before, when they gave them up for loſt, the People ran out into the Streets; yea, their fearful Mothers and Wives, forgetting the Rules of decency through their exceſs of joy, ran to meet the Troop, embracing them not only with their Bodies but their very Souls alſo, ſo (almoſt) mad they were for joy. The Tribunes of the People therefore, who had aſſigned a day for the Tryal of M. Poſtumius, and T. Quintius, for that by their means the Battel was loſt at Veii, took an occaſion, by this freſh quarrel againſt Sempronius the Conſul, to renew their former grudg againſt them. Wherefore calling an Aſſembly, when they had declared aloud, That the Commonwealth was betrayed at Veii by the then Generals, and that, becauſe they ſcaped unpuniſhed, the Army was likewiſe betrayed in the Volſcian Territories by the Conſul; and the ſtout Horſemen being delivered up to be butchered, and the Camp baſely deſerted; C. Julius, one of the Tribunes, commanded Tempanius the Horſeman to be called, and before them, ſaid, Sext. Tempanius, I deſire to know of you, whether you think, that C. Sempronius the Conſul did either enter into the Battel in time, or fortifie the Army with reſerves? yea, that he did any good office belonging to a good Conſul? and whether you your ſelf did not, when the Roman Legions were defeated, make your Horſemen alight, by that means recovering the fight? Then, when you were ſhut out from the reſt of our Army, whether the Conſul either himſelf came, or ſent any body elſe, to aſſiſt you? In fine, whether the next day you had any ſuccours at all? or whether you and your Men did not by pure Courage break through into their Camp? whether you find any Conſul, or e'er an Army there? or whether you found the Camp deſerted, and the wounded Soldiers left behind? This you muſt tell us, at this time, upon your faith, and the reputation of that Courage to which alone the Commonwealth in this War owes its preſervation. Beſides which, we muſt know, where C. Sempronius and our Legions are? whether you were deſerted or did deſert the Conſul and the Army? and laſtly, Whether we are Conquered or Conquerors?

In anſwer hereunto Tempanius, they ſay, made indeed a rough Speech, but it was grave, as became a Soldier, and neither ſtuffed with his own praiſes, nor ſwelled with accuſations againſt others. For he told them, It was not for a private Soldier to judg what the abilities of C. Sempronius his General, were in point of Military Diſcipline; but the Roman People ſhould have look'd to that when they in their Aſſembly choſe him Conſul. Wherefore he begged of them, that they would not expect to know of him what his Commanders deſigns were, or what meaſures Conſuls ought to take, thoſe being weighty matters to be conſidered by Men of great Parts and Underſtanding; but what he ſaw he could tell them. He ſaw the Conſul, before he himſelf was incloſed by the Foe, fighting in the Front of the Battel; encouraging the Men amidſt the Roman Enſigns and the Enemies Arms: and that afterward when he was out of ſight of his own Countrymen, yet by the noiſe and ſhouts that they made, he perceived that the Battel was continued 'till night: nor did he believe it poſſible for them to break through ſo far as the Bank, where he lay, for the vaſt multitude of the Enemy. That he did not know where the Army was; but he ſuppoſed, that, as he, when his circumſtances were ſo bad, had ſecured himſelf in a well guarded Poſt, ſo the Conſul, to preſerve his Army, had taken ſome ſafer place to encamp in. Nor did he believe, that the Volſci were in any better condition than the Romans; but that the night put them all under the ſame miſtake: with that, deſiring that they would not detain him any longer, as being tired and faint with the fatigue of the War, and his wounds that he had received, he was diſmiſſed with no leſs commendation for his Moderation than his Courage. Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted at Rome, the Conſul was now got in the Rode to Lavicum as far as the Temple of Reſt: to which place they ſent Wagons and other conveniences from the City to meet the Army which was weary with fighting and marching in the night time. Soon after the Conſul came into the City, where he took as much care to give Tempanius his due commendations, as he did to clear himſelf. But the City being much concerned for their ill fortune, and angry with the chief Officers, M. Poſtumius who had been Tribune of the Soldiery, inſtead of Conſul, at Veii (to ſatisfie them) was Tryed and Condemned in a Fine of ten thouſand I. though all the Tribes acquitted T. Quintius, his Collegue (becauſe he had been proſperous not only when he was Conſul againſt the Volſci, under the Command of the Dictator Poſtumius Tubertus, but at Fidenae too, when he was Leutenant to another Dictator, Mamercus Aemilius) as laying all the blame of that affair upon Poſtumius who was before Condemned. Some ſay, that the memory of his Father Cincinnatus did him a great kindneſs, who was a venerable Perſon, beſides the interceſſion of an old Gentleman, called Capitolinus Quintius, who begged of them, that they would not let him, who had ſo little time to live, cary ſuch a ſad meſſage, as the Condemnation of a Son, to his Brother Cincinnatus in the other World.

The People made Sext. Tempanius, A. Sellius, L. Antiſtius, and Sp. Icilius Tribunes of the People, in their abſence: the Horſemen having choſen them before for their Centurions [i. e. Captains] by the advice of Tempanius. The Senate being offended, out of hatred to Sempnonius, with the very name of Conſul, ordered Tribunes Military to be created with Conſular Authority. Accordingly L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, and L. Papirius Mugillanus U. C. 332 were choſen: In the beginning of whoſe Year, L. Hortenſius, a Tribune of the People, appointed C. Sempronius, who was Conſul the Year before, a day for Tryal: and when his four Collegues, in the face of all the Roman People, deſired of him, That he would not vex their innocent General, who had no other fault ſave only ill fortune; Hortenſius could hardly bear it, ſuppoſing that they did it to try his reſolution, and that the offender did not truſt ſo much to the intreaties of the Tribunes, which were made for ſhew only, as to their aſſiſtance. Wherefore turning ſometimes to him, he asked, Where were thoſe Patrician ſpirits, where was that mind that relied upon and truſted to its own innocency? and ſaid, That under a ſhow of Tribuneſhip there lay a Conſular Deſign: and anon to his Collegues; And what will you do, if I Condemn him? Will you wreſt your right from the People, and overthrow the Tribunitian Power of the Commons? To which when they replied, That the People of Rome had the ſovereign Power, not only over Sempronius, but any other Perſon alſo: wherefore, that they neither would nor could take away the juriſdiction of the Commons; but, if their Prayers would not prevail for their General, who was as dear to them as a Father, they would change Cloaths with him. Hortenſius made anſwer, and ſaid, The People of Rome ſhall never ſee their Tribunes in ſuch a ſordid habit. I do not value the pardoning of C. Sempronius, ſince he has gained ſo much in his Generalſhip, as to be beloved by the Soldiers. In this caſe the piety and good nature of the four Tribunes was not more pleaſing to the Senate and the People, than was the diſpoſition of Hortenſius, who was ſo eaſily appeaſed upon their juſt intreaties. But now fortune no longer indulged the Aequi, who had taken the doubtful Victory of the Volſci for their own.

The next Year, when Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and T. Quintius Capitolinus, the Son of U. C. 333 Capitolinus, were Conſuls, under the Conduct of Fabius, to whoſe ſhare that Province fell, there was nothing done worth the ſpeaking of; in that the Aequi did no more than ſhew a frighted Army, before they were put to a diſhonourable flight, though with no great reputation to the Conſul: to whom a full Triumph was for that reaſon denied. But, becauſe he had taken off the ignominy of Sempronius's defeat, it was allowed that he ſhould come into the City Ovant [i. e. with a leſſer ſort of Triumph.] As the War was ended with leſs ado than they feared; ſo in the City a ſudden heap of Diſcords aroſe between the Senate and the People, which ſprung from the number of the Queſtors being doubled: which thing (that, beſides the two City Queſtors, there ſhould be two more to aſſiſt the Conſuls in Military Affairs) being propoſed by the Conſuls, the Senate very much approved; but the Tribunes of the People, in oppoſition to the Conſuls, would needs have part of the Queſtors (who to that time had been all Patricians) choſen out of the Commons. Which demand of theirs was at firſt denied with all the vehemency imaginable both by the Senate and the Conſuls; though afterward yielding, that as they had made Tribunes with Conſular Authority, ſo the People ſhould have the ſame liberty in chuſing of Queſtors, but ſeeing that they got little by it, they laid down the whole buſineſs of augmenting the number of Queſtors. The Tribunes took it up again, adding unto ſome other Seditious pretenſions alſo, among which was that of the Agrarian Law. Upon account of which commotions, the Senate being more inclined to make Conſuls than Tribunes, and yet there could not any Order of Senate be made for the interpoſition of the Tribunes, the Commonwealth returned from Conſular Government to an Interregnum, but that not without great contention; U. C. 334 the Tribunes hindering the Patricians to aſſemble. When therefore part of the new Year had been ſpent by the new Tribunes of the People and ſome Interreges [i. e. Perſons that governed in the time when there was no Chief Magiſtrate] the Tribunes one while hindering the Patricians from having any Aſſembly to make an Interrex, and another while interrupting the Interrex, ſo that he could not make an Order of Senate for the holding of a Conſular Aſſembly. At laſt L. Papirius Mugillanus being declared Interrex, by rebuking ſometimes the Senators, and other-whiles the Tribunes of the People, told them, that the Commonwealth, though deſerted and neglected by Men, was taken care of by the Providence of the Gods, and ſtood upon the Truce made with the Veians, and the delays of the Aequi. So that if there ſhould be any danger, they muſt be ruined without a Patrician Magiſtrate; for that there was no Army, nor General to raiſe any. Would they keep off a Foreign by a Civil War? Which if they ſhould happen together, the very Gods themſelves were ſcarce able to preſerve the Roman State from ruin. He therefore adviſed them rather to remit each of them ſomething of their Priviledges, and by a middle way make up their breach; the Senate by ſuffering Tribunes Military to be made inſtead of Conſuls; and the Tribunes of the People by permitting four Queſtors to be choſen promiſcuouſly out of the Senate and the Commons by a free Vote of the People.

Firſt then a Tribunitial Aſſembly was held, and Tribunes made with Conſular Power, all U. C. 335 Patricians, whoſe names were, L. Quintius Cincinnatus (the third time) Sex. Furius Medullinus (the ſecond time) M. Manlius, and A. Sempronius Atratinus. Which laſt having called an Aſſembly for the chuſing of Queſtors, and the Son of Antiſtius, a Tribune of the People, ſtanding for the place, among other Plebeians, together with the Brother of another Tribune of the People, called Sex. Pompilius, neither their Authority nor their Votes carried it; but they preferred them whoſe Fathers and Grandfathers they had known Conſuls upon the ſcore of their Birth. Whereupon all the Tribunes of the People were enraged, and above all Pompilius and Antiſtius, being incenſed at the repulſe which their Relations met withall; crying out, What was the meaning of that? Could not any Plebeian either for the good turns they had done, or upon the ſcore of injuries done to them by the Senate, or laſtly for the pleaſure of uſing their Authority, now that it was lawful to do what formerly they could not have done, (if not a Tribune Military) be made ſo much as a Queſtor? Could not a Fathers intreaties for his Son, or a Brothers for his Brother, even from Men that were Tribunes of the People, which was an Office whoſe ſacred Authority was created for the preſervation of the Peoples Liberty. Sure there was fraud in the caſe, and A. Sempronius ſhewed more art than honeſty in that Aſſembly; and their relations were put by the Honour through his contrivance. Wherefore ſeeing they could do no good upon him, who was not only ſafe in his own innocency, but in the Authority he then had; they turned their malice upon C. Sempronius, Atratinus's Couſin-German: to whom, for the ignominy which they ſuffered upon account of the Volſcian War, they, with the aſſiſtance of their Collegue M. Canuleius, aſſigned a day of Tryal. The ſame Tribunes alſo ever and anon made mention in the Senate of dividing the Lands, to which Propoſal C. Sempronius had always been a bitter Enemy; ſuppoſing as it happened, that either he would lay down his Cauſe and ſo grow leſs eſteemed by the Senate, or perſevering in it 'till the time of his Tryal, would more and more offend the Commons. But he choſe rather to be the object of his Adverſaries envy, than be wanting in his duty to the publick; continuing in the ſame opinion, that no largeſs ſhould be made to ingratiate thoſe three Tribunes among the People: ſaying, That they did not then deſire the Lands for the Commons, but ſought an occaſion to make him odious: yet he would undergo even that tempeſt too with a ſtout heart; for neither he nor any other Citizen ought to be ſo dear to the Senate, as that they, to favour one Man, ſhould do a publick injury. He therefore, keeping up his Spirit, when the day came, pleaded his own Cauſe; but though the Senate tryed all ways to mitigate the Peoples fury, was Condemned in a Fine of fifteen thouſand Seſterces. The ſame Year Poſtumia, a Veſtal Virgin, was Tryed for unchaſtity, who though ſhe were innocent, yet was ſuſpected to be guilty, becauſe ſhe went finer and was more gay in her converſation than became a modeſt Maid. Wherefore her Tryal was firſt put off 'till another day, and then ſhe was acquitted by the opinion of the College, though the Pontiſex Maximus, or Chief-Prieſt, told her, She muſt leave her Gayety, and dreſs herſelf modeſtly rather than modiſhly. The ſame Year alſo Cumae, a City which the Greeks were then Maſters of, was taken by the Campanians.

The Year following Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Sp. Nautius, and C. Servilius were Tribunes of the Soldiery with Authority Conſular. But this Year was more U. C. 336 remarkable for a great deliverance which the Romans had from danger, than for any hurt which they received. The Servants had conſpired to ſet the City on fire in ſeveral diſtant places; and whilſt the People were imployed in helping to quench it, reſolved in Arms to ſeize the Caſtle and the Capitol. But Jupiter a verted theſe damned Deſigns; and the Conſpirators, who were diſcovered by two of the Gang, ſuffered for it; the informers being rewarded with ten thouſand Seſterces (which then was thought an Eſtate) beſides their freedom. Then the War from the Aequi began to be renewed, and the new Lavican Enemies to joyn with the old ones; which was told at Rome for a certain truth. And indeed the City expected a War from the Aequi as much as they did any Anniverſary. Then Embaſſadors, that were ſent to Lavici [a Town in Latium] having brought thence a doubtful anſwer, whereby it appeared, that there was no preparations yet made for a War, though the Peace with them would not long continue: the Tuſculans were ordered to take care, that no new tumult ſhould ariſe in that Town. The next Year, when L. Sergius Fïdenas, M. Papirius U. C. 337 Mugillanus, and C. Servilius, the Son of Priſcus (in whoſe Dictatorſhip Fidenae was taken) were Tribunes of the Soldiery with Conſular Authority, there came Embaſſadors to them, aſſoon as they entered upon their Office, from Tuſculum, with news, that the Lavicans were up in Arms, and having, with the Aequian Forces, ravaged the Tuſculan Fields, had pitched their Camp in Algidum. Whereupon there was a War Proclaimed againſt the Lavicans; but after an Order of Senate was made, That two of the Tribunes ſhould go to the Wars, and the other look after their affairs at Rome, there preſently happened a diſpute between the Tribunes, each of them thinking himſelf the fitteſt Man to be a General, and deſpiſing the care of the City as ungrateful and inglorious. When the Senate ſaw that undecent contention between the Collegues, they all wondered at it, but Qu. Servilius told them, Seeing you have neither any reverence for this honourable Order, nor reſpect to the Commonwealth, the Authority of a Father ſhall decide this Controverſie: my Son ſhall be Governour of the City without caſting Lots for it; and I wiſh thoſe that deſire to go to the Wars may behave themſelves more conſiderately, and ſhew more concord than they do in the purſuit of their deſires.

But they ordered a Levy to be made, not out of all the People in general, only ten Tribes being allotted; out of which they Liſted all the young Men, whom the two Tribunes led to the War. The contention which began between them in the City grew much hotter in the Camp through the ſame ambition of being chief. For they were not of the ſame opinion in any point, but defended each his own Sentiments, and would have his own Deſigns and Commands to be alone authentick. In ſhort, they contemned and were contemned by each other, 'till the Lieutenants reproving them for it, at laſt it was ſo ordered, that they ſhould have the Sovereign Power by turns every other day. Which news being brought to Rome, they ſay, Q. Servilius, a Perſon of years and experience in the World, beſeeched the Gods, That the Diſcord of thoſe Tribunes might not prove more fatal to the Commonwealth than that at Veii: and, as if he foreſaw that ill fortune ſhould certainly attend them, was urgent with his Son, to raiſe more Men and provide more Arms. Nor was he a falſe Prophet: for under the Conduct of L. Sergius, when it was his day to govern, having got into inconvenient place near the Enemies Camp (for the Enemy pretending fear, was retired into their Trenches; by which means they were drawn thither in vain hopes of taking the Camp) they were driven by a ſudden effort of the Aequi upon them down a declining Valley, many of them being deſtroyed and ſlain as they tumbled headlong one over another, their defeat looking more like a ruin than a flight. Whereupon the next day, their Camp, which even that day they were hardly able to maintain, being great part of it ſurrounded by the Enemy, they baſely forſook, and ran away from it out at the back Gate: the Generals and the Lieutenants with all the Forces that were about the Enſigns going to Tuſculum. The reſt ſtragling about the Country ſeveral ways, went to Rome and carried news of a greater misfortune than they had really ſuffered. At which the City was the leſs concerned, becauſe the event was anſwerable to all Peoples apprehenſions, and becauſe there were ſupplies provided by the Tribune of the Soldiery to aſſiſt them in ſuch dangerous circumſtances. And by his Order alſo, when the inferior Magiſtrates had quieted the City tumults, there were Scouts ſent with all ſpeed, who brought word, that the Generals and the Army were at Tuſculum, but that the Enemy had not •• moved their Camp out of the place. But that which gave them moſt encouragement, was, that Q. Servilius Priſcus, being declared Dictator by an Order of Senate (being a Perſon whoſe providence and foreſight in things belonging to the publick as the City had many times before had experience of, ſo eſpecially in the event of that War, he being the only Man who had an ill opinion of the contention between the Tribunes before their overthrow) and having made his own Son (that Tribune of the Soldiery by whom himſelf was declared Dictator) Maſter of the Horſe (as ſome ſay, though others write, that Ahala Servilius was Maſter of the Horſe that Year) went to the War with a new Army, and ſending for them who were at Tuſculuns, pitched his Camp two thouſand paces from the Enemy.

And now the pride and negligence which had been in the Roman Generals was, upon the ſcore of their ſucceſs, got into the Aequi. Wherefore the Dictator having at the very beginning of the fight, by ſending his Horſe in upon them, put the Enemies Van into diſorder, he ordered the Legions immediately to advance; killing one of his Enſign-bearers for not making haſte. And ſo eager they were to fight, that the Aequi could not ſuſtein the ſhock; but being defeated in the Field, and making as faſt as they could toward their Camp, the Romans took that in leſs time and with more eaſe than they had fought the Battel. Their Camp therefore being taken and rifled, when the Dictator had given the Soldiers the Plunder, and the Horſe, who purſued the Enemy flying from their Camp, brought word back that all the Lavicans were vanquiſhed, and a great part of the Aequi fled to Lavici; the next day the Army was led to Lavici, and the Town being begirt was taken with Ladders and Pillaged. Then the Dictator marched with his victorious Army back to Rome, laid down his Office the eighth day after he was created. Thereupon the Senate very opportunely, before the Tribunes of the People could make any Agrarian tumults about dividing the Lands belonging to the Lavicans, thought fit, in a full Houſe, To ſend a Colony to Lavici: and accordingly a thouſand five hundred Planters, who were ſent from the City, had U. C. 338 each of them two Acres apiece. When Lavici was now taken, and after that, Tribunes of the Soldiery created with Conſular Authority, whoſe names this Year were Agrippa Menenius U. C. 339 Lanatus, L. Servilius Structus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus (who had all of them born that Office once before) and Sp. Rutilius Craſſus, and the next Year A. Sempronius Atratinus (a third time) and M. Papirius Mugillanus, with Sp. Nautius Rutilus (a ſecond time) there was Peace abroad for thoſe two Years together, though Diſcord at home by means of the Agrarian Laws.

The diſturbers of the Commons were Sp. Maecilius (a fourth time) and Metilius (a third time) Tribunes of the People, who were both created in their abſence. Theſe two having promulgated a Law, That the Lands taken from the Enemy ſhould be divided among the People to each man his ſhare, and the Eſtates of a great many Noblemen like to be by that popular Decree taken from them (for there was hardly any ſpot of ground, (as belonging to a City Founded in anothers Dominions) but what was got by force of Arms; nor any ever aſſigned or ſold, but what the People had) the propoſed diſpute ſeemed very ſevere both to the People and the Senate. Nor could the Tribunes of the Soldiery, though they ſometimes ſpoke of it in the Senate, and ſometimes at private Conſults among the chief of the City, find out any expedient, 'till Appius Claudius, the Grandſon of him who was Decemvir for making of Laws, (though the youngeſt Man at that time in the Senate-houſe) as 'tis reported, ſaid, He had an old and a familiar remedy to tell them: and that was, that his Great Grandfather Appius Claudius ſhewed the Senate the only way to diſſolve the Tribunes Power, to wit, by the interpoſition of their Collegues. For new Men would eaſily be brought from their opinions by the authority of their Chiefs: eſpecially if a Man ſometimes have more regard, in what he ſays, to time, than authority: their minds being always like their fortunes. Now therefore, ſince they ſaw the principal Collegues had got ſo far before the reſt into the Peoples favour by their cunning management, ſo that there was no room now left for them, they would not ſtick to comply with the Senate in any thing, whereby to oblige that whole Order, and the chief of the Senators in particular. This all approved of, and eſpecially Q. Servilius Priſcus; who commended the young Man for that he did not degenerate from the Claudian Race, and in purſuance of it, agreed, that every one ſhould tempt as many of the College of Tribunes as he could to an Interpoſition. The Senate therefore being diſmiſſed, the Tribunes were courted by the Nobility; with perſuaſions, advice and promiſes, That it would not only be an acceptable thing to every ſingle Perſon, but to the Senate in general, they brought over ſix to make an Interpoſition. And the next day, when there was a reference made, by compact, to the Senate, touching the Sedition which Maecilius and Metilius were raiſing by a largeſs which would prove of very bad example; there were ſuch Speeches made by the chief of the Senate, that they all ſaid they could not tell what to do for themſelves; for they did not ſee any other help for them, ſave in the aſſiſtance of the Tribunes. That the Commonwealth, being now oppreſſed, fled, like ſome private poor Man, to them for protection. That it was a glorious thing for them, and an honour to their authority (not to vex the Senate, and make diſcord between the ſeveral Orders, but) that they had more ſtrength than was ſufficient to reſiſt their wicked Collegues. With that there was a great humming through all the Senate, whilſt the Tribunes were called to from all parts of the Houſe. At length, when they had made ſilence, thoſe who were prepared by the Nobility, declared, that they would oppoſe that Bill which their Collegues had promulgated, becauſe the Senate was of opinion that it would be the ruin of the Commonwealth. The Senate thanked thoſe Interceſſors; whom the preferrers of that Bill (in an Aſſembly which they ſummoned) calling, Betrayers of the Peoples Intereſt, and Slaves to Conſular Men, with other the like invectives, laid down their pretenſions.

The next Year had produced two continual Wars, (when P. Cornelius Coſſus, C. Valerius Potitus, Quintius Cincinnatus, and Numerius Fabius Vibulanus were Tribunes of the Soldiery with U. C. 340 Conſular Authority) had not the Veian War been deferred through the ſuperſtition of the Nobility; whoſe Lands the Tiber, overflowing its Banks, had moſt of all laid waſte by the ruins of ſeveral Villages. And then at the ſame time alſo the defeat which the Aequi received three Years before, kept them from aiding the Valans, a People of their Country. For they had made excurſions into the adjacent Territories belonging to Lavicum, and brought a War upon the new Colony there. Which injury though they hoped they ſhould defend by the conſent of all the Aequi, they were deſerted by their Country-men, and loſt both their Town and Country without ſo much as a memorable War for it, or any thing beſides a Siege and one ſlight Encounter. Then L. Sextius, Tribune of the People, attempted to paſs a Bill, for the ſending of a Colony to Volae as well as Lavicum: which was diſmiſſed through the interpoſition of his Collegues, who declared that they would ſuffer no Bill to paſs among the Commons, but what the Senate approved of. Having recovered Volae the Year following, the Aequi, and the Colony ſent thither, fortified the Town with new Forces, Cn. Cornelius Coſſus, L. Valerius U. C. 341 Potitus, Quintius Fabius Vibulanus (a ſecond time) and M. Poſtumius Regillenſis being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Conſular Power. To the latter of them was committed the menage of the War againſt the Aequi, though he was an ill-minded Man; as the Victory at that time, more than the War demonſtrated. For having raiſed an Army very ſpeedily, and led it to Volae, after he had broken the Aequians hearts in light skirmiſhes, at laſt he forced his way into the Town: where from the Foe he turned all his ſeverity upon his fellow Citizens; for though he had declared, whilſt they were ſtorming of it, that the Soldiers ſhould have the Plunder, when the Town was taken he broke his word. Now I am apt to believe that to be the reaſon of the Armies diſguſt rather than becauſe there was leſs Booty in the City and new Colony when Sacked, than the Tribune had talked of. But he augmented their heats, when being ſent for by his Collegues upon account of the Tribunitial Seditions he returned into the City. For he was heard to ſay a very fooliſh and (almoſt) mad thing in a publick Aſſembly, which was, that, when Sextius a Tribune of the People preferred the Agrarian Law, ſaying withal, that he would propoſe the ſending of a Colony to Volae, and that it was fit that they who by their Arms had taken it, ſhould enjoy the Volan City and Lands, he ſaid, Let my Soldiers look to it; for I'll ſwinge them if any of them ſtir. Which ſaying of his did not only offend that Aſſembly but even Senate alſo: wherefore the Tribune of the People, who was a ſharp Man, and not uneloquent neither, having gotten among all his Adverſaries a proud diſpoſition and a laviſh tongue to deal with, which by provoking and exciting he could make to ſay ſuch things as would bring an odium not upon himſelf alone, but upon his Cauſe and the whole Order alſo, he had not any Debates with any Perſon in the College of Tribunes more frequently than with Poſtumius. And then reflecting upon that cruel and inhuman ſaying of his, Romans! ſaid he, Do you hear him threatning his Soldiers as Men do their Slaves? Yet this Beaſt muſt be thought more worthy of ſuch honour, than thoſe who give you a City with Lands belonging to it and ſend you into Colonies; that provide a Seat for you in your age, and contend for your intereſt againſt ſuch cruel and proud Adverſaries. Do you begin now to wonder, why ſo few at this day undertake your cauſe? What can they hope for from you? Honours, which you give to the adverſaries rather than the Defenders and Patrons of the Roman People? You ſighed and groaned juſt now when you heard his words. But what's that to the purpoſe? if any thing ſhould be this minute put to the Vote, you will prefer him that threatned you with miſchief, before ſuch as have a mind to ſettle you in good Lands, Seats and Eſtates.

This ſaying of Poſtumius being carried into the Camp, cauſed much more indignation among the Soldiery, who ſaid, What, a raſcal that has cheated us of our Plunder to threaten the Soldiers with miſchief alſo? Whereupon there being a great hubbub, which the Queſtor P. Seſtius thought might be as eaſily reſtrained as it was occaſioned: but ſending a Lictor to ſeize a bawling Soldier, upon which a noiſe and a quarrel aroſe, he received a knock with a ſtone, and went out of the crowd: with this check from the Party that gave him the blow, That the Queſtor had what the General threatned to inflict upon the Soldiers. Poſtumius being ſent for to appeaſe this Tumult, made all things worſe by cruel tortures and grievous puniſhments. At laſt, now that he ſet no bounds to his paſſion, there being a concourſe cauſed by the cries of thoſe whom he had ordered to be put to death under an Hurdle, he ran down as if he had been mad from the Tribunal to them that would have interrupted the Execution: where when the Lictors and Centurions thruſting the People aſide incenſed the Rabble, their indignation grew ſo high, that the Tribune of the Soldiers was ſtoned to death by his own Army. Which horrid act being related at Rome, the Tribunes of the Soldiers deſigned to have inquired in the Senate concerning the death of their Collegue; but the Tribunes of the People interpoſed: though that contention depended upon another cauſe. For the Senate were afraid leſt the Commons being provoked by the dread of Tortures, ſhould create Tribunes Military out of the People, and therefore ſtrove with all their might to have Conſuls choſen. But the Tribunes of the People not ſuffering them to make any Order of Senate, and oppoſing the Conſular Aſſembly alſo, the buſineſs came again to an Interregnum; and then the Senate got the day.

Q. Fabius Vibulanus, being Interrex, held an Aſſembly, in which M. Cornelius Coſſus, and L. U. C. 342 Furius Medullinus were choſen Conſuls; in the beginning of whoſe Year an Order of Senate was made, That the Tribunes ſhould make a report to the Commons aſſoon as poſſible concerning the queſtion of Poſtumius's death, and that the Commons ſhould commit the enquiry to whom they pleaſed. They therefore by conſent of the People in general appointed the Conſuls to hear the matter: who managing the affair with all lenity and moderation by the puniſhing of ſome few, who 'tis believed laid violent hands upon themſelves, yet could not gain ſo far upon them, but that the common People took it very ill, That thoſe Sanctions which were eſtabliſhed for their intereſt ſhould lie ſo long unexecuted; but a Law made touching their life, and to puniſh them, ſhould be preſently put in execution, and have ſo great a force. Wherefore this was the beſt opportunity, when they had quieted the Seditions, to ſooth the People with the diviviſion of the Volan Lands among them: by which they might probably take off their deſire to paſs the Agrarian Law, which would diſpoſſeſs the Senate of that publick Land which they injuriouſly detained in their own hands. But then this indignity alſo augmented their animoſities, That the Nobility was not only reſolute in detaining of publick Lands, which by force they held, but would not divide even that untenanted part which was lately taken from the Enemy among the Commons; that being like, as all the reſt had been, to be a prey to ſome few particular Perſons. The ſame Year the Legions were led by Furius the Conſul againſt the Volſci, who were ravaging the Confines of the Hernici: who not finding the Enemy there, took Ferentinum, whither a great Multitude of the Volſci were fled. But the Plunder was leſs than they hoped for: for the Volſci, being in ſmall hopes of defending themſelves, packed up all they had and in the night time left the Town; which the next day was taken almoſt empty. The Land it ſelf was given to the Hernici as a Preſent.

The next Year, though quiet through the moderation of the other Tribunes, was ſomething U. C. 343 diſturbed by L. Icilius a Tribune of the People, Q. Fabius Ambuſtus and C. Furius Pacilus being Conſuls. For he in the very beginning of it, as though he had thought it the duty of his Name and Family, did all he could to ſtir Seditions by promulgating the Agrarian Laws. But then there happened a Plague, which, as it threatned more miſchief than it did, turned Mens thoughts from the Forum and publick Controverſies homeward, to take care of their Bodies: and they believed, that would have been leſs miſchievous than the Sedition was like to have been. The City therefore having had a great many in it ſick, but few that died of it, a ſcarcity of Corn, for want of Tillage (as it commonly happens) ſucceeded U. C. 344 that Peſtilent Year, M. Papirius Atratinus and C. Nautius Rutilus being Conſuls. And now the Famin was like to be more grievous than the Peſtilence had been, if there had not come ſupplies of Corn from all thoſe Nations that live upon the Coaſt of the Tuſcan Sea and the Tiber, to whom they ſent Embaſſadors for that end. But the Samnites living at Capua and Cumae, proudly denied the Embaſſadors any Commerce; whilſt on the other hand, the Kings of Sicily treated them very kindly, and the Etrurians readily afforded them great quantities of Proviſions which were brought to Rome by the Tiber. Then the Conſuls found a perfect ſolitude in the ſick City; being forced, ſeeing they had had not above one Senator for each Embaſſy, to add two Knights. Except the Diſtemper and the Dearth, there was no inconvenience happened that Year to the Romans either at home or abroad: but aſſoon as they were rid of theſe misfortunes, all things, wherewith they uſed to be diſturbed, both War abroad, and Diſcord at home, returned again.

When Mamercus Aemilius and C. Valerius Potitus were Conſuls, the Aequi prepared for a U. C. 345 War; with whom the Volſci, though not in a publick manner, took Arms and joyned as Voluntiers, for pay. Upon the news of which Enemies (for they were now fallen into the Territories of the Latins and the Hernici) as Valerius was making a Levy, M. Maenius, a Tribune of the People, and the preferrer of the Agrarian Law, endeavouring to hinder it (by whoſe aſſiſtance every one that was unwilling was excuſed from taking the Military Oath) on a ſudden news was brought, that the Caſtle at Carventus was taken by the Enemy. Which diſgracefull loſs, as it was the occaſion of the Senates hating Maenius, ſo it gave the other Tribunes, who were before prepared to interpoſe againſt the Agrarian Law, a juſter ground to reſiſt their Collegue. Wherefore when the buſineſs had been deferred a great while by mutual wranglings on both ſides, the Conſuls taking the Gods and Men to witneſs, that whatſoever was already received either of diſgrace or damage from the Enemy, or like to befall them hereafter, muſt be all laid to Maenius's charge, who hindered the Levy; whereupon Maenius on the other hand crying out, That if the unjuſt Lords would quit the poſſeſſion of the publick Lands, he would not put any ſtop to the Levy; the other nine Tribunes by interpoſing a Decree decided the quarrel, and declared, as the Opinion of the whole College, That they would aſſiſt C. Valerius the Conſul upon account of the Levy, againſt the interpoſition of their Collegue, in laying any Mulct or other Penalty upon them, that refuſed to give in their Names, and to go to the Wars. The Conſul therefore, armed with this Decree, having Quùm collum torſiſſet, i. e. having collared them, or dragged them by the throat to Juſtice. haled ſome few of them to Juſtice by the neck, who appealed to the Tribunes, the reſt for fear took the Oath. Then leading the Army to the Caſtle of Carventus (though he were hated for his cruelty) the Conſul, upon his firſt arrival, vanquiſhed thoſe that were in Garriſon there, and retook it. The Pillagers that through negligence ſtragled out of the Garriſon gave him the occaſion to invade it. And by reaſon of their continual Plunderings, all that they got being conveyed into that ſecure place, there was ſome booty, which the Conſul bad the Queſtors ſet publickly to ſale, and keep the Mony in the publick Treaſury; though he had declared at the ſame time, That the Army ſhould ſhare in it, becauſe they were willing to come to the War. This increaſed the Soldiers animoſities againſt the Conſul: and therefore when he came into the City Ovant, there were rude Verſes alternately thrown out and licentiouſly by the Soldiers; in which the Conſul was blamed, but Maenius's name celebrated, whilſt the crowding People ſtrove, every time his name was mentioned, with their applauſe and aſſent to out-do the Soldiers in kindneſs to him. Which thing gave the Senate more trouble than even (almoſt) the inſolence of the Soldiers to the Conſul: and therefore as though it had been certain that Maenius, if he ſtood for it, would be Tribune of the Soldiers, he was excluded from the Conſular Aſſembly.

Then Cn. Cornelius Coſſus and L. Furius Medullinus were again made Conſuls: In whoſe Year the People ſhewed reſentment more than ever, that the Tribunitial Aſſembly was put into U. C. 346 their management: and that reſentment they as plainly ſhewed and revenged in the Aſſembly for chuſing Queſtors, by putting Plebeians into that Office, that being the firſt time it ever had been ſo. So that, in making of four, they left but one place for a Patrician, and that was Caeſo Fabius Ambuſtus, there being three Plebeians, Q. Silius, P. Aelius, and P. Pupius, who were preferred before young Men of the nobleſt Families. I find that the Icilii were the cauſe of that freedom in the Peoples Votes, being Men of a Family that was mortal Enemies to the Senate; out of which there were three Tribunes of the People choſen in one Year. And they, making great pretences to the greedy People of what mighty things they would do for them, declared, They would not meddle with any thing unleſs the People had Courage enough to do in the queſtorian Aſſembly (the only one now left in common between them and the Senate) which they ſo long had deſired, and which ſo long had been lawful. That therefore was a great point gained by the Populace; for they did not ſo much value the honour of being Queſtors, but by that there was a way laid open for new Men to come to the Conſulate and Triumphs. The Senate on the other hand were diſcontented, not becauſe the Senate ſhared them, but becauſe they by this means loſt or were like to loſe their honours; and ſaid, If things went ſo, it was in vain to get Children; who being turned out of their Anceſtors places, and ſeeing others in poſſeſſion of their Dignities, would be left as the Saln and Flammes [two ſorts of Prieſts] to do nothing but ſacrifice for the People, without any Command or Authority. They therefore being on both ſides provoked, after the People had reſumed their ſpirit, and got three Leaders of great note to head the popular Cauſe; the Senate foreſeeing that all things would go the ſame way in the Queſtorian Aſſembly, where the People had all liberty, were inclined to call a Conſular Aſſembly, which as yet was not promiſcuous. The Icilii on the contrary ſaid they ought to make Tribunes of the Soldiers, that the honours of the Commonwealth might be once in their lives communicated among the Commons.

But they could do no Conſular act to hinder that which they deſired: for news was brought on a ſudden, the Aequi and the Volſci were come out a foraging beyond their own borders into the Latin and the Hernican Territories. For which War the Conſuls beginning to make a Levy, the Tribunes ſtrongly oppoſed them, ſaying, That that was the buſineſs of them and the Commons. There were three of them, all very acute Men, and generous for Plebeians; whereof two took each of them a Conſul into their daily cuſtody, whilſt the thirds buſineſs was, at Aſſemblies, ſometimes to retain and ſometimes to provoke the People. By this means neither did the Conſuls accompliſh the Levy, nor the Tribunes that Aſſembly which they deſired. But afterward when fortune inclined to the Peoples ſide, there came a Meſſage, That the Aequi, having killed ſome few that were left to keep poſſeſſion of it, had invaded the Caſtle at Carventus, whilſt the Soldiers that were in Garriſon there were gone a foraging; and had ſlain of the reſt, ſome as they were coming back to the Caſtle, and others ſtragling in the Fields. That misfortune then happening to the City, increaſed the ſtrength of the Tribunes Power: for it was now in vain to ſtrive to make them deſiſt from hindering the War, ſeeing they were invincible, both in reſpect to the publick calamity, and their own envy; inſomuch that they prevailed to have an Order of Senate for the chuſing of Tribunes Military, with a proviſo, that there ſhould be no notice taken of any one who that Year was Tribune of the People; nor any one be made Tribune of the People again for the next Year: the Senate taking particular notice of the Icilii, whom they accuſed of an ambition to be Conſuls, as a reward for their ſeditious Tribuneſhip. Then the Levy was made, and proviſions made for the War by conſent of all the Orders or Ranks of Men. Both the Conſuls went to the Caſtle of Carventus, though ſeveral Authors make it uncertain whether one of them did not ſtay at Rome to hold an Aſſembly. But this is certain, and they none of them deny it, that they retired from that Caſtle after they had a long time in vain attacked it: that Verrugo (a Town in the Volſcian Territories) was retaken by the ſame Army; great plundering and ſpoils being made both in that and the Aequian Dominions.

Mean time, at Rome, as the Peoples Victory lay in their having that Aſſembly which they U. C. 347 moſt deſired, ſo in the event of it the Senate got the better; for contrary to all Mens expectations Tribunes of the Soldiery were created with Conſular Power, of whom three were Patricians, to wit, C. Julius Tullus, P. Cornelius Coſſus, and C. Servilius Ahala. In which affair they ſay, the Patricians uſed art, (of which the Icilii alſo then accuſed them) and by mingling a company of unworthy Candidates with Men that were worthy, averted the Peoples inclinations from the Plebeians, out of the hatred which they bore to ſome of them who were moſt ſignally ſordid. Thereupon news was brought, that the Aequi and the Volſci, either becauſe they were encouraged by having ſtill kept the Caſtle at Carventus, or inraged that they had loſt the Garriſon at Verrugo, were riſen with all their forces: that the Antians were the cauſe of it, whilſt, and that both their Embaſſadors went about to all the neighbouring People Nations, reproving their ſloth, That they would lye hid within their Walls and let the Romans, not only the Year before come and pillage all their Countries, but ſuffer the Garriſon of Verrugo to be taken: that now not only Armies, but Colonies alſo were ſent into their Dominions; nor had the Romans themſelves alone their Lands divided among them, but had given the Hernici alſo Ferentinum, which they took from them. At this their minds being inflamed, they raiſed an Army of young Men as faſt as they came from City to City. By which means the Youth of all thoſe Towns being gathered to Antium, they pitched their Camp there and waited for the Enemy. Which being told at Rome with much more noiſe than the thing deſerved, the Senate preſently (as in difficult circumſtances it was their laſt refuge to do) ordered a Dictator to be appointed: At which Julius and Cornelius, they ſay, were vexed, and that the buſineſs was carried with great heat of mind. Whereupon when the chief of the Senate in vain complaining, that the Tribunes Military were not in the Senates diſpoſal, at laſt alſo appealed to the Tribunes of the People, and ſaid that the Conſuls had been forced by their Authority upon ſuch an occaſion ere that time, the Tribunes of the People, who were glad to ſee the Senate at variance, made anſwer [by way of Irony] That they could never aſſiſt them, who were not fit to be reckoned in the number of Citizens, or ſo much as Men: if their honours ever became promiſcuous, or the Commonwealth were ſhared among them, then they would take care, that the Orders of Senate ſhould not be evacuated by the pride of any Magiſtrates; but in the mean time the Patricicians who were void of all reſpect to Law or Magiſtracy might aſſume the Tribunes Power alſo, if they pleaſed, and act as they would themſelves for them.

This contention had ſeized upon the thoughts of Men at a very unſeaſonable time, when they had ſuch a War upon their hands; till Julius and Cornelius having long alternately diſcourſed, That it was not juſt, the honour conferred upon them ſhould be taken from them by the People, Ahala Servilius, a Tribune of the Soldiers, ſaid, He had held his tongue ſo long, not becauſe he was not reſolved in his opinion (for what good Citizen could divide his own intereſt or deſigns from the publick?) but becauſe he had more mind that his Collegues ſhould yield to the Senates Authority on their own accord, than ſuffer the Tribunes of the Peoples aid to be implored againſt them: yea, at that time alſo, if the thing would have permitted him, he would willingly have given them time to recede from his reſolute opinion; but ſince the neceſſities for a War would not bear any humane deliberations, he valued the Commonwealth more than the good will of his Collegues; if the Senate continued in the ſame mind, he would declare a Dictator that night: and if any one interpoſed to hinder any legal Decree of Senate from being made, yet he would be ſatisfied with their Authority and approbation. By which having gained a great deal of juſt commendations and good will among all People, he declared P. Cornelius Dictator, and was himſelf by him made Maſter of the Horſe. He therefore was an example to his Collegues and all others that took notice of him, that favour and honour ſometimes are found to court thoſe Men who are not ambitious of it. But this War was not very memorable; the Enemies being ſlain at Antium in one ſlight Conflict. After which, the Army being Victorious, pillaged the Volſcian Territories, ſtormed the Caſtle that ſtood upon the Lake Fucinus, and in it took three thouſand Priſoners, forcing the reſt of the Volſci into their Walls, becauſe they could not defend their Country. Then the Dictator having ſo managed the War as that he ſeemed only to attend upon fortune, returned into the City with more felicity than glory, and laid down his Office. The Tribunes of the Soldiers ſeeing there was no talk of a Conſular Aſſembly (I ſuppoſe out of anger which they conceived upon the ſcore of making a Dictator) appointed an Aſſembly for chuſing of Tribunes Military. Whereupon the Senate was much more concerned, obſerving that their Cauſe was betrayed by their own Party: and therefore, as the Year before they had made even worthy Men odious by being competitors with the moſt raſcally of the Plebeians; ſo at that time, preparing all the chief of the Senate with ſplendour and favour to ſtand for it, they got all the places; ſo that no Plebeian could be admitted. At which time the four that were choſen were all Men that had before born the ſame U. C. 348 Offices, and their names L. Furius Medullinus, C. Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and C. Servilius Ahala: which laſt of them was made again, and continued in his Office, as for his other vertues, ſo alſo through the late favour which he only by his moderation gain'd.

That Year, becauſe the time of the Truce with the Veians was out, they began to demand things back by their Embaſſadors and Heralds: who coming to the Frontiers of that Country, the Veians Embaſſadors met them; deſiring, That they would not go to Veii, before they themſelves had been with the Roman Senate. The Senate upon their Petition granted, that ſeeing the Veians were under ſome inteſtine diſcontents, there ſhould be no demands made of any thing back again; ſo far they were from taking the advantage of other Peoples misfortunes for their own ends. Then they received a Defeat in the Volſcian Territories by loſing the Garriſon of Verrugo: where there was ſo much importance as to time, that though they could have ſuccoured the Soldiers who were there beſieged by the Volſci, and begged their aſſiſtance, if they had haſtened, the Army that was ſent as ſupplies to them, came up at ſuch a juncture that finding all the Enemy ſtragling about the Country for Plunder, after their late ſlaughter, they overthrew them. In this caſe the Senate were the occaſion of their ſlowneſs more than the Tribunes: who, becauſe they heard the Garriſon made a brave defence, thought nothing could be too hard for them: for indeed they were ſtout fellows, nor were they unrevenged of their Foes either whilſt they lived, or even after death. The Year following, U. C. 349 P. and Cn. Cornelius Coſſus, Numerius Fabius Ambuſtus, and L. Valerius Potitus, being Tribunes of the Soldiery with Conſular Authority, the Romans made War upon the Veians, for a proud anſwer made by the Veian Senate to their Embaſſadors, when they came to demand a repriſal, which was, That if they did not get them gone as faſt as they could out of their City and Country, they would ſerve them as Lar. Tolumnius had formerly done ſome of their Predeceſſors in that employment. Which anſwer of their the Senate took ſo ill, that they decreed, the Tribunes of the Soldiery ſhould propoſe to the People the declaring of a War againſt the Veians aſſoon as poſſible. Which when it was firſt offered, the young Men began to murmur, and ſaid, They had not yet done with the Volſci: that two Garriſons of theirs were lately quite diſabled, and ſtill kept with great hazard: that no Year paſſed, in which they had not ſome Battel: and now, as if they were ſorry they had no more work for them, they muſt needs prepare for a new War with a People that were their moſt powerful Neighbours, and like to engage all Etruria in their quarrel. This was what they ſaid of their own accord; but ever and anon the Tribunes of the People alſo helpt to blow the Coals; ſaying, That the greateſt War, they had, was between the Senate and the Commons; whom they induſtriouſly teazed with warfare, and expoſed to mortal Enemies, ſending them a great way from the City, leſt, being at home, they might in Peace remember their Liberty, the Colonies, the publick Lands, or conſult how to vindicate the freedom of their Votes. And, to cokes the old Soldiers, they reckoned up the Campaign they had each one ſerved in, with their wounds and ſcars therein received. What whole place, ſaid they, have you in your Bodies to receive new wounds? What blood remaining, to be ſhed for the Commonwealth? By this kind of method, both in their Diſcourſes and Speeches, they having made the People averſe to the undertaking of a War, the time was protracted for propoſing of that Law, which it was manifeſt, if then it were made liable to the Peoples envy, would be annulled.

In the mean time they thought fit, that the Tribunes Military ſhould lead the Army into the Volſcian Dominions; Cn. Cornelius being the only Perſon left at Rome. The three Tribunes therefore finding that the Volſci had no Camp in any place, nor would put themſelves upon the hazard of a fight, divided them into three Parties, and went ſeveral ways to plunder the Country. Valerius marched to Antium, and Cornelius to Ecetrae; ravaging the whole Country, which way ſoever they went, to keep the Volſci aſunder. Fabius (which was the great deſign) attacked the Town of Anxur without any pillaging of the Country: which Anxur was the ſame place that is now called Terracinae, lying upon a Marſh, on which ſide Fabius began his Aſſault. Then four Regiments ſent about under the Command of C. Servilius Ahala, having taken poſſeſſion of an Hill, that lies above the City, from thence (it being an Avenue unguarded) with great noiſe and tumult invaded the Walls. At which the Men, who defended the lower part of the City being amazed, gave Fabius an opportunity to uſe his ſcaling Ladders. By which means all places were full of the Enemy, and there was upon the Walls for a long time a ſlaughter, not only of ſuch as ran away, but thoſe that made reſiſtance either with Arms or without. They therefore being ſubdued were forced, having no hopes to be ſaved by yielding, to fall a fighting. Whereupon it being declared all on a ſudden, that no Men, except ſuch as were in Arms, ſhould be injured, the reſt of the Multitude all voluntarily laid down their Arms: of whom there were two thouſand and five hundred taken Priſoners: but Fabius kept the Soldiers from taking any other booty, till his Collegues came; ſaying, that thoſe Armies alſo had taken Anxur, who had averted the Volſci from the defence of that place. Who when they came, the three Armies rifled the Town, which was very rich in Mony and Goods which the People had laid up for many years: and that bounty of the Generals firſt reconciled the Commons to the Senate. But after that alſo, there was an addition made to it by the ſeaſonable munificence of the Nobility eſpecially, which was, that, before any mention of the People or the Tribunes, the Senate ſhould Decree, That the Soldiers ſhould be paid out of the publick Treaſury, whereas before that time every Man had born his own Charges.

Nothing, they ſay, was ever more kindly taken by the Commons; who for that reaſon flocked to the Senate-houſe, and, catching hold of the Senators hands as they came out, ſaid, they were truly called Patres, i. e. Fathers; and that they had now ſo brought it about, That no Man in Rome, as long as he had any ſtrength left, would ſpare either his body or blood. For they were not only pleaſed with what they received, but very much ſatisfied, that their Eſtates would be quiet, at leaſt whilſt their bodies were imployed in the ſervice of the Commonwealth; beſides, that it was freely offered to them, being never propoſed by the Tribunes, or deſi • ed by themſelves: for that redoubled their joy, and made it much the greater favour. The Tribunes of the People being the only Perſons that had no ſhare in the common joy and concord of the two Eſtates, ſaid, That would not prove ſo pleaſant and proſperous to all the Senators as they believed: and that their deſign was more plauſible at firſt view than in the end it would appear. For how ſhould they raiſe that Mony but by laying a Tax upon the People? ſo that they had given away other Mens Eſtates. Nor would they, who had been old Soldiers, though others did, ſuffer them, that were now concerned, to go to the Wars on better terms than they had done; or be willing, ſince they had formerly maintained themſelves, to pay others. With this kind of diſcourſe they inſtigated part of the Commons: but at laſt the Tribunes alſo, when the Tax was impoſed, declared, They would be aſſiſtant to any one that would not pay his ſhare towards the Tax for maintaining the Soldiers. The Senate therefore having begun a good work were as perſevering in the defence of it; themſelves firſt paying their proportion. And becauſe their Mony was not yet Coined, certain Perſons conveying the heavy Bullion in Waggons to the Treaſury made the Collection look very great alſo. When the Senate had given in their Quota with all integrity according to their Eſtates, the chief of the Commons, who were friends of the Nobility began by agreement to bring in their allotment. Whom when the Common People ſaw, not only commended by the Senate, but look'd upon by all Men, of a Military Age, as good Citizens, they preſently deſpiſed the Tribunes encouragement, and ſtrove who ſhould pay firſt. Then, when the Law was paſs'd for declaring a War againſt the Veians, the new Tribunes of the Soldiers, who had Conſular Power, led an Army to Veii, made up great part of Voluntiers. Now the Tribunes were T. Quintius Capitolinus, T. Quintius U. C. 350 Cincinnatus, C. Julius Julus (a ſecond time) A. Manlius, L. Spurius Medullinus (a ſecond time) and Manius Aemilius Mamercinus.

They firſt beſieged Veii; at the beginning of which Siege, there being a full Aſſembly of the Etrurians at the Temple of Voltumna, it was not agreed upon, whether the Veians ſhould be defended by a publick War of the whole Nation. But that Aſſault was more ſlow the Year U. C. 251 after, part of the Army with the Tribunes being called away to the Volſcian War. That Year produced Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority, whoſe names were C. Valerius Potitus (a third time) Manius Sergius Fidenas, P. Cornelius Maluginenſis, Cn. Cornelius Coſſus, Caeſo Fabius Ambuſtus, and Sp. Nautius Rutilus, who was now (a ſecond time) in that Office. They engaged with the Volſci between Ferrentinum and Ecetra; the Romans happening to win the day. But after that the Tribunes began to lay Siege to Artena, a Town belonging to the Volſci, whereinto the Romans took occaſion to break, as the Enemy, who were all forced into the City, were ſallying forth; and beſides the Caſtle, taking all other places; for a crowd of Armed Men got up into that, which was naturally fortified and defended it; though a great many Men were killed and taken under it. Then next they beſieged the Caſtle; but could not take it either by ſtorm, becauſe, for the bigneſs of it, it was well manned, nor had any hopes of a ſurrender, ſince all the Corn was carried into the Caſtle, before the City was taken: inſomuch that they had been forced after a long fatigue to retire thence, if a Slave had not betrayed it to the Romans. For the Soldiers, being let in by that fellow at a ſteep place, took it: by whom the Sentinels being firſt killed, the reſt of the multitude were in ſuch a ſudden conſternation that they ſubmitted to a ſurrender? When therefore they had demoliſhed the City and Caſtle of Artena, they led the Legions back out of the Country of the Volſci; and all the Roman force was turned againſt Veii. The Traytor, beſides his Liberty, had for a reward the Goods of two Families, being afterward called Servius Romanus [i. e. the Roman Servant.] There are ſome who think that this City of Artena belonged to the Veians, and not to the Volſci; which error was occaſioned by there being a Town of the ſame name between Caere and Veii: but that the Roman Kings demoliſhed. And beſides that belonged to the Caerians, not to the Veians, this other of the ſame name, of the ſacking whereof I have juſt now ſpoken, being in the Volſcian Territories.

DECADE I. BOOK V. EPITOME.

2. At the Siege of Veii there were Winter Quarters prepared for the Soldiers: which being a new thing offended the Tribunes of the People, who complained, that the People had no reſpite for War; even in the Winter ſeaſon. 7. The Knights began then firſt of all to ſerve in the Wars upon their own Horſes. 15. There having happened an Inundation of the Albane Lake, they took a Prophet from the Enemy to interpret the meaning of that accident. 21. Furius Camillus the Dictator took Veii, after it had been beſieged ten years. 22. He carried the Image of Juno from thence to Rome. 23. He ſent the tenth part of the Booty to Apollo at Delphi. 27. He alſo, being Tribune of the Soldiers, whilſt he beſieged the Faliſci [a People of Tuſcany] ſent back certain Children, that were betrayed into his hands, to their Parents: whereupon they immediately ſurrendred the City, by his Juſtice thus Conquering the Faliſci. 31. C. Julius one of the Cenſors being dead, M. Cornelius was put in his place. But that was not done any more afterward; becauſe in that Luſtrum [ſpace of five years] Rome was taken by the Gauls. 32. Furius Camillus, being ſummoned to his Tryal by L. Apuleius, Tribune of the People, went into baniſhment. 36, &c. When the Gauls, called Senones, were beſieging Cluſium, and the Embaſſadors ſent by the Senate to make a Peace between them and the Cluſians, ſtood and fought in the Cluſian Army againſt the Gauls; the Senones were ſo enraged at this action of theirs, that they attacked the City with a mighty Army, and having routed the Romans at the River Allia, took the City, all but the Capitol, into which the Youth had gotten. They killed all the old People, as they ſate in the Porches of their Houſes, with the badges of thoſe honours about them that each of them had born: and when they had got up on the back-ſide, to the top of the Capitol, they were betrayed by the gagling of Geeſe, and forced down again by M. Manlius. 48. After that, when the Romans were reduced to ſuch a ſtreight by famin, that they were fain to give 1000 l. of Gold, and with that purchaſe the raiſing of the Siege. 49. Furius Camillus being created Dictator in his abſence, came with an Army, as they were weighing the Gold, and after ſix Months time drove them out of the City and killed them. 50. There was a Temple built to Aius Loquutius, in the place, where, before the City was taken, a voice was heard to ſay, The Gauls are a coming. 'Twas ſaid, they muſt remove to Veii, by reaſon that the City was burnt and ruined. 51. Which deſign was defeated by the advice of Camillus. 55. The People were likewiſe concerned at what a certain Centurion ſaid, who coming into the Forum had ſaid to his Men: Stand, fellow Soldiers! it will be beſt for us to ſtay here.

HAVING made Peace with all others, the Romans and the Veians were in Arms, with ſo much ſpite and rage, that it was evident that ſide which happened to be Conquered, U. C. 352 would be totally deſtroyed. The Aſſembly [for chuſing Magiſtrates] of both thoſe People was managed at a quite different rate [to what it had been.] For the Romans increaſed the number of their Tribunes Military, who had Conſular Power; and made them eight, more than ever before they had been: whoſe names were Manius Aemilius Mamercinus (a ſecond time) L. Valerius Potitus (a third time) Ap. Claudius Craſſus, M. Quintilius Varus, L. Julius Julus, M. Poſtumius, M. Furius Camillus, and M. Poſtumius Albinus. The Veians on the other ſide, being weary of their annual canvaſſing, which was ſometimes the occaſions of diſcords among them, choſe a King. Which thing offended the minds of the Etrurians, who hated not a Monarchy more than the Perſon of that King. For he had formerly been very grievous to that Nation through his wealth and pride, in that he had violently diſturbed their ſolemn ſports, which it was a ſin to intermit; when for madneſs, that he was repulſed, and another Prieſt choſen before him, by the ſuffrage of thoſe twelve People he took away the Artiſts, of whom great part were his own Servants, from the midſt of the Action. Wherefore that Nation above all others being ſo much the more given to Religion, in that they knew beſt how to perform Holy Duties, Decreed, That they would not lend the Veians any aid, as long as they were under a King. Which Decree was not much ſpoken of at Veii for fear of the King; who look'd upon every Man that, he heard, ſhould ſay any ſuch thing as the ring-leader of a Sedition, and not the Author of a vain ſtory. The Romans, though they heard of no diſturbance like to come out of Etruria, yet, ſince news was brought them, that that affair was debated in all their publick Aſſemblies, made Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation; the former toward the City and againſt the Sallies of the Townſmen, and the latter toward Etruria, as a bar to any ſuccours that might poſſibly come from thence.

Now ſeeing the Roman Commanders had more hopes in a Siege, than an Aſſault, they began to build Winter Hutts (which was a thing altogether new to the Roman Soldiers) and deſigned to continue the War by quartering there all the Winter. Which when it was told to the Tribunes of the People at Rome, who long ſince ſought but could not find out any cauſe of Innovation, they ran forth into the publick Aſſembly, and there put ſcruples into the Peoples heads, ſaying, This it was, that made the Soldiers have ſo much Mony allowed them: and he ſaw very well, that that gift would be anointed over with the poyſon of their Enemies. That the Peoples Liberty was bought and ſold: that the Youth of Rome was for ever removed and baniſhed from the City and the Commonwealth: that now they gave not way even to Winter or the ſeaſon of the Year, or had time to viſit their own Houſes and look after their Eſtates. What did they think was the reaſon, why the Campaign was continued? Why truly they would find it to be no other, than leſt by the number of thoſe young Men, in whom all the ſtrength of the People lay, there ſhould be any thing done for their advantage: beſides, that they were vexed and kept under with greater ſeverity than the Veians. For they ſpent the Winter under their own roofs, defending their City with curious Walls and the natural ſituation of the place; whilſt the Roman Soldier continued in toil and pains, all over ſnow and froſt, under his Hutt, and did not lay down his Arms ſo much as in the Winter time, which uſually gives a Ceſſation to all Wars both by Land and Sea. That neither the Kings, nor, (before the Tribunes Power was ſet up) thoſe proud Conſuls, nor the ſevere Commands of a Dictator, nor the importunate Decemviri ever injoyned them ſo much ſervitude, as to make a Campaign perpetual; though the Tribunes of the Soldiers took the liberty to tyrannize at that rate over the Roman Commonalty. What would they have done, had they been Conſuls or Dictators, who made the Proconſulate, which was but the image (as it were) of Conſular Authority, appear ſo fierce and ſevere? But that indeed that fell upon them not without reaſon; ſince there was not ſo much as one place for a Plebeian among eight Tribunes of the Soldiers. That the Patricians formerly uſed to fill up three places with the greateſt zeal imaginable: but that now they go, as though they were all eight yoaked together, to get their Commands, and no Plebeian can come amongſt them: who, if he did nothing elſe, might put his Collegues in mind, that their Children and fellow Citizens were in the Wars, and not their Slaves; who ought in the Winter at leaſt to be brought home to their own Houſes; and once in the Year viſit their Parents, Children and Wives; uſe their liberty and chuſe Magiſtrates. Whilſt they bawled out to this effect, they created to themſelves an adverſary, who was full hard enough for them, viz. Ap. Claudius, who was left by his Collegues to reſtrain and ſuppreſs the Seditions of the Tribunes: a Perſon uſed even from his youth to Plebeian Conteſts, and who, 'tis ſaid, ſome Years before adviſed his Collegues, by their interceſſion, to diſſolve the power of the Tribunes.

He therefore at that time, being not only of ready wit, but beaten to it by cuſtom too, made this Speech. Romans! if you ever doubted, whether the Tribunes of the People were always the Authors of Seditions upon yours or their own accounts, I am certain that ceaſeth this Year to be a doubt: and as I rejoyce that you at laſt are confuted out of ſo long an error, ſo I congratulate with you, and, for your ſakes, with the Commonwealth, that this error is removed by your happineſs more than any thing elſe. Is there any Man, that doubts whether the Tribunes of the People were ever offended and provoked with any injuries of yours (if perchance you ever did them any) ſo much as at the Senates largeſs to the People, when they allowed ſuch a ſum to each Soldier? What do you believe they either at that time feared, or would at this day diſturb but the concord of the ſeveral Orders? by which means they ſuppoſe they may beſt diſſolve the Tribunes Power. Thus they, like drudging Artificers, that love to be doing, ſeek themſelves work; and deſire that there may always be ſome grievance in the Commonwealth, that they may be by you imployed to cure it. For do you defend, or oppoſe the Commons? Are you the Adverſaries of the Soldiery? or do you plead their Cauſe? Unleſs you'l ſay, whatever the Senate does diſpleaſes us; whether it be for or againſt the People. And as Maſters forbid their Servants to have any thing to do with ſtrangers, as thinking it fit for them to be equally unconcerned with them either in good or ill Offices, ſo you deny the Senate all commerce with the People: leſt we by our courteſie and munificence ſhould oblige the Commons, or they be ſubject and obedient to us. How much rather ſhould you, if you had any (I do not ſay, civility, but) humanity in you, favour, and (as much as in you lies) indulge the courteſie of the Senate and the obedience of the People? Between whom, if there were a perpetual agreement, who may not dare to promiſe, that this Empire would in a ſhort time be the greateſt among all our Neighbour Nations?

Now I ſhall tell you anon, how this Deſign of my Collegues not drawing the Army off from Veii before they had done the buſineſs, was not only advantagious, but neceſſary too: though at preſent I intend to diſcourſe touching the very condition of them that are Soldiers there. Which Speech of mine, I believe, might ſeem very juſt, not only before you, but even in the Camp, if it were made there, before the very Army themſelves. In which, if I could think of nothing to ſay my ſelf, I might well be content with what our adverſaries have already ſaid. They lately denied, that the Soldiers ought to have a largeſs given them, becauſe they never had any ſuch thing before: how then can they be angry now, that they, who have a new advantage given them, ſhould have a new proportionable trouble injoyned them? There never is any pains without ſome profit, nor profit, for the moſt part, without pains. Pains and pleaſure, though very unlike each other in their natures, are yet joyned one to the other by a kind of natural connection. The Soldiery heretofore took it ill, that they ſhould ſerve the Commonwealth at their own charge: and yet the ſame Perſons were very glad, that they could Till their Ground part of the Year, and get enough to maintain them and their Family both at home and in the Wars. But now they are very well ſatisfied that the Commonwealth is a gain to them and receive their ſtipend with great joy. Wherefore he ought to be content to be a little longer than ordinary abſent from his Houſe and Family, who is at no great charge. If the Commonwealth ſhould call him to account, might it not juſtly ſay, you have an yearly ſtipend, do the work of an Year? Do you think it juſt for you to receive a whole Years pay for ſix Months ſervice? I am unwilling, Romans, to dwell upon this part of my Speech: for they ought to ſay thus, who have to do with Mercenary Soldiers: but we would deal as with fellow Citizens, and think they ought to deal with us as with their Country. Either the War ought not to have been undertaken, or it ought to be carried on according to the dignity of the Roman People, and ſhould be made an end of aſſoon as poſſible. Now it will be made an end of, if we preſs the beſieged; if we do not draw off, before we have put an end to our hopes by taking of Veii. If there were no other reaſon, the very indignity ought to engage our perſeverance. There was a City heretofore beſieged ten years together, for the ſake of one Woman, by all Greece: How far from home? How many Countries, how many Seas diſtant? And yet we are weary of attacking a Town but one Year, which lies within twenty Miles, almoſt within ſight of our City: becauſe, forſooth, the occaſion of the War was ſo ſmall: and there is no ſufficient reaſon to encourage our perſeverance. Why they have rebelled ſeven times; nor were they ever faithful in time of Peace: beſides that they have pillaged our Country a thouſand times. They forced the Fidenates to revolt from us, killed our Colony there, and were the occaſion (againſt the Law of Nations) of our Embaſſadors being barbarouſly murdered. They would have ſet all Etruria againſt us; and endeavour ſo to do even to this day: nor were they far from offering violence to our Embaſſadors, when they demanded back what was our due.

Should we wage War with theſe kind of People gently and by degrees? If our juſt hatred does not move us, will not theſe things, I pray you, ſtir us up? Their City is ſurrounded with great Works, wherewith the Enemy is encloſed on every ſide: ſo that they have not manured their Ground, and what was Tilled is all laid waſte by the War. Now therefore, if we bring back our Army, who doubts, but that they (not only out of a deſire to revenge themſelves, but alſo) out of meer neceſſity that is laid upon them to plunder their Neighbours, will invade our Territories? Wherefore by that means we do not differ the War, but take it into our own Confines. What? muſt that which properly belongs to the Soldiery, from whom the good Tribunes of the People would extort their ſtipend, be juſt now on the ſudden inquired into, of what nature it is? They have made a Bullwark and a Trench, both which coſt a great deal of labour, of ſuch a length: they built Forts, at firſt a few, but afterward when the Army increaſed, many more: and planted Fortifications, not only toward the City, but toward Etruria alſo, leſt any Auxiliaries ſhould come from thence. Why ſhould I talk of the Galleries, Towers, and Tortoiſes, with other inſtruments uſed in attacking of Cities? Since they have been at ſuch pains, and are now at laſt come to the end of their work; do you think theſe things are to be left, that they may undergo the ſame toil again at Summer in making them anew? when it is eaſier for us to defend the Works we have made? to preſs on, perſevere, and perfect our deſign? For indeed the buſineſs is but ſhort, if it be done without interruption, and we our ſelves do not by intermiſſions and intervals make our hopes more ſlow: I ſpeak of work and loſs of time. What? Will theſe ſo frequent Aſſemblies of Etruria, touching their ſending of Auxiliaries to Veii, ſuffer us to forget the danger, that we run into by deferring the War? As the caſe now ſtands, they are angry, they hate [the Veians] and ſay, they will ſend them no aſſiſtance; and therefore, for all them, we may now take Veii; but who will promiſe, that if we defer the War now, they ſhall be in the ſame mind hereafter? ſince, if you give them leiſure, they may ſend greater, and more frequent Embaſſies: ſince that, which now offends the Etrurians, viz. the King which they have choſen and ſet up at Veii, may be altered by tract of time, either by conſent of the City, to reconcile the Etrurians, or of the Kings own free will, who may be unwilling, that his grandeur ſhould obſtruct the good of his Citizens. Do but conſider how many great inconveniences attend that way of proceeding: the loſs of Works that coſt ſo much pains in the making: an imminent devaſtation of our Country: and an Etrurian War raiſed inſtead of a Veian. Theſe, Tribunes, are the methods; much like, as if a body ſhould give a ſick Man, who, if he ſuffered himſelf to be diligently look'd after, might ſoon be well, any grateful meat or drink that was at hand, and ſo throw him into a tedious and perhaps an incurable Diſtemper.

If it did not really conduce to the perfecting of this War, yet it would be of very good conſequence toward Military Diſcipline at leaſt, to have our Soldiers inured, and not only to enjoy a Victory when they had got it; but, if the buſineſs were ſomewhat more tedious than ordinary, to endure the fatigue on't, and expect the event even of ſlow hopes: ſo as that if a War be not ended in Summer to ſtay till Winter, and not, like Summer Birds, look about in Autumn for ſhelter and receſſes. I pray you, ſince the pleaſure of Hunting hurries Men through Snow and Froſt into the Woods and Mountains, ſhall we not imploy as much patience about the neceſſities of War, as even our ſport and paſtime prompts us to? Do we think the Bodies of our Soldiers are ſo effeminate, and their ſpirits ſo weak, that they cannot endure a Camp, or be abſent from home one Winter? as if they were to engage in a Sea Fight, where they muſt watch all Storms, and obſerve the time of Year? Can they not endure neither heat nor cold? Surely they would bluſh, if a Man ſhould tell them ſo: and would be willing to perſuade you, that they had a manly patience both in their bodies and their minds, and could wage War as well in Winter as in Summer: and that they did not give the Tribunes any order to patronize ſloth and effeminacy, but remembered, that their forefathers created this very Power, not in the ſhade, nor in any Houſe. Theſe things are becoming the Valour of your Soldiers, and ſute with the Roman name; not only to look upon Veii and this War, that is before you, but to gain Fame and Renown toward other Wars and againſt other Nations for the future. Do you believe the difference in point of opinion is ſo ſmall; whether our Neighbours think the Romans to be ſuch a People, as that if any City can but bear their firſt: ſhort effort, it need fear nothing after that; or whether the terror of our name be ſuch [as that Men may believe] that neither the toil of a long Siege, nor the ſeverities of Winter can once remove a Roman Army from before a beleguered City? ſeeing they know no other end of War, but Victory? nor wage War with force more than perſeverance? which as it is neceſſary in all ſorts of warfare, ſo moſt eſpecially in Sieges of Cities: many whereof, though they are well fortified, and by their natural ſituation rendred almoſt impregnable, are yet in time overcome and taken by mere hunger and thirſt: as Veii will be, unleſs the Tribunes of the People aſſiſt the Enemy; and the Veians find thoſe ſuccours in Rome, which they vainly ſeek for in Etruria. Is there any thing that can fall out ſo luckily for the Veians, as that, firſt of all the City of Rome ſhould be filled with Sedition, and then, as it were by Contagion, the Camp? But indeed among our Enemies there is ſo much modeſty, that they have made no innovations for all the tediouſneſs of the Siege, or the uneaſineſs of a Monarchy: the Etrurians denying them aſſiſtance did not diſturb their minds: for he muſt preſently die, that is the Author of Sedition; nor may any man ſay thoſe things, that among you are ſaid without any notice taken of them: but he deſerves a Cudgelling, who either leaves his Colours or quits his Guard. Thoſe that perſuade, not one or two Men, but whole Armies to fly from their Colours, and deſert the Camp, are publickly heard in the Aſſembly; ſo that, whatever a Tribune of the People ſays, though it be in order to betray his Country, or to ruin the Commonwealth, you have uſed to hear: and yet you are ſo taken with the ſweetneſs of that Power, that you ſuffer any evil actions to lie hid under that cover. What remains but that they ſay the ſame things in the Camp, before the Soldiers, as they bawl out here; that they corrupt the Army, and keep them from being obedient to their Commanders: becauſe that forſooth is the liberty and priviledg of Rome not to ſhew any reſpect to the Senate, Magiſtrates, the Laws, the Cuſtoms and Inſtitutions of our Forefathers or the Diſcipline of War.

Thus Appius was now equal, in publick Aſſemblies, to the Tribunes of the People, when on a ſudden, a misfortune which they had (from whence no body could have believed) at Veii, not only made Appius ſuperior in the caſe, but cauſed a greater union among the ſeveral Orders, and a more vehement inclination reſolutely to beſiege Veii. For when a mound was raiſed juſt at the very City, and their Galleries now almoſt fixed to the Walls, whilſt their Works were more intently carried on in the day, than looked after in the night; the Gate on a ſudden was opened, and a vaſt Multitude, armed, moſt of them, with Torches, threw fire into them, and in a moment of an hour both the Rampire and the Galleries, which had been ſo long a making, were all on fire; and many People there, who vainly endeavoured to aſſiſt, were conſumed by Fire and Sword. Which when it was told at Rome, made all People ſad, but filled the Senate with care and fear, leſt at that time more than ever the Sedition in the City, and in the Camp too, might become intolerable, and the Tribunes of the People inſult, as if they themſelves had ſubdued the Commonwealth: When on a ſudden, thoſe that had Knights Eſtates, though they had no publick Horſes aſſigned them, having firſt conſulted among themſelves, went to the Senate: and having permiſſion granted them to ſpeak, promiſed, that they would ſerve in the Wars upon their own Horſes. Who being thanked by the Senate in very gracious expreſſions, the noiſe of it was got all over the Forum and the City, and thereupon was there a ſudden concourſe of the Commons to the Senate-houſe; who ſaid, They were as yet of the Plebeian Order who fought on Foot, and promiſed the Commonwealth their pains out of courſe, whether they would lead them to Veii, or any whither elſe: but if they were carried to Veii, they ſaid, they would not return thence before they had taken the Enemies City. With that their joy grew very unruly: for they were not ordered to be commended as the Horſemen were, by a Magiſtrate choſen on purpoſe; nor were any of them called into the Houſe, to receive the Senates anſwer, or was the Senate contained within the Houſe, but each of them from the higher place [where they ſtood] made ſigns of publick joy to the Multitude that ſtood in the Court, both with their voice and hands, crying, Oh! happy Rome, that art invincible and eternal in this union: commending both the Knights, the Commons, and the very day it ſelf: and confeſſing that the courteſie and bounty of the Senate was now out-done. The Senate and the People ſtrove, they were ſo tranſported with joy, that the very tears flowed from them; till the Senators being recalled into the Houſe, there was an Order of Senate made, That the Tribunes Military, calling an Aſſembly, ſhould give the Foot and Horſe thanks: and tell them that the Senate would be mindful of their piety towards their Country: as alſo that they thought good, that all thoſe, who had declared themſeves Voluntiers out of courſe, ſhould receive pay: beſides which, there was a certain ſum aſſigned them for keeping of their Horſes. Then it was that Knights began firſt to ſerve in the Wars on Horſeback. The Voluntier Army being led to Veii, did not only reſtore their ruined Works, but alſo made new ones: and Proviſions were brought from the City with greater care than before, leſt there ſhould be any thing lacking that might be for the uſe of ſo deſerving an Army.

The following they choſe for Tribunes Military with Conſular Power, C. Servilius Ahala (a third time) Q. Servilius, L. Virginius, Q. Sulpicius, A. Manlius (a ſecond time) and Manius U. C. 353 Sergius (a ſecond time.) Now whilſt the care of all things in order to the Veian War was committed to theſe Tribunes, the Garriſon at Anxur being neglected for want of Men and by commonly receiving the Volſcian Merchants, was taken by a ſurpriſe upon the Watch that was at the Gates: but no great number of Men was loſt, becauſe except thoſe that were ſick, all the reſt traded like Sutlers, all over the Country and about the Neighbouring Cities. Nor did the affairs ſucceed any better at Veii, which was then the chief Seat of all their publick cares: for not only the Roman Generals had more quarrels among themſelves, than animoſity againſt their Enemies; but the War alſo was augmented by the ſudden approach of the Capenates and the Faliſcans. Theſe two Nations of Etruria, being next adjacent to the Conquered Veians, believed, that they ſhould be next alſo in the courſe of the Roman War (the Faliſcans, as being obnoxious upon their own account, for having been formerly concerned in the Fidenate War) and therefore ſending Embaſſadors to and fro, and being by Oath obliged to each other they came on a ſudden with their Armies to Veii. They happened to attack the Camp in that part of the Country, which was under the Government of Manius Sergius: and put them into a mighty fear; for that the Romans believed that all Etruria was up in Arms and come in a full body againſt them: and the ſame opinion put the Veians alſo into confuſion in the City. By this means the Roman Camp was attacked on both ſides: ſo that they ran together, carrying their Enſigns to and fro; nor could they well keep the Veians within their Works, or defend their own Fortifications, and ſave themſelves from their Enemy without: but their only hope was, if they were ſuccoured from the bigger Camp, that ſome of their Legions might fight on one ſide againſt the Capenate and Faliſcan, and the reſt withſtand the Sallies of the Townſmen. But Virginius commanded the Camp, who was privately hated and an Enemy to Sergius. He therefore, when it was told him, that ſeveral of their Forts were attacked, that the Enemy had got over the Fortifications, and made their way in on both ſides, kept his Men in their Arms; ſaying, That if there were need of his aſſiſtance, his Collegue would ſend to him. But the obſtinacy of the other equalled his arrogance; for he, leſt he ſhould ſeem to deſire any aid from his Enemy, choſe rather to be overcome by the Enemy than conquer by the help of his fellow Citizen. The Romans for a long time were killed in the midſt between their two Enemies; but at laſt, forſaking their Works ſome few of them got into the bigger Camp; though the greateſt part, and Sergius himſelf, made their eſcape to Rome: where laying all the blame upon his Collegue, it was ordered, that Virginius ſhould be ſent for from the Camp, and the Lieutenants Command it in the mean time. Then the matter was debated in the Senate: and the Collegues inveighed againſt each other; whilſt few regarded the Commonwealth; but moſt of them took this or the others part, as their private love and favour inclined them.

The chief of the Senators, whether that ignominious defeat was received through the default or infelicity of the Generals, were of opinion, That they ought not to expect the due time of the Aſſembly, but forthwith to create new Tribunes of the Soldiers, who ſhould enter upon their Office on the firſt of October. To which opinion of theirs there was ſo general a conſent, that the reſt of the Tribunes Military did not at all gainſay it. But yet Sergius and Virginius, for whoſe ſake it was manifeſt that the Senate repented of the Magiſtrates for that Year, firſt of all begged pardon for that ignominy, and then interpoſed againſt the Order of Senate, ſaying, That they would not go out of their Office before the 15 of December, which was the ſolemn day for Magiſtrates to enter upon their Offices. Hereupon the Tribunes of the People, who had held their tongues againſt their wills, when they ſaw ſuch an agreement among the People and the City in ſo happy a ſtate, began very fiercely to threaten the Tribunes Military, that if they would not ſubmit to the Senates Authority, they would order them to be carried to Priſon. Then C. Servilius Ahala, a Tribune Military, ſaid, As for your parts, Tribunes of the People, and your menaces, I truly would willingly try how little juſtice theſe threats have in them more than we have reſolution: but that 'tis a great crime to contend againſt the Authority of the Senate; wherefore do you ceaſe, whilſt we are a quarrelling, to ſeek occaſion of charging any injury upon us, and my Collegue ſhall either do what the Senate orders, or if they perſiſt in their reſolutions, I'll immediately nominate a Dictator, that ſhall force them to quit their Offices. Which Speech of his being approved on by all general aſſent, the Senators were glad, that there was ſome other greater force found out, beſides the dread of the Tribunes Power, to curb the Magiſtrates: and ſo they, being over-powered by univerſal conſent held the Aſſembly for chuſing Tribunes Military, who were to enter into their Office upon the Kalends of October, and quitted their own Offices before that day.

By L. Valerius Potitus (who was now Tribune Military a fourth time) M. Furius Camillus (a ſecond time) Manius Aemilius Mamercinus (a third time) Cn. Cornelius Coſſus (a ſecond time) Caeſo Fabius Ambuſtus, and L. Julius Julus (being all of them inveſted with Conſular Authority) there were many exploits done both at home and abroad: for they were engaged in many Wars at the ſame time, not only at Veii, but at Capena, Falerii, and againſt the Volſci, to recover Anxur from the Enemy: beſides, that at Rome they took a great deal of pains in making their Levy, and gathering the Tribute; and had a mighty conteſt about taking in the Tribunes of the People; nor did the judgments paſſed by them, who a little before had been dignified with Conſular Authority, cauſe any ſmall animoſities. The Tribunes Military thought fit firſt of all to make the Levy, nor were the younger People only enrolled, but the elder alſo forced to give in their names, in order to ſecure the City. But look how much the number of the Soldiers was augmented, ſo much the more Mony was neceſſary to pay them: and that was raiſed by a Tax, to which the Perſons that paid it were very unwilling to conſent, at leaſt ſuch of them, who ſtaid at home, becauſe they were to undergo the duty of Soldiers and ſerve the Commonwealth in defending the City. Now though theſe things were grievous in themſelves, the Tribunes of the People by their ſeditious Speeches made them ſeem much more intolerable: ſaying, That the Soldiers had Mony raiſed for them, upon no other account, but to deſtroy and undo the Commons, partly by War, and partly by Taxes. That one War had been protracted now for three Years together; and was ill managed out of deſign; that they might keep it on foot the longer. That afterward, there were Forces raiſed at one Levy for four Wars, and that even Boys and old Men were taken for Soldiers. That now there was no difference between Summer and Winter, leſt the poor Commons ſhould ever have any reſt: who were now alſo at laſt made Tributary too; ſo that when they came home again with their bodies quite tired out, all over wounds, and broken with age, and found all places unmanured by reaſon of the long abſence of the owners, they muſt pay Tribute out of their decayed Eſtate; and return their pay, (as though they had taken it up at Uſe) to the Commonwealth manifold. Amidſt the Levy, the Tribute, and the many greater affairs wherewith their minds were taken up, the number of the Tribunes of the People could not be made up at the Aſſembly: wherefore they contended, to have Patricians choſen into the void places: which ſeeing they could not obtain, yet, to invalidate the Trebonian Law, it was ſo brought about, that C. Lacerius and M. Acutius were taken in to be Tribunes of the People, and that, no queſtion, by means of the Patricians.

It happened that that Year C. Trebonius was Tribune of the People; who ſeemed to behave himſelf like a juſt Patron of that name and Family in defending the Trebonian Law. For he, crying out, that what ſome of the Senate had in vain deſired (as being repulſed upon the firſt attempt) the Tribunes of the Soldiers had extorted, ſaid, That the Trebonian Law was evacuated, and that the Tribunes of the People were choſen [into the void places] not by the Votes of the People, but by the command of the Patricians: and that the matter was come to ſuch a paſs, as that the Tribunes of the People muſt be look'd upon either as Patricians or retainers to them. That the ſacred Laws were taken away, the Tribunes Power wreſted from them, and that done, by the fraud of the Patricians, and the knavery and treachery of their Collegues. Now ſince not only the Senate, but the Tribunes of the People alſo, (they that were taken in, and thoſe that choſe them too) had incurred the envy and hatred of the People; three of the College, viz. P. Curatius, M. Metilius, and M. Minucius, being concerned for their own private affairs, inveighed againſt Sergius and Virginius, the Tribunes of the foregoing Year; and by ſummoning them to Tryal, turned the fury and envy of the People from themſelves upon thoſe two: ſaying, That they had given all thoſe, to whom the Levy, the Tax, the tedious Campaign, or the length of the War was grievous (as alſo to them, who had reaſon to be ſorry for the defeat received at Veii; and them, who, having loſt Children, Brothers, Kindred or Relations, had their Houſes full of ſorrow) Authority and Power to revenge their grief both private and publick upon thoſe two guilty Perſons: for the original cauſes of all their miſchiefs were in Sergius and Virginius. Nor did their accuſers prove that upon them more than they confeſſed it; who being both guilty laid the blame upon one another: Virginius by charging Sergius, that he ran away, and Sergius Virginius, that he betrayed him: whoſe madneſs was ſo incredible, that it was much more probable, that what they did was done by compact and the common fraud of the Patricians. That by theſe Perſons the Veians had formerly opportunity given them to ſet fire on their Works, in order to protract the War, and that now the Army was betrayed; the Roman Camp delivered into the hands of the Faliſcans; and all things done, that the young Men might grow old at Veii: nor could the Tribunes appeal to the People concerning the publick Lands, or any other conveniences of the common People, or get any conſiderable number in the City to back them in their actions, and to reſiſt the Conſpiracy of the Patricians. That there was a Judgment paſſed upon thoſe guilty Perſons already both by the Senate, the Roman People, and their own Collegue, for they were not only removed from the Commonwealth by an act of Senate; but when they refuſed to lay down their Offices, were conſtrained and checked by their Collegues with the fear of a Dictator: and that the Roman People had created Tribunes, who were not to enter upon their Office on the Ides of December, which was the ſolemn day, but immediately upon the firſt of October: becauſe the Commonwealth could not have ſtood any longer if theſe Perſons had continued in their Offices. And yet, that they, though marked and fore-judged by ſo many ſentences already, come to be judged by the People: think themſelves acquitted, and that they have ſuffered ſufficiently, in having been made private perſons two Months ſooner than their time; not underſtanding, that they had then only the power of doing hurt taken from them, but no penalty inflicted on them: for their Collegues too were turned out of their Office, though they had done no harm. That the Romans ought to reſume thoſe thoughts, which they had, when they received the late defeat, when they ſaw a frighted Army running away, full of wounds, and marching with diſmay into their Gates; accuſing neither fortune, nor any God, but theſe two Commanders only. For he was ſure, that there was never a Man in that Aſſembly, who, at that time, did not curſe and deteſt the Perſons, Families, and Fortunes of L. Virginius and M. Sergius. Wherefore it was abſurd for any body, when he might and ought, not to uſe his Power againſt thoſe Perſons whom he had curs'd. That the Gods themſelves never laid hands on the guilty; it was ſufficient for them to arm thoſe that were injured with an occaſion of revenging themſelves.

With theſe kind of Speeches the Commonalty was ſo animated, that they condemned the Perſons accuſed in 10000 l. whilſt Sergius in vain accuſed the common chance and fortune of War; and Virginius begged, that he might not be made more unhappy at home than he was in the War. So the fury of the People being thus turned upon them, had cauſed the admiſſion of the Tribunes and their fraud againſt the Trebonian Law, to be almoſt forgotten. Now the Tribunes, having carried the day, (to the end that the Commons might have a preſent reward for their judgment) promulgated the Agrarian Law [concerning diviſion of Lands] and forbad any Tax to be gathered; ſince they wanted Pay for ſo many Armies, and their affairs abroad were ſo ſucceſsful, that they arrived not at the end of their hopes in any War: for at Veii, the Camp, which they had loſt, was retrieved and ſtrengthened with new Forts and Guards. The Tribunes Military that Commanded there were M. Aemilius and Q. Fabius: there were no Enemies found without their Walls by M. Furius in the Faliſcan, nor by Cn. Cornelius in the Caepenate Dominions: ſo that they drove away all the Booty that they found, laid the Country waſte by burning their Villages and Fruits; but neither attacked, nor beſieged their Towns. But in the Volſcian Territories, after they had ravaged the Country, they attempted Anxur to no purpoſe, which was ſeated upon an high place, and afterwards, ſince 'twas to no purpoſe to make an Aſſault, begun to be beſieged with a Bullwark and a Trench. Valerius Potitus happened to have the Volſci for his Province. At this juncture of Military Affairs, a Domeſtick Sedition aroſe with greater violence than their Wars were carried on: and ſeeing the Tax could not be raiſed for the Tribunes, nor any Pay ſent to the Officers, though the Soldiers were very earneſt to have their Mony, the Camp had like to have been diſturbed by the Contagion of the City Sedition. Amidſt theſe heats of the People againſt the Senate, though the Tribunes of the People ſaid, that was the time to eſtabliſh their Liberty and to transfer the chief Authority from ſuch as Sergius and Virginius to Commoners that were ſtout and brave fellows; yet they went no further, than to create one Plebeian (and that only to ſhew their right) viz. P. Licinius U. C. 355 us Calvus, a Tribune Military with Conſular Authority. The reſt were all Patricians, as, P. Maenius, P. Titinius, P. Maelius, L. Furius Medullinius, and L. Publilius Volſius. For which reaſons all the Commons wondered, that they had gained ſo great a point, and not only he that was created; who was a Man that had never born any honourable Office, but was only an ancient Senator and very old. Nor is it well known, why he was firſt choſen and look'd upon as the fitteſt Perſon to receive that new honour. Some think he was pitched upon for the ſake of his Brother Cn. Cornelius, who had a Tribune Military Year before, and given the Horſemen treble Pay: others, that he made a ſeaſonable Speech about the union of the ſeveral Orders, which pleaſed both the Senate and the People. Now the Tribunes of the People were ſo over-joyed at this their Victory in the Aſſembly, that they, to the great damage of the Commonwealth, remitted ſomewhat of the Tax: but the reſt was paid very obediently and ſent to the Army.

Anxur, in the Volſcians Country, was ſoon retaken, when the Watches upon an Holy day neglected the defence of it. This Year was remarkable for a very cold and ſnowy Winter; inſomuch that the Roads were dammed up, and the Tiber become unnavigable. But the price of Proviſions, by reaſon of the ſtores, which before were bought in, did not riſe at all. And becauſe P. Licinius, as he had got the Office [of a Tribune] without any tumult, ſo alſo bore it with greater joy to the Commons, than indignation in the Senate, the People had a deſire, at the next Choice of Tribunes Military to put in Plebeians. And accordingly U. C. 256 M. Veturius was the only Patrician of all the Candidates, that got a place: but moſt of the Centuries Voted for Plebeians to be the other Tribunes of the Soldiers, whoſe names were L. Titinius, P. Menenius, P. Acilius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Racilius: That ſevere Winter, either through the ill temper of the air, that changed on a ſudden for the contrary, or for ſome other reaſon, was attended by a Summer which was as hurtful and Peſtilent to all ſorts of Animals. Of which uncurable Diſtemper ſeeing they could not find either the Reaſon, or Cure, the Sybils Books were, by Order of the Senate, conſulted: and the Duumviri, appointed to do Sacrifice, having then firſt prepared an Holy Feaſt in the City of Rome, for eight days together appeaſed Apollo, Latona, Diana, Hercules, Mercury and Neptune, upon three Beds made [in a Temple] and ſet out as ſplendidly as poſſibly they then might be. That ſacred [Feaſt] was alſo kept privately too: for they ſay the whole City, ſetting open their doors, and making all things common, entertained all Perſons, whether friends or ſtrangers, that came to their Houſes: that they laid all quarrels and debates aſide, and talk'd very courteouſly and kindly even with their Enemies: that againſt thoſe days, thoſe that were in Priſon had their Bonds taken off; and that it was afterward look'd upon as an horrid crime to impriſon them, whom the Gods had in that manner releaſed. In the mean time their dread at Veii was become manifold, ſince three Wars were united into one. For in the ſame manner as before, now that the Capenates and Faliſcans were come to relieve that place, they were fain to fight both forward and backward, about their Fortifications, againſt three Armies at once. That which did them moſt good was the remembrance of Sergius and Virginius's Condemnation: wherefore a Party brought about, in a ſhort ſpace, from the bigger Camp, whence before they had no ſuccour, attacked the Capenates, who charged upon the Roman Bullwark, in the Rere. Thence therefore the Fight began, and terrified the Faliſcans, who were opportunely forced back in a conſternation by a Sally out of the Camp: whereupon the Conquerors purſuing, made a great ſlaughter among them. Nor was it long before the Pillagers of the Capenian Territories, who were now ſtragling about, and met them, as it were, by accident, deſtroyed thoſe that were left at the Fight: beſides, that many of the Veians, who fled back into their City, were ſlain at the Gates, whilſt the foremoſt, for fear, leſt the Romans ſhould get in along with their Men, ſhut up the paſſes and kept out the hindmoſt of their own Party. Theſe things were tranſacted that Year.

And now the Aſſembly for chuſing Tribunes Military was come; for which the Senate were full as much concerned as for the War: becauſe they ſaw the chief Authority not only communicated to the Commons, but now almoſt quite loſt. Wherefore though they had prepared the moſt eminent in the City on purpoſe to ſtand for that Office, whom they thought the People would be aſhamed to refuſe; yet they themſelves, as if they had been all Candidates, tryed all manner of means, and drew over, not only Men, but even the Gods too to their Party, making the Aſſemblies of the laſt two Years a matter of Religious conſidoration. For they ſaid, That the Year before, they had an intolerable Winter, which was terrible in many Divine Prodigies: and that the Year next to that, they had not Prodigies indeed, but the event of them, viz. a Peſtilence raging all over their Country and City, which was, no queſtion, the effect of the Gods wrath upon them: whom to appeaſe, in order to remove that Plague, it was found expedient in their fatal Books: That at an Aſſembly, which was held by the direction of the Soethſayers, the Gods thought it an undecent thing, that honours ſhould be proſtituted to the vulgar, and the differences of Families confounded. Hereupon the People were ſo aſtoniſhed, not only at the Majeſty of the Candidates, but with Religious awe too, that they choſe Tribunes Military with Conſular Power, who were all Patricians, and thoſe moſt part of them the moſt honourable U. C. 357 Perſons; as, L. Valerius Potitus (a fifth time) M. Valerius Maximus, M. Furius Camillus, (a third time) L. Furius Medullinus, (a third time) Q. Servilius Fidenas, (a ſecond time) and Q. Sulpicius Camerinus, a ſecond time. Whilſt theſe Men were Tribunes, there was nothing memorable done at Veii: for all their force was imployed in pillaging. The two chief Officers brought away vaſt Booties, Potitus from Falerii, and Camillus from Capena; leaving nothing entire that could be injured by Fire or Sword.

In the mean time there were many Prodigies ſpoken of: whereof moſt were disbelieved and ſlighted, not only becauſe they had but one Author, but alſo becauſe, the Etrurians being their Enemies, they had no Soothſayers to atone for them. Wherefore all their care was imployed upon one only; which was, that the Lake in the Alban Grove, without any rain, or any other apparent cauſe, to make it leſs than a Miracle, ſwelled to an unuſual height. There upon there were Deputies ſent to the Oracle at Delphi, to enquire what the Gods foretold by that Prodigy: but a nearer Interpreter was by Deſtiny prepared for it, being an old Man of Veii, who, amidſt the Roman and Etrurian Soldiers, who were wrangling in their Stations and upon their Watches, ſaid, like a Prophet, That the Romans ſhould never take Veii, before the Water was let out of the Alban Lake. Which Propheſie of his was at firſt deſpiſed, as a raſh word, but ſoon after began to be more ſeriouſly conſidered; 'till at laſt one of the Roman Soldiers asking the next Townſman to him (for the War had continued ſo long, that they now converſed with one another) who that was, who ſpake ſo myſteriouſly of the Albane Lake; when he heard he was a Soothſayer, he, being a Man not altogether void of Religion, pretended, that if he had any leiſure, he would conſult him about the expiation of a private Prodigy, and ſo got the Soothſayer to diſcourſe with him. And when they were both got a good way from their Party, unarmed, and without any fear; the luſty young Roman being too ſtrong for him, forced the feeble old Man in ſight of them all away, and, for all the Etrurians could do, carried him to their Poſt. Who, when he came to the General, and from thence was ſent to the Senate at Rome, they enquiring of him, what that was, that he had ſaid concerning the Albane Lake, he replied, That the Gods were really angry with the Veians that day, on which they had put it into his mind to diſcover how his Country ſhould be deſtroyed. And therefore what he then ſaid, as being moved by a Divine impulſe, he could neither recall ſo as to unſpeak it, but might perhaps commit as great a crime in concealing, what the Gods would have divulged, as by revealing what ſhould be kept ſecret. Now therefore it was ſo delivered in their fatal Books, and by the Tradition of the Etrurians, that when the Alban Water had ſwell'd, then if the Romans had let it out, as they ſhould have done, they ſhould have had the Victory over the Veians: but, before that was, the Gods would never forſake the Walls of Veii: Then he went on and told them, what was the ſolemn method of drawing it. But the Senate looking upon him as a vain babbler, and not creditable enough in ſuch a weighty matter, decreed, that the Embaſſadors, and the anſwer of the Delphick Oracle, ſhould be expected home again.

But before the Deputies returned from Delphi, or the atonement for the Albane Prodigy was found out, the new Tribunes inveſted with Conſular Authority; viz. L. Julius Julus, U. C. 358 L. Furius Medullinus, (a fourth time) L. Sergius Fidenas, A. Poſtumius Regillenſis, P. Cornelius Maluginenſis, and A. Manlius, entred upon their Office. That Year the Tarquinians, a new Enemy, roſe up, becauſe they ſaw the Romans engaged in ſo many Wars (as, that againſt the Volſci at Anxur, where their Garriſon was beſieged; againſt the Aequi at Lavici, who attacked the Roman Colony there; and beſides theſe, in the Veian, Faliſcan and Capenian War) all at the ſame time: and that their affairs were as unſetled within their Walls too through the contentions between the Senate and the People. Wherefore ſuppoſing this juncture a good opportunity to ſet upon them, they ſent ſeveral expediate Troops a foraging into the Roman Territories; for they thought that either the Romans would not revenge the injuries done to them, for fear of burthening themſelves with a new War, or would purſue them with a ſmall, and conſequently a weak Army. Now the Romans reſented the indignity more than they valued the ravage that the Tarquinians made. Wherefore this buſineſs was neither undertaken with any extraordinary concern, nor long deferred: but A. Poſtumius, and L. Julius, without any regular Levy (for they were hindered by the Tribunes of the People) but with a Party of Men, who were in a manner Voluntiers, that they by perſuaſions got together, went forth through the Caeretian Territories croſs the Country, and ſurpriſed the Tarquinians as they came back from Plundering, and loaded with Booty: killing many of them; but took all their Plunder from them, and ſo, having retrieved the ſpoils of their own Dominions, returned to Rome. There was two days given the owners to find out their Goods; and the third day, ſuch things as were not owned (among which there were many things belonging to the Enemies themſelves) were publickly ſold; and the Mony, made of them, divided among the Soldiers. The other Wars, and eſpecially the Veian, had very uncertain events. And now the Romans, deſpairing of human aid, depended upon the Fates and Gods; when at laſt the Embaſſadors came from Delphi, with the Oracles anſwer, which was agreeable to what the Captive Prophet had told them; being this, Romans! have a care, leſt the Albane Water be kept in the Lake; but do not let it run into the Sea down its own Channel: let it out and ſprinkle it all over the Fields, and make drains to exhauſt it. Then do thou preſs hard upon the Enemies Walls, remembring that the Victory over the City, which thou haſt beſieged ſo many years, was given thee by direction of this Oracle, that now reveals it. When the War is over, and thou art Conqueror, bring a large Preſent to my Temple; and perform thy ancient Country Sacrifices, the care of which thou haſt omitted, according to cuſtom.

From that time the Captive Prophet began to grow great, and the Tribunes of the Soldiers, Cornelius and Poſtumius made uſe of him to atone for the Albane Prodigy, and appeaſe the Gods after the due manner; and it was found out at laſt, that when the Gods were angry that the Ceremonies were neglected, or the ſolemnities intermitted, the meaning of it was nothing elſe, but that the Magiſtrates were not rightly choſen: that that did duly Celebrate the Latin Holy-days, and perform the ſacred Rites in the Albane Mount: that it was the only expiation of thoſe things, for the Tribunes Military to lay down their Office, for the auſpices to be again repeated, and an interregnum ſet up. All which was accordingly performed by order of the Senate. Thereupon there were three Interreges [or Perſons that ruled, when there were no chief Magiſtrates beſides] viz. L. Valerius, Q. Servilius Fidenas, and M. Furius Camillus. But in the mean time they had continual diſturbances; for the common People made a tumult in the Aſſembly, till it was firſt agreed upon, That the greater part of the Tribunes Military ſhould be choſen out of the Commonalty. Which whilſt they tranſacted, the States of Etruria met at the Temple of Volumna: where ſeeing the Capenates and Faliſcans required, that all the People of Etruria ſhould, with one conſent, reſcue Veii from the Siege that was laid to it, anſwer was made, That they had denied the Veians that before; becauſe they ought not to expect aid from them, whom they had not conſulted about ſo weighty an affair: beſides, that at this time their very condition denied them, eſpecially in that part of Etruria: for a Foreign Nation, and new Neighbours, called Gauls, were near them; with whom they neither had any aſſurance of Peace or War. Yet they would be ſo kind to their own blood and name, and ſhew ſo much regard to the dangers of their Kindred, that if any of their Youth would go voluntarily into that War, they would not hinder them. Then there was a report at Rome, that ſuch a vaſt number of Enemies were come; and thereby their inteſtine diſcords began (as it uſually happens) to be allayed.

It was not againſt the Senates will that the Tribes by their Prerogative choſe Licinius Calvus U. C. 359 Tribune of the Soldiers, who was a Perſon of known moderation in his former Office; but at that time very old: and it was apparent that all thoſe of the College in the ſame would be choſen again; viz. L. Titinius, P. Menenius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Atilius: who before they were declared, P. Licinius Calvus, by the permiſſion of the Interrex, made this Speech to the Tribes: Romans! I ſee you have a deſire to make the enſuing Year, at this Aſſembly, the omen of concord (which is a thing moſt advantagious to you at this time) by the remembrance you bear of our Magiſtracy: in that you chuſe the ſame Collegues again, who are now grown better by experience. But you ſee me now not the ſame Perſon, but left like the ſhadow and name of P. Licinius. My ſtrength is decayed; the ſenſe of my eyes and ears grown dull; my memory fails me, and the vigour of my mind is enervated. See here, ſaid he, (and took his Son by the hand) the Effigies and Image of him, whom you heretofore firſt made Tribune of the Soldiers out of the common People: this Boy, who has been educated by me, I give and dedicate to the Commonwealth as my Vicegerent; and I beſeech you, Romans! that you would beſtow that honour which you have freely offered me upon this Candicate, for the ſake of thoſe intreaties which I have added upon his account. Thereupon the Fathers Petition was granted, and his Son P. Licinius was declared Tribune of the Soldiers with Power Conſular, along with thoſe whom I mentioned before. Titinius and Genutius, two of the Tribunes Military, going againſt the Faliſcans and the Capenates, whilſt they carried on the War with greater Courage than Conduct, ran headlong into danger. Genutius ſuffering for his raſhneſs by an honourable death, fell before the Enſigns in the Van. But Titinius, having retrieved his Men out of a conſternation to the top of an high Hill, rallied again, but he did not engage the Foe in a convenient place. Yet he got more diſgrace than he loſt Men: though that had like to have occaſioned a mighty Defeat; by reaſon that they were ſo terrified, not only at Rome, (where there were many ſeveral reports of it) but in the Camp at Veii too. For there the Soldiers were with great difficulty kept from running away, when a rumour had fled through all the Camp, that their Generals and their Army were ſlain, and that the Capenate and Faliſcan had got the Victory; as alſo, that all the Youth of Etruria was not far from that place. But they fancied greater danger than this at Rome, viz. that the Camp at Veii was now attacked, and that part of the Enemies were coming in a dreadful Body toward the City. Wherefore they ran up upon the Walls, and the Matrons, whom the publick fear had forced from their Houſes, made their ſupplications in the Temples; where they prayed to the Gods, That they would guard the Houſes of the City, the Temples and the Walls of Rome from ruin and deſtruction; and would turn that dread upon Veii, if their Holy Rites had been rightly renewed, and Prodigies duly atoned.

By this time the Games and Latin Holy-days were Celebrated: and now the Water was let out of the Albane Lake, and the deſtruction of Veii was at hand. Wherefore M. Furius Camillus, a fatal General, not only to ruin that City, but to preſerve his Country, was declared Dictator, and made P. Cornelius Scipio his Maſter of the Horſe. The changing of their General made a ſudden alteration in all things; for now they had other hopes, other ſentiments, and the fortune of their City ſeemed quite another thing. Firſt of all he puniſhed thoſe who in that conſternation had fled from Veii, according to the rules of War: and brought it ſo to paſs, that the Soldiers ſhould not fear their Enemy above any body. Then having appointed a day for the Levy, he himſelf in the mean time poſted over to Veii to encourage the Soldiers there. And thence he returned to Rome to raiſe the new Army; nor did any one refuſe to be Liſted. Yea, the Foreign Youth of the Latins and Hernicans, promiſing their ſervice, came to that War: whom when the Dictator had thanked in the Senate, and prepared all things neceſſary for the War, he vowed, by Order of the Senate, that he, when Veii was taken, would ſet forth the Grand Games: and would Dedicate the Temple of the Goddeſs Matuta, which was now repaired, and formerly Dedicated by King Servius Tullius. Going from the City with his Army, which raiſed Peoples expectation beyond their hopes, he engaged the Faliſcans and the Capenates firſt near Nepete; where all things were carried with the greateſt caution and Conduct, and fortune (as in ſuch caſes ſhe uſually does) attended on him. For he not only routed his Enemy in the Battel, but forced him out of his Camp too: where he got a vaſt Booty, the greateſt part whereof was brought to the Queſtor, and not much of it given to the Soldiers. Thence the Army was led to Veii, and the Forts there made thicker: and the Soldiers were drawn from making farther approaches, (as they did many times very raſhly between the Bullwark and the Wall) to work, by an Order, That no Man ſhould fight unleſs he were commanded to it. Now the far greateſt, and moſt toilſom work, was a Mine, which began to be made into the Enemies Caſtle. Which Work that it might not be interrupted, nor their continual labour under ground quite tire the ſame Perſons, he divided the Workmen into ſix parts, and made each company work ſix hours at a time, as it came to their turns: ſo that they never left off, night nor day, till they had made a way into the Caſtle.

The Dictator ſeeing the Victory now in his hands; that ſo rich a City was taken, and that there would be more Booty than had been got in all the Wars before, (put them all together) he, leſt he ſhould gain any ill will from the Soldiers by the unequal diviſion of the ſpoils, or envy from the Senate by his prodigal largeſs, ſent a Letter to the Senate, That through the bleſſing of the immortal Gods, his Conduct, and the Soldiers patience, Veii would now be in the hands of the Romans; [and deſired to know] what they would have him do with the ſpoils? Now the Senate were of two opinions: one of which was that of P. Licinius, who, they ſay, being asked by his Son about this matter, firſt ſaid; That the People thought fit to declare, that whoſoever would ſhare in that booty, ſhould go into the Camp at Veii: and the other, the opinion of Ap. Claudius, who finding fault with a new, prodigal, unequal, and unadviſed largeſs, ſaid, If they look'd upon it as unlawful, that Mony taken from an Enemy ſhould be put into their Treaſury, though now exhauſted by ſo many Wars, he adviſed them at leaſt to pay the Soldiers out of it, that the Commons might pay the leſs Taxes: for all Houſes would feel the benefit of that gift alike. That by that means the greedy hands of idle Citizens who are ſo ready to ſeize on all they can get, would not rob ſtout Soldiers of their rewards; though it moſt commonly ſo falls out, that he who is moſt forward to venture upon toil and danger, is ſloweſt in carrying off the booty. Licinius on the contrary ſaid, That Mony would be always ſuſpected and hateful, and would give occaſion for Appeals to the Commons, and thence for Seditions and new Laws. Wherefore it was better, that the People ſhould be reconciled by that gift: that they, who had been exhauſted and drained by the Taxes of ſo many years ſhould be relieved; and ſhould reap ſome benefit by the booty out of that War, in which they were almoſt grown old. That that would be more acceptable, and welcome to them, which every Man brought home with him after he had taken it from the Enemy, than if he received three times as much from the diſpoſal of another Man. That the Dictator himſelf ſtrove to avoid envy upon that ſcore, and therefore left it to the Senate: and that the Senate alſo ought to leave the matter (though referred to them) to the People, and ſuffer them to have what the fortune of War has given each one of them. This ſeemed to be the ſafer opinion, to make the Senate popular. Wherefore it was ordered, that all who had a mind to ſhare in the Veian ſpoils, ſhould go into the Camp to the Dictator: upon which ſo vaſt a Multitude went, that they filled the Camp.

Then the Dictator having conſulted the Soothſayers went forth, and when he had given his Soldiers orders to ſtand to their Arms, ſaid thus, O Divine Apollo, 'tis under thy Conduct, and by the Inſpiration of thy Deity, that I go to deſtroy the City Veii, and from henceforward I ſolemnly promiſe thee the Tith of the prey: And I beſeech thee Juno, preſerver of Veii, to follow us Conquerors into the City, which in a ſhort time will be thine and ours; where thou maiſt have a Temple fit to receive thy Greatneſs. After this Prayer, he goes with a vaſt Company from all parts to the City, to leſſen the ſenſe and apprehenſion they had of danger from the Mine. The Men of Veii little thinking that they were now cheated by their own Diviners, and by Foreign Oracles, that ſome of the Gods were intreated to partake of their Prey, that others were invited out of their City to behold the Temples and new Seat of the Enemies, and that they were now breathing their laſt day; fearing nothing leſs than the undermining their Magazines, or taking their Tower, run up and down upon the Walls in their Armour, wondring that the Romans, who had not ſtirred (ſo much as a Man) from their ſtations in ſo many days time, ſhould now, as if they were driven by ſome ſudden Fury, run ſo unadviſedly to the Walls. And here 'tis reported, that, as the Veietian King was ſacrificing, the voice of the Soothſayer, that divided the Entrails of that ſacrifice, and promiſed him Victory, was heard ſo plain in the Mine, that it moved the Roman Soldiers to open the Mine, and carry away the Entrails to the Dictator. But it is ſufficient if ſuch ancient ſtories as theſe, which are but probable, be received as true. Theſe things are fitter to be admired, to maintain the oſtentation of ſuch a joyſul Scene, than to be believed; neither will it be worth ones while either to affirm or deny them. Out of the Mine, that was then full of choice Soldiers, on a ſudden there ſprang Armed Men in the Temple of Juno, which was in the Veientan Tower, and ſome of them ſet upon the Enemies that ran away upon the Walls; others tear back the Bars, others fling fire into thoſe Houſes, from whence the Women and Servants threw Stones and Tiles. The noiſe of them, being ſcared with fear and dread, being made up of the ſeveral cries and complaints of Women and Children filled all places with horror and amazement. The Soldiers being preſently diſmounted the Walls, and the Gates open, the City is filled with Enemies, ſome of which climb the forſaken Walls, others ran in throngs up and down the Streets, ſo that there was nothing but fighting in all places. After much ſlaughter, the heat of the skirmiſh was over, and the Dictator commanded the Cryers to make Proclamation that they ſhould no longer kill Women and Children: whereupon the ſhedding of blood ceaſed, and the unarmed Crew began to deliver up themſelves. Then the Soldiers, by the permiſſion of the Dictator betake themſelves to pillaging, the richneſs and abundance of which, when it was brought before him, did ſo far ſurpaſs his hopes and expectations, that with lift up hands to Heaven, (as 'tis ſaid) he prayed, That if any Gods or Men thought the fortune of the Romans too great, they would mitigate their envy by laying ſome private affliction upon him, and not at all injure the publick concerns of the Roman People. As he thus prayed, 'tis reported that he fell down in turning himſelf, which Omen (as ſome conjecture) ſeemed to preſage the Condemnation of Camillus himſelf to Baniſhment, and the deſtruction of Rome, which happened not many years after. Thus that day was ſpent in killing Enemies, and pillaging the riches of that wealthy City.

The next day the Dictator ſold the Freemen, and that was the only Mony allotted for publick uſe: at which the common People was much diſturbed, in regard that Preſs was not acknowledged to be received from their General who had referred the matter to the Senate, to find out the Authors of ſuch a miſchief; nor from the Senate, and the Father was the Author and giver of ſuch popular Advice: When they had carried out all the Wealth that belonged to the Men, they began to remove that which was Conſecrated to the Gods, but rather like Worſhipers than Pillagers. For the choiceſt young Men in all the Army being appointed to carry Queen Juno to Rome, all in white, and with Bodies cleanſed from all filthineſs, entered the Temple with Veneration, and put their hands towards her with Reverence, it being cuſtomary among the Etrurians, that none but a Prieſt of ſome truſty Nation ſhould handle that Image. And when one of them, either by Inſpiration or by way of Jeſt, ſaid, Wilt thou go to Rome, Juno? the reſt cried out that ſhe nodded to him, and 'twas afterwards ſaid, that the voice of her, ſaying, That ſhe would, was heard. I heard that ſhe was removed from her Seat, and carried to Rome with ſo great caſe, that ſhe did as it were follow them, and there ſeated for ever on the Mount Aventine, where Camillus the Roman was required to pay his Vows, and where afterwards he Dedicated a Temple to her. This was the fall of Veii the richeſt City among the Etrurians, that ſhewed its greatneſs even to the laſt. For after the Siege of ten Years together, and giving more overthrows than they received, at laſt by the compulſion of Fate, they were Conquered more by Works and Stratagems than force.

Aſſoon as the news of Veii's being taken came to Rome, though the Prodigies were taken off, the Reſponſes of their Wiſe Men and Oracles were known; though according to the beſt of Mens advice, they had declared M. Furius their Commander the greateſt of Generals; yet becauſe they had ſeveral bruſhes with them for ſo many Years together, and had many diſcomfitures, their Joy was beyond meaſure, being as it were unhoped for: and before an Order of the Senate could paſs for it, the Temples were thronged with Roman Mothers giving thanks to the Gods: The Senate Decree that they ſhould Sacrifice four days, more than ever was known in any War before. The coming of the Dictator alſo was Celebrated by all ſorts of Men that ran out in great companies to meet him, beyond the examples of former times, and the honour of his Triumph ſomewhat exceeded their cuſtomary ſolemnities on ſuch occaſions. He himſelf ſits in State in the view of all, coming into the City in his Chariot drawn with white Horſes; (which ſeemed to be not only ſomewhat affected, but unkind alſo to thoſe that had Triumphed before.) The Horſes of Jupiter and the Sun carried the Dictator (now their equal) to ſacrifice; upon which account chiefly the Triumph was not ſo pleaſing as Honourable. Then he built a Temple on Mount Aventine to Queen Juno, Dedicating it to her under the Title of Mature Maker. And when he had performed theſe Divine and Humane Offices he reſigned his Dictatorſhip. Then the matter began to be debated about Apollo's Preſent. For though Camillus ſaid that he vowed to him the Tith of the Pillage; yet the High-Prieſts might be of opinion that the People ſhould be free from the Vow; ſo that they could not eaſily hit upon a way to make the People bring back the Pillage. At laſt they light upon that which was eaſieſt, viz. That he that would free himſelf and Family from the Vow, ſhould, when he had ſet a price upon his Prey, bring the value of the tenth part of it into the publick, that therewith, according to the condition of the Roman People, they might buy a preſent of Gold befitting the Deity of the God, and the greatneſs of his Temple. And truly this Collection alienated the minds of the Commonalty from Camillus. At which time Embaſſadors came from Volſci and Aequi requeſting Peace, which was granted, more recruiting the wearied City after ſo long a War, than that the Petitioners deſerved it.

Upon ſubduing Veii there were ſix Tribunes or Colonels appointed over the Soldiers the following Year, viz. P. P. Cornelius, Coſſus and Scipio, M. Val. Maximus, twice in the Office, Caeſo Fab. Ambuſtus thrice, Lucius Furius Medullinus five times, and Quintius Servitius thrice. The War with Faliſca fell to the Cornelius's, and Capena fell to the Lot of Valerius and Servitius, they did not ſet upon the Cities, but deſtroyed and pillaged the Fields, for that there was not ſo much left as a good Tree, or any good thing behind them. That damage brought in the People of Capena, and upon their requeſt Peace was granted them. But their War ſtill continued with the Faliſci; mean while there was a great Sedition, and to appeaſe it, they thought fit to enroll a Colony of 3000 Roman Citizens among the Volſci, and the Triumviri created for that purpoſe had three Acres of Ground and three Septunces a Man divided among them. But that Largeſs began to be deſpiſed, in regard they thought 'twas given them to divert their minds from greater hopes. For why ſhould the Commons be tranſlated among the Volſci, when the Vientan Fields were in view, much larger and fruitfuller than thoſe about Rome? The City alſo was eſteemed better then as to its ſituation, or the Magnificence of publick or private Buildings and Places. But they had thoughts of going to Veii moſt of them (eſpecially when Rome was taken by the Gauls) deſigning it to be inhabited partly by the Commons and partly by the Senate, it being not impoſſible that two Cities ſhould be in common to the Romans, which the Nobles were ſo much againſt, that they ſaid they would ſooner die in the ſight of the Roman People, than any ſuch Bill ſhould be propoſed to the Senate: For if there were ſo much Diſſention in one City, what would there be in two? Was it not fit to prefer the Conquered Country before that which Conquered it, or to let the condition of the Captives be better now than when they were at Liberty? laſtly, that they would never be brought to relinquiſh their Country and Citizens, to leave their God Romulus, the Son of a God, the Parent and Builder of Rome, and T. Sicinius (the framer of that Bill) to Veii.

While they were warmly Debating their matter (the Senators having drawn ſome of the Tribunes of the Commons on their ſide) nothing kept the common People ſo much from ſtriking, as the Senators offering themſelves in the midſt of the Brawls, and commanding the People to aſſault, ſtrike, and kill them. Whereupon the Commons kept in their hands from violating Men of that Age, Dignity and Honour, and modeſty ſet a ſtop to any ſuch attempts. Camillus alſo made a Preachment every where, That 'twas no wonder the City ſhould he in an uproar, when they were more careful in worldly concerns, than paying their Vows, ſaying nothing of the Collation, which was rather Wages than Tythes, when the People were free from that Vow, to which every particular Man obliged himſelf. But for his part his conſcience would not let him be ſilent in it, eſpecially becauſe only the tenth part of their moveable Pillage was deſigned, there being no mention made of the City and Fields, which were alſo within the compaſs of the Vow. The Senate finding ſome difficulty in the matter, ſent it to the High-Prieſt, and, Camillus being convened, 'twas the Judgment of the College, that the tenth part of whatever was Veietians before his Vow, and the Romans after, was ſacred to Apollo: ſo that the City and Fields eſtimated, Mony taken out of the Treaſury, and Charge given to the Military Tribunes of the Conſular Dignity to buy Gold with it; and there being not enough, the Matrons came together in Council, and by a common Decree obliged themſelves, and brought their Gold and Ornament to the Treaſury, to be diſpoſed of by the Military Tribunes, which thing pleaſed the Senate exceedingly, and 'tis reported they had the Honour of riding in Litters to the Temples and publick Shews, in Chariots upon Feſtivals and Working days, conferred upon them for that their Munification. The Gold being received from every one of them, and valued, they thought fit to buy a Golden Cap to be carried to Delphos, and preſented to Apollo. As ſoon as they were free from the Vow, the Tribunes of the Commons blow up Sedition anew: The Multitude riſe up againſt the Nobility, eſpecially Camillus. Thoſe that were abſent cry out that by Collations and Vows they have brought the Veientan Prey to nothing; thoſe that were preſent are now modeſt, becauſe the Senators offered themſelves voluntarily to their anger: and when they ſaw the matter almoſt at an end for that Year, they make the ſame Tribunes Legiſlators for the other, and the Senate endeavoured to make the ſame Interceſſors (who were to give a Negative Voice) for that the ſame Tribunes were for the moſt part made again.

At the Aſſembly for chuſing Military Tribunes the Senators made it plain that M. Furius Camillus ought to be created one; by reaſon of the Wars in hand, they made as though 'twas U. C. 361 better to make a General, but there was a ſtop like to be ſet to the paſſing that Bill for the Tribunes. However with Camillus, L. Furius Medullinus being in that Office ſix times, C. Aemilius, L. Valerius Poplicola, J. Poſtumius, P. Cornelius twice in that Office, were created Tribunes, all Men of Conſular Power. The Tribunes of the Commons did not ſtir the beginning of the Year; till M. F. Camillus was gone againſt Faliſci, againſt whom his Commiſſion was directed; and even then by delays the matter cooled, and Camillus whom they were moſt afraid of, became glorious at Faliſca. For firſt the Enemies kept themſelves within their Walls, thinking that the ſafeſt courſe, but when they ſaw their Fields waſted, and their Villages burned, they come out of the City about a Mile (being afraid to adventure farther) and then they pitch their Camp, relying upon nothing more than the baſeneſs of the way to them, and the roughneſs and craggineſs of thoſe high Rocks and Mountains that were about them. But Camillus getting a Captive for his Guide, and removing his Camp late at night, till break of day ſhews himſelf upon the Hills. The Romans made their Fences three manner of ways, the other Army ſtood ready for Battel, and as they endeavoured to hinder their Fortifications, Camillus routs them and puts them to flight. Whereupon the Faliſci were ſo greatly afraid, that breaking out of their Camp, which was pretty nigh, they ran as faſt as they could to the City. Many were killed and wounded before they could get within the Gates. The Camp is taken, and the Prey brought to the Treaſurers, not without great grumbling among the Soldiers, but being forced to ſubmit to the ſeverity of the Command, they did as well admire as diſlike the Power that commanded it. Then they beſieged the City, and thereupon the Soldiers and Townſmen would ſally out againſt the Roman ſtations, and •• iſe little skirmiſhes, ſpending the time without much hope on either ſide. For the beſieged had more plenty of Corn and other Proviſions (before laid in) than the beſiegers, and truly the Siege in all probability had been as long and laborious as that of Veii, had not fortune put the Roman General in remembrance of his Valour and Experience in Warlike affairs, and ſo given him a ſeaſonable Victory.

'Twas cuſtomary among the Falerians, that their Childrens Schoolmaſters ſhould be their Companion too; and many Boys (which cuſtom continues ſtill in Greece) were committed to the care of one Maſter, and he that appeared to be the greateſt Scholar, was made choice of to inſtruct the Nobility. Now the Schoolmaſter of this Town being uſed in the times of Peace to lead his Lads out to play, he left not this cuſtom in the time of War, but one day he drew them a little way, another day ſomewhat farther from the Gate. At laſt by variety of Play and Diſcourſe he drill'd them on farther than ever, and having opportunity, he goes with them among the Roman Guards: from thence to the Camp, afterwards he leads them even to Camillus's Pavilion, and there he makes a Speech more horrid than the baſeneſs of the Fact. That he had (forſooth) delivered the Falerians into the hands of the Romans, in giving thoſe Children into their Power, whoſe Parents were in all things the Heads and Governours of the Place. Which when Camillus heard, Thou art come, O baſe fellow, with thy abominable Preſent to a People and General not like thy ſelf. We never had any Alliance with the Falerians by Human League or Treaty; but what nature has implanted in us, does and ſhall continue between both. There are Laws in War as well as Peace, which we know how to execute with Juſtice as well as Courage. We draw not our Swords againſt that Age, which we ſpare even upon our taking Cities, but againſt our Soldiers and thoſe very Men who without any provocation or injury offered them, oppoſed the Roman Camp at Veii: Thou as much as lay in thy Power haſt conquered them by a new ſort of wickedneſs; but as for my part, I will conquer by the Roman Arts and Stratagems, by Arms and Valour. After this, when he ſtrip'd him, he tied his hands behind him, he delivered him to his Boyes to bring him back to the Falerians, and gave them Rods to laſh the Traytor into the Town; whereupon the People ran out wondring at ſuch a ſtrange ſight, and the Magiſtrates were aſſembled upon this unheard of occaſion, their minds being ſo ſuddenly changed, that whereas they were before for being utterly deſtroyed, rather yielding themſelves up upon terms of Peace; the whole City were now for deſiring Peace, and publickly Celebrating the Roman Fidelity, and the Juſtice of their General in the Court and Forum. And by the Counſel of all, they ſent Embaſſadors to Camillus into the Camp, and by his permiſſion to the Senate at Rome, to tell them, that the Falerians freely yielded up themſelves: when they were admitted to the Senate, 'tis reported they ſaid thus. We, O Senators, being conquered by ſuch a Victory, which neither Gods nor Men can envy, do here give up our ſelves to you, being perſuaded we ſhall live better under your Government (than which there is nothing in the World more honourable) than our own Laws. The event of this War has produced two examples beneficial to Mankind: you prefer Fidelity in War before preſent Victory, and we being thereupon encouraged have yielded up our ſelves. Send men to take our Arms, our Pledges, our Cities, the Gates being open to receive them, neither ſhall you ever repent of your Fidelity, or we of being under your Government! The Enemies as well as the Citizens gave thanks to Camillus. The Falerians were commanded to pay the Soldiers for that Year, to eaſe the Roman People. Peace was granted, and the Army brought back 〈◊〉 Rome.

When Camillus being thus ſignalized for his Juſtice and Fidelity returned, he went through the City with far greater praiſe, than when he was a little before drawn through it with white Horſes in Triumph, and the Senate to free him from his Vow did with all ſpeed ſend a Golden Cup as a preſent to Apollo at Delphos. The Meſſengers were L. Valerius, L. Sergius, and A. Manlius, who being ſent in a Galley not far from the Sicilian Sea, were taken by the Lyparenſian Pyrates and carried to Lyparae. In which City they uſed to divide the Prey as in a common warfare. The chief Magiſtrate in that City for that Year, was by chance one T • maſitheus, a Man more like the Romans than his own People, who himſelf bearing ſome Reverence to the name of the Meſſengers, their Preſent, the reaſon of ſending it, and the God to whom it was ſent; ſatisfied the Multitude, that are always for bearing ſway, of the Juſtice and Religion of it: and after a publick Treat made them, he Guarded them with a Fleet to Delphos, and brought them back ſafe to Rome. And there by an Order of the Senate he is entertained, and Preſents are given in publick. The ſame Year they had Wars with Aequi, but ſo various and uncertain, that neither the Armies themſelves nor the Romans could well tell whether they were the Conquering or Conquered Party. C. Aemilius and Spurius Poſthumius Military Tribunes were the Roman Generals. They firſt joyned their Forces together, and when they had routed the Enemy, Aemilius was pleaſed to go with a Guard to Verrugo, and Poſthumius to deſtroy the bordering Places; and as he was marching on ſomewhat careleſly by reaſon of his ſucceſs, with a diſordered Army, the Aequi ſet upon him, and put his Soldiers into ſuch a fright that they were driven among the next Hills, nay, their fear carried them to Verrugo where the other Guards were: Poſthumius when he had received all in ſafety, calls them in together and chides them for their fear and cowardiſe, telling them that they were diſcomfited by a Lazy and Cowardly Enemy; the whole Army made anſwer, that they deſerved to be told of it, and they that did, confeſſed they had committed a great fault, but they would mend it: neither ſhould the Enemies joy continue long, deſiring him to lead them to the Enemies Camp (which was in ſight upon the Plain) immediately, refuſing no puniſhment, no not the Conquering it even before night; whereupon he commended them, bidding them refreſh themſelves and be ready at the fourth Watch: And the Enemies being there about to hinder the Romans that were among the Hills from flying by night to Verrugo, they met them, and the Moon ſhining all night, they joyned Battel before day, and fought as well as if it had been by day: but the noiſe of this being carried to Verrugo, they thought the Roman Camp had been ſet upon, and were ſo much afraid, that notwithſtanding all the endeavours and entreaties of Aemilius they were diſperſed and fled to Tuſculum; from thence a report fled to Rome, that Poſtumius and his Army were ſlain, who when day had removed all fear of dangers that might proceed from thoſe that followed in abundance upon them, and when he had rid through the Army repeating his promiſes, inſpired them with ſo great courage that the Aequi were not able to ſuſtain the firſt brunt. Hence it came to paſs, that the ſlaughter of thoſe that fled away, being ſuch as proceeded more from Anger than Valour, was to the deſtruction of the Enemy, and a Laureate Letter ſent by Poſtumius followed the ſad news from Tuſculum (a City frighted for nothing) and gave them to underſtand that the Victory was the Romans, and that the Army of the Aequi were utterly routed.

The Proceedings of the Tribunes for the Commons finding yet no end, the Commons endeavoured to continue the Tribuneſhip to the Legiſlators, and the Senate to make new Interceſſors (to have a negative Voice when Bills were propoſed) but the Commons were too hard for them. Which grievance the Senate redreſſed by making an Order that Conſuls (a ſort of Magiſtracy never liked by the Commons) ſhould be created. After 15 years Ceſſation, L. Lucretius Flavus, and Servilius Sulp. Camerinus, were made Conſuls. At the beginning of the Year, the Tribunes of the Commons, becauſe none of their Society was about to withſtand them joyning briskly their forces to carry on a Law, and the Conſuls as briskly reſiſting them, the whole City being quite taken up about that one affair the Aequi beat the Vitellian Colony of Romans out of their Territories, and the greateſt part of them, in regard the Town was treacherouſly taken by night, ſafely fled through the back parts of the City and got to Rome. The management of which affair fell to L. Lucretius Conſul, who went with an Army and overcame the Enemy in Battel, returning Conqueror to Rome to a Contention ſomewhat greater, the day was ſet for A. Virginius and Q. Pomponius Tribunes of the Commons for the two laſt Years, whom the whole Senate was obliged to defend, neither could any Man accuſe them of any other crime either in their lives or Magiſtracy than that, to gratifie the Fathers they withſtood the Bill for continuing Tribunes: but the fierceneſs of the Commons baulked the favour intended them by the Senate; ſo that the innocent Men were fined in 10000 l. of Mony payable by weight, a bad example ſure! which the Fathers reſented ill. Camillus accuſed them publickly of their wickedneſs, telling them, That by ſetting themſelves againſt their own Officers they did not conſider that by wicked Judgment they took away from the Tribunes the priviledg of their negative Voices, and by taking away that, they deſtroyed their Power. And whereas they thought the Senators would order that rudeneſs and licentiouſneſs which the Tribunes took, they were miſtaken. If Tribunes force could not be repelled by the aſſiſtance of Tribunes, the Senate would find out another way (telling them of Conſuls) and no longer ſuffer thoſe Tribunes who ſtood up for their authority, to miſs of the favour of the publick, and hold their peace.

Thus he every day made Speeches publickly, whereby he increaſed their anger; neither did leave off ſtirring up the Senate againſt that Law, telling them, That they ſhould not come into the Forum, when the day came for making the Law upon any other terms, than as Men keeping in memory that they ought to fight for their Religion, the Temples of their Gods, and the Land of their Nativity. As for his own private concerns, if 'twere fit to have reſpect to his own glory amidſt thoſe ſcuffles of his Country, 'twas Honour enough to him that frequent mention was made of the City which he had took; that he took pleaſure every day in that monument of his Glory, and that he had always before his eyes that City for which he triumphed, that all People trod in the footſteps of his praiſes. But he accounted it a wicked thing to inhabit a City forſaken by its Gods, or that the Romans ſhould live in a place which they had taken, or exchange the Conquering Country for that which was Conquered. The Fathers, the Nobles, old Men and young being hereby ſtirred up and encouraged, throng into the Forum, when the Law was made, and being divided into their reſpective Tribes, each particular Tribe catched hold on one another, begging with tears in their eyes, that they would not forſake that Country for which themſelves and their Progenitors had fought with great Courage and Succeſs, bragging of their Capitol, Veſta's Temple, and other Temples of the Gods built all about them, that they would not baniſh the Roman People from the Land of their Nativity, and Houſhold Gods, into an Enemies City, and bring the matter to that paſs, that it had been better we had never taken Veii, than that we ſhould forſake Rome. Since they did not act by force, but by intreaties, and frequent mentioning their Gods, the greateſt part of them thinking themſelves obliged to it by Religion, unanimouſly abrogated the Law they had before made: And this Victory was ſo grateful to the Fathers, that the day after an Order of Senate was made and reported by the Conſuls that the Commons ſhould have ſeven Acres a Man of the Veientans grounds divided among them, neither ſhould this diviſion belong only to the Fathers of the Family, but every free Perſon therein, not excluding their Children from ſuch hopes.

When the Commons were appeaſed with this gift, no man withſtood the chuſing of Conſuls, ſo that L. Val. Potitus, M. Manlius, afterwards called Capitolinus, were made Conſuls. Theſe Men ordered great Shews, which M. Furius, Dictator, vowed in the Veientan War. The ſame Year a Temple is Dedicated to Queen Juno, vowed by the ſame Dictator in the ſame War; and 'tis reported that the Dedication was Celebrated by the great care of Matrons. There was then a War at Algidum with the Aequi, but not very conſiderable, in regard the Enemy was almoſt routed before they joyned Battel. The Senate Decree a Triumph to Valerius, becauſe he killed and purſued the Enemies farther than Manlius, who entered the City with Ovation, or the leſſer Triumph. The ſame Year there aroſe a War with the Volſinians; but by reaſon of a Famin and Plague at Rome, which proceeded from too much dryneſs and heat, an Army could not be led thither. Whereupon the Volſinians having procured the Aſſiſtance of the Inhabitants of Salpinum, were puffed up that they made an inrode upon the Roman Territories. Then War was Proclaimed againſt them both, C. Julius the Cenſor died, into whoſe Place was choſen M. Cornelius, which proving ominous, becauſe that Luſtrum Rome was taken, there was never afterwards any Cenſor choſen into a dead place, and when their Conſuls were very ſick, they had an Interregnum, daily making uſe of their Soothſayers; and when the Conſuls by an Order of Senate had reſigned their Office, M. Furius Camillus is made Interrex, who choſe P. Corn. Scipio Interrex, and he L. Val. Potitus, who created ſix Military Tribunes, Men of Conſular Power, that the Commonwealth might not be at a loſs for Magiſtrates, if any of them ſhould fall ſick.

On the Calends of July, L. Lucretius, S. Sulpitius, M. Aemilius, L. Furius Medullinus the ſeventh time in that Office, Agrippa Furius, C. Aemilius the ſecond time. Of theſe the management of the War with the Volſinians fell to L. Lucretius and C. Aemilius; and the care of the Salpinatian War fell to Agrippa Furius and S. Sulpitius. They firſt engaged with the Volſinians; the War was not ſharp, though famous for the number of Enemies: the Army fled at the firſt onſet, and 8000 of their armed Men being ſtop'd by the Horſemen, laid down their Arms, and delivered up themſelves. The fame of this War hindered the Salpinatians from joyning Battel; they therefore mounted the Walls, and there ſtood upon their defence. The Romans every where pillaged the Volſinian and Salpinatian Country, no Man withſtanding them: until the Volſinians being tired out with the War obtained a Truce for twenty Years, upon condition they would make reſtitution to the Romans, and pay their Army for that Year. The ſame Year M. Caeditius, one of the Commons, told the Tribunes, that about mid-night, in the way where there is now a Chappel, he heard a Voice over the Temple of Veſta, ſomewhat louder than a Mans, which commanded him to tell the Magiſtrates that the Galls were coming. The mean condition of the Author (as it commonly happens) made this thing not much regarded, the Nation alſo being a good diſtance from them, and therefore the more unknown to them. Neither when the hand of Fate was thus upon them, did they only deſpiſe the warnings of the Gods, but human aſſiſtance alſo, which was preſent with them, in removing M. Furius from the City: who, upon a day appointed by L. Apuleius, a Tribune of the Commons, concerning the Veientan Prey, thoſe of his own Tribe alſo, and his Clients, who were no ſmall part of the Commons, being ſummoned to the Houſe (at that time alſo having loſt his Son) ask'd them concerning the buſineſs, and their anſwer was, that they would give him as much as the Fine was, but they could not acquit him of it. Whereupon he is forced into Baniſhment, beſeeching the immortal Gods that if he were innocent, they would, the firſt opportunity, let the ungrateful City know the want of him. In his abſence he is Fined fifteen thouſand pound of Mony to be paid by weight.

Thus he is Baniſh'd, who, had he ſtaid, (if human aſſiſtance can afford any certainty) had kept Rome from being taken. When the fatal deſtruction of the City approach'd, Ambaſſadors came from Cluſium deſiring help againſt the Galls. 'Tis reported, that that Nation being much taken with the ſweetneſs of their Fruit, eſpecially the ſtrange deliciouſneſs of their Wine, paſſed the Alps, got poſſeſſion of the Fields before Tilled by the Etrurians, and carried over into Gallia ſome Wine to entice their Nation thither. Some ſay that Aruns of Cluſium, whoſe Wife was vitiated by Lacuman his Pupil, a ſtout young Man, and not puniſhable but by Foreign aid, led them over the Alps, and was the Ringleader at the ſiege of Cluſium; but 'tis clear enough, that thoſe that aſſaulted Cluſium were not the Galls that firſt paſſed the Alps. For the Galls got over into Italy two hundred years before the ſiege at Cluſium, or taking Rome: neither was their firſt encounter with the Etrurians, but long before they often fought with thoſe that live between the Appenine and the Alps. The wealth of the Tuſcans being an open encouragement to them both by Land and Sea, long before the Roman Empire, even the upper and lower Sea, wherewith Italy is encompaſſed like an Iſland: and the names of thoſe Seas are an argument for it; for the Italians call the one the Tuſcan Sea after the common name of the Nation, and the other the Adriatick Sea, from Adria a Colony of the Tuſcans. Theſe Men extending their Territories to both Seas, inhabited 12 Cities firſt on this ſide the Appenine towards the lower Sea, and forwards on the other ſide having ſent as many Colonies as were requiſite to impeople the Country. And theſe had all places beyond the River Padus to the Alps in their Poſſeſſion, except that corner of the Venetians who inhabit a Bay of the Sea. And without queſtion they were the original of the Alpin Nations, eſpecially the Rhaetians: whom the very places having made ſo barbarous, that they retain nothing of their ancient Language beſides the ſound of it, and that too not without corruption.

Concerning the Galls paſſage into Italy I have been thus informed. In the Reign of Tarquinius Priſcus, the ſole management of Celtae, which is one third of Gallia, did belong to the Biturigians, who gave them a King, this King was Ambigatus, a Man virtuous and rich in himſelf and his People. For that part of Gallia under his Command did ſo abound with Men and Plenty, that he had enough to do to govern them. Being therefore honourably born, and deſiring to rid his Kingdom of ſome of the Multitude, he declares that he will ſend Belloveſus and Sigoveſus, his Siſters Sons, two ſmart young Men, into whatever ſeats the Gods by Auguries would allot them; and that they ſhould raiſe as many Men as they pleaſed, that no Nation might be able to repel them. The Hercinian Forreſts fell to Sigoveſus's ſhare; and the Gods gave Belloveſus a far pleaſanter Journey into Italy. Who, becauſe he was over-ſtock'd with People, when he had raiſed the Biturigians, the Arvernians, the Senonians, the Heduans, the Ambarruans, the Carnutians, and the Aulercians, he went with great Forces of Horſe and Foot againſt the Tricaſtinians. Then the Alps were between them and Italy, which ſeemed inſuperable, and truly I do not wonder at it, ſince there was no way (as 'tis ſtill, unleſs we'll believe the Stories about Hercules.) Then when the Gauls were as it were hedged in by the height of the Mountains, and they look'd about to ſee which way they might paſs into another Country over tops as high as Heaven, they had ſome ſcruple upon them, becauſe they heard that ſome ſtrangers, ſeeking ſome places of abode, were oppoſed by the Salian Nation; theſe were the Marſilians going in Ships from Phocii. The Gauls ſuppoſing this to be the Omen of their fortune, reſolved to fortifie with Woods whatever place they came firſt to. They poſt over the pathleſs Alps to that Taurinian Forreſt; and when they had routed the Tuſcans, and heard that the Plot of ground, where they then were, being not far from the River Ficinus, was called the Inſubrian Ground, after the name of the Inſubrians, they followed the Omen of the place, and built a City called Mediolanum.

Afterwards another company of the Caenomani followed the ſteps of the former, under the Conduct of Elitovius through the ſame Forreſt, by the favour of Belloveſus, and ſate down, when they had paſſed the Alps, at Brixia and Verona, which places were poſſeſſed by the Libuans. After theſe came in the Salluvians, and made their abode near the ancient Nations of the Laevians and Ligurians. Afterwards when all places were taken up between Po and the Alps, the Lingonians came in, and Boating over the River Po, they drive not only the Etrurians, but the Umbrians alſo out of their Territories, keeping themſelves within the Apennine. Then freſh Senonians came in, and enlarged their Borders from the River Utente to Aeſis, and from thence I find they came to Cluſium and Voma; but 'tis uncertain whether they did this of themſelves, or by the aſſiſtance of all the Gauls on this ſide the Alps. The Inhabitants of Cluſium being frighted at the ſight of their numbers, their monſtrous bigneſs, and their unuſual Weapons; and at the news of their Conquering all places on this ſide the Po, and farther, and routing the Etrurian Legions, ſent Embaſſadors to Rome, deſiring aid of the Senate, though they had no alliance or acquaintance with them, unleſs it was, that they did not defend the Men of Veii, their Kindred, againſt the Roman People. No aid was granted, but the three Sons of M. Fabius Ambuſtus were ſent Embaſſadors to treat with the Gauls in the name of the Senate and Roman People, telling them, that they ought not to oppoſe the Allies and Friends of the Romans from whom they had received no injury; and that if there were neceſſity, they ſhould be aſſiſted by them; but 'twere better, if poſſible, to forbear fighting, and that the Gauls, a new Nation, ſhould be known to them rather by Peace than War.

A mild Embaſſie, had it not been carried by Embaſſadors more like Gauls than Romans. Who after they had delivered their Meſſage in the Council of the Gauls, received this Anſwer, That though the Roman Name was new to them, yet they believed them to be valiant, becauſe the Men of Cluſium implored their aid in their trembling condition. And becauſe they offered in their Embaſſie rather to ſtand up for them than their Allies, they did not diſregard their Overtures of Peace, if ſo be the Men of Cluſium would give them part of their Borders, which the Gauls ſtood in need of, otherwiſe no Peace was to be granted. In which particular they would receive an anſwer in the preſence of the Romans, and if Grounds were denied them, they would fight in the preſence of the ſame Romans, that they might tell at home how much the Gauls excelled other Men in Valour. What ſort of Right was this, either to require the Poſſeſſors Lands or threaten them? And when the Romans asked, what the Gauls had to do in Etruria? they fiercely anſwered, that they carried their Right in their Arms, and that Valiant Men had a Title to all things; whereupon both ſides were exaſperated, and to Battel they went. At that time, the Fates being diſpleaſed with the Roman City, the Embaſſadors take up Arms againſt the Law of Nations; neither could it be privatly done, ſince the Nobleſt and Valianteſt of the Roman Youth fought before the Etrurian Colours. The Valour alſo of the Foreigners was as conſpicuous. But at laſt Q. Fabius prancing on Horſeback on the outſide of the Army, thruſt the General of the Gauls through the ſide with a Javelin, as he was briskly making up to the Etrurian Colours, and killed him; but as he was diſpoiling him, he was diſcovered by the Gauls, who gave the word through the whole Army that it was the Roman Embaſſador, whereupon their anger abating towards the Cluſians, they ſound a retreat, and threaten the Romans. Some were for going preſently to Rome, but the Seniors ordered Embaſſadors to be ſent firſt to complain of their injuries, and to require the delivery up of the Fabii according to the Law of Nations by them violated. When the Embaſſadors from the Gauls had delivered their Meſſage, the Senate were not well pleaſed with what the Fabii had done; the Barbarians ſeemed to require that they might have Right done them; but their ambition hindered them from Decreeing Juſtice (which would have made up the matter) upon ſuch Noble Men. Therefore that the blame might not be upon themſelves, they acquaint the People with the misfortune the Gauls had received, and with their demands, throwing the buſineſs upon them. But the Fabii were more in favour with them for what they had done, and they who ſhould have been puniſhed were created Military Tribunes of Conſular Power for the enſuing Year. Whereupon the Gauls being angry, as they had reaſon, threatned open War, and returned. Q. Sulp. Longus, Q. Servilius four times in that Office, and Ser. Cornelius Maluginenſis were with the three Fabii created Military Tribunes.

Upon the approach of ſo great a calamity (ſo much does Fortune blind Mens minds, when ſhe is unwilling they ſhould withſtand her Power) that City which had made uſe of all helps againſt the Fidenates and Veientians and other neighbouring People, and had oftentimes made Dictators, had at this time no extraordinary Aſſiſtance or Commander, though they were challanged by an unuſual and unheard of Enemy, that came from the Ocean, and the fartheſt Coaſt of Gallia. The Tribunes by whoſe raſhneſs the War was haſtened, had the ſole management of all things, neither were they more careful in their proparations, than they were before in common Wars ſtill making as though 'twas nothing. In the mean time when the Gauls had underſtood that the violaters of human Right were advanced to high places; and their Embaſſie diſregarded, being accordingly enraged (as that Nation is very paſſionate) they preſently flouriſh their Colours, and ſet themſelves upon a March. And when the Cities as they paſſed by, were afraid of their noiſe and tumult, and began to ſtand upon their defence, the Country fellows in the mean time betaking themſelves to their Heels, they told them with a loud voice that they were going to Rome; taking up as they went a vaſt deal of ground with their Men and Horſes. But the ſpeed of the Enemy made them terribly afraid at Rome, eſpecially when Fame was the Harbinger, and Meſſengers were ſent from Cluſium, and many other places, to give them notice of their coming. For they met with an Army led in haſte and confuſion, but about eleven Miles out of the City, where the River Allia that riſes out of the Cruſtuminian Mountains, runs not much below the way into the River Tiber. Now the Enemy was before them, and every where about them; a Nation given to tumult and hubbub, that filled all places with extravagant ſinging and balling, with horrid ſhouts and clamours.

There the Military Tribunes put their Army in Order without ever making choice of a place before-hand for their Camp, or fortifying it with a Trench, or conſulting either Gods or Men by Augury or Sacrifice; and divided into Wings that it might not be ſurrounded by the number of Enemies, but could not make the Vaunt Guards even, though they drew their Men ſo far aſunder, that the middle of their Army was infirm and thin. There was a little way from them on the right hand a pretty high place which they ſtocked with Subſidiaries, which as it was the occaſion of their fear and running away, ſo 'twas their only refuge when they fled. For Brennus the Commander of the Gauls fearing ſome trick in the ſmall number of Enemies, and ſuppoſing that they choſe that high place for no other reaſon, but that they might ſet upon the Gauls overthwart them, and flying off from them, Marches up to the Subſidiaries; not at all queſtioning, if he could diſplace them, to conquer the reſt eaſily in the open plain. Thus not only Fortune, but Reaſon alſo was on the Barbarians ſide. In the other Army neither the Officers nor Soldiers did behave themſelves like Romans. Trembling and flying was in their minds; and the men ſo much forgot themſelves, that more of them fled to Veii, their Enemies City, from which Tiber kept them, than the ſtreight way to Rome to their Wives and Children. This place is not very well defended by the Subſidiaries. In the other part of their Army, they that were fartheſt off hear ſhouting behind them, and they that were neareſt hear it cloſe by them, and every Man of them ran before they were touched; nay, almoſt before they had ſeen the Enemy, not only without ſtriking a blow, but without returning ſo much as a ſhout, ſo that there was no blood ſpilt among them that fought. As they ſtrove to run away, the backs of thoſe that hindered their flight, in the throng were bruiſed. About the banks of Tiber whither all the left Wing fled throwing away their Arms, there was a great ſlaughter, and many that were not skilled in ſwimming, or were weak, being tired with their Helmets and other Armour, were ſwallowed up in Whirlpools. But the greateſt part of them got ſafe to Veii, from whence they did not only ſend no Garriſon, but not ſo much as the news of this Diſcomſiture to Rome. As for the right Wing that were not next to the River, but more under the Hill, they every Man of them got to Rome, and fled into the Tower, not ſo much as ſhutting the Gates of the City after them.

The Gauls being as it were amazed at ſuch a miraculous and ſudden Victory, ſtood at firſt like Men frighted, and ignorant at what had happened, afterwards they began to ſuſpect that there were ſome in Ambuſh, and after that to ſtrip off the ſpoil from the ſlain, and according to their cuſtom to pile up their Armour. But laſt of all, when they ſaw nothing like an Enemy, they ſet themſelves upon the March, and got to Rome a little before Sun-ſet. Now when the Horſemen that were ſent before brought them word back that the Gates were not ſhut, neither was there any Guard or Watch before them, they were as much taken up with wonder as before; and fearing they ſhould be benighted, and being not at all acquainted with the ſituation on of the City, they ſate down between Rome and Anien, not without ſending their ſpies about the Walls and Gates to hearken what the Enemy intended in ſuch deſperate circumſtances. The Romans not thinking that any of the Army were alive but thoſe that fled back to Rome, whereas more of them got to Veii than Rome, ſet themſelves a bewailing the ſad condition of thoſe that were alive, as well as dead, and ſo filled the whole City with Lamentations. Then the fear of the publick ſtifled their private griefs, as ſoon as ever they heard that the Enemies were preſent. A little after, their ears were filled with howling and confuſed ſinging which came from the Barbarians that ſcampered about the Walls in Companies. From which time they were ſo much in ſuſpence 'till the next day, that they expected they would enter the City with violence at their firſt coming to it: concluding, that they would have ſtaid at Allia, had not this been their intention. Afterwards about Sun-ſet they ſuppoſed they would enter, in regard they had but little day-light to do their buſineſs in. Then again they were of opinion, that they deferred their reſolutions till night, that their coming might be more dreadful. Laſt of all when they came not then, they thought 'twas deferred till the next day that they might ſearch all places more narrowly. Thus their calamity was mingled with perpetual fear, which was much augmented, when they ſaw their Enemies Colours advance to the Gates of the City. However the City was not that whole night, nor the day following, in ſuch a conſternation as they were in when they fled from Allia. For when they had no hopes of defending the City with ſo ſmall a company as was left, they thought fit that the Youth of the Town, with their Wives and Children, and alſo that the ſtrongeſt of the Senators ſhould betake themſelves into the Tower and Capitol, and having got Arms and Proviſion together, from thence to defend their Gods and Men, and maintain the Roman Name; there to preſerve their Flamen, thoſe of the Veſtal Prieſt-hood, and whatever was ſacred, from fire and common ruin, and not to leave off worſhiping them, as long as there were Men alive to Worſhip. If the Tower and Capitol, thoſe receptacles of their Gods, if the Senate, the Head of their publick Council, if their Military Youth did but ſurvive the imminent ruin of their City, they thought the loſs of their old Men, and the Mobile that was left behind them to periſh in the City, not very conſiderable. And that the Multitude might take it more patiently at the hands of the Commons, the old Men of Triumphal and Conſular Dignity declared openly they would die with them, and not be a burthen to the ſmall Company that were fit to bear Arms, with thoſe Bodies which were not able to bear Arms or defend their Country.

Thus the Seniors, though appointed to die, comforted one another, then they encouraged the company of young Men, following them even to the Capitol and Tower, and commending to their Youth and Valour the remaining Fortune of that City that had conquered in all Wars for 360 Years together. The ſad departure of thoſe, who were their only hopes and help from thoſe who were reſolved not to out-live the deſtruction of the City, the howlings and cries of Women, running after ſometimes one and ſometimes another, and asking their Husbands and Children, What death they would die? The cloudy face and diſmal appearance of all things, were without all queſtion the higheſt aggravation of calamity that can befall humane nature. Yet a great many of them followed their Miſtreſſes into the Tower, being not invited thereunto, nor forbidden by any; becauſe 'twas not manly to have Women with them, though they were uſeful to their Children in the Siege. Another Company of the Commons, whom ſo ſmall a Hill could not hold, nor feed in ſuch a ſcarcity of Proviſion, break, as it were, in Army out of the City, and go to Janiculum. From thence they are ſcattered, ſome of them over the Fields, others go to the neighbouring Cities, without any Conduct or Advice, every Man following his own Counſel, and comforting himſelf with his own hope, at the ſame time that they bewailed the Publick. In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis (or Romulus's Prieſt) and the Veſtal Virgins taking no care of their own concerns, conſult what Gods they ſhould carry with them, and what (becauſe they were not able to carry off all) they ſhould leave behind, and which was the ſafeſt place to put them in; and at laſt think it the beſt way to dig a hole in the Chapel, next to the Flamen Q's Houſe, where they thought it a ſin to ſpit, and they lay them up in Veſſels. The reſt they divided among them, and carry over the great Timber-bridg that leads to Janiculum. And when Q. Albinus one of the Roman Commons, who was carrying his Wife and Children, and the reſt of their unwarlike gang in a Cart out of the City, ſaw them upon the Hill; he made a difference between Divine and Humane things, ſuppoſing it a piece of irreligion, to let Prieſts and Veſtal Virgins, Perſons of publick Office, carry their Gods on Foot, whilſt he and his were carried in a Cart: he therefore ordered his Wife and Children to come down, and helped them up and carried them to Caere, where they determined to go.

In the mean time all things being as well ſettled at Rome as their circumſtances would permit for the defence of the Tower, the old Men return into their Houſes, and being fully reſolved to die, they wait for the coming of their Enemies. Thoſe Magiſtrates among them, that had been carried in their Chairs of State to the Senate-houſe, that they might die attended with all the Enſigns of their former Fortune, Honour, or Valour; put on their Auguſt Robes, wherein they had either triumphed, or devoutly waited upon the Chariots that carried Images, and in the middle of their Houſes ſate in their Ivory Chairs. There are ſome that report, that repeating their Vow, which M. Fabius the Pontifex recited to them, they Devoted and gave up themſelves for their Country and the Roman Citizens. The Gauls, in regard they had now enjoyed a whole nights reſpite from fighting, and indeed becauſe they were never engaged in any doubtful Battel, neither did they at that time take the City by force and violence; entred with minds not diſcompoſed with heat or anger at the Collins Gate, the day after; and when they came into the Forum, they caſt their eyes upon the Temples of the Gods and the Tower, which was the only Specimen of War: then leaving a ſmall Garriſon, leſt any out of the Tower or Capitol, ſhould aſſault them when they were diſperſed, they betake themſelves to Plunder, not meeting ſo much as a Man in the ſtreets, ſome of them ruſh in throngs into the Houſes next them; others into thoſe fartheſt off, concluding them yet unpillaged, and conſequently ſtuffed with Prey; but when they ſaw no body, they were frighted thence, upon ſuppoſition the Enemy would by ſome trick ſet upon them as they were ſcattered; and ſo they returned in Companies to the Forum and places near the Forum. And there ſeeing the Commons Houſes locked, and the Palaces of the Nobility open, they lingred more in entring the open Houſes than the ſhut. But when they beheld them ſitting in ſuch State and Habits, far beyond any thing that is Humane, when they beheld the Majeſty and Gravity they carried in their looks, they approach them with ſuch reverence as if they had been Gods. And when they had for a time ſtood by them, as if they had been ſo many Images, 'tis reported, that one of the Gauls ſtroaked down M. Papyrius his Beard (which they then wore very long) and thereupon the old Man ſhook his Ivory ſtaff at him. Then began the ſlaughter. The reſt were murthered in their Chairs. When they had killed the Nobles, they gave no Quarter to any, but killed and plundered their Houſes, and then ſet them on fire.

But the firſt day they did not burn much of the City; becauſe perhaps all of them had not a mind to it, or becauſe the chief of the Gauls thought it beſt only to burn ſome few Houſes, thereby to terrifie thoſe that had ſhut themſelves up to yield freely, and to engage them upon hopes of enjoying what was left. When the Romans from the Tower ſaw the whole City full of Enemies, and running up and down every Street; when they ſaw freſh murthers in one place or other continually, they were not only almoſt diſtracted in their minds, but they were alſo not able to fix either their ears or eyes upon any one Object: for the ſhouts of the Enemies, the lamentations of Women and Children, the crackling of the fire, and the noiſe of Houſes falling every-where, did turn away their trembling minds, their eyes and faces from what before they reflected on. Thus they were placed by fortune to behold the fall of their Country, having nothing left them to defend but their own bodies; labouring under a far greater miſery than ever any beſieged Perſons did; becauſe they ſaw all they had in the hands of the Enemy. Neither did a quieter night ſucceed that fatal day; but even the night and the day after, and every minute, they beheld freſh ſpectacles, of Rapine and Murther. Yet notwithſtanding they were thus laden and overwhelmed with calamities, did their courage ſink; but though they ſaw all places levelled by flames and ruins, they were reſolved to defend their liberty to the laſt and the little Hill which was all that was left to them: For now the like miſchiefs happening every day, they were accuſtomed to miſeries, and laying by all thoughts of their own concerns, they truſted only to their Arms and Swords; which they beheld with pleaſure in their own right hands, accounting them the only Relicks of their hopes.

When the Gauls, who for ſome days ſpared the Houſes, ſaw nothing remaining among the ruins of the Captive City, but Armed Men, and thoſe not at all terrified by theſe misfortunes, nor inclinable to yield up themſelves, unleſs they were aſſaulted, they reſolve to try the utmoſt, and aſſaulted the Tower. At break of day at the ſound of the Trumpet, they meet and are put in order in the Forum. Then giving a ſhout, and having made a Fence to keep the Fire-balls and ſtones from them, they march under the Tower. Againſt whom, the Romans did nothing raſhly nor fearfully, but having fortified all their paſſages with Guards, and knowing the ſteeper the Hill was, the eaſier they could beat them down, they let them climb up to the middle of it; and then from a Place ſomewhat higher, which was as it were for the purpoſe, they ſet upon the Gauls, and throwing them down, made a great ſlaughter. Inſomuch that no part of them, nor all of them together, ever after attempted to get up again. Being therefore quite out of all hopes of taking the Tower by Force, they lay Siege againſt it, which they never thought of till that time, having themſelves burnt all the Corn in the City, and that which was in the Fields, was carried thence to Veii. The Army then being divided, ſome of them pillaged the neighbouring People, others kept Siege at the Tower, receiving ſupplies of Proviſion from the Foragers. But as the Gauls went from the City to try the Valour of the Romans, even fortune herſelf led them to Ardea, where Camillus was baniſhed, who being there in greater ſorrow for the calamities of the Publick than his own; blaming both Gods and Men, and with indignation wondring what was become of thoſe Men, who with him took Veii and Faliſci, who in other Wars came off with greater Courage than ſucceſs; on a ſudden hears that the Army of the Gauls are coming, and when the trembling Ardeatians asked him, What they ſhould do? Though before he kept from the publick Councils; he then goes into the middle of the Aſſembly, and as if he had been inſpired, ſaid thus:

My old friends of Ardea! (who are now alſo my fellow Citizens) ſince not only your kindneſs has ſo contrived it, but my fortune too has put me into theſe circumſtances, I hope none of you think, that I was forgetful of my condition in coming hither: but the affair in hand, and the common danger, forces every one to contribute what they can in this caſe, now that the Garriſon is in ſuch a conſternation. And indeed, when ſhould I return my acknowledgments for your great favours to me, if I omit this opportunity? Or where can you make uſe of me, if not in War? Upon the reputation of this skill [in Military affairs] I lived in my own Country: but though I were conquered in War, yet in peace I was baniſhed by my ungrateful fellow Citizens. Now you, Ardeans! have an occaſion offered to you, not only of requiting the Romans for all their extraordinary kindneſſes, that you your ſelves well remember (nor is it any reproach to ſay ſo, ſince you know 'tis true) but of making this your City very glorious for its warlike actions againſt a common Enemy. The Nation that is a coming againſt you, are ſuch a ſort of Men, to whom nature has given rather great than ſtrong bodies: and therefore they bring, to every combat, more dread than force. Take the Roman miſcarriage for an inſtance of it. They took the City when it lay open to them: but were beaten off from the Caſtle and the Capitol with a ſmall Party. Now being quite tired with the fatigue of a Siege they march off, and ſtraggle, like Vagabonds, about the Country, where they are filled with Meat and Wine, that they get by thieving. When night comes on, they lay themſelves down by the Rivers ſides, without any Fortification, without any formed Camp, and without any Watches, all over the Fields, like ſo many wild Beaſts; being now, ſince their proſperity, grown much more careleſs than ever. If you therefore reſolve to defend your Walls, and not to ſuffer your whole Country to be turned into Gaul; ſtand to your Arms in a full body at the firſt watch; and follow me, to kill, not to fight: and if I do not give you an opportunity, whilſt they are aſleep, to kill them like beaſts, I am content to undergo the ſame fate at Ardea, as I have met with at Rome.

Now every body, both Friends and Enemies wore before convinced, that there was never ſuch a Man in the World at that time for Warlike affairs: ſo that, the Aſſembly being diſmiſſed, they refreſhed themſelves, and then waited very diligently till the ſignal ſhould be given. Which being given, they met Camillus, aſſoon as it was night, at the Gates: and when they were got a little way from the City (as he had foretold them) they came to the Camp of the Gauls, which was unguarded and neglected on every ſide; which they, with a great ſhout, invaded. Nor had they any need to fight, but ſlew all before them; killing their naked bodies, which were diſſolved and buried in ſleep. But the fright rouzed up the hindmoſt from the places where they lay; who, being ignorant, what, or whence that force was, ſome of them fled away; ſome ran unawares upon the Enemy; and a great part of them being gotten into the Antian Territories, were circumvented by the Townſmen, who made an Incurſion upon them as they ſtragled about. The like ſlaughter was made of the Tuſcans in the Veian Territories; who were ſo far from pitying a City, that for almoſt four hundred Years had been their Neighbour, now oppreſt by a ſtrange, unheard of Enemy, that they made Incurſions into the Roman Dominions even at that time; and, being laden with booty, had a deſign to attack Veii alſo, which was the Guard and the laſt hopes of the Roman Nation. Them the Roman Soldiers had ſeen ſtrouling over the Fields, and in a full body driving the Cattel before them; beſides that, they ſaw their Camp pitched not far from Veii. Thereupon they conceived, firſt, pity to themſelves, then indignation; and out of that fury, which enraged their minds. Were their misfortunes (ſaid they) a pleaſure to the Etrurians too, from whom they had turned the Gallick War upon themſelves. With that they could hardly forbear making an immediate attack upon them: but being reſtrained by Caeditius Centurio, whom they themſelves had made their General, they deferred the buſineſs till night. Now in this caſe they only wanted an adviſer equal to Camillus; but the reſt of their actions were performed in the ſame order, and with the ſame event of fortune. But beſides this, they went, by the guidance of the Captives, who ſurvived that ſlaughter, to another party of Tuſcans, that were at Salinae, and there the next night, before any body was aware of their coming, made a greater ſlaughter; and ſo returned triumphant, with a double Victory, to Veii.

In the mean time the Siege at Rome was, for the moſt part ſlow, and ſilence kept on both ſides; the Gauls being intent upon nothing elſe, ſave, leſt any of the Enemies ſhould get into their Camp: when on a ſudden a Roman Youth made both his own fellow Citizens and the Enemy too admire him. There was a ſet Sacrifice to be on the Hill Quirinalis, for the Family of the Fabii: which to perform C. Fabius Dorſo came down from the Capitol, with his Gown girt about him after the Gabian faſhion, and the things he was to Sacrifice in his hands; and paſſing through the midſt of the Enemies, without being at all concerned, or frighted at what any of them ſaid to him, came up to the Hill Quirinalis: and there having ſolemnly performed all that he was to do, he returned the ſame way back, with the ſame ſteady countenance and ſtep, (well hoping that the Gods would favour him, wko had not been deterred from their worſhip by the fear even of death itſelf) till he came home to the Capitol; the Gauls being either aſtoniſhed at the miracle of his audacity, or moved with Religion alſo, whereof that Nation is not at all neglectful. In the mean time the Veians grew every day, not only more couragious, but ſtrong too: for not only the Romans flocked thither out of the Country, who had ſtragled from the unfortunate Battel, or the defeat of their taken City, but there came alſo a great number of Voluntiers out of Latium, to ſhare in the booty. And they thought it high time to attempt the recovery of their Country, and retrieve it out of the Enemies hands: but their ſtrong Body wanted an Head. The place it ſelf put them in mind of Camillus; and there were a great part of the Soldiers, who had been very ſucceſsful in their actions under his Conduct and good Fortune: and Caeditius ſaid, He would not do any thing, to make any God or Man put an end to his Command, rather than he himſelf, remembring his own Quality, would deſire another General. So it was ordered, by general conſent, that Camillus ſhould be ſent for from Ardea, but not before the Senate was conſulted at Rome: ſo modeſt they were in all reſpects, and obſerved the differences of things even when they were almoſt undone. Now they were to paſs with great danger through the Enemies Watches. Wherefore Pontius Cominus, an active Youth, promiſing his pains in that affair, laid himſelf upon the bark of a Tree, and ſwam upon it down the Tiber to Rome. Then, on the ſide that was next to the Bank, he got up a craggy Rock (which was therefore neglected by the Enemies Watch) into the Capitol: and being carried to the Magiſtrates, delivered his Meſſage from the Army. Whereupon having received the Senates Decree, viz. That Camillus, being by the curiate aſſembly recalled from Baniſhment, ſhould by order of the People be immediately declared Dictator, and that the Soldiers ſhould have whom they pleaſed for their General; the Meſſenger went the ſame way back to Veii; and Embaſſadors, ſent to Camillus, at Ardea, brought him to Veii: or (which I rather believe, viz. that he went not from Ardea before he found there was a Law made, that he ſhould neither change his place of abode without the Peoples order, nor, unleſs he were made Dictator, have any Command in the Army) there was a Curiate Law [by all the Wards] made, and he was choſen Dictator in his abſence.

Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted at Veii, the Caſtle at Rome and the Capitol mean while were in greater danger. For the Gauls (whether they had obſerved the Tract of a Mans foot, where the Meſſenger had come from Veii, or whether they on their own accord had obſerved an equal aſcent hard by Carmentas Rock) having firſt, in a ſtar-light night, ſent a Man before unarmed, to try the way, and where there was any inequality or roughneſs in it, given him inſtruments [to make his way with] they leaned one upon another by turns, and lifted each other up, as the place required; till they got to the top with ſo much ſilence, that they did not only eſcape the Watch, but the Dogs too, who are a ſort of Animals very apt to be diſturbed at the leaſt noiſe in the night time: yet they did not eſcape the Geeſe, from whom, as being ſacred, the Romans abſtained, though in the greateſt want of meat, which was their preſervation. For by the gagling of them, and the clapping of their Wings, M. Manlius was alarm'd, who had been Conſul three Years before, a Man very expert in War, who taking up his Arms in all haſte, and giving the reſt the Word to do ſo too, marched toward them: and whilſt the reſt trembled, he tumbled the Gaul, who was now ſtanding upon the top of the Rock, with a blow that he gave with his Buckler, quite down: whoſe fall, as it threw down thoſe that were next to him, ſo it killed others, who being ſcared let go their Arms, and caught hold of the Rocks, to which they ſtuck. And now the reſt alſo, being come together, with Darts and Stones that they flung down, put the Enemy into a great confuſion, ſo that the whole body of them fell headlong down. After that, the tumult being allayed, they ſpent the remainder of the night (as much as People under ſuch a diſturbance, when the paſs'd danger ſtill ran in their minds) in quiet. Next morning, aſſoon as it was day, the Soldiers were called by ſound of Trumpet to a Council before the Tribunes; where, ſince there was a reward due both to good and bad actions, Manlius was firſt commended for his Courage, and preſented, not only by the Tribunes, but by conſent of the Soldiers alſo: for they each of them brought into his houſe, (which was in the Caſtle) half a pound of meal and two quarts of Wine: which was indeed but a ſmall thing to ſpeak of, but their neceſſity had made it a great argument of their love to him; in that each one of them depriving himſelf of his Victuals, neglected his own Body, and the common conveniences of life to ſhew their reſpect to that one Man. Then the Sentinels of that place, where the Enemy had ſtoln up, were ſummoned to appear: and though P. Sulpicius, Tribune of the Soldiers, had declared, That he would puniſh them all according to the Law of Arms, yet, ſince the general voice of the Soldiers, who laid the fault upon one of them, was ſo uniform, he deſiſted and ſpared the reſt; but threw down the perſon, who, doubtleſs, was guilty of the crime, by univerſal approbation, from the Rock. From that time the Watches began to be more intent on both ſides; not only among the Gauls, who had heard, that there were Meſſengers who came to and fro between Veii and Rome; but among the Romans alſo, who remembred the danger of that night.

But above all other misfortunes of the Siege and the War, famin preſt the Armies on both ſides: beſides that the Gauls had the Plague alſo among them, who being encamped in a place that lay among Tombs and Burial places, which was hot by reaſon of the flames and full of ſmoak, (ſcattering aſhes, and not only duſt upon them, (when any wind was ſtirring) whereof that Nation is very impatient, as being uſed to moiſture and cold) and not only ſo, but being tormented with exceſſive heat of the weather, and very fainty, died like rotten ſheep. For now they had buried ſo many ſingle Perſons, that they were quite a weary of it, and therefore burnt them promiſcuouſly in great heaps altogether: and thence the famous place, called Buſta Gallica [the Gauls Burial place] took its name. After that they made a Truce with the Romans, and had Parleys by permiſſion from the Generals: at which, ſeeing the Gauls did often tell them of their ſcarcity, and would have had them, upon the ſcore of their neceſſity, to have made a ſurrender; they ſay, that in many places there was bread caſt down from the Capitol into the Enemies Camp. But now their want of Proviſions could no longer be either hid or endured: wherefore whilſt the Dictator himſelf made the Levy at Ardea, he ordered L. Valerius, Maſter of the Horſe, to bring away the Army from Veii: and then prepared and formed a Body ſtrong enough to attack the Enemy. In the mean time the Army in the Capitol, being tired out with continual Duty and Watching, yet having overcome all human evils, except hunger, which nature had made invincible, look'd day after day, whether any relief appeared from the Dictator; till at laſt, now that their hopes as well as their meat was quite ſpent (ſo that the Soldiers, though they continued in their ſtations, were ready to faint, for weakneſs, under their Arms) they deſired, either to ſurrender or be delivered from that neceſſity upon what terms ſoever they could: ſince the Gauls openly profeſſed, That they would take a ſmall ſum to raiſe the Siege. Thereupon a Senate was held, and the Tribunes Military were imployed to make the bargain. So the buſineſs was tranſacted at a Parley, between P. Sulpitius, a Tribune Military, and Brennus, the petit King of the Gauls: and a thouſand pounds of Gold was ſet as the value of a People, who were ſoon after to Command the World. But though this thing were very baſe in it ſelf, yet there was a farther indignity added to it: for the Gauls brought falſe Weights; which the Tribune refuſing, the inſolent Gaul added, to the weight, a Sword: and there was a voice heard, which the Romans could not endure, ſaying, Wo to the Conquered.

But the Gods and Men too kept the Romans from buying their lives: for by a kind of fatality, before the curſed bargain was made an end of (for they wrangled ſo long that the Gold was not yet all weighed) the Dictator came up: who commanded, the Gold to be taken away, and the Gauls to be gone. Which ſeeing they refuſed to do, and ſaid they had made a bargain, he told them, That Contract was not valid, which was made after he was choſen Dictator, by an inferior Magiſtrate without his Order: and with that gave the Gauls warning to prepare themſelves for Battel; Ordering his own Men to throw all their Baggage in an heap together; to make ready their Arms, and retrieve their Country, not by Gold, but their Swords: as having in view the Temples of their Gods; their Wives, Children, and their native ſoil, (which was now deformed by the misfortunes of War) with all other things that could be lawfully defended, regained, or revenged. When he had ſo done, he ſet his Army in Battalia, as the nature of the place would ſuffer him, amidſt the ruins of the City which was half deſtroyed, beſides that it was alſo naturally uneven; and provided all things, which by the art of War could be prepared, or made choice of, as advantagious for his Men. The Gauls were ſurprized at this new accident, but yet took up their Arms and ran upon the Romans with more fury than conſideration. And now their fortune was changed; for now the aſſiſtance of the Gods, and Human Counſels helped the Romans: ſo that, upon the firſt onſet, the Gauls were routed with as much eaſe, as, at Allia, they had Conquered. After that they were again defeated in a more formal Battel, eight Miles from Rome (upon the Road that leads to Gabii) whither they had fled out of the former fight, by the Conduct and good management of the ſame Camillus. There they were all ſlain, their Camp taken, and not ſo much as a Meſſenger left, [to carry the news of their defeat into their Country.] The Dictator having recovered his Country from the Enemy, returned triumphant into the City; and among the Soldiers ſayings, which they threw out very uncouthly, he was truly ſtiled, The Romulus, and Father of his Country; yea, a ſecond builder of their City. After that, when he had preſerved his Country in time of War, he did the like in Peace too, without all queſtion; in that he hindered them from removing to Veii: though not only the Tribunes were very intent upon it, ſince the City was burnt, but the common People too were of themſelves more inclined to take that adviſe. That therefore was the cauſe, why after his Triumph, he laid not down his Dictatorſhip; ſince the Senate deſired him, not to leave the Commonwealth in an uncertain ſtate.

Firſt of all, as he was a moſt devout Perſon in point of Religion, he took care of thoſe things, that related to the Immortal Gods: and procured an Order of Senat; That all the Temples, (for that the Enemy had been poſſeſſed of them) ſhould be repaired, bounded, and purified: and that the manner of their purification ſhould be ſought for in the Books, by the Duumviri. That they ſhould make a friendly and publick alliance with the Caeretes; for that they had entertained the holy things belonging to the Roman People, together with their Prieſts, and that through the kindneſs of that People the honour due to the Immortal Gods was not intermitted. That the Games called Ludi Capitolini, ſhould be ſet forth; upon the account, that Jupiter had defended [the Capitol] his own Seat and the Caſtle of the Roman People in time of danger: and that M. Furius the Dictator ſhould appoint ſuch a body of Artiſts for that purpoſe, out of thoſe that dwelt in the Capitol and the Caſtle. There was likewiſe mention made about expiating that voice in the night time, which was heard, though neglected, when it foretold their defeat, before the Gallick War; and order given, That there ſhould be a Temple built to Aius Locutius. The Gold that was taken from the Gauls, and that, which, amidſt their confuſion, was brought out of other Temples into that of Jupiter, ſince they had forgot whither it ought to be returned, was all judged to be ſacred, and ordered to be laid under Jupiters ſhrine. Now the Religion of the City had formerly appeared in this; that when they wanted Gold in the publick ſtock, to make up the ſum, which they were to give the Gauls, they had had the reſt raiſed by the Matrons, that they might not meddle with the holy Gold. The Matrons therefore had thanks given them, and a new honour beſtowed upon them, viz. that they as well as their Husbands ſhould have a laudatory Oration made in praiſe of them after their deaths. When all thoſe things were performed, that related to the Gods, and could be done by the Senate; then he, at laſt, ſeeing the Tribunes importuned the common People with daily harangues, to leave thoſe ruins and remove to the City of Veii, which was ready to receive them; came into the Aſſembly with all the Senate attending on him, and made this Speech:

Romans! the conteſts I have had with the Tribunes of the People are ſo vexatious to me, that I had no other comfort in my ſevere exile, all the while I lived at Ardea, than in being removed from theſe debates: nor would I, upon this very ſcore, have ever come back, had you not recalled me by an Order of Senate, and the conſent of the People. Nor was it the alteration of my mind, at this time, but your fortune, that induced me to return. For their great deſign was, that our Country ſhould remain upon its old bottom; not that I ſhould be in it. And truly I ſhould not only be now quiet, but hold my tongue very willingly, were there not any ſuch occaſion as this to fight for my Country: which to refuſe, as long as life laſts, is diſhonourable in all other Men, but in Camillus a ſin. For what do we contend for? Why did we deliver it, when beſieged, out of the Enemies hands, if, now 'tis recovered, we our ſelves deſert it? And when, though the whole City were taken by the Conquering Gauls, the Gods and People of Rome ſtill kept and inhabited the Caſtle and the Capitol; ſhall that ſame Caſtle and Capitol, now that the Romans are victorious and have recovered their City, be quite forſaken? Shall our good fortune make more waſte in this City than our bad did? Truly, if we had no religious Rites injoyned, and delivered down to us along with the City; yet there was the hand of Heaven ſo evident in the late management of the Roman affairs, that I ſuppoſe Men can never hereafter neglect the Divine Worſhip. For do but conſider either our good or our bad ſucceſs for ſome years paſt: and you ſhall find that all things went well with thoſe that worſhiped the Gods, and ill with thoſe that deſpiſed them. Firſt of all, How many years and with what difficulty was the Veian War carried on? There was no end of it, before, by Command from the Gods, the Water was let out of the Albane Lake. What ſay you to the new defeat of this our City? Did it happen, before that deſpiſed voice was ſent from Heaven, concerning the arrival of the Gauls? before the Law of Nations was violated by our Embaſſadors? or before that was, through the ſame neglect of the Gods, omitted, when it ought to have been revenged? We therefore, in being conquered, taken, and redeemed, ſuffered ſo much from the Gods and Men too, as to make us an example to the whole World. Then our ill circumſtances put us in mind of Religion: for we ran into the Capitol, to the Gods, to Jupiters ſhrine, and, amidſt our confuſions, hid ſome of our holy things in the earth, removing others into the adjacent Cities, out of the Enemies ſight: nor did we, though deſerted both by Gods and Men, omit the worſhip of the Gods. They therefore reſtored to us our Country, Victory, and our ancient glory in War, which we had loſt; turning all the terror, defeat and ſlaughter upon our Enemies, who, blinded with avarice, broke their contract and their word in the weight of the Gold.

Now ſince you ſee ſuch inſtances in Humane affairs of what attends the Worſhip or neglect of the Deity, are you not ſenſible, Romans! how great a crime we (before we are well got clear of the Shipwreck of our former fault and misfortune) are about to commit? We have a City, built by advice and direction of the Soothſayers and Augurs: nor is there any place in it, but what is full of Religion and Gods; beſides that there are ſet places, as well as days, for the performance of our ſolemn Sacrifices: and will you, Romans! forſake all theſe Gods, both publick and private? How agreeable is this act of yours to that which, during the late Siege, was done by that brave Youth, C. Fabius, to the aſtoniſhment of the Enemy as well as you? when going down from the Caſtle, amidſt all the Gallick Darts, he performed the ſolemnity of the Fabian Family upon the Hill Quirinalis? Now therefore will you, who would not have the Holy Rites of a private Family neglected even in time of War, have the publick Rites, and Roman Gods forſaken in time of Peace? or allow the Prieſts and Flamens to be more negligent of the publick Worſhip, than a private perſon was in the ſolemn Sacrifice of his own Family? But ſome one, perhaps, will ſay, that we will either ſacrifice at Veii, or ſend Prieſts from thence hither, to do ſo: neither of which can be done with ſafety to our Ceremonies. And that I may not run through all the Holy Rites, or ſpeak of all the Gods in particular, at Jupiters Feaſt, can the bed, that he is to lie upon, be ſet in any place but the Capitol? Why ſhould I talk of the eternal fire of Veſta, or that Image, which is kept in her Temple, as a pledg of Dominion? Why ſhould I talk of your Ancilia [i. e. holy Shields] Mars Gradicus, and thou Father Romulus? Would you have all theſe holy things left in a prophane place; which are as old, as the City, and ſome too older than the Original of it? Do but conſider what difference there is between us and our Fore-Fathers: they delivered to us certain Rites, to be performed in the Albane Mount, and at Lavinium. Was it a Religious act to tranſlate theſe holy Rites from the Cities of our Enemies to Rome, and ſhall we carry them hence to our City of Veii, without committing the greateſt offence imaginable? Pray, call to mind, how often the holy Rites have been performed anew, when any thing of ancient uſage has been by negligence or chance omitted. What was it of late, after the prodigy of the Albane Lake; but the renewing of the holy Rites, and repeating the auſpicies that healed the Commonwealth, when it was ſick of the Veian War? But beſides this, we, as being mindful of the ancient Worſhip, have not only tranſlated ſtrange Gods to Rome, but ſet up new ones. How ſignal and memorable a day (upon the ſcore of the Matrons extraordinary zeal) was Queen Juno, brought over from Veii, and lately dedicated in the Aventine? We ordered a Temple to be built to Aius Locutius, in the new Street, upon the account of that heavenly voice that was heard: we added the Ludi Capitolini [Games in honour of Jupiter] to other Solemnities; and built a new College for that purpoſe, by order of the Senates. What needed we to have taken all this care, if we were reſolved to leave the City of Rome together with the Gauls? If we did not ſtay in the Capitol ſo many Months, whilſt the Siege laſted, of our own free will? If we were kept from our Enemies by fear? But we talk now of holy Rites and Temples: what have we at laſt to ſay of the Prieſts? Don't you conſider, what a crime 'tis [for them to vary from their ancient Cuſtoms?] The Veſtals, for example, have one ſole place of Reſidence; from which nothing ever remov'd them, but the taking of the City. And for the Flamen Dialis [Jupiter's chief Prieſt] to ſtay one night without the City, is a great offence. Now wou'd you make theſe perſons Veian, inſtead of Roman Prieſts? Shall thy Veſtals, Veſta! leave thee? or ſhall the Flamen, by dwelling abroad, contract each night ſo much guilt not only to him, but the Commonwealth too? What ſhou'd I mention other things which we do by direction of the Soothſayers, moſt of them within the limits of the City, neither forgetting, nor neglecting any part of them? The curiate Aſſemblies, that manage the Millitary affairs; and the centuriate Aſſemblies, at which you chooſe Conſuls and Tribunes Military; where can they be held as they ought to be, but where they uſe to be? Shall we transfer all theſe things to Veii? or ſhall the people meet to hold the Aſſemblies, with ſo much inconvenience to them, in this City, which is deſerted both by Gods and Men?

But the thing it ſelf [ſome will ſay] compells us to leave this City, which is laid waſt with fire and ruine, and go to Veii, where all things are entire; nor vex the poor commonalty here with Building. No; Romans! this reaſon, I ſuppoſe (though I ſhould not tell you ſo) you know to be rather given out, than real: you, that remember, how, before the coming of the Gauls, when our Buildings, both private and publick were all ſafe, and the City ſtanding, this ſame buſineſs was in agitation, about our going to Veii. Now ſee, Tribunes! how much difference there is between mine and your opinion. You think, that though it were not fit ſo to do at that time, yet now it may be: and I on the contrary (do not wonder at it, before you hear what 'tis) am of opinion, that though at that time we might have removed, when our City was ſtanding, yet we ought not now to leave theſe ruins. For then the reaſon of our removing into a City, which we had taken, might have been our Victory, which would have been glorious to us and our Poſterity: but now this removal will look ſneaking and diſhonourable in us, but glorious to the Gauls: for we ſhall ſeem not to have left our Country with Victory, but to have been defeated and loſt it. Did our flight at Allia, the taking of our City, or the beſieging of the Capitol, lay ſuch a neceſſity upon us, that we ſhould deſert our native Soil, and Baniſh our ſelves, or run away from that place, which we could not defend? And could the Gauls deſtroy Rome, which the Romans ſeem not able to rebuild? What remains, but that they now come with new Forces (for 'tis well known, they are an incredible multitude) and ſettle, by your permiſſion, in this City, which they took and you deſert? Yea what if (not the Gauls, but) your old Enemies, the Aequi and the Volſci, ſhou'd do this; that is, come to Rome? Wou'd you have them be called Romans, and you Veians? Or wou'd you rather that this place ſhou'd be your ſolitude, than your Enemies City? Truly I cannot ſee, what is a greater crime. Are you willing to commit theſe offences, becauſe you are loth to build, and had rather ſuffer ſo much diſgrace? If there cou'd be no better, or larger Houſe built in the whole City, than yonder Hovel where my Builder works, had we not better live in Hovels, like Shepherds and Country people, among our our own holy things and houſhold Gods, than to go publickly and baniſh our ſelves? Did our Fore-Fathers, who came hither out of ſeveral Countrys and were Shepherds (when there was nothing in theſe places but Woods and Fens) build a new City in ſo ſhort a time; and ſhall we think it difficult, though the Capitol and the Caſtle are ſafe, and the Temples of our Gods ſtanding, to rebuild a City that's burnt? Or ſhall we all together refuſe to do that in the caſe of a publick conflagration, which we ſhould each of us have done, if our own ſingle Houſes had been burnt?

What, pray', if, either by treachery or misfortune, there ſhou'd happen a fire at Veii, and the flames (as it may chance) being diffuſed by the wind ſhou'd conſume great part of the City; ſhall we remove thence to Fidenae, Gabii, or any other City? Has that native Soil no influence upon you at all? Nor this Earth, which we call Mother? Does the love we bear to our Country only affect the outſide and the rafters [of the Building?] Truly I'll tell you (though I am leſs pleaſed to remember your injuſtice, then my own calamity) when I was abſent; as often as I thought of my Country; all theſe things came into my mind; the Hills, the Fields, the Tiber, the Country that I had been uſed to ſee, and this Skie; under which I was born and bred: which I hope; Romans! may now rather make you ſo far in love with them, as to continue in your native Country, than torture you with deſire hereafter, when you have left them. It was not without reaſon, that the Gods and Men choſe this place to build a City in; very wholeſom Hills; a River, as convenient, for conveying of all ſorts of Fruits out of the midland Countreys; and receiving all Maritime Proviſions: the the Sea near, to all uſeful purpoſes, but the place not expoſed by being too near, to the dangers of Foreign Navies: that lies in a place in the middle of Italy, and the only one that cou'd have been found to augment the grandeur of a City. You may know by the very bigneſs of ſo new a City. For this, Romans! is now but the 365th. Year ſince the City was built: and you have waged Wars among ſo many ancient Nations ſo long; though in the mean time (not to ſpeak of ſingle Cities) neither the Volſci and the Aequi together (ſo many and thoſe ſuch ſtrong Towns) nor all Etruria, which is ſo Potent both by Sea and Land, and takes up the breadth of all Italy between the two Seas, is able to cope with you in War. Which being ſo, what (the Devil) can be the reaſon why you ſhou'd be for new experiments; when, though your courage may be able to remove to another place, yet the fortune of this place can never be transferred? Here is the Capitol, where in times paſt, upon the finding of a Mans head, it was foretold, that in that place ſhould be the chief Seat of Dominion. Here, when by direction of the Soothſayers the Capitol was freed, Juventas and Terminus, to the great joy of our Fore-Fathers, ſuffered not themſelves to be ſtir'd. Here is Veſta's fire; here are the ſacred Shields that fell from Heaven; and here are all the Gods, who will be propitious, whilſt you continue here.

Now they ſay, that Camillus moved them very much; not only with his other Speeches, but with that which concerned Religion eſpecially. But this doubtful matter was opportunely made an end of by a word that was accidentally ſpoken. For when the Senate a while after, were conſulting about theſe things in the Court called Curia Hoſtilia, and the Regiments returning from the Guards, by chance came in a Body through the Forum, a Centurion cry'd out in the Comitium, or Aſſembly Court; Enſign-bearer! fix here your Enſign; this is the beſt place for us to ſtay in: which when they heard, the Senate, going out of the Court, cry'd out all together, that they receiv'd the Omen, and the common people all about them approved of it. Then, having abrogated the Law, they began promiſcuouſly to build the City; toward which there was Tile provided at the publick charge, and leave given to every man, to get Stone, and cut down Timber where they wou'd, having firſt given ſecurity, that they wou'd finiſh their Houſes that Year. Their haſt was the cauſe why they took no care to make the Streets ſtrait; whilſt, making no diſtinction between their own and others ground, they built in any void ſpace. That's the reaſon, why the old Common-ſhoars, which were at firſt carried along the Streets, go now altogether under private Houſes: and that the form of the City is like a place taken up [with building] rather than divided.

DECADE I. BOOK VI. EPITOME.

1. &c. It ſhews the ſucceſsful Actions performed againſt the Aequi, the Volſci and the Preneſtines. 5. There were four Tribes added; the Stellatine, the Sabatine, the Tormentine, and the Arnian Tribe. 20. M. Manlius, who defended the Capitol from the Gauls, though he ſet thoſe that were in Debt at liberty, and freed thoſe that were Bound to work out their Debts; being condemned for attempting to make himſelf a King, was thrown down from the Tarpeian Rock: and for a mark upon him there was an order of Senate made, that no one of the Manlian Family ſhou'd after that time, be named Marcus. 35. &c. C. Licinius and L. Seſtius, Tribunes of the people, promulgated a Law, that Conſuls ſhou'd be made out of the Commons too, who were uſually choſen out of the Senate: and that Law, (though the Senate was very earneſt in oppoſing of it) thoſe ſame Tribunes of the people, who had been the ſole Magiſtrates for 5. years together, cauſed to paſs: ſo that L. Seſtius was the firſt Conſul, that was choſen out of the Commens. There was alſo another Law made, that no one man ſhou'd have above 500. Acres of Land.

I Have already given you an account in 5. Books, from the time that the City of Rome was built, to the taking of it, firſt under their Kings, and then their Conſuls, Dictators, Decemviri and Tribunes Conſular, what Wars they had abroad, and what Seditions at home: things which are obſcure not only by reaſon of their great Antiquity, and cannot through the vaſt diſtance, as it were, of place, ſcarce be diſcerned; but becauſe writing in thoſe days was not common (which is the only faithful Record of actions) and that even thoſe things, that were deſcribed in the Prieſts Books, or other publick and private Monuments, when the City was burnt, were moſt of them loſt. But hereafter I ſhall give you a more clear and certain relation from the new born Cities ſecond beginning, as from a ſtock that's more fertile, of what exploits they did as well in Peace as War. Now by the help of him, who firſt ſet it upright (which was M. Furius above any man elſe) the City was at firſt ſupported; for they wou'd not ſuffer him to lay down his Dictatorſhip till that year was out. The Aſſembly for the next year thought not fit to have Tribunes, in whoſe time the City had been taken: and ſo the buſineſs came to an Interregnum [or time of vacancy U. C. 366 when there was no chief Magiſtrate.] Now whilſt the City was imploy'd in daily work and labour to repair their Buildings, in the mean time Q. Fabius, as ſoon as ever he went out of his Office, was warn'd to his Tryal by C. Martius, Tribune of the people; For that he, when a Lieutenant, had fought the Gauls, to whom he was ſent as an Envoy, againſt the Law of Nations: from which Tryal Death (which came ſo opportunely, that a great many thought it voluntary) ſnatch'd him away. Then P. Cornelius Scipio enter'd upon the Interregnum; and after him M. Furius Camillus, a ſecond time. He created for Tribunes of the Soldiers, with power Conſular, A. Valerius Publicola, a ſecond time, L. Virginius, P. Cornelius, U. C. 367 A. Manlius, and L. Poſthumius. Who, from the Interregnum entering immediately upon their Office, conſulted the Senate firſt of all about Religion. Firſt they ordered all the Leagues and Laws (which were the 12. Tables, and ſome made by the Kings too) to be got together, that could be found: whereof ſome were publiſhed among the Commonalty; and others that related to holy things, ſuppreſſed by the Prieſts, moſt of all, that they might keep the peoples minds under an awe to Religion. Then they began to diſcourſe of Holy dayes, and called the 17. of Auguſt, which was memorable for a double defeat (being the day, on which the Fabii were ſlain at Cremera; and when they had ſuch ill fortune to loſe the day in the Battel at Allia, with the ruine of their City) Dies Allienſis, from the latter defeat, and made it remarkable by ordering, that no buſineſs ſhou'd be done on it, either publick or private. Some think, That becauſe on the 17. of July, Sulpicius the Tribune Military had not appeaſed the Gods, but that, before they were reconciled, the fourth day, the Roman Army had been expoſed to the Enemy, that therefore it was ordered, that no holy duties ſhou'd be performed that day: and that from thence alſo proceeded the ſame uſage upon the day after the Calends, and the Nones.

But they were not long at leiſure to conſult how to raiſe the Commonwealth out of ſo grievous a condition. For on the one hand the Volſci, their old Enemies, had taken Arms, to extinguiſh the Roman name; and on the other, Merchants brought them word, that there was a conſult about a War held by all the great Men in Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna: beſides that a new fright alſo was come upon them, by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernicans, who, after the Battel at the Lake Regillus, had, for almoſt 100. years, been conſtant Friends to the Romans. Wherefore ſince ſo many fears encompas'd them on every ſide, and that it was evident to all people, that the Roman name was not only hateful to their Enemies, but contemptible even to their Allies alſo; they thought fit that the Commonwealth ſhou'd be defended by the ſame perſons Conduct, who recover'd it: and that M. Furius Camillus ſhou'd be made Dictator. He therefore being Dictator, choſe C. Servilius Ahala Maſter of the Horſe: and having put a ſtop to all judicial proceedings, made a Levy of the younger ſort of men: but ſo, that he liſted the Seniors too, that had any ſtrength left, and made them take an Oath to be true to him. When he had raiſed and armed his Men, he divided them into three parts: whereof he planted one in the Veian Dominions oppoſite to Etruria: another he order d to Encamp before the City (of whom A. Manlius was Tribune Military [i. e. Colonel] as Aemilius was Commander of thoſe that were ſent againſt the Etrurians) and the third part he himſelf led againſt the Volſci. Nor was it far from Lanuvium (at a place near the hill Marcius) that he began to attack their Camp. Who marching forth out of contempt (for they thought the Gauls had kill'd almoſt all the Roman Youth) to War, the name of Camillus, who was General, put them in ſuch a fright, that they ſecured themſelves with a Rampire, and their Rampire with heaps of Trees, that the Enemy might not any way enter upon their Works. Which when Camillus obſerv'd, he order'd fire to be thrown into the Wood; there being, as it happen'd, a great wind at that time, which blew toward the Enemy; and by that by means he not only opened the way with fire, but, the flames, making toward their Camp, he put the foe with the heat, ſmoke, and crackling of the green ſtuff, as it burnt, into ſuch a conſternation, that it was leſs trouble for the Romans to go over the Rampire into the Volſcian Camp, than it had been to go over the fence, which was burnt down. When the Enemy was all routed and ſlain, the Dictator, having taken the Camp by ſtorm, gave the Spoil to the Soldiers, which, the leſs it was expected from a General, that was not uſed to make Preſents, was ſo much the better taken. After that purſuing the Foe as they fled, when he had pillaged all the Volſcian Territories, he brought the Volſcians to make a Surrender at laſt after 70. years Wars. Having Conquer'd the Volſcians, he went over to the Aequi, and ſurprized their Army at Bolae, as they were there preparing for a War: nor did he attack their Camp only, but their Ciiy too, and took it upon the firſt Aſſault.

But whilſt they had ſuch good fortune on that ſide, where Camillus was the chief manager of the Roman affairs, they were mightily terrified on the other: For almoſt all Etruria was up in Arms and Beſieging Sutrium, a Town in Alliance with the Romans: whoſe Embaſſadors, deſiring aid in that their unhappy condition, went to the Senate and got a Decree; That the Dictator, aſſoon as poſſible, ſhould relieve the Sutrians. But the fortune of the beſieg'd being unable to endure the delay of that hope, ſeeing the few men they had in the Town were all diſabled by toil, watching, and wounds, which ſtill lay heavy upon them, they delivered up their City to the Enemy upon terms, and being ſent forth unarmed with one coat a piece, they left their native ſoil in a wretched manner. At that time Camillus chanced to come in, with the Roman Army, to their aſſiſtance: at whoſe feet when the ſorrowful crowd of them had laid themſelves down, and the cryes of the Women and Children (who were ſharers in their Exile) ſeconded the ſpeeches of the Nobility, which were forced from them by extream neceſſity, he bad the Sutrians forbear their Lamentations; For he brought ſorrow and tears to the Etrurians. Then he ordered his men to lay down their Baggage, and the Sutrians, with whom he left a ſmall Guard, to ſit down there together: but bid his Soldiers take their Arms along with them. So going, as faſt as he could, to Sutrium he found (as he ſuppoſed he ſhou'd, and as in ſuch caſes it generally happens,) all things diſſolved in Luxury; no Guard before the Walls; the Gates wide open; and the ſtraggling Conquerer carrying the Booty out of the Enemies Houſes. By this means Sutrium was taken again the very ſame day; and the Victorious Etrurians were killed by this new Foe all over the Town; nor had they time to Rendezvouz, and meet in a Body, or take up their Arms. And when they made, every man as he was able, towards the Gates they found them (according to the Dictators firſt orders) ſhut. With that ſome of them took up their Arms, and others, who were by chance got Arm'd amidſt the crowd, call'd their party together to joyn Battel: which had indeed been brought to effect through the Enemies deſpair, had not the Cryers, who were ſent all about the City given order to them, to lay down Arms, that the unarm'd ſhou'd be ſpared, and that no body ſhou'd be hurt, ſave thoſe that were Arm'd. With that even thoſe; who before were reſolv'd, as their laſt refuge, to fight for it, when they had hopes of life given them, began every one to throw away their Arms, and preſent themſelves unarmed (ſince Fortune had made that their ſafeſt way) to the Enemy. A great number were ſent into ſeveral Priſons: and the Town before night was reſtored to the Sutrians inviolate, and free from all the injuries of War: becauſe it had not been taken by Storm, but ſurrender'd upon conditions.

Camillus return'd triumphant into the City; and having been Victorious in three Wars together, drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others. Whom after he had publickly ſold, there was ſo much money made of them, that, having repaid the Matrons their Gold, out of what remained, there were three golden Cups made; which, 'tis well known (before the Capitol was burnt) were ſet in Jupiters Temple, at Junos feet. That Year they were taken into the City, who (either Veians, Capenates, or Faliſcans) had come over to the Romans during thoſe Wars, and Land was aſſigned to all ſuch new Citizens. They likewiſe were recalled into the City by order of the Senate, who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome, had removed to Veii. Whereupon at firſt they murmured and ſlighted the command, till a day being prefixed, a capital puniſhment ſet upon each man, that did not return to Rome, cooled all their courages, and made them every man obedient out of fear. Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous, and buildings to riſe in every part: for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge, the Ediles forwarded the work, as though it had been the publick buſineſs, and even private perſons (for their deſire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it) made haſte to finiſh; ſo that there was a new City ſtanding within a year. At the end of the year the Aſſembly was held for chooſing Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority; and they choſe T. Quintius U. C. 368 Cincinnatus, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a fifth time) Julius Julus, L. Aquilius Corvus, L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. Then they led one Army againſt the Aequi, not to make War (for they confeſſed themſelves already Conquer'd) but out of hatred, to ravage their Country, leſt they ſhould leave them any ſtrength for new attempts: and another into the Tarquinian Territories; where they ſtorm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria, called Cortuoſa and Contenebra. At Cortuoſa they had no diſpute at all; but having ſurprized it, they took it upon their firſt ſhout and effort; rifling and burning the Town. But Contenebra endured the Seige ſome few days; though continual toil, night and day, diſabled them: inſomuch that, ſeeing the Roman Army, which was divided into ſix parts, fought ſix hours, each in their turns, whilſt the ſame Townſmen were ſtill expoſed to the whole fatigue of the Battel (though few and weary) they at laſt gave way, and let the Romans into the City. The Tribunes thought fit to confiſcate the Booty by way of publick ſale; but their orders were ſlower than their deſign: for whilſt they deliberated upon the point, the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands, nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy. The ſame year, leſt the City ſhould increaſe in private works only, the Capitol alſo was repaired, in its Foundation, with ſquare Stone, which looks very fine even at this day, though the City be ſo very Magnificent in its Buildings.

And now the Tribunes, ſeeing the City was all built, endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Aſſemblies: and to raiſe the peoples hopes, they inſtanced in the Pomptine Lands, which was then firſt of all, ſince Camillus defeated the Volſci, become a certain tenure. They pretended, That thoſe Lands were now the occaſion of more oppreſſion from the Nobility, than they had been formerly, when in the hands of the Volſci: for they only made incurſions into them, as long as they had ſtrength and Arms: But the Nobility took poſſion of them by force; nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty, unleſs they were divided, before the great men had gotten all into their clutches. But they had not much moved the people, who were but few of them in the Forum, by reaſon of their being imploy'd about their Buildings; as alſo, for that they were, upon that account, impoveriſhed by the charge they were at, and therefore regarded not thoſe Lands, which they had not abilities enough to cultivate. At this time the City being full of Religion, and the Nobility grown ſuperſtitious ſince their late defeat; to the end that the auſpicies might be renew'd, they fell back into an Interregnum. The Interreges were, M. Manlius Capitolinus, Ser. Sulpicius U. C. 369 Camerinus, and L. Valerius Potitus: the laſt of which held an Aſſembly for chooſing of Tribunes Military with Conſular power, and choſe L. Papirius, C. Sergius, L. Aemilius (a ſecond time) L. Meneninus, and L. Valerius Poplicola, a third time. Theſe perſons (inſtead of the Interregnum) entred upon their Office. That year the Temple of Mars, which was vowed in the Gallick War, was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir, whoſe Office it was to look after the Sacrifices. There were four Tribes added of new Citizens, the Stellatine, the Formentine, the Sabbatine, and the Arnian Tribe: which made the Tribes up twenty five.

L. Sicinius, Tribune of the people propoſed the buſineſs of the Pomptine Lands again, now that the Commons were more numerous about him, and more inclined to deſire them, than they had been. There was likewiſe mention made of the Latin and the Heruican War in the Senate; but that was deferred upon the ſcore of a greater War, Etruria being up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus, who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Conſular; and had five Collegues aſſigned him, viz. Ser. Cornelius Maluginenſis, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a ſixth time) L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Horatius Pulvillus, and P. Valerius. At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian U. C. 370 War: by reaſon, that a Body of men, who fled out of the Pomptine Territories, came on a ſudden into the City and brought word, That the Antians were in Arms, that the Latins had ſent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War: and ſaid, that they therefore rejected the publick deſign, becauſe Voluntiers were allowed to ſerve, where they pleaſed. At this time there was not any War ſo inconſiderable as to be ſlighted: wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods, that Camillus was in Office: for he muſt have been made Dictator, if he had been a private perſon; and his Collegues confeſs'd, That the management of all matters, where there was any Warlike terror approaching, reſted in him alone: as alſo, that they deſign'd, to give up their Authority to Camillus; nor ſhou'd they think that their grandieur was any way leſſen'd by what they added to the greatneſs of that man. For which the Senate commended the Tribunes, and Camillus himſelf, though in a confuſion of mind, thank'd them, ſaying; That there was a vaſt burden laid upon him by the Roman people, who had created him Dictator now four times; a great one by the Senate, through the judgments of that Order concerning him; but the far greateſt, by the difference of his honourable Collegues. Wherefore, if there cou'd be any more labour, or care added to it; he wou'd ſtrive to acquit himſelf; as to make that opinion (which was the greateſt that cou'd be) that the City generally had of him, laſting. That, as to the War and the Antians, there was more threatenings than danger: but that he notwithſtanding as he ſaid, there was nothing to be feared, ſo he wou'd not ſay, there was any thing to be ſlighted in that Affair. That the City of Rome was begirt by the envy and hatred of its Neighbours; ſo that there was need of more Generals and Armies to manage the Commonwealths buſineſs. I wou'd have you, P. Valerius! ſaid he, to be my aſſiſtant in Command and Counſels, and lead forth part of the Legions againſt the Antian Foe: and you, Q. Servilius! to Encamp in the City with an other Army ready, to watch, for fear either Etruria in the mean time, (as of late they did) or this new vexation, the Latins and the Hernicans, ſhou'd ſtir: for I am ſure, you'll ſo behave your ſelf as may ſuit with the honour of your Father; Grand-Father, your ſelf, and ſix Tribuneſhips. A third Army I wou'd have raiſed out of the Cauſſaries [ſuch as were excuſed from the Wars upon the ſcore of ſickneſs] and elder ſort; by L. Quintius, to be a guard to the City and the Walls. Let L. Horatius provide them Darts, Arms, Corn, and other neceſſaries of War: and you, Serg. Cornelius! we appoint to be Overſeer, and manager of this publick advice, of all Religious Worſhip, of the Aſſemblies, the Laws, and all other affairs in the City. Upon this all kindly promiſing to perform their parts in the diſcharge of their duty; Valerius, who was his partner in Command, added, That M. Furius ſhou'd be his Dictator, and he wou'd be his Maſter of the Horſe: and therefore look what hopes they had of one ſole General, the ſame they might have of the War: but he had good hopes himſelf, both of War and Peace, and the whole Commonwealth. With that the Senators, being overjoy'd, began to Humm; and ſaid, The Commonwealth wou'd never need to have a Dictator if it had ſuch men for Officers, who agreed ſo well together; were ready to obey, as well as to Command: and beſtowed their commendations upon the people in general, rather than arrogated all to themſelves, that was as much due to all.

Then having order'd a ſtop to be made in Judicial proceedings, and made a Levy, Furius and Valerius went to Satricum; to which place the Antians had gathered, not only the Volſcian Youth, choſen out of their new fry, but a vaſt number alſo of Latins and Hernicans, out of Cities that had lived long in peace and were thereby grown very populous. Now therefore this new Enemy; joyn'd to the old one put the Roman Soldiers into a fright. Which when the Centurions told Camillus, as he was ſetting his Army in Battalia, viz. That the Soldiers were diſturb'd in their minds; that they were loth to take up their Arms, and that they marched lazily, and with reluctance out of the Camp: yea that they were ſome of them heard to ſay, that they muſt each of them fight with an 100. Enemies; and that ſuch a vaſt multitude cou'd hardly be endured without Arms, much leſs Armed: He preſently mounted his Horſe, and turning, before the Enſigns, toward the main Body of his Army, rode among the Ranks and ask'd them: What ſadneſs is this, fellow Soldiers? what unuſual delay? Don't you know your Enemy, or me, or your ſelves? What is your Enemy, but perpetual matter for your courage and glory to work upon? You, on the contrary, when I was your General (to paſs by the Falerians, and Veians, whom we took, and the Gaullick Legions, that were ſlain in our own Country after it was by them taken) made a triple triumph but t'other day for a threefold Victory over theſe very Volſci, the Aequi and Etruria. Don't you acknowledge me for your General becauſe I was not a Dictator, but a Tribune when I gave you the ſignal? I don't deſire the greateſt Commands over you: nor ought you to look upon any thing elſe in me beſides my own perſon. For my Dictatorſhip never raiſed my courage, as, on the other hand, even Baniſhment never leſſen'd it. We therefore are all the ſame men ſtill: and ſince we have brought all the ſame reſolutions to this War, as to the former, let us exſpect the ſame event. Aſſoon as you engage, let every man do as he hath learnt and uſed to do: ſo ſhall you Conquer, and they fly before you.

Then having given the ſignal, he ſtraight alighted from his Horſe, and laying hold of the Enſign-bearer, that was next to him, forced him along with him towards the Enemy, crying out, Fellow-Soldier! advance your Enſign: which when they ſaw (viz. that Camillus himſelf, though by old age render'd unfit for action, made way toward the Enemy) they all in like manner ran forward, hollowing and ſaying with one accord, Follow the General. They likewiſe report, that an Enſign was thrown, by Camillus's order into the Body of the Enemies; and that the Anteſignani were encouraged to regain it. They ſay alſo, that the Antians was there firſt beaten, and that a dread was infuſed not only into the Front, but even the Reer too of the Army: nor did the force only of the Romans, back'd by the preſence of their General, put the Enemy into confuſion; but, beſides that, there was nothing more terrible to the Volſcians apprehenſions than an accidental ſight of Camillus himſelf. So that which way ſoever he went, he carried certain Victory along with him. And that was very plain from this inſtance; that when the left Wing was almoſt routed, he immediately took Horſe, and riding up with a Footmans Sheild in his hand, by his very preſence retrieved the Battel, and ſhew'd, that the reſt of the Army were Victorious. Now therefore they had like to have got the day, but that they were hindred by the multitude and flight of the Foe; having a great multitude to kill though they themſelves were tired: when on a ſudden there came a ſhower pouring down with great violence, which rather obſtructed a certain Victory, than put an end to the fight. Upon that they retreated, and the following night, when the Romans were quiet, made an end of the War. For the Latins and the Hernicans, leaving the Volſcians, went home, having ſucceſs proportionable to their evil Counſels. The Volſcians ſeeing themſelves deſerted even by thoſe, in confidence of whom they had rebell'd, left their Camp, and ſhut themſelves up in the Walls of Satricum: where Camillus began firſt to incloſe them with a Bullwark, and to attack them from a Rampire and other works. Which when he ſaw they did not hinder by any Sally forth; thinking the Enemy had too little reſolution in them, for him upon that account to expect and wait for ſo lingring a Victory; he encouraged his Soldiers, not to tire themſelves with a tedious fatigue, as they that attack'd the Veians; for Victory was in their hands: and ſo ſcaling the Walls on every ſide, through the great alacrity of his men, took the Town. The Volſcians laying down their Arms ſurrendred themſelves.

But the Generals mind was ſet upon a greater matter, which was the taking of Antium, the chief City of the Volſcians: For that was the firſt cauſe of the late War. But becauſe ſo ſtrong a City cou'd not be taken without great preparation; Inſtruments and Engines of War, he, leaving his Collegue with the Army, went to Rome, to perſwade the Senate to Sack Antium. Whilſt he was diſcourſing upon this affair (I ſuppoſe the Gods were pleaſed, that the Antian State ſhou'd continue ſomewhat longer) there came Embaſſadors from Nepete, and Sutrium, to deſire aid againſt the Tuſcans: ſaying, that they had but a ſmall time to bring in their Auxiliaries. Thither therefore did Fortune divert Camillus's Force, from Antium. For ſince thoſe places were oppoſite to Etruria, and, as it were, Barriers and Gates thereunto: they did what they cou'd, upon any new deſign, to get poſſeſſion of them, as the Romans did to recover, and defend them. Wherefore the Senate thought fit that Camillus ſhou'd be treated with, to quit Antium, and undertake the Etrurian War. The City Legions, which Servilius had Commanded, were aſſigned him: though he wou'd rather have had that experienced and well diſciplin'd Army, which was in the Country of the Volſci: but yet he refuſed nothing [that was offer'd by the Senate:] only he deſir'd that Valerius might be his aſſiſtant and partner in the Command. Quintius and Horatius were ſent as Succeſſors to Valerius in the Volſcian Territories. So Furius and Valerius ſetting forth from the City arrived at Sutrium, where they found one part of the Town already taken by the Etrurians: and the Townſmen in the other part ſcarce able to repell the Enemies force by blocking up the Streets. But then not only the arrival of the Roman aids, but the very name of Camillus, which was of ſuch renown both among the Enemies and their Allies; for the preſent ſupported their declining condition, and gave [their Friends] time to bring in their Succours. Wherefore Camillus, having divided the Army, ordered his Collegue to go with his Forces about, and attack the Walls on that ſide, which the Enemy had gotten poſſeſſion of; not ſo much out of any hopes he had that they might be able to take the City by Scaling it, as that, when the Enemy was diverted to the defence of that part, the Townſmen, who were now wearied with fighting might be eaſed of their toil, and he himſelf have an opportunity to enter the Walls without any oppoſition. Which being done at the ſame time on both ſides; ſo that the Etrurians were environed by a double terror; ſeeing their Walls attack'd with the greateſt vehemency, and the Enemy already within their City; they Sallied forth at a certain Gate, (which was the only one, not Beſieged) in a conſternation all at once. There were a great many of them ſlain as they fled, both in the City and all over the Country: but the moſt part of them were killed by Furius's men within the Walls: whilſt Valerius's Soldiers, being more nimble and fit for a purſuit followed them, and made no end of killing [thoſe, they overtook] before night, when they cou'd no longer ſee them. When Sutrium was retaken, and reſtored to the Allies, the Army was led to Nepete, which the Etrurians now had wholly in their hands, being taken by Surrender.

They thought it wou'd coſt the more pains to retake that City, not only becauſe it was all in the Enemies poſſeſſion, but alſo becauſe the Surrender had been made by the contrivance of ſome part of the Nepeſines, who betray'd their City. Yet they reſolved to ſend to the chief of them; to ſeparate themſelves from the Etrurians, and ſhew that integrity, and fidelity in themſelves, which they had required of the Romans. Whereupon, when anſwer was brought back; That they were not able to do any thing at all in the caſe; for the Etrurians had poſſeſſion of their Walls, and the Guards of their Gates; They firſt of all put the Townſmen into a fright by pillaging the adjacent Country; and ſeeing that they had a more ſacred regard to the Surrender [which they had made to the Etrurians] than to their Alliance [with the Romans] the Roman Army got Fagots out of the Neighbouring Fields, and march'd up to the Walls. Where having fill'd the Trenches, they apply'd their ſcaling Ladders, and upon the firſt ſhout and effort, took the Town. Thereupon the Nepeſines were ordered, to lay down their Arms, and the Soldiers were commanded not to meddle with any of them, that was unarmed: but the Etrurians were all kill'd, arm'd or unarm'd. And of the Nepeſines alſo, thoſe that had been the authors of the Surrender were beheaded; though the innocent multitude had their Eſtates again, and the Town was left with a Garriſon in it. Having in this manner retaken two Allied Cities from the Enemy; the Tribunes brought back their Victorious Army with great glory to Rome. The ſame year the Latins and the Hernicans were called to account, and asked, Why for ſeveral years together they had not ſent their Quota of Soldiers according to agreement? To which both Nations, in full Aſſembly, made Anſwer; That there was no publick fault or deſign to be laid to their charge; for that ſome of their Youth were Soldiers in the Volſcian Territories: but that thoſe young Men themſelves underwent the penalty of an ill deſign; for there was ne'r an one of them that came home again. But that the reaſon why they did not ſend in ſuch a number of Soldiers, was their daily dread of the Volſcians; who were a peſt, that ſtuck ſo cloſe to them, that they cou'd not be rid of it even by ſo many continued Wars, one upon the neck of another. Which when the Senate heard, they were of opinion, that they rather wanted a fit opportunity, than good grounds, to make a War.

The following Year, when A. Manlius, P. Cornelius, T. and L. Quintius Capitolinus, L. Papirius Curſor (again) and C. Sergius (again) were Tribunes, with Conſular Authority, there broke out a grievous War abroad, but a more grievous Sedition at home: the War, from the Volſcians, to which there came in, as an addition, a revolt of the Latins and Hernicans; and the Sedition, from whence it was leaſt to be feared; even from a perſon of a Noble Family and great Honour, viz. M. Manlius Capitolinus; who being a man of a proud Spirit, as he contemn'd all their Noblemen, envied one, and that was M. Furius, a perſon very extraordinary both for his Honours and his Virtues. For he took it very ill, that he alone ſhou'd be in great Offices, and he alone with the Army: For he was now got to that height, that he reckon'd thoſe, who were created at the ſame time, not his Collegues, but his Servants: when at the ſame time, if people wou'd conſider well of it, their Country cou'd not have been recovered from the Enemy by M. Furius, had not the Capitol and Caſtle been firſt preſerved by himſelf. Beſides, M. Furius ſet upon the Gauls, when their minds were divided between receiving of Gold and hopes of Peace: but he himſelf repell d them when they were in Arms and juſt taking the Caſtle. That each Soldier had a ſhare in Furius's glory, who help'd him to Conquer; but no man living cou'd pretend to be a partner in his Victory. Being puff'd up with theſe kind of thoughts (beſides that he was naturally very violent and tyrannical) and ſeeing, that his Circumſtances, among the Senators, were not ſo good, as he imagin'd they ought to be, he firſt of all, from a Senator, grew popular; held correſpondence with the Magiſtrates of the common People; accuſing the Senate, and alluring the Commons; and began to be now born away by the publick vogue, and not by good Counſel; deſiring to be a Man of a great rather than a good name. Nor was he content with the Agrarian Laws, which had alwayes been the ground of Seditions to the Tribunes of the people, but went about to advance his own credit [by an other method too; for he ſaid] That the burden of Debts was too great, and threaten'd not only poverty, and diſgrace; but put a man, that was free into a fear of torture and Bonds: for indeed there were abundance of Debts at that time (which was a thing that mightily endamaged even the rich themſelves) contracted by Building. Wherefore the Volſcian War, which was in it ſelf very grievous, and loaded with the revolt of the Latins and Hernicans, was made a pretext, whereby to gain more power: but the new deſigns of Manlius rather compell'd the Senate to create a Dictator. And accordingly they did create A. Cornelius Coſſus, who choſe T. Quintius Capitolinus Maſter of the Horſe.

The Dictator, though he ſaw, there was a greater feud ſet on foot at home, than abroad; yet either becauſe it was neceſſary to make haſt to the War, or ſuppoſing that, by a Victory and a Triumph, he ſhou'd add new ſtrength to the Dictatorſhip, made a levy, and march'd forth into the Pomptine Territories, where he had heard, the Volſcian Army was to Rendezvouz. I don't doubt but that, beſides the tediouſneſs that Readers will accuſe me of, for having given a Relation of the continual Wars with the Volſci, already deſcribed in ſo many Books, this alſo will fall under your conſideration (which indeed was a wonder even to me my ſelf, when I ſeriouſly thought upon the authors of theſe things as nearer to thoſe times) whence the Volſci and the Aequi, who were ſo often Conquer'd had ſtill new recruits of Soldiers. Which ſeeing it is anſwer'd, but omitted by the Ancients; what can I ſay more than barely give you my opinion, which is free and peculiar to every man, that makes a conjecture? 'Tis probable, that either in the Intervals of their Wars, as it now happens in the Roman Levies, there were ſeveral Generations of young men one after another, whom they made uſe of to renew their Wars; or that their Armies were not always raiſed out of the ſame people; though the ſame Nation always made the War: or that there was an innumerable multitude of Free-men in thoſe parts, which now-adays wou'd be ſolitary and deſert (there being but a very ſmall number of Citizens left to make Soldiers of) did not Roman Slaves inhabit there. This is certain, that Volſcian Army, though they had been lately much diſabled by the Fortune and Conduct of Camillus, was (as all Authors agree) very great: beſides the addition of the Latins and Hernicans, with ſome Circeians, and Inhabitants of Velitrae alſo. The Roman Dictator having pitched his Camp that day, the next day march'd forth with all encouragements from the Soothſayers, and having Sacrificed to appeaſe the Gods, went cheerfully up to his men, who at break of day (as he had given orders) were taking up their Arms againſt the ſignal of Battel ſhou'd be given them; Fellow Soldiers! ſaid he, the day is ours, if either the Gods or their Prophets foreſee any thing to come: wherefore (as it becomes men full of certain hopes, and ſuch as are to engage hand to hand with an Enemy too weak for them) let us lay our piles at our feet, and arm our ſelves with our Swords only. I wou'd not have you run forward from the place where you now are, but ſtand ſtill and receive the effort of the Foe. When they ſhall throw their fooliſh Darts and throng upon you, ſtanding your ground; then let your Swords glitter, and think each man of you, that there are Gods, who aſſiſt the Romans; and who ſent you to Battel with good Omens [or tokens.] Do you, Quintius! be ſure to keep back the Horſe at the firſt onſet of the fight; but when you ſee the Armies engaged foot to foot; then bring in your dreadful Horſe upon them, whilſt they are already poſſeſſed with another fear, and charging up break their Ranks. The Horſe and Foot both fought, as he had order'd them; nor did either the General diſappoint his Legions, or Fortune the General.

The multitude of the Enemies relying upon nothing but their numbers, and viewing both Armies, went raſhly to the fight, and as raſhly quitted; for though they ſhewed ſome audacity by the ſhout they made, threw their Darts, and were fierce enough at the firſt onſet, yet they cou'd not endure the Enemies Swords, their fighting foot to foot, nor ſo much as their faces, which glitter'd (as it were) through the ardour of their minds. Their Vanguard therefore was repell'd, and their Reer put into confuſion: beſides that the Horſe came in with their dreadful force. By that means the Ranks were broken in many places, all things were in diſorder, and the whole Army toſſed to and fro like a Wave. After that, when the foremoſt fell, and every man ſaw, it wou'd be his turn e're long to be ſlain, they turn'd their backs. The Romans purſu'd them cloſe; and whilſt they march'd off Arm'd and in a full Body, the Foot were order'd to follow them; but when it was obſerv'd, that they threw away their Arms, and were ſcatter'd in their flight all over the Country, then the Troops of Horſe were ſent out, with a command, That they ſhould not ſtay ſo long to kill ſingle perſons, as to give the Body of the Enemy time the mean while to eſcape. It wou'd be ſufficient, if they by throwing of Darts and other terrible actions, hindr'd the Enemies flight, or by riding up againſt them detain d their Army, till the Foot overtook and totally deſtroy'd them. They fled and the Romans followed them till it was night. The Camp alſo of the Volſci was taken and rifled that ſame day, and all the Booty, ſave the Freemen, given to the Soldiers. The greateſt part of the Captives were Latins and Hernicans; and thoſe no ordinary fellows, ſuch as a man might have thought had fought for pay; but there were found among them ſome young Noblemen; to make it evident, that the Volſcians were aſſiſted by publick Authority. There were alſo ſome Circeians taken notice of and Inhabitants of Velitrae; who were all ſent to Rome; where, when the chief Senators asked them the queſtion, they each of them plainly and truly declared to them, as they had done to the Dictator, That their Nations were revolted [from the Romans.]

The Dictator kept his Army Encamped, not doubting in the leaſt but that the Senate would Vote a War with thoſe People, when at the ſame time a greater affair ariſing at home, forced them to ſend for him to Rome, ſeeing the Sedition grew higher every day, and became by means of its Author more dreadful than before. For now not only Manlius's Speeches, but his Actions too were popular to all appearance, and therefore tending to a tumult, were to be [by the Dictator] conſidered, [that a judgment might be made] with what intention they were done. When he ſaw a Centurion, who had done many famous exploits in the Wars, going to Priſon for Debt, he ran to him with his Train at his heels in the midſt of the Forum and laid hold on him; and there exclaiming againſt the pride of the Senate, the cruelty of the Bankers, and the miſeries of the common People; but extolling the virtues and Fortunes of that man, he ſaid; Then have I with this right hand in vain preſerved the Capitol and the Caſtle, if I ſee my fellow Citizen and Soldier dragg'd into Slavery and Bonds, as though he were a Captive to the conquering Gauls: whereupon he paid the Creditor his Debt before all the people; and ſo ſet the Centurion at liberty, who conjur'd all the Gods and Men, to thank M. Manlius, that ſet him at liberty, and was a Father to the Roman People. Upon that being immediately received into the tumultuous crowd, he alſo increaſed the tumult, by ſhewing the ſcars that he had received in the Veian, Gallick and other Wars: ſaying, That he, whilſt he was a Soldier, and by paying intereſt upon intereſt a great many times more than the principal, to retrieve a ruined Eſtate, was quite o'rwhelm'd with Uſury: but that now he ſaw the light, the Forum, the faces of his fellow Citizens, and the good works of M. Manlius: that he had all the kind offices of a Parent perform'd by him: that he devoted to him all his Body, Life and Blood, that was left; and that whatever right he had in his Country, either publick or private, was at that one mans ſervice. With theſe words the common People were ſo animated, that they ſubſcribed to one ſingle Perſon: but then there was another thing added, which was of far greater force to put all affairs into diſorder. For he put a Farm, that he had in the Veian Territories (which was the beſt part of his Patrimony) into the Cryers diſpoſal; ſaying, I'll never ſuffer any of you, Romans, (as long as I have any Eſtate left) to be ſentenced, or made Slaves on. Now that ſo enflam'd their minds, that right or wrong they ſeem'd reſolv'd to follow the vindicator of their liberty. But beſides this he made Speeches at home, full of accuſations againſt the Senators: among whom, making no difference whether he ſaid true or falſe, he laid to their charge, That the Treaſure of Gallick Gold was imbezell'd by the Senators: and that they were not now content with the publick Lands, unleſs they could convert the publick Money alſo to their own uſe: which if it were publickly diſcovered, the common people might be eas'd and diſcharg'd of their Debts. Which ſince the People had hopes of, it ſeem'd an unworthy act, that, when there was Gold enough to be gathered out of Gaul to ſet the City free, it ſhould be raiſed by Contribution at home: or that the ſame Gold, which was taken from their Enemies ſhould become the prey of ſome few perſons. Wherefore they went on, asking, where ſo much theft could be concealed. To which he deferr'd his anſwer, and ſaid, That in due time he would tell them; which made them careleſs of other matters and turn all their care that way: nor was their any doubt made, but that Manlius, if he told truth, would gain extraordinary favour among the People, as, if his diſcovery were falſe he would not fall into any great diſgrace [with the Senate]

When affairs were in this poſture, the Dictator, being ſent for from the Army came into the City: where having the next day called a Senate, and ſufficiently tried the Peoples inclinations, he commanded the Senate to attend him; and then, ſurrounded with that company, placed a Throne in the Aſſembly Court, and ſent a Meſſenger for M. Manlius: who being ſummon'd by the Dictators order, gave notice to his Party, That the conteſt was now coming on, and came with a great Train of followers to the Tribunal. The Senate on e • o ne ſide, and the Commons on the other ſtood, each looking toward their Leader, as they had been in Battalia. Then, after ſilence was made, the Dictator began: I wiſh, ſaid he, I and the Roman Senate may agree with the common People concerning other matters as well as I am very confident we ſhall in what relates to you, and that matter which I am to enquire into touching you. I find that you have put the City in hopes, that they may honeſtly pay what they owe out of the Gallick Money, which the chief Senators conceal. To which I am ſo far from being an hinderance, that on the contrary, M. Manlius! I encourage and adviſe you to it: free the Commons of Rome from Uſury; and rowze thoſe who lye brooding upon the publick Treaſure, which they clandeſtinely made their prey. Which if thou doſt not do, either becauſe thou thy ſelf art a ſharer in that Booty, or becauſe thy Information is falſe, I'll order thee to be carried to Priſon: and will not ſuffer the multitude any longer to be diſturb'd with a fallacious hope. To which Manlius replied; That he knew very well, they created a Dictator, not againſt the Volſci, who were made Enemies as often as the Senate thought fit; nor againſt the Latins and the Hernicans, whom they forced by falſe accuſations to take up Arms; but againſt him and the Roman People: and that now, they, quitting the pretended War, bent all their fury toward him. For now the Dictator profeſſed to be Advocate for the Bankers againſt the People; and that they ſought occaſion from the favour of the multitude to accuſe and deſtroy him. Does the company that I have here about me, A. Cornelius, ſaid he, offend thee, and you, grave Fathers? Why don't you draw them from me, each one of you, by your kindneſs to them? by interceding with their Creditors, by delivering their fellow Citizens from Bonds, by keeping ſuch as are ſentenced to it out of Slavery, and by relieving the neceſſities of others out of that, which you have more than you need? But why do I exhort you to ſpend out of your own ſtock? Make a new account, and ſubſtract from the principal Debt which is paid for uſe, and then my retinue will be no more taken notice of than any other Mans. But why do I alone thus concern my ſelf for the Citizens? I have nothing more to anſwer, than if you ſhould ask me, why I alone preſerved the Capitol and the Caſtle: for at that time I did what good I could for them all in general, and ſo I will now for every ſingle man. As to the Gallick Treaſures, the very queſtion makes a thing, which in its own nature is eaſie enough, very difficult: for why do you enquire about a thing that you already know? why do you bid that which is in your pocket be ſhaken out, rather than lay it down your ſelves? unleſs there be ſome fraud in the caſe. The more you bid us reprove or find out your juggling tricks, the more I fear you have robbed us even whilſt we look'd moſt wiſtly upon you. Wherefore I am not to be forced to tell what Booties you have taken; but you, to bring them forth into publick view.

Hereupon when the Dictator bid him leave off his Rhetorick, and put him to't either to make a true diſcovery, or confeſs that he had falſly accuſed the Senate, and laid upon them the envy of a fraud they were not guilty of, He ſaid, he would not ſpeak when his Enemies pleaſed, and ſo was ordered to be carried to Goal. Then being laid hold on by the Officer, he cryed out, Great Jupiter! Queen Juno! Minerva! with the reſt of the Gods and Goddeſſes, who inhabit in the Capitol and the Caſtle, will you ſuffer your Soldier and Protector to be thus tormented by his Enemies? Shall this right hand, wherewith I routed the Gauls from your Shrines, be now in Bonds and Chains? Now there was no one by, whoſe eyes or ears could endure this indignity: for that City, which was ſo extraordinary patient under a juſt Government, had made ſome Laws which they could not break: nor durſt either the Tribunes of the People, or the people themſelves lift up their eyes, or ſo much as open their mouths againſt the Dictator's Authority. But after Manlius was put into Priſon, 'tis certain, that great part of the people changed their cloaths, that many men let their Hair and Beards grow very long, and that a mournful crowd were obſerv'd to ſtand at the Priſon Gate. The Dictator triumphed over the Volſci: but his triumph got him more envy, than glory: for they murmured and ſaid; It was gain'd at home, not in the Wars: and that it was a triumph over a Citizen, not an Enemy. That there was only one thing lacking to ſatisfie his pride, and that was, that M. Manlius was not led before his Chariot. And now the buſineſs was not far from a Sedition; which to appeaſe, the Senate (though no body deſired it) became of a ſudden a voluntary Giver, and order'd that a Colony of 2000. Roman Citizens ſhould be carried to Satricum: to each of whom there were aſſigned two Acres and an half of Land. Which ſince they lookt upon as very little, beſtowed upon a few, and as a reward for betraying M. Manlius, the remedy renewed and heigthen'd the Sedition. And now Manlius's party were more remarkable than before for their ſordid apperance and guilty looks; and the dread being removed after the triumph by his laying down the Dictatorſhip, had ſet both the tongues and minds of men at liberty.

Then ſeveral people were publickly heard to upbraid the multitude; That they always raiſed their defenders to a vaſt heighth by their favour, but afterward, in the very nick of all their danger forſook them. That Sp. Caſſius who invited the Commons into the Country; and Sp. Maelius, who kept the People from famiſhing at his own charge were ſo ſerved: and laſtly that M. Manlius, who redeemed part of the City, when it was drown'd and o'rwhelm'd with Uſury, into liberty and light, was ſo betray'd into the hands of his Enemies. That the common People fed their Countrymen only to be kill'd? Was this to be born, that a Conſul's fellow [muſt be hurried to Priſon] becauſe he did not anſwer at the command of a Dictator? Suppoſe he had told a lie before, and for that reaſon had nothing then to ſay; what Servant was ever puniſh'd with Bonds for a lie! Did they not remember that night, which was almoſt the laſt and an eternal one, to the Roman name? Had they no image of the Gallick Forces, that climb'd the Tarpeian Rock? nor of M. Manlius himſelf, as they had ſeen him in Armour, all over ſweat and blood, when he reſcu'd (almoſt) great Jove himſelf out of the Enemies hands? Would they give the preſerver of their Country half a pound of Bread for his pains? and ſuffer him, whom they had made almoſt Divine, by giving him the Surname of Capitolinus (the name of Jupiter himſelf) to lie bound in Priſon, and in darkneſs, obnoxious to the pleaſure of an Executioner? was one man ſo able to aſſiſt you all, and cannot ſo many lend him any aid? Now therefore the crowd departed not from that place ſo much as in the night-time, but threatened to break open the Priſon; till that was granted, which they would have had by force, and Manlius, by order of the Senate, was freed from his Bonds. By which means the Sedition was not made an end of, but the Ringleader put in the head of it. At the ſame time the Latins and Hernicans, together with the Circeians, and thoſe of Velitrae, who endeavoured to clear themſelves of having any hand in raiſing the Volſcian War, and demanded back their Captives, that they might puniſh them according to their own Laws, receiv'd ſad anſwers: but thoſe of the Colonies more ſevere ones; For that they, being Roman Citizens had enter'd into curſed deſigns of ruining their own Country. They therefore were nor only deny'd their Captives, but alſo (though their Allies in that caſe were alwayes ſpared) Proclamation was made in the Senates name; That they ſhould forthwith depart the City, out of the preſence and ſight of the Roman People, loſt the priviledge of an Embaſſy, which was intended for foreigners, not for Citizens, migh the no protection to them.

Now when the Manlian Sedition began to break out again, about the end of the Year, the Aſſembly was held, and there were choſen, for Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority, out of the Senate, Ser. Cornelius Maluginenſis (a third time) P. Valerius Potitus U. C. 372 (a ſecond time) M. Furius Camillus (a fifth time) Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (a ſecond time) C. Papirius Craſſus and T. Quintius Cincinnatus a ſecond time. At the beginning of which Year, both the Senate and People had a Peace very ſeaſonably offered them from abroad; the People, for that they, being not call'd away by any levy, had hopes, now they had ſo potent a Leader, to rout the Uſurers: and the Senate, in that their minds were not diverted by any foreign terror from healing their Domeſtick evils. Wherefore, ſince both ſides were now become more brisk, they were ready to join in the conteſt: beſides that Manlius, having ſummon'd the People to his Houſe, treated with the chief of them both night and day concerning the methods of innovation, being now ſomewhat fuller of animoſity and fury, than before. For that late diſgrace had kindled anger in his mind, who was not uſed to ſuffer contumely: and he was the more encouraged, for that the Dictator had not dar'd to do that to him, which Quintius Cincinnatus had done to Sp. Maelius: as alſo, that not only the Dictator had eſcaped the envy of his impriſonment by laying down his Dictatorſhip, but neither could the Senate themſelves have born it. He therefore being at once puffed up and vex'd upon theſe accounts, incenſed the minds of the People, who were already enflamed; ſaying: How long, for Heavens ſake, will you be ignorant of your own ſtrength, of which nature would not have even brute Beaſts to be ignorant? Reckon at leaſt how many you are, and how many Adverſaries you have. If you were to engage one to one, yet I am confident, you would fight with more vehemency for your Liberty, than they for Dominion: for look how many Clients have you been about each Patron, ſo many will you now be againſt one Enemy. Do but let them ſee that you are ready to take up Arms and you'll have Peace. Let them ſee that you are prepared for force, and they'll ſoon give you back your right. We muſt all attempt ſomething, or each of us ſuffer all things. How long will ye ſtand gazing round about on me? I for my part will not be wanting to aſſiſt any one of you; therefore take you a care, that my Fortune miſcarry not. I my ſelf who am your vindicator, when our Enemies thought fit, was on a ſudden made no body at all. Yea all of you ſaw him, who had kept each of you from Bondage, dragg'd into Priſon. What have I to hope for, if my Enemies ſhould dare to do any thing more againſt me? May I expect the fate of Caſſius and Maelius? You do well to abominate [any ſuch thoughts.] No the Gods will hinder that; but they'll never come down from Heaven for my ſake. They ſhould give you the courage to hinder this, as they did me, in Arms and in my Gown too, to defend you from barbarous Enemies, and your tyrannical fellow Citizens. Has this great People ſo little a Soul, that you can alwaies think it ſufficient to have aſſiſtance againſt your Enemies? Nor will you maintain all conflict with the Senate, unleſs it be to determine, how far you are willing to be commanded. Nor is this by nature planted in you, but you are Slaves by uſe. For why do you bear ſuch a ſpight againſt Foreigners, as to think it juſt for you to command them? Becauſe you have uſed to contend with them for Dominion, but againſt theſe perſons, to attempt rather than defend your liberty. But what kind of Generals ſoever y • u have had, what ſort of men ſoever you your ſelves were, you have gained all that you armed at, how great ſoever, either by your force or Fortune. Wherefore 'tis now time to try even at greater matters. Do but only venture upon your own ſucceſs and me, who (I hope) have had very happy experience: you will with more eaſe ſet up one to Command the Senators, than you did one to reſiſt them in their Commands. Dictatorſhips and Conſulſhips are to be laid level with the ground, that the Roman Commonalty may lift up their heads. Wherefore ſtand to it, and forbid any Judgment to paſs touching Debts. I profeſs my ſelf Patron of the Commons; a name, which my care and fidelity has laid upon me. But if you will call your Leader by any other more Illuſtrious Title of Honour or Command, you ſhall find him more Potent to obtain thoſe things, that you deſire. Thereupon, tis ſaid, they began to diſcourſe of ſetting up a King: but it is not plainly ſignified either with whom [they treated] or to what end their counſels came.

On the other ſide the Senate held a conſultation touching the Peoples retiring into a private Houſe, which was (as it happen d) in the Caſtle too, a place very dangerous to their liberty. Great part of the Citizens cry'd out; They had need of Servilius Ahala, who would not provoke a publick Enemy by ordering men to be haled to Priſon, but with the loſs of one Citizen, would put an end to a Civil War. Thence they fell to a ſaying which is lighter in words, but had the ſame force, viz. That the Magiſtrates ſhould take care, that M. Manlius's Commonwealth received no detriment. Then the Tribunes, who had Conſular Power, and the Tribunes of the People (for, ſince they ſaw that there would be the ſame end of their power, as of the univerſal Liberty, they had now ſubmitted themſelves to the Senates Authority) altogether conſulted, what was neceſſary to be done. And when they found that nothing but violence and ſlaughter could enſue; and that that muſt coſt them a mighty conflict; then M. Maenius and Q. Publilius, Tribunes of the People [ſaid;] Why do we make that the Controverſie of the Senate and the Commons, which ought to be the quarrel of the whole City againſt one peſtilent fellow? Why do we attack him and the People together, whom it is ſafer for us to ſet upon with the Peoples Arms; that he may fall even by his own ſtrength? We intend to ſummon him to his Tryal: nothing is leſs Popular, than the deſign of ſetting up a Kingdom. Aſſoon as the multitude ſee, that we do not contend with them, they will not only, of Advocates, become Judges, but Accuſers alſo inſtead of the Commonalty: and look upon their Patrician as the party accuſed; the Crime in diſpute between him and them to be a deſign to reduce the Commonwealth into a Kingdom; and conſequently favour no perſon or thing more than their own liberty.

The whole Aſſembly approving of what they ſaid, they ſummon'd Manlius to Tryal: which when they had done, the People were at firſt diſturb'd; that is to ſay, when they ſaw him in his ſordid cloaths, ſuch as perſons Accuſed uſed to wear: and no man with him, not only of the Senators, but not ſo much as any of his Relations; no not his very Brothers A. and T. Manlius: which was a thing that till then had never been uſed; that in ſuch a dangerous caſe the Relations of the party did not change their Garb. For it was known] that when Appius Claudius was put into Bonds, C. Claudius though his Enemy, and all the Claudian Family were in a ſordid Garb: but this popular man was taken off by general conſent, becauſe he was the firſt, that revolted from the Senate to the Commons. When the day came, I do not find in any Author, what his Accuſers objected againſt him, relating properly to his deſign of ſetting up a Monarchy, beſides the meetings of the Multitude, ſeditious words, his giving money to the People, and his falſe Information [againſt the Senate:] though I don't queſtion but the things laid to his charge were very great; ſince the People deferr'd his Condemnation not in regard to his Cauſe, but the place [the Campus Martius] where he was Tried. This is worth our obſervation; that men may know, what and how great actions the immoderate deſire of a Kingdom rendered not only ungrateful, but even hateful alſo. For he is reported to have produced almoſt 400. men, whoſe Debts he paid without Uſury; whoſe goods he kept from being ſold, and the perſons themſelves from Slavery. Beſides which, he did not only recount his gallant exploits in the Wars, but brought forth into publick view the Spoils of Enemies that he had ſlain to the number of thirty; preſents made to him by Generals, to the number of forty; among which there were two very remarkable mural Crowns, and eight civick ones [i. e. Crowns given for ſcaling a Wall, or ſaving a Citizen.] Beſides theſe, he produced ſeveral Citizens, whom he had ſaved from the Foe; among whom was C. Servilius, made Maſter of the Horſe in his abſence. And when he had related what he had done in the War, in an Oration that he made equal to the heighth of his performance; he opened his Breaſt, which was all over ſcars, that he had received in the War; and looking ever now and then toward the Capitol, call'd Jupiter and the other Gods down from thence to ſuccour his condition, and pray'd them, that they would give the People of Rome the ſame reſolution in his dangerous circumſtances, as they had given him when, for the preſervation of the Roman People, he ſaved the Capitol: and begg'd of every ſingle perſon and of them all in general, that they would look toward the Capitol and the Caſtle, and turn to the immortal Gods, when they paſſed Judgment upon him. Now the People being ſummoned by Centuries into the Campus Martius, where the party accuſed lifting up his hands toward the Capitol, turned all his prayers from men to the Gods; the Tribunes ſaw, that, unleſs they removed peoples eyes too from all objects, that might put them in mind of ſo gallant an Exploit, they, whoſe minds were ſo prepoſſeſſed, would never think him guilty of any real Crime: Wherefore they put off his Tryal to another day, and appointed an Aſſembly of the People to be in the Grove, called Lucus Petelinus, from which there was no proſpect into the Capitol. There the Accuſation took, and (as they reſolved it ſhould) a ſad Sentence paſs'd upon him, which was hateful even to the Judges themſelves. There are ſome Authors that ſay, there were Duumvirs created, to enquire into this Treaſon: [for which Manlius] being Condemn'd was thrown by the Tribunes order down from the Tarpeian Rock: So that the ſame place was, to the ſame perſon, at once a Monument of his extraordinary Renown, and of the ſevereſt puniſhment. There were alſo marks ſet upon him after he was dead: whereof one was publick; viz. That, ſince his Houſe had been, where the Temple of Juno Moneta, and a Work-houſe ſtand; it was propoſed to the People, That no Patrician ſhould dwell in the Caſtle, or the Capitol: and another a mark upon his Family; in that it was provided by a Decree of the Manlian Race, That no man ſhould ever after that time be called M. Manlius. Now this was the end of that man, who, had he not been born in a free City, was a memorable perſon. The people ſoon after, when there was no danger from him, remembering his great endowments, wiſh'd him alive again: and a Peſtilence which in a ſhort time enſued (ſeeing there was no reaſon that occurred of ſo great a mortality) ſeemed to a great part of the City to have ſprung from Manlius's being ſo puniſhed: [for they ſaid;] That the Capitol was polluted with the blood of him, that preſerved it: and that the Gods were angry, that he ſhould be puniſhed juſt before their eyes, who had reſcued their Temples out of the hands of the Enemy.

The next year, after the Plague, a dearth of proviſions, and that a rumour touching both thoſe evils had been ſpread abroad, they had many Wars to engage in; when L. Valerius, U. C. 373 (a fourth time) A. Manlius (a third time) Ser. Sulpicius (a third time) L. Lucretius, L. Aemilius (a third time) and M. Trebonius were Tribunes of the Soldiers with Conſular Authority. For there aroſe of a ſudden a new Enemy (beſides the Volſci) who were ſent by a kind of fatality, to teaze the Roman Forces) the Circeians, and Velitrae, (two Colonies which had for a long time deſign'd to revolt) and the ſuſpicion they had of Latium) even the Lanuvians, who had formerly been a very faithful and loyal People. Now the Senate ſuppoſing this to happen through contempt, in that the Revolt of the Velitreſes, their own Citizens, had been ſo long unpuniſhed, made a Decree, That a propoſal ſhould be made to the People aſſoon as might be about declaring a War againſt them: and that the Commons might be in the greater readineſs for ſuch an Expedition, they created Quinquevirs [five Officers] for the dividing of the Pomptine Lands, and Triumvirs [Three Officers] to carry a Colony to Nepete. Then they propoſed it to the People, to conſent to a War: and accordingly all the Tribes, though the Tribunes were to no purpoſe againſt it, were for a War. There were preparations made for the War that Year, but the Army was not led forth by reaſon of the Peſtilence: which delay gave the Colonies time to beg the Senates pardon: and a great many of them were for ſending an humble Embaſſy to Rome, had not the publick danger (as it ſometimes falls out) been involved in a private hazard, and the perſons, who firſt adviſed that Revolt from the Romans, (for fear, leſt they, who were only obnoxious to that Accuſation, ſhould be delivered up as Sacrifices to atone the Roman fury) diverted the Colonies from their thoughts of Peace. Nor was this Embaſſy obſtructed in their Senate only, but great part of the Commons too were perſwaded to go out and plunder the Roman Territories: which new affront ruined all their hopes of Peace. There was alſo a report raiſed that year concerning a revolt of the Praeneſtines: and upon complaint made of them by the Tuſculanes, Gabines and Lavicanes, into whoſe Countries they had made incurſions, the Senate gave ſuch a mild anſwer, that it was thought, they did not give credit to the accuſations, becauſe they had no mind that they ſhould ſeem to be true.

The next year Sp. and L. Papirius, being two of the new Tribunes Military with Conſular power, led the Legions to Velitrae; whilſt their four Collegues Ser. Corn. Maluginenſis, U. C. 374 (a fourth time) Q. Servilius, Ser. Sulpicius, and L. Aemilius (a fourth time) were left behind to guard the City, and prevent any diſturbances in Etruria, if any new ones ſhould thence ariſe; all things being there in a ſuſpicious poſture. At Velitrae they fought a ſucceſsful Battel againſt the Preneſtine Auxiliaries, who were full as many as the People of that Colony: ſo that the nearneſs of the City was the occaſion of the Enemies running away the ſooner, and their only refuge after their flight. But the Tribunes did not attack the Town, becauſe it was dangerous; and they did not think fit to engage to the deſtruction of the Colony. Now there were Letters ſent to the Senate at Rome, with news of the Victory, which were ſharper againſt the Praeneſtine, then the Veliterne Enemy: Whereupon there was a War declared, by order of Senate, and conſent of the People, againſt the Preneſtines: who joyning the Volſci, the year after, ſtormed Satricum, a Colony of the Romans, which was ſtoutly defended by the Planters, and after their Victory ſhewed a great deal of cruelty to the Captives. The Romans, taking that very ill, made M. Furius Camillus (a ſeventh U. C. 375 time) Tribune of the Soldiers; who had for his Collegues A. and L. Poſtumius Regillenſis, with L. Furius, Lucretius, and M. Fabius Ambuſtus. The Volſcian War was aſſign'd to M. Furius out of courſe; and he had given him by lot, for his aſſiſtant (one of the Tribunes) L. Furius; not ſo much for the intereſt of the Commonwealth, as to be the foundation of all praiſe to his Collegue: not only publickly, in that he repaired what was loſt by his raſhneſs; but privately alſo, in that he rather ſought the others good will, than his own glory. Camillus was now very old; but yet the content of the People was againſt him, when he would have ſworn himſelf off in the Aſſembly upon the ſcore of his Age and infirmity: for his wit was quick and his Body brisk; beſides that he had his ſenſes all in their full vigour, nor did civil affairs much diſturb him in his Warlike undertakings. He therefore having raiſed four Legions conſiſting of 4000. men, and appointed the Army to meet next day at the Eſquiline Gate, went to Satricum; where thoſe that had taken the Colony, being not at all diſmay'd, but confiding in their numbers, in which they were ſomewhat ſuperior, waited for him. Who when they ſaw the Romans approach, marched preſently out into the Field, reſolving to make no delay, but try one puſh for all: ſeeing, by that means, the ſtratagems of their ſingle General, in which alone they put their truſt, weuld do the Enemy, who were ſo few, no good at all.

There was the ſame heat both in the Roman Army, and in one of the Commanders: nor did any thing hinder their engaging juſt at that time, ſave the adviſe, and conduct of Camillus, who ſought an opportunity of ſtrengthening his Forces with reaſon by protracting the War. But the Enemy was ſo much the more urgent; nor did they now ſet their Army in Array before their own Camp only; but marched into the midſt of the Plain, and by bringing their Bullwark near the Enemies Camp, ſhewed a proud confidence in their own ſtrength. This the Roman Soldiers could not well endure: but much leſs (one of the Tribunes Military) L. Furius; who as he was fierce and hot both in age and inclination, was alſo filled with hopes from their number, who took courage even upon the greateſt uncertainty. He therefore farther inſtigated the Soldiers (who were of themſelves already incited) by leſſening the Authority of his Collegue (the only way he could) upon the ſcore of his Age: ſaying, That Wars were deſigned for young men, and that courage grew and decreaſed with mens Bodies. That he was become, inſtead of the keeneſt Warrior, the greateſt lingerer: and that he, who was wont to take Camps and Cities, when he came to them, upon the firſt effort, now ſpent his time idly within his Bulwark. For what could he hope would be any addition to his own party, or a dimunition of the Enemies force? what occaſion? what time? what place, to lay an Ambuſcade? That the old mans deſigns were now grown cold and dull. But that Camillus had already lived and got renown enough: what reaſon therefore had they to ſuffer the ſtrength of a City, which ought to be immortal, to wax old and feeble with one mortal Body? With this kind of diſcourſe he had turned the whole Camp to his ſide; and then ſeeing they deſired, in all parts of it, to fight, ſaid; M. Furius! We cannot reſtrain the bent and inclination of our Soldiers; beſides that the intolerable pride of the Enemy, whoſe courage we, by delays, have augmented, inſults over us: do thou therefore, who art but one man, give way to the whole Body, and ſuffer thy ſelf to be overcome by advice, that thou mayſt the ſooner Conquer in the War. To which Camillus reply'd; That neither he himſelf nor the Roman People had ever had cauſe to repent either of his Conduct or Fortune, in any Wars, which to that day had been left to his ſole management. That now he knew he had a Collegue, who was in Commiſſion equal to himſelf, though he outdid him in Vigour and Youth: ſo that, as to the Army, he had uſed to govern, not to be ruled. But he could not withſtand his Collegue's Authority; let him do, in the name of Heaven, what he thought beſt for the Commonwealth. He only deſired that his Age might obtain the favour, that he might not be in the Front of the Battel; though to whatſoever was the duty of any old man in War, he would not be wanting. Only this he begg'd of the immortal Gods, that no accident might make his advice commendable. But neither was this his wholſom opinion regarded by men, nor his pious prayers by the Gods: for L. Furius who was for fighting, ſet the Van in Array, whilſt Camillus ſetled the Reer; planted a ſtrong Guard before the Camp; and then ſtood himſelf upon a riſing ground as an intent ſpectator to ſee the iſſue of another mans adventure.

Aſſoon as ever they were engaged, the Enemy, out of Policy, not fear, retired: for there was a gentle aſcent on their backs, between the Enemies Army and their Camp; and, becauſe they had ſtrength enough, they had left ſome ſtout Regiments ready Arm'd and in Battalia, behind them in their Camp, who, when the fight was begun, and the Enemy was come near to their Bulwark, were to ſally forth. Now the Romans by following the Enemy, as they gave back, too haſtily, were drawn into an inconvenient place and obnoxious to this ſally: ſo that the terror being all turn'd upon the Conquerors, what with their new Enemy, and what through the ſteepneſs of the place, diſheartened the Roman Army. For the Volſcians came freſh upon them, who had made that ſally out of the Camp; and they too renewed the fight, who had pretended to run away. And now the Roman Soldiers did not recover themſelves, but, forgetting their late briskneſs, and ancient glory, all turn'd their backs and ran again as faſt as poſſible to their Camp: till Camillus, being lifted up upon his Horſe by thoſe, that ſtood about him, and ſetting the Rere-guard with all expedition in their way, ſaid, Is this, fellow Soldiers! that fight, you deſired? What man, what God is there, that you can accuſe? The firſt was the effect of your raſhneſs, as this is of your cowardiſe. You that have followed another Commander, pray, at this time, follow Camillus, and as you uſe to do by my conduct, Conquer. Why do you look toward the Bulwark and Camp? It ſhall not entertain one man of you, unleſs he be Victorious. At firſt when thoſe that ran away heard this, they ſtop'd for ſhame: and ſoon after, when they ſaw the Enſigns turn back, and the Army face about, ran upon the Enemy, and the General (who beſides that he was famous for ſo many Triumphs, was venerable for his Age too) put himſelf into the Front of the Battel, where there was moſt toil and danger: upon which the Army blamed, each man, themſelves and others; but mutually encouraged one another too with ſuch a chearful ſhout, as went through the whole Body of them. Nor was the other Tribune behind-hand in the affair; but being ſent by his Collegue (who was making good the Body of Foot) to the Horſe, did not rebuke them (for his being a ſharer in the blame had made that an improper thing for him to do) but turning wholly from Commands to intreaties, deſired them one and all, That they would pardon him for the ill ſucceſs of that day. For I [ſaid he] though my Collegue were againſt it, made my ſelf a partner in the raſhneſs of a multitude rather, than in the prudence of one ſingle man. Camillus ſees his own glory in both your conditions: but I, unleſs the fight be renewed ſhall find (which is a moſt wretched thing) my Fortune equal with that of you all, but ſhall ſuffer diſgrace alone. Hereupon it ſeemed the beſt way, now that the Army was in ſuch a wavering condition, to quit their Horſes and ſet upon the Foe on foot. And accordingly they marched with glittering Arms and great courage to that part, where they ſaw the Foot Forces were moſt put to't: nor did the Commanders, or the Soldiers remit any thing of the greateſt demonſtration of their courage. So the event prov'd what an aſſiſtance their reſolute courage was to them; and the Volſcians, running that way, which they had lately retreated out of a pretended fear, now under a real conſternation, were many of them ſlain, both in the fight it ſelf, and afterward in their flight: but the reſt in the Camp, which was taken at the ſame time; though there were yet more taken, than kill'd.

When they took an account of the Captives, a company of Tuſculans, who were known to be ſuch, were ſeparated from the reſt, and brought to the Tribunes. To whom upon examination they confeſſed, That they bore Arms by the publick allowance of their Superiors; Camillus therefore, being moved with the fear of ſo near a War, ſaid, He would carry the Captives immediately to Rome, leſt the Senate ſhould be ignorant, that the Tuſculans were revolted from their Alliance; and that in the mean time his Collegue (if he thought fit) ſhould Command the Camp and the Army. Now that one day had taught him, not to prefer his own Counſels before better. But yet neither did he himſelf, nor any one elſe in the Army think it reaſonable, that Camillus ſhould bear the blame of having ruined the Commonwealth: beſides that in the Army and at Rome too it was the common report (ſince their affairs were carried on among the Volſci with ſuch variety of Fortune) That L. Furius had been the occaſion of their defeat and flight, but M. Furius had gotten all the renown. When the Captives were brought into the Senate, and the Houſe had declared, That they would make War againſt the Tuſculans, the management of it being committed to Camillus, he deſired, that he might have one aſſiſtant in the buſineſs. Whereupon being permitted to chooſe which of his Collegues he pleaſed; he, contrary to every bodies expectation, choſe L. Furius: by which act of good nature, he not only leſſened the infamy of his Collegue; but gain'd to himſelf great honour. But yet for all this there was no War with the Tuſculans: who by manifeſt ſigns of Peace repelled the Roman force, which by their Arms they could not. For when the Romans entered their Confines, they removed not from any place near the Rode, nor omitted the Tillage of their Lands; beſides that the Citizens ſet the Gates of their City wide open, and went out in their Gowns to meet the Generals; and Proviſions were carried out of the City and Country too into the Roman Camp. Camillus therefore, having Encamped before the Gates, was deſirous to know, whether there were the ſame appearance of Peace within the Walls, as had been made in the Country, and ſo went into the City: where ſeeing all the doors open as well as the Shops; all things expoſed to publick view; the workmen every one about their own buſineſs, and that the Schools founded with the noiſe which the Scholars in them made; beſides that the Streets were fill'd, among the reſt of the crowd, with Women and Boys, who went to and fro, as their ſeveral occaſions led them, he could diſcover nothing that was like fear in them, or even ſo much as admiration; but was fain to caſt his eyes quite round, to find, where the War had been. For there was no ſign either of any things being any where removed, or laid aſide for a time; but all things were in ſuch a peaceful poſture; that one could hardly have thought they had ever heard of a War.

He therefore being overcome by the patience of the Enemy, ordered their Senate to be called, and told them; Tuſculans! You are the only People who have yet found out true Arms, and true Force, to defend your ſelves from the fury of the Romans. Get you to Rome, to the Senate: they'll tell you, whether you formerly deſerved puniſhment more than now you do pardon. I will not anticipate the honour of a publick kindneſs; but I'll grant you leave to beg pardon, and the Senate will give ſuch ſucceſs to your Petitions, as they think fit. When the Tuſculans came to Rome, and the Senate of them, who were ſo lately faithful Allies, was ſeen to ſtand with ſad countenances in the Porch of the Court, the Roman Senators were preſently concerned at it, and order'd them even at that time, to be call'd in more like Friends than Enemies. Then the Dictator of Tuſculum made this Speech: As You, grave Fathers! ſee us (againſt whom you have declared and made War) ſtanding in the Porch of your Court, in the ſame manner were we equipped when we went out to meet your Generals, and their Legions. This was our garb, and the garb of our People; and always ſhall be, unleſs at any time we take up Arms from you, and for you. We thank your Generals and your Armies too, that they believed their eyes more, than their ears: and where there was no ſhew of Hoſtility they themſelves made none. We therefore deſire of you that Peace which we have kept; and beg, that you would turn your Arms upon thoſe places (if any ſuch there be) that are at War with you. If we muſt try by ſuffering, what power your Arms have againſt us, we'll try it unarmed, that's our reſolution: Heaven grant, it may be as ſucceſsful as it is pious. As to the accuſations, at which you were ſo concern'd as to declare War againſt us, though they are already confuted by our actions, and need no words to baffle them, yet though they were true, we think it ſafe enough for us even to confeſs them, ſince we have ſo manifeſtly repented of them: for we may well grant that we have offended you, when you are worthy to receive ſuch ſatisfaction. To this effect was the Tuſculans Addreſs: who obtained Peace for the preſent, and not long after the freedom of the City too: ſo that the Legions were brought back from Tuſculum.

Camillus having got great honour by his Conduct and courage in the Volſcian War, by his ſucceſs in the Tuſculan Expedition, and, upon all occaſions, by his patience and moderation toward his Collegue, went out of Office, after the Tribunes Military for the U. C. 376 next Year were Elected; whoſe names were L. and P. Valerius, (Lucius a fifth time, and Publius a third time) C. Sergius (a third time) L. Menenius (a ſecond time) Sp. Papirius, and Ser. Cornelius Maluginenſis. That Year they wanted Cenſors too, by reaſon of the uncertain report that went about concerning the publick Debts: ſeeing that the Tribunes of the People aggravated the chief cauſe of that animoſity, though the Creditors were willing to leſſen it, whoſe intereſt it was, to have the World think that the money was not paid for want of honeſty rather than ability in the Debtors. Thereupon they choſe for Cenſors C. Sulpicius Camerinus, Sp. Poſtumius Regillenſis; who had no ſooner begun the Pole, but it was interrupted by the death of Poſtumius, becauſe it was not lawful to create a Collegue to a ſurviving Cenſor. Wherefore, when Sulpicius had laid down his Office, there were other Cenſors created; who being not duly choſen did not bear that Office: and to create a third pair (ſeeing the Gods did not (as it were) accept of Cenſors for that Year) war not conſiſtent with their Religion. But the Tribunes ſaid, that was an intolerable cheat put upon the Commons: and, That the Senate were not willing to hear Witneſſes, ſtate the publick Accounts, or look into every mans Eſtate, becauſe they would not have it known what the publick Debts came to, which would demonſtrate that one part of the City was ruined and undone by the other: when at the ſame time the poor Bankrupt Commonalty were expoſed to ſeveral Enemies, and Wars were now in all places, without any difference, ſought after; the Legions having been led from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae and thence to Tuſculum. That they bent their Forces now againſt the Latins, Hernicans, and Praeneſtines, more out of hatred to their fellow Citizens, than to their Enemies, to wear the Commons in Arms quite out of heart: and not giving them time to breath, or ſo much leiſure as once to think of liberty; or to appear at a publick Aſſembly, where they might over-hear the Tribunes diſcourſe touching the method of leſſening the Uſurers profit, and of putting an end to other grievances. But if the People remembred the ancient liberty of their Fore-Fathers, they would neither ſuffer any Roman Citizen to be made a ſlave upon the ſcore of his Debts, nor any Levy to be made, till ſuch time as, the Account of them being inſpected, ſome way were thought of to leſſen them, and every man knew, what he had of his own and what he ow'd: and, if he had his Body left at liberty, whether that too ought to be put into Slavery. The reward of a Sedition which was thus propoſed ſoon raiſed it to an heighth: for there were many perſons condemned to Slavery, and the Senate had ordered, upon the news of the Preneſtine War, that there ſhould be new Legions raiſed: both of which, what by the help of the Tribunes and the conſent of the Commons together, began to be obſtructed: for neither did the Tribunes ſuffer thoſe that were condemned to be carried away; nor did the younger ſort give in their names, ſeeing the Senate had leſs regard to the intereſt of Creditors in getting the money which they had lent, than to the Levy. For now it was reported that the Enemy, who came from Praeneſte, were ſate down in the Sabine Territories. But in the mean time that very report had animated the Tribunes of the People to carry on the conteſt which they had undertaken, rather than deterred them: nor was there any other means to extinguiſh Sedition in the City, than by that War, which was advanced even to their very Walls.

For when the Praeneſtines were told, That there was no Army raiſed at Rome, nor any General yet pitched upon, but that the Senate and the Commons were ſet againſt each other: their Commanders, ſuppoſing that a good occaſion, forming a Body with all ſpeed, ſtraight waſted all the Country before them, and carry'd their Enſigns up to the Colline Gate. Thereupon the City was in a great conſternation, and made a general Alarm, running one and all up upon the Walls and to the ſeveral Gates. So that at laſt, being diverted from Sedition to War, they choſe T. Quintius Cincinnatus Dictator, who made A. Sempronius Atratinius Maſter of the Horſe. Which being once heard (ſuch was the terror of that Magiſtrate) the Enemy immediately retreated from the Walls, and the younger Romans came together [to be liſted] upon the Dictators order, without any manner of delay. Whilſt they were raiſing the Army at Rome, the Enemy lay Encamped not far from the River Allia. Where ravaging the Country round about they bragg'd to one another, That they had taken a place, which was fatal to the City of Rome: and that the Romans ſhould be in the ſame fright there again, and run away as faſt as they did in the Gallick War. For if the Romans feared a day, that was ſet apart for Religious Duties, and remark'd with the name of that place; how would they dread Allia it ſelf (which was the Monument of ſo great a ſlaughter) more than the Allian day? There they would certainly fancy they ſaw the killing looks of the Gauls, and the ſound of their voice would be in their ears. Thus forming images of vain things with thoughts as vain as them, they repoſed all their hopes in the ominous circumſtances and Fortune of the place. The Romans on the other ſide, knew well enough, that, whereſoever they had a Latin Enemy, it was the ſame, whom they had defeated at the Lake Regillus and kept in ſlaviſh Peace for 100. years together. That the place, by being famous for ſo great a ſlaughter, would rather incite them to blot out the memory of the diſhonour, than make them afraid, leſt there might be ſome Country, which it was not lawful for them to Conquer. Yea, if the Gauls themſelves ſhould come againſt them, that they would fight in that place at the ſame rate, as they did at Rome, when they retrieved their Country, and as they did the next day at Gabii: then, when they ſo brought it to paſs, that there was no one of the Enemies, who had entered the Walls to carry the news of that good and ill fortune home: and with theſe reſolutions on both ſides they came to Allia.

The Roman Dictator, after the Enemy was in ſight, and ready to fight, ſaid; A. Sempronius! do'ſt ſee, how they are come to Allia as truſting in the fortune of the place? I wiſh the Gods may give them nothing, that may be a greater ſecurity, or aſſiſtance to them. But do thou rely upon thy Arms, the courage of our men, and charge in full career the main Body of their Army: whilſt I with the Legions will attack them, when they are diſordered and in a conſternation. Be witneſs, Aſſiſt us, Oh ye Gods! that are Witneſſes to our League; and take due revenge both for the offence committed againſt you, and the cheat put upon us by making uſe of your ſacred Names. The Preneſtines could not bear the ſhock either of the Horſe, or Foot; but their Ranks were confounded at the firſt onſet and ſhout; and ſoon after, ſeeing their Army could not, in any part, ſtand their ground, turn'd their backs. Whereupon being conſternated, they ran, through the force of their fear, even beyond their own Camp; nor did they ſtop, before they were within ſight of Preneſte. There thoſe that remained after their flight took a certain place, which they could quickly fortifie with tumultuary works: leſt, if they had gone within the Walls, the Country might preſently have been burnt, and, when all things were laid waſt, a ſiege laid to the City. But when the Victorious Roman, having rifled the Camp at Allia, was come up, they left that Fortreſs too; and ſcarce thinking the Walls ſecure, ſhut themſelves up in the Town of Preneſte. There were eight Towns more under the Dominion of the Preneſtines: to each of which the War was transferred, and, after they were one after another with no great difficulty taken, the Army was carried to Velitrae; which was likewiſe taken. Then they came to Preneſte the chief Seat of the War, which they retook not by force, but ſurrender. T. Quintius, after he had been Victorious in one ſet Battel, taken two Camps of the Enemies, and nine Towns by Storm (beſides Preneſte, upon ſurrender) return'd to Rome: and brought in Triumph a Statue of Jupiter Imperator from Preneſte into the Capitol. It was dedicated between the Shrine of Jupiter and Minerva, and a Table hung under it, as a Monument of his Exploits with an Inſcription to this effect: Jupiter and all the Gods were pleaſed, that T. Quintius the Dictator ſhould take nine Towns. The twentieth day after he was created, he laid down his Dictatorſhip.

Then they held the Aſſembly for chooſing of Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority: at which the number of Patricians and Plebeians was made equal; for out of the Senate U. C. 377 were elected P. and C. Manlius, with L. Julius, and the People choſe C. Sextilius, M. Albinius and L. Antiſtius. To the Manlii (for that they were above the Plebeians in point of Birth, and in greater favour too than Julius) was allotted the Province of the Volſci out of courſe, without caſting Lots or ſo much as any debate or conference [among his Collegues:] whereof not only they a while after, but the Senate too, that had given it to them, repented. For before they had ſearched the Country, they ſent out certain Troops to Forage: concerning whom there was falſe news brought as if they had been circumvented. Whereupon the Manlii making all the haſt they could to relieve them (without ſecuring the author of the report, who was a Latin Enemy, inſtead of a Roman Soldier which he told the Generals he was) ran themſelves headlong into an Ambuſcade. Where whilſt relying only upon the Soldiers valour, they made what reſiſtance they could in ſuch a diſadvantagious place, killing and being kill'd, the Enemy in the mean time invaded the Roman Camp that lay upon a Plain on the other ſide. And indeed theſe Generals ruin'd all their affairs upon all occaſions through their raſhneſs and want of skill: and what remained (of their Armies] that the Fortune of the Roman People and the courage of the Soldiers, which was ſteady even without a Governour, preſerved. Theſe things being related at Rome; they thought fit firſt to make a Dictator: upon which when news came that all things in the Volſcian Territories, were at quiet; and it appeared, that they did not know how to make uſe of Victory and good occaſions, the Armies and Generals were called back from thence too: nor had the Romans any more diſturbance from thoſe parts than from the Volſci: ſave that there was a rumour at the latter end of the Year, that the Preneſtines had got the Latin People to join with them and rebelled. The ſame Year there was a new Colony carried to Setia, upon their complaint that they wanted Inhabitants: and though they had not had ſo good ſucceſs in War, they enjoyed the comfort of quiet at home, which was owing to the good will that the Commons bore to the Tribunes Military and their Authority among thoſe of their own Order.

At the beginning of the next Year there broke out a great Sedition, when Sp. Furius, U. C. 378 Q. Servilius (a ſecond time) C. Licinius, P. Claelius, M. Horatius and L. Geganius were Tribunes Military with Conſular Authority. The ground and cauſe of this Sedition was the Peoples Debts: which to inquire into Sp. Servilius Priſcus and Q. Claelius Siculus were made Cenſors, but were hindered from doing that buſineſs by a War. For frighted Meſſengers firſt of all, and after that a general concourſe of people out of the Country brought word, That the Volſcian Legions were come into the Roman Confines, and were a ravaging all before them. In which conſternation ſo far were their civil conteſts from being reſtrained by foreign terror, that on the contrary the Tribunes were ſo much the more violent to hinder the Levy; till conditions were impoſed upon the Senate; That no man, till the War was over, ſhould pay Tribute, or give any judgment concerning the money that was lent: which relaxation being accepted by the Commons, there was no ſtop put to the Levy. When the new Legions were raiſed, they thought fit, That the Legions ſhould be divided and two ſeveral Armies led into the Volſcian Territories. Sp. Furius and M. Horatius went to the right hand toward the Sea-coaſt and to Antium, whilſt Q. Servilius and L. Geganius went to the Mountains on the left hand, toward Ecetra. But they met not the Enemy on either hand; and therefore they plundered the Countrey, not in that ſtragling manner as the Volſcians did, (who took their Booty more like thieves than Soldiers, in a conſternation and in haſt, as relying only upon the diſcord of the Romans, and fearing their courage) but, as they were a compleat Army, ſo was their fury proportionable; yea in time too great and ſevere. For the Volſci, fearing, leſt the Army ſhould come out of Rome in the mean time, made inrodes into the utmoſt borders of their Country; but the reaſon why the Roman on the other hand continued even in the Enemies Country was, that he might provoke his Enemy to fight. Wherefore when they had burnt all the Country Houſes and ſome Villages alſo, and not left any fertile tree, nor ſo much as Seed to give them hopes of any fruit to come, they drove away all the Booty of Men and Cattel that was to be found without the Walls and ſo led both their Armies back to Rome.

After the Debtors had had ſome little reſpite to breath in, now that things were ſecure from all Enemies, judicial proceedings began again to take place: and they were ſo far from having any hopes of leſſening the old Intereſt-money, that a new Debt was contracted by a contribution toward the making of a Wall for which the Cenſors had agreed, that it ſhould be built with ſquare Stone. Which burden the Commonalty were forced to ſubmit to, becauſe the Tribunes of the People had ne'r a Levy to hinder. They were likewiſe compelled by the power of the Nobility to make all the Tribunes Military Patricians, U. C. 379 whoſe names were L. Aemilius, P. Valerius (a fourth time) C. Veturius, Ser. Sulpicius, L. and C. Quintius Cincinnatus. By the ſame means they prevailed ſo far, as to raiſe three Armies againſt the Latins and the Volſcians; who then had join'd their Forces and lay Encamp'd at Satricum (for there was no body that withſtood the Liſting of all the younger ſort) one to Guard the City; an other to be ſent upon ſudden Expeditions, if any riſing ſhould happen elſewhere; and the third, which was much the ſtrongeſt, to be led to Satricum by P. Valerius and L. Aemilius. Where having found the Enemies Army ready marſhall'd in a plain, they preſently engaged: but before they had perfected their Victory, a violent ſtorm of Rain forced them to quit the Combat. The next day, they renewed the fight: and for ſome time the Latin Legions eſpecially, who had by their long Alliance been throughly taught the Roman Diſcipline, with equal courage and fortune made reſiſtance. But the Horſe charging up broke their Ranks; upon which diſorder the Foot too came in: and as the Roman Army got ground, ſo the Enemy ſtill loſt it; till at laſt, when the day was like to be theirs, the Roman force became intolerable. So the Enemy being routed, (ſince they made to Satricum, which was two miles diſtant, and not to their own Camp, were ſlain chiefly by the Horſe; and their Camp taken and rifled. From Satricum, the night next after the Battel, they went in a kind of flying Body to Antium: whither though the Roman Army purſued them at the very heels, yet their fear was ſwifter, than the Roman fury. By which means the Enemy got within the Walls, before the Romans could overtake, or ſtop the very Reer of their Body. After that they ſpent ſome days in ravaging the Country; ſince neither the Romans were furniſhed with due Proviſions to attack the Walls, nor the Enemy with force enough to endure a Battel.

Then there aroſe a Sedition between the Antians and the Latins: in that the Antians, being overcome with their misfortunes and ſubdud by War (in which they were not only born, but now grown old) were inclined to a Surrender; but their revolt, after a long Peace, had made the Latins, whoſe courage was yet entire, more reſolute to perſevere in War. The thing that put an end to this conteſt was, that both of them were at laſt convinced, they could neither of them hinder the other from proſecuting their deſign. So the Latins went forth and vindicated themſelves (as they ſuppoſed) from the Alliance of a diſhonourable Peace: and the Antians, being rid of ſuch troubleſom judges of their wholſom Counſels, Surrendred their City and Country to the Romans. Thereupon the fury and rage of the Latins, becauſe they could neither hurt the Romans by a War, nor keep the Volſci ſtill in Arms, broke out to that degree, that they ſet fire on the City of Satricum, which had been their firſt refuge after there defeat: nor was there any Building in that City left ſtanding (for they threw fire-brands into all places both Sacred and Profane) except the Temple of Matuta: though 'tis ſaid, it was not their Religion, nor their fear of the Gods, which kept them from violating that too, but a dreadful voice, that was heard out of the Temple with ſad menaces, if they did not remove their wicked fire far from thoſe ſacred Walls. Now when they were inflam'd with that rage, their fury carry'd them to Tuſculum, to take revenge upon that People; for that they, having deſerted the Common Council of the Latins, had made themſelves not only Allies but Citizens of Rome. And ſo happening to come thither at unawares as the Gates were wide open, they took all the Town, except the Caſtle, upon their Shout. The Townſmen with their Wives and Children fled all into the Caſtle; and ſent Meſſengers to Rome, to inform the Senate of their condition. Upon that there was an Army carried to Tuſculum with ſuch ſpeed as became the honour of the Roman People; which was Commanded by L. Quintius, and Serv. Sulpicius, two Tribunes Military. There they ſaw the Gates of Tuſculum ſhut, and the Latins, who had the concern of Beſiegers and People beſieged at once upon them, defending (on the one hand) the Walls, and (on the other) attacking the Caſtle; ſo that they terrified others and were themſelves at the ſame time affrighted: but the arrival of the Romans had changed the reſolutions of both parties. For it had reduced the Tuſculans from a great fear to the greateſt chearfulneſs, and dejected the Latins from an almoſt certain confidence of taking the Caſtle (becauſe they had already taken the Town) to ſmall hopes of themſelves. Then there was a ſhout ſet up by the Tuſculans in the Caſtle; which was ſeconded by a greater from the Roman Army; and the Latins were hard put to't on both ſides. Nor could they now either endure the efforts of the Tuſculans, who ſallied down from the higher ground, or beat off the Romans who were getting up the Walls and endeavouring to unbar the Gates. But the Walls were firſt taken with their ſcaling Ladders: and then the Bars of the Gates were broken: and ſeeing there were two Enemies at once upon them, one before, the other behind; and that they had neither ſtrength to fight, nor room to run away, they were all ſlain upon the place even to a man. When they had recovered Tuſculum from the Enemy, the Army was led back to Rome.

But look how much more quiet all things were, that year, abroad, by reaſon of their ſucceſs in War, ſo much more did the Tyranny of the Senate, and the miſeries of the Commons daily increaſe at home; ſince for that very reaſon, that they were all forced to pay their Debts together, their ability to pay was impeded. Wherefore ſeeing there was nothing to be had in ſpecie, they ſatisfied their Creditors by ignominy and corporal puniſhment by being condemned as Cheats, and made Slaves of; and that Penalty went for payment. By this means not only the loweſt, but even the chiefeſt of the Commonalty were ſo caſt down, that no underſtanding and experienced man had the courage, not only to ſtand for the Tribuneſhip of the Soldiery, among the Patricians, (which was a point, that they had ſo earneſtly endeavoured to gain) but to ſue for, or take upon them even Plebeian Offices; ſo that the Senate ſeemed to have for ever recovered the poſſeſſion of that honour, which was only uſurp'd by the Commons for ſome few years. But to take off the other party's jollity, a ſmall reaſon (as it often does) of attempting a great matter interven'd. M. Fabius Ambuſtus, a potent man, not only among thoſe of his own Rank, but with the Commons alſo, (for that he was thought among that ſort of people not to deſpiſe them) had two Daughters; the Elder of which was Married to Ser. Sulpicius, and the Younger to C. Licinius Stolo, an eminent Perſon, though a Plebeian: and his not contemning that Affinity got Fabius great good will among the Vulgar. Now it ſo fell out, that, as theſe two Siſters were talking (as 'tis uſual) one with the other at Ser. Sulpicius's Houſe, one of Sulpicius's Lictors [or Serjeants,] when he came home from the Court, knock'd with a Rod (as the cuſtom is) at the door. At which the younger Siſter, who was not uſed to any ſuch cuſtom, being frighted, her Siſter laughed at her, and wondred that ſhe ſhould be ignorant what the matter was. But that laughter incenſed her very much (as Womens minds are eaſily diſturb'd upon the leaſt occaſion) beſides that, I ſuppoſe, ſeeing how many people followed Sulpicius, asking him, What Service he had to command them? made her think her Siſter was happily Married; and therefore ſhe lamented her own fortune, out of a diſſatisfaction that every body has when they are outdone by their Relations. Her Father happening to ſee her in that confuſion through her late grief of mind, ask'd her, what ſhe ailed? To which ſhe reply'd, but pretended ſome other cauſe of her ſorrow (but it was neither ſo kind as it ought to have been in reſpect to her Siſter, nor very honourable in regard to her Husband) till at laſt by mild Queſtions he got her to confeſs, The cauſe of her grief was, that ſhe was Married to a Man below her, and into a Family, that was not capable either of Honour or common Favour. Upon which Ambuſtus comforting his Daughter, bad her, be of good cheer; and ſhe ſhould erelong ſee the ſame Honours at her Houſe, that ſhe had ſeen at her Siſters. Then he began to adviſe with his Son-in-Law, taking L. Sextius alſo into the Conſult, who was a ſtrenuous young man, and wanted nothing, that could be hoped for, except it were to be of a Nobly Family.

Now they thought the beſt ground for innovation was the Peoples vaſt Debts; which evil the Commonalty could not hope to alleviate, but by placing ſome of their own Party in the higheſt Offices. They therefore thought it their buſineſs to contrive that; not but that the Plebeians, by their induſtry and endeavours had gone ſo far in it already, that if they puſh'd on, they might arrive at the higheſt pitch, and equal the Senators, as much in Honour as in Courage. For the preſent they look'd upon it as neceſſary that there ſhould be Tribunes of the People choſen; that by that Dignity they might open a way for themſelves to other Honours: and accordingly there were Elected for Tribunes, C. Licinius and L. Sextius who promulgated Laws, that were all againſt the power of the Nobility, and for the good of the Commons: one, concerning the Debts; That, deducting that from the principal, which had been paid for Uſe; that which remained ſhould be paid in three Years in equal portions: another, concerning the meaſure of Lands; that no man ſhould have above 500. Acres: and a third; That there ſhould be no Aſſembly for chooſing Tribunes Military, and that one of the Conſuls ſhould be elected out of the Commons: all which were very great things, and could not be obtained without the greateſt and moſt vigorous oppoſition. Wherefore when all that men ſo much deſire, (as Lands, Money and Honours) was at ſtake, the Senate being in a great fright, and finding no other remedy for their publick and private deſigns but an Interpoſition, which they had experience of in many Conteſts heretofore; they got their Collegues to thwart thoſe Tribunes Propoſals: who, when they ſaw the Tribes ſummoned by Licinius and Sextius to give their Votes, they, Guarded by the Senate, would neither ſuffer the Bills to be read, nor any other ſolemn Act to be done for the People to paſs into a Law. And now after the Aſſembly had been often call'd to no purpoſe, the Bills being thrown out; Very well, ſaid Sextius; ſince you are pleaſed to lay ſuch ſtreſs upon an Interceſſion, we'll defend the Commons with the very ſame Weapon. Come on, you Gentlemen of the Senate; pray appoint an Aſſembly for the chooſing of Tribunes Military: I'll ſee, that the Word Veto [i. e. I forbid it] which you now with ſo much joy hear our Collegues unanimouſly pronounce. Nor did U. C. 380 their menaces prove vain: for there were no Aſſemblies held but for chooſing of Aediles, and Tribunes of the People. Licinius, and Sextius being made Tribunes of the People again U. C. 381 ſuffered no Curule Magiſtrates [ſuch as came to the Senate in their Chariots] to be choſen; U. C. 382 and that defect of Magiſtrates, occaſioned by the Commons chooſing two Tribunes U. C. 383 the ſame that were the year before, and their obſtructing the Aſſembly for chooſing two Tribunes U. C. 384 Military, continued in the City for five years.

All other Wars were at an end; but the Colony at Velitrae, being grown wanton through long eaſe, becauſe there was no Roman Army, not only made incurſions into the Roman Territories, but attack'd the Town of Tuſculum alſo. Which action, (when the Tuſculans, their old Allies and new fellow Citizens deſired their aid) made not only the Senate, but the Commons alſo very much aſhamed. The Tribunes therefore remitting their interceſſion, there was an Aſſembly held by an Interrex: at which there were choſen for Tribunes U. C. 385 Military, L. Furius, A. Manlius, Ser. Sulpicius, Ser. Cornelius, with A. and C. Valerius, who did not find the People in any wiſe ſo obedient at the Levy, as in the Aſſembly. But nevertheleſs having with much ado raiſed an Army, they not only removed the Enemy from Tuſculum, but forced them into their own Walls; and Velitrae was now Beſieged with much greater vigour, than Tuſculum had been before. But yet it could not be taken by thoſe, who firſt began to beſiege it. There were new Tribunes Military firſt created, whoſe names were, Q. Servilius, C. Veturius, A. and M. Cornelius, Q. Quintius, and M. Fabius: though U. C. 386 even theſe Tribunes alſo did nothing at Velitrae worth remembring. Things were now in greater danger at home: for beſides Licinius and Sextius, that made ſeveral Laws, and were now the eighth time made Tribunes one year after another, Fabius alſo being a Tribune Military, and Stolos Father in Law, ſaid he would certainly ſtand up for thoſe Laws that he had formerly propoſed. And whereas there had been eight of the College of Tribunes Plebeians at firſt againſt thoſe Laws, there were now but five only; who (as it uſually happens among thoſe, that revolt from their party) being blinded in their underſtanding ſpoke other mens words and back'd their Interceſſion with nothing but what they had been taught at home: ſaying; That a great part of the Commons were abſent in the Army at Velitrae: that the Aſſembly ought to be differr'd till the coming of the Soldiers, that the whole Commonalty might Vote for their own good. Sextius and Licinius with part of their Collegues, with Fabius, one of the Tribunes Military, who had learnt by experience in ſo many years time, to manage the People, teized the chief of the Senate, whom they called forth [to anſwer for themſelves] by interrogating them upon the ſeveral Caſes, which were propoſed to the People: How durſt they deſire, that, when the Commons had but two Acres of Land a piece, they might have above 500? That they might each of them enjoy the Eſtate of almoſt 300. Citizens, when a Commoners Land was ſcarce enough to build a convenient Houſe upon, or for a Burial place? Would you have the poor Commons, who are overwhelmed with Uſury, unleſs they'll pay that, rather than the Principal, deliver their Bodies up to bonds and torture: and to be haled in droves every day out of the Forum into Slavery? Noblemens Houſes to be fill'd with Priſoners? and a private Jayle to be, wherever any Patrician dwells?

Having inveighed againſt theſe baſe and wretched doings, before the Peeple, who ſtood in fear of their Creditors, ſo as that they ſtirred up greater indignation in their Audience, than in themſelves, they farther affirm'd; That the Senate would never make an end of getting the publick Lands into their own hands, nor murdering the People with Uſury, till the Commons had choſen one of the Conſuls out of their own Body, to be the keeper and maintainer of their Liberty. That the Tribunes of the People were now contemned, as being an Order, who by interceding themſelves deſtroy'd their own Authority. That there could be no right done, as long as the Conſuls had all the power of commanding, and they only of forbidding; and that till the right of commanding was communicated the Commons would never have an equal ſhare in the Commonwealth. Nor ought any man to think it enough, that there ſhould be ſome reſpect had to the Commons in the Conſular Aſſemblies; for unleſs it were made abſolutely neceſſary, that one of the Conſuls ſhould be a Commoner, no Plebeian would ever be choſen. Had they already forgot, though it was Voted, that they would chooſe Tribunes Military rather than Conſuls, for that very reaſon, that the Commons alſo might be advanced to the higheſt Honours, yet there has not been one Tribune Military choſen out of the Commonalty theſe four and forty years? How could they imagine, that they would willingly beſtow Honour upon the People, where there was but two Places to diſpoſe of, who had been uſed to fill eight places with [Patricians] at their choice of Tribunes? or that they would ſuffer any way to be made to the Conſulſhip, who had ſo long blocked up the Tribuneſhip? But that might be gained by a Law, which could not be obtained by favour; and therefore they ought to put one of the Conſuls places out of diſpute, for the People to have acceſs to: becauſe if it were left in queſtion, it would always be theirs, that could make the beſt intereſt. Nor could that be now ſaid, which they were formerly wont to throw out; viz. that there were none among the Commons, fit to make curule Magiſtrates. For has the Commonwealth been managed with more ſloth or imprudence ſince P. Licinius was Tribune, who was the firſt that was choſen out of the Commonalty, than it was in thoſe times, when none but Patricians were Tribunes Military? No, quite conurary; for ſome Patricians, after their Tribuneſhip, were condemn'd [for what they had done in their Office] and ſo was never any Plebeian. The Queſtors too [they ſaid] as well as the Tribunes Military, began a few years ago to be elected out of the Commons: nor did the Roman People repent of e'r an one of them. That the People therefore had nothing now to get but the Conſulſhip; which was the very Fortreſs and Pillar of their Liberty. If they once arrived at that, then the People of Rome would think that their Kings were certainly Baniſhed, and their Liberty was ſecured. For from that day the People would be poſſeſſed of all things, wherein the Senate outdid them; viz. Authority, Honour, the glory of War, Birth, and Quality; which were great things for them in their own Perſons to enjoy, but greater, to be left to their Poſterity. When they ſaw that theſe kind of Speeches were acceptable, they promulgated a new Bill; That, inſtead of Duumvirs [two Officers] to look after the Sacrifices, there ſhould be Decemvirs [Ten ſuch] created; in ſuch a manner, that part of them ſhould be choſen out of the Commons and part out of the Senators: but they differr'd the Aſſembly, to paſs thoſe Bills, till the coming of that Army, which was then Beſieging Velitrae.

But the Year was at an end, before the Legions were brought back from Velitrae: and therefore the buſineſs touching thoſe Laws was put off for the new Tribunes Military [to finiſh:] for the Commons choſe the ſame Tribunes again, and eſpecially thoſe two, that were the propoſers of thoſe Laws. The perſons elected for Tribunes Military were T. Quintius, Ser. Cornelius, Ser. Sulpicius, Sp. Servilius, L. Papirius, and L. Veturius. At the very beginning of the Year they came to the laſt puſh about the Laws; and when the Tribes were called, ſeeing no Interceſſion of their Collegues withſtood the propoſers, the affrighted Senate fled to their two laſt ſhifts, their higheſt Authority, and their chiefeſt Magiſtrate; reſolving to make a Dictator. The perſon made choice of was M. Furius Camillus, who took L. Aemilius for his Maſter of the Horſe. The propoſers of the Laws too, ſeeing ſo great preparations made by their Adverſaries, did not only themſelves ſtrengthen the Cauſe of the Commons with great reſolutions, but alſo appointed an Aſſembly of the People and called the Tribes to give their Votes. When the Dictator, compaſſed round with a Band of Patricians, had ſate him down, full of wrath and menaces; ſeeing the matter was argued at firſt with the ſame earneſtneſs as before, between the Tribunes of the People who propoſed, and oppoſed any Law; and that the more powerful of right the Interceſſion was, the more it was overborn by the favour that was ſhewed both to the Laws themſelves and thoſe that propoſed them; yea that the firſt Tribes paſſed them: Then Camillus ſaid; Romans! ſince the paſſion of the Tribunes and not lawful Authority now guides you; and that you evacuate all Interceſſion (which was formerly gain'd by a ſeceſſion of the Commons) by the ſame force that you procured it; I, as Dictator (not upon the publick account, more than for their ſakes) will ſtand by their Interceſſion: and will by my Authority defend their right of giving a negative Vote to aid the Commons. Wherefore if C. Licinius and L. Sextius yield to the Interceſſion of their Collegues, I'll not put any Patrician Magiſtrate into the Aſſembly of the Commons. But if they ſtrive, againſt the Interceſſion, to impoſe Laws upon the City, as though it were taken [by an Enemy] I will not ſuffer the Tribunes power to be by it ſelf diſſolved. Now, when, in oppoſition to what he ſaid, the Tribunes of the People went on with their buſineſs as faſt as before: then Camillus, being mightily enraged, ſent the Lictors [Serjeants] to turn the Common People out of the Aſſembly; adding theſe menaces; That if they went on, he'd make all the younger ſort take the Military Oath, and carry an Army forthwith out of the City. This put the Commonalty into a great fright, but it rather heightened than leſſened the reſolutions of their Ringleaders: but he, before the matter was determined one way or t'other, laid down his Office: either becauſe he was not duly created, as ſome ſay; or becauſe the Tribunes of the People propoſed to the People, and they Enacted, That if M. Furius had done any thing as Dictator, he ſhould be fined 500000. Deneeres. But I am apt to think that he was deterred by the Auſpicies more, than any new ſort of Bill, that was propoſed; and that not only upon the ſcore of his diſpoſition, but becauſe P, Manlius was immediately made Dictator in his ſtead: (for to what purpoſe was it to make a Dictator to decide that Controverſie, in which M. Furius had been overcome?) and alſo becauſe the ſame M. Furius was Dictator the next Year; who reſolved, not without ſhame no doubt, to recover that Authority, which had been diminiſhed the year before in him: yea farther, becauſe at the ſame time, that they propoſed to mulct him, he might either have oppoſed this Bill too, whereby he ſaw himſelf ſo treated, or at leaſt not hindered thoſe, for the ſake of which this was made: and laſtly, becauſe even to this day, as long as ever the Tribunes and the Conſuls have contended one with another, the Dictatorſhip has advanced ſtill higher, and higher.

Between the time that the former Dictatorſhip was laid down, and the new one taken up by Manlius, there was an Aſſembly of the People held (as in a kind of Interregnum) by the Tribunes: at which it appears, which of the Laws propoſed were moſt grateful to the People, and which to the propoſers of them: for they conſented to the Bills touching Uſury and the Lands, but rejected that which was for one of the Conſuls being choſen out of the Commonalty: and both thoſe matters had been accompliſhed, had not the Tribunes ſaid, That they conſulted the People upon all together. After that P. Manlius the Dictator favoured the Commons, and made C. Licinius, who had been a Tribune Military, Maſter of the Horſe, though a Commoner: That, I am told, the Senate took ill; and that the Dictator was wont to excuſe himſelf to them upon the ſcore of his near relation to Licinius: but ſaid at the ſame time; That the Dignity of a Maſter of the Horſe was no greater, than that of a Conſular Tribune. Licinius and Sextius, after the Aſſembly for chooſing of Tribunes of the People was appointed, ſo behaved themſelves, that, by ſaying they had now no mind to have that honour continued to them, they incited the Commons more than ever to do what they pretended to refuſe. They ſaid; They had been now nine Years expoſed, as in a Battel, againſt the Nobility, to the greateſt hazard imaginable of their own perſons and Eſtates, but without any benefit to the Commonwealth. That now both the Bills that were promulgated and all the ſtrength of the Tribunes power was grown old, as they were. That their Laws were oppoſed, firſt of all, by the Interceſſion of the Collegues: ſecondly, by ſending away the Youth to the War at Velitrae; and laſtly, that there was a Dictatorian thunderbolt prepared againſt them. But that now neither their Collegues, nor any War, or Dictator withſtood them; for the Dictator had given a good omen that he would agree to have a Plebeian Conſul, by making a Plebeian Maſter of the Horſe. That the Commonalty only hindered themſelves and their own advantages. That they, if they pleaſed, might ſoon have the City rid of the Creditors, and the Lands free from the unjuſt Poſſeſſors of them: which benefits when would they eſteem ſo gratefully as they ought, if, whilſt they had Bills propoſed for their own advantage, they cut off all hopes of Honour from the propoſers of them? That it did not ſuit with the modeſty of the Roman People to deſire, that they might be eaſed of the Uſury; and to be inſtated in Lands, that were wrongfully kept from them, by thoſe great Men, through whom they got thoſe things; and yet to leave old men, that had been Tribunes, not only without Honour, but without ſo much as the hopes of it. Wherefore they adviſed them to conſider with themſelves what they would have: and after that declare their pleaſure in the Aſſembly for chooſing of Tribunes. If they deſired to have all the promulgated Bills paſs'd together, they ought to make the ſame perſons Tribunes again: for they ſhould carry what they had propoſed: but if they would barely accept of what was needful for every one in his private capacity, there was no need of continuing an envied honour; nor ſhould either they themſelves have the Tribuneſhip, or the People, what was promulgated.

Upon this obſtinate Speech of the Tribunes, though the indignity of what they ſaid had ſtruck the reſt of the Senate with amazement and ſilence, to hear it; Ap. Claudius Craſſus, they ſay, ſtood forth, more out of hatred and anger, than any hopes he had to oppoſe them; and ſpoke to this purpoſe: Romans! it is no new, or unexpected thing, if I too at this time hear, what has been always objected againſt our Family by the ſeditious Tribunes: viz. That to the Claudian Race nothing has ever been from the firſt riſe of it, more ſacred in this Commonwealth, than the Majeſty of the Senate: and that they were always Enemies to the Peoples advantages. The one of which charges I neither deny, nor go about to diſprove: viz. That we, ever ſince we have been taken into the City and the Senate, have done our utmoſt endeavour, that it might be truly ſaid, the Majeſty and grandieur of theſe Families, among which you were pleaſed to place us, has been rather augmented, than diminiſhed. But as to the other, Romans! I dare vouch both for my ſelf and my Anceſtors (unleſs any man thinks, thoſe things, that are done for the good of the Commonwealth in general, are diſadvantagious to the Commons; as tho' they lived in another City) that we never did any thing, to our knowledge, either as private men, or in any Office, which was injurious to the Common People: and that no man can truly tell of one word or action of ours againſt their intereſt, though ſome there were againſt their wills. Could I forbear, though I were not come of a Noble Family, but an ordinary Roman, who only knew my ſelf to be born of ingenuous Parents, and to live in a free City, to ſay this? That L. Sextius there, and C. Licinius, our perpetual Tribunes (forſooth) have taken ſo much liberty theſe nine years, wherein they have domineered like Kings, as to ſay, they'll not give you the freedom of Voting, either in Aſſemblies, or in making of Laws. You, ſays he, ſhall make us the tenth time Tribunes upon condition. What's that, but as if they ſhould ſay, What others deſire, we ſo much diſdain, that we will not accept of it without ſome great reward? But pray', what is that reward, for which we may have you ſtill Tribunes of the People? Why, that you accept (ſays he) of our Propoſals, whether they pleaſe or diſpleaſe you, whether profitable or unprofitable, all together. I beſeech you, the Tarquinian Tribunes of the People! ſuppoſe me, a ſingle Citizen, to cry out from the midſt of the Aſſembly: By your good leave, let us chooſe, out of theſe Bills, thoſe that we think wholſom for us; and reject the reſt. No, ſays he, you ſhan't. Thou [Citizen, whoe'r thou art] wouldſt give thy Vote concerning Uſe-money, and the Lands, which belongs to you all; and may not this Miracle then be done in Rome, for thee to ſee (what thou abhorreſt and abominat'ſt) L. Sextius and Licinius here, Conſuls! either take all; or I'll offer nothing. Juſt as if a man ſhould ſet before a perſon that were ready to ſtarve, Poyſon and good Meat at the ſame time; and then command him, either to abſtein from that which was wholſom Food, or mix them both together. Would not a great many upon this ſcore, if this were a free City, cry out; Get thee gone with thy Tribuneſhips and thy Bills? What thou doſt not propoſe, that which is advantagious to the People, will there be no body elſe to do it? If any Patrician, if any Claudius (which they would have to be a more envied name) ſhould ſay, either take all, or I'll offer you nothing; which of you, Romans! would endure it? Will you never conſider things, rather than perſons? but always hear, whatever ſuch a Magiſtrate ſays, with great regard, and turn your ears from what any of us ſay? But truly, your manner of ſpeaking is not at all like that of Citizens. What? What ſort of Bill is it, which they are angry that you reject? Why, Romans! 'tis much like this: viz. I, ſays he, deſire, that you may not have leave to make ſuch Conſuls, as you think fit. Does he ſay any thing elſe, who orders you to chooſe one Conſul out of the Commonalty; and will not let you have the power to chooſe two Patricians? If there were Wars now, ſuch as the Etrurian War was, when Porſena was got upon Janiculum: or ſuch as the Gallick War of late, when, except the Capitol and the Caſtle, all theſe things were in the Enemies hands: and L. Sextius there ſtood for the Conſulſhip with M. Furius here, or any other Senator; could you endure that Sextius ſhould certainly be Conſul, and that Camillus ſhould ſtorm for being repulſed? Is this the way to make Honours common [to both Orders]? by making it lawful for two Plebeians to be choſen Conſuls, but not two Patricians? or impoſing it as neceſſary that one be choſen out of the Commons, and leaving it at liberty whether either of them ſhall be a Patrician, or no? What ſociety, what equality is this? Is it a ſmall matter, if thou comeſt in for a part of that wherein thou never hadſt any ſhare before, unleſs, whilſt thou deſireſt a ſhare, thou take the whole along with it? I fear, ſays he, leſt, if it be lawful to chooſe two Patricians, you will chooſe ne'r a Plebeian. What's that, but as much as to ſay; becauſe you will not willingly chooſe thoſe that are unworthy, I'll lay a neceſſity upon you of chooſing thoſe, that you reſolve againſt? And what's the conſequence of this, but, leſt he ſhould owe that kindneſs to the Peoples favour, that, if one Plebeian ſtand with two Patricians, he may ſay, he was choſen by the Law, and not by their Votes?

They ſeek, how they may extort, not how to ſue for Honours; and reſolve ſo to obtain the greateſt Honours, as not to owe ſo much for them as for the leaſt; chooſing to ſtand for great Offices, when they have opportunities, not upon the ſcore of their deſerts. Is there any man, who diſdains to be lookt into, or valu'd? who thinks it reaſonable that he alone ſhould be ſure of ſuch and ſuch Honours, among a company of Competitors that ſtruggle for them at the ſame time? who will not ſubmit himſelf to your judgment? who would make your Votes, inſtead of voluntary, neceſſary, and, inſtead of free ones, ſervile? I paſs by Licinius and Sextius, whoſe years of perpetual power you number, like thoſe of Kings, in the Capitol. Who is there in this City ſo abject, but that he is in a readier way to the Conſulſhip, by the help of this Law, than any of us or our Children? For you cannot chooſe us ſometimes though you'd never ſo fain, but you are forced to chooſe them, even againſt your wills. But I have ſaid enough of the indignity [of theſe things] (for Dignity belongs to men) what ſhall I ſay of the Religious Rites and Auſpicies [being abuſed,] which is an immediate contempt and affront to the immortal Gods? That this City was Built by the direction of the Soothſayers, and that all things both in War and Peace, at home and abroad, were done by the ſame Authority, who knows not? Who then had the care of the Auſpicies committed to them, according to the uſage of our Anceſtors? Why the Senate had. For no Plebeian Magiſtrate is created with that Ceremony. Yea ſo peculiar are the Auſpicies to us, that the People muſt not only create what Patrician Magiſtrates they do create according as the Soothſayer directs, but we alſo our ſelves without the Vote of the People can duly declare an Interrex; and have Auſpicies in private, which they have not even among their Magiſtrates. What then does he do leſs than take away the Auſpicies, who by making Plebeians Conſuls, takes them from the Senate, who are the only perſons that can have them? Let them now laugh at Religious Rites: for what matter is't, if the Chickens will not feed? if they go but ſlowly out of the Coop? if a Bird bode ill luck? Theſe are ſmall matters: but yet our Anceſtors made this the greateſt State in the World by not contemning theſe ſmall things. We on the contrary in our Age, as though we needed not the favour of the Gods, pollute all Ceremonies. Then let Prieſts, Soothſayers and the chief Sacrificers be choſen out of the dregs of the People; let us put Jupiter's Prieſt's Mitre upon any Bodies head, ſo he be but a Man, and let us deliver the Ancilia [ſacred Shields] the Temples, the Gods and the care of them to Villains: let no Laws be made nor Magiſtrates created with any due Ceremony; nor the Senate give Authority to the Centuriate Aſſemblies: but let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, Reign in the City of Rome; becauſe they give away other mens moneys, and other mens Lands: ſuch a ſweetneſs there is in preying upon other peoples Eſtates. Nor do you conſider, that by the one of your Laws there are vaſt Deſerts like to be made in the Country, by driving the right owners out of their Poſſeſſions; and that by the other their credit is ruined, with which all human Society is deſtroyed. Now upon all theſe accounts I think you ought to reject and throw out theſe Bills. Whate'r you do, I pray the Gods may proſper.

This Speech of Appius's ſo far prevailed upon them, that the time of paſſing the Bills was deferred: and the ſame Tribunes, Sextius and Licinius, were choſen again, who paſs'd a Law for the Electing of the Decemvirs, who took care of the holy Rites, half out of the Commonalty. So there were five choſen out of the Senate, and five out of the Commons: and by that ſtep they thought they now made ſome progreſs toward the Conſulſhip. The People, being content with this Victory gave way to the Senate, and omitting any mention of Conſuls for the preſent, let Tribunes Military be choſen. The perſons U. C. 388 choſen were A. and M. Cornelius (a ſecond time) M. Geganius, P. Manlius, L. Veturius, and P. Valerius, a ſixth time. But now, when, beſides the ſiege of Velitrae (a thing, whereof the iſſue was more ſlow, than doubtful) the Roman affairs were all quiet abroad; a ſudden report of a Gallick War forced the City to make M. Furius a fifth time Dictator; and he choſe T. Quintius Pennus Maſter of the Horſe. Claudius ſays, that they fought with the Gauls that year about the River Anien: and that there was a famous Combat, upon a Bridge, between T. Manlius and a Gaul, that challenged him hand to hand, in the ſight of the two Armies; in which Manlius kill'd the Gaul and brought off a Gold Chain. But I am more inclin'd by moſt Authors, to believe, that theſe things were done no leſs than ten years after, and that this year they engaged the Gauls, (M. Furius being Dictator) in the Albane Territories. The Victory was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans (tho' the Gauls had put them into a great fright through their remembrance of their former defeat) but there were many thouſands of Barbarians ſlain in the field, many after their Camp was taken. The reſt ſtraggled and going moſt of them toward Apulia, what by their long flight, and their being through dread and terror ſcattered all over the Country, defended themſelves from the Enemy. The Dictator, by conſent of the Senate and People had a Triumph Decreed him. But he had no ſooner made an end of that War, than a more bloody Sedition received him at home: and through great conteſts the Dictator and the Senate were forced, to accept the Tribunes Bills; beſides that there was a Conſular Aſſembly held againſt the will of the Nobility, at which L. Sextius was the firſt man, that ever was made Conſul, of the Commons. But even that was not the end of their contentions. For, becauſe the Patricians ſaid they would not conſent to it, the thing had like to have come to a Seceſſion of the Commons, and other dreadful approaches of Civil Broils. But theſe diſcords were appeas'd by the Dictator upon conditions, allowance being granted by the Nobility to the People that the Plebeian Conſul ſhould continue in his Office, and by the People to the Nobility, that there ſhould be one Praetor, who ſhould do juſtice in the City, and be choſen out of the Senate. By this means the two Orders being at laſt reduced out of their long Animoſities into Concord, the Senate was of opinion that then, if ever they ſhould do well, and would willingly, in honour of the immortal Gods, cauſe the grand Games to be ſet forth, adding one day to the former three. But the Aediles of the People refuſing that Office, the Patrician Young men cry'd out, That they would willingly do that honour to the immortal Gods, ſo that they might be made Aediles. For which they were thank'd by the whole Senate, and an Order was made, That the Dictator ſhould propoſe to the People the making of two men Aediles, out of the Senate; and that the Senate ſhould give Authority to all the Aſſemblies of that Year.

DECADE I. BOOK VII. EPITOME.

1. THere were two new Offices added, the Pretorſhip and the Curule Aedileſhip. 2. The City was Afflicted with a Plague, which was Signal for the Death of Camillus: the remedy and end whereof being by new Ceremonies inquired into, Stage-playes were then firſt Acted. 4, 5. When a day of Tryal was appointed for L. Manlius, by M Pomponius, Tribune of the People, upon the ſcore of his ſeverity in the Levy, and his baniſhing T. Manlius, his Son, without any reaſon; the Youth himſelf, whoſe baniſhment was laid to his Fathers charge, came into the Tribunes-Bed-Chamber, and with his Sword drawn forced him to Swear, that he would not go on with his accuſation. 6. Then all pretious things were thrown into a gaping Gulf in the City of Rome; whereinto Curtius, being Arm'd, threw himſelf headlong off his Horſe, and it was cloſed. 10. T. Manlius, the Youth that freed his Father from the Tribunes vexation, fought a Duel with a Gaul, that Challenged any Roman Soldier; whom he kill'd and plundred of a golden Chain: which he afterward wore, and was thence called Torquatus [from Torquis, which ſignifies ſuch a Chain.] 15. There were two Tribes added, the Pomptine and the Publician. 16. Licinius Stolo was condemned by a Law of his own making, for having more than 500. Acres of Land. 26. &c. M. Valerius, a Tribune Military killed a Gaule, that challenged him; a Crow ſitting all the while upon his Helmet, who with his Clawes and Beak annoy'd his Enemy; from whence he was Surnamed Corvus; and created Conſul the next Year, for his Valour, when he was but 23. Years Old. 27. They made an alliance with the Carthaginians. 29. &c. The Campanians, being moleſted with a War from the Samnites, deſired aid againſt them of the Senate: which ſince they could not obtain, they ſurrender'd their City, and Country to the Romans: for which reaſon, the Senate thought fit, that what was made theirs, ſhould be defended by a War againſt the Samnites. 34. &c. When the Army, being led by A. Cornelius into a diſadvantagious Place, was in great danger, it was preſerved by P. Decius Mus, a tribune Military: who having poſted himſelf upon an Hill, above that where the Samnites lay, gave the Conſul occaſion to eſcape into a plainer Place: and himſelf though ſurrounded by the Enemy broke through them. 38. &c. The Roman Soldiers, who were left in Gariſon at Capua, having con • pired to make themſelves Maſters of that City, their Plot was diſcover'd, and they for fear of being Puniſhed Revolted from the Romans; but were Reſtored to their Country by M. Valerius Corvus, who by his Advice had retreived them from their Fury. It farther continues their Actions againſt the Hernicans, Gaules, Tiburtes, Privernates, Tarquinians. and Samnites. which they performed with good ſucceſs.

THis year was remarkable for the Conſulſhip of a new Man, and two new Offices, the U. C. 389 Pretorſhip and the Aedileſhip: which Honours the Patricians gain'd in lieu of one Conſuls place, which they granted to the Commons. The People beſtow'd their Conſulſhip upon L. Sextius, by whoſe Law it was gained: and the Senate gave the Praetorſhip to Sp. Furius Camillus, Son of Marcus; but the Aedileſhip to Cn. Quintius Capitolinus, and P. Cornelius Scipio, Men of their own Quality, by their Votes in the Campus Martius. L. Aemilius Mamercus was choſen Collegue to L. Sextius, out of the Senate. At the beginning of the year, there was great talk of the Gaules, (who, though at firſt they had ſtragled through Apulia, were now ſaid to be gathered into a Body) and of the Revolt of the Hernici. Now ſeeing all things were induſtriouſly deferred, that nothing might be done by a Plebeian Conſul, all matters were ſilent, and there was ſuch a Calm in buſineſſes, as when a ſtop is put to judicial proceedings; ſave that the Tribunes of the People murmur'd, that the Nobility had taken to themſelves three Patrician Majeſtrates, who came in their Curule Chaires, and Scarlet Gowns, like Conſuls, to the Senate; and among them, the Praetor too determining cauſes as a Judg, in which he was as a kind of Collegue to the Conſuls, created with the ſame Ceremony: and therefore the Senate was aſhamed to order the Curule Aediles to be choſen out of the Senat: about which Affair at firſt they agreed, that they ſhould be ſo Choſen every other year; tho afterward the Choice was promiſcuous. After that, when L. Genucius, and Q. Servilius were Conſuls, all things being at quiet both from Sedition and War, leſt they ſhould at any time be free from fear and danger, there aroſe a great Peſtilence. They ſay, that, this year, a Cenſor, Curule Aedile, and 3. Tribunes of the People died; and that proportionably to the Number of them, there were many other Funerals of the People too: but that which made that Plague moſt famous was the mature, as well as much lamented death of M. Furius. For he was really the only Perſon of his Age in all ſorts of fortunes; being the greateſt Man both in War and Peace, before he was baniſhed; more famous in his baniſhment; either through the neceſſity of the City, which, when it was taken, begged his help in his Abſence; or upon the ſcore of his ſucceſs, whereby being reſtored to his Country, he reſtored the Country itſelf at the ſame time. For which reaſon he was afterward, for 25. years (for ſo many he after that time lived) thought to deſerve a Title equal to ſuch a glorious Exploit, and lookt U. C. 391 upon as worthy to be ſtiled the Second Founder of the City, after Romulus.

Both this and the next year, C. Sulpicius Peticus, and C. Licinius Stolo being Conſuls, there was a Plague: and therefore in it there was nothing done in it worth remembring; ſave that there was an holy Feaſt then made to appeaſe the Gods, which was the third of the kind ſince the Building of the City. And ſeeing that the force of the Diſtemper was not taken off either by human advice, or divine aſſiſtance, their minds being overcome with Superſtition, tis ſaid, there were Stage-plays too, (which was a new thing to that War-like People, who had no Shews before but thoſe of the Circus [as Running and Fencing, &c.] inſtituted among other things to atone the wrath of Heaven. But this was a very ſmall thing at firſt (as moſt at their beginnings are) and ſtrange too. For the Players, who were ſent for out of Etruria, Danced without any Singing, or any thing like it, a plain Country Dance after the Tuſcan manner, to a Pipe. After which the young men, who Joked upon each other, began to utter themſelves in artleſs Verſes; nor were their motions diſſonant from their Voices. So the thing being received, and by uſe improved, the Roman Artiſts, who were concerned in that Affair, were called Hiſtriones, (from Hiſter, which in the Tuſcan Language ſignified a Player.) who did not, (as formerly) throw out Extemporary, rude and uncorrect Verſes, like Feſcennine Poetry [i. e. ſuch as was Anciently uſed at Weddings;] but acted Satyrs filled up with meaſures, Singing now to the Flute, and uſing an agreeable geſture. But after ſome years Livy, who was the firſt that ever attempted to make a Play of one continued plot from the beginning to the end (which he himſelf acted, as all People then did) is ſaid, (after he had, by reaſon that his Voice was grown hoarſe with continual ſtraining, got leave to put a Boy to Sing to the Flute) to have acted what was Sung with a much more vigorous motion; becauſe the uſe of his Voice did not hinder him: and from that time the Players had others to Sing to them, who ſpoke all the words whilſt they only Acted. Now when, by this rule of Plays, that buſineſs was ſtript of all ridiculous and extravagant Fooling; and Playing grew by degrees into an Art; the Young People, leaving the Plays to be Acted by the Players, began among themſelves, after the Ancient manner, to Act the Buffoons in Verſes, which were afterward thence called Exodia [or Muſical Entertainments at the end of the Play,] and conſiſted cheifly of Atellane Interludes [ſo called from the City Atella] which kind divertiſements they had and retained from the Oſcians; nor ſuffer'd it to be vitiated by the Players. And therefore the Law is, that ſuch Actors of Atellane Interludes ſhall not be disfranchis'd, but ſhall ſerve in the Wars as though they did not Practiſe any ſuch lulicrous Art. Among the ſmall beginnings of other things, I thought fit to tell you the Riſe of Plays too, that it might appear from what a ſober Original that matter grew up to the preſent Extravagancy and Madneſs, which is hardly to be endured even in the moſt Opulent Kingdoms.

Yet this original of Plays, which were inſtituted to appeaſe the Gods did not eaſe either mens minds of the Superſtitious fear they were in, or their Bodies of their Diſtempers; but on the contrary ſeeing the Tiber overflow'd the Circus in the midſt of all their Sports, it made the People believe the Gods were a verſe [to their endeavours] and would not accept of U. C. 392 any atonements, which put them into a mighty conſternation. Wherefore, in the Year that Cn. Genucius, and L. Aemilius Mamercus were the Second time Conſuls, (when the difficulty of finding out atonements afflicted their minds more than the Diſeaſe their Bodies) they ſay the Elder People called to mind and told the reſt, that there was a Peſtilence formerly Cur'd by the Dictators driving of a Naile. The Senate being induced by that Religious conſideration order'd a Dictator to be Choſen to drive a Naile; and accordingly L. Manlius Imperioſus was pitch'd upon, who made L. Pinacius Maſter of the Horſe. There is an old Law, written in old Characters and old Words; that he, who is Cheif Praetor ſhall drive a Naile on the Ides of September. This Naile therefore was driven on the right-ſide of Jupiters Temple where Minervas is. That Naile they ſay (becauſe writing was in thoſe Days very rare) was a mark for the Number of Years; and that it was done in Minervas Temple, becauſe ſhe was the Inventreſs of Number. And Cincius, who was a diligent ſearcher into ſuch Monuments affirms, that there were Nailes driven at Volſinii too, in the Temple of Nortia, an Etrurian Goddeſs, to ſhew the Number of their Years. M. Horatius, when he was Conſul, drove the firſt Naile by that Law in the Temple of Jupiter, the Year after the Kings were baniſh'd: but this Solemnity of driving the Nail was afterward Transferr'd from the Conſuls to the Dictators, becauſe theirs was the greater Dignity. And in time, after the Cuſtom had been intermitted, this buſineſs ſeemed to be of it ſelf worth the making of a Dictator. Upon which ſcore L. Manlius was created, who (as if he had been created to do ſome great publick matter, and not to appeaſe the Gods) affecting to have a War with the Hernicans plagued the young People with a ſevere Levy: and at laſt, ſeeing all the Tribunes of the People were againſt him, he being overcome either by Force, or Shame laid down his Dictatorſhip.

Yet for all that, at the beginning of the next Year, when Q. Servilius Ahala, and U. C. 393 L. Genucius were the ſecond time Conſuls, Manlius was Summon'd to a Tryal by M. Pomponius Tribune of the People. For his ſeverity at the Levy, which he exerciſed not only to the damage of the Citizens Eſtates, but the torturing of their Bodies too (whipping ſome, who had not anſwer d to their Names, and Impriſoning others) was very odious. But above all his ſtern diſpoſition was in it ſelf hateful, and his Surname of Imperioſus, which he took upon him, was ungrateful to that free City becauſe it carryed Cruelty and Tyranny in its very ſound: which he indeed ſhew'd, not only to Strangers but even to his own Relations, and neareſt Kindred. And therefore the Tribune made this one part of his Accuſation; Thot he kept his own Son, who was a Young Man, though he were Convicted of no manner of Offence, (like one that's baniſh'd) out of the City, from his Houſe, hoe Houſehold-gods, out of the Forum, from ſeeing the Light and from the Converſation of his Equalls; putting him to Slaviſh-work, almoſt into a Priſon, and a Bridewel: where the Noble Youth, who was Son to the greateſt man in Rome, even the Dictator himſelf, by daily hardſhip ſhould learn, that he was Born of a truly Imperious Father. But for what reaſon, pray? why becauſe (forſooth) he was not ſo Eloquent as he ſhould have been, and had an Impediment in his ſpeech. Which defect in Nature whether he, as a Father, ought not (if he had any humanity in him) to have been tender of, but rather puniſhed and by his Tyranny expoſed, was the Queſtion. That even dumb Beaſts did not refuſe to cheriſh and preſerve any of their Offſpring, which were any way deficient. But L. Manlius encreaſed one misfortune of his Sons with another, impoſing ſtill more and more upon the dullneſs of his Witt: and if there were any little natural vigour in it, deſtroy'd what there was by a Country Life, and ruſtick converſation among Brutes.

All People were more concern'd at theſe accuſations, than the young man himſelf; who on the contrary, taking it to Heart, that he ſhould be the cauſe of Envy and ſuch Charges againſt his Father, to the end that all the Gods and Men too might ſee, that he had rather aſſiſt his Father than his Enemies, he took a courſe, which ſhewed indeed his rude and Country Breeding, but, though it were not like a Gentleman, was yet commendable for the Piety of it. He went, unknown to any Body, with a Knife about him, in the Morning into the City, and from the Gate directly home to M. Pomponius the Tribune's Houſe. When he came thither, he told the Porter, He muſt needs ſpeak with his Maſter; and bad him ſay, he was T. Manlius, the Son of Lucius. Being immediately introduced (for the Tribune hoped that being inflamed with Anger againſt his Father he had either ſome new Crime to Charge him with, or had found out ſome new Method ro accompliſh the buſineſs) after they had mutually ſaluted each other, he told him, he had ſome private buſineſs with him, which admitted of no Company to be by whilſt they diſcourſe it. Whereupon all others being orderd to avoid the Room he puld out his Knife, and ſtanding upon the Bed with it ready in his Hand, threaten'd, that if he did not Swear as he ſhould direct him, viz. That he would never hold an Aſſembly of the Commons to accuſe his Father, he would preſently Stab him. The frighted Tribune (ſeeing the Knife glitter before his Eyes, himſelf alone, unarmed, and him a ſtout Young Man, and (which was more to be fear'd) Fool-hardy upon the ſcore of his ſtrength) Swore what he was forced to; and afterward profeſſed, that he was by that means forced to deſiſt from his Deſign. Nor were the People ſo much concerned that the Son had done ſo bold an Action for his Father, as that they had not the Power of giving their Votes againſt ſo cruel and Tyrannical a Malefactor. And the thing was ſo much the more commendable in him, in that his Fathers extreme ſeverity had not at all averted him from his natural Love and Duty. By this means the Father was not only acquitted, but that Action was an honour to the Son. For whereas that Year there was an Order made, that the Tribunes Military for the Legions ſhould be choſen by Vote of the People (for before, as well as now the Generals themſelves made thoſe whom they call Rufuli) he got the ſecond Place of ſix, though he had done nothing either at home or abroad to merit the Peoples favour, as having liv'd all the time of his Youth in the Country and far from the converſe of men.

That ſame Year, either by an Earth-quake, or ſome other force, the middle of the Forum, 'tis ſaid, ſunk down with a vaſt hollowneſs to a mighty depth. Nor coud that Gulfe be filld up with Earth, which every one threw into it, till they began to enquire, by admonition from the Gods, what was the greateſt advantage, and ſtrength of the Roman People, for that the diviners foretold muſt be dedicated to that Place, if they woud have the Roman Common-wealth to be everlaſting. Upon which they ſay M. Curtius, a very Warlike young man, reprov'd thoſe that doubted, whether there was any thing that conduced more to the advantage of Rome, than Arms and Courage: and that then, ſilence being made, he look'd toward the Temples of the Immortal Gods, that are above the Forum, and the Capitol, and ſtretching forth his Hands one while toward Heaven, and another while toward the gaping Gulfe to the Infernal Gods devoted himſelf. After which being mounted upon an Horſe, that was trapped as Gayly as poſſible could be, he, all in Armour, threw himſelf into the Gulfe; whilſte multitudes of Men and Women flung Gifts and Fruits in upon htm: and that Place was called La • us Curtius [i. e. the Curtian Lake or Gulfe] not from that ancient Soldier of T. Tatius, Curtius Metius, but this Man. I would not be wanting to inquire after it, if there were any way that led to the truth of this; but now we muſt rely upon common report, where antiquity will not ſuffer us to be certain: and the name of the Lake is made more Famous by this later ſtory. After they had expiated for that great Prodigy, the ſame Year, the Senat being Conſulted about the Hernicans, and having ſent Heralds to demand ſatisfaction of them but in vain, they Voted, that the very next Aſſembly it ſhould be propoſed to the People to declare War againſt the Hernicans: and the People in a full Aſſembly conſented to that War. L. Genucius the Conſul happen'd to have that Province; and therefore the City was in expectation; by reaſon that he, who was the firſt Conſul choſen out of the Commons was to carry on a War by his own Conduct; and would eſteem the communication of their great Honours to the Commonalty as a good or an ill Act, according to the ſucceſs of that affair. It happen'd ſo to fall out, that Genucius, ſetting out againſt the Enemy with great Eagerneſs, was ſurpris'd by an Ambuſcade: and that, the Legions being Routed through that ſudden Conſternation, the Conſul was circumvented and ſlain by Perſons, that knew not, whom they had Kill'd. Which being reported at Rome, the Senators were not in any proportion ſo ſorry for the publick Calamity, as overjoy'd at the unhappy conduct of a Plebeian Conſul; and therefore they cryed out in all Places and ſaid; now let' em go and chooſe Conſuls out of the Commonalty, and transfer the auſpicies to thoſe that could not lawfully meddle with them. That the Senate might be deprived of their Honours by an Act of the Commons: but did that wicked Law ſtand good againſt the Immortal Gods too? No, they had vindicated their own Deity, and their own auſpicies; which were no ſooner touched by one, that had no Right or Title to it, but a whole Army, who were all together with their General Deſtroy'd was a warning, that no Aſſemblies ſhould after that time be held in an illegal manner. With theſe words both the Court and the Forum rang; and Servilius the Conſul, by conſent the Patricians, made Appius Claudius Dictator, becauſe he had arguad againſt that Law, and cou'd now with greater Authority enveigh againſt the event of a deſign by him withſtood: beſides that there was a Levy and a ſtop in judicial Proceedings ordered to be made.

Before the Dictator and the new Legions came into the Hernican Dominions, the buſineſs was occaſionally very well managed by the conduct of C. Sulpicius, a Lieutenant. For when the Hernicans came, after the Conſuls Death, contemptuouſly, up to the Roman Camp, with cerrain hopes of taking it, through the Lieutenants encouragement, and the Soldiers own inclinations, whoſe minds were full of Fury and Indignation, they ſallied forth: upon which the Hernicans were far from all hopes of coming to the Bullwark; ſo that their Ranks being thereby all put into diſorder they Marched off. Then when the Dictator came there was a new Army added to the old one, and their Forces were doubled: and the Dictator in a Publick Speech ſo praiſed the Lieutenant, and the Soldiers, by whoſe Courage the Camp had been defended, that he at the ſame time heighten'd the reſolutions of them, who heard their own due commendations, and induced the reſt to emulate their Atcheivements. Nor did the Enemy make ſlower Preparations for the War, who being neither unmindful of the Honour which before they gained, nor ignorant that the Roman Forces were encreaſed, augmented their own Forces too: raiſing all the whole Hernican Nation, that were able to bear Arms, conſiſting of 3200. choice, ſtout, luſty men. Theſe, who were all the very Flower of their Youth they filld with hopes and reſolution by decreeing, that they ſhould have double Pay. Beſides, they were excuſed from all Military duties elſe, that, being reſerved for the toil of a Fight only, they might know they ought to endeavour at things even above their ſtrength; and they were Planted out of order too in the Army, that their Courage might be the more conſpicuous. A Plain of two Miles long divided the Roman Camp from the Hernicans; and there they both came almoſt halfway to fight in the middle. At firſt it was doubtful, which of 'em ſhould win the Day, whilſt the Roman Horſe in vain endevoured by a ſtrong effort to diſorder the Body of the Enemies. But ſeeing their fight was more vain in the effect than in their attempts, the Horſe, having firſt conſulted the Dictator, at laſt, when they had got his leave, quitted their Horſes and with a great ſhout ran before the Enſigns, where they renew'd the fight: nor could they have been endured, had not the extraordinary Regiments oppoſed them with equal vigour both of Bodies and Minds.

Then the buſineſs was Managed between the beſt men of thoſe two Nations; and whoſoever fell on one ſide or the other the loſs was many times double to the number of them that were ſlain; whilſt the other Common Soldiers, as though thoſe men alone had been deputed to decide the Quarrel, placed all their hopes in the Courage of others; many being ſlain on both ſides, and many wounded. At length the Horſe-men, blaming one another, asked, what now remain'd; ſince they had neither Routed the Enemy on Horſe-back, nor could do any good on Foot, what kind of fight muſt the Third be? why had they ran forward ſo fiercely before the Enſigns; and fought in other mens Poſt? Being provoked by theſe words among themſelves, they renew'd their ſhout, and fell on. Firſt they made the Enemy give ground, then drove 'em ſtill farther back, and at laſt quite Routed 'em. But it is not eaſie to tell, what it was that gave the overthrow to a People of ſuch equal ſtrength, except it were that their perpetual Fortune could raiſe and diminiſh the Courage of both People. The Romans purſued their Hernicans to the very Camp: but did not Attack it, becauſe it was late in the day: for the Dictator was detain'd ſo long by having not made an acceptable Sacrifice, that he could not give the Signal till Noon; and by that means the fight continued till Evening. The next day the Hernicans ran away from their Camp, and there were ſome wounded Perſons found in it: and the Body of thoſe that fled from the Enſigns, after they ſaw, their own Banners, near the Walls of the Town almoſt deſerted, was ſcatter'd, and ran ſtraggling about the Country. Nor was it a Bloodleſs Victory to the Romans: for a fourth part of their common Soldiers were loſt, and, (which was no leſs damage to them) ſome Roman Knights fell.

The next year, when L. Sulpitius and C. Licinius Calvus had led the Army againſt the Hernicans, and, not finding the Enemy in all the Country, had Storm'd and taken Ferentinum U. C. 384 their City, as they came back from thence, the Tiburtes ſhut their Gates againſt them. That was the laſt reaſon, (though there were many complaints before on both ſides made) why War was by the Heralds (who ſend to demand ſatisfaction) declar'd againſt that People. It is well known that T. Quintius Pennus was Dictator that Year, and that Sergius Cornelius Maluginenſis was his Maſter of the Horſe. Macer Licinius ſays, that he was created, to hold the grand Aſſembly, and by Licinius the Conſul, becauſe, ſeeing his Collegue endevour'd to have the Aſſembly held before the War began, that he might continue his Conſulſhip, he thought fit to oppoſe that his evil deſign. But the commendation which he ſeeks of his own Family makes Licinius a leſs creditable Author: for I find no mention of that matter in any ancient Annals; and therefore I am rather apt to believe, that the Dictator was created upon the ſcore of the Gallick War, the Gauls being that Year encamped three Miles from Rome in the Road called Salaria beyond the Bridg of Anien. The Dictator, having order'd a ſtop to be put to all judicial proceedings, upon the account of the Gallick Inſurrection, forced all the younger men to take the military Oath, and ſetting out from the City with a mighty Army, pitched his Camp on the hither Bank of the River Anien. The bridg was between them, which neither of them broke, leſt it ſhould be an argument of their fear: but they had many skirmiſhes to take the bridg: though they could not well tell, their forces being uncertain, how to do it. Thereupon a Gaul of a mighty ſtature marched forth and got upon the empty bridg; where with as loud a Voice as he could, he ſaid, let the ſtouteſt man of all the Romans comeforth and fight me, that the ſucceſs of our combat may ſhew, which of the two Nations is the more War-like.

The chief of the Roman youth were for a long time ſilent, not only becauſe they were aſhamed to refuſe the duel, but becauſe they did not care to undergo the greateſt part of the danger: till T. Manlius, Son to Lucius, who had ſaved his Father from the Tribunes malice, ſtept forth from his Poſt to the Dictator, and ſaid; General! I wou'd never fight out of courſe without your Order, no, though I were ſure to gain the Victory. But if you'll permit me, I'll ſhew that beaſt, ſince he ſtalks and talks at ſuch a rate before the Enemies banners, that I am come of that Family, which beat an Army of the Gauls down from the Tarpeian rock. To which the Dictator reply'd; Well ſaid, brave T. Manlius; thou ſheweſt an equal Piety to thy Father and thy Country. Go on, and, by the Gods aſſiſtance, make the Roman Name invincible. Thereupon his aſſociates armed the young man; who took a Foot-mans Sheild, was girt with a Spaniſh Sword, (which is more convenient for cloſe fighting) and, when he was ſo Arm'd and equipp'd, they led him forth againſt the Gaul, who was ſo Fool-hardy, and (becauſe the Ancients have thought that too worth remembring) put out his Tongue in deriſion. Then the reſt return'd to their Poſt, and thoſe two were left between the Armies, more like a ſhow, than according to the Law of War, ſeeming no way equal, to thoſe that ſaw 'em, either in their looks or ſtature. For the one was an huge, tall man, with a particolour'd garment, and ſhone in Painted Arms, made of engraven Gold: but the other was of a middle ſtature, and look'd not half ſo gay, as being in Armour, that was uſeful rather than ſplendid. Nor did he ſing, exult, or vainly flouriſh his Arms; but his Soul, being full of reſolution and ſilent Fury had reſerv'd all his Vigour till the very puſh of the Combat. When they ſtood together between the two Armies, (in which ſo many were in ſuſpence between hope and fear) the Gaul, who was like a little Hill above him, holding his Sheild before him in his left hand, gave a vain cut, though it made a mighty noiſe, upon his Enemies Arms as he came toward him. The Roman, lifting up the point of his Sword, after he had with his Shield beat an hole in the bottom of the Gaul's, and got too near for the Gaul to hurt him with ſo long a Sword, he ſlipt between his body and his Sheild, and there with one or two Thruſts wounded him in the Belly and the Groin, and ſo brought down his haughty Foe, who as he lay took up a mighty ſpace. When that was done, he, without doing him any farther injury, took from him a Gold Chain [in Latin, Torquis] which, though all bloody, he put about his own Neck. The Gauls were aſtoniſh'd with fear and admiration: whilſt the chearful Romans, going from their Poſt, to meet their Champion, brought him, with praiſes and gratulations to the Dictator. Among the jocular expreſſions, which, though extempore and rude, like Soldiers they caſt forth in a kind of Verſes, there was heard the ſurname, Torquatus; which was afterward Famous even among Poſterity and an Honour to his Family. The Dictator gave him a Golden Crown for a preſent, and in a publick Oration extolled that Combat to the Skies.

And indeed that duel was of ſuch great moment toward the Iſſue of the whole War, that the Gallick Army the next night, leaving their Camp in a conſternation, went into the Tiburtine Dominions; where having made Alliance for carrying on the War, and being kindly aſſiſted with all conveniences by the Inhabitants, they preſently paſſed away into U. C. 378 Campania. That was the reaſon, why, the next Year, C. Paetelius Balbus, the Conſul (his Collegue M. Fabius Ambuſtus happening to have the Hernicans for his Province) led an Army againſt the Tiburtines; to whoſe aid the Gauls return'd out of Campania, and therefore great ravage was made in the Lavicane, Tuſculane and Albane Territories, the Tiburtines being, no queſtion, the Ring-leaders. And when the publick Arms were wholly employ'd againſt the Tiburtines, under the conduct of the Conſul, a Gallick inſurrection forced them to create a Dictator. Q. Servilius Ahala was choſen, who made T. Quintius Maſter of the Horſe: and, by Authority of the Senate, vowed, if his ſucceſs in that War were good, to ſet forth the grand Games. The Dictator, to engage the Tiburtines in a peculiar War, ordered the Conſuls Army to ſtay where they were, and compell'd all the younger People, (who none of 'em refuſed it) to take the Military Oath. They fought not far from the Colline Gate with the ſtrength of the whole City, in the ſight of their Parents, Wives and Children: who being a great encouragement to them even when they were at a diſtance, did then, when they were before their eyes, inflame the Soldiers at once with ſhame and compaſſion. After a great ſlaughter made on both ſides, the Gallick Army was at laſt put to flight, and ran to Tibur, as the head Quarters of the Gallick War. Straggling about they were met by Conſul Paeotelius not far from Tibur, where, the Tiburtines being come out to aſſiſt them, they were driven with them into the Gates. The matter was carry'd very bravely not only by the Dictator but the Conſul too: and the other Conſul, Fabius, firſt in little skirmiſhes, and at laſt in one Signal Battel, in which the Enemies attacked him with all their Forces, ſubdu'd the Hernicans. The Dictator, having mightily commended the Conſuls in the Senate, and before the People, and beſtow'd on them the Honour even of his actions too, layd down his Dictatorſhip. Paetelius Triumph'd doubly, over the Gauls and Tiburtines too; but 'twas thought enough for Fabius to come into the City Ovant. The Tiburtines ſcoffed at Paetelius's Triumph; ſaying, where did he ever engage with them? That ſome few ſpectators indeed of the flight and conſternation of the Gauls, who went without the Gates, when they ſaw themſelves alſo made at, and that every body, who ſtood in the way, was kill'd without any diſtinction, retired into the City. But did the Romans think that deſerved a Triumph? That they would adviſe 'em not to think it too wonderful and great an action to raiſe a Tumult in an Enemies Gates; for they ſhould ſee a greater Conſternation erelong before their own Walls.

Accordingly the next Year, M. Popilius Laenas, and Cn. Manlius being Conſuls, toward U. C. 396 mid-night they ſett out in a full body from Tibur, and came to Rome. This ſurpriſe and their dread in the night time; ſtruck them with Terrour, being on a ſudden waked out of their Sleep. Beſides that, through the ignorance of many who knew not, who the Enemies were, or whence they came, there was a ſudden Alarm given; and the Gates as well as the Walls had Guards ſet upon them. But when day-break diſcover'd the number to be but indifferent before the Walls, and that the Enemy were none but Tiburtines, the Conſuls, going out at two Gates, ſet upon their Army as they lay under the Walls, on both ſides. Then it appeared that they, when they came, relyied more upon the occaſion, than their own Valour: and therefore they could hardly endure even the firſt effort of the Romans; yea it was evident that their coming was an advantage to the Romans, in that a Sediton, that was ariſing between the Senate and the People, was by the fear of a War, ſo near at Hand, ſuppreſſed. But there was another Arrival of their Enemies in the next War, which was more terrible to the Country than to the City. For the Tarquinians ravaged and overran the Roman confines, eſpcially on that ſide that borders upon Etruria. Upon which account U. C. 397 when they had in vain demanded ſatisfaction, the new Conſuls C. Fabius and C. Plautius, by the Peoples order, declar'd War; and Fabius happening to have that Province, Plautius had the Hernicans. There was alſo an hot report of a Gallick War: but among their many frights it was a Comfort that they had granted a Peace, upon their Petition, to the Latins, and receiv'd of them a great number of Auxiliaries, according to an Ancient League, which they had intermitted for many Years. Which aide being a ſupport to the Roman State; they were the leſs concern'd when they heard, that the Gauls were come to Preneſta, and from thence ſate down near Pedurm. Thereupon they thought fit to make C. Sulpicius Dictator; and he was accordingly choſen by C. Plautius the Conſul, (who was ſent for for that purpoſe) and had M. Valerius for his Maſter of the Horſe. Theſe two led the ſtrength of the two Conſular Armies, which they cull'd out from the reſt, againſt the Gauls. That War was ſomething more tedious, than both Parties would have had it. For whereas the Gauls only at firſt had been deſirous to engage; and after that the Roman Soldiers by their eagerneſs to take up their Arms and fight, did ſome what out do the Gallick fierceneſs; the Dictator was not at all pleaſed, ſince there was no neceſſity, to truſt Fortune, againſt an Enemy, whom time and that ſtrange Country wou'd daily weaken; being without Proviſions, or any firm Fortification: and beſides that, men of ſuch Spirits and Bodies, as that all their Force lay in an Effort, but would dwindle by a ſmall delay. For theſe reaſons the Dictator protrected the War, and laided a great penalty upon any one that ſhould fight without Orders. The Soldiers taking that ill, firſt upon their Guards and at their Watches among themſelves, blamed the Dictator, and ſometimes the Senate too in general, for that they had not order'd the War to be managed by the Conſuls; ſaying; They had choſen a very fine General indeed, a ſole Commander, who thought that, though he were idle, victory would fly down into his boſom from Heaven: and after that ſaid the ſame words in the day time openly; yea and bolder things too; viz. That they would either fight without the Dictators order, or would go all in a body to Rome. The Centurions alſo began to mix with the Soldiers: nor did they now murmur in Crowds only among one another, but in the Principia too [where the chief Officers where quartered] and in the Praetorium [i. e. the General's Tent,] they were all of one mind. ſo that the Tumult encreaſed to the bigneſs of a publick Aſſembly and they cryed out in all places; That they would go immediately to the Dictator; and that Sex. Tullius ſhould ſpeak for the Army, as became their courage.

This Tullius had now been a Centurion of the Vanguard for ſeven years; nor was there any one in the Army, that had been a Foot-ſoldier, who was more eminent for his ſervices. He therefore going before the body of the Soldiers, marched up to the Tribunal, and told Sulpicius, who admired not at the Crowd, more than at Tullius the leader of it, who had always been a moſt obedient Soldier to all orders; Sir, (ſaid he) the whole Army thinking themſelves by you condemned of ſloth, and almoſt diſgracefully forſaken, as being without Armsi, deſired me, to plead their cauſe before thee. If it could be ſaid, that we had ever given ground turn'd our backs upon the Foe, or diſhonourably loſt our Enſigns, yet this, I think, is reaſonable for you to grant, that we may by our courage make amends for our Crime, and blot out the memory of our offence by gaining new honour. The Legions, that were routed at Allia, going afterward from Veij, recovered by their valour that ſame Country, which by their fear they had loſt. But our honour, and affairs through the bounty of the Gods, their good ſucceſs and that of the Roman People, are ſtill intire: though I dare hardly talk of honour, ſince even our Enemies ſpeak as diſgracefully of us as if we were a company of Women ſhut up within a Bullwark. And thou, our General too, (which we take more unkindly,) thinkeſt that thy Army is without Souls, without Arms, and without Hands: and before thou haſt tryed us, haſt ſo far deſpaired of us, that thou thinkſt thy ſelf General of maimed and weak Wretches. For what elſe can we believe is the reaſon, that thou who art an old Commander, a ſtout Warriour, ſitteſt (as the ſaying is) with thy hands in thy Pockets? For what ever the matter is, 'tis more certain, that you ſeem to have doubted of our courage, than we of yours. But if this be not your own, but a publick deſign, ſo that the Senates cenſent too and not the Gallick War, does in ſome meaſure detain us, like People baniſhed, from the City and our own Houſes; I deſire, that what I ſay you would not look upon as ſaid by the Soldiers to their General, but to the Senate by the Commons: who ſay, as you have your deſigns, ſo they too will have theirs. Pray who can be angry with us for ſaying, that we are Soldiers, and not your Slaves? ſent forth to War, not into baniſhment? and ſuch men, as if any man would give the Signal, and lead us forth into the field, would fight, as became men and Romans; but, if there be no need of our Arms, would rather ſpend our time quietly at Rome, than in a Camp. Thus much we have to ſay to the Senate. As to you, my Lord General! we your Soldiers humbly beg, that you would give us leave to fight: for we not only deſire to get the Victory, but to get it under your conduct; to confer upon you an honourable Laurel Wreath; to enter with you Triumphant into the City; and, following your Chariot, to go with gratulations and ovations to Jupiter Opt. Max's Temple. The Prayers of the multitude ſeconded Tullius's ſpeech; and they on all ſides loudly deſired, that he would give the Signal; that he would command them to handle their Arms.

The Dictator, ſeeing a good thing done, though in ſuch an irregular manner, promiſed to do what the Soldiers deſired: but privately asked Tullius, what this buſineſs was, and how it came to paſs. Whereupon Tullius begged of the Dictator, that he would not think, he had forgot either the diſcipline of War, himſelf, or the honour due to his General. But that he had not refuſed to head the multitude (who are moſt commonly ruled and acted by their leaders) when they were once raiſed; leſt any other ſuch Perſon ſhould have appeared, as the mobile, when they are moved, uſe to create. For he would do nothing contrary to his Generals mind: but then he alſo ought to take great care, to keep the Army in obedience. That ſuch hot and vehement ſpirits could not be put off; who would themſelves take time and place to fight, if the General would not give it them. Whilſt they talked thus, two Roman Soldiers took certain Beaſts, that by chance were feeding without the Bullwark, from a Gaul, that was driving them away. For which the Gauls threw ſtones at them: and then there was a ſhout made in the Roman Camp; upon which they ran forth on both ſides. And now they were very near being engaged in a ſet Battel; had not the fight been defered by means of the Centurions. Now by that accident the Dictator was confirmed in the truth of what Tullius had ſaid: and therefore, ſeeing the buſineſs admitted of no delay, they declar'd that, the next day, they would engage in a field Battel. Yet the Dictator, relying more upon the courage than the ſtrength of his Army, began to conſult and conſider all ways, how he might by ſome ſtratagem ſtrike a terror into the Foe. And accordingly through his extraordinary policy he invented a new device; which many of ours as well as Foreign Generals have made uſe of, yea and ſome of 'em in our time too. He ordered the pack-ſaddles to be taken off from the Mules; and, leaving on them only two Horſe-cloths, ſet their drivers (whom he equipped partly with Arms which had been taken, and partly with thoſe of Perſons, that were Sick,) upon their Backs. Theſe making about a thouſand he mixed an hundred Horſe-men among them; commanding them to get in the night time up to the mountains above the Camp and hide themſelves in the Woods; nor ſtir from thence, till they had notice from him. He himſelf, aſſoon as 'twas day, began with all ſpeed to range his men a long the foot of the Mountains, that the Enemy might ſtand oppoſite to the Hills. When he had now made proviſion for a falſe fright, (which was indeed of equal advantage as real force) the Gallick Commanders at firſt thought, that the Romans would not come down into the Plain: but afterward when they ſaw them deſcend on a ſudden, they themſelves too ran as furiouſly to battel; ſo that the fight began, before the Generals had given the Signal.

The Gauls preſſed very hard upon the right Wing; nor could they have been endured, had not the Dictator been in that place, who calling to Tullius, chid him and asked him; Had he promiſed that the Soldiers ſhould fight after that rate? Where were thoſe ſhouts that they made when they deſired to handle their Arms? Where were thoſe menaces, that they would joyn Battel without their Generals order? Now they might ſee the General himſelf, who loudly called them to the fight, march Arm'd in the Van: but which even of them followed him, who were ſo lately ready to lead him? No, in the Camp they were fierce, and in the Field faint-hearted. What he ſaid was true; and therefore ſhame ſo ſpurr'd 'em on, that thay ran upon the Enemies Weapons without once thinking of the danger. This mad effort at firſt put the Enemies into diſorder; and then the Horſe being, upon that confuſion, ſent in, made them give ground. The Dictator himſelf, after he perceived one part of their Front give ground, carried the Enſigns to his own left Wing, where he ſaw the greateſt Body of the Enemy preſſing on; And withal gave the appointed Signal to thoſe on the Hill. And when from thence too, a ſhout was heard, and that the Gauls ſaw them marching down the ſide of the Mountain towards their Camp, they preſently for fear of being ſurrounded and having their Retreat cut off, gave over the fight, and ran head-long to their Intrenchments: but being there encountred by M. Valerius General of the Horſe (who upon the defeat of the other Wing, had fetcht a compaſs about, and was got up to their works) they were forced to turn their flight towards the Mountains and Woods; and many of them fell into the hands of the Ambuſcade of orſe and Muliteers, ſo that after the heat of the Battel was over, there was yet a greivous ſlaughter made of thoſe whom fear had driven into the Woods. Nor was there ever any man, after M. Furius, that more deſervedly Triumphed over the Gauls, than did C. Sulpitius for this ſervice. Who alſo out of the Booty Conſecrated a Maſs of Gold of conſiderable weight, and laid it up in an encloſure of ſquare ſtone in the Capitol.

The ſame year both the Conſuls were engaged in Wars, but with different ſucceſs, for C. Plautius routed and ſubdued the Hernie's; But his Collegue Fabius fought raſhly and unadviſedly againſt the Tarquinians, and yet the loſs there in the field was not ſo much, as that 307 of the Roman Soldiers taken Priſoners, were Offered up as Sacrifices to their Gods by the Tarquinians, which ſtrange puniſhment rendred the reproach and ſcandal of the Romans defeat, more notorious. Juſt upon the nick of this Loſs, it happened that the Roman Territories were waſted, firſt by the Privernates, and afterwards by the Veliternians, who made ſudden incurſions into the Country. Two new Tribes, the one called Pomptina, and the other Publicia, were this year added to the former five and Twenty. The ſolemn Sports or Games, which M. Furius the Dictator had vowed, were Celebrated, and a new Law was put up to the People by C. Paetilius Tribune of the Commons with the Approbation of the Senate, againſt procuring Voices by mony or other indirect means in Elections to Offices and dignities; whereby 'twas deſign'd to cruſh the ambitious ſtanding for places, eſpecially of ſome Upſtarts who were wont to haunt the Fairs, and hold Conventicles for that purpoſe.

Not ſo welcome to the Senators was the Law preferred by M. Duilius the Tribune next year when C. Martius and Cn. Manlius were Conſuls, againſt the exceſſive Uſury of 12 per cent; but very forward were the Commons to receive and eſtabliſh it; Beſides the Wars deſign'd laſt year, the Faliſcans were now declared Enemies on a double account, one becauſe their Youth had ſerved againſt the Romans under the Tarquinians; the other, becauſe when certain defeated Romans had fled to the Valerians, they refuſed to part with them, notwithſtanding they were demanded by the Roman Heralds. This Province fell to the Lot of Cn. Manlius. Whilſt Marcius advanced with an Army into the Territories of the Privernates, Flouriſhing with a long Peace, and thereby enrich'd his Soldiers with a plentiful Booty, encreaſed by his Bounty that Sequeſtred no part of the Spoil to the publick, (as was uſual in ſuch caſes) but divided it all amongſt his men. For the Privernates lying ſtrongly Encamped before their own Walls, he called his Soldiers together, and at the head of their Troops made a ſhort Speech to them; Both the Camp of the Enemy (ſaith he) and their City I will freely beſtow upon you for a Booty, if you will promiſe me to acquit your ſelves like men, and be as forward to fight as to Plunder: Hereupon with an unanimous ſhout they called for the word of Command to fall on, and with an exalted courage and aſſurance of Victory advanced towards the Enemy; The beforementioned Sextus Tullius being in the head of them, cried out, Behold noble General! how punctually your Army performs their promiſe, and herewith laying aſide his Javelin, ruſhes with his drawn Sword upon the Enemy, whom all the Vanguard and thoſe appointed to defend the Standards followed, and in this firſt Charge put the Enemy to flight, and purſued them to the Town, where mounting their Scaling-ladders to the Walls, the ſame was rendred up into their hands; and a Triumph celebrated for the ſucceſs. By the other Conſul nothing memorable was atcheiv'd, but that as he lay before Sutrium, he, after a manner never practiſed before, propoſed a Law to be paſſed by the Tribes in the Camp, concerning the paying to the State the 20th. part of the price of all ſuch ſervants as ſhould be manumiſſed or made free; The Senators allow'd of and conſented to this Law, becauſe thereby no ſmall Revenue accrued to the Exchequer, which was much exhauſted: But the Tribunes of the Commons offended not ſo much with the quality of the Law in it ſelf, as at the ill precedent given in paſſing of it, Ordained that thenceforwards no Perſon upon pain of Death, ſhould withdraw the People from the accuſtomed places of Aſſembling, or gather together a part of them, for the making of any Law; For if that ſhould be ſuffered, there would be nothing, tho never ſo pernicious to the People, but might be carried and eſtabliſhed by the Soldiers being altogether at the Devotion of their Conſul. The ſame year C. Licinius Stolo at the Proſecution of M. Popilius Laenas, was Condemned upon a Law of his own promoting, in the ſum of Ten thouſand Pieces (or about 600 l. Sterling.) For that whereas it was thereby provided, that none of the Nobles ſhould poſſeſs above 500 Acres of Land; He himſelf held 1000. And to elude the Law had Emancipated his Son [or made him his own man] that he might colourably own 500 of them.

The new Conſuls were, M. Fabius Ambuſtus, and M. Popillius Laenas, who had both ſerved that Office before. Theſe made two Wars, whereof one which Laenas waged againſt the Tiburtines, was eaſily diſpatcht; for having driven the Enemy into the Town, he Forraged their Country at his pleaſure. But the other Conſul was diſcomfited in the firſt Battel by the Faliſcans and Tarquinians, occaſioned chiefly by a pannick fear that had ſeiz'd his Soldiers, for the Enemies Prieſts came on before their Army with Flaming Torches in their hands and Painted Fillets reſembling Snakes about their Heads, and hanging down over their ſhoulders, which waving to and fro by the Wind, ſeemed to be real Serpents; being thus accoutred and marching with a furious and frantick geſture, the ſtrangeneſs of the ſight, daunted at firſt the Romans, ſo that like men agaſt or Diſtracted, they fled trembling back to their Trenches. But then when the Conſuls, the Commiſſary Generals and the Tribunes laugh'd at and Reproached them for being ſcar'd like Children, with Bug-bears; for very ſhame they preſently took heart again, and with a blind fury ruſh'd upon thoſe very things which before they had fled from; And having diſſipated this vain Parade of their Enemies, fell upon thoſe that were Arm'd indeed, and routed their whole Army. And the ſame day making themſelves Maſters of their Tents, returned Victors with a vaſt Booty; the Soldiers with Military Catches and Drolls Joking both at the Enemies ridiculous Stratagem, and their own ſilly Fears. Soon after this the whole Nation of the Tuſcans took Arms, and led on by the Tarquinians and Faliſcans, were advanced as far as Salinae; In this time of eminent danger C. Marcius Rutilus a Plebaean was choſen Dictator, (the firſt Commoner that ever obtained that dignity) who nominated for his General of Horſe C. Plantius a Commoner likewiſe; This the Senators took as an affront, that the Dictatorſhip ſhould be ſhared by the Commons, and therefore endeavoured all they could, that no preparations ſhould be made for the War, nor any obedience be paid to this Dictator; but ſo much the more readily, was whatever he propoſed, graunted by the Commons; So that in ſhort time he march'd from the City on either ſide of the Tyber, having Veſſels in readineſs to Tranſport his Army to any place where he could hear of the Enemy; He not only ſurprized ſeveral Parties that were ſent out to Haraſs the Country, and cut off many ſtraglers that were met with in the fields, but unexpectedly fell upon their Camp, and made himſelf Maſter of it taking 8000 Priſoners, and having either kill'd or Chaced out of the Roman Dominions all the reſt of Enemies, he by the Suffrages of the People Triumph'd, but without the approbation of the Senate. Who becauſe they would by no means ſuffer an Aſſembly for Election of Conſuls to be held by the Dictator a Commoner, nor by Popilius Laenas the Conſul, who was alſo a Commoner, and for that the other Conſul was necſſarily detained abroad in the Wars, ſo that he could not be there; the matter came to an Inter-regnum, [that is, for a Magiſtrate to be appointed for the preſent called an Interrex who was always one of the Nobility and was to continue in that Office but five days] ſo there were Interregents ſucceſſively Q. Servilius, Ahala M. Fabius, Cn. Manlius, C. Fabious, C. Sulpicius, L. Aemilius, Q. Servilius and M. Fabius Ambuſtus. In the ſecond Inter-regency their happened a controverſie, becauſe they were both Patricians [or of the Nobility] that were created Conſuls, which was oppoſed by the Tribunes; but the Inter-regent Fabius alledged a Law out of the 12 Tables, that whatever was laſt Ordained and Commanded by the People, ſhould ſtand good and valid, and that their Votes were a Law; So that the Tribunes gaining nothing by their Interpoſing, but the Proroguing the Aſſembly for the Election for ſome time, at laſt two of the Patricu carried it, viz. C. Sulpicius Paeticus the third time, and M. Valerius Poplicola, who the ſame day they were choſen entred into their Office.

Thus in the 400th. year after the Building of Rome and the 35th. after the City was recovered from the Gauls, the Conſulſhip was taken away from the Commons after they had enjoy'd it eleven years, and now was brought into the hands of two Patricians. The Town Empulum was this year taken from the Tyburtines without any extroardinary Action, whether the War was manag'd there by both the Conſuls jointly, as ſome Authors have related, or whether at the ſame time Valerius was concerned in that ſervice, Sulpicius was imployed to over-run and lay waſt the Tarquinian Territories. But a greater ſtickling there was at home between the Conſuls, and the Commons and their Tribunes. The preſent Conſuls thought themſelves obliged not only in Courage but Fidelity, as they, two Patricians, had received the Conſulſhip, ſo to deliver it up to Perſons of the ſame Rank, and that they muſt either wholly quit their Intereſt, if the Conſular dignity ſhould become a Plebeian Magiſtracy, or elſe muſt carefully conſerve to the Nobility the poſſeſſion thereof as they had received it intire from their Anceſtors; On the other ſide the Commons ſtorm'd and rag'd, To what purpoſe (ſay they) do we live? or why are we number'd amongſt the Citizens, if that which was at firſt obtain'd by the vertue only of two Perſons L. Sextius and C. Licinius, we cannot now all of us together, maintain? Better it were to endure the Kings or the Decemvirs again, or if there be yet any more greivous name of Arbitrary Empire, than to behold both the Conſulſhips engroſſed by the Nobles, to loſe the priviledge of Commanding and obeying by turns, and ſigh under the oppreſſions of ſo many Lords who ſettled in an everlaſting Power of Domineering and Ruling over us, will eſteem us born only to be their Vaſſals. The Tribunes under hand blew the Coals and encreaſed the Tumults, but all were ſo forward, that the principal Ring-leaders could ſcarce be ſeen in the action above the reſt. Several times the People were in vain Aſſembled in the Campus Martius, and many Election-days ſpent in ſeditious heats without coming to any concluſion; at laſt the Commons over-match'd by the obſtinacy of the Conſuls could no longer endure it, but their Tribunes crying out aloud, That they might now bid adieu to their Liberties for ever, that henceforwards they ſhould be obliged not only to forbear coming into the field of Election, but alſo to abandon the City it ſelf ſince it was thus Captivated and oppreſſed by the Tyranny of the Nobles; And with theſe words the Tribunes departed, and all the Commons full of Grief and vexation preſently followed them; the Conſuls tho forſaken by ſo great a part of the People, did nevertheleſs proceed to an Election with that thin Aſſembly that was left, and made choice of two Nobles, viz. M. Fabius Ambuſtus (who had been Conſul twice before) and T. Quintius; Tho in ſome Annals I find M. Popilius named in ſtead of the latter.

Two Wars that year were manag'd with proſperous ſucceſs, in the firſt of which the Tyburtines were brought to a ſubbmiſſion. For having taken from them the City Saſſula by ſtorm, the reſt of their Towns muſt have run the ſame Fortune, had not the whole Nation laying aſide their Arms, caſt themſelves upon the Conſuls mercy, and ſworn Allegiance to the Romans. Thus there was a Tryumph over the Tyburtines, but otherwiſe a mild and gentle Victory. The Tarquinians were more ſharply chaſtiz'd, abundance of them being ſlain in the field, and of a vaſt number taken Priſoners, three hundred fifty and eight of the Nobleſt and greateſt Gentlemen, were drawn out and ſent to Rome, and all the reſt of the Common ſort put to the Sword; nor ſped they better at the Peoples hands that were carried to Rome; for being led into the midſt of the Forum they were all firſt ſeverally Scourged with Rods and then Beheaded, that Execution being done upon them in Retaliation for the 307 Romans not long before Sacrificed in the Market-place of the Tarquinians. This good ſucceſs of the Romans Arms cauſed the Samnites to Court their Friendſhip, to whoſe Ambaſſadors the Senate return'd a courteous Anſwer, and a firm Allyance was concluded.

But the Commons ſped not ſo well at home in the City, as abroad in the Campaign; for tho they were eas'd of the paying exceſſive Intereſt, yet the poorer ſort were not able to diſcharge the Principal, and conſequently were liable to be ſeized for Slaves by their Creditors; Therefore in reguard of their private ſtreights, they the leſs troubled their heads with the Choice of Conſuls, or other publick Affairs, ſo that the Office continued in the hands of the Nobles, the Conſuls for the next year being C. Sulpicius Paeticus the 4th. time, and M. Valerius Poplicola the ſecond.

Whilſt the City was now deſigning a War againſt the Tuſcans becauſe 'twas reported that the People of Caere (one of their Towns) took part with their Kinſmen the Tarquinians, Anbaſſadors arriving from the Latins diverted all mens thoughts to another point; for they brought advice, that the Volſcans had Levyed and Arm'd a great Army, which was already upon the borders, and would preſently enter into and lay waſt the Roman Territories. The Senate therefore decreed that neither of theſe Affairs ſhould be neglected, but that to both places certain Legions ſhould be appointed, and the Conſuls to caſt Lots which Province ſhould fall to each Mans charge.

But afterwards they found the Tuſcan War required the greater care, being advertiſed by Letters from Sulpicius the Conſul, (who happened to have the managment of the War againſt the Tarquinians) that the Enemy had Forraged all the Country as far as the Roman Salinae (or Salt-pits) and that part of the Booty was carried into the poſſeſſion of the Caerites, and that the youth of that People were undoubtedly amongſt the Plunderers. Whereupon the Senate thought fit to recall the other Conſul Valerius, who was advanced againſt the Volſcians and Encamped on the Marſhes of Tuſculum, and ordered him to Create a Dictator, who nominated T. Manlius the Son of Lucius, who having appointed A. Cornelius Coſſus his General of Horſe, contenting himſelf with his Conſular Army, by the authority of the Senate and Command of the People, Proclaim'd War againſt the Caerites.

Then firſt of all the Caerites began to dread a War in earneſt, as if there had been a greater force in their Enemies words to ſignifie it, than in their own deeds which had provoked the Romans to it; and now alſo they plainly ſaw how unable they were to manage it, and therefore repented them of their Spoils, and Curs'd the Tarquinians as the Authors of their defection; nor did one of them take Arms or make any preparations for their defence, but every man labour'd what he could, that Ambaſſadors might be ſent to mediate for Peace, and beg Pardon for the Offence they had given. Who addreſſing themſelves to the Senate, they were by them turn'd over to the People for Audience, whereupon they beſought the Gods whoſe ſacred Images in the Gallick War they had devoutly receiv'd and entertain'd, that the Romans now in their flouriſhing Eſtate might take that pity and compaſſion of them, as they in times paſt had of the Romans in their Calamity and diſtreſs. And then turning to the Chappels of the Goddeſs Veſta, they invok'd the Hoſpitality of the Flamens and Veſtal Virgins, whom they had ſo chaſtly and Religiouſly Treated, when heretofore they were their Gueſts; Could any man (ſaid they) believe that we had deſerv'd ſuch uſage, to be all on a ſudden declared Enemies, without any juſt cauſe Adminiſtred on our part? Or ſuppoſe we had Committed any thing that might look like Hoſtility, muſt it needs be Interpreted to be done maliciouſly and on purpoſe, and not rather unwillingly and by a miſtake? Or can it be imagined that we would ſully the Merit of our Ancient good Offices, and thoſe too conferr'd upon ſo grateful a People, by an acceſſion of new Injuries? Is it likely that we ſhould make Choice to have the Romans now flouriſhing and Victorious, for our Enemies; whoſe friendſhip we embraced in the loweſt ebb of their Fortune? We beſeech you account not that voluntarily and adviſedly done, which ought rather to be call'd the effects of neceſſity and force; the Tarquinians marching through our Country with a formidable Army deſiring nothing but meerly a paſſage, drew along with them a few of our Peaſants and made them Aſſociates in their Plundering, which now is ſo heavily charged upon us as if it had been the Act of our State; the Perſons that were thus guilty, if you pleaſe to have delivered up, we are ready to ſurrender them; or if you would have them puniſhed, they ſhall ſuffer accordingly; But ſtill let our City Caere, once the Sanctuary of the People of Rome, the harbour and place of ſhelter for your Prieſts and Holy Reliques, remain free from the violence of your Arms, if not for our own ſakes, yet at leaſt for the ſake of that Hoſpitality which we ſhew'd to the ſacred Veſtals and the devout Honour paid to your Gods. The Juſtice and Equity of the preſent Quarrel ſway'd not ſo much with the People of Rome, as the ancient Merits, of the Suppliants; ſo that they were willing to forget rather the Injury than the Benefit, and accordingly granted Peace to the Caerites, it being agreed, that a Truce ſhould be Concluded for 100 years, and Regiſtred amongſt the Acts of the Senate. And now the whole ſtrength of the War is turn'd upon the Faliſcans, but the Enemy was not to be found, therefore having Forrag'd all over their Country, it was not thought fit to ſpend time in Attacquing their Cities, but the Legions were ordered back to Rome, the reſt of the year being ſpent in repairing the Walls, Towers and Fortifications. Alſo the Temple of Appolo was dedicated.

At the end of the year the Contention between the Patricians and the Commoners brake of the Election of Conſuls, the Tribunes refuſing to ſuffer any Aſſembly for that purpoſe to be held, unleſs the proceedings therein might be according to the Licinian Law [by which one Conſul was to be of the Commoners.] On the other ſide the Dictator was as obſtinately bent to aboliſh wholly the Conſulary Office out of the Common-wealth, rather than to admit it to be promiſcuous to the Commons as well as the Nobility. Therefore to put off the Meeting for Election, the Dictator quitted his Office; and ſo it came to an Inter-regency; who found the Commons ſo exaſperated againſt the Senators, that the diſpute continued to the Eleventh Inter-regent undetermined. The Tribunes boaſted that what they did was only to aſſert the Licinian Law, but the truth was, the Commons were more nearly concern'd about the buſineſs of Intereſt-mony, which tho abated, yet lay very heavy upon them, and their private grievances heated their publick Debates. Wearied with which at laſt the Lords of the Senate Ordered that L. Cornelius Scipio the Inter-regent for the time being, ſhould for Peace-ſake obſerve the Licinian Law in the Conſular Election, whereupon P. Valerius Poplicola was choſen one of the Conſuls, and C. Marcius Rutilus a Commoner the other. The Minds of men being once inclined to Concord, the new Conſuls thought it a fit juncture to try if they could accommodate the buſineſs of Uſe-mony, the great thing which ſeem'd to threaten an Obſtruction of their full and perfect unity and agreement. Therefore they made the Payment of debts part of the publick care, Eſtabliſhing a Committee of five whom from their publick Office of diſpenſing and ordering of Monies, they call'd Menſarij; whoſe Equity and diligence therein was ſuch as well deſerves to have their Names tranſmitted with Honour to all Poſterity, being C. Decilius, P. Decius Mus, M. Papirius, Q. Publius, and Tib. Aemilius. Theſe Genlemen manag'd this difficult affair (wherein many times both parties, and always one would be apt to think himſelf aggriev'd or injured) as with other prudent moderation, ſo with the preſent Charge or Anticipated Expences, rather than real damage of the publick. For debts of a long ſtanding and ſuch as were much entangled, more by the debtors negligence than Inability, either the City diſcharged out of the Common ſtock, by ſetting up certain Banks or Tables with ready Caſh in the Common-Hall, (provided the debtors gave ſufficient ſecurity to Reimburſe the City) or elſe paid them off by cauſing the parties Goods to be valued and ſold at reaſonable Rates, ſo that a power of debts were in a little time ſatisfied, not only without any Injury unto, but alſo without any murmuring or complaint from either ſide. After this a groundleſs apprehenſion of a Tuſcan War, (all whoſe 12 Tribes or Nations were reported to be Aſſociated in one Common Band or League againſt the Romans) cauſed a Dictator to be nominated, which was done in the Camp, (the decree of the Senate being diſpatch'd thither to the Conſuls) and C. Julius was the man pitch'd upon, to whom was added L. Aemilius for General of the Cavalry.

But notwithſtanding this falſe alarm, all was quiet abroad. But at home in the City the Dictator tampering to get both the Conſuls to be of the Nobility, occaſioned another Inter-regency, during which C. Sulpicius and Fabius, the Inter-regents by their Interpoſition obtain'd that which he attempted without ſucceſs; For the Commons being ſweetned with the late kindneſs of paying off their debts, were become more pliable, and ſo the ſaid C. Sulpicius Paeticus who was the firſt Inter-regent and T. Quintius Pennus both Patricians, were choſen. Both of them took the Field, Quintius againſt the Faliſcans, and Sulpicius againſt the Tarquinians; But neither of the Enemies would come to an engagement. So that their chief ſervice being to burn and haraſs the Country and lay all waſt wherever they came, they may be ſaid to have wag'd War rather againſt Fields, than Men. The continuance of which like a lingering Conſumption brought down the haughty and obſtinate ſpirits of both thoſe Nations ſo far, that they firſt Petition'd the Conſuls, and afterwards with their leave, the Senate, for a Peace; which they obtain'd for the Term of 40 years, and ſo the care and trouble of thoſe two Wars being over, whilſt there was now ſome reſpite from Arms, it was thought fit, becauſe the late general payment of debts had much altered Peoples fortunes, and changed the properties of things, that there ſhould be made a general Cenſe, or valuation of every mans Eſtate; But when the Aſſembly for choice of Cenſors (whoſe Office it was to diſpatch that buſineſs) came to be held, C. Marcius Rutilus, who had been the firſt Plebeian Dictator, ſtanding for the Cenſorſhip diſturb'd the Peace of the States of the City. This he ſeem'd to attempt in a very unſeaſonable time, ſeeing both the Conſuls at that time happen'd to be Patricians, who declared, that they would not admit him for a Competitor, nor put up his name at the Election. However both he by his earneſt perſeverance in his pretenſions gain'd his point, and the Tribunes endeavouring with all their might to recover their right in the choice of Conſuls, (which for ſome time had been Interrupted) aſſiſted him therein; For as the Majeſty of his Perſon was equal to the higheſt pitch of Honour, ſo the Commons were willing and in hopes, that the ſame man who had opened the way to the Dictatorſhip, ſhould alſo procure their party a ſhare in the Cenſorſhip. And accordingly it was clearly carried by the Votes in the Aſſembly, that together with Manlius Cnaeus, the ſaid Martius ſhould be created Cenſor. This year had alſo a Dictator, viz. M. Fabius, and his General of Horſe Q. Servilius, not ſo much for fear of any War, as to prevent the Revival and obſerving of the Licinian Law at the choice of Conſuls, and yet for all the Dictatorſhip, the Intereſt of the Nobility prov'd as weak in the Aſſembly for Electing of Conſuls, as it was in that of Cenſors.

For M. Popilius Laenas was made Conſul on behalf of the Commons, as well as L. Cornelius Scipio for the Patricians. And the Commons Conſul had the good fortune to prove the more Illuſtrious of the two. For intelligence arriving, that the Gauls with a mighty Army had entred into the Country of the Latins and lay there Encamped, Scipio at that time happening to lie dangerouſly ſick, the Conduct of that War neceſſarily fell upon Popilius; who having with great diligence levied an Army, and appointed a Rendezvouz of all the Youth in Arms to be held at the Temple of Mars without the Gate Capena, (the Queſtors being Ordered to bring thither the Standards and Enſigns out of the Treaſury) after he had ſelected out of them 4 compleat Legions; he put all the reſt of the Soldiers under the Command of P. Valerius Publicola the Pretor, and moved the Lords of the Senate, that they would cauſe an other Army to be Liſted for a Guard for the Common-wealth againſt uncertain Emergences of War. Thus all things being ſettled and provided, he himſelf ſet forward to meet the Enemy, whoſe ſtrength that he might know, before he adventured to try it with the hazard of a Battel, on an Hill as near as he could conveniently to their Camp, he began to Entrench his Army. The Gauls a People naturally Feirce and eager of Battel, no ſooner beheld afar off the Roman Enſigns, but preſently they drew up in Battalia; But when they ſaw the Romans did not deſcend to encounter them, but continued in that advantagious Poſt, defended not only by the heighth of the ground, but alſo fortifying themſelves with a Ditch and Paliſado, concluded them to be diſpirited with fear, and therefore thinking this the beſt opportunity to fall upon them, eſpecially whilſt they were buſied in the Works, and their Fortifications unfiniſh'd, advancing with a dreadful ſhout and clamour, began to charge them. Yet the Romans gave not over their Works (they were the Triarian Bands, all ſtout Soldiers of the Rereward, who were therein imploy'd) but the Spearmen or Vanguard, and the Principes or main Body, who ſtood ready Arm'd to defend the Pioneers, forthwith engag'd the Enemy. Beſides their valour, the Ground was no ſmall advantage to them, for they being on a riſing Hill, their Darts and Spears were not beſtow'd in vain, (as often it happens when they are diſcharged upon a Level) but being all poiz'd with their own weight ſtuck faſt wherever they lighted; ſo that the Gauls being overcharged with thoſe Weapons either peircing through their Bodies or ſticking faſt in their Sheilds, and Incommoding them with their weight, and having put themſelves out of Breath by running up the Hill, began to make an halt, as doubtful what to do; This ſtop both diſcouraged them and encouraged their Enemies, ſo that ſoon after they were beat back, and confuſedly fell upon one another down the Hill, making greater havock of their own men, than the Enemy did, for in that precipitous Rout there were more trod to death and cruſh'd to pieces, than fell by the Sword.

Yet ſtill were not the Romans aſſured of the Victory; For as ſoon as they came down into the Plain, they met with freſh work; the Gauls by reaſon of their numbers little reguarding the former loſs, as if a new Army had ſtarted out of the ground, brought on a vaſt Body of men that had not yet at all been engag'd, to give a check to the victorious Enemy; Inſomuch that the Roman Army ſlacking the fury of their March, would advance no further, as well becauſe being already weary, they thought it too hazardous to venture upon a ſecond encounter, as alſo for that their General the Conſul feircely charging in the fore Front had his left Shoulder almoſt run through with a Pike, and thereupon had a little withdrawn himſelf out of the Battel. By this lingering, the Victory was now like to be loſt, when the Conſul having got his wound dreſſed and bound up, return'd to the formoſt Enſigns and thus expoſtulates with his Soldiers, Why ſtand you ſtill thus, Gentlemen? you have not now to deal with the Latins or the Sabines, whom after ye have Conquer'd by Arms, ye may make of Enemies, Friends and Confederates. 'Tis againſt ſavage Brutes we now draw our Swords, and you muſt reſolve either to have their Blood, or yeild them your own; you have already routed them out of their Camp, and beat them headlong down the Hill, you ſtand now upon the proſtrated Bodies of your Enemies, cover the Plain with their dead Carkaſſes, as you have done the Hill; Never look that they ſhould fly as long as you ſtand ſtill, you muſt advance your Enſigns and give them another rouſing Charge to compleat your Victory. Encouraged with theſe exhortations they again fell on, and forced ſome of the foremoſt of the Gallick Troops to Retreat, then with cloſe and pointed Battalions of Foot drawn up in the form of a Wedge, they charged through into the heart of their main Battel; whereupon the barbarous People being diſordered, and having neither certain Directions to follow, nor Captains to Command, turn'd their fury upon their Fellows, and being ſcatter'd all over the adjacent Plains, fled clear beyond their own Tents, making towards the Alban Fort, which amongſt the many Hills round about, they perceived over-topp'd the reſt. The Conſul purſued the Chaſe no further than their Camp, both becauſe his own wound was very painful to him as alſo becauſe he would not put his tired Army upon further ſervice, eſpecially ſeeing the Enemy had gained the Tops of the Mountains. The whole pillage of their Camp he gave to his Men, and ſo led them back loaded with Victory and Gallick ſpoils to Rome. The Conſuls wound deferred his Triumph, and alſo cauſed the Senate to deſire a Dictator, that there might be ſome body to hold the Comitia or Aſſemblies for chuſing of Conſuls for the year enſuing, ſince both the preſent Conſuls were diſabled to be preſent by Sickneſs. Accordingly L. Furius Camillus was declared Dictator, and P. Cornelius Scipio General of the Horſe, who reſtored to the Senators their Ancient poſſeſſion of the Conſulſhip, and for that Obligation, was by their Intereſt choſen himſelf Conſul, and for his Colleague he took App. Claudius Craſſus.

But before theſe new Conſuls entred into their Office, Popilius acted his Triumph over the Gauls, with mighty applauſes of the Commons, who muttering amongſt themſelves, would often ask one another, If there were any body now that repented of having a Commoner to be Conſul? At the ſame time reproaching the Dictator, who for violating the Licinian Law had got for his reward the Conſulſhip, diſhonour'd no leſs by his private ſeeking of it whilſt by his own Power as Dictator he in effect conferr'd it upon himſelf, than by the publick Injury thereby done to the Commons. This Year was remarkable for many troubles and commotions, the Gauls unable to endure the ſeverity of the Winter on the Albane Mountains, came down and ranged all over the Champian Country and Sea-Coaſts, laying waſt all before them. The Sea alſo was infeſted with a Navy of the Greeks, who made a deſcent upon the Land, and ſpoiled all the Maritime Coaſts of Antium, and the River of Laurentum even to the very Mouth of Tyber; ſo that theſe Sea-Rovers happening to Encounter the Gallick Land-Forragers before mentioned, a very ſharp Battel was Fought between them, and both ſides being wearied Retreated, the Gauls to their Tents, the Greeks to their Ships, both doubtful whether they ſhould reckon themſelves to have won or loſt the day. Amidſt theſe diſaſters, a yet far greater Terror aroſe, the ſeveral Tribes of the Latins had held a Diet or general Convention at the Ferentine Grove; and when the Romans demanded Supplies of Soldiers from them, as being their Confederates, flat anſwer was returned, That they would do well to forbear commanding thoſe whoſe aſſiſtants they ſtood in need of; as for the Latines, they were reſolved rather to bear Arms in defence of their own Liberties, than for the ambition of Strangers. The Senate being already involved in two Wars abroad at once, were not a little perplexed at this Revolt of their Allies, but ſeeing no other way, but to keep them within the bounds of their Duty by Fear, whom Faith and Loyalty could not hold, commanded their Conſuls to hold a general Muſter, and levy the whole ſtrength of the State; For ſince the Aſſembly of their Aſſociates had deſerted them, they muſt now depend on an Army conſiſting wholly of their own Citizens. Therefore every where, not only in the City but in the Country and Villages, Levies are vigorouſly made of young Men fit to bear Arms, and in a little time Ten Legions entred in the Muſter-Rolls, each Legion conſiſting of Four thouſand and two hundred Foot, and Three hundred Horſe. Such a brave new Army, as, the mighty Power of the People of Rome, (which the whole Earth is hardly able to contain) if it were contracted and united all together, upon any ſudden danger from abroad, would ſcarce be able at this day ſo ſuddenly to raiſe the like, ſo encreaſed we are only in Riches and Luxury, which are the only things we labor after and apply our minds unto. Amongſt other ſad Occurrents of this Year, Ap. Claudius, one of the Conſuls, dies in the height of theſe preparations for War; ſo that the whole management of Affairs devolv'd upon Camillus: To which ſole Conſul, the Lords of the Senate, either in reſpect to his quality and worth not fit to be ſubjected to the abſolute command of a Dictator, or elſe willing that he ſhould have the Chief Command for the lucky Omen of his name, always heretofore fortunate againſt the Gauls, thought it not decent or honorable to adjoyn any Dictator. The Conſul leaving two Legions for the guard of the City, and committing part of the other eight to the Command of L. Pinarius the Praetor; mindful of his Fathers Gallantry, undertakes the Gallick War in Perſon, ordering the Praetor to ſecure the Sea-Coaſts, and chace the pilfering Graecians from the Shore. Himſelf marching down into the Country of Pomptinum, being not willing to hazard a Battel in thoſe Champion parts, unleſs he were forced thereunto, and believing that he ſhould ſufficiently quell the Enemy, if he could but keep them from Forraging, ſince they had nothing to live on but what they got by Plunder, he choſe out a convenient Poſt for a ſtanding Camp or Leaguer.

Where whil'ſt they paſs'd their time quietly on the Guards, there came a mighty Gaul, eminent both for the bulk and ſtature of his Body, and the richneſs of his Arms; who by clattering his Spear upon his Shield, having made ſilence, Challenged by an Interpreter, Any one of the Romans to a ſingle Combat: There was one M. Valerius, a Colonel of Foot, a brisk young Man, who thinking himſelf no leſs worthy of ſuch an Honor than T. Manlius before-mentioned; after he had ask'd leave of the Conſul, advanc'd forth Arm'd at all Points to meet this daring Challenger. Their Conflict, as to humane Valour, was rendred leſs Illuſtrious than that of Manlius, by the Interpoſing of a Divine Aſſiſtance from the Immortal Gods: For as the Roman was juſt ready to attack his Adverſary, a Raven ſuddenly ſetled on the Creſt of his Helmet, and turn'd full in the Face of the Enemy; which, at the very firſt, the Colonel took joyfully as a good Omen ſent from Heaven, and afterwards devoutly prayed, That the God or Goddeſs, whoever it was, that ſent the lucky Bird, would be propitious unto him. The Fowl (a wonder to be ſpoken) not only kept the place where it firſt lighted, but as often as the Champions grappled together in cloſe Fight, mounting it ſelf upon its Wings, made at the Mouth and Eyes of the Enemy with its Bill and Claws, ſo long, till the Gaul being terrified with the Prodigy, and extreamly diſordered both in his ſight and mind, had his Head cut off by Valerius; and then immediatly the Raven flying away towards the Eaſt, mounted out of ſight. Hitherto the Guards ſtood quiet on either ſide; but as ſoon as the Colonel went to diſarm and rifle the Body of the ſlain Enemy, neither could the Gauls contain themſelves in their Stations, nor the Romans forbear running up to their Victorious Champion; whereupon a Skirmiſh began near the Body of the Gaul that there lay kill'd, preſently increaſed into a fierce and terrible Battel: For no longer was the Diſpute between a few Bands of the Out-guards, but whole Legions on either ſide were hotly engaged. For Camillus commanded his Soldiers to fall on, finding them already encouraged by the Colonels ſucceſs, and the favorable aſſiſtance of the gods; and the more to enflame them, pointing to the Colonel enrich'd with the ſpoil of his Enemy, He bids them imitate that brave Gentleman, and lay whole heaps of the Gauls breathleſs on the ground round about their vanquiſh'd Champion. Neither the help of the Gods, nor the valour of Men, was wanting to the ſucceſs of this Battel, which was the leſs doubtful, by reaſon of the different Impreſſions which the Event of the fore-going Duel had made on the Spirits of both Armies; with thoſe that firſt came on, and began the Fray, there was a pretty ſharp Bout, but the main Body of the Gauls took their heels, before ever they receiv'd one Volley of Darts. At firſt they were ſcattered along the Volſcian and Falern Countries, but afterwards they rallyed together, and betook themſelves to Apulia, and the Borders of the Upper [or Adriatick] Sea. The Conſul, in a Speech to his Army, having extolled the Colonel with deſerved praiſes, for a further Reward beſtowed upon him ten Oxen and a Coronet of Gold. Himſelf being by Orders from the Senate to take charge of the War by Sea, joyned his Forces with the Praetor; where the War being like to be drill'd out to a tedious length, by reaſon of the Cowardiſe of the Greeks, who would not come into the Field or venture a Battel, by the Authority of the Senate he appointed T. Manlius Torquatus to be Dictator, to hold the Comitia or Conſular Elections, which (having named A. Cornelius Coſſus for General of the Horſe) he held accordingly, and with the Applauſes of all the People made choice of a young Man at that time abſent, and not above 23 years old, but a Perſon every way like himſelf, and tracing the ſteps of his own Virtue and Glory, viz. the fore-mentioned Champion M. Valerius, thence-forwards Surnamed Corvus, becauſe of the Raven that aſſiſted him in the Combat; with whom was joyned M. Popilius Laenas, a Commoner, who had thrice been Conſul before. No memorable Action paſs'd between Camillus and the Greeks; for neither were they good Soldiers at land, nor the Romans at Sea: At laſt being kept from Landing, and in great want of Neceſſaries, eſpecially Freſh-water, they left the Coaſt of Italy. Of what particular People or Province in Greece this Navy was, is altogether uncertain; I am moſt apt to believe it ſet forth by the Tyrants of Sicily, for the further Graecia was at that time waſted and wearied with inteſtine Wars, and under jealous apprehenſions of the growing greatneſs of the Macedonians.

The Armies being disbanded, and both Peace abroad and Concord at home, by the friendly Agreement of the States, leſt they ſhould ſurfeit on too much happineſs, a Peſtilence broke out in the City, which cauſed the Senate to command the Decemvirs to conſult the Sybilline Books; whence Directions were given to hold a Solemn Feſtival for appeaſing the Wrath of the Gods, call'd Lectiſternium [or the preparing of the Beds, becauſe therein rich Beds, on which the Ancients were wont to eat, were ſet up in the Temples before the Images of the Gods, as if they had been invited to a Banquet.] The ſame year a Colony was drawn out from the City Antia to people Satricum, which City having been deſtroyed by the Latines, was now re-edified. Alſo at Rome a League was concluded with the Ambaſſadors of Carthage, who came on purpoſe to deſire Friendſhip and Society. The ſame Tranquillity as well at home as abroad, continued the year following, when T. Manlius Torquatus, and C. Plautius were the ſecond time Conſuls: The Intereſt of Money, which before was at One per cent, was now reduced to half ſo much: And for the payment of Debts, 'twas ordered, That one fourth part being preſently paid down upon the nail, three years time ſhould be given for the reſt to be ſatisfied at three payments, by equal proportions. And though for all that, it ſtill lay very hard upon ſome of the Commons, yet the Senate had more regard to ſee Credit kept with the Chamber of the City, than of the ſtreights of private Perſons: But things went ſo much the better, becauſe having now no Wars, they forbore levying of Soldiers and collecting the Tribute. The third year after Satricum was rebuilt by the Volſcians, M. Valerius Corvus, being the ſecond time Conſul, with C. Paetelius, upon Advice from Latium, that Ambaſſadors from Antium went about to all the Tribes of that Country, ſolliciting them to take Arms: He was commanded to make an Expedition againſt the Volſcians, before the Enemies Forces were too much augmented: Accordingly he advanced towards Satricum with a formidable Army; where the Antiates, and other Volſcians, having long before provided Forces in readineſs to oppoſe any Army ſent from Rome, came up to meet him, and there being an inveterate hatred on either ſide againſt each other, without any delay the Battel was joined, wherein the Volſcians, a Nation more forward to Rebel than hardy to Fight, and apter to begin Quarrels than able to maintain them, were routed, and fled in diſorder to ſhelter themſelves within the Walls of Satricum; which proving too weak a Sanctuary, when the Town being inveſted round with the Roman Bands, was juſt ready to be taken by Scaling and Storm, they, to the number of 4000. beſides the common Rabble unfit for Service, Surrendred themſelves at diſcretion. The Town was raſed down and burnt, only they ſaved the Temple of Mater Matuta [or the Goddeſs of the Morning] from the Flames. The whole Spoil was given to the Soldiers, but therein was not comprehended the 4000. Priſoners; for thoſe the Conſul reſerved to be led in Chains before his Triumphant Chariot, and afterwards by ſelling them fot Slaves, brought in a good round ſum of money into the Publick Treaſury. Some Authors write, that the multitude thus ſold, were only the Captive Bond-men, which is more probable, than that they ſhould ſell ſuch as yielded themſelves to mercy.

The next Conſuls were M. Fabius Dorſo, and Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus: Then began the Auruncan War, upon a ſudden Invaſion that they made, and a ſuſpition that the Act of that ſingle City, might be by the joint conſent and abetment of the whole Latine Nation; L. Furius was created Dictator, as if all Latium had been up in Arms: He choſe for his General of Horſe Cn. Manlius Capitolinus, and (according to the Cuſtom in great and ſudden Exigencies) levyed Soldiers, without any reſpect of Immunity or Exemption, and withal adjourned the Terms, or proclaimed a ceſſation of all Courts of Law: The Legions advancing with all poſſible Expedition againſt the Aruncans, found they had the ſpirit of Robbers rather than of Soldiers, ſo that in the very firſt Fight they were ſubdued, and that War diſpatcht: However, ſince they were the Aggreſſors, and readily offered to bid him Battel, the Dictator, ſuppoſing there might be more danger than indeed there was, to engage the favor of the Gods, had before the Engagement vowed to Build a Temple to Juno Moneta, if he gain'd the Victory; and being charg'd to perform the ſame when he returned Conqueror to Rome, gave up his Dictatorſhip: whereupon the Senate commanded two Officers, called Duumvirs, to be Created, for the Erecting of ſuch a Temple ſuitable to the Grandieur and Magnificence of the People of Rome: The place appointed and ſet out for it, being on the Capitol Hill, on the very plot of Ground, where ſometime before ſtood the Dwelling-houſe of M. Manlius Capitolinus. The Conſuls having imployed the Dictators Army in the Volſcian War, by a ſurprize took the Town Sora from the Enemy. The Temple of Moneta next year after it was Vowed, was Dedicated, C. Marcius Rutilus the third time, and T. Manlius Torquatus the ſecond time Conſuls: Immediately after this Dedication, a ſtrange Prodigy happened, not much unlike that antient one of the Albane Hill; for it both rained Stones, and the Day ſeemed to be turned into Night. Whereupon the Books of the Sybills being conſulted (for the City was full of Superſtitious fears) the Senate thought it requiſite, to have a Dictator choſen for the conſtituting and ordering of certain Feaſts and Holy-days for appeaſing the Gods, and diverting the Judgments threatned: P. Valerius Publicola was the Perſon pitcht upon, and Q. Fabius Ambuſtus for his General of Horſe. Order was given, that not only all the Tribes ſhould go in Proceſſion with their Solemn Prayers and Litanies, but alſo the bordering Nations; with preciſe Directions, upon what days each of them ſhould make their Supplications. This year, 'tis ſaid, the Uſerers were proſecuted by the Aediles, and ſevere Sentences given againſt them by the People; and without any notable cauſe that is Recorded, they came to an Inter-regency, wherein M. Valerius Corvus the third time, and A. Cornelius Coſſus were choſen Conſuls, both of them Patricians, which ſeems to have been the occaſion and deſign of the Inter-regency.

But hence-forwards we muſt advance to the Relation of greater Wars, both for the Puiſſance of the Enemies, and the Diſtance of the Regions that were the Seats of them, as alſo for their long Continuance: For this year the Romans took up Arms againſt the Samnites, a People of great Wealth and formidable Courage; which War, manag'd with doubtful Succeſs, was ſcarce over, when Pyrrhus declared himſelf their Enemy, and after him the Carthaginians: How many Difficulties were to be ſurmounted? How often were our Anceſtors reduced to the Extremities of Danger, before this Empire could be built up to that Grandieur, which hath now enough to do to hold its own, and ſeems ready to ſink under its proper Weight. The Ground of the Romans Quarrel with the Samnites, aroſe not amongſt themſelves, for they were in Amity and League with each other, but happen'd from a Criſis of Forrein Affairs: The Samnites, meaſuring Right by their Power, unjuſtly invaded the Sidicins, who being weak and poor, were glad to implore the Aid of their richer Neighbors, the People of Capua. But theſe Companions contributed little more than the empty name of Aſſiſtance; for being Freſh-water-Soldiers, ſoftned with Luxury, they were eaſily routed in the Sidicins Country by the Samnites, (a Nation hardned with long uſe of Arms and Military Diſcipline,) and ſo brought the whole ſtreſs of the War upon their own heads; for the Samnites, letting the Sidicins alone, attacked the Campanians, as being the principal ſtrength of the Neighboring Nations, over whom they knew they could as eaſily obtain a Victory as over any of the reſt, and were ſure there to reap a greater Harveſt both of Glory and rich Plunder: To this purpoſe they firſt made themſelves Maſters of the Hills near Capua, call'd Tifata [at this day Monti de Capoa] and placed there a ſtrong Garriſon; whence they march'd down in Battel-array in a ſquare Body, and all their Carriages and Baggage with them, into the Plain between that and Capua, where a ſecond Battel was fought, and the Campanians being worſted, forc'd to ſhelter themſelves within their Walls. Wherefore finding the Flower of their Youth cut off, and that no Relief was to be expected near hand, they were neceſſitated to addreſs themſelves to the Romans for ſuccour.

Their Ambaſſadors being admitted to Audience in the Senate, made an Oration to this effect. The People of Capua, moſt Noble Senators! have ſent us to deſire at your hands a firm Peace for ever, and Aſſiſtance at preſent. Had we ſought this Amity whil'ſt our Affairs were in a flouriſhing condition, it might indeed have been of an elder Date, but tyed with a weaker Knot. For then remembring that we entred into Alliance with you as upon even ground, we might perhaps have been as much your Friends, but not under ſuch great Obligations; whereas now, endeared by your Compaſſion, and defended in our Diſtreſs, we muſt needs more affectionately embrace and cultivate the memory of your Favors, that we may not be branded with Ingratitude, and ſhew our ſelves unworthy of any help from God or Man. That the Samnites happened before us to be your Allies and Confederates, may intitle them to a Precedency of Honor, but cannot certainly be any ſufficient Bar to exclude us from your Friendſhip, ſince in your League with them there is Proviſo, that you ſhould not make what new Alliances you ſhould think meet. You have always hitherto eſteemed it a juſt cauſe of entring into Friendſhip, if the Party that ſought the ſame were deſirous to be your Friend; and truely we Campanians (tho our preſent circumſtances allow us not to ſpeak magnificently of our ſelves) may yet have leave to ſay, that as both for the grandeur of our City, and the Fertility of our Country, we come not behind any People, but your ſelves; ſo we conceive that by our joining in a ſtrict Aſſociation with you, there may be no ſmall Acceſſion to your Intereſt and Advantages; For when ever the Aequians and Volſcians (thoſe eternal Enemies of your ſtate) ſhall preſume to incommode you, we ſhall by ready to fall upon their backs, and what you now ſhall do for our preſervation, that will we always do for your Empire and Glory; Which Nations that lye between us and you being once ſubdued, (which both your Valour and good Fortune promiſe will quickly be effected) you will then extend your Dominions in a continued and uninterrupted Tract to our Neighbourhood. 'Tis greivous to us, but ſuch is our preſent Ill-fortune as compels us, to acknowledg that we are reduced to that deplorable Extremity as we muſt be ſubject either to our Friends or our Enemies; If you vouchſafe to defend us, we are yours; If you abandon us, we fall under the Samnites; Conſider therefore deliberately, whether you had rather that Capua, and all 'its Territories ſhould be annext to your ſtate, or encreaſe the power of the Samnites. Your mercy, Noble Romans! and your ſuccour ought in equity to extend to all that are miſerable; but eſpecially to thoſe whoſe good nature by yeilding an helping hand (even above their power) unto others that implored their Aid, are now themſelves all faln into the ſame neceſſity; And yet, to ſay the truth, it was not ſo much for the Sidicins as for our ſelves that we were forc'd to take up Arms; For beholding a neighbour Nation unjuſtly attacqued and ſpoiled by the Samnites, we could not be ſo inſenſible as not to foreſee, that thoſe fatal flames wherewith they waſted the Sidicins, would quickly be carried into our Territories; 'Tis not becauſe they are offended for any Injury received, but becauſe they are well pleaſed with a colourable occaſion of Quarrel, that the Samnites now invade us. If this were only an angry Revenge, and not rather an opportunity laid hold on to gratifie their greedy Ambition, would it not have been enough that they twice defeated our Forces, once in the Sidicins Country, and now again at our own doors? What a ſtrange kind of Rage is this which all the Blood of two Vanquiſh'd Armies cannot quench? Add hereto the waſting of our Country, carrying away our People Captive, making Booties of our Cattel, Burning our Towns, Ruinating and Deſtroying all before them with Fire and Sword, could not their Wrath with all this be appeaſed? No, no, 'tis their inſatiate deſire of Empire that hurries them on to attacque Capua, reſolv'd either utterly to deſtroy that moſt goodly City, or themſelves to poſſeſs it. But may it pleaſe you, generous Romans! to gain it before by your kindneſs, rather than ſuffer them to ſeize it by their miſchievous malice; I know I ſpeak to a People that uſeth not to decline juſt Wars, yet if you ſhall but declare in our favour, I am confident your bare word will ſave us, and you will have no need to make uſe of your Arms. The Samnites high conceit of themſelves and contempt of others reaches only to us, and extends not to your Power which is above it. So that the very ſhadow of your Aſſiſtance, O Romans! is able to protect us, and whatever we ſhall thereby ſecure, our Lands, our Goods, our Selves, ready we ſhall be to acknowledg all to be yours. For you ſhall the Campain Ground be Tilled; for your advantage ſhall all the Reſort to, and Traffick of the City Capua be conſign'd, and ever ſhall you be reguarded by us no leſs than Founders, Parents, and next to the Immortal Gods; No Colony of yours ſhall outvie us either in ready obedience or punctual Fidelity. Grant, O Conſcript Fathers! your gracious Countenance to the diſconſolate Campanians, afford us the Aſſiſtance of your invincible Name, and bid us hope that Capua ſhall continue ſafe and inviolate; With what Crouds of People of all Ranks do you think we were brought going on our Journey from thence hither? How did we leave all places fill'd with their Vows, their Prayers and their Tears? with what trembling expectations do the Senate and whole People of Capua, our Wives and our Children attend our Return? Aſſured I am, that the whole Multitude are thronging about the Gates, with their eyes fixt on the Road that leads from hence, impatiently waiting to know what News, what Anſwer you will be pleaſed by us to return them in this doubtful Juncture and Perplexity; One word, if favourable, is able to preſent them with Safety, Victory, Life, and Liberty; But if otherwiſe, I dread to preſage the Conſequences; wherefore to conclude, determine of us, either as of thoſe that ſhall and will ever be your Confederates and faithful Allies, or elſe ſuch as muſt preſently be the moſt forlorn People upon Earth, and worſe than nothing.

The Ambaſſadors being commanded to withdraw, the Senate having debated the matter, tho the greater part acknowledged that a City ſo very great and opulent, with a Country both the moſt fertile of all Italy, and conveniently ſituate near the Sea, (which might ſerve the Romans as a Granary or Store-houſe, when ever ſcarcity of Corn and Victuals ſhould happen) would be of great Emolument to them; Yet they reſolved to prefer the keeping of their Faith before all advantages; And the Conſul was ordered to return this Anſwer. The Senate, O Campanians, conceives you very worthy of aſſiſtance; But it is fit that we ſo entertain your Amity, as not to violate any of our former Alliancies; the Samnites, you muſt know, are in League with us, therefore we muſt deny your requeſt of taking Arms againſt them, ſince that were firſt to fight with the Gods by a breach of our Oaths, and what ſucceſs can we then expect in our unjuſt Encounters againſt men? But we will do for you as much as we can in Juſtice and Honour, viz. ſend Ambaſſadors to our Confederates and Allies, to intreat them not to offer you any violence or injury. Whereunto the principal Ambaſſador (according to the inſtructions they had brought from home) replied thus, Altho you are not pleaſed with juſt force to defend what is ours againſt unjuſt violence and outrage, yet ſure you will maintain that which is your own; Behold therefore, Conſcript Fathers! Here we freely ſurrender into your hands, and into the Dominion of the People of Rome, the whole Nation of the Campanians, the City of Capua, with our Lands, the ſacred Temples of the Gods and all other things ſacred and prophane, reſolved that whatever henceforwards we may ſuffer, we will ſuffer in the quality of your Subjects and voluntarily devoted Vaſſals. Saying which they all held up their hands to the Conſul in a ſuppliant poſture and orewhelm'd with Tears fell down on their Knees at the entrance of the Senate-Houſe. The Fathers ſenſibly touch'd with the Conſideration of the uncertainty of humane Fortunes, to ſee a People ſo abounding in Wealth, and famous for Luxury, Superfluous Magnificence, and State, to whom their Neighbours but t'other day had ſought for Aid, be now ſo diſpirited, as to Reſign themſelves and all they hold in the World, into the power and diſpoſe of others, concluded now, that it was a duty Incumbent on their Truſt and Honour not to abandon thoſe that were become their Subjects, or ſee them betray'd into Ruine; and that the Samnites, if they ſhould Invade thoſe Territories to which the Romans were now lawfully Intituled, ſhould therein act unjuſtly and Infringe the Peace; and therefore decreed that Ambaſſadors ſhould forthwith be ſent thither, with inſtructions to repreſent at large to the Samnites, the requeſt of the Campanians, the Senates Anſwer mindful of the Alliance they had with the Samnites, and laſtly how the Surrender was made; and then to deſire and requeſt them by all the Ties of mutual Freindſhip, to forbear their Vaſſals, and not with Hoſtile Arms invade thoſe Territories which were become part of the Roman Dominions; with further Order, that if they found theſe gentle Entreaties did not prevail, then they ſhould ſolemnly in the name of the Senate and People of Rome denounce and Charge the Samnites, not to meddle with the City Capua or any part of that Country. But when the Ambaſſadors came to deliver their Meſſage in the Council of the Samnites, they received not only this fierce and haughty Anſwer, That they would ſtill proceed in the War, but their Magiſtrates going out of the Council Chamber, even in the preſence of the Roman Ambaſſadors, called for the Captains of their Troops, and with aloud Voice Commanded them, To March forthwith into the Country of Campania to forrage there and make all the ſpoil they could.

Which being reported by the Ambaſſadors at their return, The Senate laying aſide the Care of all other Affairs ſent to demand Reſtitution, and that being denied, ſolemnly proclaimed War, decreeing likewiſe that this matter ſhould at the firſt opportunity be propounded to the People, by whoſe Order the two Conſuls took the Field, Valerius into Campania, Cornelius into Samnium, the former pitch'd his Tents at the foot of the Hill Gaurus, the latter at Saticula. The Samnite Legions firſt advanced towards Valerius, for that way they thought the Brunt of the War would lye, and the rather to be reveng'd on the Campanians that had been ſo ready firſt to yeild their own and now call in other Auxiliary Forces againſt them. No ſooner had they deſcri'd the Romans Camp, but in all haſt they every own for his own part called luſtily to their Commanders for the Signal of Battel, aſſuring themſelves and ſaying plainly, That the Romans ſhould ſpeed juſt as well in their aſſiſting the Campanians, as the Campanians had done before them in Aiding the Sidicins. Valerius after he had amuſed the Enemy for ſome few days with light skirmiſhes, and picqueerings to try their Mettal, reſolved at laſt to Fight them, but firſt Encouraged his Men in a ſhort Speech to this purpoſe. That this new War or new Enemy ought not in the leaſt to terrifie them, For always the further off from the City they bore Arms, the more weak and cowardly People they had to cope with. That they ought not to count the Samnites ſtout and valiant, becauſe they had defeated the Sidicins or Campanians, for in all Engagements one ſide or other muſt of neceſſity be worſted. That undoubtedly the Campanians were overcome by their own exceſs of Luxury and effeminate ſoftneſs, more than by the courage of their Enemies; However, what were two proſperous Battels of the Samnites in ſo many Ages, if ſet in competition with ſo many Honourable Victories of the People of Rome, who could almoſt number more Triumphs than years ſince the Foundation of their City? who have with their Swords in their hands ſubdued all the Nations round them, as the Sabines, the Hetrurians, the Latins, Hernicks, Aequians, Volſcians and Auruncans; And after having cut to pieces the Gauls in ſo many Battels, have at laſt made them glad to get away by Sea in a ſhameful flight and diſorder? Beſides, as every one ought to go into the Field animated with the glory of his paſt Warlike and Valiant Exploits, ſo 'tis no ſmall encouragement to conſider under whoſe leading and auſpicious Conduct you are to venture the fortune of the day; whether he be a man that can only make brave and daring Speeches, one ſtout and feirce in words but unexperienced in the practice of Arms; Or whether he be one that can himſelf handle his Weapons, always ready to advance in Perſon before the Standards, and both able and willing to endure all hazards and fatigues in the heat of the Battel. 'Tis my Deeds Gentlemen Soldiers, not my Words that I would have you follow, and to receive from me not only Command, but alſo Example, who not by bribing or the canvaſſing of Factions, nor yet by Courtſhip and Orations (uſual Arts with Noble Men) but by this right hand of mine have attained to three Conſulſhips and the higheſt pitch of Glory. There was a time indeed when it might have been objected, that this was no wonderful matter but eaſy to one of my Birth and Quality, being a Perſon of Noble Blood deſcended form the deliverers of their Country and whoſe Family bore the Conſulſhip the very firſt year that the City had a Conſul; But now the Caſe is altered, the way unto a Conſulſhip lies equally open to you Commoners as to us of the Nobility, for 'tis not now as heretofore, the priviledge of the Gentry, but the reward of vertve and Courage, look up therefore, Gentlemen Soldiers! and aym at this Sovereign Honour; Tho men by the approbation of the Gods have given me the Surname of Corvinus, yet have I not forgot the Ancient name of Publicola appropriate to our Family; I have and ever will (as always I have done) the Commons of Rome, at all times alike, both abroad in Wars, and at home in Peace, as a private Man, and as a publick Magiſtrate, and no leſs when I was Conſul than when Tribune, and the ſame affections I retein'd throughout all my ſeveral Conſulſhips; as for the work in hand, come along brave Boys! and with the aſſiſtance of Heaven, purchaſe this day for your ſelves as well as me, a freſh and intire Triumph over the Samnites.

There never was a General more familiar with his Soldiers, as ready as the meaneſt of them to undertake any duty, and in their Military Exerciſes or paſtimes, when they tried each others nimbleneſs and ſtrength, he would often make one with a moſt obliging freedom, his countenance unchang'd whether he got the Maſtery or were Foil'd; nor would he refuſe any man for the meanneſs of his quality, that offer'd to try a Bout with him; In his deeds he was kind and bountiful to his power and as occaſion required; In words no leſs mindful of others Freedom, than of his own Place and Dignity; and (which moſt of all renders a man acceptable to the People) the ſame vertues and moderation which raiſed him to Honours and Preferments, he always retain'd in the management and enjoyment of them. Therefore the whole Army following this exhortation of a General ſo beloved, with an incredible chearfulneſs March'd out of their Camp into the Field. Never was Battel more obſtinately fought on both ſides, their Hopes were like their Forces, equal; and each party charg'd full of Confidence in themſelves, and yet without contempt of the Enemy. The Samnites were animated with their late ſucceſſes, and double Victory but juſt before; The Romans on the Contrary ſtood upon that Honour and Reputation which they had enjoyed and daily encreaſed for the ſpace of 400 years, and their Conqueſts almoſt ever ſince the Foundation of their City; each of them appeared the more ſolicitous becauſe they had a new Enemy to deal with, whom they had never tried before; The manner of the fight ſhew'd the ſtoutneſs of their courage, neither party for a conſiderable time yeilding one Foot. The Conſul ſeeing they could not be made retreat by down right blows, thought to terrifie them by ſending a party of Horſe to break their Front, but the Ground was too ſtreight for them to do any good and they had not room to Charge, whereupon the Conſul returning to the Van of the Legions, leaps off his Horſe, 'Tis we Footmen (quoth he) when all is done muſt do the work, come on then, and as ye ſhall ſee me, wherever I go, make way by dint of Sword into the Enemies Main-Battel, ſo do you every one down with all that oppoſe or ſtand in your way, and preſently through all that Grove of Pikes and glittering Spears, you ſhall ſee, wee'l make an open paſſage over their ſlain Carcaſſes; He had no ſooner ſaid this but the Cavalry by his Command, Charged the Enemies Wings, and made way for the Foot to come up to their Main-Body, where firſt and formoſt the Conſul charged in Perſon, and kill'd the firſt man he met upon the ſpot; the ſight whereof enflam'd his men, ſo that every one moſt manfully laid about him; The Samnites tho they received more wounds than they gave, ſtood to it ſtill moſt reſolutely; and now the fight had continued a good while, great ſlaughter there was all round the Samnites Enſigns, but no flying on either ſide, for they had reſolved that nothing but Death ſhould Conquer them. The Romans therefore finding their own ſtrength begin to decay through wearineſs and not much daylight left, in a tranſport of Rage and Fury, gave a freſh Charge all at once upon the Enemy, who then firſt of all began to give Ground and ſoon after betook themſelves to flight. Then were abundance of the Samnites ſlain and taken Priſoners, nor had but few of them eſcaped, if night coming on ſo faſt had not interrupted the victory rather than ended the Battel. The Romans confeſſed that they never engaged with a more reſolute and ſtubborn Enemy; and the Samnites being demanded, what it was that after ſo brave a Reſiſtence firſt cauſed them to fly, did affirm that the eyes of the Romans appeared to them like flames of fire, and their Looks and Countenances feirce and terrible as thoſe of Perſons mad or diſtracted, which ſight did more daunt tham then any thing elſe, and this dread of theirs they manifeſted not only by the event of the Battel, but by their diſlodging of their Camp and private retreat that night, ſo that next morning the Romans took poſſeſſion of their empty Huts, whe • e the Campanians came crowding in Multitudes to rejoice and congratulate their victory.

But this Joy had like to have been ſpoil'd by a diſaſter in Samnium, for the other Conſul Cornelius advancing from Saticula, had unwarily March'd his Army into a Forreſt through which ran an hollow Valley, on the ſide whereof the Enemy lay in Ambuſcade, nor did he diſcover them, till he was ſo far Engaged as he knew not how to Retreat with ſafety; But whilſt the Samnites waited till he ſhould have brought his whole Body into that deep Valley that they might have them all at the ſame advantage, P. Decius a Colonel of Foot ſpred an Hill in the Forreſt that commanded the place where the Enemy lay Encamped, and no leſs eaſie to be gain'd by ſuch as were nimbly and lightly Armed, than hard to be got up to, by thoſe that were encumbred with heavy Arms and Baggage; therefore ſeeing the Conſul ſurpriz'd and diſcompos'd, See you not (quoth he) O Aulus Cornelius; the top of yonder Hill above the Enemy; that's the fortreſs on which we muſt build our hopes of ſafety, if we can but gain it quickly, as the Samnites have left it blindly, nor do I deſire you ſhould ſpare me more than the Principes [thoſe that fought with Swords] and the Spear-men of one Legion to effect it; with whom as ſoon as I have ſeized the top thereof, do you without any fear March off from hence, and doubt not but to ſave your ſelf and Army, for the Enemy being under us, and ſubject to all our Blows and Darts, cannot ſtir without great loſs, and for us the good Fortune of Rome, or our own valour ſhall bring us off. The Conſul applauded his advice, who with the party he deſired, Marching ſecretly through the Thickets, haſtened to the Place, the Enemy not diſcovering him, till he had gain'd it; But then being all amazed, and intent only upon him, he both gain'd the Conſul ſome time to withdraw his Army into a more open ground, and alſo to Poſt himſelf the moſt conveniently on the Top of the Hill; The Samnites turn'd their Enſigns to and fro, ſometimes this way and ſometimes that, uncertain what to do; whereby they loſt the opportunity of doing any thing at all; for they could not purſue the Conſul, but by paſſing the Valley and giving him the ſame advantage which before they had againſt him, nor durſt they March up the Hill whereon Decius was ſo advantagiouſly poſted; yet being more vext at his Company that had ſnatch'd out of their hands the opportunity of a Victory, and conſidering as well the nearneſs of the place as the ſmalneſs of their number, they were one while in the mind to environ the Hill, and cut off Decius from joining the Conſul; By and by they thought it more adviſable to open them a way that when they were come down into the Valley they might more ſafely fall upon them. Thus whilſt they lingered unreſolved, the night overtook them; Decius at firſt was in good hopes to fight with them from the higher ground, as they clambered the Hill; but afterwards he could not but wonder why they proceeded not to charge him, or at leaſt if diſadvantage of the ground had deterr'd them from that, why they did not fortifie themſelves and obſtruct his paſſage with Intrenchments and other works. Then calling to him the Centurions, What ignorance of the Art of War (ſaith he) or what negligence is this? Or how came theſe Scoundrils to obtain a victory over the Sidicins and Campanians? you ſee they triffle their enſigns to and fro, ſometimes they are huddled up in cloſe Order and ſometimes advanced and diſplayed at length, but not an hand falls to work, tho ere this we might have been hemm'd in with a circumvallation; We ſhall ſhew our ſelves as very Sots as they, if we linger here any longer than it is for our advantage, come on then, go with me, and before it grow too dark let us take a vieu where they ſet their Guards and which way we may moſt conveniently enforce our paſſage. Accordingly he went forth himſelf in a Common Soldiers Jacket, taking with him the Centurions diſguis'd in like manner, that the Enemy might not take notice of him as the Commander in Chief, and ſo ſurvey'd all things neceſſary for his purpoſe.

Then having ſet the Watch, he commanded a Signal to be given to all the reſt, that when the Trumpet Sounded to the ſecond Watch, they ſhould all ſilently repair to him in their Arms. Where being Aſſembled accordingly, This ſilence Fellow-Soldiers (ſaith he) you muſt obſerve whilſt you hear me ſpeak, with giving your aſſent by loud Acclamations as at other times you uſe to do, but only when I have declared my mind, let ſuch as approve thereof go ſoftly on the right hand, and as the greater number of you ſhall like or diſlike that courſe we will follow; Hear now my Opinion. You are here encompaſſed by an Enemy, but not as men either overtaken in flight or ſurpriz'd as ſtraglers lagging be hind for ſloth, the Place you won by your Courage, and by a like Courage you muſt make good your eſcape; by coming hither you have already preſerv'd a brave Roman Army, by forcing a Paſs from hence. Now ſave your ſelves. You that being but a few have reliev'd ſo many, are worthy to ſtand in need of no help but your own. We have to do with an Enemy that yeſterday by careleſſneſs over-ſlipt their opportunity of cutting off our whole Army; that are ſo ſtupid that they ſaw not this important Hill hanging over their Heads till we were Maſters of it; who being ſo many thouſands could neither prevent us few from mounting it, nor when we were here, had the prudence to ſecure us by a Retrenchment tho they had day-light enough to accompliſh it. Thoſe whom you ſo eaſily out-witted when they were awake and had their eyes broad open, your buſineſs now is to deceive when they are faſt aſleep; nay you muſt do ſo, there is no other Remedy; for at that paſs we are, that I am rather to ſhew you in what Terms of extremity ye ſtand, rather than perſuade you to the Execution of good Counſel; for there needs no conſulting whether you ſhall continue here, or depart here, ſince beſides your Arms and brave Hearts to uſe them, Fortune has left you nothing to truſt to, ſo that die we muſt of Hunger and Thirſt, if we fear the Swords point more than becomes men of Arms and Romans to do. There is but one only way of ſafety left, which is to make a brave Sally, and force a paſſage through the Enemy, this we muſt do either in the day, or in the night, and that doubt is ſoon reſolv'd, for if we wait till morning how can we hope but the Enemy will ſurround us with an intire Ditch and Rampire, who have already encompaſſed and as it were Wall'd in this little Hill we lie upon, with their Bodies; Now if the night be, as undoubtedly it is, the moſt favourable Juncture for our Irruption, this very hour is certainly of all others the fitteſt moment. 'Tis now a little paſt the ſecond Watch, a time when men are in their ſoundeſt ſleep, amidſt them ye ſhall go, and either by ſilence eſcape undiſcovered, or if they do take the Alarm, you ſhall aſtoniſh them by ſetting up a ſudden outcry and dreadful Hollow; do but follow me as hitherto you have ſucceſsfully done, and I will follow the ſame Fortune that hath guided me thus far; As many of you as think this wholſom Counſel, make no more adoe but paſs on to my right hand. Which every man of them did, and followed Decius, who led them through the Intervals of the Enemies Camp, where no Out-guards nor Sentinels were placed.

They were now got to the midſt of the Camp, when a Soldier clambering over the Watchmens Bodies lying heavy aſleep, chanc'd to ſtumble on a Shield, which gave ſuch a ſound as awakened the Watch-man, who raiſed his next Fellow, and he ſtarting up, gave the Alarm to others, not knowing whether theſe Straglers were Friends or Enemies, whether the Garriſon on the Hill was breaking out, or whether the Conſul was returned to ſurprize their Camp: However, Decius ſeeing they could not avoid diſcovery, commanded his men to ſet up a Shout, whereby he amazed and affrighted the Enemy yet half aſleep, and ſo confounded them, that they could neither readily take Arms, nor make head againſt them, nor yet purſue them; ſo that whil'ſt the Samnites were in this terror and confuſion, Decius and his party ſlaying ſuch of the Guards as reſiſted them, had an opportunity to paſs on towards the Conſuls Camp. It was not yet day, and now they ſeem'd paſt all danger, when Decius thus beſpake his Followers: Go on, a Gods name, in this courſe of generous Vertue, my couragious Romans! This Expedition and brave Retreat of yours, all Ages ſhall extol with the higheſt Applauſes; but broad day-light is neceſſary for a full view of ſo much Gallantry; you deſerve better than that ſilence and darkneſs ſhould hide you, in your return with ſo much glory to the Camp: Here therefore let us reſt and wait for day. His words were readily obey'd, and at day-break he diſpatch'd a Meſſenger afore to the Conſul, and ſo they haſtned to the Camp; where giving the Word, no ſooner was the noiſe ſpread, That thoſe were returned ſafe who freely expoſed themſelves to ſuch apparent hazard for the common Safety, but every one ran forth to meet them with Thanks, and Praiſes, and Congratulations: They call them joyntly and ſeverally their Saviours; they praiſe and return thanks to the Gods, and cry up Decius to the Skies. This indeed was his Camp-Triumph, through the midſt of which he marched with his Armed Party, every mans eyes fix'd upon him, and paid no leſs Honor to the Colonel, than if he had been Conſul. When he was come to the Praetorium [or Generals Tent] the Conſul by ſound of Trumpet call d all the Army together, and beginning a Diſcourſe in the deſerved Praiſes of Decius, he was by Decius himſelf interrupted, and at his requeſt waved the Oration: For he adviſed and perſwaded the Conſul, That paſſing by all Complements, they ſhould preſently lay hold of the opportunity, and whil'ſt the Enemy was yet in that Conſternation, and lay ſcattered about the Hill, fall upon them; the rather, for that he believed ſome Parties ſent out after him, might be ſurprized ſtragling in the Forreſt. Forthwith the Legions were commanded to Arm, and being now by their Scouts better acquainted with the Forreſt, march'd in a more open Road towards the Enemy, and charg'd them, ſuſpecting no ſuch matter, and altogether unprovided: For the Samnites Soldiers being ſtragling all abroad, and for the moſt part unarm'd, could neither Rally themſelves together in order, nor get into their Trenches: They firſt beat the main Body into their Works, and then routing the Guards, became Maſters thereof. The Cry was heard all round the Hill, and cauſed every man to fly out of his Hold, ſo that a great part of them took their Heels before the Enemy could come up to them: Thoſe which fled into the Works, being in number about Thirty thouſand, were all put to the Sword, and the Camp plundered.

Things being thus luckily diſpatch'd, the Conſul convening another Aſſembly, proceeded to finiſh the praiſes of Decius which he had before begun, and alſo amplified them with freſh commendations of this new Service; and beſides other Military Rewards, preſented him with a Crown of Gold, and an hundred Oxen, amongſt which was an extraordinary one all white, and fat and fair above the reſt, with guilded Horns. The Soldiers, who with him held the before-mentioned Hill, had ſetled upon them a double proportion of Corn for ever, and at preſent each of them an Ox, and two Coats apiece. After the Conſuls Largeſs, the Legionary Soldiers, with unanimous ſhouts, placed on the Head of Decius a Crown of Green Graſs, called Obſidionalis, becauſe it uſed to be given to him that had raiſed a Siege, and ſo preſerved a diſtreſſed Town or Army: Nor were his own Band wanting to Crown him with another Chaplet of like Honor for bringing them off ſo happily. Being thus loaded with Enſigns of Glory, he Sacrificed his before-mentioned white Ox unto Mars, and beſtowed the reſt of them upon the Soldiers that had accompanied him in that Service; to whom alſo the Legions gave a pound of Wheat Meal, and a Sextar [a Meaſure much about our Quart] of Wine apiece. All which was perform'd with wonderful alacrity, and ſeconded with Shouts and Acclamations to teſtifie their general Aſſent.

A third Battel happened at Sueſſula, where the Samnites Army being routed by M. Valerius, they thereupon ſent for all the ſtrength they could make at home, and now reſolved to venture all at one puſh. Terrible tydings hereof came to Capua, and from thence Poſts were diſpatch'd to advertiſe Valerius the Conſul, and requeſt his aid. He preſently advanced, leaving the Carriages and Baggage behind with a ſtrong Guard, and with ſpeedy Marches came up near the Enemy, where he took a very ſmall Plot of Ground to Encamp in; as having beſides his Horſes for Service, no Beaſts at all for Carriage, nor any of that Rabble of Slaves and Snapſack-boys which uſe to follow Armies, to encumber him. The Samnites, as if they were preſently to engage, drew up in Battalia, and ſeeing none come forth to encounter them, march'd up with Banners diſplayed to the very Camp of the Enemy, where finding the Soldiers on the Rampire, and underſtanding by their Scouts in how ſmall a compaſs they lay, concluding thence, that they muſt needs be but few in number, all the Army began to mutter, That there need no more ado, but to fill up the Ditches, and cut down the Breaſt-work, and ſo preſently break into their Camp. And in that raſhneſs had the War been diſpatch'd, if the Commanders had not reſtrained the fury of their Soldiers. But becauſe ſo great a multitude as they were, could not eaſily be ſupplyed with Victuals by the Convoys appointed for that purpoſe, and for that as well by their Defeat at Sueſſula, as by lying here ſo long without Fighting, they were reduced to a ſcarcity almoſt of all things, it was thought fit, whil'ſt the Enemy as affrighted, kept faſt within his Works, to ſent out the Soldiers about the Country a Forraging; well hoping, that in the mean time the Romans, who came lightly appointed, and with no more Corn than they could carry on their ſhoulders, beſides their Arms, would have ſpent all, and be brought to the laſt Extremity. The Conſul perceiving the Enemies ſtragling abroad over the Country, and that their Guards were ſlenderly mann'd, having briefly encouraged his Soldiers, leads them out to attack their Camp, which having made themſelves Maſters of at the firſt Shout and Onſet, and kill'd more of the Enemy in their Tents than at the Ports or on the Rampire, he cauſed all the Enſigns he had taken to be brought together to one place, and left two Legions there for a Guard, with a ſtrict charge to forbear all riffling and plunder until he returned; and ſo march'd forward in Battel-array, ſending forth the Horſe before, who drove the ſcatter'd Samnites, as Hunters do Deers into the Toils, and made a mighty ſlaughter of them: For frighted as they were, they knew not any Signal whereby they might rally together, nor whether they were beſt make towards their Camp, or betake themſelves to a further flight; ſo great was their Rout and Conſternation, that there were pick'd up and brought to the Conſul Forty thouſand Shields (though there were not ſo many Men ſlain) and of Enſigns, with thoſe taken in the Camp, the number of One hundred and ſeventy. Then returned he to the Enemies Tents, and beſtow'd the whole Pillage there upon the Soldiers.

The Fortune of this Battel brought the Faliſcans who were yet upon a Truce, to ſue unto the Senate for a League of Peace; and alſo diverted the Latines, who had already levied Forces againſt the Romans, to imploy them againſt the Peligni. Nor was the Fame of this Victory confin'd within the Bounds of Italy, but even the Carthaginians ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, to congratulate that Succeſs, and make them a Preſent of a Golden Crown of Five and twenty pounds weight, to be laid up in the Veſtry of Jupiters Temple. Both the Conſuls triumph'd over the Samnites, Decius following them, Illuſtrious for thoſe Marks of Honor and Praiſes conferr'd upon him: The name of the Colonel being no leſs celebrated by the Soldiers in their merry Catches and blunt Military Joques, than that of either of the Conſuls. After this, the Ambaſſadors of Capua and the Sueſſians had Audience, and their Requeſt granted, That a ſtanding Garriſon ſhould be ſent to Winter there for preventing the Incurſions of the Samnites. Capua was even then ſo long ago fatal to Military Diſcipline; for having infected the Soldiers with a taſte of all ſorts of Pleaſures and Voluptuouſneſs, it ſoon alienated their minds from the memory of their Country and Honor: For thoſe in that Garriſon began to contrive a Deſign to take Capua from the Campanians, by the ſame wicked Practice [of a Maſſacre] as they firſt got it from the Ancient Inhabitants, ſaying, It would be but Juſtice to turn their own lewd Example upon their Heads: And what reaſon was there, that the baſe Campanians ſhould be Maſters of the moſt plentiful Country in all Italy, and of a City worthy of ſuch a Country, when they were not able to defend either it or themſelves; more ſuitable it were, that the ſame Victorious Army ſhould enjoy it, who with their Blood and Sweat reſcued it out of the hands of the Samnites? Or was it fit, that a company of Sots, who had yielded themſelves to be their Vaſſals, ſhould ſurfeit on ſo much Pleaſure and Plenty, whil'ſt they themſelves, worn out with the Fatigues of War, muſt ſtill ſtruggle with an unwholeſom Air, and barren Soil round about the City of Rome, or within it, languiſh under that inveterate Plague of Uſury, wherewith they were daily more and more oppreſſed. Theſe Conſultations, manag'd in private Cabals, and not yet publickly communicated, by ſome means came to the Ears of C. Marcius Rutilus, to whoſe charge the Province of Campania fell by Lot, leaving his Collegue Q. Servilius at home in the City; who having pumpt out of the Officers, all the particulars of the Deſign, being a wiſe Man, both for his Age and long Experience in Publick Affairs (for he was now the fourth time Conſul, and had been both Cenſor and Dictator) he thought it beſt to diſſemble the Matter, and to fruſtrate the preſent Heat of the Soldiers by prolonging their hopes, that they might put their Plot in execution when they pleaſed hereafter upon ſome better opportunity. To which purpoſe he cauſed a Report to be ſpread, That the Garriſons ſhould all Winter in the ſame Towns the Winter following. For they were divided into ſundry Cities of Campania, and the Web of Conſpiracy begun at Capua, was ſpread from thence through all the Forces. This ſcope being given them to bethink themſelves, and adviſe further of theſe matters, the Publick Peace was preſerv'd, and all things for the preſent quiet.

But when in the Summer the Conſul took the Field, he reſolv'd (ſeeing the Samnites did not appear in any condition to engage with him) to purge his Army, by Caſhiering the moſt buſie and dangerous of thoſe turbulent Spirits, which he effected under ſeveral fair and colourable Pretences, telling ſome of them, That they had already ſerved as long as the Law required: Others, That they were grown old, or weak and unhealthy, and therefore he would diſpenſe with their Service; and ſo they had their Furlows and were ſent home: And others were diſpatch'd in Parties for Convoys to fetch in Proviſions from parts remote, where afterwards they were detain'd: This, at firſt, was practiſed by ſingling out one by one at a time, but afterwards upon ſome whole Companies, as a favour, becauſe their Winter-quarters had been ſo far from their Dwellings and private Concerns; likewiſe under colour of Military Services and Imployments, whil'ſt ſome of them were diſpatch'd one way, and ſome another, the greateſt part of the Conſpirators were diſperſed and diſpoſed: All which multitude, the other Conſul at Rome and the Praetor, detain'd and kept away from the Army, upon various pretences and deviſed cauſes of delay. The truth is, at firſt, before they ſmelt out the Trick, they were not a little glad to viſit home; but when they obſerved, That neither thoſe that were firſt ſent off, return'd again to their Colours, nor that ſcarce any others were diſcharg'd but ſuch as had Winter'd in Campania, and of thoſe eſpecially the Authors of the Conſpiracy; at firſt they wonder'd at ſuch odd proceedings; but on ſecond thoughts began to be afraid in earneſt, That their Plot had taken wind, and then preſently terrible Ideas fill their Heads, of Examinations and Tortures, Arraignments and Judgments, how they ſhould be ſeverally executed apart, and ſuffer all that the inſolent and cruel Tyranny of the Conſuls and Senate could invent and inflict. Theſe things were ſecretly muttered through the Army, when they ſaw the Ring-leaders of the Conſpiracy ſo finely removed and diſ-membred from the Army by the Conſuls policy. One Regiment, or Cohort [that is to ſay, the Tenth part of a Legion] that was Quartered not far from Anxur, poſſeſſed themſelves of a narrow Paſs at Lantulae, between the Sea and the Mountains, where they intercepted and ſtopt ſuch as the Conſul ſent out upon ſuch and ſuch pretended Services as aforeſaid. They ſoon got together a notable Force, and nothing was wanting to give them the Reputation of a compleat Army, but a Commander in Chief: diſorder'd therefore as they were, they went Plundering along as far as the Alban Country, where, under the Ridge of the Mountain called Alba longa, they encamp'd and fortified themſelves. And when their Works were finiſh'd, ſpent the reſt of the day in conſultation touching the choice of a General. There was none of their own Company that they could confide in as ſufficient for that Charge: And whom (ſay they) can we ſend for from Rome? Is there any man, either Senator or Commoner, that will wittingly and willingly expoſe himſelf to ſo great an hazard as to run our Fortune? Or to whom the Cauſe of the Army, inraged by the Injuries they have received, may in Prudence be ſafely truſted? The next day, whil'ſt they were ſtill debating this Point, ſome of the ſtragling Forragers brought in Advice, that T. Quintius was retired into the Country, and held a Farm in Tuſculanum, where he employed himſelf in Husbandry, minding neither the City nor its Honors. This Gentleman was of Noble Birth, and had ſerv'd with great Credit and Renown in the Wars, till happening to be Lamed by a Wound in one of his Feet, reſign'd his Command, and reſolved to ſpend the reſt of his days in the Country, far from Ambition and the turmoils of State. They no ſooner heard his Name, but they knew the Man, and acknowledged his Merit, and, in a good hour, unanimouſly agreed he ſhould be ſent for; Small hopes they had that he would willingly meddle, and therefore concluded to uſe Force, and bring him to it by Fear. So, in the dead of Night, a Party of them came to his Houſe and got in, where finding Quintius faſt aſleep, they awaken him, propound their Buſineſs, aſſure him, There is no middle Courſe, but either he muſt accept the Honor of being their General, or if he refuſe it, preſent Death, and thus carryed him away by force to their Camp; where immediatly he is ſaluted Lord General, and had the Inſignia or Ornaments of that Command put upon him, whil'ſt he was yet amaz'd at the ſuddenneſs of the thing, as if all had been Dream or Miracle. Then they require him to Lead them to Rome, and accordingly having advanced their Standards in an Heady Fit of their own, rather than by the Advice of their new Commander, they march'd in a Warlike Poſture, till they came within eight miles of the City, on the Cauſey or High-road, now called the Appian-way; and had immediately come up to the City, but that they heard there was an Army advancing to oppoſe them, under the conduct of M. Valerius, ſurnamed Corvus, created Dictator on this occaſion, and L. Aemilius Mamercinus, his General of Horſe.

As ſoon as ever they came within view of each other, and took notice of the ſame Enſigns on either ſide, the remembrance of their Native Country began to work upon them all, and allay and mitigate their Heats; for they were not yet ſo deſperate as to embrew their Swords in the Blood of their Fellow-Citizens; nor had they known any Wars but with Foreigners, their greateſt madneſs at home had hitherto proceeded but to a Seceſſion or ſullen going by themſelves for a while. Therefore, as well the Generals as Soldiers, on either ſide, were deſirous that a Meeting might be appointed for a Parley. Whereupon Quintius (who was long ſince weary of bearing Arms for his Country, much more againſt it) and Corvus (than whom none could be more affectionately tender of all his Fellow-Citizens, eſpecially Soldiers; and above all others, of thoſe of his own Army) advanced to confer together: Corvus ſpoke firſt, and as ſoon as he came ſo near as to be known, had no leſs Reverence paid him by the Enemy, than reſpectful Audience from thoſe of his own Party. When I march'd (ſaith he) now forth of the City to meet you, O Soldiers! I heartily implor'd the Immortal Gods, as well thoſe that are common to us all, as the particular Patrons of my Family, that they would vouchſafe me not a Victory, but rather the Glory of reducing you to Terms of Concord and Unity. There have, and ever will be, occaſions enough wherein we may win Honor by Arms, but here nothing is ſo paſſionately to be deſired as Peace. That which ſo devoutly, and with ſolemn Vows I requeſted of the Gods, it lies in your Power to make me happy in; If you will but remember, That you are not now in Samnium, nor amongſt the Volſcians, but Encamp'd upon Roman Ground; That thoſe are the Hills of your dear Native Soil, which you behold; That this Army conſiſts of your own Countrymen and Fellow-Citizens; That I my ſelf am that Conſul under whoſe auſpicious Conduct, you twice laſt year defeated the Samnite Legions, and twice with down-right blows beat them out of their Camp. I am, Sirs, that M. Valerius Corvus, of whoſe Nobility you have had proof and experience, not by any Injuries offered, but good Offices and Benefits always readily conferr'd upon you; Never was I the Promoter of any inſolent Law againſt you, or of any harſh Act of the Senate, but in all my Government and Commands have been more rigorous to my ſelf, than ſevere to you. If great Parentage, or approved Valour; if Authority or Honor may ſwell and elevate any mans Spirit, of ſuch Progenitors am I deſcended, ſuch proofs of Courage and Vertue have I given, ſo early did I attain to the Conſular Dignity, that being but yet Three and twenty years old, I might have been formidable not only to the Commons, but even to the Senate it ſelf. Yet I challenge any man to name one Word, one Act, ſaid or done by me when a Conſul, more haughty or grievous than when I was but a Tribune; with the ſame moderation did I manage my two following Conſulſhips, ſuch and no other will I alſo ſhew my ſelf in this ſupream and lofty Office of Dictator: Nor will I be more kind and gentle to theſe that are mine and my Countries Soldiers, than to you whom I abhor to call Enemies. You ſhall therefore firſt draw your Swords upon me, before I will draw upon you. From your ſide let the Trumpets firſt ſound a Charge, thence let the Shoutings and Onſet begin, if needs we muſt go to it and Fight. Now find in your hearts (if you can) to do that which neither your Fathers, nor your Grand-fathers could endure, neither theſe when they retreated into the Mount Sacer, nor thoſe who afterwards placed themſelves upon, and held the Aventine-Hill: Wait a while, till your Mothers and Wives with diſheveled Hair come forth of the City to meet each of you, as heretofore they did Coriolanus. With that ſight the Volſcian Legions were ſtopt and pacified, becauſe they had one Roman for their Leader: And will not you, being all an Army of Romans, deſiſt from ſo impious and unnatural a War? As for you, T. Quintius, howſoever you came there, whether with or againſt your will, if there he no remedy but we muſt come to Blows, I would adviſe thee to retire into the Rear, and ſhrowd thy ſelf amongſt the hindermoſt; nay, 'twill be far more Honorable for thee fairly to run away, than to fight againſt thy Country. But at preſent, thou ſtandeſt well and opportunely in the Front, as ready to accommodate all Differences, and be the Interpreter of this Friendly Conference for the good of us all. Demand any reaſonable Conditions, and you ſhall have them; though in truth we were better yield even to unequal Terms, than impiouſly to Murther one another.

T. Quintius, with Tears in his Eyes, turning about to thoſe that followed him: I alſo, O Soldiers! (quoth he) if in any thing I can do you Service, am like to prove a far better Leader of you towards Peace, than to War. The Words you heard but now, proceeded not from a Samnite or a Volſcian, but were ſpoken by a Roman, your Conſul, Gentlemen! and your own General; be not ſo mad as to deſire to try his ſucceſsful Conduct againſt your ſelves, and to your deſtruction, which you have ſo often experienc'd and admired in your Preſervation. The Senate had other Commanders, who might have attacked you with more rancour and fierceneſs, but they choſe rather to imploy him who would be moſt favorable to, and ſparing of you his Soldiers; and in whom, as being your General, you might repoſe moſt confidence. Thus you ſee, They that can eaſily vanquiſh you, do yet ſeek for Peace: Is it not then high time for us to deſire it too? Why then do we not lay aſide our peeviſh Anger, and fantaſtick Hopes (which are both treacherous Counſellors) and wholly refer our ſelves, and all our Concerns, to a Perſon of ſuch approved Faith and Integrity? A General ſhout approv'd this Speech, and T. Quintius advancing before the Standards in the Front, declared the whole Army to be under the Command and Power of the Dictator, beſeeching him, that he would undertake the Cauſe of poor and wretched Citizens, and having taken the ſame into his care, to manage and protect the ſame, with the ſame Juſtice and Uprightneſs as he was wont to adminiſter the Affairs of the Commonwealth. That for his own particular part, he would make no Conditions, nor build his Hopes on any thing but Innocency: But the Soldiers deſired, they might be ſecured to have the ſame favour, as the Senate had once before granted to the Commons, and a ſecond time to the Legions, viz. That this their Revolt might not be charged upon them hereafter to their prejudice. The Dictator gave Quintius thanks and commendations for his prudent Conduct, and bid all the reſt be of good cheer, and immediatly rode Poſt back to the City, where with the approbation of the Senate, he preferr'd to the People in the Petiline Grove a Bill of Indemnity, That no Soldier ſhould be called in queſtion for that Inſurrection: He alſo prevail'd further, To have it Enacted, That no man ſhould either in jeſt or earneſt be upbraided or reproached therewith. At the ſame time paſs'd a ſacred Military Law, That no Soldiers name, once entred in the Muſter-maſters Book, ſhould be razed out againſt his Will; with a Clauſe annexed, That none that had been a Tribune [or Colonel] ſhould afterwards have the leading of Bands, or be a Centurion. This was required by the Mutineers, out of a particular pique to P. Salonius, who almoſt every other Year was a Tribune, and a Prime Centurion, whom they now call Primipili [Leaders of the Vanguard] againſt him they had a ſpight, becauſe he had always oppoſed their Seditious Projects, and would not joyn with them in their Revolt at Lantulae. This Branch therefore, the Senate in favour to Salonius refuſed to grant, whereupon he himſelf Petition'd them, not to regard his Honor more than the Concord and Unity of the whole City, and ſo got it allow'd. Another outragious Demand they made, was, to have the Horſe-mens Pay (which then was three times as much as that of the Foot) Retrench'd, for that they alſo had withſtood the Conſpiracy.

Moreover, I find in ſome Authors, That L. Genucius, Tribune of the Commons, preferr'd a Law, To make Uſury altogether unlawful. And that by another Ordinance of the Commons, It was provided, That none ſhould be capable of bearing the ſame Office twice in ten Years ſpace; nor any hold two Offices in the ſame year: As alſo, That it might be lawful to Create both the Conſuls out of the Commons; which if they were all granted, ſhews to what an height this Inſurrection was grown. In other Annals it is Recorded, That neither Valerius was made Dictator, but that the whole Affair was manag'd by the Conſuls, nor yet that they broke out into Rebellion before they came to Rome, but there took Arms. As alſo, That their coming by Night was not into the Country Farm of T. Quintius, but into the Houſe of C. Manlius, and that he was ſeiz'd by the Conſpirators to be their General: And that thence they went and Encamped but four Miles off the City. That the Treaty for Peace was not firſt motion'd by the Captains, but that when both Armies came to face each other in Battalia, the Soldiers lovingly ſaluted one another, and began to ſhake hands, and mutually embrace with Tears; and therefore the Conſuls ſeeing them ſo averſe from Engaging, were forced to move the Senate for an Accommodation; ſo that amongſt antient Writers there is little certainty, ſave only, that a Sedition there was, and the ſame happily compos'd: However, the noiſe of theſe Diſturbances, together with the fierce War undertaken with the Samnites, occaſion'd ſome Nations to withdraw from their Alliances with the Romans; for beſides the wavering of the Latines, whoſe Friendſhip had a long time been doubtful and not to be truſted, the Privernates, with ſuddain Incurſions, invaded and plundered Norba and Setia, two Neighboring Colonies of the Romans.

DECADE I. BOOK VIII. EPITOME.

4, 5. THe Latines, with the Campanians Revolt, and by Ambaſſadors to the Senate, demand to have one of the Conſuls choſen from amongſt the Latines. 6. Annius their Praetor going from his Audience, catches a fall from the Capitol, whereof he dies. 7. T. Manlius cauſes his own Son to be Beheaded for Fighting, though ſucceſsfully againſt the Latines, contrary to Orders. 9. The Romans being ſhrewdly put to't, P. Decius Devotes himſelf for the Army, and ſetting ſpurs to his Horſe, Charges into the midſt of the Enemy, and is ſlain, and the Romans get the day. 11. The Latines ſubmit themſelves. 12. T. Manlius returning to the City, none of the Youth would go out to meet him. 15. Minucia, a Veſtal Virgin, condemn'd for Inceſt. 16. The Auſonians overcome, and a Colony planted at Cales. 18. Divers Roman Matrons convicted of Poiſoning, and forced to drink off their own Preparations, whereof they dyed. A Law then firſt made touching Poiſoning. 21. The Privernates, after they had rebell'd, get to be made free Denizens of Rome. 25. The Palaepolitans vanquiſh'd and beſieg'd, ſubmit. 26. Q. Publilius, who firſt beſieg'd them, is continued in Command, and allow'd to Triumph. 28. The Commons freed from the Tyranny of their Creditors, by reaſon of the filthy Luſt of Lucius Papirius who would have raviſh'd C. Publilius his Debtor. 30. Whil'ſt L. Papirius the Dictator was gone from the Army to Rome to repeat the Sacrifices, Q Fabius General of the Horſe, invited by an occaſional advantage, fights with the Samnites contrary to his Edict, and worſts them, for which the Dictator goes about to puniſh him. 33. Fabius flies to Rome. 35. And when his cauſe would not hold water at Law, by the Peoples intreaty he obtains a Pardon. 36. This Book contains the proſperous proceedings againſt the Samnites.

THE Conſuls now were C. Plautius the ſecond time, and L. Aemilius Mamercus, U. C. 412 when the Setines and Norbans ſent advice to Rome that the Privernates had Revolted, with Complaints of damages by them ſuſtained. Intelligence alſo arriv'd, That an Army of Volſcians, under the Conduct of the Antiates, were Encamp'd at Satricum. The management of both theſe Wars fell to Plautius's Lot, who advancing firſt to Privernum, preſently gave them Battel: The Enemy was eaſily vanquiſh'd, the Town taken, but reſtored, only a ſtrong Gariſon placed in it, and two parts of their Lands taken away from them. Thence the Victorious Army march'd to Satricum againſt the Antiates, where a cruel Battel was fought with great ſlaughter on both ſides, and when a Tempeſt had parted them, before either could lay claim to the Victory, the Romans, nothing wearied with that ſo doubtful Conflict, made preparations to renew the Encounter in the Morning; But the Volſcians, having taken an Account of what Men they had loſt, had not ſo much mind to repeat the Danger: For in the Night (thereby confeſſing themſelves beaten) they diſlodged, and in fear and confuſion went their ways towards Antium, leaving their wounded Men, and part of their Baggage, behind them. A power of Arms were found amongſt the Dead, and in their Camp, which the Conſul promis'd to Dedicate to the Goddeſs, called Mother Lua [thought to ſignifie the Earth, which after Blood-ſhed was to be appeas'd with Offerings and Luſtrations] after which, he forrag'd and ſpoil'd the Enemies Country as far as the Sea-Coaſt. Aemilius, the other Conſul, made an Inroad into the Sabellian Territories, but neither were the Samnites in the Field, nor did their Legions offer to oppoſe him: On the contrary, as he was deſtroying all before him with Fire and Sword, they ſent Ambaſſadors to him, deſiring Peace, whom he referr'd to the Senate, where having obtain'd Audience, their haughty ſtomachs being come down, They requeſted the Romans to grant them Peace, and leave to proſecute their War againſt the Sidicins, which they alledged they might with the more Juſtice and Equity deſire, ſince as they had ſought and entred into Amity with the People of Rome in their higheſt Proſperity, and not as the Campanians, enforced by neceſſity; ſo the Arms they deſired to bear was againſt the Sidicins, always their Enemies, and never Friends to the Romans: A Nation, who neither in Peace (as the Samnites) ever deſired any Alliance with the Romans; nor yet, in time of War, had (like the Campanians) requeſted any Aſſiſtance from thence, and could not pretend to be under the protection of, or in ſubjection to the People of Rome.

When touching theſe Demands of the Samnites, Tib. Aemelius the Praetor had conſulted the Senate, and they had thought fit to renew the League, he returned them this Anſwer, That as it was not the fault of the People of Rome, that the Friendſhip heretofore concluded between them, was not perpetual; ſo ſince they now ſeem'd to be weary of the War, of which themſelves were the occaſion, the Romans would not oppoſe the Renewing of the League, and ſettling of the Ancient Amity. But as to the Sidicins, they ſhould not interpoſe, but leave the Samnites to their Liberty of making Peace and War, as they ſhould think beſt. The League being ratified, they return'd home, and forthwith the Roman Army was recall'd, having got a years Pay, and Corn for three months, according to the Capitulation made with the Conſul for granting them a Truce till their Ambaſſadors came back. The Samnites now imployed all their Forces againſt the Sidicins, and doubted not but in little time to be Maſters of their City. Then firſt of all, the Sidicins made an offer to yield up themſelves, and become Subjects to the Romans; but the Senate rejected the ſame, as coming too late, and wreſted as it were from them perforce in their laſt Extremity: Whereupon they tendred the ſame to the Latines, who already of their own accord had revolted and taken Arms; nor were the Campanians wanting to join in the ſame Aſſociation, ſo much freſher in their minds was the memory of the Injuries offered them by the Samnites, than of the good Offices done them by the Romans. Out of ſo many ſeveral Nations confederated together, a vaſt Army was raiſed, which under the Conduct of the Latines invaded the Borders of the Samnites, and ſlew more in Forraging and Plundering than by fair Fighting: And though the Latines ſeem'd to have the better on't in ſeveral Skirmiſhes, yet they were well content, for avoiding frequent Encounters, to retreat out of the Enemies Territories. Then had the Samnites time to ſend Ambaſſadors to Rome, who made complaint to the Senate, That they ſuffered as hard meaſure now they were Confederates, as they did before whil'ſt they were Enemies, and therefore did humbly requeſt, That the Romans would be ſatisfied with that Victory which they ſnatch'd out of the Samnites hands over the Campanians and Sidicins, and not ſuffer them now to be trampled under foot by united multitudes of baſe and cowardly people. That if the Latins and Campanians were Subjects to the People of Rome, they would by their Authority reſtrain them from Infeſting the Samnites Country, and if they refuſe, that then they would by force of Arms compel them to forbear. Hereunto the Senate framed a doubtful Anſwer: For on the one ſide they were aſhamed to ſay, that the Latins were not now under their Dominion; and on the other ſide afraid, that if they ſhould go about to rufflle with them, it might alienate them the more, and cauſe them to break out into open Hoſtility; therefore they told the Ambaſſadors, That as to the Campanians they were united not by League, but by abſolute Surrender, and therefore whether they would or no, they would make them be quiet: But in their League with the Latins, there was no Article whereby they ſhould be prohibited from making War againſt whomſoever they thought fit.

This Anſwer, as it ſent away the Samnites altogether uncertain what meaſures the Romans would take, ſo it wholly eſtranged the Campanians for fear, and at the ſame time rendred the Latins more ſtout and daring, as if the Romans would now yield to any thing rather than diſpleaſe them. Therefore under a colour of making Preparations againſt the Samnites, they ſummoned and held frequent Councils one after another, where the chief Perſons ſecretly amongſt themſelves, in all their Conſultations, mainly intended the ſettling and adjuſting a War againſt the Romans, wherein the Campanians conſented to joyn as well as the reſt, and bear Arms againſt Thoſe who ſo lately had preſerv'd and protected them. Now although theſe Councils were induſtriouſly concealed, becauſe they were deſirous to have utterly cut off the Samnites behind them, before the Romans ſhould take the Alarm; yet the Plot was diſcovered, and ſome hints thereof given at Rome by ſome amongſt them, who were obliged to the Romans for private Kindneſſes, and hoſpitable Entertainment. Hereupon the Conſuls were commanded to reſign their Office before the uſual time, that new ones might the ſooner be created, to make Preparations againſt the eminent danger threatned; but here a ſcruple of Conſcience aroſe, whether it might not be ominous, if the Aſſembly for Election ſhould be held by thoſe whoſe Government was thus abridged, therefore they rather choſe to have an Inter-reign; and two Inter-regents there were one after another, M. Valerius, and M. Fabius, the later created Conſuls, T. Manlius Torquatus the third time, and P. Decius Mus. That year Alexander King of the Epirots, arrived in Italy with a Navy, and had his firſt attempts met with ſucceſs, would, no doubt, have puſh'd forwards his Fortune, and at laſt have involv'd the Romans in War: In the ſame Age his Siſters Son, Alexander the Great, flouriſh'd, who whil'ſt in another part of the World he ſhewed himſelf Invincible by Arms, was in the prime of his years conquered by death.

As for the Romans, although they plainly perceived the Revolt of their Aſſociates, and all the Tribes of the Latins, yet they thought it beſt to diſſemble the matter, and make ſhew as if they were only concerned for the Samnites, and not for themſelves: To which purpoſe they ſent for ten of the Principal Perſons amongſt the Latins to come to Rome, pretending to give them in Charge, what their pleaſure was to have done. The Latines at that time had for their two Praetors, L. Annius of Setia, and L. Numicius of Circeia, both Roman Colonies; by whoſe means, not only Signia and Velitre, two other Colonies of Rome, but the Volſcians alſo, were excited to take Arms and joyn in the Confederacy. Theſe two Gentlemen therefore it was thought fit to ſummon by Name, nor could they be ignorant what it was they were ſent for about: However they preſently call a Council, to whom they Declare how they were cited to Rome, and what Treatment they expected, deſiring the Advice of that Aſſembly what anſwer they ſhould make.

After one had given his Opinion this way, and another that, Annius ſtands up and ſays, Although I my ſelf moved you to conſult of an Anſwer, yet I conceive it more concerns the main Intereſt of our State, to determine what to do, than what to ſay: For when we are once come to a Reſolution how to conduct our Affairs, it will not be difficult to accommodate Words to our purpoſe. For if even now already under the umbrage of an equal Alliance, we can be content tamely to ſuffer Slavery, what hinders, but that betraying the Sidicins, we truckle to all the Commands not only of the Romans, but the Samnites too, and fairly tell the Romans that we will lay down our Arms, whenever they pleaſe to nod us into Obedience. But if at length the Natural deſire of Liberty make any Impreſſion upon our Hearts, or can ſet an edge upon our Spirits; If in truth there be a League between us, and if Aſſociation ought to be nothing elſe but an equal Fruition of the ſame Liberty and Priviledges; If we may now glory (what heretofore we were aſham d to own) that we are Kinſmen to the Romans, and of their own Blood: If that be indeed an Aſſociated Army which they have, by whoſe Acceſſion they double their Strength, and which their Conſuls in beginning or ending their proper Wars, will never ſeparate from their own: Why is there not an Equality in all things elſe? Why is not one of the Conſuls choſen by the Latins? Where there is part of the Burthen, why is there not part of the Government? Nor would this in it ſelf be any great matter of Honor to us, ſince thereby we ſhall acknowledge Rome to be the Head of Latium; but by our remiſsneſs hitherto, and truckling wholly under them with patience ſo long, we have made it ſeem to be an Honorable Demand, and worthy to be inſiſted upon. But if ever you wiſh'd to ſee the Day wherein you might participate in the Government, and aſſert your Rights and Liberties, Behold! That time is now preſented to you, by your own Courage and the Gracious favor of the Gods; you try'd their patience by denying to levy Soldiers at their Command: who can doubt but they were mad at heart, when we brake that Cuſtom which had paſs'd uncontroul'd above 200. years? yet they calmly pocketed the Affront. We waged War againſt the Peligni in our own Names, yet They who heretofore would not allow us a Right to defend our own Borders, never Interpos'd: That we had taken the Sidicins into our Protection: That the Campanians were revolted from them to us: That we were raiſing Forces againſt the Samnites, their own Confederates; all this they heard and knew well enough, yet ſtill they ſtirr'd not once out of their City. How come they to be thus modeſt and quiet? Can it proceed from any thing but a Conſciouſneſs of our Puiſſance, and their own weakneſs? I have it from very good hands, That when lately the Samnites made their Complaints againſt us, the Roman Senate returned ſuch a cold Anſwer, as plainly ſhewed, That they themſelves pretended not to require that Latium ſhould be under the Roman Empire. You have nothing to do but aſſume and lay Claim to that which they already tacitly yield unto you. If any be afraid to be the Speaker, Behold here am I, who not only in the Hearing of the People of Rome, and their Senate, but of Jupiter himſelf who reſides in the Capitol, am ready to tell them plainly, That if they expect we ſhould continue in League and Amity with them, They muſt from us receive one of their Conſuls, and part of the Senate. All that were preſent, hearing him not only perſwade, but promiſe to undertake this, with ſo great a Spirit and Reſolution, ſignified their Approbation with a Shout, and conſented, That he ſhould do and ſay whatſoever he thought expedient for the wellfare of the Latine Nation, and ſuitable to the Truſt repoſed in him.

When he, with the reſt, came to Rome, the Senate appointed to give them Audience in the Capitol; where when T. Manlius the Conſul, by the Direction and Authority of the Senators, preſſed them earneſtly, Not to make War on the Samnites, who were now the Allies of the People of Rome. Annius, as if he had been a Conqueror that had taken the Capitol by force of Arms, and not an Ambaſſador, protected only by the Law of Nations to deliver his Errand, began thus to Hector: It was now certainly time, O Titus Manlius, and you Senators of Rome! to have left off your domineering, and to treat us not in a Commanding faſhion, as if we were your Vaſſals, when we cannot but ſee Latium, through the favour of the Gods, flouriſhing both in Men and Arms, as having vanquiſh'd the Samnites by dint of Sword, taken the Sidicins and Campanians into Confederacy, wherein the Volſcians are alſo joyned, and even your own Colonies chuſe to be our Subjects rather than yours: But ſince you are ſtill ſo loth to put an end to your proud and outragious Tyranny, although we could eaſily by Arms reſtore Latium to her Antient intire Freedom; yet for Kindreds-ſake, we are content to offer Terms of Peace fair and equal to both Parties, ſince it hath pleaſed the Immortal Gods to make us equal in Strength and Power. It is therefore neceſſary, That of the two Conſuls, one be choſen a Roman, the other a Latine: That the number of Senators be equally Elected out of one Nation as well as the other: That both Nations to all intents and purpoſes, be United and Incorporated into one People and Commonwealth. And ſince there muſt be one Imperial Seat, and one Common Name to all, wherein one part muſt of neceſſity yield to the other, we are content, and may it be lucky to Both: That this your Country have the Precedency, and let us all be call'd by the name of Romans. It happened by chance, that the Romans to match him, had at this time a Conſul altogether as ſtout and hot; viz. T. Manlius, who was ſo unable to conceal his Reſentments, as he openly declared, That if the Senators ſhould be ſo mad as to receive Laws from a Fellow of Setin, he would come into the Senate-Houſe with his Sword by his ſide, and whomſoever he ſhould ſee there in Council of the Latines, he would not fail to Kill them with his own hand upon the Spot. And then turning to the Image of Jupiter: Hear, O Jupiter! (quoth he) this Wickedneſs and Indignity. Hear you, O Juſtice and Piety! Wilt thou, O Jupiter! as if thou waſt Conquer'd and made a Captive, endure to behold ſtrange Conſuls, and a Senate of Foreigners in thy Holy Conſecrated Temple? Are theſe, you Latines! the Covenants which Tullus King of Rome made with the Albans your Anceſtors? Or which L. Tarquin, afterwards concluded with you? Do you not remember the Battel at the Regillian Lake? Or have you altogether forgot your Old Defeats, as well as the New Benefits we have conferr'd upon you?

This generous Speech of the Conſul, raiſed the general Indignation of the Senate againſt the Latines; and 'tis ſaid, That whil'ſt the Conſuls did often Invoke the Gods as Witneſſes of thoſe Ancient Leagues, Annius was heard to Joque at and deſpiſe the Power and God-head of the Roman Jupiter: This is certain, that as in a Fury he went haſtily from the Porch of the Temple, he fell down the Stairs, and hurt his Head ſo grievouſly againſt the Pavement, that he Swooned away: But whether he dyed out-right, ſince all Authors are not agreed in that Point, I muſt leave it doubtful as I find it. As likewiſe that other Tradition, That whil'ſt they were thus upbraiding the Latines with breach of Faith, a violent Storm happened on a ſuddain, with mighty Thunder-claps. For as theſe things may perhaps be true, ſo 'tis not poſſible but they may be handſomely deviſed, on purpoſe to repreſent more fitly the Vengeance of the Gods? Torquatus being ſent by the Senate to diſmiſs the Ambaſſadors, when he ſaw Annius thus lying along, cry'd out with a Voice ſo loud, that both the Senate and People might hear him: 'Tis well, it became you, O ye Gods, to begin ſo Pious a War! Surely there is a Divine Power and Deity in Heaven! Thou art no Phantaſm, O mighty Jupiter! Nor in vain have we Hallowed thee in this Temple, as the Father both of Gods and Men! Why delay ye then, O Romans and Conſcript Fathers! to take Arms, when you ſee the Gods themſelves are your Leaders: So will I lay flat and ſprawling the Latine Legions, as now you behold their Ambaſſador lying at the ſtairs foot. Theſe Words of the Conſul made ſuch Impreſſions on the People, That the Latine Ambaſſadors, if it had not been more for the care of thoſe Officers that were appointed to attend them, than reſpect to the Law of Nations, would ſcarce have eſcaped the violence and fury of the Rabble. The Senate alſo agreed the War, and the Conſuls having levyed two Armies, march'd through the Country of the Marſians and Pelignians; and having joyn'd the Forces of the Samnites, Encamp'd themſelves before Capua, where the Latines and their Confederates had already drawn their Troops to a general Rendezvouz. There, as the Story goes, both the Conſuls in their ſleep ſaw an Apparition in the ſhape of a Man, but much greater and more ſtately, which told them, That of the two Armies now facing each other, The General of the one, and the whole Body of the other, muſt be a Sacrifice or Tribute to the Infernal Spirits, and Mother Earth; and which ſoever of the oppoſite Generals ſhould Devote to thoſe Infernal Spirits, his Enemies, and with them himſelf, That Party and People ſhould win the day. The Conſuls communicating theſe Night-Viſions one to another, thought fit, that for appeaſing the Anger of the Gods, Sacrifices ſhould be kill'd, to the end, that if in their Entrails, inſpected according to Art, the ſame things were found to be portended as in the Dream, then one or other of the Conſuls ſhould anſwer the expectation of the Deſtinies. The Anſwers of the Sooth-ſayers [or Prieſts that were wont for Divination to view the Bowels of the Sacrifices] agreed very much with that Superſtitious Conceit which the Dreams had implanted in the Conſuls minds; whereupon they call'd together the Commiſſary-Generals of the Senate that attended the Army, and the Colonels, and plainly declaring to them the pleaſure of the Gods (that the voluntary Death of one of the Generals unexpected, might not affright or diſcompoſe the Army in the Field) They agreed between themſelves, That on which part ſoever the Roman Batalions ſhould begin firſt to ſhrink, or give Ground, the Conſul that Commanded there ſhould preſently Devote himſelf for the good of the People of Rome. At the ſame Council it was alſo debated, That if ever at any time before, any War had been manag'd with ſtrict and ſevere Government, it would now be neceſſary to advance that ancient rigorous Diſcipline. That which ſharpned their Care and Caution in that behalf, was becauſe they were now to engage with a Nation agreeing with themſelves in Language, Manners, Weapons, Cuſtoms, and eſpecially in the ſame Arts and Methods of War: For of theſe two Armies, Soldier with Soldier, Centurion with Centurion, Tribune with Tribune were well acquainted, and had been oft Comrades in the ſame Garriſons, and mix'd in the very ſame Band or Company, therefore that the Soldiers might not fall into any Error, the Conſuls made Proclamation through the Camp: That no man ſhould fight with the Enemy out of his Rank, or without Command.

It happen'd, that amongſt other Captains of Horſe who were ſent out every way to diſcover the Poſture of the Enemy, young T. Manlius the Conſuls Son, was got with his Troop beyond the Enemies, ſo that he was almoſt within a Bows-ſhot of one of their Corps-du-Guard; where was a Party of Tuſculane Horſe, commanded by Geminius Metius, a Perſon famous in his Country both for his high Birth and approved Gallantry. He ſeeing the Roman Horſe, and the Conſuls Son very brave in the Head of them (for all the Perſons of Quality on both ſides were well known one to another) called to him: What (quoth he) will you Romans manage the War with the Latines, and all their Confederates, with one ſingle Troop? How ſhall your Conſuls, and your two Conſulary Armies in the mean time employ themſelves? They (replies Manlius) will be with you time enough, and with them He that is much more powerful and ſtrong, I mean, Jupiter himſelf, the Witneſs of thoſe Leagues which you have violated. And as at the Lake Regillus we gave you your Bellies full of Fighting; ſo never doubt it, but before you go hence, we ſhall quite put you out of conceit with diſplay'd Banners and pitch'd Battels. With that, ſays Geminius, advancing as he was on Horſe-back a little from his Troop: In the mean time, till that terrible day come when you will do ſuch Wonders with your two Armies, Wilt thou try one Bout with me, that by the Event between us two, the World may ſee how much a Latine Cavalier does ſurpaſs a Roman? The brave young Mans Blood boil'd in his Veins, whether out of Rage and Indignation to be thus upbraided, or that for ſhame he could not decline ſo fair a Challenge, or whether it were the unavoidable power of his Deſtiny that hurried him on: So it was, That unmindful of his Fathers Command, and the expreſs Edict of the Conſuls, he raſhly accepted the Fatal Combat, wherein the difference was not much, whether he overcame or were vanquiſh'd. The reſt of the Horſemen, of both Parties, retreating to give them room, as if they had been to ſee a Prize; in the void ſpace of the plain Field that lay between, they ſet Spurs to their Horſes, and charg'd each other with the ſharp points of their Spears: Manlius, with his Lance aloft, razed the Head-piece of his Enemy, and that of Metius lightly touch'd and paſs'd by the Horſes neck: Then bringing about their Horſes again, Manlius raiſed himſelf in the Saddle to Charge firſt, and thruſt the others Horſe in between the Ears, who with the ſmart of the Wound, rear'd his Fore-feet, and violently ſhaking his Head, caſt his Rider: And as he was leaning upon his Spear and Shield to get up again, Manlius ran him into the Throat, ſo that the Spear-head came out at his Ribs, and nail'd him faſt to the ground, and then diſarming him, rode up to his Troop, who attended him as in Triumph to the Camp, and ſo directly to his Fathers Pavilion, little conſidering the quality of the Fact, and its future diſmal Conſequence, and ignorant whether he had deſerv'd Praiſe, or was become obnoxious to puniſhment: Father (ſaith he) to ſhew the World that I am truly your Son, and derive not my ſelf from your Blood in vain, I bring here the Spoils of a Gentleman of the Enemies Camp, that defied and challeng'd me, whom I fairly ſlew in ſingle Combat. The Conſul had ſcarce heard him, when turning away his Face, he commanded an Aſſembly to be ſummoned by ſound of Trumpet; which being met, he thus in the preſence of them all ſpeaks to his Son: Foraſmuch as thou, O T. Manlius, regarding neither the Conſular Authority, nor Reverencing the Majeſty of thy Father, haſt preſum'd without Command, and diſorderly, to Fight the Enemy againſt our Edict and expreſs Command, and as much as in thee lay, haſt diſſolv'd and broken that Diſcipline of War, which hitherto hath been the principal Pillar to ſupport the Roman State; and haſt reduc'd me to the neceſſity of this ſad Choice, That either I muſt forget my Duty to the Republick, or my natural Affection to my ſelf and mine: We will undergo the puniſhment of our own Tranſgreſſion, rather than that the whole State, to its mighty prejudice and damage, ſhall pay for our raſhneſs and folly. A ſad Example I confeſs 'twill be, but very profitable to the Youth of After-ages: As for me, as well the in-bred Affection which all Fathers bear to their Children, as the preſent proof thou haſt given of thy Courage (though deceived with a falſe appearance of Honor) cauſe no ſmall Emotion in my Breaſt: Yet ſince there is a Neceſſity, That either by thy Death the Conſuls Commands be ratified, or for ever ſlighted and diſannull'd by the Impunity of thy Diſobedience, I cannot think, but if thou haſt in thee any of my Blood, thou will readily yield to re-eſtabliſh the Military Diſcipline which thou haſt violated, by a chearful Submiſſion to the puniſhment. Go, Marſhal! and bind him to the Stake. All were amaz'd at the ſeverity of this Sentence, as much as if they had ſeen the edge of the Hatchet levell'd at their own Throats, and 'twas out of Fear, rather than Modeſty, that they did fall into a Mutiny. Having a little recover'd their Spirits diſſipated with wonder, they had not long ſtood ſilent, when his Head being chop'd off, the Blood guſh'd forth before them, and their Tongues as freely pour'd out Complaints, and mix'd Curſes with their Lamentations. The Youths Body they cover'd with his own Victorious Spoils; they erected a Funeral Pile without the Camp whereon to burn it, and celebrated his Obſequies with as much Affection and Honor as ever was paid by Soldiers to the memory of their greateſt Commanders: And the Manlian Commands were not only dreadful for the preſent, but gave a terrible precedent to all Poſterity.

However, the rigor of this Puniſhment made the Soldiers more obedient; and beſides, rendring the Guards and Sentinels more vigilant, did much good in the extremity of the Battel that ſoon after enſued; for their Fight was much like a Civil War, the Latines differing from the Roman Commonwealth in nothing almoſt but Courage. Formerly, they uſed long large Roman Shields; afterwards, becoming Stipendiaries and taking pay, they wore inſtead thereof ſhorter Targets: And whereas afore-time they drew up cloſe and thick together, like the Macedonian Phalanges; afterwards they rang'd their Battel into Bands more looſely and diſtinctly, and at laſt came to be divided into thinner and more numerous Ranks and Squadrons, each Squadron containing ſixty Soldiers, two Centurions, and an Enſign-Bearer; their Van conſiſted of fifteen Companies (placed a ſmall diſtance from each other) of Spear-men, or rather Javelyneers, called Haſtati; each Company having twenty Light-arm'd Soldiers, and the reſt a ſort of Targeteers: They call'd thoſe Light-arm'd, who carried only Spears or Javelins to fight with at hand, and a ſmall ſort of Darts to throw at a diſtance. In this Fore-front were placed the Flower of the Youths that grew up as Apprentices to the Art of War. Then came as many more Companies of thoſe of riper and more manly Age, which were called Principes: In the next place thirty Companies of Targeteers, all with very brave and extraordinary Armor, and theſe were called Antepilani, becauſe they were followed by fifteen Squadrons more, each of which contained three Diviſions, and each firſt Diviſion, being that next to the Standard, was called Pilum, and conſiſted of three Colours or Companies, every one of which contained 186 Men; the firſt Company was of old Soldiers of approved Courage, call'd Triarii; the ſecond of men of leſs Force and Experience, call'd Rorarii; and the third of raw Fellows new liſted to fill up the Muſter-Rolls, call'd Accenſi, who being of ſmall account, always march'd in the Rear.

When the Army was thus drawn up in Battalia, the Haſtati or Javelyneers began the Battel, and if they were not able to Rout the Enemy, they ſoftly and in order Ret • eated, and fell back into the Intervals between the Squadrons of the Principes, who receiv'd them, and then advanced themſelves to Charge the Enemy, and were therein ſeconded by the ſaid Haſtati: the Triarii all this while abiding firm about their Enſigns, ſetting out their left Legs before them at length, their Targets on their ſhoulders, and their ſhort Pikes or Javelins ſtuck into the Ground, at the wrong end ſloping, and with their Heads bending forwards, ſo that they ſeem'd Fortified with Paliſado's. Now if the Principes alſo prov'd unſucceſsful, and could not break the Enemy, then they orderly by little and little retired from the Fore-front back to the Triarii; (whence grew the Proverb, when a thing was at a dead lift, to ſay, ad Triarios rediſſe, that it was come to the Triarii, or laſt pinch) then the Triarii at once riſing up, as ſoon as they had received the Principes and Haſtati into the void ſpaces between their Files, ſuddenly drew to a cloſe Order, and ſhut up as it were all Paſſages and Entrance, and ſo with one joint cloſe Body of the whole Army, there being now no further reſerve or hope left, reſolutely advanc'd to Charge the Enemy; who were herewith moſt ſurpriz'd and diſ-heartened, when thinking to Chaſe thoſe that they ſeem'd to have vanquiſh'd, they ſaw a new Battel of freſh Men ſtarting up, and the ſame more numerous. The Romans commonly levyed for their Army four Legions, each conſiſting of 5000. Foot and 300. Horſe, to whom were wont to be added juſt as many more Auxiliaries furniſh'd by the Latines; but they now were Enemies, and had Marſhal'd their Army exactly in the ſame manner; ſo that they knew well enough before-hand, not only that they were to encounter Enſign with Enſign, all the Pikes and Javelins with Pikes and Javelins, and Principes with Principes, but alſo one Centurion with another, if the Armies were not diſordered. In each Army there was a Primipilus, Chief Centurion or Leader of the Triarii: The Roman, but of a weak and ſlender Body, but otherwiſe a Man of Courage and Conduct: The Latine, a mighty ſtout Fellow, and a Deviliſh Fighter: They knew one another well enough, as having always equal Charges heretofore, when the Roman and Latine Forces uſed to be united: The Roman not greatly truſting to his own ſtrength, had got leave of the Conſuls before they march'd out of Rome, to chooſe whom he would to be his Deputy Centurion, who might be his Second, and defend him from this one deſigned Enemy. And it fell out, that the young Man by him made choice of, in the heat of the Battel engaged the Latine Centurion, and ſlew him. The Battel was fought not far from the Foot of the Mountain Veſuvius in the Road to Veſeris.

The Roman Conſuls, before they put their Army into Battalia, having ſeverally killed their Beaſts for Sacrifice, the Aruſpex [or Bowel-prying Sooth-ſayer] is ſaid to have obſerved in Decius's, the head of the Liver to be wounded, but in all other reſpects an acceptable Sacrifice: But as for Manlius, in his there appeared as good tokens as could be wiſh'd; whereupon (quoth Decius) 'tis well enough, ſince my Brother Conſul has the favor of the Gods. The Army being drawn up, as before related, they march'd into the Field, Manlius commanding the Right Wing, and Decius the Left. At firſt they fought on both ſides with equal Courage as well as Forces: But after a while, the Roman Haſtati of the Left Wing, no longer able to bear the violent Shock of the Latines, retreated to their Principes; in which diſorder Decius calls aloud to M. Valerius, I ſee, O Valerius! we have need of the Aſſiſtance of the Gods; Let the publick High Prieſt of the People of Rome come and pronounce the Solemn Words, with which I am to devote my ſelf for our Army, that I may ſay them after him. The Prieſt ordered him to put on a long Purple Robe embroidered before, call'd Praetexta, to cover his Head, and put forth his hand under the ſaid Robe at his Chin, and ſtanding upon a Javelin with both his Feet, to ſay after him, as follows: O Janus, Jupiter, Father Mars, Bellona, you Houſhold Deities, Novenſiles and Indigetes! you Gods likewiſe who have ſpecial Power over us and our Enemies, and all you Infernal Gods, you I invocate, you I adore, your pardon and leave I implore, and your favor I require, That you would proſper Power and Victory unto the People of Rome, and ſtrike their Enemies with Dread, and Terror, and Slaughter: And as I have ſolemnly call'd upon you by Name, ſo for the Weal-Publick of the People of Rome, and Quirites, their Legions and Auxiliaries, I here do Devote the Army of the Enemies, and all their Aids, together with my ſelf, to Tellus and the Infernal Gods. As ſoon as he had recited this Prayer, he diſpatch'd a Lictor [or one of the Provoſt Marſhals] to T. Manlius, to advertiſe him, That his Collegue had ſeaſonably Devoted himſelf for the Army: And then tucking up his Gown after the Gabine Faſhion [that is, one part thrown under his right Arm, and the ſame Lappet back again over the left Shoulder, a poſture the Gabii were wont to Sacrifice in; and being once ſurprized at their Devotions by an Enemy, Charg'd them in that poſture, and obtain'd the Victory, whence for Lucks ſake the Roman Conſuls uſed it, when they denounced War] he mounted his Horſe, Arm'd at all Points, and ſo ſpurr'd into the thickeſt of the Enemy. To both Armies he ſeem'd to carry a Preſence full of Majeſty, and ſomething more than Humane. As he ſent from Heaven to Atone all the Wrath of the Gods, and divert their Vengeance from his own People to the Enemy; where-ever he came he carried Dread and Terror, firſt he put the Latines Front into Confuſion, then Charg'd through into their main Body. This was evident, that where-ever his Horſe carried him, they all round trembled and were aſtoniſh'd, as if they had been Planet-ſtruck. And when at laſt he fell oppreſſed with a Storm of Darts, from that moment the Latine Regiments were generally in a Conſternation, and every where began to give Ground: As on the other ſide, the Romans diſcharg'd of their Superſtitious Fears, as if they had but juſt now began the Fight, fell upon the Enemy with redoubled Courage; for the Rorarii ran forwards amongſt the Ranks of the Antepilani, thereby re-inforcing both the Haſtati and the Principes, whil'ſt the Triarii kneeling on their right Knee, waited for the Word of Command from the Conſul, when to riſe and fall on.

In the progreſs of the Conflict, when the Latines by reaſon of their Numbers ſeem'd in ſome places to prevail, the Conſul Manlius, having receiv'd the news of his Collegues gallant death, and paid thereunto (as Piety required) a juſt Tribute of Tears and Praiſe, was once about to bring on the Triarii; but upon ſecond thoughts concluded it better to reſerve them till the laſt puſh, and in their ſtead commanded the Squadron call'd Accenſi, to advance from the Rear to the Van before the Standards. The Latines miſtook theſe for the Triarii, and preſently raiſed their own Triarii to encounter them. Who having fought a good while very ſmartly, and both wearied themſelves, and either broken or blunted the points of their Spears and Javelins, but yet by mere force beat back their Enemies, thinking now all had been done, and that they were ſure of the Victory. All of a ſudden the Conſul ſteps to his Triarii, Riſe now (ſaith he) you that are yet freſh, againſt an Enemy already tyred: Remember your Country and your Parents, your Wives and your Children; and eſpecially remember your noble Conſul, who to purchaſe you Victory, frankly embraced death. The Triarii thus ſtarting up freſh and luſty, with glittering Arms, a new Conflict and unexpected was begun: For they receiving the Antepilani into the Intervals of their Files, with a mighty Halloo charge and diſorder the Van of the Latines; and having cut to pieces their formoſt and ſtouteſt Men, preſs'd on through the reſt of their Troops, with almoſt as little reſiſtence as if they had been all unarm'd, and broke in with their cloſe Wedge-like Battalions, with ſo much fury and ſlaughter, that ſcarce a fourth part of the Enemy eſcaped; whoſe terror was the more increaſed, by ſeeing the Samnites at a diſtance under the Mountain, advancing in good order to the Romans aſſiſtance. But amongſt all, either Citizens or Allies, the Glory of that days Service belongs to the Conſuls; one of them taking upon himſelf alone, all the Wrath and threatned Vengeance of the Gods both Celeſtial and Infernal; the other ſhewing ſuch Valour and Conduct, that 'tis agreed by all Hiſtorians, whether Romans or Latines mentioning this Fight, That on which ſide ſoever Manlius had been General, theirs undoubtedly would have been the Victory. The Latines, after their Defeat, retreated to Minturnae: Their Camp, immediately after the Fight, was taken, and therein many ſurprized, and endeavoring to eſcape, run over one another, and were trod to pieces, eſpecially of the Campanians. The Corps of Decius could not be diſcovered that Day, becauſe the Night came on ſo faſt, but next Morning it was found cover'd with Darts and Javelins, amongſt an heap of ſlain Enemies: His Funerals were celebrated by his Colleague with all poſſible Honor and Solemnity, ſuitable to the gallantry of his Death.

It may here fitly be noted, That it was lawful for the Conſul, Dictator, or Praetor, when they devoted or gave their Enemies to the Devil, not to devote himſelf, but any Citizen whom he liſt, provided he were one enrolled in one of the Roman Legions: Concerning whom the Law was thus; If the perſon ſo Devoted were ſlain, then all was well; but if he eſcap'd, then they made an Image of him greater than the life, ſeven Foot high or more, which they buried in the Ground, and Sacrificed a Bullock as a propitiation in his ſtead: But where-ever that Image was ſo Interr'd, it was not lawful for any Roman Magiſtrate to approach. On the other ſide, if a Man would Devote himſelf, as here Decius did, if he were not kill'd, he might not afterwards be admitted to perform any Divine Service, publick or private, until he had paſs'd an Expiation, which he might do by offering his Arms to Vulcan, or any other God, or by a Sacrifice, or other Offering as he pleaſeth. It is not lawful to ſuffer the Enemy to ſeize that Weapon; if they do, a Propitiatory Sacrifice muſt be offered to Mars, viz. a Swine, a Sheep, and a Bull. Theſe things, though now grown obſolate, and ſcarce mention'd in any Records of Sacred or Civil Ceremonies, ſince an humor has prevail'd of preferring New and Forreign Rites, before thoſe Antient Ones of our own Country; yet I thought it not amiſs to tranſmit them to Poſterity, in thoſe very words wherein they were enjoyn'd and pronounc'd.

Some Authors tell us, That the Samnites came not in to the Romans Aid till ſome time after the Battel, politickly waiting to take their Meaſures as the Succeſs thereof ſhould happen. As alſo, that there was Aſſiſtance coming to the Latines from Lavinium, but that they ſpent ſo much time in Conſultation, that the Latines were firſt beaten, and that the formoſt Enſigns, and part of their Forces, being but juſt march'd out of their own Gates, Intelligence arriv'd of the Latines being defeated, whereupon they returned into the City; whereupon Millionius their Praetor told them, That as little a way as they had march'd, they muſt expect the Romans would make them pay a dear Rate for it. Thoſe of the Latines that eſcap'd in the Battel, being ſcattered ſeveral ways, Rallied together, and took up their Quarters in the City Veſcia; there in a Council of War, their General Numiſius affirmed, That the buſineſs was but a drawn Game, as many being loſt on one ſide as on t'other, and that the Romans indeed pleas'd themſelves with the noiſe and bare name of a Victory, but Fortune had handled them as roughly as if they had been beaten: That the Pavilions of both their Conſuls were defiled and full of Funeral Mournings; one by the Murther and Parricide of his only Son; the other, by the death of the Conſul that Devoted himſelf: That the greater part of their Forces were ſlain, their Haſtati and Principes generally cut off, a mighty Slaughter made both before and behind their Standards, only at laſt the Triarii did a little repair their Fortune. But ſuppoſe the Latines had loſt as many men as they, yet I hope Latium, or the Volſcians, are ſomewhat nearer than Rome to re-inforce us with Supplies: therefore if they thought good, he would inſtantly raiſe all the Youth of the Latine and Volſcian Nations, and return with a freſh and formidable Army to Capua, where he did not doubt, by his unexpected Arrival, to ſurprize and defeat the Romans that dream'd of nothing leſs than a ſecond Battel. So by diſpatching Sham-Letters through all the Latine and Volſcian Territories, which thoſe that were not preſent at the Fight were too apt raſhly to credit, he had quickly levyed and drawn together a Tumultuary Army. But Torquatus the Conſul met with them at Tifanum, a place between Sinueſſa and Minturnae, before they were Encamp'd: Therefore both Parties beſtowing their Baggage in heaps out of the way, as well as they could, preſently fell to Fighting, and concluded the War. For the ſtrength of the Enemy was there ſo ſhattered, that the Conſul advancing with his Army to Forrage their Country, all the Latines yielded, and ſurrendred up themſelves and their Country at Diſcretion; and the Campanians did the like: both Latium and Capua were puniſh'd with the Forfeiture of all their Lands: thoſe of the Latines, together with the Country of the Privernates, and the Falerii (a People of Campania) as far as the River Vulturnus, being divided amongſt the Commons of Rome; two Acres a man being alotted them in Latium, and if there were not Land enough, three fourth parts of the Privernates Ground ſhould go to make it up. And three Acres and a quarter to a Man in the Territories of the Falerii, becauſe that lay further off: But the Inhabitants of Laurentum in Latium, and the Campanian Cavalry, eſcaped this puniſhment, becauſe they had never revolted: Therefore the old League with the Laurentines was Ratified, and thenceforwards yearly renewed after the tenth day of the Latine Holy-days [which always began the 27. of April] And the Campanian Horſe were made free Denizons of Rome, for a Monument whereof they ſet up a Brazen Table there in the Temple of Caſtor. And for their Maintainance the people of Capua were enjoyned to pay every one of them (and they were One thouſand and ſix hundred in all) the ſum of Four hundred and fifty Denarii [which is almoſt fifteen pounds apiece, and for the whole, 24000 l. ſterling per annum. But ſome Copies read only 45 Denarii, which is not full thirty ſhillings a Man ſterling, and the whole but 2400. l. a year, which ſeems more probable for thoſe times.

The War being thus happily diſpatch'd, and Rewards beſtowed, and Puniſhments inflicted according to every Mans merit, T. Manlius returns to Rome. But 'tis certain, only the Old People went forth to meet and congratulate him; for the Youth, both then, and all his Life long, hated and curſed him for his Cruelty to his Son. The Antiates made Incurſions into the Territories of Hoſtia, Ardea, and Solonae. The Conſul Manlius being diſabled by Sickneſs to manage that War, nominated L. Papirius Craſſus, who was then Praetor, to be Dictator, who choſe L. Papirius Curſor his General of the Horſe. This Dictator kept the Field, and had his Summers Quarters for ſome Months in the Antiates Country, but no remarkable Action happened.

After this Year, renowned as well for the Victory over ſo many potent Nations, as for the noble Death of one of the Conſuls, and the memorable, though rigorous Government of the other, there ſucceeded in the Conſulſhip T. Aemilius Mamercinus, and Q. Publilius Philo, who as they met not with ſo active a Scene of Grand Affairs, ſo they ſeem'd more intent upon their own private Intereſts and Factions in the Commonwealth, than ſolicitous to advance the Publick State of their Country. Yet they routed the Latines in the Plains of Fenecta, and drove them out of their Camp, when for madneſs at the loſs of their Lands, they fell into Rebellion. And Publilius (by whoſe Conduct that Victory was obtain'd) remaining there a while to receive the Submiſſions of the Latines, Aemilius advanc'd with the Army againſt Pedum, whoſe Inhabitants were buoy'd up by the aſſiſtance of the Tiburtines, Praeneſtines, and Veliternians; as alſo ſome Auxiliaries from Lavinium and Antium: where, though the Romans had the better on't in ſeveral Skirmiſhes, and that the whole Service was now reduced to the taking in of the City Pedum it ſelf, and the Camp of the Confederates which ſheltered is ſelf under the Walls, yet the Conſul hearing that a Triumph was Decreed for his Colleague, all on a ſudden gave over the War unfiniſh'd, haſtens to Rome, and importunately demanded a Triumphs, before he had compleated his Victory: Which the Senate juſtly offended with his unſeaſonable Ambition, flatly denyed, unleſs he firſt either took Pedum by Storm, or forc'd it to a Surrender. Aemilius hereupon took ſuch a Spleen againſt the Senators, that thence-forwards he behaved himſelf more like a ſeditious Tribune, than a Conſul. For as long as he continued in Office, he never ceaſed to accuſe the Nobles before the People, pretending they had not juſtly and fairly diſtributed the before-mentioned Latian and Falernian Lands, wherein it could not be expected his Partner ſhould oppoſe him, ſince he was himſelf a Commoner. The Senate, deſirous to ſhorten the Conſuls Government, Decreed, That a Dictator ſhould be Created againſt the Latine Rebels. but Aemilius was too cunning for them; for happening, according to his Turn, to have the Faſces or Enſigns of Government in his hands, he declared his Brother Conſul, Dictator, who choſe Junius Brutus Maſter of the Horſe. This Dictatorſhip was altogether ſuited to the humour of the Mobile, and full of Invectives againſt the Senate: During which, theſe three Laws were eſtabliſh'd in favour of the Commons, and very much to the prejudice of the Nobility. 1. That whatever Ordinances paſs'd the Commons, ſhould bind all the Quirites or Citizens of Rome. 2. That when Laws were propoſed to be Enacted in the Comitial Centuries, the Senate ſhould paſs them firſt, before the Scrutiny begin and the Suffrages be gathered. [Laws that paſs'd in the Comitia, or Guild-Hall Aſſemblies of the People, before this time were not Authentick till the Senate had approv'd them: But now the Senate was to give their Sentiment firſt, and the laſt Deciſion of Ratifying or Rejecting was to be in the People.] 3. That whereas they had already obtained, That both the Cenſors might be of the Commons: Now one Cenſor at the leaſt ſhould always be a Commoner of neceſſity. So that in the opinion of the Nobles, the Majeſty of the State was much more impaired this Year at home by theſe Conſuls and Dictator, than it was augmented by their Victory or War-like Atchievements abroad.

The Year following, L. Furius Camillus, and C. Maenius being Conſuls, That Aemilius the late Conſul might more notably be reproach'd and expoſed for his negligence, the Senate inſiſted, That the City Pedum ſhould by all means poſſible be attack'd, and utterly deſtroyed and razed to the Cround; ſo that the new Conſuls being forced to poſtpone all others Affairs, advanced thither with all Expedition. The Latines were now reduced to that odd paſs, that they could neither endure War, nor Peace: To maintain the former, they wanted Forces; and yet diſdain'd to hear of the latter, ever ſince their Lands were taken from them. So they reſolved to hold a middle Courſe, viz. To contain themſelves within their own Gariſons, that the Romans might take no occaſion to quarrel with them; and if they receiv'd Intelligence of any Towns being Beleaguered, that all the Confederates ſhould endeavor to Relieve it: yet the Inhabitants found aſſiſtance but from very few. The Tiburtines and Praeneſtines, whoſe Countries lay neareſt, did indeed come up thither: But as for the Aricins, Lavinians and Veliternians, although they had joyn'd their Forces with the Antiates and Volſcians, yet being unexpectedly encountred by Maenius on the Banks of the River Aſtura, they were all defeated and ſcatter'd. Nor did Camillus with leſs ſucceſs, though with more difficulty (as having to do with a ſtouter and more formidable Enemy) engage the Pedans and Tiburtines: For the Townſmen making a brisk Sally in the heat of the Fight, put him into ſome pain and hazard; but in the end, he not only beat them back, but the ſame day having vanquiſh'd both them and their Auxiliaries, ſcaled the Walls and took the Town. This Encouragement, and ſome freſh Recruits, ſpurr'd the two Conſuls on to march their Army quite through the Latine Territories; nor did they reſt, till they had either taken by Force, or compell'd to a Surrender all its Principal Towns, and intirely ſubdued the whole Country; wherein having placed neceſſary Garriſons, they return'd to Rome, worthy in all mens eſteem of a Triumph: To which, for greater Honor was added by the Senate, That their Statues on Horſe-back (a rare thing in thoſe days) ſhould be ſet up in the Forum [the Publick Market-place, or Hall, wherein the Courts of Judicature were held.] Before the time came for chooſing of Conſuls for the enſuing Year, Camillus made a motion to the Senate touching the Latines, and Diſcourſed them to this effect: My Lords, What was to be done in Latium by Arms, is now, by the favor of the Gods, and the valour of your Soldiers, accompliſhed: The Enemies Armies at Pedum and Aſtura are cut off: All the Latine Towns and ſtrong Holds ſtorm'd or yielded; as alſo Antium, a City of the Volſcians, and are now poſſeſt by your Gariſons. But ſince they daily give us trouble by freſh Rebellions, it remains now only to Conſider of ſome proper Expedient whereby we may keep them in continual Peace. For reſolving which Queſtion, the Gods have left it wholly in your hands, whether or no Latium ſhall any longer be a Nation. So that you may at your pleaſure ſecure your ſelves of an Eternal Peace from them, either by rooting them utterly out, or by Pardoning and Indulging them. Will ye take harſh Meaſures againſt thoſe that have yielded themſelves, and whom you have Vanquiſh'd? You may indeed blot out the Memory of Latium from the face of the Earth, and lay all thoſe Regions ſolitary and waſte, whence you were wont to raiſe brave ſocial Armies in all your greateſt Wars: Or will ye rather, imitating your Anceſtors, augment the Roman Republick, by receiving thoſe you have Conquer'd into the number of your Citizens? This will afford you an encreaſe both of Strength and Glory: For certainly, that Government is moſt ſecure and durable, where Subjects obey willingly and with delight. Whatever you reſolve on, Expedition is abſolutely neceſſary; you hold divers Nations ſuſpended between Hopes and Fears: 'Tis fit you ſhould diſcharge your ſelves as ſoon as you can of that Care they put you to and whil'ſt their minds are yet amuſed with Expectation, prevent them either by Obligations, or Severity from taking new Meaſures. 'Twas our Work and Duty as your Servants, to bring Affairs to that paſs, that you might diſpoſe of them as you pleaſe: It is now your Buſineſs to determine what may be beſt for your ſelves and the Common-weal.

The chief of the Senate commended what the Conſul had propoſed, but becauſe ſome of the Peeple concern'd, were under very different Circumſtances from others, it was thought good that each might have right done, to determine of them one by one, and by Name. Whereupon it was Decreed, 1. That the Lavinians ſhould be Enfranchiſed, or made free Citizens of Rome, and enjoy their own Religion and Ceremonies, with this Proviſo, That the Temple and Grove of Juno the Hoſpitable, be common to the Burgeſſes of Lavinium and People of Rome. Secondly, That the Aricins, Nomentanes, and Pedans, ſhall be accepted for Citizens, and enjoy the ſame Priviledges as the Lavinians. Thirdly, That the Tuſculanes ſhould ſtill retain their Freedom which they now enjoy'd, and the Crime of Rebellion be charg'd only on ſome of the prime Ring-leaders, without endamaging the whole Community. Fourthly, The Veliternians being Ancient Roman Citizens, and ſo oft guilty of Revolts and Rebellion, were more ſeverely to be chaſtiz'd; their City was diſmantled, their Senators baniſh'd and confin'd to dwell beyond the Tyber, upon Penalty, That if any of them were found on this ſide the Water, it might be lawful for any Man to ſeize, and hold him to the Ranſom of 1000 Aſſes, and to detain him in Irons till he paid the mony: And into the Lands of theſe Senators there were Colonies [Tenents or Farmers] ſent, who being ſetled, Velitre ſeem'd as Populous as ever it was. Fifthly, The People of Antium were made Free of Rome, but had all their principal Ships taken away, and were forbidden to uſe the Sea: A new Colony wa • alſo ſent thither, but the Inhabitants had leave, if they pleaſed to Enroll themſelves, to continue there. Sixthly, The Tibertines and Praeneſtines had their Lands taken from them, not ſo much for this new Rebellion, common with the reſt of the Latines, but becauſe to ſhake off the Roman Government, they had heretofore aſſociated themſelves with that fierce and cruel Nation the Gauls. Seventhly, From the reſt of the Latine Cities and States, they took away the priviledge of Marrying, of Commerce, and of holding of Councils by themſelves without Licenſe firſt obtain'd. Eighthly, The Campain Gentlemen, that ſerv'd on Horſe-back, becauſe they ſcorn'd to joyn in the Revolt; and the Inhabitants of Fundum and Formiae, becauſe they always allow'd the Romans free and ſafe paſſage through their Countries, had the Honor to be made Free Denizons of Rome, but without Right of Voicing. And laſtly, The People of Cumae and Sueſſula, were to remain in the ſame ſtate and condition as thoſe of Capua. The Ships taken from Antium, were ſome of them laid up in the Docks at Rome, and the reſt of them burnt, and with their Stems or Brazen Beaks it was thought fit to adorn the Publick Pulpits or Pleading-place in the Forum, which thence was called Roſtra.

In the Conſulſhip of C. Sulpicius Longus and P. Aelius Paetus, whil'ſt all things were in a deſirable Peace; to which the late kindneſs and beneficence of the Romans had contributed no leſs, than the Power of their Arms: A Quarrel happened between the Sidicins and Auruncans, which latter having heretofore yielded up themſelves to Manlius the Conſul, and ever ſince ſtrictly kept their Faith, without being inveigled into any of the Revolts, had a very fair Plea to crave Aſſiſtance from the Romans. But though the Senate had ordered, That they ſhould be reliev'd, yet before the Conſuls were march'd out of the City, news came, that the Auruncans had for fear deſerted their Town, and fled with their Wives and Children to Sueſſa (which at this day is call'd Aurunca) where they had Fortified themſelves, and that their Old City and its Walls, were demoliſh'd and deſtroyed by the Sidicins. The Senate being offended at the Conſuls, by whoſe delays their Allies were betray'd, ordered a Dictator to be appointed, who was C. Claudius Regillenſis, and C. Claudius Hortator his General of the Cavalry. But ſome Superſtitious ſcruples ariſing about the Legality of the Choice, and the Augurs declaring the Election not to be right, they both reſign'd their Places. The ſame Year Madam Minutia, a Veſtal Nun, being firſt ſuſpected of Wantonneſs, becauſe of her Garb and Dreſs thought too fine and curious for one of her Profeſſion; and afterwards poſitively charged before the High Prieſts, by one of her Bond-men that turn'd Informer againſt her: She was firſt enjoyn'd to abſtain from her Office, and aſſiſting at Divine Service, and not to Manumize [or ſet free] any of her Servants, [for then, being Free-men, they could not have been put to the Queſtion or Tortured, to make them confeſs and give evidence againſt her] and afterwards, on further ſifting of the matter, ſhe was Sentenc'd to be Buried alive, which was Executed accordingly at the Gate Collina, on the paved Cauſway on the Right hand in the Field, which, I ſuppoſe, from her Inceſt and filthy Crime took the Name, and is ever ſince called, Sceleratus, The Execrable or Polluted Field. The ſame Year Q. Publius Philo was choſen Praetor, the firſt Commoner that ever enjoy'd that Office; and this too, notwithſtanding the Oppoſition of Sulpicius the Conſul, who ſaid he would not admit him to be put in Nomination: But, it ſeems, the Senators having been already baffled in the greater Dignities, were leſs intent upon ſecuring the Praetorſhip to thoſe of their Rank.

The next Year, under the Conſulſhip of L. Papirius Craſſus, and Caeſo Duellius, was remarkable for a War with the Anſonians, in regard rather of its Novelty, than either its Greatneſs or Danger. This People dwelt in a Town called Cales, and had joyn'd their Forces with their Neighbors the Sidicins: But one Battel, and that too none of the moſt memorable, defeated the United Strength of theſe two petty Nations, whoſe being near home both invited them to run, and made their flight the ſafer. However, the Senate thought fit to proſecute that War further, ſince theſe Sidicins had ſo often Rebelled themſelves, or aſſiſted thoſe that did, or at leaſt been the occaſion of Troubles. Therefore they uſed all their Intereſt to make that gallant Commander, M. Valerius Corvus, in this Juncture the fourth time Conſul, with whom was joined M. Atilius Regulus. And that Fortune might not prevent their Intentions, the Conſuls were deſired that Corvus might undertake the Charge of the Sidicine Province, without putting it to the Lot: Who receiving the Command of a Victorious Army from the former Conſuls, march'd therewith to Cales (the Spring-head of the War) and having at the firſt Charge routed the Enemy, ſtill trembling with the thoughts of their laſt Defeat, he began to attack the Walls, and ſo eager were the Soldiers, as they would preſently have mounted their Scaling-Ladders; but that being matter of hazard, Corvus was willing they ſhould take a little more pains, rather than run ſo great a hazard: He therefore cauſed them to make a Platform, or Gallery, and other Works, to batter down the Wall: But a lucky opportunity prevented their being uſed; for M. Fabius, a Roman Priſoner in the Town, taking the advantage of his Keepers negligence when they were merry on a Holy-day, got off his Irons, and by a Rope faſtned to a Battlement of the Wall, lot himſelf down by the Hands into the Roman Works, and perſwaded the General to Storm the Town immediately, whil'ſt the Enemies were generally aſleep and over-charged with Wine and good Cheer; nor proved it any more difficulty to take the City, than it had been to rout them in the Field. A vaſt Booty was taken there, and a Gariſon plac'd in the Town: Then the Legions march'd back to Rome, and the Conſul Triumph'd by a Decree of the Senate. And that his Partner Attilius might not be without his ſhare of Glory, both the Conſuls were commanded to lead the Army againſt the Sidicins, L. Aemilius Mamercinus being firſt made Dictator, to hold the Election for the Conſuls enſuing, whoſe General of the Horſe was Q. Publilius Philo; and the Conſuls then choſen, T. Veturius, and Sp. Poſtumius: Theſe Gentlemen, though the War with the Sidicins was not yet quite ended, to gratifie the Commons, by doing them a kindneſs before they ask'd it, obtained an Act for the ſending of a Colony of Two thouſand and five hundred Perſons to Cales; and to carry them thither, and divide the Lands amongſt them a Triumviate was appointed, viz. Caeſo Duilius, T. Quintius, and M. Fabius.

The new Conſuls having received the Army from the old, entred the Enemies Country, and deſtroy'd all before them, up to the very Walls of their City. But then, foraſmuch as the Sidicins had levyed a mighty Army, and puſh'd on by Extremity, ſeem'd reſolv'd to hazard all at one Blow, and fight it out to the laſt; and for that it was reported that the Samnites were ready to riſe in Arms, the Conſuls, by the Authority of the Senate, thought fit to Create P. Cornelius Ruffinus, Dictator, and M. Antonius Maſter of the Horſe. But here again, a Superſtitious Freak took them in the Head that they were not duly Created, and ſo they flung up their Offices: And becauſe a Peſtilence happened to enſue, as if the Fortune of all their Elections of Magiſtrates had been tainted with the ſame default, matters came to an Inter-reign; and at laſt, by the fifth Inter-regent, M. Valerius Corvus, Conſuls were choſen, L. Cornelius the ſecond time, and Cn. Domitius. And now though all things were in actual Peace, a mere rumor of a War like to happen with the Gauls, occaſion'd the naming of a Dictator, viz. M. Papirius Craſſus, and P. Valerius Publicola General of the Horſe: Whil'ſt they were intent upon their Levies, which were carried on with greater diligence than needed for any Neighboring War, the Scouts that had been ſent out, return'd with Intelligence, That the Gauls were all quiet, and no danger to be apprehended from that Quarter. But it was ſuſpected, that the Samnites this ſecond Year were brewing ſome Ill-deſigns, therefore the Roman Army was not withdrawn out of the Sidicins Country: But the truth was, the Samnites were diverted by the Invaſion which Alexander King of Epire made upon the Lucanians, with whom the Samnites joyning, gave him Battel near Paeſtus: But Alexander worſted them, and made a League with the Romans, which how well he would have kept, if his Succeſs had continued, is a Queſtion. The ſame Year there was a general Cenſe, or numbering of the People, with a valuation of their Eſtates, and the new-made Citizens were Enroll'd and Entred into the Subſidy-Books. And by reaſon of their Numbers, two new Tribes, Moecia, and Scaptia, were added by the Cenſors Q. Publilius Philo, and Sp. Poſthumus: Likewiſe the Acerrans were by a Law prefer'd by L. Papirius the Praetor made free Romans, but without right of Suffrages. Theſe were the Tranſactions of this Year, both as to War abroad, and the Civil State at home.

Infamous was the next Year, whether it happen'd by the diſtemperature of the Heavens, or through humane Villany, I know not: M. Claudius Marcellus, and C. Valerius, were then Conſuls; which laſt, I find in ſome Annals to have the Surname of Flaccus, and in others, Potitus; it matters not much which is the Right. But I heartily wiſh, that were falſe (nor do all Authors mention it) which is related of many Perſons being made away by Poiſon, whoſe ſudden death rendred this Year infamous for a Peſtilence. But as the matter is delivered, I ſhall not omit it, leſt I ſhould ſeem to detract from the Credit of any of the Authors of the Story. It happening, that divers chief Men of the City, and Perſons of prime Quality, dyed of a like Diſeaſe, and almoſt all in the ſame manner: A certain Chamber-maid addreſſed her ſelf to Q. Fabius Maximus (being at that time Aedile of State) offering to diſcover the Cauſe of this publick Plague, if he would engage that ſhe ſhould not thereby come to any harm or trouble: Fabius preſently acquaints the Conſuls, and they the Senate, by whom ſuch aſſurance was given as ſhe deſired. Then did ſhe declare, That it was by the wickedneſs of certain Women that the City was thus afflicted: That ſeveral Ladies did prepare theſe Poiſons, and that if they would inſtantly go along with her, they might be taken in the manner. They followed her acoordingly, and found ſome Women as they were boiling their Venomous Medicaments, and other Poiſonous Confections ready made up they found hid in ſecret places; which being all brought into the Forum (or Juſtice-Hall) and about twenty of thoſe Matrons, with whom they were found, brought thither by a Serjeant: Two of them, Cornelia and Sergia, both deſcended of Noble Families, inſiſted, That they were good and wholſom Medicines: The Diſcoverer urged then, That they might be enjoyned to drink them up, and thereby convince her of inventing a lye, and giving falſe Evidence againſt them. Whereupon they deſired to confer together, and the People being withdrawn, theſe two propoſing the matter to the reſt, they all conſented, drank off their Doſes, and all periſh'd by their own miſchievous Practice. Their Accomplices were forthwith apprehended, who diſcover'd a great number of other Matrons concern'd, of whom 170. were condemned. Never before that time was there any Proceſs made at Rome againſt any for Poiſoning; and the thing was now look'd upon as a Prodigy, and thought to be done by People diſtracted and bewitch'd, rather than having a Murderous Intent: And therefore finding in old Chronicles, That once upon a time, when the Commons in a frantick fit withdrew themſelves and went out of the City, they were brought to their Wits again by the piacular Ceremony of the Dictators driving and fixing a Nail or Spike [of Braſs or Iron, in the back-wall of Minerva's, or of Jupiter's Temple] the Senate reſolv'd they would have a Dictator for performing this Ceremony, and Cn. Quintilius was choſen, with L. Valerius Maſter of the Horſe, who as ſoon as they had in due form driven the Nail, laid down their Offices.

L. Papirius Craſſus was choſen Conſul the ſecond time, and L. Plantius Venno, in the beginning of their Year, Ambaſſadors came from Frabateria and Lucania, two Cities of the Volſcians, requeſting to be taken into protection, and promiſing, That if they might be defended from the Violence of the Samnites, they would become Loyal and Obedient Subjects to the People of Rome. The Senate diſpatch'd Ambaſſadors, to require the Samnites to forbear invading theſe People; and the ſame prov'd effectual, not that the Samnites deſired Peace, but becauſe they were not yet ready for a War. This Year began the War with the Privernates, with whom were joined the Fundans, and their General one of that Nation, called Vitruvius Vaccus, a Man famous, not only in his own Country, but alſo at Rome, where he had an Houſe in Mount Palatine, which being ſince pull'd down, and the Ground confiſcated, is now called Vacciprata. Againſt this Perſon, Forraging and Spoiling the Countries, all about Setin, Norba and Cora, L. Papirius march'd forth, and poſted himſelf very near their Camp. Vitruvius had neither the Prudence to keep his Men within their Works, when he ſaw he had to deal with an Enemy too ſtrong for him, nor the Courage to fight far from their Fortifications. He had ſcarce drawn the Body of his Army out of the Port of their Camp (who were ſolicitous which way they ſhould ſecure themſelves in their Retreat, rather than mindful of the Battel or the Enemy) when with as little Conduct as Valor he began the Fight, and as with little ado he was very undeniably beaten; ſo by reaſon of the incarneſs and eaſie Retreat into their Camp, he preſerved his Men well enough, there being ſcarce one of them kill'd in the Skirmiſh, and only ſome few in the Rout of the hindmoſt, as they were hudling into their Camp: But thinking it more ſafe to truſt themſelves to the Protection of a Wall, than of a Trench, as ſoon as it was dark, with a timerous March, they ſtole away towards Privernum. Round which, the other Conſul Plantius, had ſpoiled all the Country, and was now march'd into the Territories of the Fundans, whoſe Senate met him on the Borders, ſaying, They came not to mediate for Vitruvius and his Gang, but for the People of Funda, who were altogether innocent and unconcern'd in the War, as even Vitruvius himſelf had plainly ſhew'd, in that he choſe rather to ſhelter himſelf in Privernum, than in Funda his Native Country. That therefore at Privernum it was, that the Enemies of the People of Rome were to be ſought for, who unmindful of both their Countries, had revolted as well from the Fundans as the Romans. That as for the Inhabitants of Funda, they deſired nothing ſo much as Peace, and not forgetting the Honor they had lately received of being made free Denizons, ſhould always be Romans in their Affections as well as Title. They therefore did beſeech his Excellency, to forbear proſecuting an harmleſs People, avowing, That their Lands, their City, their own Bodies, and thoſe of their Wives and Children, were and ſhould ever be at the Devotion of the People of Rome. The Conſul commending their Modeſty, and having diſpatch'd away Adviſe to the Senate of their Obedience, turn'd his March to Privernum: But firſt call'd the Principal Conſpirators to account, of whom (as Claudius writes) Three hundred and fifty were ſent Priſoners to Rome; and that the Senate would not accept of the aforeſaid Submiſſion, as looking upon it to be but a Whining Sham.

Privernum being now Beleaguer'd with two Conſular Armies, one of the Conſuls was call'd home to hold the Courts for the Election of Magiſtrates. This Year the Barriers, or Liſts for the Horſe, and Chariot-Races, were firſt ſet up in the Circus. Before the War with the Privernates was over, another falſe Alarm was raiſed, that the Gauls were preparing to Invade the Romans. Theſe were a People that the Senate always ſtood in fear of, and therefore the new Conſuls, L. Aemilius Mamercinus, and C. Plautius, on the firſt of July, the very day they entred upon their Office, were ordered to make choice of their reſpective Provinces: The management of the Gallic War fell upon Mamercinus, who immediatly applyed himſelf to the levying of an Army, allowing no Exemptions; nay 'tis ſaid, poor Handicrafts-men, Artiſts, Shop-keepers, and the like, though very unfit for Military Service, were preſs'd and forc'd to bear Arms in this ſuppoſed neceſſity. Hereby a vaſt Army was Rendezvouz'd at Veij, that thence they might advance to Encounter the Gauls; nor was it thought adviſable to go further forward, for fear the Enemy taking another way, ſhould give them the ſlip, and in their abſence ſurprize the City. But within few days theſe fears were over-blown, and they were ſatisfied that the Gauls had no deſign to trouble them, ſo then all the Forces were bent againſt Privernum, which ſome ſay was taken by Storm, and Vitruvius apprehended alive: Other Authors relate, That before it came to that Extremity, they ſent out Ambaſſadors carrying a Caduceus, (or Mercury's Wand in token of Peace) before them, and of their own accord ſurrendred to the Conſul, and that Vitruvius was delivered up by his own Party. The Senate being conſulted upon this Affair, ordered the Conſul Plautius to diſmantle the City of Privernum, and place in it a ſtrong Gariſon, and ſent for him home to receive the Honor of a Triumph. They alſo Decreed, that Vitruvius ſhould in the mean time be kept cloſe Priſoner, and then be firſt publickly whip'd, and afterwards put to death; his Dwelling-houſe to be demoliſh'd, his Goods dedicated to their God, called Semon Sangus, and that what mony could be made thereof, ſhould be beſtowed in making of Brazen Globes to be placed for Ornament in the Chappel of the ſaid Sangus, towards the Temple of Quirinus. And touching the Senate of Privernum they paſs'd this Order, That whoever was a Senator there, at any time ſince their defection, ſhould be confined to dwell on the other ſide the Tiber, in the ſame manner as was Enacted in the caſe of the Veliternians. And as for the common People there was yet no mention made of them; but after the Conſul had Triumph'd, and Vitruvius and ſeveral of his Accomplices put to death, the Conſul thought he might ſafely move the Senate in their favor: Since the Authors (ſaith he) of this Revolt have receiv'd their due Reward from the Gods and you, Conſcript Fathers! What is your further pleaſure touching the Innocent Multitude? For my own part, though 'tis my duty to demand your Opinions, rather than deliver my own, yet ſeeing the Privernates are next Neighbors to the Samnites, with whom we have but a very uncertain Peace, I ſhould think it our Intereſt to oblige them, and give them as little occaſion for Rancour and Animoſity againſt us as may be.

As the matter it ſelf was doubtful, ſome adviſing to rigour, and others to clemency, according to every ones Inclination, ſo it was rendred more perplex'd and difficult by one of the Privernates own Ambaſſadors, who being ask'd by one of the Senators (that had ſpoken ſharply againſt them) what puniſhment he thought in his own Conſcience the Privernates worthy of; being more mindful of that State wherein he was born, than of their preſent neceſſity, replyed, Marry ſuch puniſhment as they deſerve, who think themſelves worthy of Freedom. The Conſul perceiving thoſe that were before againſt the Privernates, more exaſperated by this ſtout anſwer, endeavor'd by a gentle Queſtion to draw from him ſome more modeſt and ſubmiſſive Language: Suppoſe (ſaith he) we ſhould wholly remit your puniſhment, what kind of Peace may we then expect with you? To which the other briefly return'd, If you afford us a good and equal Peace, you ſhall find it on our part faithfully obſerved for ever; but if you impoſe hard Conditions, you muſt not expect we ſhould keep them long. At this ſome of the Senators cry'd out, That this was plain threatning, and the only way to ſtir up quiet People to Rebellion; but the more Judicious gave a more favorable Conſtruction, ſaying, It was a Speech becoming a Man, and one Free-born: For is it credible (ſay they) that any State, or indeed any Mortal, will endure a bad and uneaſie Condition any longer than they needs muſt? That Peace only can be ſure and ſtable, that is voluntarily entred into: Nor can we hope to find Fidelity, where we impoſe Slavery. But eſpecially the Conſul brought over many to Vote in their favor, by repeating theſe words ſeveral times ſo loud as they might be heard by the whole Houſe: That thoſe, and thoſe only, were worthy to be made Cttizens of Rome, who eſteemed nothing in the World ſo much as Liberty. Thus they gain'd their Point in the Senate, and obtained a Law from the People to be made Free Denizons. This Year a Colony of Three hundred perſons was ſent to Anxur, where each received two Acres of Ground.

The following Year, wherein P. Plautius Proculus, and P. Cornelius Scapula were Conſuls, was memorable in no reſpect for Affairs Domeſtick or Military, ſave only a Colony planted at Frigellae (which ſometime was in the Territories of the Sidicins, and afterwards of the Volſcians.) And a publick Dole, or diſtribution of Raw Fleſh, given to the People by M. Flavius at the Funeral of his Mother: There were ſome that thought, he under this pretence of Honoring his Mother, took an opportunity to diſcharge his Obligations to the People, and Reward them for acquitting him when he was lately Arraigned by the Aediles for raviſhing a certain married Woman. But if the Treat were beſtow'd for a Favor paſt, it got him Honor for the future, for at the next Election of a Tribune of the Commons, he, though abſent, was preferr'd before all that ſtood for't.

The City Palaepolis was ſituate not far from the place where Naples now ſtandeth, the ſame People Inhabited both Towns, deſcended from the Cumani, who deriv'd their Original from Chalcis in Euboia; with that Fleet wherein they Sail'd from their own Country, they were able to do much at Sea, and became formidable through thoſe Coaſts, Landing firſt in the Iſlands Aenaria and Pithecuſa, but afterwards ſeated themſelves on the Main Continent. Theſe People relying as well upon their own ſtrength, as the private and treacherous ill will which they knew the Samnites bore to the Romans, or perhaps encourag'd by the news of a Peſtilence, which was reported to have viſited Rome, had broke out into many Hoſtilities againſt the new Roman Colonies in Campania and Falernum. Therefore in the ſecond Conſulſhip of L. Cornelius Lentulus, and Q. Publilius Philo, Heralds were ſent to Palaepolis, to demand Reſtitution and Satisfaction, who bringing back an haughty Anſwer from the Greeks, as being a Nation more ſtout with their Tongues than their Hands, the Senate reſolv'd to make War upon them. The management of which happened by Lot upon Publilius, whil'ſt Cornelius with another Army was appointed to obſerve the Motions of the Samnites: For the Report went, that they expecting an Inſurrection of the Campanians, had a Deſign to joyn with them. Both the Conſuls ſent advice to the Senate, that there was no relying upon the Samnites fidelity: And Publilius added, That 2000. Soldiers from Nola, and 4000. Samnites, were lately received into Palaepolis to Reinforce that Gariſon, rather at their own Importunity, than on any requeſt of the Greeks.

At Rome they had certain Intelligence, That in Samnium Levies were made by the Magiſtrates, and that the whole Country, and divers Neighboring Nations, were all in Arms; and alſo that the Privernates, Fundans and Formians, had been tampered with, and ſolicited to Rebel. However, before a Declaration of War, it was thought fit to diſpatch Ambaſſadors to Treat and Expoſtulate with the Samnites, who appear'd very reſolute in their Anſwers: On the one ſide, charging the Romans, That they had done them divers Injuries; and on the other, juſtifying themſelves, and denying ſtoutly all that was objected: That neither the Greeks were aided by any publick Advice or Aſſiſtance of theirs; nor had they courted the People of Funda or Formiae to any Intrigues, for if they had a mind to a War, they ſaw no reaſon to deſpair but their own Forces might be ſufficient to manage it. That they could not diſſemble, but muſt avow the Samnite-State could not but reſent it ill, That when they had Conquered the Town Fregellae from the Volſcians, and demoliſh'd it, the Romans ſhould come and not only Rebuild it, but plant there a Colony in the heart of the Samnites Country: That this Injury and Reproach they were reſolv'd to rid themſelves of, unleſs thoſe that did it would of their own accord redreſs it. And when the Roman Ambaſſador propoſed to refer the Matters in difference to the Deciſion of their Common Friends and Allies, The Samnites replyed, To what purpoſe ſhall we perplex our ſelves and them? The Quarrels between us, O ye Romans! are not to be concluded by the ſmooth Words of Ambaſſadors, nor by any Mans Arbitration: It is the Campain Field, and Dint of Sword, and Fortune of War, that muſt determine them. Let us therefore meet between Capua and Sueſſula with our Armed Legions on either ſide, and there reſolve, Whether the Samnites or the Romans ſhall be Lords of Italy. The Roman Legates only rejoyn'd, That they were not to hearken to the Aſſignations of their Enemies, but ſhould readily march where-ever their own Generals ſhould lead them. Publilius having ſecured a convenient Paſs between Palaepolis and Naples, had already cut off their Communicating of mutual Succors, wherewith they had deſign'd to relieve each other in any Exigency. The Election-day was now coming on, and it not being thought fit to recal Publius who was before the Enemies Walls, from the fair hopes of taking the City: The Tribunes were prevailed with to propoſe an Ordinance to the People, That after the Expiration of his Year, he ſhould continue in Command as Pro-Conſul, until the War with the Greeks were fully ended. Neither was it judg'd convenient to take off L. Cornelius, who was already advanc'd into the Samnites Country, from the heat of the War, but rather to write to him to appoint a Dictator for holding the Elections, who nominated M. Claudius Marcellus, with whom Sp. Poſthumius was General of the Horſe. Yet he did not proceed to the Election, becauſe a doubt aroſe whether or no he were duly Created, which the Augurs reſolved in the Negative. But this their Sentence was oppoſed and ſcandalized by the Tribunes, alledging, That it was no eaſie matter to aſſign any ſuch Error, ſince the Conſul nominated the Dictator in the beginning of the ſtill Night (according to Cuſtom) neither had the Conſul publickly or privately written to any Perſon about that Affair: Nor was there any Mortal that could ſay he had ſeen or heard any thing that might fruſtrate the Auſpices: Nor yet was it poſſible, that the Augurs ſitting at Rome, ſhould Divine what Error happened to the Conſul in the Camp ſo far off: And therefore who cannot ſee through the Juggle, and that the only fault was, becauſe the Dictator Elect was a Commoner? Theſe, and other the like Objections, were made by the Tribunes, but without effect, for the buſineſs occaſion'd an Inter-reign, and the Elections on one pretence or other delay'd, until the fourteenth Inter-regent L. AEmilius created Conſuls, C. Petilius and L. Papirius, ſurnamed Mugillanus, or Curſor, as I find it in other Chronicles.

In that Year 'tis ſaid the City Alexandria in AEgypt was Founded, and Alexander King of Epirus ſlain by a Renegado Lucanian, whereby the Oracle of Jupiter Dodonaeus was verified: For when this Prince was invited into Italy by the Tarentines, he had warning given him to take heed of the Acheruſian Water, and the City Pandoſia; for there it was his Deſtiny to end his days. This prompted him to make the more ſpeed into Italy, that he might get as far off as he could from the City Pandoſia in Epirus, and the River Acheron, which flowing out of the Province Moloſſis into the lower Lakes, empties it ſelf into the Theſprotian Gulph. But (as 'tis often ſeen, Men by ſeeking to avoid their Fate, plunge themſelves into it) after ſeveral ſignal Succeſſes, as Routing divers times the Brutian and Lucanian Troops, the taking of Heraclea a Colony of the Tarentines, and Conſcentia from the Lucanians; as alſo Sipontum, and Acerina a Plantation of the Brutii, and many other Towns both of the Meſſapians and Lucans, and ſending away Captive 300. Noble Families into Epirus to be kept as Hoſtages, He happened to Encamp his Army upon three ſmall Hills not far from Pandoſia, a City ſituate near the Borders of the Lucanians and Brutians, having there a conveniency to make Excurſions into any part of the Enemies Country. He had commonly about him 200 baniſh'd Lucanians, whom he entruſted as his Guard, but they (as 'tis common for ſuch kind of People) were apt to make their Fidelity as mutable as the Fortune of thoſe they depended upon. Continual Rains cauſing an Inundation, prevented correſpondence between the three Camps, by which means two of them, by an unexpected Attack, were cut off by the Enemy, who next advanced to ſurround the King, whom the Exil'd Lucanians, by ſecret Intelligence, had promiſed to betray and deliver up alive or dead into their hands. But the King, with a ſelect Party broke through the Enemy, and kill'd the Lucanian General with his own hands: Then, rallying his ſcattered Troops, he came to a River, which by the freſh ruines of a broken Bridge, carryed away by the violence of the Stream, gave ſome hopes of a Paſſage. Where, whil'ſt his Soldiers were getting over at a blind dangerous Ford, one of them wearied with the fatigues of the Day, and diſmay'd at the preſent hazard, Curſing the unlucky name of the River, chanc'd to ſay, Thou haſt not thy name Acheros [that is, ſad and joyleſs] for nought: which the King over-hearing, it preſently put him in mind of his foretold Deſtiny, and ſtop'd in a deep ſuſpence, whether he ſhould venture over or not: Till Sotimus, one of his Servants, ask'd his Majeſty, Why he made delays when he was in ſuch imminent danger? and withal, ſhew'd him, That the treacherous Lucanians were endeavoring to intercept his paſſage. The King turning his Head, ſaw them at a diſtance advancing in a full Body after him; whereupon, drawing his Sword, he clap'd ſpurs to his Horſe, took the River, and rode through the midſt of it; but being ready to Land on the other ſide, one of the baniſh'd Lucanians lanced a Dart after him, and ſtruck him quite through the Body, which, with the Weapon ſticking in it, being carryed down by the Current as far as the Enemies Guard, was there moſt ſhamefully and barbarouſly mangled: For cutting his Corps to pieces in the middle, they ſent one part to Conſentia, and kept the other to gratifie their bruitiſh ſpleen and ſporting Cruelty. But as they were pelting it with Darts and Stones, and raging beyond any thing that can be believed of Humanity, a Woman begg'd of them to forbear a while, and then as one half drown'd in Tears, told them, That her Husband and Children were Priſoners in the hands of the Enemy, and that ſhe hoped to get them Releaſed in exchange for the Kings Body, though it were ſo much mutilated and mangled. This put a ſtop to their Out-rage, and by this good Womans care, ſo much of the Royal Corpſe as was left, was burnt at Creſcentia, but his Bones returned to his own Subjects at Metapontum, and thence conveyed into Epire to his Wife Cleopatra, and Siſter Olympias; the latter the Mother, the former the Siſter of Alexander the Great. This brief account I thought fit to give of the diſaſterous end of Alexander King of Epire, ſince Italy was the Scene whereon the ſame was acted, though Fortune prevented him from engaging actually againſt the Romans.

This Year was obſerv'd that Solemn Humiliation call'd Lectiſternium, the fifth that ever had been kept ſince the Building of Rome, and for appeaſing the ſame Gods as heretofore. The new Conſuls, having by the Ordinance of the People ſent the Heralds to denounce War againſt the Samnites, both themſelves made greater preparations for the ſame, than for that with the Greeks, and alſo had new and unexpected Auxiliaries. For the Lucanians and Apulians (Nations which never before held any Correſpondence with the Romans) now voluntarily offered their Friendſhip, and to levy Men and Arms towards the War. At the ſame time Affairs in Samnium were carryed on with Succeſs; three Towns, Allife, Callife, and Ruffrium, ſurrendred, and the reſt of the Country was all over Forrag'd upon the firſt arrival of the Conſuls. This War being ſo luckily diſpatch'd, that with the Greeks who were beſieg'd, did alſo draw nigh to a Period: For not only the ſeveral parties of the Enemy were cut off from all Communication with each other, by Forts raiſed between them, but even within their own Walls they endured greater Miſeries than could be threatned to them from the Enemy without: For as if they were become abſolute Captives to their Garriſon-Soldiers, whom they had entertain'd for their Defence, they ſuffer'd all kind of Indignities and Outrages from them, and even as great Extremities as could befal Cities taken by Storm. Therefore when Intelligence was brought of more Auxiliaries coming from Tarentum and Samnium, they thought they had got too many Samnites amongſt them already; but gladly expected the Tarentines, as being alſo Grecians, and hoping that by their aid they might as well withſtand the Outrages of the Samnites and Nolanians within their Walls, as the Force of the Romans their profeſſed Enemies without. In fine, amongſt the ſeveral Inconveniencies they had to grapple with, the moſt tolerable ſeem'd to be to ſubmit themſelves to the Romans. To this purpoſe Charilaus and Nymphius, two principal Men of the City, having conſulted together, undertook each of them a ſeveral part to be acted for accompliſhing it, viz. One to fly away to the Roman General; the other to remain and find ſome opportunity to render the City according to their deſignment. Charilaus was the Man that preſented himſelf to Philo, and ſpake to this effect, I am come, Sir! (to the good Fortune both of the Palaepolitans, and People of Rome be it ſpoken) with a reſolution to deliver up the City into your hands; by which Action, whether I ſhall ſeem to have betray'd, or ſav'd my Country, depends wholly on the Roman Honor and Fidelity. For my own particular, I ſcorn to make any Bargain, or ſo much as deſire any thing at all: But on the publick behalf, though I will not ſtand to Capitulate, yet with all humble earneſtneſs I do requeſt, That if this Enterprize ſucceed, the People of Rome would be pleaſed to conſider with what affection and hazard we return again to their Amity, rather than with what folly and raſhneſs we deſerted it, and revolted from our Duty. He was wellcom'd and commended by the General, and a Detachment of 3000 men, under the Conduct of Colonel L. Quintius, was ordered towards that Quarter of the City where the Samnites were Poſted.

At the ſame time Nymphius was not wanting to play his part, but by Addreſs wheadled with the Praetor of the Samnites, deſiring, That ſince all the Roman Forces were now drawn out either before Palaepolis, or into Samnium, he would therefore (for a diverſion) be pleaſed to give him leave with the Fleet to ſcour about the Roman Coaſts, and doubted not but to plunder and lay waſte, not only the Maritime parts, but even almoſt up to the Walls of Rome. But to effect this (quoth he) without the Enemies taking notice, 'tis abſolutely neceſſary that we Sail forth of the Haven in the Night, and therefore the Ships muſt preſently be Launch'd and got ready. Which that it might the ſooner be done, all the Samnite Youth were drawn down to the Shoar, and there in the dark, and a throng hindering one another, whil'ſt Nymphius with variety of impertinent Commands, employs and keeps them very buſie: Charilaus, according to agreement, was let into the City by the Confederates, and when he had fill'd the higheſt parts thereof with Roman Soldiers, commanded them to ſet up a general Shout; of which the Greeks, upon a ſecret Token given them by their Commanders, took no notice. The Nolans eſcaped out at the back-ſide of the Town, by the High-road that leads to Nola: But the Samnites being ſhut out of the City, as they had thereby a ſafer opportunity to ſave themſelves by flight for the preſent; ſo after they were got out of danger, it redounded to their greater ſhame and diſgrace: For being without Arms, and all their Goods and Baggage ſeized by the Enemy, they return'd home ſpoil'd, and poor as Church-Mice, a laughing-ſtock not only to Strangers, but even to their Neighbors and Country-men. I am not ignorant that there is another Opinion, mentioning the Samnites to be the Authors of this Surrender. But as I have followed the moſt credible Authors, ſo I am the rather confirm'd herein by the League with the Neopolitans (which place ſoon after became the chief Seat of the Greeks in Italy:) for that makes it more probable, that they of their own accord ſought, and by this means obtained, the ancient Allies to be renewed. Unto Publilius the Senate granted the Honor of a Triumph, eſteeming it enough, that by his Valour and Conduct during the Siege, the Enemy was ſo far ſtreightned, as to be reduced to a voluntary Submiſſion. Two ſingular and ſpecial Favors were conferr'd upon this Gentleman, viz. The continuing him in Command never before granted to any, and allowing him a Triumph after his Magiſtracy was expired.

Another War happened ſoon after with Greeks of another Province: For the Tarentines having long fed the Palaepolitans with vain hopes of Relief, when they heard the Romans were become Maſters of that City, as if they had been deſerted, when indeed themſelves were the Men that left the others in the lurch, began to reproach the Palaepolitans, and rage with Envy and Malice againſt the Romans; and ſo much the more, becauſe they were inform'd, That the Lucanians and Apulians had put themſelves under the Romans Protection (for which both thoſe Nations ſtrict Alliancies were this Year concluded) Behold (ſay they) the Encroachments of their Power are come up almoſt even to our doors: Things are brought to that paſs, that we muſt either look upon theſe Romans as our Enemies, or accept them for our Lords and Maſters. The Fortune of our State depends upon the Event of the Samnites War, which Nation alone (and that too, much weakned) is left to make Head againſt theſe common Invaders; ſince the Lucanians are revolted unto their Society, though it were very poſſible to bring them back again and diſſolve that Confederacy, if diſcreet Art were uſed to blow the Coals and raiſe Diviſions between them. Theſe Counſels prevailing with ſuch as were willing to Embark in new Commotions, certain Lucanian Youths, of more eſteem with their Country-men for their Birth and Quality, than Vertue or Honeſty, being ſuborn'd and hired for a ſum of Mony, whip'd one another ſeverally with Rods, and ſo naked, and with their Bodies all bloody came running into the City, crying out, That meerly becauſe they ventured in curioſity to viſit the Roman Camp, they had been thus cruelly ſcourged by the Conſul, and narrowly eſcaped the loſing of their Heads. So odious a ſpectacle wherein the Injury ſeem'd apparent, and nothing of a Trick was ſuſpected, ſet all the People in a Flame, who by their Clamours force the Magiſtrates immediately to ſummon the Senate; where ſome ſurrounding the Council-Houſe, ſet up Out-cries for a War againſt the Romans; others run up and down to raiſe the Rabble and thoſe in the Country to Arms: In this uproar, enough to amaze the firmeſt minds, a Decree paſs'd, That the League with the Samnites ſhould be renewed, and Ambaſſadors diſpatch'd thither for that purpoſe. This ſudden Overture, as it ſeem'd to have no ground, ſo the Samnites gave it no credit, but for their own ſecurity inſiſted, That the Lucanians ſhould give Hoſtages, and admit Garriſons into their Fortified Towns; and ſo blinded were they with fury, and the before-mentioned fraud, as they refuſed no conditions in hopes to gratifie their Revenge. The Cheat indeed began not long after to appear, when the Broachers of thoſe Stories retired to Tarentum, but the Lucanian State had already engaged too far to retreat, the Samnites were in effect become their Maſters, and they had nothing left but a too late Repentance.

The ſame Year the Commons of Rome obtain'd as it were another beginning of Liberty, by being diſcharg'd of that Thraldom which they call'd Nexus [a kind of Obligation, whereby Perſons that owed Mony were bound to their Creditors to be their Slaves, and work wholly for them till the Debt were paid] the Law in this point being altered, by reaſon of the filthy Luſt, and no leſs deteſtable Cruelty of a particular Uſurer, L. Papirius by name, to whom C. Publius having for a Debt of his Fathers, bound himſelf after that faſhion, that Youth and Beauty which ought to have moved Compaſſion, enflam'd his mind to Luſt and Villany: Therefore reckoning the flower of his Youth ſhould pay the Intereſt of the Debt, he firſt endeavored to debauch the Lad with filthy Speeches, and inveigle him with flatteries to conſent; but finding his modeſt Ears abhor'd the propoſal of ſuch Lewdneſs, he proceeded to terrifie him with Threats, and ever and anon to put him in mind of his Fortune; and at laſt, ſeeing that he ſtill regarded his Honor and the freedom of his Birth, much more than his preſent wretched condition, and ſcorn'd to fully the former in hopes of amending the latter, the ſavage Uſurer cauſed the poor Youth to be ſtript naked, and lamentably whip'd, who ran forth into the open ſtreet with his Body torn and mangled, and ſet up an Out-cry againſt the Luſt and Cruelty of his Inhumane Creditor: A power of People were preſently got together, and being ſenſibly touch'd as well with Commiſeration of his tender Age, as with abhorrence at the Indignity of the thing, and a ſympathizing reſpect of what might befal themſelves or their Children, they crowded into the Forum, and thence in a full Body to the Council-Chamber. The Conſuls upon this ſudden Tumult were glad to call a Senate, and as the Fathers entred into the Houſe, the People falling down at their Feet, ſhew'd them the young Mans mangled and bloody Back: Thus for the outragious Injury of one Perſon, was that mighty Publick Bond this day Cancelled, and for ever annulled. The Conſuls being ordered to propoſe a Law to be paſs'd by the People, That from that time forwards, no Perſon ſhould be kept in Irons or Cords, unleſs ſuch as had committed ſome heinous Crime that deſerved it, and that too, no longer than till he had ſuffered the puniſhment inflicted by Law: And that only the Eſtate and Goods, and not the Body of any Debtor, ſhould for the future be chargable for Monys owing. Thus all that were at preſent enſlav'd on that account, were diſcharged, and proviſion made, That none ſhould be liable to the like Thraldom for the time to come.

The ſame Year, whil'ſt the Samnites War of it ſelf alone, beſides the late Revolt of the Lucanians, and the Tarentines, Contrivers of that Defection, was enough to employ all the care of the Senate, it happened as an encreaſe to their Troubles, that the Veſtine Nation, join'd in Confederacy alſo with the Samnites: But as that Affair proceeded little further for this Year, than to adminiſter matter of Diſcourſe to the People, ſo the Conſuls of the Year following, L. Furius Camillus the ſecond time, and Junius Brutus Scaeva, thought it a matter of that Importance, as in the firſt place to conſult the Senate about it, who ſcarce could reſolve, whether there would be greater danger in attempting, or neglecting it, leſt on the one ſide their Inſolence ſhould be encreaſed by Impunity; or on the other ſide, the apprehenſion of an approaching War caſt the Neighboring Nations into a common Confederacy for mutual ſafety. Each of which by themſelves were no leſs formidable than the Samnites, as the Marſians, the Pelignians, and the Marrucines. But that Party in the Council prevailed, which for the preſent ſeemed to have more of Courage than Prudence, though the Event ſhew'd, That Fortune aſſiſts the Daring and the Brave. The People, with the approbation of the Senate, declare War againſt the Veſtins, which Province fell by Lot to the Charge of Brutus, as Samnium to the Conduct of Camillus. Armies were drawn to both Places, and ſuch diligence uſed in ſecuring of Paſſes on the Frontiers, that the Enemies were prevented from joining their Forces. One of the Conſuls, L. Furius, on whom the greateſt ſtreſs of the War lay, falling dangerouſly ill, was ordered to nominate a Dictactor to proceed in it; who made choice of L. Papirius Curſor, one of the greateſt Captains of that Age, and by him was Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus appointed General of the Horſe; a couple Renouned for the Atchievements of that Campagn, but yet more famous for the Quarrel which happened between them, which miſs'd but little of coming to all the Extremities of a Mortal Fewd. The other Conſul manag'd the War againſt the Veſtines various ways, but always with a like proſperous Succeſs: For firſt, He Forraged their Country, and afterwards by burning their Houſes and Corn every where upon the Ground, forced them againſt their Inclinations, to take the Field; where in one Battel (but not without conſiderable loſs of his own Men) he ſo weakned and ſhattered them, that they not only fled to their Camp, but not truſting to their Trenches and Fortifications, ſtole away thence into the Towns, to ſhelter themſelves by the Natural Conveniency of their ſcituation, and ſtrength of their Walls; but the Conſul attack'd them there too, and firſt of all by the rage and fury of his Soldiers (greedy of Revenge for the Wounds they had receiv'd in the late Battel, where few of them eſcap'd without ſome mark of Honor) he took the City Cutina by Storm; and after that Cingilia, giving the Plunder of both to his Soldiers, whoſe Courage neither the Enemies Gates nor Walls could reſiſt.

The Expedition into Samnium was undertaken by the Dictator with doubtful Auſpices, which default had not its Ill-influence on the main event of the War (for that happen'd well enough) but ſeemed to portend the Heats and Contention that happened between the two Chief Commanders: For Papirius the Dictator, upon the admoniſhment of the Sooth-ſayer that tended the Sacred Chicken, by whoſe feeding they were wont to Divine, returning back to Rome to take the Auſpice (or Tokens of Good-luck) more authentickly, gave poſitive Command to his General of the Horſe, to remain in the ſame Quarters, and by no means to engage the Enemy during his abſence. But Fabius, after his departure, underſtanding by his Scouts, that the Enemy liv'd as ſecure and careleſs as if there had been never a Roman in all the Province of Samnium, whether, being a very ſtout young Gentleman as he was, he took it in Diſdain, that all things ſhould ſeem to depend upon the Dictator; or whether only induced by ſo fair an opportunity of performing ſome ſignal Service, ſo it was, that having put his Army into good Order, he ſpeedily advanc'd to Imbrinium (ſo the Place was call'd) and there gave the Samnites Battel, with ſuch Succeſs, as if the Dictator himſelf had been preſent it could not have been manag'd better: For neither the Captain failed his Soldiers, nor the Soldiers their Captain. The Horſe under the Command of Colonel L. Cominius, having once and again given brisk Charges, without being able to break through the Enemy, flung away their Horſes, Bridles, and then ſpurring them on, and laying about with both Hands, came up with ſo much fury, that no ſtrength was able to bear the ſhock, ſuch havock, ſuch a lane they made all about, over Armor and Men; nor were the Infantry leſs ready to ſecond the Charge, but advanc'd their Enſigns into the midſt of the Enemies, and put them into diſorder; of whom, 'tis ſaid, there were that day ſlain no leſs than Twenty thouſand men. Some Authors relate, That he fought twice in the Dictators abſence, and both times with gallant Succeſs. But the moſt Antient Writers mention but one Battel, and in ſome Annals the whole Story is omitted. The General of the Horſe having got abundance of Booty, as muſt needs happen in ſo great a Slaughter, cauſed all the Enemies Armor to be pil'd up in one vaſt heap, and putting Fire underneath, burnt them; whether he had made ſuch a Vow to any of the Gods, or if we may rather credit Fabius the Hiſtorian, to the end, That the Dictator might not reap the Glory of his Victory, by Inſcribing his Name thereon, or carrying them in Triumph: As likewiſe, his directing his Letters that gave an account of the ſucceſs to the Senate, and not to the Dictator, was an Argument how unwilling he was to admit him to any ſhare in the Honor of that day. At leaſt the Dictator took it ſo, and whil'ſt all others were overjoy'd for the Victory, nothing was to be read in his face, but anger and diſcontent. Therefore diſmiſſing the Senate on a ſudden, he flung out of the Court, ſaying, That the Majeſty of the Dictators Office, and all Military Diſcipline, would be no leſs overthrown and vanquiſh'd by the Maſter of the Horſe, than the Samnites Legions, if he ſhould be ſuffered to diſobey expreſs Commands with Impunity. Full of Rage and Menaces he haſtens towards the Camp, but though he took long Stages, yet he could not get there before the Rumor of his coming: For ſome poſted away before out of the City to give Intelligence, that the Dictator was coming full of Revenge, and reſolutions of the utmoſt Severity, applauding, almoſt at every other word, the late Exemplary Juſtice of T. Manlius.

Fabius drawing the Army to a Rendezvous, makes a Speech at the Head of them, beſeeching the Soldiers, That with the ſame Gallantry wherewith they had defended the Commonwealth from its moſt mortal Enemies, they would protect him, under whoſe Conduct and good Fortune they had obtained ſo glorious a Victory, againſt the Outragious Cruelty of the Dictator, who was now coming, almoſt beſides himſelf for meer Envy, offended at other Mens Courage and Happineſs, raging, becauſe in his abſence we have ſped well; and if he could change the courſe of Fortune, had much rather have had the Samnites Victorious, than the Romans. He talks indeed of diſobeying his Command, as if he had not forbid us fighting with the ſame baſe mind, wherewith he now grieves that we have fought ſucceſsfully: For as then his Deſign was out of Envy to ſuppreſs all the ſparks of Valour in others from flaming out to a glorious height, leſt they might ſeem to out-luſtre himſelf, and went about to take away their Arms who were moſt willing to uſe them, by enjoining them not to ſtir in his abſence; ſo now his Madneſs is, That the Soldiers were not all diſ-arm'd and maim'd, whil'ſt L. Papirius is not with them, and that Q. Fabius remembred himſelf to be General of the Horſe, and not one of Mr. Dictators Lacquies: What (in the name of Wonder) would this Man have done, if (as it often happens in the doubtful Chance of War) we had loſt the Day, who now whil'ſt we have Conquered the Enemy for him, and ſecured the Commonwealth in ſo brave a manner as he himſelf (ſingular as he is in his own Conceit) could not have perform'd it either more Honorably or Effectually, doth yet threaten Death and Deſtruction to the General of the Horſe, for being guilty of a Victory? Nor is he offended only with the General of the Horſe, his ſpight is no leſs againſt the Colonels, the Captains, the Soldiers in general: If his Power were equal to his Will, they ſhould all be cut off; but ſince he is not able to do that, he endeavors to diſcharge his ſpleen upon one; and as Envy, like Fire, always mounts and aims at the Higheſt, ſo he falls upon the Chief Author of this happy Counſel, your Leader in this glorious Enterprize: That when he ſhould have deſtroyed him, together with the glory of this gallant Service, then as Conqueror over the vanquiſh'd Army, whatever he ſhould be ſuffered to put in execution againſt the General of the Horſe, to be ſure he would attempt and practiſe upon private Soldiers, therefore it did concern them in his Cauſe, to aſſert their Common Rights and Liberties. That if once the Dictator ſhall find there is the ſame unanimous Reſolution in the Army to juſtifie their Victory, as there was to obtain it, and that the ſafety and preſervation of each One is the care of All, it will bring down his haughty mind to more mild and juſt Sentiments. In fine, That for his own part, he intirely committed his Life and Fortunes to the protection of their approved Faith and Courage.

This Oration was entertain'd with an unanimous Shout by the whole Army, bidding him, Have a good heart, for none ſhould offer him any Violence, as long as the Roman Legions had a Being. Soon after came the Dictator, and preſently by ſound of Trumpet ſummon'd the Army to a general Aſſembly. Then the publick Cryer having commanded Silence, call'd Q. Fabius, General of the Horſe, who removing from a lower place, came before the Tribunal, and the Dictator ſpake as follows. I demand of thee, O Q. Fabius, ſince the Dictator is veſted with a Soveraign Power, and Authority Paramount, which even the Conſuls, thoſe Royal Officers of State, and the Praetors created with no leſs Solemn Ceremonies, do both obey: Whether or no thou thinkeſt it juſt and fit, that a General of the Horſe ſhould be obliged to obſerve his Commands? I demand further: Whether after I came to underſtand, that I march'd from home with doubtful Auſpices, I ought to have hazarded the State againſt the Order of thoſe Religious Obſervations; and not rather take new Auſpicia, that I might attempt nothing ſo long as I ſtood in doubt of the favor of the Gods? And withal I ask thee, Whether the General of the Horſe could poſſibly be free from that Religious Obligation and Scruple, which juſtly hindred the Dictator from Engaging the Enemy? But what need I make theſe Queries? If I had left the Army without ſaying one word, yet you ought to have govern'd your ſelf according to the beſt Interpretation that could be made of my Will and Pleaſure: But anſwer me if thou canſt? Did I not expreſly forbid thee to attempt any thing during my abſence? Did I not charge thee not to fight the Enemy? By what Authority then, Contemning ſuch my Command, whil'ſt our Auſpicia were uncertain, in violation of our Religious Rites, and no leſs againſt the Rules and Cuſtoms of War, and the wholeſom Diſcipline of our Anceſtors, than in defiance to the Gods, didſt thou dare preſume to hazard a Battel with them? To theſe Interrogatories anſwer directly, and upon peril of your Life not a word beſides: Come Marſhal! attend to perform your Office, To theſe ſeveral Articles, Fabius could not readily anſwer in Order, but complain'd, How unreaſonable it was, that the ſame Perſon ſhould be both his Accuſer in a matter that touch'd his Life, and alſo his Judge. And ſometimes he cry'd out, That his Life might ſooner be taken from him, than the Glory of his Victory; and at once endeavor'd to juſtifie himſelf, and blacken his Adverſary. Whereupon, Papirius more enraged than before, commanded, That the General of the Horſe ſhould forthwith be ſtript, and the Rods and Axes got ready. But Fabius imploring protection from the Soldiers, and charging them with their promiſe for his Safety; whil'ſt the Officers were tearing his Clothes from his back, made ſhift to get away into the Ranks of the Triarian Bands, who already began to make a Tumult in the Aſſembly. And now a general Clamor runs through all the Company; in ſome places you might hear Intreaties, in others terrible menaces: Thoſe that happened to ſtand next the Tribunal, being under the Generals Eye, and eaſily known, did humbly pray him to ſpare the Gentleman, and not with him condemn the whole Army: But thoſe that were farther off, and eſpecially the Troops about Fabius, exclaim'd againſt the Cruelty of the Dictator, and were juſt ready to Mutiny. Even the Tribunal it ſelf was not quiet: The Commiſſary Generals ſtanding about the Chair of State, beſought the Dictator to Adjourn the buſineſs, to reſpit his anger, and take ſome time to adviſe what was fitteſt to be done: That the raſh Youth of Fabius was already ſufficiently check'd and chaſtiſed, his Victory enough diſgrac'd: They begg'd of him not to proceed to Extremities, not to brand ſo brave a young Gentleman, the only Son of a moſt Illuſtrious Father, and all the Noble Family of the Fabii, with ſuch a Mark of Eternal Infamy. But finding, that neither upon the merits of the Cauſe, nor the Intereſt of their Interceſſion, they could any thing prevail: They wiſh'd him at leaſt to have regard to the uproar that the Army was in, That it would not become a perſon of his Age and Prudence to add more Fuel to that Combuſtion, and adminiſter more occaſion for a Mutiny: For whatever miſchief ſhould happen, none would impute the blame to Q. Fabius, who was ready to ask Pardon for his Miſdemeanor, but every Body would lay it at the Dictators door, if blinded with Paſſion, he ſhould in a wilful pieviſhneſs provoke the outragious Multitude againſt himſelf. Finally, they told him, That he ſhould not think they were thus urgent for any particular reſpects they had for Fabius, but were ready to make Oath, That they believ'd in their Conſciences, it would not be ſafe for the State and Common-weal, that he ſhould at this Juncture proceed with ſuch rigour againſt Q. Fabius.

But by theſe Remonſtrances they more exaſperated the Dictator againſt themſelves, than pacified him towards the General of the Horſe, and were commanded down from the Tribunal. In vain the Cryer endeavor'd to command ſilence, for ſo great was the noiſe and tumult, that neither the voice of the Dictator himſelf, nor of any of his Officers could be heard: And in this Confuſion they continued, till Night, as in a Battel, put a preſent period to their Conteſt. The General of the Horſe being commanded to appear again next day, all Men concluded, that Papirius would then proceed more violently, being further enraged by the oppoſition he had met with, Fabius therefore thought it ſafeſt to retire privately out of the Camp, and fled to Rome: Where, by the Intereſt of his Father M. Fabius, a Man that had already been thrice Conſul, and Dictator as often, the Senate was immediately Aſſembled; to whom, as he was complaining of the Violence and Injury offered to his Son by the Dictator, on a ſudden a great noiſe was heard in the Lobby of the Lictors, making way through the Croud: For the Dictator himſelf was got to the Door all in a Fume, having with a Troop of Light-Horſe purſued Fabius, as ſoon as he had notice of his being retreated from the Camp. Then began the Broil to be repeated, Papirius commanded young Fabius to be taken into Cuſtody; and though the Chief of the Nobility, and the whole Body of the Senate interpoſed themſelves in his Favor; yet ſo implacable was the Dictator, that nothing could divert him from his cruel Reſolutions. Then M. Fabius the Father ſtepping forth, Since neither the Authority of the Senate (ſaid he) nor reſpect to my old Age, whom you ſeek to make Childleſs, nor the Nobility and Valour of that General of the Horſe whom you your ſelf made choice of, nor humble Prayers, which have often appeaſed the rage of Enemies, and been able to pacifie the wrath even of the incenſed Gods, have with you no power to prevail, I implore the lawful aid of the Tribunes, and appeal to the whole Body of the People of Rome; ſince you reject the Judgment both of your own Army and of the Senate, I challenge you before a Judge, which I am ſure is greater and more mighty than your Dictatorſhip, and we ſhall ſee, whether you will yield to this Appeal, to which Tullius Hoſtilius King of Rome readily ſubmitted. Out of the Council-Houſe they went to the Common-Hall, the Dictator, with a ſmall attendance, but the General of the Horſe with a vaſt Troop of the principal Perſons in the City: Papirius commanded that he ſhould come down from the Roſtra, or pleading Pulpits, and ſtand in a lower place amongſt the People. His Father following him, 'Tis very well done (quoth he to the Dictator) that you have ordered us to be brought hither, whence we may be allowed freedom of Speech though we were but mere private Commoners. At firſt there paſſed no continued Speeches, but frequent Interruptions and Wranglings: Till at laſt the loud voice and indignation of old Fabius, drowned all the other Din, and enveigh'd againſt the Pride and Cruelty of Papirius, in theſe Terms: What Sirs! (ſaid he) I alſo have been a Dictator of Rome my ſelf, and yet never was there ſo much as one poor Commoner, one Centurion, or private Soldier by me wronged or miſus'd: But Papirius ſeeks a Victory and Triumph over a Roman General, no leſs eagerly than over the Commanders of the Enemy. How vaſt a difference may we obſerve between the moderation of our Renowned Anceſtors, and this new ſtarch'd Pride and Cruelty. Quintius Cincinnatus the Dictator, when he was forc'd to relieve the Conſul, L. Minutius, from being beſieg'd in his own Camp through his ill Conduct, proceeded no farther than to remove him from the Conſulſhip, leaving him ſtill a Commiſſary General in the Army. Marcus Furius Camillus, not only ſo far moderated his preſent diſpleaſure againſt L. Furius, who in contempt of his Age and Authority, had fought the Enemy, and that with great loſs and diſhonor, as not to write any thing amiſs of him to the People or Senate, but alſo when he was come home, made choice of him of all the Conſular Tribunes to be his Colleague and Partner in Command. Nor did the People, whoſe Power is Soveraign over all, ever extend their Reſentments againſt ſuch, as through raſhneſs and want of Conduct, have loſt whole Armies, any further than to puniſh them with a pecuniary Fine. That a General ſhould be queſtioned for his Life for the miſcarriage of a Battel, was until this day never heard of: But now we behold Rods and Axes, Whippings and Beheadings prepared for the Commanders of the People of Rome, even when Victorious and moſt juſtly deſerving Triumphs, which by no Law could be inflicted, were they never ſo ſhamefully vanquiſh'd: What elſe could my Son have ſuffered if he had loſt his Army? If he had been routed, put to flight, and clean beaten out of the Field, Could the Wrath and Violence of the Dictator have done any more than ſcourge and put him to Death? Conſider how ſuitable it will be, and what a comely ſpectacle, whil'ſt all the City is in the higheſt Jollity for Q. Fabius's Victory, and buſie in Thankſgivings to the Gods, and mutual Congratulations, to ſee that very Man, for whoſe ſake the Temples of the Gods are opened, and the Altars ſmoak with Sacrifices and Oblations, ſtand bound and ſtrip'd, and bemangled with ſtripes in the ſight of the People of Rome, looking up to the Capitol, and thoſe Gods whom in two Battels he had invok'd and not in vain? How will the Army that obtain'd ſo noble a Victory under his Conduct and good Fortune, reſent ſuch ungrateful and barbarous uſage? What Lamentation muſt it needs occaſion in the Roman Camp, and what rejoycing and exultation amongſt our Enemies? Thus ſpake the good old Man, ſometimes up-braiding, ſometimes complaining, Imploring the help of Gods and Men, and all the while embracing his Son with abundance of Tears.

The Countenance of the Senate, the Favour of the People, the Aſſiſtance of the Tribunes, and Reguards to the abſent Army, all made for Him and his Sons cauſe. But on the other ſide was Objected, The Sacredneſs of the Romans Government; the neceſſity of keeping Military Diſcipline; the weight of a Dictators Edict always hitherto reverenc'd as an Oracle; the great and freſh Example of Manlius, who poſtpon'd his Natural Affection to his Son, to the Zeal he had for the Publick Welfare. It was likewiſe urged, That the Gallant Brutus, the Founder of the Roman Liberties, had practiſed the ſame ſeverity long before on two of his own Children. But now fond Fathers and indulgent old Men, making nothing of Diſobedience to Commands, and conniving at Youth therein, prepare the way for the utter ſubverſion of all wholeſom Military Diſcipline. However (quoth Papirius) I will ſtill perſiſt in my juſt and neceſſary Reſolutions, nor ſhall remit any thing of that puniſhment which he deſerves, who hath preſumed to fight againſt my Orders, and in contempt of Religion. Nor can I prevail with my ſelf to do any thing which may hinder the Majeſty of the Roman Government from being everlaſting: It ſhall never be ſaid, That L. Papirius did diminiſh one Jot of its Authority. I heartily wiſh, That neither the Tribunes (whoſe Power is inviolable) may by their interpoſing in this Caſe, violate the Majeſty of the Government; nor the People of Rome, by oppoſing me their preſent Dictator, extinguiſh the Rites of the Dictatorſhip for ever: Which if ſhould happen, Poſterity ſhould have no cauſe to blame Papirius, but muſt accuſe (though then in vain) the depraved Judgment of the People, when the Golden Bands of Military Diſcipline being once ſlackned and let looſe, neither the Soldier will obey his Centurion, nor the Centurion his Tribune, nor the Tribune the Commiſſary, nor the Commiſſary the Conſul, nor the General of the Horſe the Dictator. But all Reverence either of Men or Gods being abandon'd, neither any Edicts of the Commanders in Chief will be regarded, nor the Sacred Rites be any longer obſerv'd. The Soldiers without Paſsports will wander where they liſt, either in their own Quarters, or amongſt the Enemy; and ſlighting their Military Oath, may deſert the Service, and run away from their Colours when they pleaſe; they need not aſſemble when ſummon'd to a Rendezvous, nor matter whether they fight by Night or by Day, on advantagious or diſadvantagious Ground, or with, or without the Command of their General: They will neither obſerve the Word, nor keep their Ranks and Orders, but a blind confuſed inconſiderate Violence, no better than that of Thieves and High-way Men, ſhall come in the place of that ſolemn and ſacred Art Military, which hitherto hath ſupported our Empire. Of all theſe odious Crimes and abſurd Inconveniences, you, O Tribunes! offer your ſelves to be Authors and Promoters, and muſt therewith ſtand charged to all Generations: Engage and forfeit (if you pleaſe) your own Heads to excuſe the Extravagance and Diſobedience of Q. Fabius.

The Tribunes were ſtartled, and began now to be more ſollicitous for their own Safety, than his for whom their help was deſired: But they were put out of that pain by the general conſent of the People of Rome now turn'd to Prayers and Intreaty, requeſting the Dictator, for their ſakes to remit the Puniſhment, and proceed no further againſt the General of the Horſe. The Tribunes finding all inclinable to that ſubmiſſive Method as the only Expedient, join'd with the reſt, in beſeeching the Dictator to pardon Humane Frailty, to impute this Miſcarriage to his Youth, who for the ſame had now been enough chaſtiz'd. Then too, the young Man himſelf and his Father, laying aſide all Debate, caſt themſelves at the Dictators Feet, and beſought him to lay by his Diſpleaſure. Whereupon the Dictator commanded ſilence, and told them, This is well, and as it ſhould be, O Quirites! at laſt the Military Diſcipline and Majeſty of the Government have got the Victory which before lay a Bleeding, and were in danger not to have ſurviv'd this very Day. Q. Fabius is not acquitted of his offence in fighting againſt Orders, but Convicted, and his Life given to the People of Rome, and the Tribunitial Power ſuing for it precariouſly, and not demanding it as of Right. Live, Quintus Fabius, more happy in this general Conſent of the City to ſave thee, than in that Victory on which ere-while thou ſo much valued thy ſelf. Live, I ſay, Thou who haſt been ſo bold as to commit a Fact, which thine own Father here, if he had been in L. Papirius's place, would never have pardon'd. To me thou mayeſt reconcile thy ſelf, and ſhalt have any favour lies in my Power, when thou pleaſeſt: But to the People of Rome, to whom thou oweſt thy Life, you can do no greater Service, than that the Example of this days work may for ever be a warning to thee, both in War and Peace, to obey all the Lawful Commands of thy Superiors. Then diſmiſſing the General of the Horſe, and going himſelf out of the Court, the joyful Senate and People, more overjoy'd, flock'd about and followed them, Congratulating the General on the one ſide, and returning Thanks to the Dictator on the other. And it was generally thought, that the Reverence to Military Diſcipline was no leſs corroborated by this danger (only) of young Fabius, than it was by the actual Execution of young Manlius. It happened afterwards that year, as oft as the Dictator was abſent from the Army, the Enemy would be buſie, and doing of ſome miſchief in Samnium: But M. Valerius the Commiſſary-General, who was then Commander in Chief, remembred this freſh Example too well to attack them; for he dreaded the Dictators anger, no leſs than the force of the Enemy: Therefore when ſome Parties ſent out to bring in Corn to the Camp, were entrap'd in a diſadvantageous Paſs, and all cut to pieces, it was commonly believed, the Commiſſary might have reliev'd and ſav'd them, had it not been for fear of theſe grim and terrible Edicts. The Dictator alſo loſt the Hearts of the Soldiers (who before were male-content) becauſe he was ſo implacable to Q. Fabius, and particularly for his having reſolutely denyed to Pardon him upon their moſt earneſt Intreaties, which yet afterwards he granted at the requeſt of the People.

The Dictator placed L. Papirius Craſſus as General of the Horſe in the City (having forbidden Q. Fabius to intermeddle any more with that Command) and ſo returned to the Camp; but neither was his coming matter of joy to his own Men, nor of terror to the Enemy: For the very next day, whether they were ignorant of his arrival, or whether they valued not whether he were abſent or preſent, they came up in good Order cloſe to the Camp. And had the good will of the Soldiers ſeconded the Conduct of Papirius, that day, 'tis believ'd, had put an end to the War with the Samnites, ſo opportunely he poſted his Army, and ſtrengthened it with Reſerves, and all kind of Warlike skill and policy: But the Soldiers went on coldly, and on purpoſe hindered the Victory to diſcredit their General; yet many of the Samnites were ſlain, and not a few of the Romans wounded. The Dictator, like a prudent and experienced Commander, eaſily perceived where the matter ſtuck, and found it neceſſary to moderate the harſhneſs of his temper, and allay that Severity with a mixture of Courteſie: therefore taking with him the Commiſſary-Generals he himſelf went to viſit the Wounded Men, thruſting his Head into their Tents, asking them ſeverally how they did? and charging the Commiſſaries, Trib • nes and Prefects, to take particular care of every one of them by Name: this being a thing in is ſelf Popular, he manag'd ſo dexterouſly, that by curing their Bodies, he alſo healed the rancour of their Minds, and won their Hearts: Nor did any thing contribute more to the ſpeedy Recovery of their Health, than the pleaſure they took to ſee his care and diligence to procure it. Having thus refreſh'd his Army, he once again encountred the Enemy, with an aſſured hope both in himſelf and his Soldiers, to Vanquiſh them; which he perform'd ſo effectually, that the ſame was the laſt day they durſt look him in the Face. Thenceforwards he march'd his Victorious Army, which way ſoever the hopes of Booty invited, and as they over-ran all the Enemies Country, met with no Reſiſtence, neither of open Force, nor yet ſo much as any attempt by Ambuſcade. The more to encourage the Soldiers, the Dictator had ordered all the Plunder to be divided amongſt them, ſo that private Advantage ſpurr'd them on, as well as the publick Quarrel. At laſt, the Samnites were ſo cow'd and brought down, that they became Suppliants to the Dictator for Peace, offering to new Cloath all his Soldiers, and give them a Years pay; but being referred to the Senate, anſwered, That they would follow him, and ſubmit their Cauſe wholly to his Vertue and Goodneſs, to do with and for them as he thought fit.

The Dictator entred the City in Triumph, and before he laid down his Office, by the Order of the Senate, Created new Conſuls, C. Sulpicius Longus the ſecond time, and Q. Aemilius Caeretanus. The Samnites had not yet concluded Peace (for the Articles were ſtill under Debate) but had obtained a Truce from Year to Year, which yet they did not honeſtly obſerve; for when they heard that Papirius was out of Command, their fingers itch'd to be again in Arms. But beſides their playing faſt and looſe, a War broke out with the Apulians, the management of which latter fell to the ſhare of Aemilius, as that againſt the Samnites to Sulpicius. There are ſome Authors who write, That the War was not againſt the Apulians, but in defence of ſome of their Allies that were Invaded by the Samnites. But the low Condition of the Samnites at that time, ſcarce able to defend themſelves, makes it more probable that they did not Attack the Apulians, but rather the Romans quarrel'd with both the Nations at the ſame time, becauſe they had Confederated with each other againſt them: However, there happened no remarkable Action: The Country of Apulia and Samnium Forraged, but no Enemy either here or there to be met with. At Rome there happened one Night a ſtrange and unaccountable Pannick fear, which on a ſudden raiſed the whole City out of their Beds, ſo that the Capitol, the Caſtle, the Walls, and the Gates were fill'd with Armed Men: And after there had been every wher evaſt concourſe of People, and a general Cry, Arm! Arm! at Break of Day no Author, or cauſe of all this Fear and Diſtraction could be diſcovered. This Year the Inhabitants of Tuſculum were proceeded againſt, upon the proſecution of M. Flavius, Tribune of the Commons, who propoſed, That they might be puniſh'd, for having by their Counſel and Aſſiſtance excited the Veliternians and Privernates to War againſt the Romans. The People of Tuſculum, with their Wives and Children, reſorted to Rome, and having changed their Apparel, in deſpicable habit like Priſoners at the Bar, went about from Tribe to Tribe (before they gave their Suffrages) falling down to every Man on their knees to beg favour, whereby Pity prevail'd more to Pardon them, than the goodneſs of their Cauſe to purge their Guilt: Inſomuch, that all the Tribes, except that called Pollia, Voted to repeal the Law that had been preferr'd againſt them. But the Sentence of the Pollian Tribe was, That all the Men of fourteen Years of Age, or upwards, ſhould be ſcourg'd and put to death: And their Wives and Children, by Martial Law, to be ſold for Slaves. Which cruel Doom has ſtuck in the ſtomack of the Tuſculanians even to the laſt Age, and ſo great an Antipathy they have always had to the Authors thereof and their Poſterity: That ſcarce ever any Man of the Tribe Pollia, when he ſtood Candidate for an Office, could get the Voices of the Tribe Papiria (into which the Tuſculans were caſt) but in regard of this old Fewd, they would, right or wrong, oppoſe his Pretenſions.

The Year following, Q. Fabius, and L. Fulvius Conſuls, A. Cornelius Arvina Dictator, and M. Fabius Ambuſtus General of the Horſe, upon apprehenſions of a ſmarter War in Samnium (becauſe they were reported to have hired Auxiliaries from the Neighboring Nations) there was a greater Levy of Soldiers than ordinary, and a gallant Army advanc'd thither, but encamp'd careleſly in the Enemies Country, as if no Enemy had been near them. When on a ſudden, the Samnites Legions came on ſo bravely, that they carryed up their Trenches to the Romans Out-guards, and if not hindred by the approach of Night, would have fallen upon their Camp, which they reſolved to Attack early next Morning. The Dictator ſeeing he was like to be oblig'd to a Battel ſooner than he expected, leſt the diſadvantage of the Ground ſhould baulk the Courage of his Men, leaving Fires thick burning in his Camp to amuſe the Enemy, ſilently diſ-lodges and draws off his Troops; but being ſo very near, could not avoid being diſcovered. The Horſe preſently purſued him in the Rere, and preſs'd hard upon the Army in their March, yet ſo, as they would not Fight before it was Light; nor indeed did the Foot advance out of their Camp till Break of day: But then the Horſe began to charge upon the Romans, and what with Skirmiſhing continually with the Rere, and falling ſometimes upon their Flanks in ſtreight and diſadvantegeous Paſſes, hindred their March till their own Foot came up; ſo as now the Samnites, with all their Forces, were ready to Attack them. The Dictator ſeeing he could not March on without great loſs and hazard, Commanded his Men to fortifie the Ground they ſtood on, but the Enemies Light-Horſe were skirting round about upon them, ſo that they could not go out to provide Stakes for a Palizade, nor with any ſafety begin their Trenches. When therefore he found, that he could neither go on, nor abide there without diſadvantage, he reſolv'd to venture the fortune of a Battel, and removing his Baggage out of the way, drew up in Battalia. The Enemy did the like, being inferior to them neither in numbers or courage; and the more heartned on, becauſe not knowing that the true Cauſe of the Romans Retreat, was the Inconveniency of the place, they aſcrib'd it to fear, and imagined them affrighted, and themſelves that purſued them to be very terrible in their Eyes. This held the Fight a good while in equal Ballance, whereas for a long time before, the Samnites were wont ſcarce to endure the Romans firſt Charge. But verily, that Day from nine a Clock in the Morning, till five in the Afternoon, the Fortune of the Field continued ſo doubtful, that after the firſt On-ſet, there was never a ſecond Shout given on either ſide, nor were the Enſigns either advanc'd or retreated, but ſtood fix'd in the ſame place: Nor did the Soldiers any where flinch one Foot, but every one in his Rank preſſing forwards with their Shields, continued obſtinately Fighting, without any Intermiſſions for Breathing-times, or the leaſt looking back: The ſame murmuring Fierceneſs was heard on either ſide, and the ſame Reſolution to Conquer or Dye ſhew'd; that the Battel was likely to continue till the extremity of Wearineſs, or Night ſhould part them. They had now fought ſo long, that the Men had ſcarce any ſtrength left, their Weapons were blunted with continual hacking at one another, and the Commanders were to ſeek for Counſel what to do next; when on a ſudden it happened, That the Samnites Horſe having Intelligence, that the Romans Carriages and Baggage, attended only with one Troop, were gone a good way off from their Army, and ſtood there without any other Guard or Fortification: They being greedy of the Spoil, haſtned thither and ſet upon them. A trembling Meſſenger giving notice of this to the Dictator: Let them alone (quoth he) let them encumber themſelves a Gods name with the Booty: Soon after, others came running one after another, Crying out, That they were ranſacking every where, and all the Soldiers Goods would be loſt. Then ſending for the General of the Horſe, Look you (ſaith he) M. Fabius, do you not ſee that the Enemies Cavalry have abandon'd the Battel? They are now all buſie in rifling our Carriages, Charge them therefore now, whil'ſt they are ſcattered and in diſorder, as a Multitude intent upon Pillage muſt needs always be; you ſhall, no doubt, find few of them Mounted, or with their Arms in their hands, whil'ſt they are loading their Horſes with Spoil, you may eaſily kill them unarm'd, and make it a bloody Booty to them: Let me alone with the Charge of the Legions and Foot-men, Take you the Honor of the Horſe-Service.

Immediatly the Cavalry in moſt excellent Order advanc'd and ruſh'd in upon the Enemies who were in Confuſion rummaging up and down, and over-clog'd with the Plunder they had got: There they made a mighty Slaughter, for being (as they were) amongſt Packs and Fardles, which they ſuddenly caſt from them, and now lay againſt their Feet to ſtumble on as they fled, and in their Horſes way, they were not in this Surprize well able either to fight or fly, but for the moſt part, cut to pieces on the place. The Enemies Horſe being thus defeated, and almoſt all deſtroyed, M. Fabius wheeling about, return'd and fell upon the back of their Infantry, with a great Shout, which both terrified the Samnites and encouraged the Romans; for the Dictator hearing it, and withal, perceiving the Enemies Front ever and anon to look back, their Enſigns diſordered, and their main Body in a kind of Confuſion, made uſe of all his Skill and Rhetorick to raiſe the ſpirits of his Men, calling upon the ſeveral Colonels, Captains, and other Officers by name, to follow him briskly in a new Charge, and ſo with a repeated Shout, advanc'd; but the nearer they came on, the more diſordered they perceiv'd the Enemy to be. By this time their own Horſe making way through the midſt of the Enemy, appear'd in ſight; and the Dictator, with his Voice as loud as he could, and with ſigns, gave his Men notice of it, ſhewing them the Enſigns and Targets of their Fellow-Soldiers. This added new Life and Spirits to them, ſo that forgetting the Fatigues of the whole Day paſt, and not at all regarding their Wounds, as if they had juſt then come freſh into the Field, they flew upon the Enemy, who no longer able to endure the Impreſſions of the Horſe behind, and the Violence of the Foot before, were a great part of them kill'd in the middle, and the reſt put to flight; ſuch as ſtood to it being cut off by the Foot, and thoſe that ran away ſlaughtered by the Horſe: Amongſt the reſt, their General himſelf loſt his Life.

This Defeat, above all others, did ſo weaken and daunt the Hearts of the Samnites, That in all their Aſſemblies and Councils, they muttered and grumbled one to another, That 'twas no wonder their Succeſs was bad, when their Quarrel it ſelf was naught, and the War impioſly undertaken, contrary to a Covenant of Truce: It was not likely they ſhould proſper, who had made the Gods no leſs their Enemies than Men: That a War ſo unjuſt, muſt needs coſt ſome mighty Overthrow, and was not to be Expiated without ſome notable Satisfaction: But the Queſtion was, Whether Vengeance ought not to be taken of the Guilty Blood of ſome few, rather than of the Guiltleſs Blood of all. And now ſome durſt nominate thoſe that had been the Authors and chief Promoters of this War, but eſpecially they cryed out againſt one Brutulus Papius, a Noble Man of great Intereſt in the State, and who without queſtion had a principal hand in breaking the laſt Truce: Againſt him a Decree paſs'd, That he ſhould be delivered up to the Romans, and that with him, whatever Booty or Priſoners had been taken from them, ſhould be ſent to Rome; and reſtitution made of all Goods which the Romans had demanded in purſuance of the former Treaty. Accordingly Heralds were ſent to Rome with the dead Body of Brutulus, for he, to avoid the ſhame and puniſhment, had made away himſelf; with his Corps they thought fit alſo to ſend all his Goods: But the Romans would accept of none of theſe things, ſave only the Priſoners, and ſo much of the Spoils as any Man could juſtly own and lay claim to, the offer of the reſt was rejected. A Triumph was awarded to the Dictator by an Act of the Senate for this ſignal Service.

Pet ſome Write, that this War was manag'd by the Conſuls, and that they were the Men that Triumph'd over the Samnites: As alſo that Fabius March'd into Apulia, and brought from thence mighty Booties. Not but that 'tis beyond all Controverſie, that A. Cornelius was in that Year Dictator; but the doubt lies here, Whether he were made ſo for carrying on the War, or only to manage the publick Roman Games, to give the Signal when the Chariots ſhould be let out of the Barriers to run their Races, becauſe L. Plautius the Praetor (whoſe buſineſs that was) happen'd to be ſick. And that having diſpatch'd that petty Affair (ſcarce worth while to be remembred under the name of ſo great a Charge) he ſhould give up his Dictatorſhip. The Authors on both ſides are ſo equal, both in number, and credit, and confidence in telling their Stories, that 'tis no eaſie matter to know which to prefer. For my own part, I conceive the Memoirs of thoſe Times much depraved by thoſe Encomiaſtick Orations uſed at Funerals, and counterfeit Titles of Statues, whil'ſt every Family, by ſome colourable Untruth, ſought to draw to it ſelf the Glory of brave Exploits and antient Dignities. Thus certainly both the Deeds of particular Men, and the Publick Records of the Common-wealths Affairs, are become confus'd: Nor is there extant any one Writer, that lived near thoſe Times, upon whom we may ſufficiently depend as a true and certain Author.

DECADE I. BOOK IX. EPITOME.

2, 3, &c. THe Conſuls, Veturius and Poſthumius, with their Army, being pounded up in the Streights of Caudium, are forc'd to compound for their Lives with the Samnites, promiſing, That the People of Rome ſhould grant them Peace, and for performance thereof, gave 600 Horſemen as Hoſtages; and ſo they and the reſt of their Army march'd away ſub Jugo [that is ſhamefully without Arms, and under a thing erected like a Yoak or Gallows.] 8, 9, &c. The Conſuls, Tribunes, and all that ſubſcrib'd this diſhonorable agreement, are upon the motion of Sp. Poſthumius the Conſul himſelf, ſent back Priſoners to the Samnites, to diſcharge the City from any Obligation to ſtand to it; but the Samnites would not accept them. 14. Not long after, Papirius Curſor routs the Samnites, makes them paſs under the Gallows, recovers the 600 Hoſtages, and ſo wipes off the ſtain of the former Miſcarriage. 20. Two new Tribes added. 29. Appius Claudius being Cenſor, furniſh'd the City with a new Water-courſe, and paved an High-way, which from him were called, The Claudian Conduit, and the Appian Cauſway. He alſo admitted the Sons of Libertines (or Enfranchiſed Bond-men) to be Members of the Senate: But the Conſuls next year looking upon the Honor of the Houſe to be ſullied by Perſons of ſuch baſe Birth, remov'd them. 31. This Book likewiſe contains the Military Succeſſes againſt the Apulians, Tuſcanes, Umbrians, Marſians, Pelignians, Aequians and Samnites, with whom the Antient League was at laſt renewed. 46. Flavius the Notary, whoſe Father was but a Bondman Enfranchiſed, is made Aedile of State, by a Faction of the Rabble, who growing very turbulent and too ſtrong in all Elections of Magiſtrates, Q. Fabius the Cenſor reduc'd them into four Tribes by themſelves; which good Service got him the Surname of Maximus, or Fabius the Moſt Great. Furthermore in this Book, having occaſionally mentioned Alexander the Great, who at that time flouriſh'd, the Author digreſſes into a Compariſon of his ſtrength with the Romans, and thence infers, That if he had happened to cope with them, he would ſcarce have met with ſuch eaſie Victories, as he did over thoſe Eaſtern Nations whom he ſubdued.

U. C. 432 NOw followed the Claudian Treaty, ſo memorable for the Romans diſhonor, under the Conſulſhip of T. Veturius Calvinus, and Sp. Poſthumius. The Samnites General that year happen'd to be Caius Pontius, the Son of Herennius a moſt prudent Father, and himſelf an excellent Soldier and Captain. This Gentleman, when their Ambaſſadors that were ſent to Rome to make reſtitution of the Goods that had been taken, were returned, without being able to obtain a Peace, ſpake as follows in the Senate: Let us not however, Sirs! imagine that this Embaſſy is altogether fruitleſs: We have thereby Expiated the anger of the Celeſtial Powers againſt us, for violating the Truce, and now engag'd them in our Favor. For ſure I am, thoſe Gods, whoever they were, that thought fit to reduce us to the neceſſity of reſtoring what was demanded in purſuance of the Treaty, are nothing pleas'd with this ſurly pride of the Romans, in refuſing to accept our tender of ſatisfaction: What could there be done to pacifie the Gods, or reconcile Men, more than we have perform'd? The Enemies Goods taken in War (which by the Law of Arms we ſeem'd rightly intituled unto) we have returned: The Authors of the War, becauſe we could not ſend them living, we have delivered up dead; and with their Bodies, their Goods we carryed to Rome: That no Contagion of their Guilt might on us remain. What more, O Roman! canſt thou pretend that I owe either to thee, or the League, or thoſe Gods that were invok'd to be the Guarantees thereof? Whom ſhall we have to be judge of your Demands, or of our Amends? For our parts we refuſe none, be it either Nation, or private Perſon. And if nothing of Right amongſt Men be left to the Weak, when he has to do with thoſe that are too Strong and Mighty for him, yet let us addreſs to the Gods, who are the proper Avengers of haughty Injuſtice and intolerable Inſolence: Thoſe Divine Powers I will implore, to turn the fury of their Diſpleaſure on thoſe whom neither the Reſtitution of their own Goods, nor the rendring of other Mens withal to boot will content, whoſe raging Cruelty is not to be appeaſed, either by the Death of the Guilty, nor the Delivery up of their breathleſs Bodies, nor the ſurrender of their Goods, together with the Owners Carcaſſes; whom indeed nothing can ſatisfie, unleſs we part with our heart-blood, and ſuffer them to tear out our very Bowels: That War, O Samnites! muſt needs be Juſt, which is abſolutely Neceſſary, and Pious their Arms, who but by Force of Arms can no longer ſubſiſt; ſince therefore in all humane Affairs nothing is of greater Importance, than to have the Gods propitious or adverſe unto our Enterpriſes, you may be aſſured, That as we undertook our laſt War, rather againſt the Gods than Men, ſo in this which we now engage in, we ſhall have the Gods themſelves for our Leaders and Aſſiſtants.

Theſe pleaſing Promiſes the Event rendred Prophetical, for drawing out his Army near Caudium, he encamp'd with the greateſt privacy in the World; and having Advice that the Roman Conſuls and their Army lay quartered about Calatia, he ſent out half a ſcore Souldiers in Sheepherds habit, and ordered them ſeverally to feed their Flocks, one here, and another there, near the Roman Out-guards, who being taken by the Scouts, did all relate for certain, That the Samnite Legions were got into Apulia, beſieging the City Luceria with all their Forces, and doubted not but to take it very ſhortly by Storm. Such a flying report had before been induſtriouſly broach'd, and theſe Priſoners all agreeing in a Tale, fully confirm'd it. No Man doubted but the Romans ought to relieve the Lucerins, as well becauſe they were their good and faithful Allies, as to prevent all the reſt of Apulia from revolting to the Enemy, upon the preſent dread they were under: The only thing in debate was, Which way they ſhould march thither? For you muſt note, there were two Roads to Luceria, one broad and open, along the Coaſt of the Adriatick Sea; but as 'twas the ſafer, ſo 'twas much the further about: The other, was through the Streights of Caudium, much the nearer Cut, but the place ſcituate thus; There are two deep narrow Woody Forreſts or Dales joyned to one another, by continual Ridges of ſteep Mountains that ſurround them, but between theſe two Straights lies encloſed a good large Plain, or Meadow, pleaſantly green and graſſy, but ſomewhat wateriſh, and a kind of Moraſs: Through the midſt of which the Road lies; but before you get thither, you muſt paſs the firſt Streights, and then either return the ſame way you got in; or if you proceed forwards, you muſt paſs another ſuch a kind of Streight, but narrower and more intricate and difficult than the former. Into this Plain, the Roman Army was advanc'd through the firſt mentioned ſtreight Paſs, down an hollow Rock; but when they came to the other Paſs beyond it, they found it Blockaded with Trees fell'd down and laid croſs one another, and vaſt heaps of Stones pil'd thereupon. No ſooner had they diſcovered this ſtratagem of the Enemies, but they alſo eſpied a power of them in Arms on the tops of the Hills to make good the Paſs againſt them. Then preſently they face about, and with all ſpeed march back, endeavoring to get out the ſame way they came in; but when they came there, they found that alſo ſtopt and dam'd up, and guarded in like manner; whereupon, without waiting for any Word of Command, they made an Halt; and as their minds were aſtoniſh'd, ſo a chill Numneſs ſeiz'd their Bodies, and rendred every Limb almoſt uſeleſs, gazing one upon another (each Man thinking his Comrade might be wiſer or more capable of giving Advice than himſelf) they ſtood a long time immoveable as Statues, and ſaid not a word: But when at laſt they ſaw the Conſuls Pavilions going to be ſet up, and ſome preparing things neceſſary for Entrenching themſelves, though they well enough perceiv'd, that (in this deſperate caſe, paſt all hopes of retrieve) all their pains muſt prove vain and ridiculous: Yet not to encreaſe their danger by their own default, and add negligence to their Misfortune; every Man without any direction from his Leader, betook himſelf to work, and fortified their Camp along the Water-ſide; though at the ſame time, beſides the Enemies inſolent jeering and hooting at them, they themſelves could not but miſerably acknowledge that all their toil was to no purpoſe: The Conſuls half diſtracted with grief, ſummon'd no Council of War (for, alas! there was no room either for Advice or Hope) but the Commiſſaries and Colonels waited upon them of their own accord, and the poor Soldiers turning their Eyes towards their Generals Tents, begg'd of them Comfort and Succor, which (under thoſe Circumſtances) the Immortal Gods themſelves were ſcarce able to afford.

Whil'ſt they were making their moans to each other, rather than conſulting, the Night came on; each Man according to his humor muttered out his Verdict: One cry'd, Lets break through the Blockade, and force our paſſage along the Road; Let's (ſays another) march over the Mountain-tops, and through the Woods, any way that we can carry our Arms, ſo we may but come at the Enemy, an Enemy whom we have continually beaten almoſt theſe thirty years: Talk not of diſadvantages of the Ground, all will be plain and eaſie to us Romans, fighting againſt theſe pittiful perfidious Samnites. Tuſh, (ſays a third) Whither ſhould we go? or which way? Are we going about to ſhoulder Mountains out of their places? As long as theſe ſteep Hills hang over our Heads, which way is it poſſible we ſhould come at the Enemy? Arm'd or unarm'd, valiant or cowards, all's a caſe, entrapt we are, and all undone; the Enemy will not ſo much as afford us their Swords whereon we might die like men of Honor, but ſitting ſtill they'l vanquiſh us, and end this War with their hands in their Pockets. Bandying ſuch kind of Diſcourſes to and fro, they paſs'd over the night, unmindful either of Food or Sleep.

Nay, even the Samnites themſelves were at a loſs in this exceſs of good Fortune, what they were beſt to do; and therefore they all concluded to ſend to Herennius Pontius, their Generals Father, for his Advice. He being now very aged, had withdrawn himſelf not only from the toils of War, but alſo from the burthen and diſquiets of Civil Affairs; yet in that weak Body, he had a ſtrong vigorous Mind, and a notable Head-piece for Counſel. He being acquainted how the Roman Army was pounded between the two Caudine Streights, and his Advice deſired by his Sons Meſſenger; gave his Opinion, That they ſhould all be forthwith diſmiſs'd untouch'd: Which the Officers not liking, but returning back the Meſſenger for ſome other Anſwer, he then ſent word, That they ſhould put every Man of them to the Sword. Theſe Anſwers ſo vaſtly diſagreeing, as if they had proceeded from a doubtful Oracle; though his Son himſelf one of the firſt, did ſuſpect that the old Gentlemans Intellectuals began to ſympathize with his enfeebled Body, yet he was by the reſt prevailed upon, to ſend for him thither, to declare his meaning by word of Mouth. Nor did the old man think much on't, to be brought (as 'tis ſaid) to the Camp in a Cart, where in the Council, he perſiſted in the very ſame Directions; only added the Grounds thereof, viz. That he gave the firſt Advice, becauſe he thought it the beſt courſe to eſtabliſh a firm Peace and Friendſhip with a mighty and moſt Warlike People, by ſo vaſt a Kindneſs and Obligation. That by the ſecond, he deſign'd to Adjourn the War for ſome Ages to come, ſince after the intire loſs of two ſuch Armies, the Romans could not eaſily, or in haſte, recover ſtrength enough to diſturb the Repoſe of their Neighbors: But as for any third Advice to give them, he had none at all. His Son, and other Principal Officers, continuing the Diſcourſe by demanding, What if they ſhould take a middle Courſe, ſo as to diſmiſs them with their Lives, but impoſe Conditions upon them as vanquiſh'd by the Law of Arms? That indeed, replies he, is ſuch a Method, as will neither gain you Friends, nor ſecure you of your Enemies; ſave them, whom you have once affronted with the utmoſt Diſgrace, and ſee what you'l get by't; ſuch is the ſtout Nature of the Romans, that they will never ſit down patiently under the Diſhonor of a Defeat; whatever Impreſſions of ſhame the preſent force ſhall make, will always be boiling in their Breaſts, and never let them reſt, till they have glutted themſelves with a multiplyed Revenge.

Neither of theſe his Counſels being accepted, Herennius is carryed home: And in the Roman Camp (after ſeveral Efforts uſed in vain to break through) there being now a general want of all Proviſions, compell'd by Neceſſity, they ſent Meſſengers, who were ordered firſt to deſire a fair and indifferent Peace; and if they could not obtain that, then to challenge them to a Battel. But Pontius roundly told them, That the Field was already won, and ſince, although vanquiſh'd and as good as taken Captive, they had not the Wit to be ſenſible of their Condition, be was reſolved they ſhould ſurrender their Arms, and all paſs, ſub Jugo [under an Ignominious Frame ſet up for that purpoſe, like a pair of Gallows, conſiſting of two Spears ſet upright, and a third tyed acroſs at their tops, which they call'd Jugum, the Yoke.] As for other Conditions, he would allow them ſuch as were fit to be expected by the Vanquiſh'd at the hands of their Conquerors: That they ſhould depart out of the Samnites Territories, and withdraw their Colonies, and ſo both the Samnite and Roman live in equal Alliance henceforwards, under their own reſpective Laws and Cuſtoms: That upon theſe Terms he was ready to ſtrike up a League with the Conſuls, but if they boggled at any of theſe Conditions, he charged the Meſſengers not to repair to him any more at their peril. When Relation of this Anſwer was made in the Camp, there was preſently ſet up ſuch a general Lamentation, and in every face appeared ſuch marks of a moſt profound grief and anguiſh of Soul, that it ſeem'd they could not have taken it more grievouſly, if word had been brought them, that they were all immediately to be put to the Sword upon the Spot. After a long ſilence (the Conſuls not knowing how to ſpeak a word either for a Compoſition ſo Diſhonorable, or againſt it, ſince it was abſolutely neceſſary) L. Lentulus, who both for Courage and Dignities was the Chief of all the Commiſſary-Generals, ſteps forth: I have often heard (ſaid he) my Father relate, That he was the only Man in the Capitol, that perſwaded the Senate not to Ranſom the City with Gold from the Gauls, ſince they were ſurrounded neither with a Trench, nor Rampire, by the Enemy (a People very negligent in ſuch kind of works) ſo that they might break their way through, if not without great hazard, yet without any apparent Deſtruction. Were the caſe ſo now, that as they then, might in Arms have ruſh'd down from the Capitol upon their Enemies (as not ſeldom the Beſieged make ſuch Sallies out upon thoſe that inveſt them) ſo had we any kind of opportunity of Engaging the Enemy, on any ground whatſoever, though never ſo diſadvantagious, I carry ſo much of my Fathers Blood in my Veins, as not to be wanting to give you the like couragious Counſel. I grant, there is nothing more brave than to dye for our Country; and I am ready to Devote my ſelf as a Sacrifice to preſent Death, and fling my ſelf amongſt the thickeſt of our Enemies, to preſerve the People of Rome, and their gallant Legions: But, alas! here I behold our Country; here I ſee all the Roman Legions that are in the World, who unleſs they will madly run upon Death, for their own ſakes, What is there that by their Death they can preſerve? The Houſes, you'l ſay, and the Walls, and the multitude that inhabit the City: Nay rather, if this Army miſcarry and be cut off, all thoſe are utterly betray'd into the Enemies hand, not preſerved: For who ſhall defend them? perhaps, the weak and undiſciplin'd unarmed Rabble? Yes, forſooth, as bravely as they did when the Gauls attack'd it: Or ſhall they ſend to the Veii for an Army, and importune the help of Captain Camillus? Away with ſuch Dreams and Fancies! upon this ſpot of Ground is all our hope, all our ſtrength; by preſerving which, we preſerve our Country, but in expoſing our ſelves to Death, betray and deſtroy it. But 'tis a baſe and ſhameful thing thus to yield up our ſelves: Well, be it ſo, ſuch is our Affection to our Country, that we ought to preſerve it when there is occaſion, with our Diſgrace, as well as with our Death. Let us therefore undergo this Indignity, how foul ſoever it be, and obey Neceſſity which the Gods themſelves cannot overcome: Go, O ye Conſuls! and preſerve that City by parting with your Arms, which your Anceſtors ſaved by parting with their Gold.

The Conſuls going forth to Parley with Pontius, when he began to diſcourſe of a League, acquainted him, That no League could be made without the Privity and Authority of the whole People, nor without the Heralds, and other Solemn Ceremonies. So that this Caudine Agreement, was not (as is commonly believed, and as Claudius alſo writes) made in way of a formal League, or abſolute Covenant, but by way of Stipulation and Promiſe: For what need is there of Sureties or Hoſtages in an abſolute League, when the matter is tranſacted in this Form, Which ſoever People ſhall be the occaſion of violating theſe Agreements, or by whoſe Default the ſaid Articles ſhall be Infringed, we wiſh that Jupiter would ſo ſmite him, as the Swine is here ſmitten by the Herald [and ſo they kill'd a Swine to compleat the Ceremony.] The Perſons that were the Sureties for the ratifying of this Agreement, and Subſcribed it, were the Conſuls, the Commiſſary-Generals, the Queſtors or Treaſurers, and the Colonels, whoſe Names are extant; whereas if the Buſineſs had been a League, there would have been only the Names of the two Heralds to it: Alſo by reaſon of the neceſſary delay before the Buſineſs could be concluded in Form of a League, there were required 600 Horſemen to be delivered as Hoſtages, who were to loſe their Heads, if the Capitulations were not made good; and a time was agreed on for delivering the ſaid Hoſtages, and diſarming the Army. But the coming back of the Conſuls, renewed again the univerſal Lamentation in the Camp, and they could ſcarce hold their hands from thoſe, by whoſe Raſhneſs they were brought into that curſed Place, and by whoſe Cowardize they were like to go thence far more ſhamefully than they came in; upbraiding them, That they had not ſo much as a Guide to direct them, nor a Scout abroad to deſcry the Enemy, but like Brutes, ran blindfold into the Pit-fall. The Soldiers ſtar'd at one another, and look'd wiſtfully on their Arms, which preſently they were to take their leave of, they conceited already their Right hands without a Weapon to defend them, their Bodies naked expoſed to the mercy of the Enemy, they fancied to themſelves the Gallows prepared for them, and the upbraiding Scoffs of the Victor, his proud and diſdainful Looks, how they, diſarmed, muſt trudge along between the Ranks of their Armed and Inſulting Foe; then afterwards, what a wretched march they ſhould have with their baffled Army, how ſhameful their return by the Cities of their Allies, home to their Country and Parents, where both themſelves and their Anceſtors had often marched Triumphant: We (ſay they) are the only Army in the World that ever was vanquiſh'd without a Wound receiv'd, without a Battel, without a Sword drawn; who were beat and routed, and yet never could get near our Adverſary; who wore Arms, only to ſurrender them up peaceably to our Mortal Enemies; who had ſtrength in vain, and courage to no purpoſe, but to render us more pungently ſenſible of our diſhonor. Whil'ſt they were bawling out theſe Complaints, the fatal Hour of their Reproach was come, which really rendred all Circumſtances more grievous and intolerable, than they had been able to form them before in their Imaginations. Now were they commanded to march out of their Entrenchments unarm'd, and having on but each Man one ſingle Garment. And firſt the Hoſtages were delivered and led away in Cuſtody: Then the Conſuls diſmiſs'd their Lictors from attending them, and their own rich Robes of State being pull'd off their ſhoulders, raiſed ſuch compaſſion, even in thoſe who but juſt before were curſing and banning them, and voting them worthy to be torn to pieces; that every one forgetting his own ſad condition, was much more affected with theirs, and turn'd away his eyes from that disfigurement of Majeſty, as from a ſpectacle of the greateſt Impiety and Horror.

Firſt and formoſt the Conſuls, almoſt half naked, were put under the Gallows, and after them every one according to his Quality and Decree, was preferr'd to the like Ignominy, and then the Legions one after another; the Enemy brisk and gay in their Armor encompaſſing them, and upbraiding and jeering them as they paſs'd: Many had Swords ſet to their Breaſts, not a few wounded, and ſome kill'd out-right, whoſe ſtern Countenances, or grim Looks (fill'd with Indignation) offended the inſulting Conqueror. Thus were they dragg'd under the Gallows, and (which rendered it more grievous than the thing it ſelf) in the ſight too of all their Enemies; when they were got out of the fatal hollow Way, as if they had been pluck'd out of Infernal Darkneſs, they then firſt of all ſeemed to behold the Light, and yet the Light it ſelf was worſe to them than any kind of Death, when it ſhewed them the Ill-favored proſpect of their wretched Army. Therefore, though they could have got to Capua before Night, yet being doubtful of the Fidelity of their Allies, after ſuch a Misfortune, and beſides aſham'd to be ſeen in ſuch a pickle, they took up their Quarters not far from that City on the bare ground, utterly deſtitute of all Proviſions and Accommodations. News whereof arriving at Capua, a juſt compaſſion of their Friends and Confederates, out-ballanc'd the Pride which is almoſt natural to thoſe People, ſo that forthwith they courteouſly ſent the Conſuls the Inſignia, Robes and Ornaments belonging to their Quality, Rods, Lictors, Arms, Horſes, and plentifully furniſh'd the Common Soldiers with Cloaths and Victuals. And when they came to Capua, the whole Senate and People went forth to meet them, and welcom'd them with all the kind offices of Friendſhip and Hoſpitality publick and private. Yet could not this Civility of their Friends, their kind Looks and obliging Diſcourſes, draw a Word from them; nay, ſcarce would they lift up their Eyes to behold them, ſo much did ſhame, more than grief, make them ſhun all Converſation and Society: So that next day, when ſeveral of the young Nobility that had been to bring them going on their march as far as their Territories extended, came back, and were call'd into the Court, and ask'd by the Grave Seniors, How the Romans behav'd themſelves, they told them, That they now ſeem'd more dejected than ever, ſo ſilently did the Army march, as if it had been altogether compoſed of Mutes; That the noble Roman Bravery was now cow'd and daſh'd, and their Spirits loſt with their Arms; That they were not able to return them a Salute; That not one of them durſt open his mouth for fear, but look'd as ſneakingly, as if the Yoak under which they paſs'd, were ſtill over their Heads; That the Samnites had got not only an eminent Victory, but one that was perpetual; for though they had not taken Rome, as once the Gauls did, yet they had done what was much more Noble and Warlike, ſubdued for ever the Roman Courage and Fierceneſs.

Whil'ſt theſe things were affirm'd, and Audience given thereunto ſo far, that moſt, even in that Council of their Allies, began to look upon the Roman Name as deſperate, and their former Glories paſt Recovery; one Ofilius Calavius, the Son of Ovius, is reported to have told them, That there was a quite different Judgment to be made of the matter, for that obſtinate Silence, thoſe down-caſt Looks, Ears deaf to all Queſtions, and ſhame of beholding the Light, did but argue the grand Emotions they felt within, and how deeply their Deſires and Reſolutions of Revenge were fix'd in their Souls, ſo that they had no leiſure to attend any other thoughts; That either he was a ſtranger to the Natural Genius of the Romans, or this odd ſtubborn ſilence, would e're long coſt the Samnites many a mournful Out-cry and loud Groans. That remembrance of this Caudine Treaty would be a great deal more doleſom to the Samnites, than to the Romans; For as for the latter, they would quickly find their old Courage again whenever they came to Engage, but the Samnites would not every where meet with the Caudian Straights for their purpoſe.

By this time news of this ſhameful Diſaſter arriv'd at Rome: They had before received Intelligence of their being ſurrounded by the Enemy, but theſe Tidings of their ſcandalous accord and eſcape, were more grievous than the report of their Danger. Upon the Rumor of their being hem'd in, a new Levy of Soldiers was begun, but all preparations of Auxiliaries to relieve them laid aſide, as ſoon as 'twas underſtood what a diſhonorable Submiſſion they had made; and preſently, without any Command from Authority, the whole City put it ſelf into Mourning, and omitted nothing that might expreſs the greatneſs of their general Grief: The Shops round the Great Market-place were all ſhut up: The Courts of Juſtice adjourn'd, and all Proceedings at Law ceaſed of their own accord, before Proclamation made for that purpoſe: The Purple and Scarlet Robes, and Rich Embroideries were left off by the Senators: The Ladies laid by their Gold Rings, and the City every where appeared no leſs afflicted than the Army it ſelf: Nor were the People only enraged againſt the Chief Officers and Undertakers for the Peace, but mad with the poor innocent Soldiers too, and ſaid, They deſerv'd not to be ſuffered to come into the City, or be allow'd any Quarters. But theſe Heats, the firſt arrival of the Army did quite allay, and turn'd their Anger into Pity; for they came not as Soldiers returning into their Country unexpectedly eſcap'd ſafe from an eminent danger, but with the garb and countenance of Captives; late at Night they march'd into the City, and every one ſtole home and ſo hid up themſelves in their own Houſes, that on the Morrow, and for ſome Days after, not one of them was to be ſeen abroad in the Streets. The Conſuls themſelves kept in like private Men, and would exerciſe no Function of their Office, but what they were forc'd unto by an Act of the Senate, namely, To nominate a Dictator to preſide at the Election of the next Conſuls; ſo they appointed Q. Fabius Ambuſtus Dictator, and P. Aelius Paetus General of the Horſe: But there being ſome defect in the Ceremonies of their Creation, M. Aemilius Papus, and L. Valerius Flaccus, were nominated in their Rooms, but neither did they hold the Aſſemblies for Election, for the People being out of conceit with all the Magiſtrates of that Year as unlucky, the buſineſs came to an Inter-Regency: And Inter-Regents there were Q. Fabius Maximus, and M. Valerius Corvus; which latter created Conſuls, Q. Publius Philo, and L. Papirius Curſor the ſecond time: A Choice highly approved by the whole City, there being not two braver Generals in that Age.

The very Day they were Created, they entred upon their Office, for ſo the Senate had expreſly ordered; and after the ſolemn and ordinary Acts touching Religion were paſs'd according to Cuſtom, They propoſed the matter of the Caudine Agreement to be taken into Conſideration: And Publius, who had the chief Authority that day, commanded Spurius Poſthumius to ſpeak to that Point, who riſing up with looks altogether as ſad and dejected, as when he went under the Gallows: I am not ignorant (ſaid he) O ye Conſuls! that tis not for Honor-ſake, but for greater Ignominy that I am called forth, and that I am commanded to ſpeak at this time not as a Senator, but as a Criminal, guilty both of an unfortunate ill-manag'd War, and a moſt unworthy diſhonorable Peace. But ſince you have not been pleaſed to put the Queſtion touching either our Guilt or Puniſhment, I ſhall omit all Apology and Defence; which yet it were not difficult to make before Perſons that are not ignorant of Humane Chances, the variable Accidents of War, and thoſe Neceſſities whereunto men are often driven, rather by their Deſtinies than Default. Waving all that, I ſay, I ſhall briefly declare my Opinion in the matter by you propos'd, which I hope will ſhew whether it was for my own ſake, or to preſerve your Legions, that I obliged my ſelf in that Stipulation, call it either baſe or neceſſary, which you pleaſe; ſure I am, 'tis ſuch as being made without the privity or order of the People, the State of Rome is thereby no ways bound: Nor is there any thing from thence due to the Samnites, but only the Bodies of us who were the Sponſors therein; let us, naked and in chains, be delivered up to them by the Heralds; let us diſcharge the People of thoſe Religious ties, if in any we have intangled them, that ſo without the leaſt violation of any Law, Divine or Humane, the War may be begun afreſh. In the mean time, let the Conſuls Levy, Arm, and Muſter an Army, but not enter a ſtep into the Enemies Country, till all the Ceremonies of our Rendition be legally performed. And you, O Immortal Gods! I beſeech and implore, that if it were your pleaſure not to grant the Conſuls Sp. Poſthumius and T. Veturius, ſucceſs againſt the Samnites, yet at leaſt you would be ſatisfied to have ſeen us dragg'd under the Gallows, to have ſeen us obliged in an Infamous Sponſion, and for the ſame to have beheld us delivered ſtrip'd and bound into the hands of the Enemy, ready to receive upon our Heads, even with the loſs of our Lives, all their rage and ſpight. Be pleaſed to accept this as a ſufficient Expiation, and vouchſafe to grant, That the new Conſuls and Roman Legions under their Conduct, may ſo manage the preſent War againſt the Samnites, as all other Wars againſt them were wont to be managed before our unhappy Conſulſhip. This generous Speech raiſed at once ſo great an Admiration and Compaſſion in the Breaſts of all the Senators, That they could ſcarce believe it to be the ſame Sp. Poſthumius, who had been the Promoter of ſo diſhonorable a Treaty; and then they were ſenſibly touch'd with pity, that ſo brave a man ſhould ſuffer extraordinary Tortures above others at the Enemies hands, for perſwading the Reverſal of that Peace for the Cities Honor, which he made for its Safety. However all applauded him, and approved of his Motion; only there was a little oppoſition made by L. Livius, and Q. Maelius, the Tribunes of the Commons, who alledged, That neither could the People be abſolv'd from the Religious Obligations of that Treaty, unleſs all were reſtored to the Samnites, and every thing put into the ſame ſtate as at Caudium: Nor yet could they acknowledge, that by conſenting to an Agreement which preſerved a whole Army of Romans, they had incurr'd any Crime, or deſerv'd any Puniſhment. And laſtly, ſince their Perſons by virtue of their Office were Sacred and Inviolable, could not by Law be given up to the Enemy, or expoſed to any Out-rage.

Poſthumius replyed, In the mean time ſurrender us the Prophane, whom without injuring Religion ye may; and afterwards deliver theſe Sacred Gentlemen as ſoon as ever they are out of their Office: But if you will be rul'd by me, let them firſt be ſoundly ſcourged here publickly in the Common-Hall, that they may pay ſome Intereſt for this delay of their Puniſhment: As for their denying, that our Rendition will diſcharge the People, who is ſo ignorant in the Heralds-Law as not to ſee, that they do it rather to ſave their own Bacon, than that they themſelves can believe it ſo to be? I do not deny, Grave Fathers! that bare Promiſes and Stipulations, as well as Leagues, are to be accounted Sacred, and obſerv'd by all that have any regard to Faith towards Men, or Piety towards the Gods: But this I reſolutely deny, That any thing done without the Peoples conſent, is Obligatory to them. Suppoſe the Samnites in the ſame fit of Pride whereby they extorted from us this Promiſe, had inſiſted and compell'd us to pronounce the ſolemn Form of Words which thoſe uſe who ſurrender up the Propriety and Dominion of Cities, would you, My Lords the Tribunes, yield the People of Rome were thereby become Vaſſals, and this City, its Temples, Chappels, Bounds and Waters, preſently veſted in the Samnites? But to wave ſpeaking of a Surrender, ſince 'tis only a Stipulation that is here in queſtion, What, I pray, if we had undertook and promiſed, that the People of Rome ſhould forſake and abandon this City? or ſet Fire to it, or no longer to have Magiſtrates, Senate, or Laws? or to be again Govern'd by Kings? God forbid that, ſay you. Well, but pray then obſerve, 'tis not the Indignity of things that diſcharges the Obligation of a Promiſe: If the People without their own conſent can be bound to one thing, they may be bound to all; nor does that (which perhaps ſome may think material) at all alter the caſe, whether it be the Conſul, or the Dictator, or the Praetor, that enters into the Promiſe and becomes Surety: And this was the judgment of the Samnites themſelves, as appears in that they thought it not enough to take the Conſuls word, but made the Commiſſaries, Treaſurers and Colonels of the Army alſo to joyn therein. Nor let any ask me why I would enter into this Engagement, being a thing not incident to the Conſuls Office? Neither could I promiſe them a Peace, which was not in my power to grant, nor undertake for you, who had given me no ſuch Commiſſion? All I can ſay, Grave Fathers! is, That nothing was tranſacted at Caudium according to the uſual Meaſures of Humane Prudence: The Immortal Gods had Infatuated both Yours, and the Enemies Generals; neither were we cautious enough in the Conduct of the War, nor they in making the Peace; but as they got the Victory badly, they loſt the benefit of it as ſillily, whil'ſt they hardly truſted the ſtrength of thoſe places, by means whereof they gain'd the advantage of us; and were ſo eager on any terms to diſarm Men, whom they knew born and bred to the uſe of Arms: If they had had their Wits about them, might not they in the ſame time they ſpent in bringing old Men in Carts for their Advice, have ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, and treated with the Senate and the People concerning a Peace or a League? It was but three days Journies for Men well Horſed, and in the mean time there might have been a Ceſſation till their Ambaſſadors ſhould have brought them back either a certain Victory, or an aſſured Peace? That indeed would have been a firm Stipulation and good in Law, when we had entred into it by the Peoples approbation? But neither would you have conſented to, nor would we then have executed any ſuch diſhonorable League: It was the Will of Heaven that things ſhould come to this indifferent Iſſue, That they ſhould be deluded, as it were, with a pleaſant Dream, and be Drunk for a while with an over-flowing Joy, greater than their weak Heads could bear; and at the ſame time, that Chance and Blind Fortune, which had ſo far entangled your Army, ſhould alſo extricate it, and that a vain Victory ſhould be fruſtrated with a vainer Peace, concluded by Perſons that had no Authority to Treat, and which could bind none but the unqualified Undertakers themſelves: For was there, Noble Senators! any application to you? Were the People of Rome ever ſo much as conſulted about it? Who can challenge you? Who can pretend you have deceiv'd or dealt falſly with him? the Enemy, or any of our own Citizens? To the Enemy you have promiſed nothing, nor have ye impowered any Citizen to engage for you, or in your Names. You have therefore nothing to do with us, to whom you gave no Orders, and as little with the Samnites, who never Treated with you. We are the Undertakers, the Pledges and the Sureties to the Samnites, if we cannot make good our Bargain, we are however able to pay the Penalty, and will be anſwerable, as far as the ſtricteſt Juſtice can require, viz. with our Bodies and our Lives; on them let them exerciſe their Rage, and whet their Swords, and ſatiate their Fury. As for the Tribunes of the Commons, your Lordſhips may conſider, whether they ſhall preſently be delivered, or reſerved till out of their places: But in the mean time, O Veturius! and you the reſt, Let us freely reſign theſe wretched Heads of ours, to diſcharge the Stipulation we entred into, and by our Puniſhment expiate the Roman Arms, and render them free to advance their Enſigns, without the leaſt violation of Faith or Religion againſt the Enemy.

Both the Cauſe it ſelf, and the Advocate, had ſo powerful an Aſcendant over the Senate, that it prevailed not only with them, but with the reſt concern'd, and even the Tribunes of the Commons themſelves ſo far, as they declared themſelves to be at the Senates diſpoſe, reſign'd their Offices, and with the reſt were delivered to the Heralds to be carryed to Claudium. This Act had no ſooner paſs'd the Senate, but the City ſeem'd to enjoy a new Light and Life. Every Body applauded Poſthumius, and extoll'd him to the Heavens, equalling his Merits with thoſe of Decius, or any other the moſt glorious Enterprizes of paſt Ages, ſaying, That by his advice and pains, the City was delivered from the Chains of a ſervile and unworthy Treaty, who had freely reſign'd himſelf to all the Rage and Tortures of the Enemy, to be a Peace-offering for the People of Rome, and reſcue them with Honor from the Inconveniencies of an ignominious Peace. Nothing now was minded but War, and Arms, and every one cry'd out, O for the day when we may come to Encounter theſe Raſcallion Samnites with our Swords in our Hands: ſo inflamed was the City with Indignation, that an Army was ſoon Levyed, almoſt all Volunteers, the old Soldiers freely liſting themſelves again, in hopes of Revenge, and ſo advanc'd towards Caudium. But the Heralds march'd before, and when they were come to the Gate, commanded all thoſe that had ſigned the aforeſaid Treaty to be ſtrip'd, and their Hands pinnion'd behind their Backs. The Officer, out of reſpect to Poſthumius, binding him but ſlightly, Draw harder (ſaith he) the Cord, that our Rendition may be in all Points as the Law of Nations requires: Being arriv'd at the Aſſembly of the Samnites, and before the Tribunal of Pontius, A. Cornelius Arvina, one of the Heralds, ſpake theſe words: Since theſe Perſons, without any Commiſſion from the People of Rome, have of their own Heads undertaken and promiſed, That a League and Peace ſhould be made with you, and in ſo doing, are become guilty of a great Offence againſt the State; Therefore, that the People of Rome may be diſcharged from any ſhare in their impious Crime, I here deliver up the ſelf-ſame Men into your Hands. Whil'ſt the Herald was pronouncing theſe Words, Poſthumius ſtruck him on the Thigh as hard as ever he could, and ſaid aloud, I am now a Citizen of the Samnites, the Herald, contrary to the Law of Nations, I have aſſaulted and violated, ſo much the more juſtly therefore may the Romans now proceed in the War.

Pontius then declared himſelf in theſe Terms: Neither do I accept of this ſham-Rendition, nor will the Samnites ever ratifie it: But rather, O Sp. Poſthumius! if thou doſt indeed believe there are any Gods, either render our whole Treaty null and void, or elſe ſtand to and make good thy Promiſe. For by all right, either the Samnites ought to have not only you, but all thoſe that were once in their Power return'd, or elſe a firm Peace eſtabliſhed in lieu of them, that being the Condition on which we parted with them. But why do I challenge thee, who being taken, haſt again rendred thy ſelf Priſoner to the Conqueror with all the Faith and Loyalty thou canſt? 'Tis the People of Rome that I accuſe, who if they do repent of the Articles concluded by their Generals at Caudium; Let them bring their Legions again into the ſame Paſs where they were Environ'd; Let's have no tricks put upon us on either ſide; Let all proceedings be void for want of that Power you talk of, and every thing as it was; Let them take their Arms again, which upon the Articles they delivered up; Let them return again into their Camp, and have whatever they had the day before the Treaty: Then let them talk big, and reject, if they pleaſe, all Overtures of Peace; Let us manage the War with the ſame Fortune, and in the ſame Poſts, as before there was any mention of Peace, and then need neither the People of Rome complain of their Conſuls Treaty, nor we of the Romans Faith. Will there never be a Pretext wanting why you ſhould not keep your words? You gave Hoſtages to King Porſena, and afterwards ſtole them away; you redeem'd the City from the Gauls for ſuch a ſum of Gold, and whil'ſt they were receiving it, you treacherouſly cut them to pieces; Peace you have Covenanted with us, on condition we would releaſe your captiv'd Legions: This Peace you now would cancel, and have evermore ſome pretences of Law to cover your fraud: Do not the Roman Folks like it, that their Army is ſaved by a Peace, that, forſooth, intrenches upon their Honor? Well, Let the Peace go whether it will, but let them reſtore the Impriſon'd Legions to the Conqueror: But is this your Faith? Are theſe your Covenants? Was this worthy the ceremonies of your Heralds? That you indeed, according to the Agreement, ſhould have ſo many thouſands of your Citizens ſafe return'd; but I have nothing of that Peace, in conſideration whereof I remitted them? Is this the right, O A. Cornelius! Is this the Law and Equity, O ye Heralds! which you teach and preſcribe to Nations? I neither accept thoſe you pretend to ſurrender, nor look upon them as ſuch; nor will I hinder them from returning home loaded with all the threatned vengeance of the Gods, whoſe names you have eluded by this notorious violation of your Treaty and Agreement. Juſtly and bravely, no doubt, may ye make War upon us now, ſince Sp. Poſthumius has ſtruck your Ambaſſador the Herald upon his Knee: The Gods, I'll warrant you, will eaſily believe Poſthumius to be a Citizen of Samnium, and no Roman; they will reſent it heinouſly, that this Samnite has violated a Roman Envoy, and they will eſteem this certainly a wonderful juſt Cauſe for you to make War upon us: Are you not aſham'd thus to mock Religion? Do you not bluſh to let the World ſee how impiouſly you triffle in the moſt ſolemn and ſacred Affairs? whil'ſt being grave old Perſonages, and ſuch as have been Conſuls, you ſeek out little tricks and devices, ſcarce fit to be uſed by Boys and Children, and all to ſhift off and falſifie your Faith and Contract. Go Lictor! unbind thoſe Romans, and let none hinder them from departing hence, or going whitherſoever they liſt. So they, having by this tender diſcharged perhaps the Publick Faith, but without queſtion cancell'd their own private Obligations, went back untouch'd from Caudium to the Roman Camp.

The Samnites ſeeing now that the proud and unreaſonable terms of Peace which they inſiſted on, had occaſion'd the renewal of a War more fierce and cruel than ever, did already not only fore-caſt in their Minds, but behold as it were with their Eyes, all the Calamities which afterwards happen'd; and then in vain, becauſe too late, they began to commend both parts of wiſe old Pontius's advice; whereas by neglecting the ſame, and running a middle courſe, they had exchang'd the poſſeſſion of a certain Victory, for the ſhadow of an uncertain Peace, loſt the opportunity both of gratifying and damnifying the Romans, and muſt now fight with thoſe, whom they might for ever either have made their Friends, or cut off being Enemies. So ſtrangely altered were the Spirits of both Parties after this Caudine Treaty, even before ever they were weakned by any new Battel, that the offer of ſurrendring himſelf, got Poſthumius more glory amongſt the Romans, than the gaining of that unbloody Victory did Pontius amongſt the Samnites: The Romans look'd upon the gaining of a right to renew the War as good as an aſſured Victory, and the Samnites verily believed, That for the Romans to make War again, was all one as to Conquer them. In the mean time the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, and the Roman Colony at Fregellae was unexpectedly aſſaulted by the Samnites, with whom 'tis certain the Satricans then were joyn'd: They were got into the Town in the Night, but fear on both ſides kept them quiet till 'twas Light, and then the Fight began, which continued a good while very fierce and equal, the Fregellanes within making their part good with them, both becauſe they fought for Church and Chimney (as the ſaying is) all they had in the World was at ſtake; as alſo becauſe the Women and Rabble, unfit to bear Arms, did them good ſervice in pelting the Enemy from the tops of the Houſes: But treachery and credulity undid them, for ſuffering a Cryer of the Samnites to make Proclamation, That whoever would lay down Arms, ſhould have Quarter, and leave to depart with Bag and Baggage. The hopes thereof took off their minds from the Battel, and many began to fling down their Arms. But the ſtouter part ſtill Armed, forc'd their Paſſage out at a back Gate, whoſe courage prov'd more ſafe than the others timerous credulity: For the Samnites ſurrounded them with Fire, and though they call'd upon the Gods for help, and to the Enemy for performance of their promiſe, burn'd them all to aſhes. The Conſuls divided the Provinces between them, Papirius march'd into Apulia to Luceria, where the Roman Horſe given for Hoſtages at Caudium were detained in cuſtody: Publilius ſtaid in Samnium to obſerve the Enemies motions, who by that means were diſtracted and knew not what to do; for if they march'd to relieve Luceria, the Romans here would fall upon their backs; and if they did not march thither, Luceria would be loſt: at laſt they reſolv'd to commit themſelves to Fortune, and hazard a Battel with Publilius, and in order thereunto drew up in Battalia.

Publilius before he went on, thought to have made a Speech to his Soldiers, and ordered them to come together for that purpoſe: But as with mighty joy they flock'd round about his Pavilion, ſo by reaſon of their Shouts, and Out-crys for leave to fall on, not a word he ſaid could be heard: The memory of the late affront and diſgrace freſh in every Mans mind, was ſpur enough, and there needed no other exhortation. Thus in a running march they advanc'd to Battel, puſhing forwards the Enſign-bearers, as if they were afraid they ſhould not come ſoon enough to cope with the Enemy. And not to loſe time in lancing their Darts and Javelins firſt, and afterwards drawing their Swords, they all at once, as if they had had a Signal ſo to do, threw thoſe away, and with their Swords in their hands ruſh'd upon the Enemy: Here was little of the Generals skill to be ſeen in ranging the Battalions or appointing the Reſerves, but a Military fury bore down all before it with an impetuous Violence; ſo that the Enemy was not only routed, but durſt not for fear of hindring their flight, retreat to their own Camp, but took their heels, ſcattered as they were, towards Apulia, and with much ado rallyed at Luceria. The ſame rage which had carryed the Romans through the midſt of the Enemies Army, did alſo break into their Camp, where there was more blood and ſlaughter than in the Field, and moſt part of the Spoil in pure ſpight deſtroyed.

The other Army, under the command of the Conſul Papirius, march'd all along the Seacoaſt as far as Arpi, and found all the People peaceable and friendly, more out of hatred to the Samnites, than for any good will or obligations they had to the Romans: But the Samnites dwelling in thoſe days in Villages upon Mountains, contemning the People of the Champian Country as weak and effeminate, were wont to forrage and plunder them at their pleaſure; whereas, had thoſe parts been true to the Samnites, they might either have hindred the Romans from coming to Arpi, or when they were there, if they had denyed to ſupply them with Proviſions, being at ſuch a diſtance from Rome, might have ruined them: For after they march'd thence, and lay before Luceria, ſcarcity afflicted the beſiegers, no leſs than the beſieged: The Romans had all their Victuals from Arpi, but in ſuch petty quantities, that whil'ſt the Foot were upon Duty in the Leaguer, the Horſe were ſent out in Parties to Arpi to bring Corn from thence in ſacks, and being often intercepted by the Enemy, were forc'd to fling off their burthen to defend themſelves more nimbly: As for thoſe in the Town, before the other Conſul came up with his victorious Army, they had got in ſome promiſſions, and additional Forces too, from the Mountains of Samnium. But the arrival of Publilius ſtreightned them more than ever; for committing the particular management of the Siege to his Colleague, he was at leiſure to ſcour the Neighboring Countries, and prevent the Enemy of all relief. The Samnites at laſt, ſeeeing there was no hopes that thoſe in the Town could longer hold out for want of Neceſſaries, gathering together all the Forces they could make, reſolve to fight Papirius.

Both ſides preparing for the Encounter, certain Ambaſſadors came from Tarentum, who charged both the Samnites and the Romans to deſiſt, declaring, That which party ſoever ſhould refuſe to give over the War, againſt them they would fight in favor of the others. Papirius having received this Meſſage, as if he had been much concern'd at it, told them, he muſt adviſe with his Colleague before he could return an anſwer. Having ſent for the other Conſul, and in the interim prepared all things neceſſary, they talk'd a while together, for there needed no long Conſultation, the matter being already reſolv'd, and ſo hung out to their Soldiers the ſignal of Battel [A Scarlet Tunick diſplay'd on the point of a Spear o'th' top of the Generals Pavilion] The Conſuls being buſie to diſpatch the Sacred Ceremonies, uſual at ſuch times, and giving the neceſſary Orders, up come the Tarentine Ambaſſadors expecting their Anſwer: To whom, ſays Papirius, We have conſulted the Chicken-Maſter, and he tells us, The Birds feed right; and beſides, That our Sacrifices by all ſigns and tokens are good and acceptable; you cannot blame us therefore, if when the Gods give us ſuch Encouragement, we are going as you ſee to charge the Enemy: and with that commanded the Standards to advance, and led on his Army, joaking at the egregious vanity of a People that were not able well to manage their own affairs, by reaſon of the Jars and Factions they had at home, and yet would take upon them to preſcribe Laws of Peace and War to other Nations. The Samnites on the other ſide, having remitted their care and proviſion for a Battel, as either deſiring Peace in earneſt, or ſeeming to do ſo, to engage the Tarentines to their Party, when they ſaw the Romans ſo ſuddenly in array, began to baul, That they reſted in the authority of the Tarentines, and would not come into the Field, nor put themſelves in Arms out of their Fortifications, chuſing rather to run all hazards, than ſlight the Tarentines, who had ſo courteouſly interpoſed as Mediators for Peace. The Conſuls told them, They were glad on't, and look'd upon it as a good Omen of Succeſs, and for their parts, wiſh'd the Enemy might alſo be in the mind not ſo much as to defend their Entrenchments. Then dividing their Forces, they march'd up to the Enemies Works, and ſtorm'd them fiercely on every ſide; ſome fill'd up the Trenches, others pull'd down the Rampire, and flung the Bank and all down into the Ditches under their feet: Beſides, their Natural Courage, ſpight, and deſire of revenge for the late diſgrace had ſo enflam'd them, that they made nothing to break into the Camp, every one crying out, Here are no Streights, no Caudium, no Woods unpaſſable, where fraud and treachery too inſolently triumph'd over error, but here's true Roman Courage, which no Trenches, no Bulwarks can withſtand. They cut to pieces thoſe that made reſiſtance, and thoſe that endeavor'd to eſcape; the arm'd and the unarm'd, Bond-ſlaves, Free-men, grown People and Children, Men and Beaſts; nor had there one living Creature been left alive, if the Conſuls had not given the ſignal for a Retreat, and partly by Commands, and partly by Threats, drove the Soldiers greedy of ſlaughter out of the Enemies Camp. And therefore preſently, whil'ſt they were yet mad and angry, for being interrupted in the ſweetneſs of their Revenge, a Speech was made, informing them, That the Conſuls neither were, nor ever would be behind-hand with any Soldier there, in hatred to the Enemy, but as they were their Conductors in War, ſo they would be their Leaders to a juſt Revenge, and the extremity of Execution, did not regard to the 600 Horſe Priſoners in Luceria at preſent with-hold their hands, leſt deſpair of Quarter ſhould hurry the Enemy in a blind fit of fury, to put them all to the Sword, as thinking it ſome ſatisfaction to murther them, before they were kill'd themſelves: The Soldiers highly approv'd of this prudent tenderneſs, and rejoyc'd that a ſtop was put to their fury, declaring, That they were willing to ſuffer any thing, rather than endanger the lives of ſo many brave young Gentlemen, and moſt of them of the beſt Families in Rome.

This Audience being diſmiſs'd, a Council of War was call'd to conſult, Whether with all their Forces they ſhould carry on ſharply the Siege of Luceria; or part of them, with one of the Conſuls, take a turn into Apulia and thereabouts, thoſe People having always hitherto born but little good will or ſincere affections to the Romans. Publilius undertook this ſervice, march'd all over Apulia, and in one Expedition ſecured ſeveral Nations, either ſubdued by Arms, or received upon Terms into Alliance and Society: Nor did Papirius, that ſtaid to beſiege Luceria, make long work on't; for having beſet all the ways by which Proviſions could be brought out of Samnium, the Gariſon in the Town were compell'd by Famine, to ſend out Propoſitions to the Roman Conſul, deſiring him to accept the Horſe that lay there as Hoſtages, and had been the cauſe of the War, and to give over the Siege. Papirius thus anſwered, That they ought to have conſulted Pontius the Son of Herennius, by whom the Romans were put under the Gallows, what puniſhment he thought due to the Conquered. But ſince they had rather have their Enemies do them right, than impoſe what is but equal upon themſelves, He thought fit to let them know, it was his pleaſure, That leaving all their Arms, Baggage, Cattel and People, unfit to bear Arms within the Walls, the whole Gariſon, ſtrip'd to their ſhirts, ſhould be put under the Gallows and ſo diſmiſs'd; wherein he ſhould not inflict upon them any new Ignominy or Reproach, but revenge an old one which themſelves before had offered. They refuſed nothing, ſeven thouſand Soldiers march'd away in Querpo through the Gallows, and a vaſt Booty taken in the Town: All the Enſigns and Arms regain'd that had been loſt at Caudium; and that which Crown'd their Joy, the Horſe that were delivered as Hoſtages, were now ſafe reſtored. Scarce ever had the Romans a Victory more Illuſtrious for a ſudden turn of Fortune; eſpecially if it be true (as ſome Annals record) That Pontius himſelf, the Samnites General, to expiate the Conſuls diſgrace, was put under the Gallows with the reſt. But I do not ſo much wonder that this is left uncertain, as that 'tis by ſome made a doubt, Whether Lucius Cornelius the Dictator, with L. Papirius Curſor General of the Horſe, perform'd theſe brave Exploits firſt at Caudium, and then afterwards at Luceria, and being the chief Avenger of that ſcandal to the Roman name, did Triumph more deſervedly, I think, than ever any Man before him, except Furius Camillus? Or whether the chief Honor of theſe Services do of right belong to Papirius as Conſul? This Error is attended with another, making it a queſtion, Whether Papirius Curſor, for his good ſervice at Luceria, were at the next Election continued in his Magiſtracy, and made the third time Conſul, with Q. Aemilius Caeretanus the ſecond time? or, Whether it were L. Papirius Mugillanus, and the miſtake happen'd in the Sirname?

'Tis agreed on all hands, that the reſt of theſe Wars hence-forwards, were finiſh'd by Conſuls, Aemilius in one Battel wholly ſubdued the Ferentanes, and had the City whereinto they fled ſurrendred to him upon Conditions, and Hoſtages given for performance: With like good Succeſs did the other Conſul proceed againſt the Satricanes, who being accepted as free Citizens of Rome, did after the misfortune at Caudium, revolt to the Samnites, and admitted a Gariſon of theirs into the City: For having drawn his Army before the Walls, they ſent to the Conſul, begging Peace with earneſt Prayers: but he returned them this heavy anſwer, That unleſs they did immediatly put the Samnite Gariſon to the Sword, or ſurrender them to him, they ſhould not preſume to come again into his preſence. That word ſtruck greater terror into the Colony than all his Arms; and when the Meſſengers went on to demand of the Conſul, By what means he could believe they that were but few and weak, could be too hard for ſuch a ſtrong and well-arm'd Gariſon? He bid them ask Counſel of thoſe by whoſe perſwaſions they firſt entertain'd them; and ſcarce would he grant them leave to conſult with their Senate, and bring him their Anſwer. Their Senate was divided into two Factions; one that had been the Authors of the Revolt from the Romans, the other Loyal Citizens; yet both endeavor'd, That by all means the Conſul might grant them Peace: One party (ſince the Samnite-Gariſon, was to march away next night, being no longer able to endure the Siege for want of Proviſion) thought it enough to acquaint the Conſul, at what hour, and at which Gate they were to go out, and what way they intended to march: But the others, who had always oppoſed the joining with the Samnites, did alſo the ſame Night open another Gate to the Conſul, and ſecretly received abundance of Armed Men into the City: Thus by a double Treachery, both the Samnite Gariſon was unexpectly cut off by Ambuſcades laid in the Woods as they paſs'd, and at the ſame time a Shout ſet up in the City, that was full of the Enemy, ſo that in one minute the Samnite was deſtroyed, the Satrican taken, and all at the Devotion of the Conſul, who having made Inquiſition who they were that cauſed the Revolt, ſuch as were found guilty he cauſed to be beheaded, diſarm'd the Town, and placed therein a luſty Gariſon. From hence Papirius Curſor return'd to Rome to Triumph (as they write who ſay, that by his Conduct Luceria was recovered, and the Samnites put under the Gallows.) And indeed, he was a Perſon worthy of all commendations for a brave Commander in the Wars, and excellent not only for the vigor of his mind, but alſo for the natural ſtrength of his Body; nimble and light of foot almoſt to a Miracle, whence he had his Sirname, Curſor, or the excellent Runner; for 'tis reported, he could out-run any Man of that Age: And whether by the vigor of his conſtitution, or by reaſon of much exerciſe, a ſtout and mighty Eater he was, and drank as liberally to his Meat, and could carry it off as well. Never had the Soldiers, Foot or Horſe, ſmarter Service under a General, being himſelf Maſter of a Body that could endure all Fatigues. The Cavalry once were ſo bold, as to Petition him, that in conſideration of ſome handſom exploit they had done, he would be pleaſed to eaſe them a little of their ordinary pains and hard duty: Yes, quoth he, that you may not complain that you have no eaſement at all, I will henceforwards eaſe you of this pains, That when ye alight from your Horſes, you ſhall not need any more to ſtroak their ſhoulders or Buttocks. He was beſides, a Perſon ſevere, and kept both his own Citizens, and their Allies and Confederates, in mighty awe of him: The Praetor of Praeneſte happened once for fear to be a little ſlow in bringing up a Reſerve which he commanded, into the Front, Curſor immediatly cauſed him to be ſent for, as he was walking before his Tent; and withal, ordered the Lictor to get ready his Hatchet, which being done, and the Praeneſtin half dead with terror, expecting nothing but preſent Death, Come hither, Lictor, (ſays the General) cut me up this ſtump of a Tree, which hinders my walk; and ſo having ſufficiently terrified the Fellow, and ſet a ſmall Fine upon him, diſmiſs'd him. Without doubt in that Age, which yielded as great plenty of gallant Captains as any, there was not a Perſon on whom the State of Rome did more rely and depend, inſomuch, as ſome Writers have concluded, that he would have been an equal match to the Great Alexander, if after the Conqueſt of Aſia, he had bent his Arms againſt Europe.

Now although from the beginning of this Work it may ſufficiently appear, that I have ſought nothing leſs than Digreſſions from the juſt order and ſeries of the Story; nor have at all endeavored, by extravagant Varieties, to garniſh it, or with pleaſant Sallies to divert the Reader and refreſh my ſelf; yet happening upon the mention of ſo great a King, and ſo renowned a Captain, I could not but be moved to diſcloſe and ſet down thoſe thoughts which have oft occurr'd to my mind, and inquire a little, What event would probably have ſucceeded to the Roman Affairs, had they happened to have been engaged with this Illuſtrious Conqueror. Thoſe things that are of greateſt conſideration, and ſeem to have the Aſcendent in all Wars, are, the number of Soldiers, and withal, their natural Courage; the ſufficiency and dexterity of the Commanders: and laſtly, Fortune, which as in all humane Affairs it bears a great ſtroke, ſo in War moſt of all. He that ſhall narrowly weigh all theſe, either jointly or ſeverally, may reaſonably conclude, That as the Roman State bore up againſt other Kings and Nations, ſo it might have prov'd to him alſo Invincible. To begin with ballancing the Commanders one againſt another, I do not deny but Alexander was an excellent Leader, but that which enhaunc'd his Fame, was, That he was a ſole and Soveraign Commander; a young Man, his Sails always full blown with proſperous Gales, and one who dyed before ever he had labored under any of the frowns of Fortune. For to omit other glorious Princes and renowned Captains, illuſtrious Examples of the uncertainty of Humane Grandeur: What was it that expoſed Cyrus (whom the Greeks ſo highly magnifie) or our great Pompey of late, to the turning Wheel of Fortune, but only this, That they lived long? On the other ſide, Let us take a review of the Roman Commanders, I mean not through all Ages, but ſuch as being Conſuls or Dictators about thoſe times, Alexander muſt have engag'd with, if he had ſpread his Enſigns this way, there were M. Valerius Corvinus, M. Marcius Rutilus, C. Sulpicius, T. Manlius Torquatus, Q. Publilius Philo, L. Papirius Curſor, Q. Fabius Maximus, the two Decii, L. Volumnius, Manius Curius, beſides abundance of prodigious Warriors that ſucceeded afterwards; if he had firſt ſet upon the Carthaginians [as he was reſolved to have done, if he had not been prevented by Death] and ſo had arriv'd in Italy when well ſtricken in years. Each one of theſe was maſter of as good Parts and natural Abilities, as Alexander, and had the advantage of being train'd up in an incomparable Military Diſcipline, which having been delivered from hand to hand ever ſince the foundation of their City, was now by continual Precepts arriv'd to the perfection of an Art. For ſo after one and the ſame courſe did our Kings of old manage their Wars; ſo after them the Junii and Valerii, the baniſhers of Kings; ſo conſequently the Fabii, the Quintii, the Cornelii; ſo Furius Camillus, whom in his Age two of thoſe Romans with whom Alexander muſt have encountred, [Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvinus] had ſeen when they were Youths. And whereas Alexander often hazarded his Perſon, and underwent all Military toils and dangers (which was one thing that not a little added to his Glory:) Can it be thought, that if Manlius Torquatus, or Valerius Corvinus, had chanc'd to meet him at the head of his Troops, either of them would not have prov'd a Match for him, who were both of them famous for ſtout Soldiers before ever they had Commands? Would the Decii, that ruſh'd with devoted Bodies into the midſt of the Enemy, have been afraid of him? Would Papirius Curſor, that mighty Man both for ſtrength of Body and gallantry of Mind, have declined to cope with him? Was it likely that a ſingle young Gentleman ſhould out-wit or manage his Affairs with greater prudence than that Senate, which he only, whoever he was, had a right Idaea of, that ſaid, It conſiſted altogether of Kings? Here, forſooth, was the danger, leſt he ſhould more advantagiouſly chooſe his Ground to Encamp on, provide Victuals more carefully, prevent Surprizes and Stratagems more warily, know better when to venture a Battel, range his Army more Soldier-like, or ſtrengthen it with Reſerves and Recruits, better than any of thoſe whom I have named knew how to do: Alas! in all theſe matters, he would have confeſs'd he had not to deal with a Darius, over whom, being attended with a vaſt Train of Women and Eunuchs, ſoftned with wearing Gold and Purple, and clogg'd with the ſuperfluous Furniture of his luxurious Fortune, he did indeed obtain an unbloody Victory, meeting rather with a Booty than an Enemy, and had only this to boaſt of, That he durſt handſomly contemn ſuch an abundance of Vanity. He would have had another kind of proſpect in Italy than in India, through which he march'd at his eaſe with a drunken Army, Feaſting and Revelling all the way: But here he muſt have met with the thick woody Forreſt, and almoſt unpaſſable Streights of Apulia; the lofty Mountains of Lucania, and freſh Tokens of a late Defeat that happen'd to his own Name and Family, where his Uncle Alexander, King of the Epirotes, was hewn to pieces.

We ſpeak hitherto of Alexander, not yet debauch'd with exceſs of good Fortune, wherein never any Man had leſs command of himſelf than he: But if we conſider him in his new Habit, and that new Nature, (if I may call it ſo) which he took up after he had a while been fluſh'd with Victories, we may avow he would have come into Italy, more like a Darius than an Alexander, and brought with him a baſtard Army, altogether degenerated from the Macedonian courage and manners, into the debauches and effeminacies of the Perſians. I am aſham'd, in ſo great a Monarch as he was, to relate his proud humors of changing ſo oft his Garb; his exceſſive vain-glory, in expecting that Men ſhould adore him by caſting themſelves proſtrate at his feet, when-ever they approach'd him; a baſe ſervile flattery, which muſt have been uneaſie to the Macedonians though they had been Conquer'd, much leſs to be endured now they were Conquerors; his barbarous Cruelties and Butcheries of his neareſt Friends amongſt his Cups and Banquets, and that ridiculous Vanity of forging a Divine Pedigree, and boaſting himſelf the Son of Jupiter. Nay more, ſince his Drunkenneſs and Greedineſs of Wine, his ſavage Paſſions and cholerick Phrenſies did every day increaſe (I report nothing but what all Authors agree in) ſhall we not think that his Abilities, as a General, muſt quickly have decayed and been wonderfully impaired? But here perhaps was the danger (which ſome little triffling Greeks who would cry up the glory even of the Parthians, to depreſs the Roman name, are often wont to alledge) That the People of Rome would never have been able to endure the very Majeſty and dread of Alexanders Name (whom indeed I am apt to think they then ſcarce ever heard of:) And that though in Athens, a City weakned by the Macedonian Arms, and beholding ſo near hand the yet ſmoaking ruines of Thebes, there were Men that durſt very ſmartly load him with Invectives (as appears by their Orations ſtill extant) yet amongſt ſo many Roman Hero's, not one would have been found of ſo much Courage, as to ſpeak a word againſt him frankly and boldly. Let us conceit as magnificently as may be of this Prince, yet ſtill it will be but the Grandeur of one Man, acquir'd in little more than twelve Years continued Felicity; and whereas ſome extol it highly upon this Account, That the Romans, though never worſted in any War, have yet been defeated in divers Battels, whereas Fortune was never wanting to Alexander in any one encounter, they do not conſider that they are comparing the Exploits of one particular Man, and he too but a Youth, with the Atchievements of a People that have now been involv'd in Wars eight hundred years; ſince therefore on this ſide there are numbred more Ages than Years on the other, is it any wonder if there have happen'd a little more variety of Fortune in ſo long a ſpace, than in a term of thirteen Years? You ought rather to compare Man with Man, Captain with Captain, and then the Fortune of one with the other. How many Roman Generals may I name, that never ſuffered a Repulſe in their days? We can run over whole Pages in the Annals of our Magiſtrates, full of Conſuls and Dictators, whoſe Succeſs as well as Virtue, was ſuch, as they never gave the Common-wealth ſo much as one days grief or diſcontentment. And that which makes them yet to be more admired than Alexander, or any other King in the World; ſome of them held their Office of Dictator not above ten or twenty days, and none the Conſulſhip beyond a Year: Their Levies were often obſtructed by the Tribunes of the Commons, ſo that they ſet forth too late; and ſometimes for holding the Court for Elections, they were ſent for home too ſoon: In the hurry of Affairs the Year was apt to be wheel'd about, and then they muſt leave all to new Inſtruments; now the raſhneſs, another time the diſhoneſty of a Colleague, was either a great hindrance to their Succeſs, or perhaps occaſion'd a miſchief. Many times they ſucceeded after the defeat of their Predeceſſors, or receiv'd a raw and undiſciplin'd Army: From all which inconveniencies Kings are not only free, but abſolute Maſters both of their Enterprizes, and the times and means they will take to accompliſh them, leading all things by their Councils, and not following them. Had therefore this unconquered Alexander been engaged againſt theſe unconquered Captains, he would have hazarded all thoſe paſt pleaſures of Fortunes favor; nay, in this the danger would have been greater, that the Macedonians had but one Alexander, and he not only obnoxious to many Caſualties, but voluntarily expoſing himſelf to frequent Dangers. But the Romans had many that were Alexanders equals, both for Glory and the grandeur of their Atchievements, each of whom, might according to his peculiar Fate, either live or dye, without at all endangering the Publick.

It remains now to ballance the Forces on each ſide, and that either in reſpect of numbers, quality of the Soldiers, or the multitude of their Allies and Auxiliaries. There were numbered of Romans in the Surveys taken by the Cenſors of that Age, Two hundred and fifty thouſand Polls; and therefore in all the revolts of the Latines, they were able to levy Ten Legions, and that too almoſt wholly in the City; and frequently in thoſe times, four or five diſtinct Armies were kept on foot at once, which maintained Wars in Etruria, in Umbria, with the Gauls, (Confederates with the Enemy) in Samnium and in Lucania: Beſides all theſe, Alexander would have found, the whole Latine Nation, with the Sabines, and Volſcans, and Aequians, and all Campania, a great part of Umbria and Tuſcany, with the Picentes, and Marſians, and Pelignians, and Veſtins, and Apulians, all the adjacent Coaſt of the Greeks along the Tyrrhen Sea, from the Thurians to Naple and Cumes, and from thence the Samnites as far as Antium and Hoſtia; all theſe, I ſay, he ſhould have found either faſt Friends to the Romans, or Enemies ſo weakened as they could not hurt them. On the other ſide, he muſt have croſs'd the Sea, having of old Macedonian Bands not above Thirty thouſand Foot, and four thouſand Horſe, and thoſe moſt of them Theſſalians; for this was the total of his Force when he appeared moſt formidable. If he ſhould have added to theſe, Perſians, Indians, or others out of his new Conqueſts, they would but more encumber rather than aſſiſt him: Then the Romans had Supplies at hand to reinforce them preſently from home upon any accident; whereas Alexander (as it happened afterwards to Annibal) Warring in a remote foreign Country, his Army would have mouldered away apace, and could not readily have Recruits. The Macedonians had for their Arms, a Shield and a Spear like a Pike; the Romans a large Target that skreen'd almoſt the whole Body, and a Javelin, a Weapon not a little more ſerviceable than the Spear, both to ſtrike and puſh with, near hand, and alſo to be lanced at a diſtance. The Soldiers of each ſide were wont to ſtand firm, and keep their Ranks; the Macedonian Phalanx was immoveable and uniform; but the Roman Battalions more diſtinct, and conſiſting of ſeveral Diviſions, was more ready to ſeparate and cloſe again upon any occaſion. To ſpeak now of labor and travel, What Soldier is comparable to the Roman? Who better able to hold out and endure all the fatigues of War? Alexander worſted in one Battel had been utterly undone: But what Power could have broken the Romans courage, whom neither the ſhameful diſgrace at Caudium, nor the fatal defeat at Cannae, could in the leaſt daunt or diſpirit? Undoubtedly Alexander, although his firſt attempts ſhould have prov'd proſperous, would often here have miſſed his Perſians and his Indians; he would have wiſh'd to have been dealing again with the ſoft and cowardly Nations of Aſia, and confeſt, That before he only fought with Women, as King Alexander of Epirus is reported to have ſaid, when he had here received his Deaths wound, reflecting upon thoſe eaſie Occurrents of War, which this young Prince (his Nephew) met with in Aſia, in reſpect of thoſe difficulties he himſelf had to ſtruggle with in Italy. And truly, when I conſider that the Engagements at Sea between the Romans and Carthaginians in the firſt Punick War, took up no leſs than four and twenty years ſpace; I am inclinable to conjecture, that the whole age of Alexander would not have been enough to have finiſh'd a War with either a one of thoſe States And ſince by antient Leagues they were then at Amity and in Alliance with each other, 'tis probable an equal apprehenſion of danger might have united them againſt this common Enemy: And what leſs could he then expect but to have been utterly overwhelm'd and cruſh'd by the joint Arms of two the moſt potent Republicks in the World? The Romans, though not indeed in the days of Alexander, or when the Macedonian Power was at heighth, have yet ſince try'd the courage of the Macedonians, under the Conduct of Antiochus, Philip, and Perſes, and came off not only without loſs, but even without any danger or hazard. It may ſeem a proud word, but without arrogancy it is ſpoken, Let there be no Civil Wars amongſt us; never can we be diſtreſſed by any Enemy, Horſe or Foot; never in ſet Battel, never in plain equal ground, or places diſadvantagious, out-done in Courage or Reſolution. The Soldier I confeſs in heavy Armor, may be apprehenſive of the Enemies Cavalry in a Champion Country, or be incommoded with Arrows ſhot from a diſtance, or embarraſs'd in unpaſſable Woods, or Quarters where proviſions cannot be brought to them; but ſtill let there be a thouſand Armies greater and ſtronger than that of Alexander and his Macedonians, ſo long as we hold together, and continue that love of Peace, and prudent care of civil Concord, wherein we live at this day, we are able, and ever ſhall be, to rout and put them all to flight.

M. Foſſius Flaccinator, and L. Plautius Venno were now made Conſuls: That year Ambaſſadors from ſeveral Cities of the Samnites, having on their knees begg'd Peace of the Senate, were referr'd to the People: Nor did their Prayers there altogether prevail; for as for a League, that was flatly denyed; but at laſt having continued their Importunities for ſeveral days together, they obtain'd a Truce for two years. In Apulia the Theanenſes and Canuſines, wearied with the ſpoils made upon their Territories, ſubmitted themſelves to L. Plautius the Conſul, and gave Hoſtages. The ſame year began Praefects or Provoſts to be firſt eſtabliſh'd at Capua, and certain Laws preſcribed by L. Furius the Praetor, the Inhabitants having deſired the ſame, as a remedy for their languiſhing State greatly embroil'd in civil Diſcords. At Rome, two new Tribes were added, the Ufentine and Falerine. The Affairs of Apulia were now declining, therefore the Theatines being of that Country, ſent to the new Conſuls C. Junius Bubulcus, and Q. Aemilius Barbula, to deſire a Peace, offering to bring the whole Province of Apulia into the ſame: Upon which fair promiſe they obtain'd it, yet was not the League indifferent and upon equal terms, but on condition that they ſhould be in ſubjection to the Romans. Apulia thus ſubdued (for Junius had alſo taken the ſtrong Town of Acheront) they march'd againſt the Lucanians, where by the ſudden arrival of Aemilius the Conſul, the Town of Nerulum was taken by ſtorm. It being noiſed abroad how well the Affairs of Capua were ſetled and eſtabliſhed by the Roman Diſcipline, the Antiates came and complain'd, That they were without any certain Laws and Magiſtrates; whereupon certain Commiſſioners were appointed by the Senate to ordain Statutes for that Colony, ſo that now the Roman Laws, as well as their Arms, began to extend themſelves and grow into great requeſt.

When the former Conſuls at the end of the year went out of their Office, they did not deliver up the Army to the Conſuls by them Created, Sp. Nautius and M. Popillius, but to L. Aemilius the Dictator, who together with L. Fulvius his General of the Horſe, laying ſiege to Saticula, gave occaſion to the Samnites to rebel: Here the Romans were preſs'd with a double danger; on the one ſide, the Samnites with a mighty Army coming to relieve their Aſſociates, encamp'd hard by them; and on the other, the Saticulans made a ſudden ſally, and with great Bravery ſet upon their Out-guards: And each of theſe Parties depending rather on the others Aſſiſtance than their own Strength, did for a while ſmartly engage the Romans; but though the Fight were ſharp and doubtful, yet the Dictator was pretty ſafe on either ſide: For as he had poſted himſelf in a place, where 'twas not eaſie to hem him in, ſo he had divided his Army back to back to make head againſt each of the Aſſailants, but directed the hotter Charge to be made againſt thoſe that ſallied out of the Town, and without much ado, beat them back again within their Walls: Then being at leiſure, he turned the whole brunt of the Battel upon the Samnites, with whom there was a ſmarter tug; but the Victory, though long firſt, was neither doubtful nor variable. The Samnites beat into their Trenches, having in the night put out all their Fires, privately march'd off, and in deſpair of relieving Saticula, to pay the Enemy in their own Coyn, ſet down before Pliſtia, a Town confederate with the Romans.

The year having finiſh'd its reſolution, the War was carried on by the Dictator Q. Fabius; the new Conſuls, like the former, remaining ſtill at Rome. Fabius coming to receive the Army from Aemilius at Saticula, brought with him new Recruits; for the Samnites, not continuing long at Pliſtia, had reinforc d themſelves with a multitude of new Soldiers from home, and being Encamp'd as before, challenging the Romans to a Battel, endeavored to divert them from the Siege. But ſo much the more briskly did the Dictator aſſault the Enemies walls, judging the taking of the Town to be of the greateſt importance to the War, and troubled himſelf no further with the Samnites, than to ſet out Guards to prevent their falling upon his Camp, which ſo far provoked them, that they were always skirmiſhing about the Out-works, and would never let them be at quiet: One day, being juſt ready to break into the Ports of the Camp, the General of the Horſe, Q. Aemilius Caeretanus, without conſulting the Dictator, advancing with all his Troops, beat off the Enemy, and though the Encounter was but ſhort, yet it was very ſharp, and not only great numbers of common Soldiers, but both the Leaders ſlain: For firſt, the Samnites General taking it in diſdain to ſee Aemilius charge ſo fiercely, and that himſelf was forced to retreat; with much pains, and encouraging his Troops, rallyed them to a ſecond Charge; but as he was bravely leading up his Men, the Roman General of the Cavalry galloping up to him, with one puſh of his Spear tumbled him dead from his Horſe; yet was not the reſt of the Troop (as commonly it happens) at all daunted with the death of their Chief, but rather exaſperated: Thoſe that were next, charged Aemilius ſtoutly as he rode through their Troops, but left to their Generals Brother the peculiar honor of revenging his death, who full of grief and rage, pluck'd the General of the Cavalry from his Horſe, and ſlew him upon the Spot, whoſe Body falling amongſt them, the Samnites were very like to have got poſſeſſion of, had not the Roman Horſe alighted, whom the Samnites imitated, and ſo a fierce encounter happened between them about the Corps of their Generals, wherein the Romans had indiſputably the better on't; and having recovered the Body of Aemilius, triumphantly carryed it with a Joy intermix'd with Sorrow, unto their own Camp: The Samnites having loſt their General, and made tryal of their Fortune in this Skirmiſh, quitted all thoughts of relieving Saticula, and returned to the Siege of Pliſtia: And within few days after Saticula ſurrendred to the Romans, and the Samnites by ſtorm made themſelves Maſters of Pliſtia.

Now the Seat of War is chang'd, the Legions led from Samnium and Apulia, unto Sora, a Town that had revolted to the Samnites, and Maſſacred all the Roman Colony planted there. The Roman Army firſt haſtned thither with ſpeedy marches to revenge the Murther of their Citizens, and recover the Colony, but were alarm'd by their Scouts, that the Samnite-Legions were in the rear of them, and at no great diſtance; whereupon they faced about to meet them, and near Lantulae was fought a doubtful Battel, for neither the ſlaughter nor flight of either Party, but Night determined it, whil'ſt each ſide was yet doubtful, whether they had the beſt or worſt on't: Some Authors relate, that the Romans loſt the day, and that Q. Aemilius General of the Cavalry, here loſt his life. In whoſe place C. Fabius being choſen, was diſpatch'd from Rome with a freſh Army, and having by Meſſengers ſent before, conſulted the Dictator where he ſhould hault, and when, and on which ſide he ſhould Attack the Enemy, put himſelf in a cloſe Ambuſcade. The Dictator having for ſeveral days after the Fight, kept himſelf in his Trenches, rather like one beſieg'd, than a Beſieger of others, on a ſudden ſet up the Signal of Battel, and thinking it a better whet to valiant minds to let them have no hope, but what ſprung from their own Courage, concealed from his Soldiers the arrival of the new Maſter of Horſe with Auxiliaries: And as if there had been no way for their Eſcape, but by breaking through the midſt of their Enemies, thus beſpeaks them: We are here, Gentlemen Soldiers! ſurrounded, and can expect no paſſage, unleſs we cut it out with our Swords; our preſent Quarters are ſafe enough by the Entrenchments and Fortifications, but will be rendred untenable by ſcarcity; for all things near us are eaten up, or elſe thoſe that ſhould ſupply us are revolted, and ſuppoſe the People were willing, the Avenues are block'd up; I will therefore no longer defeat your good Fortune, by confining you to your Tents, into which you may at any time, if you ſhould miſs of a Victory, retreat and ſecure your ſelves as you did the other day. But 'tis fit our Fortifications ſhould be defended by Arms, rather than our Arms ſheltered by our Works; let them have a Camp well fortified to retire to, that have a mind to ſpin out a War; We, for our parts, will voluntarily deprive our ſelves of all hopes but that of Victory. Advance therefore your Enſigns upon the Enemy, and as ſoon as the Army is got beyond the Works, let thoſe that are appointed ſet fire on the Camp; your Loſſes, brave Soldiers! ſhall be ſufficiently recompenc'd with the Plunder of all the Nations round about that have revolted. With this Speech of the Dictator's intimating no leſs than the laſt neceſſity, the Soldiers incens'd, warmly fell upon the Enemy, and the ſeeing their Tents flaming behind them (though it were only the foremoſt that were ordered to be burn'd) added not a little to their Fury, with a violent Charge they diſordered the Enemies Front, and preſently after, upon view of the Tents burning (which was the Signal agreed on) the General of the Horſe comes up, and fell upon the Enemy in the Rear. The Samnites being thus environ'd, were glad every Man to ſhift for himſelf as well as he could: A vaſt multitude of them ſhuffling together for fear in an heap, and hindering one another in that confuſion from making any Defence, were cut to pieces: The Camp of the Enemy ſeiz'd and ranſack'd, loaded with whoſe Spoils the Romans returned to their Camp, and yet ſcarce ſo much pleaſed with their Victory, as overjoyed to find (beyond all expectation) their Tents ſafe and ſound, ſave only a ſmall part on the skirts of the Camp, a little disfigured and ruinated by the Fire.

From thence they returned to the Siege of Sora, where the new Conſuls M. Paetelius and C. Sulpicius, receiv'd the Army from the Dictator Fabius, many of the old Soldiers being diſcharged, and new Regiments liſted for ſupplies. But whil'ſt they found the Town ſo fortified by its ſituation, as to be too ſtrong for an attack by Storm, and that to ſtarve it, would take up too much time; it happened a Renegado privately got out, and deſiring the Roman Out-guards to carry him to the Conſuls, promiſed to betray the place; and upon examination, finding his Overture probable, he prevailed with them to remove their Camp (which was now juſt under the Walls) ſix miles off, by means whereof the Enemies Corps-du-guard by day, and their Watch by night, would be more negligent. And he himſelf the next night, having laid ſome Companies in Ambuſcade in a Wood, carries with him Ten ſelect Soldiers up the ſteep and almoſt unpaſſable Hill, by winding ways unto a Fort which had then no Soldiers in it, as thinking it ſecure enough ſince the Enemy was retreated. Theſe men carryed with them more Darts and Lances, than ſo ſmall a number could well uſe: Beſides, there were abundance of Stones both naturally lying there, and heap'd up by the Townſmen to render the place more defenſible: When he had here planted his Men, he ſhewed them a narrow ſteep foot-path, leading out of the Town to that Tower: From getting up here (ſays he) Three men well arm'd, may keep off never ſo great a multitude: Now you are ten in number, and, which is more, Romans, and of Romans the ſtouteſt and moſt valiant. Both the place will make for your advantage, and the time; for the night renders all things that are uncertain and not well known, much greater and more terrible to thoſe that are already afraid; let me alone to fill the Town with dread and amazement; Do you but diligently keep poſſeſſion of the Fort. Then down he runs with the greateſt noiſe and tumult he could make, crying out, Arm! Arm! Arm! Where's your Faith, fellow Citizens? Where's your Courage? The Fort is taken by the Enemy, haſten to defend your ſelves, or preſently all your Throats will be cut. This news, thumping at the chief Perſons doors, he told, and to all he met, running out into the Streets upon the hurry he made. The alarm and fear was preſently ſpread throughout the City; the trembling Magiſtrates ſend Scouts to the Fort, who bringing back word that the ſame was poſſeſs'd by Armed men, whom they multiplyed to a vaſt number; they gave over all hopes of recovering it, but every one ſhifts for himſelf, the Gates by people ſcarce half Armed, and not quite awake, are broke open to make their eſcape: at one of which, the Roman Ambuſcade ruſhes in with a mighty ſhout, and kill all they meet with. Thus was Sora taken, and the Conſuls arriving in the Morning, thoſe that were left alive yielded up themſelves at diſcretion; of whom 225, that were by general conſent declared Guilty of Contriving and promoting both the Revolt of the Town, and the murther of the Colony, were carryed in Chains to Rome; the reſt of the Inhabitants were ſuffered to continue there under a Gariſon: All thoſe ſent to Rome, were firſt whip'd in the Market-place, and then had their Heads cut off, to the great joy of the People, whoſe eſpecial Intereſt it was, to have thoſe ſecured who were ſent out into remote Colonies.

The Conſuls removing from Sora, carryed the War into the Territories of the Auſonians; for upon the advance of the Samnites and the Battel at Lantulae, Conſpiracies were ſet on foot throughout all Campania; nor was Capua guiltleſs: nay, in Rome it ſelf ill Blood was breeding, and a wary eye kept upon ſome perſons of the firſt Quality; but the whole Nation of the Auſonians were eaſily reduced, their chief Towns being betrayed, as Sora was, by ſome of their own, that is to ſay, The Cities of Auſona, Minturnae, and Veſcia, from whence there came twelve young Noblemen to the Conſuls, acquainting them, How thoſe places had long wiſh'd for the Samnites coming, and that as ſoon as they heard of the Battel at Lantulae, they reckoned the Romans beaten, and had aſſiſted the Samnites both with Men and Arms; but ſince the Samnites were routed, they made ſhew of living in Peace, which they would continue no longer than they had an opportunity to break it: That indeed they had not ſhut their Gates upon the Romans, for fear of bringing a War upon their own Heads, but that they were reſolved to ſhut them if any Army ſhould approach towards them: And that in this wavering poſture they might eaſily be ſurprized. Upon this Advice the Army marched nearer, and at one and the ſame time particular parties were diſpatch'd towards all the three Cities, ſome in Armor to lye in Ambuſcade near the Walls, others with Swords hid under their Cloaths, who at break of day, as ſoon as the Gates were open, went into the City, and at once fell upon the Watch, and gave the ſignal to the reſt to come up, and ſo ſeizing the Ports, made themſelves maſters of all the three Towns at one and the ſame hour: But by reaſon of the Conſuls being abſent, there was no moderation obſerv'd in the Slaughter, ſo that almoſt the whole Auſonian Nation, upon but a bare ſuſpicion of a deſign to Revolt, was cut to pieces and deſtroyed, as fiercely as if they had been in the moſt open and deſperate Rebellion.

The ſame Year Luceria fell into the Samnites hands, the Roman Gariſon being betray'd, but the Traitors went not long without their reward; for the Roman Army was near, and the City lying in a Plain, was recovered by them upon the very firſt aſſault. The Lucerines and Samnites were every Mothers child ſlain, and ſo enraged the Senate was, that when they came to debate touching ſending a new Colony thither, many were for having the City utterly deſtroy'd and demoliſh'd: For beſides the hatred they had againſt a place that had twice Revolted, they could not but abhor ſending of Citizens ſo far off, to live as in Baniſhment amongſt thoſe cruel and barbarous Nations. However in the end it was concluded, That a Colony ſhould be ſent, and 2500 perſons were diſpatch'd accordingly. That Year, whil'ſt the Romans met with nothing but Treachery and Falſhood on all ſides, diſcovery was made of a Conſpiracy at Capua, carried on by ſome of the chief of that City: The Senate being conſulted, conſidered it as a thing by no means to be neglected, and not only ordered, That the perſons ſuſpected ſhould be put to the Queſtion, or tortured to find out the truth, but alſo that a Dictator ſhould be created to take the Examinations; C. Maenius was the Man pitch'd upon for that Office, who appointed M. Foſlius his General of the Horſe. Great was the terror of that Magiſtracy, and therefore whether it were for dread thereof, or out of conſciouſneſs of their own guilt; the principal Conſpirators, viz. The Calavii, and Ovius, and Novius, before they were cited to appear before the Dictator, made away themſelves, and by their Death prevented his Judgment. By which means, all occaſion for executing his Commiſſion of Inquiry, at Capua being removed, the ſame was by Interpretation transferred to Rome, ſaying, That he had good warrant to proceed by way of Inquiſition againſt all ſuch, as not only at Capua, but any where elſe, had held ſecret Meetings, or plotted againſt the State; and that all Conventicles, and indirect Courſes for obtaining of Honors and Offices, were directly againſt the Commonwealth. So that the Commiſſion enlarged both in reſpect of Perſons and Crimes, the Dictator not refuſing to take cognizance of any Offence whatſoever. Divers of the Nobility being accuſed, appealed to the Tribunes, but they declined to interpoſe in their favor, and ſo the Preſentment was taken againſt them. Whereupon the Nobles, not only thoſe that were particularly charged, but all of them in general, Declared, That it was not the true ancient Nobility indeed that was concerned in theſe Crimes, ſince if it were not for indirect courſes, they would have eaſie and open acceſs unto Places of Dignity and Preferment; but they were a company of Upſtarts, and Gentlemen of the firſt Head who uſed theſe ſiniſter practices, to get themſelves into Offices, wherein the Dictator and Maſter of the Horſe were as guilty as any, and ſo they ſhould be made to know as ſoon as they were out of their Places. This made Maenius beſtir himſelf, who regarding his Reputation more than his High Dignity, went up into the common Aſſembly before all the People, and ſpake as follows: Although the knowledge which you all, Worthy Citizens of Rome! have had of the whole courſe of my Life paſt, as well as the Honor now lately conferr'd upon me, may be a ſufficient evidence of my Innocence. For 'twas not here, as often it has happened when the Affairs of the State ſo required, That he that was the beſt Soldier, or the greateſt Captain, but ſuch an one as has ever been moſt free from ambitious Intrigues and unlawful Cabals, was the man moſt fit to be choſen Dictator for managing theſe Inquiſitions; yet ſince ſome of the Nobility, (for what Reaſons, it will be more proper for you to gueſs, than for me being a Magiſtrate to ſpeak without certain proof) have with all their might and main endeavored firſt to ſet aſide the Inquiſitions altogether, and when they were not able to do that, choſe, though they were Patricians, to fly for ſhelter to their old Adverſaries the Commons, and implore the protection of the Tribunes, rather than to juſtifie themſelves and abide a legal Trial: And at laſt, having there too met with a repulſe, thinking all means ſafer than to ſtand upon their Innocency, they have faln upon us with unjuſt Calumnies, and not bluſh'd, being private Men, to arraign your Dictator. Therefore, that God and the World may ſee, That as they in vain endeavor to avoid the giving an account of their own undue Practices, ſo I am frankly ready to meet their Charge, and expoſe my ſelf to the ſtricteſt ſcrutiny of my Enemies, I do here reſign my Dictatorſhip, and do requeſt you, My Lords, the Conſuls! if the Senate ſhall commit this Affair to your management, That you would begin with me firſt, and this Gentleman M. Foſlius, that it may appear, how we, through our own Innocency alone, and not by the priviledge of our Offices, are protected and ſafe from theſe Slanders and pretended Crimes. Then forthwith he gave over his Dictatorſhip, and immediatly after Foſlius did the ſame with his Generalſhip of the Horſe. And theſe two were the firſt that were proceeded againſt before the Conſuls (for to them the executing of the aforeſaid Commiſſion was awarded by the Senate) but notwithſtanding all the Proſecution and Depoſitions of the Nobility, they came off with Honor. Likewiſe Publilius Philo, though he had ſo often paſs'd through the higheſt Offices, and perform'd ſo many gallant Services both at home and abroad, being much envyed by the Nobility, was forced to take his Tryal, and acquitted. But this Inquiſition into the actions of Perſons of Quality, was quickly over, deſcending firſt to meaner People; and at laſt, by the ſame Cabals and Factions which it intended to remedy and puniſh, it was wholly overthrown.

The report of theſe Jars at home, and eſpecially the hopes of the revolt of Campania, as was deſign'd, recall'd the Samnites, who before ſeem'd altogether intent upon Apulia, back to Caudium, that ſo being near at hand, if any diſturbances ſhould adminiſter opportunity, they might take Capua from the Romans. The Conſuls march'd thither with a formidable Army, and lingred a while about the Paſſes and Streights, being not able either way with ſafety to come at the Enemy, who at laſt fetching a compaſs through the open ways, came down into the Plains of Campania, and there firſt both ſides came to have a ſight of each others Camp; after which, they exerciſed each other with petty Skirmiſhes, eſpecially between the Horſe: Nor had the Romans any cauſe to complain of the ſucceſs of thoſe Encounters, nor of the delay and ſpinning out of the War; but the Samnites Generals found, that their Forces were diminiſh'd every day, and much weakned by this tedious work, and therefore reſolve upon a Battel, placing their Horſe in the two Wings, but with expreſs charge to have a ſtrict eye towards the Camp to prevent any miſchief there, and not ſo much to engage themſelves in the Battel, which would be ſafe enough with the Infantry. Sulpitius the Conſul led on the Right Wing, and Paetelius the Left. The Right Wing was ranged more wide and open, and with thinner Ranks and Files, becauſe the Samnites had done the like on that ſide, with a deſign either to ſurround the Enemy, or prevent being encloſed themſelves. The Left, beſides that it was in cloſer Order, happened to be reinforced by the ſudden policy of Paetelius, cauſing the ſubſidiary Legions which were planted in the Rear for Reſerves, to march up to the Front, and ſo with all his Forces at once charging the Enemy, made them retreat: The Samnites Cavalry ſeeing their Foot worſted, prepared to relieve them; but as they rod croſs between the two Armies, the Roman Horſe gallop'd up to flank them, and put both Horſe and Foot into Confuſion, ſo far, that all that part of the Enemies Army was routed. On that Wing there was now not only Paetelius, but Sulpitius too, to encourage the Soldiers; for he had ſtrayed from his own Party before they joyn'd Battel, upon the extraordinary ſhout given by the Left Wing at their firſt Charge, and ſeeing on that part undoubted Victory, haſten'd back to his own Charge, accompanied with Twelve hundred Men, but found things there in a quite contrary poſture; the Romans retreating, and the Victorious Enemy marching full upon them with Enſigns diſplai'd. However, the lucky coming in of the Conſul, preſently altered the Scene; for as his Men were encouraged at the ſight of him, ſo the party he brought with him, being very ſtout Men, yielded them a more effectual aſſiſtance than might be expected from ſo ſmall a number. This, and the news of the other Wings ſucceſs, renewed the Fight, and thenceforwards the Romans bore all before them, and the Samnites giving over all defence, were every where either cut to pieces, or taken Priſoners, except thoſe who eſcaped to Maleventum, a Town that has ſince changed its name, and is now call'd Beneventum. 'Tis Recorded, That Thirty thouſand Samnites were that Day killed or taken.

After this glorious Victory, the Conſuls led their Legions to beſiege Bovianum, and took up their Winter-Quarters before the Town, till C. Paetelius made Dictator by the new Conſuls, L. Papirius Curſor the fifth time, and C. Junius Bubulcus the ſecond, came down with M. Foſlius General of the Horſe, and received the charge of the Army: He being advertiz'd, that the Samnites had taken the Fort at Fregellae, left Bovianum, march'd thither, but the Samnites fled away by night, ſo that he recovered the place without a blow ſtruck; and having placed there a ſtrong Gariſon, return'd into Campania, with a particular deſign to take the City of Nola by force of Arms, within whoſe Walls all the Peaſants thereabouts, and a vaſt multitude of Samnites, ſheltered themſelves. The Dictator having taken a view of the place, that he might have the more open acceſs to the Walls, ſet all the Houſes on Fire that were in the Suburbs along the Counterſcarp (and there they ſtood thick and were well inhabited) and not long after that Town was taken, whether by Paetelius the Dictator, or C. Junius the Conſul, I know not, for it is reported of the one as well as the other: Thoſe that aſcribe the Honor on't to the Conſul, add, That he alſo took Atina and Calatia: And that Paetelius was created Dictator only for the Ceremony of driving the Nail or Spike, for appeaſing the Wrath of the Gods by reaſon the Plague was broke out. That Year Colonies were ſent to Sueſſa and Pontiae; the former a Town of the Auruncans; the latter, an Iſland of the Volſcians, ſituate within ſight of their own ſhoar. A Decree alſo paſſed the Senate, for ſending other Colonies to Interamna and Caſſinum; but the ſame was not done till the time of the next Conſuls, M. Valerius and P. Decius, who created Triumvirs to manage that Affair, and ſent Four thouſand to people thoſe places.

The Samnite War was now pretty well diſpatch'd, but before the Senate was quite free from the care thereof, reports were ſpread of a War with the Tuſcans: Nor was there at that time any Nation (ſetting the Gauls aſide) whoſe Arms were more terrible, as well becauſe their Country lay ſo near, as becauſe 'twas ſo exceeding populous. Therefore whil'ſt one of the Conſuls was concluding the War in Samnium, the other who ſtaid behind ſick at Rome, created C. Junius Bubulcus Dictator: Who according to the urgency of the occaſion, cauſed all the younger ſort to take the Military Oath, and with the greateſt diligence provides Arms and all other Neceſſaries; yet was not with all theſe Preparations puft up to be the Aggreſſor, but well content, no doubt, to be quiet, if the Tuſcans of their own accord ſhould not begin the War. The Tuſcans took the very ſame Meaſures, ſo that neither of them ſtirr'd out of their own Bounds. This Year was the notable Cenſorſhip of Appius Claudius, and C. Plautius: But the name of Appius became more memorable of the two to Poſterity, for the Cawſey he made, and the Channel of Freſh-water which he brought to the City; which Works he all alone accompliſh'd: For his Colleague, aſhamed of the infamous and envied Choice that he had made of certain baſe-born Senators, voluntarily renounced his Office. But Appius, according to the high Spirit and obſtinacy that was all along natural to his Family, continued the Cenſorſhip. This Appius cauſed the Potitii (to whoſe Family it had time out of mind, belong'd to exerciſe the Prieſtly Function at the great Altar of Hercules) to teach certain publick Servants the Solemn Rites of that Sacred Miniſtry, that they might make uſe of their Aſſiſtants as Delegates therein; whereupon a wonderful thing is reported to have enſued, and which may be a warning to all not to innovate Religion, or alter the ſtate of Sacred Rites: viz. That though there were indeed Twelve Families of theſe Potitii at that time in being, and in them about Thirty Perſons of Mans eſtate, yet before the year came about, they were every one dead; and not only the name of the Potitii extinct, but that Appius the Cenſor, by the memorable Judgment of the revenging Gods, was in few Years after ſtruck Blind.

The next Years Conſuls, C. Junius Bubulcus the third time, and Q. Aemilius Barbula the ſecond; as ſoon as they came into their Office, put up a Complaint to the People, That the order of the Senate was diſturb'd and violated by an irregular Election, and divers worthy Members omitted, daclaring, That for their parts they would not obſerve or regard ſuch a Choice, which was made without any reſpect to merit, but carryed wholly at the Luſt of the Cenſor, and to gratifie thoſe of his Faction: And therefore they preſently call'd over the Senate, in the ſame order as the former Cenſors had left it. Two Commands, both Military, were this Year firſt of all conferr'd and diſpoſed of by the Commons: One, That ſixteen Colonels for the four Legions ſhould thenceforwards be Created by the People, which before were almoſt altogether the favors of the Dictators and Conſuls beſtowed as they thought fit, the Peoples ſuffrages being very rarely expected therein. The other was a Law preferr'd by L. Atilius and C. Martius, Tribunes of the Commons: That the People ſhould have the power of Creating two Naval Commiſſioners, whoſe peculiar Office it ſhould be to take care of the Rigging, Equipping and Repairing the Fleet; which Act of the Commons was eſpecially promoted by M. Decius one of their Tribunes. One accident of this Year I ſhould paſs over as trivial, and ſcarce worth relating, did it not ſeem to appertain to Religion. The Muſicians that plaid upon the Flutes and Haut-boies, being forbid by the laſt Cenſors to have their good Cheer and Banquets any more in Jupiters Temple, according to their old Cuſtom and Tradition, took ſuch ſnuff, that they all troop'd away at once to Tybur, ſo that there was not one of them left in Rome to ſing and pipe before the Pomp of Sacrifices on the Holydays; And the Senate were ſo Religious as to take notice thereof, and ſent Meſſengers to Tybur to uſe means that theſe Blades might be reſtored. The Tyburtines anſwered very courteouſly, That they would by no means detain them, and ſending for them into the Court, adviſe them to go home; but the Fellows were ſo ſtout, that no Entreaties could prevail with them: whereupon they bethought them of a ſtratagem very ſuitable to the tempers of ſuch people. Upon an Holy-day, under colour of Feaſting and diverting themſelves, one invites one of theſe Fidlers, and another ſends for another, and plyed them ſo with Wine (which Men of their profeſſion are generally greedy of) that they drank till they began to wink, and wink'd ſo long till they fell faſt aſleep, and then the Tyburtines gently put them to bed in Carts, and ſo drove them away to Rome: Nor did they perceive any thing, till next Morning they found themſelves in the midſt of the Forum, where the People came flocking about them, and prevailed with them to ſtay, giving them leave for three days ſpace every Year to go in Maſquerade through the City, ſinging and playing, after that licentious manner now uſed; and their old priviledge, that ſuch as plaid at the Sacrifices might eat in the Temple, was reſtored. This ridiculous diverſion happen'd amidſt the ſolicitous preparations for two mighty Wars.

The Conſuls divided the Provinces; to Junius the Samnites; to Aemilius happen'd that conduct of the new War in Etruria. The Samnites had beſieged Cluvia a Roman Gariſon, and not being able to ſtorm it, lay before it ſo long, till Famine inforc'd a ſurrender, and then they moſt barbarouſly whip'd to death all the Soldiers; Junius enrag'd at that cruelty, minded nothing ſo much as the recovery of that place, which he regain'd the very ſame day that he came before it, and put all that were of Age to the Sword. In this train of Victory he proceeded againſt Bovianum, the head City of the Pentrian Samnites, a place exceeding rich, and well furniſh'd both with Men and Arms: The Soldiers ſharp ſet for the Pillage, ſoon made themſelves Maſters of it, but having here no ſuch particular cauſe of Revenge, were leſs ſevere to the People. The Booty gain'd here was almoſt as much as in all Samnium beſides, and was all freely given to the Soldiers. Nor could any pitch'd Field, any City or Fort afterwards, put the leaſt ſtop to the Victorious Roman Army: All that the Princes of Samnium could do, was to lie at catch for ſome advantage by Ambuſcades, to circumvent or cut off Parties when they happened to venture out too negligently as they were forraging, certain Renegado Peaſants and Priſoners, ſome taken by chance, and ſome on purpoſe offering themſelves to be ſeized; upon their examinations before the Conſuls, agreeing all in a tale (which alſo was a truth) That there was a power of Sheep and other Cattel driven together, and kept in a By-Forreſt out of the way, not very far off: He wanting Proviſions, reſolv'd to lead thither thoſe Legions that were lighteſt-arm'd to get this Booty. The Samnites to receive them, had privately drawn in thither a mighty Army, and laid Ambuſcades all along the narrow Paſſes, ſo that when they ſaw the Romans were got in a pretty way, on a ſudden they ſtart up round about with mighty ſhouts and tumults, and began to Charge them very unexpectedly: The ſurprize at firſt put the Romans into ſome conſternation, whil'ſt they were getting their Arms in order, and laying their Snap-ſacks and Baggage together on an heap: But after every Man had disburthen'd himſelf, and got on his Armor, they rallyed on all ſides every one to his Colours; and being all old train'd and excellently well diſciplin'd Soldiers, put themſelves of their own accord into Battalia, without troubling their General; who perceiving himſelf like to be very dangerouſly Engaged, alighted from his Horſe, and ſolemnly proteſted before Jupiter and Mars, and other Gods whom he call'd to witneſs, That he came not into that Place to get glory to himſelf by any Enterprize, but meerly to ſeek for Booty and Proviſions for his Army; and that as no other fault could be imputed to him, but too great a deſire to enrich his Soldiers with the ſpoils of the Enemy; ſo nothing but his Soldiers courage could now ſecure him from the ſcandal of ill Conduct; but if they would all as one Man fall gallantly on, the work could not be difficult, ſince the Enemy was already routed in the Field, beat out of their Camp, and were now trying their laſt hopes by little tricks and ſtratagems, and relyed upon the advantage of the Place, more than on their Arms: But what place is there (quoth he) now unacceſſible to the Roman Courage? and withal, put them in mind of the Caſtle of Fregellae, of Sora, and divers other places difficultly ſituate, which they had eaſily made themſelves Maſters of. The Soldiers animated by theſe Encouragements, undervaluing all difficulties, advanc'd apace up towards the Enemy that were, as 'twere, over their Heads; 'twas an hard task to get up the ridge of the Hill; but when once that was gain'd, and that the foremoſt Enſigns found they were upon level Ground, the terror was then all turn'd upon the Aſſailants, who being ſcattered, and flinging away their Arms, fled as faſt as they could to thoſe lurking holes where before they had hid themſelves: But the uneaſie acceſs of thoſe places which they had fraudulently ſought out to entrap the Enemy, now embarraſs'd themſelves, for very few could find the way out; Twenty thouſand were ſlain, and the Victorious Romans then freely ſeiz'd that Booty of Cattel which was firſt preſented them only as a Bait by the Enemy.

During theſe Occurrences in Samnium, all Etruria, except the Aretines, were up in Arms, beginning a mighty War with the Siege of Sutrium, a City in Alliance with the Romans and the Barriers, as it were of all Tuſcany. Thither the other Conſul Aemilius haſtned with his Army, and being come before the Town, was courteouſly furniſh'd with Proviſions by the Inhabitants: For the Tuſcans were drawn off to one ſide, and ſpent a whole day in Conſultation, Whether they ſhould haſten or protract the War? But it ſeems the Officers were more for Expedition, than ſafer Councils; and therefore next Morning, as ſoon as the Sun was up, hung up the ſignal of Battel, and drew compleatly Arm'd into the Field; of which the Conſul having Intelligence, he preſently gives out the Word, and orders all his Army to take their Dinners, and as ſoon as they had refreſh'd themſelves, to betake them to their Arms; which being done accordingly, he drew them up in Battalia not far from the Enemy: They ſtood a good while on both ſides, wiſtly looking at each other, and expecting which ſhould firſt fall on, ſo that 'twas paſt Noon before one Blow was ſtruck; but then, that they might not meet to no purpoſe, the Tuſcans began to ſet up a Shout, to ſound a Charge, and advance forwards; nor were the Romans leſs ready to meet them. Thus they Charg'd each other with great animoſity and fury, the Enemy was ſuperior in number, but the Roman in courage; the Battel was dubious, abundance cut off on both ſides, and eſpecially the ſtouteſt and braveſt Men: Nor was there any advantage gain'd, till the Romans freſh reſerves were brought up to the Front to ſucceed in the place of their ſlaughtered or wearied Fellows. But then the Tuſcans having none to relieve them, began to drop apace round about their Standards: Never in any Fight had there been leſs of running away, or more Bloodſhed, if the Night had not ſheltered the Tuſcans when they ſeem'd reſolute to dye on the Spot, ſo that the Victors gave over before the Vanquiſh'd; for after Sun-ſet a Retreat was ſounded, and both Sides retired to their Camps: Nor was there any further Action worth notice that Year at Sutrium, for almoſt the whole Mainbody of the Enemy was ſlain in that one Battel; and the Subſidiary Legions that were left, were ſcarce ſtrong enough to ſecure their Camp: And alſo the Romans were ſo maul'd, That more of them dyed after the Fight of their Wounds, than were ſlain outright in the Field.

Q. Fabius, the Conſul of the enſuing Year, undertook the War at Sutrium, whoſe Colleague was C. Marcius Rutilus. Both Fabius brought a ſupply of freſh Forces from Rome, and the Tuſcans too were reinforc'd with a new Army raiſed in their Country. No brangles for many Years had happen'd between the Patrician Magiſtrates and the Tribunes of the Commons, but now occaſion of contention is adminiſtred by that Family which ſeems to have been in thoſe Times fatal, and born to do miſchief both to the Tribunes and the Commons. Appius Claudius the Cenſor, though the eighteen Months (which by the Aemilian Law was the full term of holding that Office) were expired; and although his Colleague C. Plautius had reſign'd his Place, could by no means be prevail'd with, to give over that Magiſtracy and yield to a new Election. Whereupon P. Sempronius one of the Tribunes of the Commons, undertook to proſecute him for not quitting the Cenſorſhip according to Law; an Action no leſs popular than juſt and acceptable, as well to the Graver Patriots as to the Mobile. This Gentleman making a Speech to the People in their Aſſembly, after he had often cited the Aemilian Law, and highly applauded its Author Mamercus Aemilius the Dictator, who finding the Cenſorſhip, which then was an Office of five Years, apt to render thoſe that held it by reaſon of their long continuance in Power, too Lordly and aſſuming, reduced and limitted the ſame to a Year and an half; having, I ſay, much commended this wholeſom Statute, he then turns to Appius Claudius: Come on! ſays he, O Appius Claudius! Anſwer and tell us, What would you have done, if you had been Cenſor in the room of C. Furius and M. Geganius the Cenſors when that Law was made? Appius anſwered, That this Queſtion of the Tribunes was impertinent; for although the Aemilian Law might oblige thoſe Cenſors in whoſe time it was made, yet ſince the People after that Law did create Cenſors, and in their Choice uſing the ſolemn Words, Optimo Jure, or with the Higheſt Right, did thereby Inveſt them with as full Power as any former Cenſors had: And ſince that is good Law, which the People have laſt done and ordained, it follows, That neither I, nor any others created Cenſors after that Law, could or ought to be bound thereby.

Whil'ſt Appius thus cavill'd upon a Quirk of Law, and no Man took his part or aſſented to his odd Interpretation, Sempronius thus proceeded: Behold, Worthy Citizens! the right Progeny of that Appius, who having got to be Decemvir for one Year, Elected himſelf again the next, and the third Year, though neither choſen by himſelf nor any body elſe, yet continued the place, and all the Enſigns of Authority belonging to it; nor would he part with it, till ſuch his ill-got, ill-manag'd, and ill-continued Government broke his own neck and utterly ruin'd him. This, Gentlemen, is the ſame Family, by whoſe violence and oppreſſions, you were forc'd like People baniſh'd to abandon your native City, and retire to the Holy Mount; the very ſame, againſt whoſe Injuries you were glad to ſhelter your ſelves under the help and protection of Tribunes; the very ſame who put you upon the neceſſity of ſecuring your ſelves with two Armies on the Aventine Hill; the ſame Lineage that always withſtood the Statutes deviſed againſt exceſſive Uſury, always oppoſed the good Laws for dividing waſte and conquered Lands amongſt the People; that interrupted ſo long all Inter-marriages between the Nobles and the Commoners, and ſo long excluded the Commons from bearing any Dignities of the Chair, and Offices of State; in fine, this is that Houſe whoſe Name is more pernicious to your Liberties, than that of the Tarquins. And is it ſo at laſt, O Appius Claudius; That in all theſe hundred Years ſpace ſince Mamercus Aemilius the Dictator, wherein there have been ſo many moſt noble and valiant Gentlemen enjoying the Office of Cenſors, no one of them ever read the twelve Tables? No one of them was ſo skilful as to know that to be Law which the People laſt eſtabliſhes? Yes verily, they all knew it very well, and therefore knew alſo that it was their duty to obey the Aemilian Law, rather than the old Ordinances whereby the Cenſors Office was erected, becauſe this was later than they; and that where-ever there are two contrary Laws, the new one abrogates the old. Is it this you ſay, O Appius! that the People are not bound by the Law Aemilia? or rather that they are obliged, but your good ſelf alone exempt from all Law? ſure I am, the Aemilian Law was able to bridle thoſe haughty and violent Cenſors, C. Furius and M. Geganius, who were themſelves ſufficient inſtances how prejudicial that Magiſtracy, if not duly regulated, might prove to the Commonweal, when for madneſs that their term was ſhortned, they disfranchized the ſaid Aemilius, the braveſt Man of that Age both for War and Peace, and made him uncapable of giving his Vote at any Election, or receiving any pay from the State. The ſame Law was obeyed by all the ſucceeding Cenſors for an hundred years, and is now ſubmitted unto by your Colleague C. Plautius, who was created with the ſame ſolemn Ceremonies, and Words altogether as ample as your ſelf. Did not the People (I pray) when they Created him, uſe the common formal Words, That he ſhould be Cenſor, Optimo Jure, with as good a Right, and with as full and large Authority, as any Cenſor could or ought to be? Are not the ſame Words uſed of courſe in divers other Offices? Are you the only priviledg'd Perſon to whom this ſingular pre-eminence belongs? When you Create the King-Sacrificer, ſhall he, having got the Title of a King, and with thoſe very extenſive Words, take upon him in earneſt to be King of Rome, and challenge all the Prerogatives of her antient ejected Monarchs? At this rate, who would be content with a Dictatorſhip of ſix Months, or an Inter-regency of five days and no more? Whom ſhall we venture to truſt with the Dictatorſhip for driving the Spike, or regulating the Races? What Sots and Drones not underſtanding their own Rites, would you repreſent all thoſe gallant Men, who having in leſs then twenty days finiſh'd moſt glorious Wars, have preſently withdrawn and quitted the Dictature? Or who, upon ſome defect in the Ceremonies of their Creator (though the Words Optimo Jure were not forgot) have voluntarily reſign'd it? What need I recite old preſidents? of late, even within theſe ten Years, C. Maenius the Dictator, exerciſing his Commiſſion of Enquiry more ſeverely than ſtood with the ſafety of ſome Grandees, and thereupon being himſelf charged by his Enemies with the ſame Crimes he was taxing in them, that he might in a private capacity take a Trial, and purge himſelf, he frankly renounced his Office. I as little deſire as expect this modeſty in you, That you may not ſeem to degenerate from your moſt haughty and imperious Race, part not with your place one day, one hour, before you needs muſt; but ſee withal you exceed not the time limited by Law; at leaſt, one would think it might be enough to add a day, or a month or ſo, to your Cenſorſhip: A month! What tell you me of a month (crys he) I will hold my Cenſorſhip three Years and ſix months longer than I ought in ſpight of the Aemilian Law; nay, and I will hold and exerciſe it ſingle all alone by my ſelf too: Bravely ſpoken! and much as if he were already ſetled in the Throne of Royalty, and had quite ſubdued our Commonwealth and all its Laws. But perhaps you will ſubſtitute to your ſelf a Colleague in the room of the other? How can that be, when even ſuch ſubſtitution or new choice to ſupply the Place is not lawful, even where one of the Cenſors is taken off by Death; but the Survivers Office immediately ceaſeth, and two new ones muſt be Elected. You think it not enough, it ſeems, ſuch a Religious Cenſor you are, that you have prophaned that moſt ancient Sacred Solemnity, inſtituted by no leſs than that God to whom it is celebrated, by conferring the Function of his moſt Noble Chaplains, upon Slaves and Varlets; not enough that along of you and your Cenſorſhip, a Family more antient than the Foundations of this City, and reverend for their Hoſpitality to the Immortal Gods, is wholly cut off and extinct, unleſs you alſo involve the whole State in an Impiety, the conſequences whereof I tremble to Preſage. Nor are our Apprehenſions groundleſs, 'tis well known this City of Rome was taken by the Gauls in that very Luſtrum [or term of five Years] wherein the Cenſor L. Papirius Curſor, that he might not go out of his Place upon the deceaſe of his Partner C. Julius, did ſubſtitute or cauſe M. Cornelius Maluginenſis to be choſen his Colleague to ſerve out the reſt of the time: And yet how much more modeſt was his Ambition, O Appius! than yours? He neither held the Cenſorſhip alone, nor beyond the term that was lawful; yet he found none ſo bold to imitate him in that Act, but all Cenſors ever ſince, upon the Death of their Colleague, have relinquiſh'd their Place. But neither the Expiration of your term, nor your Partners going out, nor Law, nor ſhame, is able to reſtrain your Inſolence; as if you thought that Vertue conſiſts in Impudence, and an haughty contempt both of Gods and Men. For my own part, I have that deference and reſpect to the Majeſty of the Place you have born, that I would not willingly treat you with any rough Language, much leſs lay violent hands upon your Perſon: But as your Pride and Obſtinacy have extorted from me theſe juſt Reprimands, ſo I muſt tell you, that unleſs you obey the Aemilian Law, I will command you to be taken into Cuſtody: For ſince the Wiſdom of our Anceſtors has been ſo cautious as to provide, That in the Election of Cenſors, if both have not their full Complement of Votes, he that had them cannot be returned, but all is void, and they muſt proceed to a new Scrutiny; it ſhall never be ſaid, That I will ſuffer you to exerciſe alone by your ſelf the Cenſorſhip, who could not alone have been ſo much as Elected to it. After theſe and the like Remonſtrances, he ordered the Cenſor to be ſeized and clap'd up, and ſix of his Fellow-Tribunes join'd with him and approv'd his proceedings: But three others, upon application made to them by Appius, protected him, and ſo with the higheſt envy and diſcontent of all States and Degrees, he continued and held the Dictatorſhip alone without any Colleague.

Whil'ſt this buſsle was at Rome, Sutrium was ſtill beleaguered by the Tuſcans, who as the Conſul was leading ſome Forces about the foot of the Hills to relieve the Town, and break, if he could, through the Enemies Works, met with him with a compleat Army, but diſcovering their vaſt multitudes in the Plain, he thought it beſt to ſupply the ſmalneſs of his number, as much as he could, with the advantages of the Ground, and therefore wheel'd up towards the tops of the Hills (which were rough craggy places full of Stones) and then drew up and fac'd the Enemy; who regarding nothing ſo much as their numbers, haſtned to the Battel with ſuch greedineſs, that they caſt away their Lances, that they might ſooner come to handy-blows, and advanc'd with only their Swords in their hands: The Romans on the contrary, pelted them luſtily with Darts and Stones (which the ground plentifully furniſh'd them with) theſe lighting upon their Shields and Headpieces, incommoded thoſe untowardly whom they did not wound: And as the Enemy could not come up to cloſe with them, ſo neither had they Darts or Javelins to lance at them from a diſtance, ſo that whil'ſt they ſtood expoſed to whole ſhowers of Weapons and Stones, without any thing that could ſufficiently cover or defend them, and ſome began to flinch, and their whole Army was in a waving uncertain poſture, the Roman Haſtati and Principes, with a freſh ſhout, ruſh'd down upon them with their Swords in their hands, whoſe impetuous Shock the Tuſcans being not able to endure, turn'd their Enſigns, and fled in diſorder towards their Camp, but were there intercepted by the Roman Horſe, who having fetch'd a compaſs through the Plains, were got before them; then not being able to reach their Camp, they turn'd towards the Mountains; and having for the moſt part flung away their Arms, and abundance of them wounded, they at laſt took ſhelter in the great Wood or Forreſt Ciminia: The Romans having ſlain many thouſands of the Tuſcans, and taken Eight and thirty Colours, made themſelves Maſters alſo of their Camp, and therein of a mighty Booty. Then a Council of War was held about purſuing the Enemy.

The Ciminian Wood was in thoſe days more impaſſable and dreaded, than the German Thickets in later times; for never till that day had it been frequented or travell'd through ſo much as by Merchants; nor had any one ſcarce, but the General himſelf, the courage to adviſe a march into it; the reſt had not yet forgot the Caudian Diſaſter. Whereupon, amongſt the Officers preſent, the Conſuls Brother (ſome call him M. Fabius Caeſo; others, C. Claudius, and ſay, he was the Conſuls Brother only by the Mothers ſide) offered himſelf to go out as a Scout or Spy, and in ſhort time to bring them a full account of all things neceſſary to be known. He had in his Youth been bred up with ſome Friends to his Family, at Caere, where he was taught the Tuſcan Learning, and ſpoke readily their Language: Some Authors I have met with, that tell us, The Roman Children were wont to be inſtructed in the Tuſcan Letters in thoſe days, as they are now in the Greek. But 'tis more probable that this Gentleman had ſome ſpecial Accompliſhment, or elſe he would not in ſo bold a maner have hazarded himſelf amongſt the Enemy. His only Companion is ſaid to have been a Servant that had been bred up with him, and ſo not ignorant of the Language. In their Journy they made it their main buſineſs, to get in a ſummary ſuperficial way, the nature of the Province they were going into, and the names of the chief Perſons therein, that when they fell into Diſcourſe, they might not be taken tardy in any groſs Ignorance or miſtake. They went in Shepherds habit, arm'd with the uſual Weapons of Country Boors, each of them with a Faulchion, and two Javelins; yet was it not their Tongue, their Garb, or their Arms, that kept them from being known, ſo much as that preſumption the Enemy had, That no Stranger would be ſo mad as to venture into the Ciminian Woods. Well! forwards they went (by report) as far as to the Camertines in Umbria, where the Roman adventured to diſcover who they were; and being admitted into the Senate, treated with them, as from the Conſul, about an Alliance: They were civilly entertain'd, and ordered to acquaint him, That if he would march that way, they would furniſh his Army with a Months Proviſion; and alſo, That their Youth ſhould be ready to be liſted in their Service. Theſe tidings being brought back to the Conſul, he ſent away the Baggage before at the beginning of the Night, and after them the Infantry: Himſelf ſtaying behind with the Horſe, as ſoon as it was Day, began to skirmiſh with the Enemies Guards, that were planted without the Woods; and having amuſed them as long as he thought fit, returns to his Camp, and marching out at another Port before Night, overtook his Army; and the day following, by break of Day, was got upon the top of the Hill Ciminius: From whence having a full proſpect of the rich Plains of Etruria, he ſent out Parties to Forrage and bring in Prizes; but by that time they had got together a brave Booty, certain tumultuary Troops of the Etrurian Peaſants, ſuddenly raiſed by the Princes of that Country who had taken the Alarm, began to make Head againſt them, but in ſuch a diſorderly faſhion, that whil'ſt they came to reſcue the Booty, they had very like to have become a Prey themſelves: They being ſlain, or put to flight, the now victorious Roman Army, plundered and waſted the Country all round at their pleaſure, and ſo with great Riches and plenty of all things returned to their Camp; where by that time were arrived five Commiſſaries, and two Tribunes of the Commons, with peremptory Orders from the Senate to the Conſul, That he ſhould not offer to paſs through the Ciminian Forreſt: Glad they were that they came too late to hinder his Victory, and with the joyful news thereof haſtned back to Rome.

By this Expedition the War was encreaſed, and its flames further ſpread rather than extinguiſh'd; for all that Tract bordering on the foot of the Ciminian Mountains, felt the ſmart of this Invaſion, which fill'd not only the Tuſcans, but all the Marches of Umbria with Indignation and deſires of Revenge; ſo that a greater Force than ever came up to Sutrium, and not only advanc'd their Camp out of the Woods, but for eagerneſs of Fighting, drew up as faſt as they could in the plain Field, leaving the Enemy a convenient ſpace to put themſelves in Array over againſt them; but finding them decline an Engagement, came up and Bearded them almoſt at their very Trench and Rampire; and then obſerving further, that the Enemy had alſo withdrawn all their Out-guards into their Works, the Soldiers clamour'd to their Generals to ſend for their allowance of Victuals, that they might eat it there, for they would continue in their Arms; and either in the Night, or elſe as ſoon as ever it was Day, fall upon the Enemy. The Roman Army was no leſs impatient than they, but at the Generals Command kept in; it was now well near four of the Clock in the After-noon, when he ordered them to take their Refection, and then to be ready in their Arms whenever he ſhould give the Signal: In the mean time he made a ſhort Speech, extolling to them the Samnites Courage, and debaſing the Tuſcans, ſaying, There was no compariſon either of this Enemy to that, or in their numbers; beſides, that he had another Engine at work, which in due time they ſhould be acquainted with, in the interim it was fit to be concealed: By this dark intimation he made ſhew as if the Enemy were betrayed by ſome of their own, thereby to keep up his Mens Spirits, leſt they ſhould be diſcouraged at their multitudes; and this pretence ſeem'd the more probable, becauſe they lay unfortified. The Soldiers after ſupper betook themſelves to their Reſt, and being raiſed about the fourth Watch [that is, between two and three a clock in the Morning] without any tumult, ſtood to their Arms. The ſnapſack-boys and rabble that followed the Camp, had pickaxes and ſhovels diſtributed amongſt them, to caſt down the Rampire and fill up the Trenches with the Bank, whil'ſt the Army was drawn up within the Circuit of the Works: The ſelected Regiments were placed at the entrance of the Ports, and all things being in readineſs, the Signal was given a little before Day, (which in Summer Nights is the time of the ſoundeſt ſleep) then the Rampire being level'd, they march'd forth in good order all at once, and charg'd the Enemy on all ſides, as they lay along ſcattered upon the Ground; ſome before they were ſtirring, others in their Tents ſcarce half awake, and the greateſt part haſtning in that ſudden fright to get on their Arms, were ſurpriz'd and cut to pieces; ſome few had put on their Armor, but having neither Leaders, nor any certain Command to follow, were eaſily routed and purſued by the Horſe, ſome towards their Camp, and others to the Woods, which of the two prov'd the ſafer refuge: For the Camp in the Field was that Day over-run, what Gold or Silver found, ordered to be brought in to the Conſul, the reſt of the Spoil allow'd to the Soldiers. Here was ſlain and taken of the Enemy to the number of Sixty thouſand. Some Authors will have this eminent Battel to be fought at Peruſia, beyond the Ciminian Woods, and that the City of Rome was in no little pain, for fear their Army intercepted in thoſe dangerous Forreſts, ſhould have been cut off by the united Forces of the Tuſcans and Umbrians: Whereſoever it was, 'tis certain the Romans had the glory of the Day; ſo that ſoon after there came Ambaſſadors from Peruſia, Cortona, and Aretium, which were then the Capitol Cities of all Tuſcany, ſuing to the Romans for Peace and Alliance, who obtained a Truce for the term of Thirty Years.

Whil'ſt theſe Exploits were acted in Etruria, the other Conſul C. Marcius Rutilus won the Town Allifas from the Samnites, and reduc'd ſeveral other Caſtles and Villages, either demoliſh'd by ſtorm, or ſurrendred intire. Likewiſe at the ſame time the Roman Fleet, under P. Cornelius, whom the Senate had made Admiral, ſet Sail for Campania, and being arriv'd at Pompeii, the Sea-men made a deſcent on Land to forage the Territories about Nuceria; and having plundered the Neighboring places, whence they might ſafely return to their Ships; allured with the ſweetneſs of Spoil (as uſually it falls out) they rambled further, and gave an Alarm to the Enemy, and might every one have eaſily been cut off as they were ſtragling about the Fields, but it happened no body met with them there, only in their return in a diſorderly march, not far from their Ships, the Boors of the Country fell upon them, eaſed them of all their Booty, kill'd part of them, and the reſt ſecur'd themſelves aboard.

The advance of Q. Fabius beyond the Ciminian Woods, as at firſt it terrified Rome, overjoy'd the Samnites; they had it reported, That the Roman Army was ſurrounded and beſieged: They fancied, that the Defeat at the Caudian Paſſes was to be acted over again; That the ſame rapaciouſneſs had inveigled that People which was always incroaching on their Neighbors, into thoſe unpaſſable Woods, where, no doubt, they would be environed and deſtroyed, not ſo much by their Enemies Arms, as the diſadvantages of the Place. Nor was this rejoycing without a kind of Envy, that Fortune had turn'd the glory of conquering the Romans from the Samnites, and caſt it upon the leſs deſerving Tuſcans. Therefore they raiſed Men and Arms amain in all parts, to cruſh to pieces the Conſul C. Marcius, reſolv'd if he would not ſtand a Battel, to advance directly through the Marſians and Sabines to joyn the Etrurians. But the Conſul met them by the way, where a fierce Battel was fought between them, with uncertain event; and though it were indeed but a drawn Game, yet the rumor went that the Romans were worſted, becauſe ſeveral Perſons of Quality, and Colonels, and one Commiſſary-General of their ſide were ſlain, and eſpecially, for that the Conſul himſelf was wounded. Fame, which always makes bad News worſe, had ſo augmented the loſs, that the Senate were in no little pain and perplexity, and reſolved to have a Dictator choſen; nor did any Man doubt but Papirius Curſor, the greateſt Warrior of that Age, ought to be the Man; but neither knew they how with ſafety to ſend a Currier into Samnium, nor were they certain that the Conſul Marcius was living to chuſe him. And as for the other Conſul Fabius, they knew he had a private pique and mortal Grudge againſt Papirius; [upon the Controverſie mention'd in the laſt Book] which Quarrel, leſt it ſhould hinder the Publick Service, they Decreed to ſend to him certain Perſons of Quality, ſuch as had been Conſuls, who not only in the Name of the State, but by their private Influence ſhould perſwade him, That he would for his Countries ſake remit all thoſe old Animoſities. When they came to him, and had ſhewed him the Senates Order, and uſed what Arguments they thought moſt ſuitable; the Conſul all the while fixing his Eyes upon the Ground, went away without ſpeaking a word, leaving them altogether doubtful what he would do: But in the dead time of the Night following (as the manner is) he nominated L. Papirius Dictator; when the Meſſengers came to return him thanks for over-ruling ſo worthily his private Reſentments, he continued ſtill his obſtinate ſilence, and without uttering a ſyllable, diſmiſs'd them, that it might appear with how great a Stomach, and againſt the grain, he comply'd with the Senates Command. Papirius appointed C. Junius Bubulcus General of the Cavalry; and whil'ſt he was propoſing a Law for the Ratifying of his Command, an ill Omen happened, that cauſed him to adjourn the Proceedings, for the Ward Faucia happened by Lot to have the firſt place in delivering their Suffrages, which was noted for unlucky, for two former Years when they began the Poll, in one of which the City was taken, and in the other the Caudine Agreement made: Beſides, Macer Licinius had made that Ward of ill preſage, by a third Defeat receiv'd at Cremera.

However, next day repeating the Auſpices, the Dictator ſetled his Commiſſion, and march'd away with the new raiſed Forces to Longula; and having receiv'd the old Legions from the Conſul Marcius, drew out into the Field, that he might not ſeem afraid of the Enemy: But as they ſtood in Array, neither ſide offering to fall on, the Night approach'd and obliged them to retire to their reſpective Camps, where they continued quiet for ſome days, neither diffident of their own ſtrength, nor ſlighting their Enemies. In this interim ſome Action happened in Etruria, for a Battel was fought with an Army of the Umbrians, but the Enemy rather chaſed away, than much Blood ſhed, for though they Charg'd pretty briskly at firſt, they did not ſtand to it. Smarter Work there was at Vadimon Lake, where the Tuſcans had levyed a new Army according to their Sacred Law, whereby one Man choſe another for his Comrade, and all were ſworn to live and dye together; ſo that not only their Numbers, but their Courage was greater than ever before; the Charge manag'd with ſuch fury, that neither ſide ſtood to make uſe of their Darts and Lances at a diſtance, but came preſently to hacking one another with their Swords; and as they began the Conflict moſt fiercely, ſo their rage ſeemed to be encreaſed by its continuance; for a long time the fortune of the Day was doubtful, as if they had not been engaged with Tuſcans, but ſome new and ſtouter Enemy: There was no uſe made of their Heels on either ſide, thoſe before the Enſigns were laid dead upon the Ground, and that their Colours might not be without a Guard, the ſecond Battalions came up to ſupply the places of the firſt, and ſo ſtill new Reſerves till the Subſidiary Forces in the Rear were brought up to the Van. At laſt it came to that extremity of danger and fatigue, that the Roman Horſe were forced to diſmount, and get over the ſcattered Armor and dead Bodies, to reinforce their Foot in the Front, which then appearing as a freſh Battalion, firſt of all diſcouraged and diſordered the Tuſcans, and the reſt of the Legionary Soldiers, weak and weary as they were, following their ſucceſsful Charge, broke through at laſt the Enemies Ranks: Now the Tuſcan obſtinacy began to yield, firſt ſome particular Bands to ſhrink, and by and by all of them that were left, betook themſelves to a plain Run. From this Day may be calculated the ruine of the Tuſcans, who had ſo long flouriſh'd in Wealth and Power; their main ſtrength being cut off in this Battel, and their Camp in the ſame Heat taken and plundered.

With equal hazard, but at laſt with the like glorious Succeſs was the War in Samnium carryed on; where beſides other ordinary Furniture, the Enemy to render themſelves more formidable, had made their Armor ſhine with a new kind of garniſhing: For having divided their Forces into two Bodies, the one had laid their Shields with Gold, the other with Silver, the faſhion whereof was thus: The upper part that cover'd the breaſt and ſhoulders, was broader, the head even, and the nether end pointed like a Wedge, that it might be wielded the more nimbly; their breaſt was covered with a ſort of Spunge, which Weapons would not eaſily pierce; the left Leg arm'd with an Iron boot, their Headpieces contriv'd with lofty Creſts, to make them ſeem ſo much the taller; the Soldiers, with the Gold-colour'd Shields, wore Coats of divers colours; the others with Silvered Arms, were all in white Linnen, theſe had the Right Wing, the others the Left. The Romans had notice before what brave Armor they had provided, and were taught by their Officers, That a Soldier was then truly terrible, not when he was trickt up in Gold and Silver, but when he truſted to good hard Iron and Steel, and withal a good heart and undaunted courage; That theſe ſhining Accoutrements, which look'd ſo gay before the Fight, would ſoon loſe their Beauty amongſt Blood and Wounds, that they were pittiful Armor, but would prove good Booty; That Valor was the Soldiers only Ornament; That all theſe fine things would follow the Victory, and that a rich Enemy is but the better reward to a poor Conqueror. With ſuch Encouragements Curſor led on his Men to the Battel, himſelf in the Right Wing, and his General of the Horſe in the Left. Both ſides charg'd at one and the ſame inſtant, and as the Conflict was extream ſharp with the Enemy, ſo no leſs emulation was there between the Dictator and the Maſter of the Horſe, which ſhould begin the Victory: But ſo it happened, that Junius with a rouzing Salute from his Left Wing, firſt diſordered the Enemies Right, Crying out, That he did but Offer up to the Devil, thoſe Soldiers of theirs whom they had already, after the Samnite faſhion, Devoted to him, and deck'd up accordingly in Garments and Arms of a colour ſuitable for Sacrifices. The Dictator perceiving Junius had made them give Ground: What, ſays he in a rage, ſhall Victory begin from the Left Wing? And ſhall the Right, where your Dictator commands in Perſon, lacquey after anothers Fortune, and not carry away the greateſt Honor of the Day? Thus he encourag'd his Men; nor did the Horſe give place to the Foot for bravery, or the inferior Officers to the Commanders in Chief; M. Valerius from the Right Wing, and P. Decius from the Left, both Perſons of Conſular Dignity, rode up to the Cavalry placed on the reſpective Wings, calling upon them to take a ſhare with them in the glory of the Field, by Charging the Enemy on the Flanks: This new terror invading the Enemy on either ſide, and at the ſame time the Infantry puſhing on with repeated ſhouts, utterly diſordered the Samnites and put them to flight: Now were the Fields covered with the Bodies of the ſlain, and ſtrew'd thick with the Armor, which ere-while was ſo brave and glorious. At firſt they took ſhelter in their Camp, but that was too hot to hold them, for before Night 'twas taken, plundered, and made a Bonfire of. The Dictator, by a Decree of the Senate Triumph'd, where the Armor taken from the Enemy made the beſt part of the ſhow, and ſeem'd ſo magnificent, that the guilt Shields were divided amongſt the Wardens of the Goldſmiths Company, therewith to beautifie the publick Market-place: And hence, they ſay, began the Cuſtom of the Aediles to adorn the City-buildings in their ſolemn Proceſſions, when the Sacred Images and Relicks were carryed about for Pomp in Silver Chariots. Thus the Romans indeed imployed theſe gay Arms of their Enemies to the honor of their Gods; but the Campanians out of Pride, and inveterate hatred to the Samnites, were wont to Arm their Sword-players (which was part of the Entertainment at their great Feaſts) with this attire, and then in joke, call them Samnites. The ſame Year the Conſul Fabius fought with the reſt of the Tuſcans at Peruſia, which City had broken the Truce, where he obtain'd without much difficulty, an indiſputable Victory, and had taken the Town it ſelf by ſtorm (for he was come up Victorious to the very Walls) if they had not ſent out Commiſſioners to ſurrender it. Having plac'd there a ſtrong Gariſon, and referr'd to the Senate the Agents that came from the reſt of Etruria to ſupplicate for Peace: He made his entry into Rome in Triumph, for a more ſolid Victory than that of the Dictator himſelf. Nor was a ſmall ſhare of the Honor obtained by the Samnites Conqueſt aſcrib'd to the Commiſſary-Generals, P. Decius, and M. Valerius, whom therefore at the next Election the People unanimouſly preferr'd, the one to be Conſul, the other Pretor.

The other Conſul was Fabius, he being ſtill continued in that Honor for his excellent Service in ſubduing of Tuſcany: But upon the Lot Samnium this Year fell to his Charge, and Tuſcany to Decius. The former, march'd againſt the City called Nuceria Alfaterna [one of the furtheſt Cities of Campania, beyond Veſuvius, to this day call'd Nocera] and though they begg'd for Peace, he would not grant it, becauſe they had refuſed it formerly when 'twas offered, ſo that they were forced to ſurrender themſelves at Diſcretion. With the Samnites he fought a pitch'd Battel, but the Enemy was ſoon put to the rout; nor would ('tis like) the memory of that Field have been left upon Record, but becauſe it was there that the Marſians firſt appear'd in Arms againſt the Romans: The Pelignians followed the Marſians both in their Revolt and their Fortune. No leſs favorable was the Die of War to Decius the other Conſul, for he compell'd the Tarquinians for fear of his Arms, to find his Soldiers Corn, and beg for a Truce of forty Years. He took divers Caſtles from the Volſinians, of which ſome he demoliſh'd, that they might not harbor the Enemy; By carrying the War round about againſt all that made any reſiſtance, he rendered himſelf ſo terrible, that the whole Tuſcan Nation made humble Addreſſes to him for Peace, but could obtain nothing thereof; all that he would vouchſafe them, was a Truce from Year to Year, and for that favor he made them pay off his Army for that Year, and give all his Soldiers two Coats apiece. The Affairs of Tuſcany being thus ſetled, were again embroil'd by the ſudden revolt of the Umbrians, a People that had not yet taſted the Calamities of War, any further than ſome ſmall damage ſuſtained by the Roman Armies march through their Country. They having raiſed all their own Youth in Arms, and ſolicited a great part of the Tuſcans to Rebel, had got together ſo great an Army, that they began to ſpeak very magnificently of themſelves, and no leſs contemptibly of the Romans, boaſting, That they would leave Decius behind them in Etruria, and march to rights to Rome, and attack the City. The Conſul Decius having intelligence of this Deſign, quits Tuſcany, and with long Marches haſtens towards the City, till he came into the ſmall Province Pupinia [not above eight miles from Rome] where he waited the Enemies motions. Nor had they at Rome ſlight apprehenſions of this Umbrian Invaſion, but were ſomewhat frighted with their menaces, as having experienced by the miſchiefs the Gauls did them, how unſafe and indefenſible their City • as againſt a Potent Enemy; therefore the Senate diſpatch'd away Orders to the other Conſul Fabius, That if without too great a prejudice to Affairs he could ſpare any time from the Samnites War, he would ſpeedily advance with his Army into Umbria. The Conſul readily obey'd, and with long and weary Marches comes up to Mevania, where the Umbrian Forces then quartered. His unexpected arrival (whom they thought far enough off, and ſufficiently embarras'd with the other War in Samnium) put the Umbrians into ſuch Conſternation, that ſome adviſed to retire to their fortified Towns; others, to relinquiſh the War altogether. But one ſmall Canton or tract of their Country (which they call Materina) not only continued all the reſt in Arms, but ſpurr'd them on to a preſent Battel, ſo that they began to aſſault Fabius as he was entrenching his Army: who ſeeing them come on ſo faſt, call'd off his Men from their work, and as well as the time and ground would permit, marſhall'd them in order; and having recounted their gallant Services as well in Tuſcany as Samnium, He bids them now go on, at one blow to compleat their Triumphs, and put an end to this little Appendix of the Etrurian War, and eſpecially not to forget to revenge thoſe impious and audacious Speeches, whereby they had threatned to attack and plunder the City of Rome. The Soldiers received theſe Commands with ſuch chearfulneſs, that their loud Acclamations interrupted his Harangue; and even before the ſignal given by the ſound of Trumpets and Cornets, they ran amain upon the Enemy, as if they had had to do only with Women or Children; for, wonderful it is to relate! how at the very firſt they flew in amongſt the thickeſt of them, and wreſted by main ſtrength the Standards out of the hands of thoſe that carryed them, and afterwards carryed the Standard-Bearers themſelves Priſoners to the Conſul; how they pull'd and hurried whole droves of armed Men (as if they had been Sheep or Calves) out of one Army into t'other; and where-ever there was any reſiſtance made, the buſineſs was done, not ſo much with their Swords as with their Bucklers, thumping the Enemies ſhoulders with the Boſſes of their Shields they tumbled them down before them; abundance more were taken Priſoners than kill'd, and the general cry throughout the Field, was, Down with your Arms, ſo that in the very heat of the Skirmiſh, moſt of the principal Authors of the War yielded up themſelves; and on the morrow, and the days following, the reſt of the People of Umbria likewiſe made their ſubmiſſions; only the Inhabitants of Otriculum (a Frontier Town towards the Samnites) were received into Friendſhip upon their Parole, and giving of Hoſtages.

Fabius thus a Conqueror in anothers Province, returns again to his own Charge in Samnium; and for his good Services as laſt Year the People continued him in the Conſulſhip, ſo this Year when Ap. Claudius and L. Volumnius were Conſuls, the Senate continued his Command of the Army, notwithſtanding all the oppoſition that Appius could make againſt it. In ſome Annals I find, that when this Appius put in to be Conſul, his Election was obſtructed by L. Furius, a Tribune of the Commons, till ſuch time as he had reſign'd his Office of Cenſor. However, having at laſt got to be Conſul, the War with the Salentines (then newly declared Enemies) falling by Lot to his Colleague, he remain'd at Rome, buſie to encreaſe his Fortune by the management of Civil Affairs, ſince the Honor of the Wars was confer'd upon others. Nor had Volumnius any cauſe to repent of his Province, for he fought many fortunate Battels, and took ſeveral of the Enemies Cities by Storm: He was a free beſtower of the Spoil amongſt his Soldiers, and this Bounty, which of its ſelf is an attractive and winning Quality, he rendred yet more charming by his natural Courteſie and familiar obliging Behavior; by which Arts, as he gain'd the affections of his Soldiers, ſo he rendred tnem willing to run any hazards, or endure any Toil. Q. Fabius on the other part, in Quality of Pro-Conſul, had an Engagement with the Samnites near the City Allifas, where the work was not long a doing, the Enemy was routed and beat into their Camp, nor could they have held that if there had been Day-light enough to attack it; however they were hem'd in before 'twas dark, and Guards kept all Night that none might eſcape. In the Morning they began to capitulate, and it was granted, That all the Samnites amongſt them ſhould be let go, paſſing under the Gallows only with a ſingle Garment on. But for their Confederates there was no ſuch proviſion made, ſo that they all, to the number of 7000, were ſold for Slaves: Such as alledg'd themſelves to be Hernicks, were ſet apart, and ſent to Rome to be diſpoſed of by the Senate, who ordered them to be ſecured in ſeveral places amongſt the Latines, till enquiry might be made, Whether they came as Voluntiers, or were preſs'd to ſerve the Samnites againſt the Romans; which whole matter the new Conſuls P. Cornelius Arvina, and Q. Marcius Tremulus, were ordered to examine and report to the Senate. But this ſtrict Proceeding was very ill reſented by the Hernicks, who met in a general Dyet or Convention at Anagnia, where all the Tribes of the Hernicks, except the Alatrines, Ferentines and Verulanes, proclaim'd War againſt the Romans.

New Inſurrections alſo happened in Samnium, (for Fabius was gone thence) the Towns Galatia and Sora, and the Roman Gariſons therein, being not only aſſaulted and put to the Sword, but odious Cruelties exerciſed on the Bodies of ſuch as were taken alive: To revenge which Inſolence, P. Cornelius was diſpatch'd thither with an Army, and Marcius appointed to march againſt the new Enemies, for by this time War was declared againſt the Anagnians and other Hernicks. In the firſt place, the Enemy ſeized all the Paſſes between the two Conſuls, and cut off all Intelligence, ſo that they remain'd for ſeveral days together utterly ignorant of, and ſolicitous about each others condition: The ſame apprehenſions ſpread throughout Rome to that degree, that all fit to bear Arms [that is, from 17 Years of Age to 47] were obliged to take the Military Oath, and two Armies liſted to be ready upon any ſudden emergency. But after all, this Hernick War did not prove anſwerable either to the preſent Terror, or the ancient Glory of that Nation; for having attempted nothing worth relating, and being thrice one after another, in a very few days ſpace, beat out of the places where they had Poſted themſelves, they deſired thirty Days truce, that during that time they might ſend to treat with the Senate; in conſideration of which, they yielded to raiſe the Roman Army two Months pay and Corn, and allow every Soldier a new Tunick. The Senate referr'd them back again to Martius, arm'd with a ſpecial Commiſſion to treat with them, who received them to Mercy upon an abſolute ſubmiſſion of the whole Nation. The other Conſul in Samnium, though he continued ſuperior in ſtrength to the Enemy, yet was ſhrewdly incommoded by the diſadvantages of the Country; for the Enemy had block'd up all the Roads, and poſſeſſed themſelves of all convenient Paſſes to cut off all Proviſions; nor could he, though he every day challeng'd them to a pitch'd Field, provoke them to it; for 'twas plain, That neither could the Samnites endure a preſent Battel, nor the Romans any long ſpinning out of the War. But the approach of Marcius, after his quelling the Hernicks, to the aid of his Colleague, put the Enemy upon a neceſſity of engaging, conſidering, that whereas they could ſcarce look upon themſelves as a Match for one ſingle Army, if they ſhould ſuffer both Armies to join, they muſt needs be ruined: Hereupon, they advanc'd to meet Marcius, and ſet upon his Forces on a ſudden, in the diſorder neceſſarily attending an haſty March; however, he cauſed his Soldiers preſently to diſpoſe of their Baggage, and make ready to Charge. At the firſt Encounter the Shout was heard into the other Conſuls Camps, and by and by the Clouds of Duſt ſeen at a diſtance gave him further notice, who immediatly commanded his Soldiers to their Arms, and leading them on in a running March, charges in upon the flank of the Enemy; whil'ſt they were in the heat of the former Engagement, Crying out to his Men, That it would be the greateſt cowardize and diſgrace in the World, if they ſuffered the other Army to carry away a double Victory, and ſhould not aſſume to themſelves the Honor of that War which was their proper task. Thus where-ever he Charg'd he broke in, and having pierc'd through the midſt of the Enemies Battalions into their Camp, which he found unguarded, he ſet the ſame on fire: As ſoon as Marcius's Troops ſaw thoſe flames before them, and the Samnites perceiv'd the ſame behind them, 'twas time for the Samnites to betake them to their heels, but in vain; they could not with ſafety eſcape on either ſide, a vaſt ſlaughter was made in every place; until after Thirty thouſand of them ſlain, the Conſuls ſounded a Retreat, and joyn'd their Forces, congratulating each other for the Victory, when, behold, at a diſtance, they diſcovered certain freſh Regiments of Samnites, new raiſed, and coming to reinforce the former Army, but indeed ſerved only to compleat the Slaughter. For without waiting for any word of Command, the Romans made at them, Crying out, They would welcome them with an ill handſel: The Conſuls conniving at their forwardneſs, knowing theſe new raw Troops, terrified with the diſaſter of their old experienc'd Soldiers, would never be able to ſtand before them; nor were they deceived, for all the Samnites Forces that were left, old and new, fled as faſt as they could to the Mountains; whither the Romans advancing after them, the poor Wretches found no place ſtrong enough to ſhelter them, for even on the tops and clifts of the higheſt Mountains where they had poſted themſelves, they were attack'd, beat down, and deſtroyed. And now they all with one voice ſupplicate for Peace, and upon conditions of bringing in ſo much Corn to the Army, giving them a Years pay, and every Soldier a new Coat; they had Quarter, and leave to ſend Ambaſſadors to the Senate. Cornelius continuing in Samnium, Marcius returns to Rome to Triumph over the Hernicks, and his Statue on Horſe-back was by a Decree of the Senate erected in the Forum, juſt before the Temple of Caſtor. To the three States of the Hernicks that were unconcern'd in the War, viz. The Alatrines, Verulanes, and Ferentines, liberty was granted to continue their own Laws (becauſe they choſe that, rather than to be made free of Rome) and to Marry amongſt themſelves, thoſe of one City with the Inhabitants of another, which Priviledge, they only of all the Hernicks enjoy'd for a good while after. As for the Anagnians, and the reſt that began the War, they were admitted to be Enfranchized, without right of Voting: But tneir holding of General Aſſemblies or Councils, and Marrying out of one Nation into another, or having any Magiſtrates of their own (ſave only in relation to their Religion and Sacrifices) were prohibited. The ſame Year the Temple of Safety was begun to be built by C. Junius Bubulcus, now Cenſor, which when he was Conſul he had vowed to erect if he proſpered in the Samnites War; and by order from him and his Colleague M. Valerius Maximus, great High-ways and Cawſeys were made through the Fields round the City, at the charge of the Publick: Alſo the League with the Carthaginians the third time renewed; their Ambaſſadors that came for that purpoſe being very civilly treated, and Preſents made to them.

The ſame Year had likewiſe a Dictator, P. Cornelius Scipio, with P. Decius Mus, Maſter of the Horſe, who held the Aſſemblies for Elections, being the only buſineſs for which they were Created, becauſe both the Conſuls were abſent in the Wars. The Conſuls choſen were L. Poſthumius and Tib. Minucius. But Piſo makes theſe to ſucceed next after Q. Fabius and P. Decius, omitting thoſe two Years wherein Claudius with Volumnius, and Cornelius with Marcius ſerv'd that Office: whether he were miſtaken in digeſting his Year-books, or whether he paſs'd by thoſe two pair of Conſuls on purpoſe, as not thinking them truly ſuch, is uncertain. This Year the Samnites made Incurſions into the Lands of Stella, belonging to Campania, therefore both Conſuls were ſent into Samnium, but advancing ſeveral ways; for Poſthumius march'd to Tifernum, and Minucius to Bovianum. The firſt Battel happened under the Conduct of Poſthumius at Tifernum, the ſucceſs variouſly reported; ſome Authors relate, That the Samnites were notably beaten, and Thirty thouſand of them taken Priſoners; others ſay that 'twas a drawn Game, neither ſide Victor in the Field; as alſo, that in the Night Poſthumius making ſhew as if he were afraid, privately retired to the Mountains, and the Enemies followed them two Miles, and then they alſo Encamped. That the Conſul, to the end he might be thought to have taken up ſafe and well-furniſh'd Quarters, after he ſtrongly fortified his Camp, and ſupply'd it with neceſſaries, leaving a ſufficient Guard, did about mid-night draw out the Legions, leaſt encumbred with heavy Armor and Baggage, and marches then directly towards his Colleague, who was facing another party of the Enemy, and by advice, perſwades him to engage them; which he did accordingly, and the Diſpute remaining doubtful till the day was far ſpent, Poſthumius arrives, claps on his freſh Battalions, and preſently changed the poſture of Affairs, and the Enemy already almoſt quite ſpent, and what with wounds and wearineſs unable to fly, were generally ſlain, and One and twenty Colours taken. That from hence they return'd to Poſthumius's Camp, where the two Victorious Armies ſetting upon the Enemy, whom the news of their Companions overthrow had rendred heartleſs, eaſily defeated and routed them, got Six and twenty Colours more, took the Samnites General, Statius Gellius, and many others Priſoners, and had the pillage of both Camps. And the next day laying Siege to Bovianum, ſoon took it. And that both Conſuls triumph'd with much Glory for theſe ſignal Services. Yet there are ſome that write, that the Conſul Minucius was brought into the Camp grievouſly wounded, and there dyed, and that M. Fulvius was made Conſul in his ſtead, and that it was he who being ſent to Minucius's Army, took Bovianum. The ſame Year Sora Arpinum, and Cenſennia, were recover'd from the Samnites, and the great Image of Hercules erected in the Capitol, and conſecrated.

In the Conſulſhip of P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Sempronius Sophus, the Samnites deſiring either a final end of the War, or at leaſt to delay it, ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome touching a Peace, who having in very ſubmiſs terms told their Errand, the Senate gave them this Anſwer: That if the Samnites had not ſo often treated for Peace, when they were altogether preparing for War, they might upon conference and due terms, have anſwered their deſires; but ſince always hitherto their Words had prov'd vain, they would now truſt to nothing but Deeds. That Sempronius the Conſul would ſhortly be with the Army in Samnium, who being upon the Place, would be beſt able to judge whether in earneſt they intended Peace or War, and as he found the ſtate of Affairs, would make Report to the Senate; and therefore when he returned from thence, their Agents might follow him. Accordingly, after the Army had peaceably march'd through all Samnium, every where courteouſly ſupplyed with all ſorts of Proviſions, Peace was reſtored to that People, and the ancient League renewed.

The Roman Arms were now turned againſt the Aequians, old Enemies, though for many Years under the colour of a perfidious Peace they had been ſomewhat quiet. The particular Quarrel now with them was, becauſe whil'ſt the Hernicks were in a good condition, they joyning with them, had furniſh'd the Samnites with Auxiliaries; and after the Hernicks were reduc'd, almoſt that whole Nation had revolted unto and took part with the Enemy; and eſpecially for that when the Romans after Peace concluded with the Samnites, had ſent Heralds to theſe Aequians to demand ſatisfaction for thoſe part Injuries, They gave out that this was but a tempting them, to ſee if for fear of a War they would be content to become Romans; which how great an happineſs it is, and how much to be deſired, we may learn from the Hernicks, of whom, as many as could, choſe rather to be governed by their own Laws, than by thoſe of Rome; and for the reſt, the making of them free Denizons of Rome, was impoſed upon them as a puniſhment. For ſuch kind of Expreſſions uſed in their Councils, the Romans reſolved to make War upon them, and both Conſuls being ordered to manage it, advanced within four miles of the Enemy. Whoſe Army (as being a People to whom for many Years War had been a ſtranger) having been tumultuouſly raiſed, and without good Commanders and Diſcipline, began preſently to be afraid, and divided in their Councils; ſome were for venturing a Battel, others for ſtanding on the defenſive only, and making good their Camp; but moſt of them were much concerned to think of the waſting of all their Country, and the deſtruction of their Towns which were now left poorly guarded; therefore amongſt many Opinions, one at laſt generally prevail'd, which was to abandon the care of the Publick, and every man to regard the ſaving of his own private Fortune, and to that purpoſe at the firſt Watch to go every Body his way, and convey all their Goods into their Cities, and there defend themſelves. The Enemy having thus diſperſed themſelves, as ſoon as 'twas light the Romans put themſelves in Battalia, and ſeeing none come out to oppoſe them, march up in a full Body towards the adverſe Camp; but when they found there, neither Out-guards placed before the Ports, nor ſaw any Man appear upon the Rampire, nor could hear the uſual murmur and noiſe of a Leaguer, ſtarted with this unwonted ſilence, and fearing ſome Stratagem or Ambuſcade, they made an Hault for a while; afterwards getting over the Works, and ſeeing all abandoned, they endeavored to follow the Enemy by the Track; but then meeting with Foot-ſteps tending every way, as having ſcattered themſelves, at the firſt they wandred to no purpoſe, but afterwards underſtanding the truth by their Scouts, applyed themſelves to attack the ſeveral Cities, and in the ſpace of two months, took One and forty Towns by ſtorm, moſt of which they demoliſh'd and burnt, whereby the whole Nation of the Aequians was in a manner deſtroyed. Over whom a Triumph was celebrated, and terrified by their fate; the Marrucines, Marſians, Pelignians, and Frentanes, ſent their Agents to Rome to treat for Peace and Amity, which was accordingly granted.

This Year C. Flavius, a Clerk or Notary of very mean Parentage, for his Father had been a Bondman, but by ſome means obtaining a Freedom, got to be an Aedile of State; for he was a Man Crafty and Eloquent. In ſome Records I find, that when he appear'd at the Election, and found his own Tribe willing to Vote for him to be Aedile, but that his name could not be received amongſt the Candidates, becauſe he was a Mechanick, and got his Living by Writing; he flung away his Papers, and took an Oath, That he would no longer follow that Imployment. But Macer Licinius avers, that he had left off his Pen-craft a good while before, having been Tribune, and born two Triumvirſhips, one for the Night-guard for preventing of Fires, and the other for tranſplanting and ſetling a Colony. However all agree, that with great ſtoutneſs he made head againſt the Nobility that diſdain'd his low Birth: He firſt publiſh'd the Civil Law, which 'till then had been lock'd up in the Cabinets of the Pontiffs; and ſet up Tables in the Grand Guild-hall, like Kalendars, whereby People might know the Holy-days, and when the Courts held Pleas, and when not. He conſecrated the Temple of Concord in Vulcans Court, and though Cornelius Barbatus the Arch-Prieſt, inſiſted, That by the antient Law and Cuſtoms of their Fore-fathers, none could Dedicate a Temple but a Conſul, or the General of an Army; yet he was forc'd by the general conſent of the People, to comply, and pronounce the ſolemn words which the Aedile was to ſay after him, according to the cuſtom in ſuch caſes; which thing was highly reſented by the Nobility, and therefore a Law was exhibited from the Senate to the People, That thence-forwards none ſhould Dedicate either Temple or Altar, without leave firſt obtained from the Senate, or the major part of the Tribunes. I may add here a paſſage in it ſelf ſcarce worth Memoir, but as 'tis an evidence of the fewds between Plebeian Liberty, and the Inſolency of the Nobles: This Flavius coming to viſit his Colleague when he lay ſick, ſome young Noblemen that were there agreed before hand, that to affront him, they would not riſe up when he came into the Room, whereupon he commanded his Ivory Chair of State to be fetch'd thither, and placing himſelf in that Seat of Honor, beheld with contempt the envy of his Enemies. The truth is, this Flavius was choſen Aedile by that Factious Rabble, that was firſt encouraged by Ap. Claudius in the time of his Cenſorſhip, who having ſtain'd the Dignity of the Senate by bringing in thither the Sons of Libertines; and afterwards perceiving that ſuch his Choice was generally condemned, and that in the Curiae or Aſſembly of the Wards, he had not ſo many Abetters of his doings as he deſired: He intermix'd and admitted many of the ſcum of the Mobile into the ſeveral Tribes, thereby debauching both the Forum and Campus Martius, in all Elections there held. And indeed, this Election of Flavius was look'd upon as ſuch an Affront, that moſt of the Nobles left off wearing their Rings and Horſe-trappings, (the peculiar Marks of their Quality.) The City thence-forwards being divided into two Factions, one conſiſting of worthy honeſt Men, the encouragers of the Good and the Brave; the other of the Riff-raff rabble manag'd by ambitious Upſtarts to promote their Deſigns, and ſo it continued until Q. Fabius and P. Decius came to be Cenſors: For Fabius, as well to re-eſtabliſh Amity and Concord, as to prevent the choice of Magiſtrates from falling into indigent and inconſiderable hands, retrench'd this over-grown multitude, took them out of the ſeveral Tribes wherein they bore ſway, and caſt them into four diſtinct Tribes by themſelves, calling them The City-Tribes, becauſe they had no Lands in the Country as the others had. Which Contrivance of his, 'tis ſaid, was ſo acceptable, and gratefully receiv'd, that it gain'd him the Surname of Maximus [or Moſt Great] which was more than all his Victories could obtain. By him alſo it was Ordain'd, That all the Knights of Rome ſhould every Year, on the fifteenth of July, appear in a General Muſter before the Cenſor.

DECADE I. BOOK X. EPITOME.

1. TWo Colonies Planted; one at Sora, the other at Alba. 3. The Marſians of Carſeola ſubmit to the Roman Government. 6. The Colledge of Augurs encreaſed to the number of Nine, who before were but Four. 9. A Law for Appeals to be made to the People, was now the third time Confirm'd, being put up by Valerius the Conſul. Two new Tribes added; The Anian, and the Tarentine. 12, &c. War Proclaimed againſt the Samnites, and ſeveral Victories obtain'd over them. 38, &c. In a Battel with the Ʋnited Forces of the Tuſcans, Umbrians, Samnites and Gauls, where P. Decius, and Q. Fabius were Generals, the Roman Army being hard put to't, and endanger'd, P. Decius following the Example of his Father, Devotes himſelf, and by his Death gains them a Victory. Papirius Curſor routs an Army of Samnites, who had bound themſelves with a Solemn Oath, not to quit the Field without Victory. 47. A Cenſe being held, and the number taken of the Citizens, there appeared to be 262322. Polls.

U. C. 450 IN the Conſulſhip of Lucius Genucius, and Ser. Cornelius, there being a Vacation almoſt from all Wars abroad, the Romans had leiſure to Plant Colonies at Sora and Alba: To the latter, were ſent ſix thouſand to keep under the Aequians: The former, was part of the Volſcian Territories, but of late poſſeſt by the Samnites; thither were carryed Four thouſand. The Inhabitants of Arpinum and Trebula obtain'd this Year the favour of being made Free-Denizons of Rome. The Fruſinates were ſentenced to loſe one third part of their Lands, becauſe it was found out they had ſollicited the Henricks to Rebellion. Alſo the Conſuls having, according to an Order of the Senate in that behalf, throughly inquired into the whole matter relating to that Inſurrection, the Principal Officers thereof were firſt Scourged, and then Beheaded. Yet that the Year might not paſs altogether void of Military Action, an Expedition (ſuch as it was) is undertaken into Umbria, upon Advice of Incurſions that were made by certain Men in Arms out of a kind of a Cave, by whom the Parts adjacent were much annoy'd and plunder'd. Into this Den, or hollow Paſſage between the Rocks, the Romans entred with Banners diſplayed; and by reaſon of the obſcurity of the Place, many of them were ſhrewdly wounded, eſpecially by Stones flung at them; until ſuch time as they found out the other mouth of the Hole (for it was a Thorow-fare) but then, piling up heaps of Wood at both ends, they ſet Fire to it, the ſmoke and heat of which, thoſe within being no longer able to endure, did at laſt, hoping to break through and eſcape, ruſh into the very Flames, and ſo were ſmothered and burnt, to the number of about 2000 Armed Men. The next Year, M. Livius Denter, and C. Aemilius being Conſuls, the Aequian War broke out again, for they not abiding the Colony planted amongſt them, looking upon it as a Gariſon placed on their Frontiers on purpoſe to bridle them, gathered together, and with all their might endeavored to ſtorm it; but the Colony bravely defended it ſelf, and without any help beat them off: However, it ſo much ſtartled thoſe at Rome, becauſe they could not think, the Aequians already ſo much cruſh'd, would alone of themſelves make an Inſurrection without ſome more Potent Allies to back them: That by means of this Hubbub C. Junius Bubulcus was made Dictator, who with M. Titinius General of the Horſe, marching thither, at this very firſt Conflict ſufficiently chaſtiſed the Aequians, and on the eighth Day return'd triumphant into Rome, and then that Temple of Concord, which he vow'd when he was Conſul, and began to Build whil'ſt he was Cenſor, he now Dedicated during his Dictatorſhip.

That Year a Grecian Fleet, under the Conduct of Cleonymus a Lacedaemonian, arriv'd upon the Coaſts of Italy, and ſurprized Thuriae a City of the Salentines. Againſt whom the Conſul Aemilius being ſent forth, in the firſt Encounter beat them back into their Ships, reſtored the Town to its Inhabitants, and Peace to all the Salentine Territories. Yet in ſome Annals I read, that Junius Bubulcus the Dictator made an Expedition againſt the Salentines themſelves, and that Cleonymus had quitted Italy, before the Romans could come up to engage him: who having doubled the Cape of Brunduſium, Sail'd with a direct Wind through the middle of the Adriatique Gulf, declining the Coaſts of Italy on the Larbordſide, becauſe there were no Ports or Havens to put in at, and afraid of thoſe Nations towards the Star-bord ſide, the Illirians, Liburnians and Iſtrians, ſince they were great Sea-Rovers, and infamous for Cruelty and Piracy. At length he arriv'd upon the Venetian Coaſt, and having Landed a few Men to diſcover the Country; they gave an account, that the ſtrand that lay before them was but narrow, which having paſs'd, there were certain Plaſhes over-flow'd with the Sea-tides; That next, and not far off, they could ſee Paſture-fields, and further off a ridge of Hills, whence they diſcover'd the Mouth of a very deep River (the name of it was Meduacus) into which they thought the Ships might be brought about, and ride at Anchor as in a ſafe Harbor; whereupon he directed his Courſe thither, and gave Orders to Sail up the River: But the Channel was not deep enough to bear his biggeſt Veſſels, therefore the Soldiers were put aboard the Barques and Pinaces, and ſo Landed in a Country well Inhabited, as belonging to three Maritime Villages of Padua: Theſe they ſet upon, take the People Captive, get great ſtore of Plunder, and then ſet the Houſes on Fire; and enticed with the ſweetneſs of theſe Spoils, march up further from their Ships (with which they had left but a very ſlender Guard.) Tidings of this Invaſion was ſoon carryed to Padua, (a Place always in Arms, and upon their Guard for fear of their ill Neighbors, the Gauls;) who preſently ſent out two Parties, one up into the Country where they were playing their Plundering pranks; the other by a By-way directly to the Harbor where their Ships lay (which was about fifteen Miles off from that City:) And having cut to pieces the ſmall Guard that was there, endeavor'd to Bord the Veſſels; but the affrighted Mariners got them over to the other ſide of the River. No leſs ſucceſsful were they on Land againſt the ſtragling Rovers, who flying back to their Ships were intercepted, ſurrounded, and all either kill'd or taken; ſome of the Priſoners diſcovered whence their Fleet was, and that their King Cleonymus was but three Miles lower: Therefore having ſecured them in the next Village, the Pativins, ſome of them Man'd out their Flat-bottom'd Boats, fitted to paſs the Shallows; others Imbarqu'd in the Pinaces taken from the Enemy, and ſo haſtning down, beſet the main Fleet, which was Riding at Anchor little dreaming of any danger, and fearing not ſo much an Enemy as the unknown Coaſts, who being thus ſurprized made no reſiſtance, but made all the Sail they could towards the Sea, being purſued as far as the Mouth of the River; ſeveral of their Ships that for fear and haſt run upon the Flats, were taken and burnt; ſo that Cleonymus was glad to be gone, having ſcarce a fifth part of his Fleet left, and without Succeſs in attempting to Land in any Coaſt of the Adriatique, returned home. The Stems of the Ships, and other Spoils of the Lacaedemonians here taken, were ſet up in the old Temple of Juno, and there be many yet alive who have ſeen them. The Memorial of this Victory is yearly celebrated (on the ſame day) at Padua, by a ſolem Skirmiſh of Ships, upon the River that runs through the middle of that City.

This Year a League was concluded at Rome with the Veſtines at their Requeſt: Soon after arriv'd Troubleſom Intelligence from ſeveral parts, that Hetruria was in an Uproar, occaſion'd by the ſeditious and civil Broils of the Aretines, who envying the Riches of the Cilnii, a very Potent Family amongſt them, would needs expel them by force of Arms. Alſo, that the Marſians ſtood out and defended their Territories againſt the Colony of 4000 Men that was ſent to Carſeoli. By reaſon of theſe Tumults, M. Valerius Maximus was created Dictator, who choſe for his General of the Horſe M. Aemilius Paulus; for that I rather credit, than that it was (as others relate) Q. Fabius; it being improbable that a Perſon of his Age, and who had born the higheſt Honors, would ſerve under Valerius. The Dictator advancing with his Army, in one Battel routed the Marſians, and having driven them into their Fortified Cities, Milionia, Pleſtina, and Freſilia; in few days ſpace took all thoſe Places, and having for their further puniſhment taken away part of their Lands, received them again into the Ancient League. Then was the War turn'd upon the Tuſcans; but whil'ſt the Dictator was gone to Rome to conſult the Sooth-ſayers, and take anew his Auſpices, or tokens of good Luck, the Maſter of the Horſe being abroad a Forraging, fell into an Embuſcade, loſt ſeveral Colours, and was beat into the Camp, after a foul Slaughter, and ſhameful flight of his Men. Now 'tis not probable that Fabius ſhould be guilty of ſuch a Miſcarriage, both becauſe, if for any commendable Qualities he deſerved his Sir-name of Moſt Great, it was eſpecially for his Courage and excellent skill in Military Affairs; as alſo, for that he muſt needs too well remember Papirius's ſevere proſecution againſt him heretofore, to be induc'd by any means to fight again in the abſence of the Dictator.

The noiſe of this Loſs at Rome terrified them more than the thing deſerved: For as if the whole Army had been deſtroy'd, a Ceſſation of all proceedings at Law was Proclaimed, Guards ſet at the Gates, Watches in every Street, Arms and Darts placed on the Walls, and all the younger ſort Liſted to be in readineſs: And forthwith the Dictator was diſpatch'd away to the Army, who found all things there in a better poſture than he could expect, and very well compoſed by the careful diligence of the General of the Horſe: The Camp removed to a place of more ſtrength and ſafety; thoſe Companies who had loſt their Colours, left on the bare Earth without the Works, and allowed neither Tents or Coverts, for a puniſhment of their Cowardize; and the whole Army eager for a Battel, that they might the ſooner wipe off the ſtain of the late Diſgrace. Therefore he forthwith advanc'd with them into the Country of Roſellae, whither the Enemy followed: And though their late Succeſs had rais'd them to a confidence that they could deal well enough with the Romans by plain force in a fair Field, yet they were willing to uſe ſome Art and Stratagem, which they had found ſo advantagious. There happened to be not far from the Roman Camp, a parcel of Houſes half ruinated, belonging to a Village that was burnt when the Country was over-run; there having hid a Party, they drove ſome Cattel within view of the Corps-du-Guard, Commanded by Cn. Fulvius, a Commiſſary-General; but none of them coming out of their ſtation upon this Bait, one of the pretended Herdſ-men came up almoſt to their Works, and called aloud to the reſt (that ſeem'd for fear to drive but ſlowly by the Ruines of the aforeſaid Village) asking, What they ſtaid for? ſince they might ſafe enough drive their Beaſts clean through the Romans Camp. Which words ſome Coerites that were preſent, Interpreting to the Commiſſary, fill'd all the ſeveral Bands with Indignation to be thus affronted, and their fingers itch'd to be at them, but durſt not ſtir a ſtep without Command: Fulvius bid thoſe that were skilful in the Language, obſerve, Whether the Speech of the Herdſ-men were Country-like, or ſounded after a City Dialect? who acquainted him, That to them they ſeem'd both by their Language and their Looks, to be more neat and better bred than Peaſants or Country Clowns: Then go your ways (quoth he) to them, and bid them diſcover their Ambuſh, which in vain they have hid; That the Romans underſtand all their tricks, and can now be circumvented by their Fraud, no more than vanquiſh'd by their Force. This being related to thoſe that lay in wait, preſently they ſtart out of their Coverts, and advanc'd their Enſigns all abroad in the open Field: The Commiſſary finding them too numerous for his Guard alone to deal with, immediately ſent to advertiſe the Dictator, and deſire ſome aſſiſtance; whil'ſt in the mean time he bore the brunt of the Enemies Charge.

Upon this Advice, the Dictator commanded the Soldiers to Arm and march; they were ready almoſt as ſoon as his Orders could be pronounc'd, and ſcarce could they be kept from running, being ſpurr'd on as well by deſires to revenge their late loſs, as by hearing the ſhouts of their Fellows that were engag'd, redoubled thicker and thicker as the Conflict encreaſed. Therefore they puſh one another, and call to the Standard-bearers to mend their pace: But the faſter they march'd, the more earneſt was the Dictator to have them go ſoftly. The Tuſcans in the mean time, taking the Alarm from the aforeſaid Parties beginning the Fight, had brought down all their Forces, which by one Meſſenger after another was told the Dictator, and, That it was impoſſible for that ſmall Party of his to reſiſt them, if he did not haſten to their Aid, and he himſelf from a little Hill might ſee in what danger they were. But as he was confident the Commiſſary was yet able to maintain the Diſpute, ſo conſidering himſelf was ſo near to preſerve him from any danger, he was deſirous to have the Enemy tir'd out as much as might be, that with his freſh Forces he might fall upon them already almoſt ſpent. Though they march'd thus ſlow, they were come near enough for the Horſe to take their carirer for a Charge: However, that the Enemy might not expect any ſuch ſudden Attack, he cauſed the Foot to march before, but with ſpaces between their Files, through which the Cavalry might with eaſe advance. The Front had no ſooner ſet up an Halloo, but the Horſe gallop'd out three quarters ſpeed upon the Enemy, who being not prepared to entertain a Charge from Horſe, as not expecting any ſuch thing, they were amazed and preſently diſordered. Thus though he came late to aſſiſt his Party, almoſt quite hemm'd in, yet as ſoon as he came, he eas'd them of all further Toil; for the freſh Men undertook the whole weight of the Conflict, which neither laſted long, nor was very dangerous: For the Enemy being worſted, fly to their Works, and as the Romans with Banners diſplayed preſs hard upon them, quitted their Poſts there too, and hudled themſelves up in an heap at the further ſide of their Camp, and endeavoring all to fly at once, wedge in one another, and ſtuck faſt in the narrow Paſſages of the Ports: A great part of them then got up upon the Rampire, either the better to defend themſelves by the heighth of the place, or hoping to get over ſomewhere: It happen'd at one place, the Mount being not well ramm'd, ſurcharged with the weight of thoſe that ſtood on it, broke down and fell into the Trench, whereupon they cry'd out, The Gods had opened them a paſſage for their eſcape; and by that means indeed they ſaved themſelves, but moſt of them were glad to leave their Arms behind them. By this overthrow both the Forces of the Tuſcans, and their Spirits, were abated; ſo that agreeing to give the Army a Years pay, and Corn for two Months, they were permitted by the Dictator to ſend Ambaſſadors to Rome to negotiate a Peace, which would not be granted, but a Truce they obtained for two Years: The Dictator return'd to the City in Triumph. I have ſome Authors, that affirm he reduced Etruria without any memorable Battel, having only compoſed the Aretines Diſtractions, by making a Reconciliation between the Houſe of the Cilnii, and the Commons. M. Valerius was made Conſul upon his Dictatorſhip, though ſome ſay he was ſo far from ſeeking that Honor, that 'twas conferr'd in his abſence, and that this Election was held by an Inter-regent; but 'tis without diſpute that Apuleius Panſa was his Colleague.

During their time, all was pretty quiet abroad; the Truce, and eſpecially their ill ſucceſs in the late War, kept the Tuſcans in order. The Samnites had ſuffered ſo many overthrows for ſeveral Years paſt, that they were not yet weary of the new League: And at Rome, the drawing out of Multitudes, of the poorer ſort, and planting them in good Colonies abroad, where they had Lands and Houſes for nothing, pleaſed the Commons very well; yet that this Tranquillity might not be every where intire and perfect, a Quarrel was ſtarted between the chief of the City, Patricians of the one ſide, and Commoners of the other, fomented by the two Oguluii, Tribunes of the Commons, who hunting for all occaſions to expoſe and accuſe the Nobility, and render them odious to the Commons; after ſeveral other projects had prov'd ineffectual, undertook at length an action that they knew would not fail to enflame, not only the Rabble, but the Heads of the Commons, Men that had born Conſulſhips and rod in Triumphant Chariots, who now wanted no Offices or Honors, but thoſe of Prieſt-hood, which the Nobles had hitherto kept wholly to themſelves, and not ſuffered the ſame to be promiſcuouſly enjoy'd by any others: What did they do therefore but propoſe a Law, That ſince there were at that time but four Augurs or Sooth-ſayers, and as many Pontiff's or Chief Prieſts, and it was thought fit that the number of Prieſts ſhould be encreaſed, therefore four Pontiffs and five Augurs might henceforwards be choſen out of the Commons, to be added to thoſe in being. How this Colledge of Augurs came to be reduced to the number of Four, unleſs by the death of ſome of them, I do not underſtand, ſince 'twas a Rule amongſt the Augurs that their number ought to be odd; that the three Antient Tribes, Ramnes, Titienſes, and Luces, might each have its Augur; or if there needed more, they ſhould multiply them equally; as here five being added to four, makes nine, that is, three for each Tribe. But that which nettled the Nobles, was, That theſe new ones were to be choſen out of the Commonalty, which they reſented no leſs than when they ſaw the Conſulſhip firſt fall into Plebeian hands; yet they ſhrouded their Envy under a cloak of Piety, alledging, That the Gods were much more concern'd in the buſineſs than they, who would beſt determine, whether or no their Sacred Myſteries were polluted; as for themſelves, all they could do, was, to wiſh well, and pray that no ſevere Judgment or Calamity might for this befal the Common-wealth. But though they were inwardly vex'd, yet they made the leſs earneſt oppoſition publickly, becauſe in ſuch Diſputes they were now uſed to be over-born, and have it carryed againſt them, and ſaw their Competitors the Commons did not only aſpire to great Honors, which in former times they durſt not hope for, but were already in poſſeſſion of all the Higheſt Dignities which had been ſo long controverted; viz. a multitude of Conſulats, Cenſorſhips and Triumphs.

The Debate, 'tis ſaid, touching this Law pro and con, was chiefly managed between Appius Claudius, and Publius Decius Mus, who having on either ſide alledged and muſter'd up much the ſame Argument touching the Rights both of Lords and Commons, as were heretofore uſed for and againſt the Licinian Law, when the matter was firſt ſtarted, that Commoners might be Conſuls: For a cloſe of the Debate, Decius is reported to have repreſented in a very lively Deſcription, the reſemblance of his Father, ſuch as many preſent had ſeen him in his Gown in the Gabine Tuck, and ſtanding over his Javelin, in which Habit he Devoted himſelf for the People and Legions of Rome, Publius Decius the Commoner Conſul (quoth he) was then as pure and Religious in the ſight of the Immortal Gods, and altogether as acceptable as if T. Manlius his Collague (a Patrician) had been devoted: and can we imagine that the ſame man might not rightly have been choſen, to Officiate the Publick Divine Services of the People of Rome? Is this the Doubt, that the Gods ſhould not as readily hear his Prayers, as they would thoſe of Appius Claudius? Is the latter more pure in his private Devotions, or does he ſerve the Gods more religiouſly than the former? What cauſe is there to repent of the Vows made by ſo many Plebeian Conſuls and Dictators, either when they firſt ſet out with their Armies, or in the very heat of Battels? Let us number the Commanders in Chief ever ſince Affairs begun to fall under the management of Commoners, and reckon up the ſeveral Triumphs, it will appear, the Commons have no cauſe to bluſh at their own Nobility. This I am ſure of, whenever any mighty dangerous War happens, the Senate and People of Rome do not repoſe more confidence in their Patritian, than in their Plebeian Commanders: Since this is ſo, how can it ſeem an indignity to God or Man, if to thoſe great and illuſtrious Perſonages, whom you have dignified with Ivory Chairs of State, with Robes of Honor of all ſorts, with Triumphant Crowns and Laurels; and whoſe Houſes are above others rendred Glorious with the affix'd ſpoils of Enemies, you ſhall alſo add the Sacred Accoutrements of Pontiffs and Augurs? He that hath already been deck'd in the Ornaments ef Almighty Jupiter, and being drawn through the City in a Chariot of Gold, hath mounted the Capitol, who can think it too much to ſee the ſame Perſon that hath thus appear'd as a God to Men, to ſhew himſelf an humble Suppliant to the Gods? to hold in Triumphal Hands the Sacred Cup, or Holy-water-pot, and the Divining Wand, or Croſier Staff? and with a veiled Head to kill the Sacrifices, or take the lucky Auguries for the Publick? When Poſterity ſhall read the ſtile of ſome brave Man upon his Statue, and find there ſo many Conſulats, Cenſorſhips, and Triumphs, Will they think you be frighted, if you ſhall have added thereunto an Augurſhip, or the Pontificial Dignity? For my part, I verily hope (with reverence and the good leave of the Gods be it ſpoken) That by the Beneficence of the People of Rome we are now ſuch, as by our Quality may bring as much Credit and Honor to the Prieſtly Function, as we ſhall derive from it: And that we deſire it more in reſpect of the Service of the Gods, than for any Intereſt of our own, That whom we have hitherto reverenc'd privately, we may henceforth have opportunities publickly to Worſhip.

But why plead I all this while, as if the Patricians alone were intirely Inveſted with the Priviledge of Sacerdotal Dignities? and as if we were not already in poſſeſſion of one Honorable and moſt Principal Prieſthood? We ſee the Decemvirs appointed for Celebration of Sacrifices, and Interpreting the Sibylline Verſes, for reading the Deſtinies of our Nation; the ſame Perſons being Chief Miniſters at the Sacred Rites of Apollo, and other Ceremonies, are Commoners. And as no Injury was done the Patritii, when in favor of the Commons the number of the Duumviri or Superintendents of the aforeſaid Myſteries, was augmented to Ten; ſo neither have they now any greater cauſe to complain, if the Tribune, a worthy and brave Man, hath added five places more of Augurs and four of Pontiffs, unto which Commoners may be nominated: Not to diſpoſſeſs you, Appius, but that Commoners may be aſſiſtant to you in Sacred Things, who are ſo highly helpful to you in Civils. Be not aſhamed, O Appius! to have the ſame Perſon your Collegue in the Prieſthood, who might fitly be your Companion in a Cenſor or Conſulſhip: To whom being Dictator, you might be Maſter of the Horſe, as well as he Maſter of the Horſe when you happen to be Dictator. The Patritii of Old refus'd not to admit into their Rank a Sabine Stranger, Appius Clauſus, or Claudius (I know not which his Name was) the very Top of your Kindred, you muſt not think much then to accept Us into the number of the Prieſts, who bring with us not a few Marks of Honor, nay, even all that you can boaſt of: You tell us, That the firſt Commoner that was made a Conſul, was L. Sextius; the firſt Maſter of the Horſe, Caius Licinius Stolo, the firſt both Dictator and Cenſor, C. Marcius Rutilus; we have heard you repeating a thouſand times the ſame thredbare Allegations; That to you, forſooth alone, belongs the taking of the Auſpicia; that you only are Gentlemen; that you, and none but you, ought to have the Chief management of Affairs both at home and abroad: Yet ſtill I muſt tell you, the Commoners have always been as proſperous hitherto as the Nobles, in any brave or difficult Undertaking, and I doubt not but they ever will be ſo. Did you never hear that the Patritii, did not drop down from Heaven, but were at firſt eſtabliſh'd by Humane Policy, being compoſed of ſuch as were able to name their Father, that is to ſay, Honeſt Free-men, and no more? I my ſelf can already nominate my Father to have been a Conſul, and ſhortly my Son will be able to alledge his Grandfather of that Quality. The bottom of the Buſineſs is only this, That every thing muſt be denyed us, and nothing obtained without tugging: The Patritians Deſign is only to maintain a Faction, and contend, and regard not greatly what the end of the Diſpute is. It is therefore my Vote, That (to the good of you all, and the Weal-Publick) this Law be paſſed and eſtabliſhed.

The People preſently commanded the Tribes to be call'd to a Scrutiny, and it appeared, That without all doubt the Law would be accepted; but that day was loſt by the Interpoſition and Negative of ſome of the Tribunes: But on the Morrow, they were afraid to oppoſe it, and then it paſs'd unanimouſly, and the New additional Pontiffs then Created were, the Promoter of the Law P. Decius Mus, P. Sempronius Sophus, C. Marcius Rutilus, and M. Livius Denter: The five Plebeian Augurs, C. Genutius, P. Aelius Paetus, M. Minucius Feſſus, C. Marcius, and T. Publilius; thus the number of the Pontiffs came to be Eight, and of the Augurs Nine. The ſame Year M. Valerius the Conſul, procured the Law, Touching Appeals to the People, to be confirm'd. This was the third time ſince the expulſion of Kings, that Law had been eſtabliſh'd, and always by the ſame Family: The Cauſe of renewing it ſo oft, I conceive might be, becauſe the power of a few of the Grandees and Nobles was apt to be too hard for the Liberties of the Commons. The Porcian Law ſeems Enacted only to ſave the Romans skins, impoſing a grievous puniſhment on any that ſhould Kill or Scourge a Citizen of Rome. The Valerian Law, which prohibited any man to be Whipt or Beheaded, that made his Appeal, had no expreſs Penalty, but only declared, That whoever ſhould act contrary, the ſame would be naughtily done, that ſeeming then as I believe (ſuch was the Modeſty and Reverence of thoſe Times) a ſufficient Obligation and Reſtraint, whereas now a days, if a Man ſhould threaten but his Slave at ſuch a rate, he would deſpiſe it. The ſame Conſul manag'd the War againſt the Aequians, who were broke out in Rebellion, but there was little remarkable in it, for they had nothing left of their Antient Fortune, but the ſtoutneſs of their Stomachs. The other Conſul Apuleius, beſieged the City Nequinum in Umbria, a place difficult of Acceſs, as being ſituate high, and on the one ſide was a ſteep Precipice, where now the River Narnia is, ſo that it could not be taken either by Aſſault or Mining; but the Service uneffected, was reſign'd over to the new Conſuls, M. Fulvius Paetus, and T. Manlius Torquatus. 'Tis related by Macer Licinius, and Tubero, That all the Wards having choſen that year Q. Fabius, although he did not pretend to it, He deſired them to excuſe him till a year when there were more Wars on foot, for at preſent he could do the Common-wealth better Service, by bearing ſome Civil Office in the City: Thereby not concealing what he aim'd at, nor yet expreſly deſiring it, and ſo he was made Aedile of State, together with L. Papirius Curſor. But I dare not avouch this for a certain truth, becauſe Piſo, a more antient Annaliſt, ſaith, That the Aediles of the Chair that year were C. Domitius, Cn. F. Calvinum, and Sp. Carvilium Q. F. Maximus, which ſirname of Maximus might, as I conceive, give occaſion to the Error, whereupon followed a Tale ſuitable to that Error, jumbling the Elections of Aediles and Conſuls together. The ſame year was a Luſtrum, that is a general ſurvey and purging of the City by Sacrifices, held by P. Sempronius Sophus, and P. Sulpitius Averrio, and two Tribes more were added to the reſt, Anienſis and Tarentina. Thus much for the Affairs at Rome.

Much time had now been ſpent in a lingering Siege of the before-mentioned Town Nequinum, but at laſt two of the Inhabitants, whoſe Houſes join'd to the Wall, undermined the Ground as far as the Roman Out-guards, where coming forth, they deſired to be carryed before the Conſul, whom they do aſſure, That they were ready to let in a party of Armed Men, if he pleas'd, into the City. This was an Overture not to be ſlighted, nor yet to be credited without Caution. With one of theſe Renegado's (for the other was detain'd as an Hoſtage) two Scouts were ſent by the ſame Mine to diſcover the Paſſage; and upon their return the Attempt appearing feazible, Three hundred Soldiers led by the Renegado into the City, ſeize in the Night the Gate that was next, break it open, and let in the Conſul and Roman Army without any reſiſtance. Nequinum being thus reduced to the Roman Obedience, a Colony, called Narnia from the Rivers name, was Planted there, to ſerve as a Frontier againſt the Umbrians: And the Army return'd to Rome with a good Booty.

The ſame Year the Tuſcans were contriving to violate their Truce, but whil'ſt they were hammering ſeveral projects, they were for a while diverted by a vaſt Army of the Gauls making an Incurſion into their Country, but with Mony, (whereof they had good ſtore) they endeavor'd not only to make the Gauls their Friends, but draw them in to aſſiſt them againſt the Romans. This Alliance the Barbarians ſeeming not to refuſe, they treat about the Sum, which being agreed and paid, when all other preparations for the War were ready, and the Tuſcans deſired them to March, they peremptorily denyed, that they contracted for any reward concerning a War againſt the Romans; whatever they received, the ſame was allowed them only in conſideration of their forbearing to plunder the Tuſcans Country, and not committing any Acts of Hoſtility upon the People: Yet if the Tuſcans were ſo minded, they ſhould ſtill be ready to ſerve them, but upon no other Terms, but being admitted into part of their Territories, that at laſt they might have ſome certain abode, and place of ſettlement. The People of Etruria had ſeveral Diets or Councils about this Affair, but nothing was done in it, not ſo much that they were loth to part with their Lands, as becauſe every body abhorred to have people of a ſuch a Savage Race for their Neighbors. So the Gauls being diſmiſs'd, carryed home a power of Mony, got without either labor or hazard: However, they at Rome were ſtartled at the noiſe of this Conjunction like to have been between the Gauls and the Tuſcans, and therefore were the nimbler in clapping up a Peace with the People of Picenum.

T. Manlius the Conſul had the charge of the Tuſcan War alotted to him, who was ſcarce entred their Borders, when as he was exerciſing his Cavalry, turning his Horſe ſuddenly in a full carrier, he was thrown off with a grievous Fall, whereof three days after he dyed. The Tuſcans took heart at this Accident as a good Omen for their ſide, That the Gods had begun this War in their favour. At Rome 'twas ſad news, as well for the loſs of ſo brave a General, as for the unſeaſonableneſs of the time when it fell out, ſo that the Votes of the firſt Wards, which the reſt followed, diſcharged the Senate from nominating a Dictator to hold the Election for a new Conſul, and would needs beſtow it themſelves; and all of them pitch'd upon M. Valerius, who was the very Man that the Senate would have Created Dictator. This Gentleman is ordered forthwith to repair into Etruria to the Legions, and his coming kept the Tuſcans in ſuch awe, that none of them durſt budge out of their Works, their condition being no better than a Siege; nor could the new Conſul provoke them to a Battel, though he waſted their Country, and burnt their Habitations where-ever he came, ſo that not only their ſmall Villages, but Well-peopled Towns were all in Flames, or yet ſmoaking in Ruines. Whil'ſt this War prov'd more tedious than was expected, there came the Report of another, which conſidering the mutual loſſes of both ſides, was juſtly more terrible: For the Romans had Intelligence privately given them by the Picenes their new Allies: That the Samnites were upon a deſign to take Arms and Rebel, and had tampered with them to join therein. The Picenes had the thanks of the Senate returned for this Diſcovery, which diverted a great part of the Fathers cares from Tuſcany towards the Samnites: Beſides, the City was afflicted with a Dearth of Corn and Proviſions; nay, as thoſe Write who will have Fabius Maximus to be Aedile that year, it had been reduced to the laſt Extremity of Want, if that Gentleman had not prevented it, by his care in providing, and prudence in diſpoſing of Corn, ſhewing himſelf as diligent and uſeful now at home in diſpenſing of Victuals, as he had often been abroad in the Conduct of their Arms. The ſame year there was an Inter-regency, but on what occaſion does not appear; the Regents were Appius Claudius, and after him P. Sulpicius, who held the Elections, and Created L. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Fulvius, Conſuls.

To theſe new Conſuls, at their beginning of the very Year, Ambaſſadors from the Lucanes addreſſed themſelves, complaining, That the Samnites, becauſe they could not on any Terms inveigle them into an Aſſociation againſt the Romans, had with a formidable Army invaded and laid waſte their Country, and intended by Arms to force them to take Arms as they would have them: But though the People of Lucania had heretofore too much fail'd in that reſpect, they were now fully reſolv'd to run all hazards and extremities, rather than offend the Roman name: Therefore they did humbly requeſt the Fathers to take them into Protection, and to defend them from the force and outrages of the Samnites; That though their ſtanding out a War with the Samnites, had already laid them under a neceſſity of being true and firmly Loyal to the Romans, yet they were further ready, if it ſhould be required, to give Hoſtages for their Fidelity. The Senate, after a ſhort debate, unanimouſly reſolv'd to continue their League with the Lucanians, and ſend Heralds to the Samnites, to demand ſatisfaction, and require them to depart, and withdraw their Arms out of the Territories of the Lucanians, Allies and Confederates of the People of Rome. But as they were on their way, Meſſengers from the Samnites met them, declaring, That if they offered to addreſs themſelves to any of the Samnites Councils or Aſſemblies, they ſhould not expect to depart again in ſafety, and therefore let them proceed at their peril. This was no ſooner heard at Rome, but the Senate Voted, and the People Decreed a War againſt the Samnites. The Conſuls divided the Provinces, Tuſcany fell to Scipio's ſhare, and the Samnites to Fulvius, and each of them departed to his Charge. Scipio expected a ſlow lingering Work on't, like laſt Years Campaign; but on the contrary, the Enemy in Battel-array meets him near Volaterrae, where they fought the better part of the Day with great ſlaughter on both ſides, and Night parted them before either could tell which had the beſt on't; but next Day declared the Victory, and which Party was vanquiſh'd, for the Tuſcans taking the advantage of the Night were march'd off: The Romans being drawn up, and perceiving that the Victory was yielded them by the Enemies retreat, advance to their Camp, and find it, though empty of Men, yet not of Booty, for they had quitted it in ſuch fear, at to leave much of their Baggage behind them. Then he retired with his Army into the Faliſcan Territories, and leaving his Carriages at Falerii with a competent Guard, marches with a flying Army to Forrage the Country, and deſtroy it with Fire and Sword; vaſt Booties are got from all Parts, and he left not only their Fields waſt and deſart, but burnt down their Caſtles and Borough-Towns: As for the greater and better fortified Cities, into which fear had driven the Tuſcans by heaps, he did not ſtand to Inveſt them, becauſe he would not loſe ſo much time as the Formalities of ſo many Sieges would require. The other Conſul Fulvius, fought a gallant Battel with the Samnites near Bovianum, wherein he was Conqueror beyond diſpute; after which, he attack'd Bovianum firſt, and then Auſidena, and took them both by Storm.

The ſame Year a Colony was carryed to Carſeoli, to have an Eye over the Territories of the Aequicolae. Fulvius the Conſul Triumphs over the Samnites. About the time of Elections, Intelligence arriv'd, That the Tuſcans and Samnites were making mighty Levies; That in all their Diets or Councils the Chiefs of the Tuſcans were reproved for not engaging the Gauls in the War, whatever it had coſt them: Nor were the Magiſtrates of the Samnites leſs blam'd for expoſing to the fury of the Romans that Army which they had provided againſt the Lucanians, whom they ought firſt to have cut off, whereas now the Romans having their Aſſiſtance, as well as their own Forces, would be ſo much the harder to be dealt with. Now though there were ſeveral other gallant Perſons put in for the Conſulſhip, yet this new Alarm turned all the Peoples eyes upon Q. Fabius Maximus, ſo far from ambitioning that Honor, that as ſoon as he perceived their Inclinations, he openly refuſed it, asking, What they meant to trouble him that was now an old Man, and had already gone through both all ſorts of Labors and Fatigues for the Publick, and alſo all the Honors and glorious Rewards which are wont to ſweeten thoſe toils and dangers to Youthful minds? That the vigor either of the Body or Mind could not always continue the ſame; and beſides, he had jealous apprehenſions of Fortune her ſelf, leſt ſome of the Gods ſhould think her too partial, and more conſtantly kind to him than the common courſe, and neceſſary viciſſitudes of Humane Affairs will allow of; That he was now grown up equal to the glories of his Anceſtors, and ſhould gladly behold others aſpiring and mounting up to the ſame Illuſtrious Height; That as Rome had always ſufficient Encouragements and Honors for brave and valiant Men, ſo ſhe never wanted excellent Perſons fit for the greateſt Charges and Preferments. This modeſty added a greater edge to their Deſires, which he thinking to rebate by the Authority of the Law, cauſed that Ordinance to be read, which Provides, That no Man that has ſerved Conſul, ſhall within the ſpace of ten Years after, be choſen again to the ſame Office. But the ſame could ſcarce be heard for the noiſe of the People; and the Tribunes of the Commons, cryed out, That ſhould be no Impediment, for they would preſently prefer a Bill, That he ſhould be exempted and diſpenſed with: Yet ſtill he perſiſted in his refuſal, demanding, To what purpoſe is it then to make Laws, when they ſhall be eluded by thoſe very Perſons that make them? This is not to be rul'd by Laws, but to over-rule and govern the Laws themſelves at our pleaſure. However, the People proceeded to a Scrutiny, and as every Ward was called in, they all gave their Suffrages without any Heſitation, for Fabius. Then overcome with this general Conſent of the whole City, May the Gods (quoth he) approve, O Quirites! what you do, and are about; but ſince you will diſpoſe of me as you pleaſe, I hope you will not deny me the favor of nominating my Colleague, and therefore make it my Requeſt, that you would pleaſe to chuſe for the other Conſul, P. Decius, a Man that I have try'd, and born Office with already very lovingly, and a Perſon worthy of your regards, and that incomparable Father from whom he is deſcended: This was readily granted, and Q. Fabius and P. Decius created Conſuls by a general conſent. The ſame Year abundance of Perſons were proſecuted by the Aediles, for holding greater quantities of Land than they ought to do by Law, and generally they were found guilty and puniſh'd, whereby their immoderate Avarice was for the preſent very much reſtrain'd.

Whil'ſt the new Conſuls, Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time, and P. Decius Mus the third, were concerting their Affairs that one ſhould attack the Samnites, the other the Tuſcans, what Forces would be ſufficient for each Province, and which of them would be moſt proper to manage each War; Ambaſſadors from Sutrium, Nepete, and Falerii, advertiſe them, That the States of Tuſcany were now conſulting in their Diets about a Treaty of Peace, Whereupon they turned the whole bulk of the War upon the Samnites. For the readier proviſion of Grain and Victuals, and that the Enemy might be the more to ſeek where the Tempeſt would firſt fall upon them, the Conſuls led their Legions into Samnium two different ways, Fabius through the Territories of Sora, and Decius along by the Sidicins. Being come up to the Enemies Conſines, both of them immediately ſpread their Forces to Forrage the Country; yet warily ſent out their Scouts before them, by whom they had advice, That the Enemy lay in readineſs about a blind Valley or untoward Paſs near Tifernum, deſigning as ſoon as the Romans ſhould be got into it, to ſet upon them from the higher Grounds. Fabius having diſpoſed of his Baggage in a place of ſafety, under a ſmall Guard, and given his Soldiers notice, That a Battel was towards, marches in good order, directly to the aforeſaid Ambuſcade; the Samnites then deſpairing to do any good by ſurprize ſince their Deſign was diſcovered, and ſeeing the matter muſt once at length come to an open diſpute and deciſion, were themſelves pretty willing to venture a pitch'd Field; and ſo deſcended into the Plain, and committed themſelves to Fortune, with greater courage than hopes. Whether it were that they had there amaſs'd together the utmoſt ſtrength they could make from all parts, or whether the conſideration that all was at ſtake, inſpired them with an unuſual Valor, certain it is, that even in fair fighting they held the Romans hard to it, and put them into no ſmall fright. Inſomuch that Fabius ſeeing he could not make them flinch in any part, commanded two Colonels, M. Fulvius, and M. Valerius, that were with him in the Front, to go to the Horſe, and tell them, That if ever the Commonwealth were to be aſſiſted by the Service of the Cavalry, they ſhould this day ſtrive to render the glory of their Order invincible and eternal; for now the Enemy had ſtood the utmoſt ſhocks of the Infantry, and no hopes left but in a brisk Charge from the Horſe; and withal, he encouraged theſe two young Gentlemen by name, both with commendations and large promiſes of Reward. But when neither this attempt of the Horſe could make any Impreſſion, concluding, That Artifice muſt effect what down-right Force could not accompliſh, he orders Scipio, a Commiſſary General, to retreat out of the Front with the Haſtati, or Javelyneers, of the firſt Legion, and march them round about as ſecretly as poſſibly he could to the top of the next Hills, and from thence on a ſudden to fall upon the back of the Enemy. The Horſe led by the two Colonels, advancing before the Standards unexpectedly, diſordered their own Men as much as they did the Samnites, who received them gallantly and repulſed them, ſo that they were forced to fall back again behind the Enſigns, and troop'd out of the Battel. This encouraged the Enemy; nor had the Fore-front been able, after ſo tedious a Conflict, to ſuſtain their Violence, ſtill encreaſing upon confidence of a Victory, had it not been reinforc'd by the Conſuls command with the ſecond Battalions coming up and relieving them; who being freſh, put a ſtop to the braving Samnites, and at the ſame time the Enſigns opportunely appearing on the Hill behind, and a ſhout from thence, did not only terrifie them with a juſt apprehenſion of danger, but the ſame was made far greater by a miſtake: For both the Conſul Fabius cryed out, That his Colleague Decius was come, and all the Soldiers repeated the ſame Note with the higheſt Joy: O the other Conſul! the other Legions are yonder at hand! An happy error to the Romans, but fatal to the Samnites, cauſing them to be ſurprized with a Fright, and to run away as faſt as they could, leſt they ſhould be hem'd in, and by theſe freſh Forces cut to pieces now they were already weary and over-toil'd. The ſlaughter was not ſo great as might be expected from ſuch a Victory, becauſe they diſperſed themſelves every way in their flight, there being only 3400 of them ſlain, and almoſt 330 taken Priſoners, together with Three and twenty Colours.

The Apulians had join'd the Samnites before this Battel, if the other Conſul Decius had not intercepted and routed them at Maleventum: There too there was more flying than killing, for there were not above two thouſand of them ſlain; and Decius making no reckoning of that Enemy, advanc'd into Samnium, where the two Conſular Armies marching ſeveral ways, over-run the Country, and laid all waſt before them for five whole months together. Decius encamp'd at no fewer than five and forty, and the other Conſul at Eighty ſix ſeveral places in Samnium during that Expedition, leaving behind them not only the Monuments of their Rampires and Ditches, but other more notable marks of Deſolation throughout thoſe Regions. Fabius likewiſe took the City Cimetra, where there were taken Two thouſand four hundred armed Men, and ſlain Four hundred and thirty, or near thereabouts. Thence by reaſon of the approaching Elections, he haſtned back to Rome; and when at firſt all the Wards choſe him the ſaid Q. Fabius to be again Conſul for the next year; Appius Claudius, a Perſon of Conſular Dignity, and one of the Candidates, but a Man hot and ambitious, not ſo much for his own Honor, as that the Patricians might recover into their hands both the Places of the Conſulſhip, endeavored with all his own Intereſt, and that of the whole Nobility, That he might be Elected the other Conſul with Fabius. When Fabius at firſt began to excuſe himſelf with ſuch kind of Arguments as he uſed laſt Year, the Nobles flock'd about his Chair in a full Body, intreating him, That he would pluck out the Conſular Dignity from the Plebeian dirt, and reſtore the antient Majeſty both to the Office it ſelf, and the Patrician Families, to whom of right it appertain'd. Fabius, after ſilence made, with a kind of trimming Oration qualified their Heats, telling them, That he would endeavor the People ſhould accept of the Names of two Patricians, if they would pitch upon ſome other Man beſides himſelf; for he would not now ſuffer himſelf to be put in Nomination, ſince the ſame being againſt the Laws, would be of very pernicious Example to after Times. So Lucius Volumnius a Commoner, was choſen Conſul with Appius Claudius, who ſerv'd the ſame Office together before: But the Nobles ceaſed not to reproach Fabius for refuſing to accept for his Colleague, App. Claudius, a Perſon for Eloquence, and dexterity in managing Civil Affairs ſcarce to be parallel'd.

The Elections thus over, the old Conſuls were ordered to carry on the War in Samnium, their Commands being continued for ſix months longer; ſo that P. Decius in Quality of Pro-Conſul, proceeded to ſpoil and harraſs all parts, ſo long till at laſt he drove the Samnite Army quite out of their Country; who made for Tuſcany, and thinking they might in ſuch a Troop of armed Men, by intreaties intermix'd with threats, obtain what by ſo many Embaſſies they had deſired in vain, did demand to have a Diet or General Council of the chief Men of Etruria to be conven'd; which being aſſembled, they Remonſtrate, For how many Years ſpace they had ſtoutly diſputed their Liberties with the Romans; that they had tryed all means, to ſuſtain if it were poſſible, the whole weight of ſo deſperate a War with their own proper ſhoulders; that they had alſo made proof of the Aids of the neighboring Nations, but to little purpoſe; that moreover, they deſired a Peace of the Romans, when they were able no longer to maintain the War; that finding Peace with ſlavery more intolerable than the moſt unproſperous War with freedom, they had been again neceſſitated to take up Arms; that now the only hope they had left was in the Tuſcans, as knowing them to be both for Men, Munition and Mony, the mightieſt Nation of all Italy, and having for their next Neighbors the Gauls, a People born to Arms and Blood-ſhed, and fierce as well by their Natural Inclinations, as eſpecially in any quarrels againſt the Romans, whom they boaſt (and not untruly) to have been vanquiſh'd by their Arms, and forc'd tamely to ranſom themſelves and their City with Gold; that nothing would be wanting if the Etrurians had but the ſame brave Spirits, as Porſena and others their Anceſtors had of old, they might then eaſily drive back the Romans out of all their uſurped Poſſeſſions on this ſide the Tiber, and make them quit their deſign of enſlaving all Italy, and be glad to defend themſelves. That for their encouragement here was now a Samnite Army well arm'd and paid, at their ſervice, who would readily march along whitherſoever they would lead them, though it were up to the very Walls of Rome.

Whil'ſt they were making theſe Rhodomontado's and preparations for War in Etruria, the Romans made havock of their Country at home; for P. Decius underſtanding by his Scouts, that they were gone, call'd a Council of War: And what, ſays he, do we ſtand pidling thus, ranging over empty Fields, and making Bon-fires of a few ſorry Villages? Why ſhould we not ſet upon their Cities and Walled Towns? There is now no Army in Samnium to oppoſe us, or relieve them; they are gone out of their own Confines, and voluntarily have inflicted baniſhment upon themſelves. All approving this Counſel, he comes up before Murgantia, a very ſtrong City, but ſuch was the zeal of the Soldiers, both for the love they had for their General, and the hopes of a greater Booty than in the Country Hamlets, that the very firſt day they made themſelves Maſters of it. There 2100 Samnites were taken, and abundance of Pillage; which that it might not clog and encumber his Army, Fabius aſſembling his Soldiers, thus beſpeaks them: Fie, Gentlemen! Will you be content with this Victory, and this Plunder? rather raiſe and extend your Hopes equal to your Courage and Gallantry; All the Cities of the Samnites, and all their Fortunes and Riches therein, are yours, who in ſo many Battels have routed their Forces and beat them out of the Country. Therefore ſell theſe Prizes, and with good penny-worths invite Chapmen to follow you as you march, I'll ſoon find you more Wares for you to put off. Let's away from hence ſtrait to the City Romulea, there your pains will not be ſo great, but your ſpoils far greater. So having ſold their Pillage, they march on eagerly to Romulea of their own accord, ſpurring on their General to the expedition; and being come there, without caſting up any Works, without uſing any Engines for Battery, in ſpight of all reſiſtance, they fly up to the Walls, and every man clapping up his Scaling-Ladder, the Town in a Trice was taken and plundered, Two thouſand and three hundred kill'd, and 6000 Perſons taken: The Soldiers here had a mighty Booty, which they ſold as they did the former. And though they had no reſt given them, but were preſently led to Ferentinum, yet they march'd with the greateſt chearfulneſs; but that prov'd a task of greater difficulty; for both the Walls were ſtoutly defended, and the Place as well by Nature as Art ſtrongly fortified, but the Aſſailants were now ſo enur'd to, and eager after Plunder, that they ſurmounted all difficulties, and got poſſeſſion, having firſt ſlain to the number of Three thouſand of the Enemy about the Walls. The greateſt ſhare of Honor in winning theſe Cities, is in ſome Annals aſcrib'd to Maximus, that he took Ferentinum and Romulea, and Decius, Murgantia; ſome aſſign the glory thereof to the new Conſuls, others not to them both, but only to P. Volumnius, to whom, they ſay, happened the management of the Province of Samnium.

Whil'ſt theſe Actions (by whoſe Conduct ſoever it was) were perform'd in Samnium, the Romans are involv'd in a dreadful War like to be carryed on by the united Forces of ſeveral Nations in Etruria, the principal Fomenter of which, was Gellius Ignatius a Samnite. The Tuſcans almoſt all in general had taken Arms, and drawn in their next Neighbors, the ſeveral Nations of Umbria, into the Confederacy; beſides, Auxiliaries were hired from the Gauls, who all came to a Rendezvous at the Camp of the Samnites Army. The news of this ſudden tumult arriving at Rome, after Volumnius the Conſul was gone into Samnium, with the ſecond and third Legion, and Fifteen thouſand of the Forces of the Allies, it was thought fit, That Appius Claudius ſhould forthwith depart thither alſo, followed with the firſt and third Legions, and Twelve thouſand of the Aſſociats, who encamped not far from the Enemy. But more advantage was gain'd by his coming thither in time, whereby ſome People of Tuſcany already inclinable to a Revolt, were kept in awe, than by any thing wiſely or fortunately atchieved by the Conſuls conduct. Many Engagements he ventured upon, but at unſeaſonable times, or in diſadvantagious places, ſo that the Enemy took heart, and grew every day more formidable, and to that ill paſs were Affairs reduc'd, that neither could the Soldiers confide in their General, nor the General much truſt his Soldiers. In three ſeveral Annals, I find, That Appius being in this bad condition, diſpatch'd his Letters to his Fellow Conſul, and ſent for him out of Samnium; but I know not how to aſſert this, ſince 'tis ſo uncertain, that even the Conſuls themſelves, and thoſe too, the ſecond time conjoyn'd in that Office, fell into variance about it, Appius flatly denying that he ſent any ſuch Letters, and Volumnius as peremptorily averring that he was ſent for by Appius.

Volumnius had already taken three Caſtles in Samnium, in which near three thouſand were ſlain, and half as many taken Priſoners, and likewiſe had pacified the Seditions of the Lucanians occaſioned by the beggarly Rabble, and adjuſted all their Differences to the greater content of the better ſort, by the pains of Q. Fabius then Proconſul, whom he had ſent thither with his old Army; therefore leaving the other Proconſul Decius, to Forrage upon the Enemy, he himſelf with his Forces march'd directly into Tuſcany to his Colleague, and was there joyfully receiv'd by all but Appius himſelf, who had reaſon to be angry, if he were indeed conſcious that he never wrote for him; or if he had written, was willing, out of an envious and ungrateful mind, to deny it, and diſſemble that he ſtood in need of his Aſſiſtance: For ſcarce had they ſaluted each other after they met, but he thus accoſts him, How is it, Lucius Volumnius! are all things well? How go matters in Samnium? What makes you come out of your own Province? Volumnius tells him, All was very well and proſperous there, but he came hither upon his Letters deſiring him ſo to do; which if they were counterfeit, and there were no occaſion for him in Etruria, he would immediatly turn his Enſigns and be gone: Marry, quoth the other, as faſt as you pleaſe, here's no body will tarry you, for 'tis very prepoſterous that you, who perhaps are ſcarce able to manage your own War, ſhould make your boaſts that you quitted it, and came hither to help others: To which Volumnius only reply'd, Hercules turn all to the beſt, I had rather loſe my labor than that any thing ſhould have happened, whereby one Conſular Army might not be ſufficient to cope with all the Enemies in Etruria.

The Conſuls being thus ready to part, the Commiſſaries and Captains of Appius's Army flock about them; ſome intreat their own General, That his Colleagues aſſiſtance, which it could have been no diſgrace to have ſent for, might not be ſlighted now it was ſo frankly offered; but a greater number earneſtly beſought Volumnius as he was turning away, That he would not, by an unhappy conteſt, betray the Commonwealth into an inconveniency; that if any loſs ſhould happen, the blame would fall upon the Deſerter, rather than the deſerted; that things were now come to ſuch a paſs, that the honor or diſhonor of the Tuſcan War, ſuceeed it well or ill, will reflect upon Volumnius; for none would inquire after the harſh words of Appius that provok'd him to go away, but after the ill fortune of the Army, the conſequence of his going; That he was indeed ſent away by Appius, but ſtill detained both by the Intereſt of the Commonwealth and the deſires of the Army; for proof whereof, let him but make trial of the Soldiers affections. Thus with Remonſtrances and earneſt Entreaties they drew both the Conſuls as it were againſt their wills, to hold a general Audience before the whole Army, where they fell into longer Speeches, but to the ſame effect with what they had ſpoken before in the preſence of a few. Now when Volumnius having the better Cauſe, ſeem'd after a good faſhion, and with a greater readineſs of Expreſſion than ordinary, to anſwer the ſingular and celebrated Eloquence of his Colleague, and Appius thereupon in a joking manner, had ſaid, They were beholden to him, that of a dumb and Tongue-ty'd Conſul, they had got an eloquent one; for he who in his former Conſulſhip, eſpecially for the firſt months, could ſcarce open his mouth, was now grown an Orator, and a ſhrewd Man at popular Speech-making: Volumnius reparte'd, I wiſh with all my heart rather, that you had learn'd of me to fight valiantly, than I of you to ſpeak prettily; however, I will make you a fair offer which ſhall decide, not which of us is the beſt Orator (for that the Common-wealth regards not) but which is the ableſt General; Here are two Provinces, Etruria and Samnium, take your choice of either of them, and I with my own Army will manage the War in the other. But the Soldiers crying out, and deſiring, That they would both for the preſent attend the Tuſcan War, Volumnius perceiving their Inclinations, Since, ſaid he, I miſtook in conſtruing my Partners mind, I will not have yours to be doubtful or obſcure, Let me therefore know by a Shout, Whether you would have me depart or tarry? They preſently ſet up ſuch a ſhout for his ſtay, that it raiſed the Enemy out of their Camp, who ſnatching up their Arms, drew out into the Field, and Volumnius gave order for the Trumpets to ſound a Charge, and the Standards to advance. Appius, 'tis ſaid, ſtood a while in a kind of quandary, ſince whether he fought or not, the honor of the day would be given to his Colleague; but afterwards, fearing his own Legions would follow Volumnius, if he himſelf ſhould refuſe to head them, he granted them the Signal, which they ſo eagerly call'd for. On neither ſide were the Battels rang'd in very good order, for the Samnites General, Gellius Egnatius, was abſent, being abroad a Foraging with a Party, and his Soldiers undertook to fight rather of their own head, than under any regular conduct; and as the Roman Armies were not both laid up together, ſo neither had they time enough to marſhal them: For Volumnius gave the firſt Charge, before Appius came near the Enemy, ſo that the Fronts were not equally attack'd, but as if Fortune had purpoſely chang'd the Enemy which each was wont to engage, the Tuſcans receiv'd Volumnius, and the Samnites (who ſtayed a while for their General) entertain'd Appius.

It is reported, That Appius in the very heat of the Conflict, holding up his hands to Heaven ſo as they might be ſeen, in the front of the formoſt Enſigns, did make this Prayer, O Bellona! if thou ſhalt this day give us a Victory, I do now Vow to build thee a Temple. Which words were no ſooner pronounc'd, but, as if he had been inſpired by that Goddeſs of War, both himſelf equalliz'd his Colleagues Virtue, and his Army that of their Leader: For as he now in all reſpects excellently perform'd the part of a brave General, ſo his Soldiers did ſtrive with might and main, that the other Army ſhould not prevent them in the Victory; whereby they routed the Enemy, who was not able to bear the preſent ſhock, far more fierce than what they were wont to grapple with; but being deſperatly preſs'd upon and purſued, retreated into their Camp, where by the coming in of Gellius, with ſome Sabellian Troops, the Fight for the time was renew'd, but they too being by and by defeated, the Conquerors now ſtorm their Works, and whil'ſt Volumnius bears his Enſigns in at the Port; Appius calling upon the Conquering Bellona, breaks through the Trenches and Rampire, and ſo the Camp was taken and pillaged, there being a mighty booty, which was all beſtowed upon the Soldiers. Here were Seven thouſand and three hundred of the Enemy ſlain, and 2120 taken.

Whil'ſt both Conſuls, and moſt of the Roman Forces were thus intent upon Tuſcany, new Troops are levyed in Samnium, to waſt the borders of the Romans Dominions; for marching along through the Veſcines Country, they fell into Campania, and the Falern Territories, where they committed abundance of ſpoil: It happened that as Volumnius, with large Marches was returning into Samnium (for the ſix Months time added to the Command of Fabius and Decius, was now expired) he received Intelligence of this new Samnite Army, and the havock they made in Campania, which turn'd him out of his way to the relief of his Allies; and being entered into the Fields of Calenum, both himſelf beheld the freſh Marks of that Devaſtation they had made, and the People informed him, That they had got ſo much Plunder, Cattel, and other booty of all ſorts, that they could hardly march in good order, inſomuch that their own Captains had openly declared, that they muſt forthwith march into Samnium to ſecure their Spoils, and then return again for a freſh Expedition, rather than to hazard an Army ſo over-charg'd upon a Battel. Though this ſeem'd probable enough, yet for more certainty he ſent out a party of Horſe to take up ſome of the Plunderers as they were ſtragling through the Fields; by whom he underſtood, That their Army lay upon the River Vulturnus, whence at the third Watch (that is about mid-night) they would advance on their march for Samnium. Having now ſufficient Intelligence, he makes after them, and makes an halt at ſuch a convenient diſtance, as they might not perceive him, and yet he might fall upon them as they went out of their Camp; whither, a little before day, he ſent ſome Scouts skill'd in the Oſcian Language (the Samnites Mother-tongue) to ſee what they were doing. Theſe mingling with the Enemy (as was eaſie to do in the night, and that hurry they were in) underſtand, That the Enſigns were gone before, but very ſlenderly guarded, That the Booty and its Convoy were juſt then ſetting forwards; That the whole Party were but a kind of a baſe Crew and ſorry Fellows, without order or diſcipline. The day now began to break, which was thought the fitteſt time to fall upon them, and accordingly the Trumpets ſounded, and preſently they came up with the Enemy: The Samnites encumbered as they were, and few of them arm'd, began ſome of them to double their pace, and drive their prey before them; others ſtood ſtill, uncertain whether they were beſt go on, or return into their Camp; but whil'ſt they delay, they are ſurprized and knock'd o'th' head by the Romans, who were got over the Rampire. The Samnite Army, beſides the unexpected aſſault of their Enemy, was diſordered by the revolt of a vaſt number of Priſoners whom they were carrying home; for ſome of them being looſe, unbound the reſt, caught up Arms out of the Fardles, and being confuſedly intermingled in this running march, made a more terrible havock than the Battel it ſelf; and at laſt performed one very notable Exploit, for as Statius Egnatius (one of the Samnites chief Commanders) was riding through the Ranks and encouraging his Men, they ſet upon him, beat off the Troopers that attended him, hem'd him in, took him Priſoner, and on Horſe-back as he was, carryed him to the Roman Conſul. Upon which tumult the Samnite formoſt Enſigns were called back, and the skirmiſh, which was in a manner over, ſeem'd to be renewed, but long they could not hold it: There were ſlain about Six thouſand Men, Two thouſand five hundred taken, and amongſt them four Colonels, and thirty Colours; and (which moſt of all over-joy'd the Conquerors) Seven thouſand and four hundred Priſoners releaſed, with a mighty booty taken from their Friends, recovered, the Owners being ſummon'd in by Proclamation to come in and challenge, and receive their own; and ſuch things as had no Owners appearing at the day appointed, were diſtributed amongſt the Soldiers, but they were compelled to make ſale thereof, that they might not have their minds running after any thing but their Arms and their Duty.

This Inroad into Campania had ſet their hearts a pit-a-pat at Rome, the rather becauſe at the ſame time they were told, That Etruria (after Volumnius's Army was withdrawn from thence) had again taken up Arms, and not only drawn Gellius Egnatius the Samnites General, and the People of Umbria to joyn in their defection, but alſo hired the Gauls for a great ſum of mony to aſſiſt them: Alarm'd with this news, the Senate commanded all proceedings at Law to ceaſe, and a levy to be made of all ſorts of Men, not only Youths and Free-born Citizens, but likewiſe ſome Regiments of the Elder ſort, and of Libertines, or Perſons newly Enfranchiſed, were liſted in every Ward; the City to be put into a poſture of Defence, and the Praetor P. Sempronius to have there the chief management of Affairs. But they were in a great meaſure eaſed of theſe diſquietudes, by the Letters of Lucius Volumnius the Conſul, giving an account how the Foragers of Campania were routed; therefore in favor of the Conſul, ſolemn Thankſgivings were ordered to be held for his ſucceſs; the Courts of Juſtice were again opened, after eighteen days Vacation, and the Thankſgiving Proceſſions were joyfully celebrated. Then they took into conſideration the providing of a Guard for defence of thoſe parts which the Samnites had waſted, and it was Decreed, That two Colonies ſhould be Planted on the Veſtine and Salern Coaſts, one at the mouth of the River Liris, called Minturnae; the other in the Veſtine Forreſt upon a Paſs near the Salern Territories, where 'tis ſaid a Greek City named Sinope, once ſtood, but by the Roman Colony called Sinueſſa. It was referred to the Tribunes of the Commons, that by an Act of the Commonalty P. Sempronius ſhould be empowered to create Triumvirs for conducting theſe Colonies to the reſpective places: But much ado they had to find any that were willing to enter their names to go thither, ſuppoſing they were indeed ſent thither, not ſo much to enjoy Lands, as to lie in Gariſon, ſince they muſt be almoſt always upon their Guard amongſt ſuch inveterate Warlike Enemies. But from the care of theſe Affairs the Senate was diverted, by the Tuſcan War, whereof the rumor daily increaſed; as alſo Letters came thick from Appius, advertiſing, That by no means they ſhould neglect the motions of that Province, ſince four ſeveral Nations had united their Arms; the Tuſcans, the Samnites, the Umbrians, and the Gauls; and were already encamped at two places, becauſe one could not contain ſo vaſt a multitude. Hereupon, and becauſe the Election-days drew nigh, L. Volumnius the Conſul is recall'd to Rome; who before he would ſummon the ſeveral Wards to give their Suffrages, aſſembled the people to an Audience, and diſcours'd largely before them of the Importance of this Tuſcan War: That heretofore, when he and his Colleague together manag'd it, 'twas ſuch as one General nor one Army was ſufficient: But now 'tis reported, the Umbrians, and a power of the Gauls are added thereto; That they ſhould remember they were that day to make choice of two Conſuls againſt four Nations; That for his own part, were he not well aſſured that the People of Rome would declare him Conſul, who without diſpute was the moſt able General of that Age, he would preſently nominate a Dictator.

None doubted but Q. Fabius would unanimouſly be choſen, who accordingly was pitch'd upon by the Prerogative, and other principal Tribes, together with L. Volumnius: Fabius made the like Apologies as he had done two Years before, but finding the ſame not accepted, began to deſire his old Colleague P. Decius, alledging, That he would be a prop to his Age; That he had found by experience in one Cenſorſhip and two Conſulates which he had already born with him; That nothing could more tend to the ſafety and preſervation of the Commonwealth, than a good underſtanding between thoſe that were intruſted with the Government; That his mind now grown old, would not ſo well ſuit with a new Partner; and that he could more freely communicate his Thoughts and Councils to a Perſon, whoſe humor and manners he had long been acquainted with. The preſent Conſul Volumnius (though himſelf before nominated) was ſo far from taking this as any affront, that he ſeconded the motion, and highly applauded P. Decius, enumerating as well the advantages ariſing from the Agreement of Conſuls, as the miſchiefs attending their jars and diſcord in the management of Military Affairs, recounting how near they were to the very brink of deſtruction by the late differences between him and his Fellow-Conſul App. Claudius; and withal, admoniſhing Decius and Fabius to live together with one heart and with one mind, telling them, They were both Perſons born for War, renowned for their mighty Deeds, but regardleſs of fine Words, and unapt for brawling Controverſies, which ſort of Wits and Tempers, were naturally moſt fit for the Conſular Dignity: But the crafty and ſubtle Men, affecting the reputation of Eloquence and Skill in the Quirks of Law, ſuch as App. Claudius was, would beſt be employed as Lord Preſidents of the City, or chief Juſtices, or Pretors for the adminiſtration of the Laws. Theſe Speeches took up that day; next morning, by the Conſuls order, Aſſemblies were held for the Election both of Conſuls and Praetor; the Conſuls, Q. Fabius and P. Decius; the Praetor App. Claudius, all abſent: And L. Volumnius, both by an Act of the Senate, and Ordinance of the Commons, was continued in his Command for the ſpace of a Year.

That Year happened many Prodigies, for averting their Preſages the Senate ordered Solemn Supplications to be held for two days together, where Wine and Incenſe for the Sacrifices was allowed at the publick Charge, and the People, both Men and Women, went in Proceſſion and to their Devotions in great numbers. But that which rendred this Solemnity more remarkable, was a Controverſie which happened amongſt the Ladies in the Chappel of the Goddeſs Pudicitia Patricia [or the Chaſtity of the Noble Dames] which ſtood in the Beaſt-Market by the round Temple of Hercules. The Noblemens Wives would needs turn out Virginia the Daughter of Aulus, and not ſuffer her to be preſent at the Sacred Rites, becauſe, though ſhe were a Noble-woman born, ſhe had married out of her Rank to Volumnius the Conſul a Commoner: A few hard words (the bellows of Contention) ſoon blew them up into a Flame; as Women commonly are both impatient of Affronts and quick in their Reſentments: Virginia told them, That being a Noblewoman born, and of unſpotted Reputation, Married when ſhe was a pure Virgin, and but once, ſhe thought ſhe had as good a right to reſort to the Temple of Patricia Pudicitia, as the beſt of them: And as for her Husband, ſhe had no reaſon in the World to repent her Match, or be aſhamed either of him, or the brave Actions he had done, or the high Dignities which he had honorably born and diſcharged. Theſe generous Words ſhe ſeconded with as Heroick a Deed; for in the Long ſtreet where ſhe dwelt, ſhe ſeparated a part of her Manſion-houſe, as much as would handſomly ſerve for a Chappel, and ſet up an Altar therein; and having invited the principal Commoners Wives thither, and made her complaint to them of the unjuſt and injurious Treatment ſhe had received from the Patrician Dames: This Altar (quoth ſhe) do I dedicate to Pudicitia Plebeia [The Chaſtity of the Commons] and do exhort you all, That as the Men, our Husbands, in this City contend which ſhall ſurpaſs the other in feats of Arms and Military Glory, ſo the Women with no leſs emulation, may ſtrive to exceed each other in Modeſty and Chaſtity; and that ye will all endeavor, That this Altar may have the credit to be frequented with more devout Reverence, and (if it be poſſible) of more chaſt Dames, than that other of the Nobility: And ſo it fell out indeed; This Altar from that day forward was reſorted unto with the ſame Rites and Ceremonies (in a manner) as the other which was more antient, ſo that no Matrons, but ſuch as were of approved Chaſtity, and but once Married, were admitted to Sacrifice at the ſame: But in proceſs of time, this Religious Inſtitution was prophan'd, and the Altar haunted by ſcandalous people, not only Matrons, but Women of all ſorts, until at laſt (the abuſe cauſing diſuſe) it came to be altogether neglected and forgotten. The ſame Year the two Ogulnii, Cn. and Q. being Aediles of the Nobility, Indicted ſeveral Perſons for Uſury and Extortion, who being fined, and their Goods levyed, with the Mony they cauſed a Brazen Threſhold to be made in the Capitol, and three Cupboards of Plate for Jupiters Chappel, and a Figure of Jove himſelf ſitting in his Chariot, drawn with four Eagles on the top of the Capitol: Moreover at the Fig-tree, called Ruminalis [where the Wolf gave Romulus and Remus ſuck] they erected the Statues of the two Children that were Founders of the City, pendant at the Teats of a Shee-Wolf; they alſo paved with Free-ſtone the Foot-way from the Gate Capena, unto the Temple of Mars. In imitation of whom, the Aediles of the Commons, L. Aemilius Paetus, and C. Fulvius Curvus, did employ the Fines they had ſet upon the Graſiers or Farmers of the Cities Paſture-Lands, for ſome offences, in exhibiting ſeveral fine Shows or Plays, and ſetting up Golden Challices in the Temple of Ceres.

Now Q. Fabius the fifth time, and P. Decius the fourth, enter upon their Conſulſhip, Colleagues thrice in that Office, and once in the Cenſorſhip, and not more famous for the glory of their Actions, which was very great, than for that concord and good intelligence which had always been maintain'd between them: And truly, I think it was rather the fault of their ſeveral Ranks intermedling, than any propenſions of their own, that this their loving Agreement was not perpetual; for ſo it happened, That the Patricians would needs have the Province of Tuſcany aſſigned to Fabius, without putting it to the Lot; and the Commons were as earneſt with Decius to bring the matter to that ancient courſe of deciſion. The diſpute began in the Senate, where Fabius having the greateſt Intereſt, it was brought down to the People in the Common-Hall: where both of them, being Martial men, and ſtanding more upon deeds than words, they made no long Harangues, only Decius ſaid, That it was an affront for another to gather the Fruit of that Tree which he had planted; That he was the Man that firſt pierced the Ciminian Woods, and taught the Roman Arms a paſſage through thoſe pathleſs and almoſt unpaſſable Forreſts: What did they mean ſo importunately to ſolicite him, a perſon of thoſe years, to accept the trouble of the Office, if they reſolv'd to commit the conduct of that War to another? Did they intend to chuſe him an Adverſary inſtead of a Companion in the Government? Or did Decius repent of, or envy that ſweet Harmony and Accord which had been between them in three Offices? For his own part, he deſired no more than this, That if they thought him worthy of the Province, they would ſend him thither; That as he had before left it to the Senate, ſo he would now intirely refer himſelf to the People to diſpoſe of him as they thought fit.

On the other ſide, Decius complain'd of the Injury offered him by the Senate, telling them, That the Fathers had all along endeavored with all their Intereſt wholly to exclude Commoners from places of Truſt and Honor: But after Virtue had ſo far prevail'd as not to be unrewarded, nor paſs without due preferment in whatſoever rank of Men ſhe appeared, they now were ſtudying tricks, not only to elude the ſuffrages of the People, but over-rule Fortune it ſelf, and reduce all things to the diſpoſal and good pleaſure of their own Cabal. That all Conſuls hitherto, had by the Lot divided the Provinces; but now, contrary to cuſtom, the Senate will by their abſolute Authority aſſign a Province to Fabius without ſuffering it by the Lot to be fairly determined: Now what's the meaning of this? If it be out of reſpect to Fabius, I freely confeſs he hath deſerved ſo well both of the Publick and of my ſelf, that none ſhall be more ready than I to advance his Glory, provided always, I am not made the Foil to ſet it off with the greater Luſtre; that mine own Honor be not Eclipſed, to make his ſhine the brighter, nor his reputation built upon my diſgrace. But where there are two ſeveral Wars depending, but the one much more ſharp and difficult than the other, and that ſhall be in an extraordinary way committed to the manage of one of the Conſuls particularly, without ſo much as truſting Fortune with the deciſion: Who can doubt, but the other Conſul is look'd upon as a Cipher, and reputed either needleſs, or unfit to be truſted in ſuch an important Service? 'Tis true, Fabius does glory in his Atchievements in Tuſcany, and he has reaſon; but P. Decius deſires an opportunity that he may have ſomething to glory of in that Province likewiſe: And who knows but he may be able for ever to extinguiſh that unhappy Fire, which Fabius left behind him only rak'd up and cover'd, and which ſo often hath ſince unexpectedly broke forth in freſh Flames and Combuſtions? I have that deference to my Colleague in reſpect of his venerable Age, and the Majeſty of his Perſon, that I can be content to ſurrender to him all Titles of Honor and Rewards of Virtue; but when there is fighting in the caſe, and dangers to be undergone, I neither do, nor (by my good will) ever will give place to him, or any Man elſe whoſoever: However, if I get nothing more by this conteſtation of Right, I ſhall at leaſt ſo far gain the point, that what belongs to the People they ſhall diſpoſe of, rather than that the Senate ſhould be gratified in their encroaching Pretenſions: And I do heartily pray Jove, and all the Immortal Gods, ſo (and not otherwiſe) to give me a Lot as good and honorable as my Colleague, if they will alſo vouchſafe to give me equal Valor, Conduct and Succeſs in the management of the War: And ſurely, as the antient method of the Lot is in its own nature moſt fair and indifferent, ſo the contrary practice may prove a very pernicious Preſident; nor does it a little concern the Honor and Reputation of the People of Rome, to have it known, That her Conſuls are ſuch as either of them (not much material which) is fit and capable to manage the War in Tuſcany. Fabius only prayed the People, That before they gave their Suffrages, they would hear read the Letters which App. Claudius the Praetor had lately written out of Tuſcany, giving an account of the preſent poſture of that Counery, and ſo went out of the Hall. And the People as unamouſly as the Senate, conferr'd the Charge ef Etruria upon Fabius, without putting it to the Lot.

Mighty flocking there was now of almoſt all the young Blades in the Town to the Conſul, and every one was ready to liſt himſelf, ſo fond they were of ſerving under him; who told them, That he reſolv'd only to levy Four thouſand Foot, and Six hundred Horſe: You that will enter your ſelves to day or to morrow, I will take along with me; but my care is not ſo much to have a great number of Soldiers, as to bring them home ſafe and enrich'd with good Booties. Setting forth with a competent Army (in which he confided the more, becauſe they were ſelect Men and Voluntiers, and not a multitude of raw Fellows or preſs'd Men) he came to the Town Atharna, where App. Claudius the Praetor lay encamp'd, not far from the Enemy. A few miles off from thence, the Fuellers (or Perſons ſent out to provide Wood for the Army) with their Convoy, happened to meet him; and ſeeing the Lictors marching before, and underſtanding it was Fabius the Conſul, they were almoſt over-joy'd, and returned Thanks both to the Gods, and People of Rome, for ſending them ſuch a worthy General: Then coming up to ſalute and welcome the Conſul, he inquired, Whither they were going? who anſwered, to get Wood and Timber: Why, ſays he, Is not your Camp fortified? they replyed, Yes, with a double Rampire and Trench, and yet they were ſtill terribly afraid. Well, well, quoth he, You have Timber enough, get you gone back, and down with the Rampire as faſt as you can: They did ſo, and thereby at firſt amaz'd not only the Soldiers that were left behind in the Camp, but Appius himſelf, until they told him, They did it by the expreſs Command af Fabius the Conſul. The next morning the Army diſlodg'd from thence, and Appius the Praetor was diſmiſs'd and went to Rome: After this the Army had no ſtanding Camp, for the Conſul declared his Opinion, That it was not convenient for an Army to lie long in a place, but that it was as well more Noble, as more Healthful for them, often to change their Quarters: Their Marches were as long as the Seaſon at preſent would permit, for the Winter was not yet altogether paſt.

Early in the Spring, leaving the ſecond Legion at Cluſium, which of old was called Camers, and having appointed L. Scipio the Pro-Praetor to be Commander in Chief during his abſence, he himſelf return'd to Rome, to conſult and take further Meaſures touching the War, whether of his own accord, as having a proſpect that it would prove hotter Service than was commonly imagined; or whether he were call'd home by an Order of the Senate, for there are Authors that relate it each way. Some would have it thought, that his return was occaſion'd by Ap. Claudius the Praetor, who both in the Senate, and to the People (as he had formerly done by his Letters) did continually augment the terror of the Tuſcan War, and repreſent it in moſt hideous colours, That one General, nor one Army, would never be enough againſt four ſeveral Nations; that it would be equally dangerous, whether jointly in a Body they gave Battel, or whether being ſeparated, they carryed on the War in divers Quarters, 'twas impoſſible one Man ſhould be able to give the neceſſary Orders for all at once; That he left there but two Roman Legions, and that both the Horſe and Foot that came with Fabius were not full Five thouſand Men effective; that 'twas his Opinion the other Conſul ſhould immediatly be diſpatch'd into Tuſcany to his Colleague, and that L. Volumnius in the mean time ſhould have the charge of Samnium; or if the Conſul had rather go into his own Province, that then Volumnius, with a compleat Conſular Army, ſhould be ſent into Etruria. This Diſcourſe of the Praetors had influenced a great part of the Houſe, had not P. Decius thwarted it thus: That all things, in his Opinion, ſhould be left free and intire to the Judgment of Fabius, until ſuch time as he himſelf, if it might ſtand with the Publick ſafety, came to Rome, or at leaſt ſent one of the Commiſſary-Generals, by whom the Senate may be truly informed of the State of the War in Tuſcany, and what Forces and Commanders it would require.

Fabius, when he came to Rome, both in the Senate and his Oration to the People, held a middle tenor of Diſcourſe, ſo as he might not ſeem to over-magnifie, nor yet to under-rate the report of the War, and to ſhew them that in aſſuming another General, he did rather indulge other Mens fears, than do it for any need either himſelf or the Publick had thereof: But (ſays he) if it be your pleaſure that I ſhall have a Coadjutor and Partner in Command, How can I forget P. Decius the Conſul, whom I have had ſuch good Experience of? Of all Men in the World, there is none that I would rather have joyned with me; for having Decius with me, I will never think my own Forces too few, nor the Enemy too many: But if my Colleague Decius be not inclinable to it, then I deſire L. Volumnius may be my Aſſiſtant. The determination of all was left both by the Senate and the People, and by Decius himſelf, unto Fabius: And when Decius had declared, That he was ready to go either to Samnium or Tuſcany, which his Partner pleaſed, there was ſuch general rejoicing and congratulations, as if People did already in their minds preſage a Victory, and the Conſuls ſeem'd marching out to fetch home an aſſured Triumph, rather than manage a difficult and dangerous War. In ſome Authors, I find, that both Fabius and Decius went into Etruria at the very begining of their Conſulſhip, without mention of parting their Provinces by Lot, or any of thoſe ſquabbles between them which I have recited. But there are others that do not only atteſt the ſame, but over and beſides tell us how Appius the Praetor, accuſed Fabius in his abſence before the People with ſharp Invectives, and behav'd himſelf very obſtinately and ſtrangely to his face; and of another difference between the Conſuls, occaſioned by Decius's inſiſting, that each ſhould keep himſelf wholly to the Province alotted him. But from the time that they both ſet forwards upon the Expedition, the Story is clear and certain.

Before the Conſuls were got quite to Tuſcany, the Tribe of the Gauls, called Senones, came in vaſt multitudes as far as Cluſium to attack the Roman Legion that lay there encamped. Scipio, who was their Commander in Chief, hoping to help out the ſmalneſs of his Numbers, with the advantages of the Ground, led his Army up to the Hill between the Town and the Camp; but (as often it happens in an hurry) having not ſufficiently diſcovered the Paſſages before-hand, when he came near the top of the Hill, he found the ſame poſſeſs'd by the Enemy, who were got up to it another way. Thus was the Legion charg'd, Front, Flank and Rear, ſurrounded and cut to pieces, ſo that ſome Writers affirm, there was not one left alive to carry tidings of their Defeat, and that the Conſuls knew nothing on't, until near Cluſium they had a ſight of ſome of the Gallick Troops, carrying in Triumph the Heads of thoſe they had ſlain; ſome hanging at their Horſes Petronels, others aloft advanced upon the points of their Spears, and they themſelves chanting Songs of Victory after their barbarous faſhion: Yet ſome ſay, they were not Gauls, but Umbrians that did this, and that the loſs was nothing ſo great, for that L. Manlius Torquatus, came ſeaſonably in to Scipio's aſſiſtance, and obliged the Enemy when they thought themſelves ſure of the day, to fight it over again; where he routed them, took many Priſoners, and recovered all the Booty. But ſtill, 'tis more likely that they were Gauls than Umbrians that gave the Romans this overthrow, becauſe, as often at other times, ſo eſpecially this Year, the City was in great dread and fear of the Gauls. Inſomuch that beſides the Conſuls marching out with four Legions, and a great Body of Horſe, all Romans, and a thouſand Campanian Horſe drawn out on purpoſe for that Service, and a power of Latines and other Allies, making a greater Body than that of the Romans: There were moreover two other Armies brought into the Field, not far from the City, on that ſide that looks towards the Frontiers of Tuſcany; one in the Faliſcan Territories, the other in the Vatican; Cn. Fulvius, and L. Poſthumius Megellus the Pro-Praetors, being ordered to keep their ſtanding Camps in thoſe places reſpectively.

The Conſuls having paſs'd the Appennine, advanc'd near the Enemy in the Country of the Sentinats, and encamped not full four miles diſtant from them; who held frequent Councils, and at laſt agreed to act ſeparately, and neither joyn in one Camp, nor engage all at once in any Battel; but that the Gauls ſhould be united with the Samnites, and the Umbrians with the Tuſcans: They alſo appointed a day for a Battel, which the Samnites and Gauls were to manage; and at the ſame time, the Etrurians and Umbrians to ſtorm the Romans Camp. But theſe reſolutions were fruſtrated by three Cluſine Renegado's, who came ſecretly in the night to Fabius, and diſcovered all the Enemies Counſels, whom he rewarded and ſent back, that from time to time as new Meaſures were taken, they might give him intelligence. The Conſuls write to Fulvius and Poſthumius, that removing from the ſeveral places where they were poſted, they ſhould advance to Cluſium, and with all their Forces over-run, waſt and deſtroy the Enemies Country. The News of which Incurſion call'd home the Tuſcans to defend their own Territories; in whoſe abſence, the Conſuls for two days together provok'd the Enemy to a Battel, but little was done either of thoſe days more than skirmiſhing, wherein ſome were kill'd on each ſide, and their Spirits warm'd for the grand Encounter, rather than any tryal made of the main Chance. But on the third day, into the plain Field they came with all their Forces. As the Armies ſtood in Battalia, a Hind chaſed by a Wolf out of the Mountains, happened to run in the midſt between them, where they took ſeveral ways; the Hind to the Cauls (who kill'd her) the Wolf to the Romans, who opening their Ranks and Files, gave him clear paſſage through their Hoſt: Upon which accident a Roman of the Forlorn-Hope, cryed out aloud, There will the flight, there the ſlaughter be, where you ſee Diana's Beaſt yonder lie kill'd; but here on our ſide, the Martial Wolf, having gon clear away with Victory, unwounded and untouch'd, does fitly repreſent us and the Founder of our City, deſcended of God Mars's race. The Gauls ſtood in the Right Wing, the Samnites in the left; againſt the latter Fabius placed himſelf in the Right Wing with the firſt and third Legions; and againſt the former, Decius, with the fifth and ſixth: For the ſecond and third were in Samnium, under L. Volumnius the Pro-Conſul. At the firſt ſhock, the ſtrength of either ſide appeared ſo equally ballanced, that if the Tuſcans and Umbrians had either ſhew'd themſelves in the Field, or attack'd the Camp, the Romans muſt needs in either place have received a great loſs and overthrow.

But though Fortune had not as yet declared her ſelf in favor of either party, yet the manner of the Fight was not alike in both Wings; for the Romans, under Fabius, fought rather defenſively than offenſively, and ſought more to keep off, than charge the Enemy, lingering out the Battel as long as they could, till it was very late in the day; for the Conſul was ſatisfied, that both the Samnites and Gauls were beſt at the firſt puſh, and therefore it was enough to keep off that Fury in the beginning; for the longer the Battel held, the Samnites ſpirits more and more would flag, and their Courage abate: That the Bodies of the Gauls, were the leaſt able of all others, to endure heat and long fatigues, and their Courage would quickly be ſpent and languiſh; for though in the On-ſet they were more than Men, in the proceſs of a Battel they were leſs than Women: Therefore he reſerv'd his Soldiers freſh and in breath againſt that time when they ſhould begin to faint. Decius more fierce, both by his Youth and natural Temper, charg'd the Enemy with all his Force at the very firſt, and thinking the Foot too ſlow, brought on the Cavalry to encreaſe the fury of the Battel; for mixing himſelf with a brave Troop of young Gentlemen, he begs they would follow him in a Charge upon the Enemy; That they would gain a double Honor if the Victory began on the Left Wing, and by the Gallantry of the Horſe. Twice had they forc'd the Gallick Troops to retreat, and the ſecond time made them give ground a great way, and were broke into the midſt of them, when a new mode of fighting preſented it ſelf; the Gaul • had certain Chariots or Waggons on which numbers of them ſtood extraordinarily armed, and with a ſtrange noiſe of the Horſes that drew them, and wonderful ratling of the Wheels, ran full upon the Romans, and frighted their Horſes not enur'd to ſuch uncouth noiſes: ſo that they who before were juſt at the point of Victory, now fled as if the Devil drove them, and both Men and Horſes threw down one another: In this confuſed Repulſe they diſordered the Foot, and many of thoſe that fought in the Van were trod to pieces, and their guts ſquaſh'd out either by the flying Horſes, or theſe Chariots that purſued them, and forc'd their way through the midſt of the Squadrons; for the Gauls ſeeing them in a conſternation, preſs'd hard upon them, and would give them no time to rally. Decius fail'd not to call out to his Men, Whither run you, Gentlemen? Or what hopes can you have in flight? He endeavored all he could to ſtop thoſe that retreated, and put thoſe that were ſcatter'd, into order; but ſeeing his Soldiers ſo much daunted, that he could by no means prevail with them to make head againſt the Enemy, calling upon his Father Decius by name: Why, quoth he, do I defer that Fate which is now familiar to our Family? 'Tis the priviledge of our Race to be propitiatory Sacrifices for diverting threatned Dangers from the Publick. Even now therefore will I offer up the Enemies Legions, with my ſelf, to Dame Tellus and the Infernal Gods: Saying this, he commands M. Livius the Pontiff (whom when he firſt went into the Battel, he charg'd not to leave him) to pronounce the Solemn Words by which he might Devote himſelf for the Roman Army. And ſo with the ſame form of Imprecation, and in the ſame Habit as was uſed by his Father, adding this Prayer, That he might wherever he went, carry with him Terror and Flight, Blood and Slaughter, and all the Wrath and Vengeance of the Gods in Heaven and Fiends in Hell; That he might infect the Banners, Ammunition and Armor of the Enemy with Curſes, and the utmoſt overthrow and deſolation; and that the ſame place might be both their deſtruction and his own: He ſpurring on his Horſe, hurl'd himſelf amongſt the thickeſt of the Enemy, where with an heap of their Weapons he was immediately ſlain.

Thenceforwards the Battel ſeem'd not to be manag'd by humane Force: The Romans having loſt their General, which is wont to others to adminiſter fear and terror, preſently ſtopt their flight, fac'd about, and renew'd the Battel as reſolutely as if but juſt then they had come into the Field: The Gauls, and eſpecially the croud, ſurrounding the Conſuls Corps, as if they had left their Senſes, either ſtood ſtill, or flung their Darts from them at random to no purpoſe, and were altogether ſtupified, forgetting both to fight or to fly. On the other ſide, Livius the Pontiff, to whom Decius had left the Enſigns of his Office, and made him Pro-praetor, cryed out as loud as he could, That the Romans had already the Victory; That by their Conſuls voluntary death they had diſcharged all their ill luck; but as for the Gauls and Samnites, they were now deſtinated to mother Earth and the Gods below; That Decius was plucking after him that Army which with himſelf was devoted to deſtruction, and all the Enemies Hoſt full of nothing but terror and conſternation. Whil'ſt theſe were thus renewing the Fight, Cornelius Scipio and C. Marcius came up with freſh Forces from the Rear, ſent by Fabius to the relief of his Colleague; who being informed of Decius's gallant end, it was a wonderful encouragement to them to run all hazards for their Country. The Gauls ſtood exceeding thick together, with their Targets before them, ſo that to cope with them at handy-ſtroaks was to little purpoſe; the Roman Commanders therefore ordered the Darts and Lances that lay ſcattered on the ground between the two Armies to be gathered up, and flung at the Enemy, who now ſtood like a Tortoiſe in his ſhell impregnable: But theſe Darts and Javelins ſticking in their Targets, and many of them lighting upon, and with their ſharp points piercing into their Bodies, that Wedge-like Battalion began to ſcatter, and many of them, though not wounded, did like men amaz'd tumble upon one another. Thus various was the Fortune of the Romans Left Wing. But on the Right, Fabius having as aforeſaid lingered out the day, at laſt, when he perceiv'd that the Enemies ſhouts grew fainter, their Charges weaker, and their Darts and Javelins not lanc'd with the ſame force and vigor as before, he commands the Captains of the Horſe to wheel about from the Wings; that upon a Signal given, they might Charge the Samnites on the Flank: In the mean time, he by degrees advanc'd his Legionary Foot, and made the Enemy give ground; ſeeing therefore that they made no conſiderable reſiſtance, and that 'twas plain they were wearyed out, then he brought up all his Reſerves which he had kept freſh for ſuch an opportunity, and at the ſame time gave the Signal to the Cavalry to fall on. The Samnites were not able to ſtand the fury of ſuch an impetuous Charge, but fled in confuſion to recover their Camp, running by the Battalions of their Friends the Gauls, whom they left to maintain the Fight as well as they could. The Gauls compacted themſelves in a cloſe order, and ſtood immoveable; and therefore Fabius being advertis'd of the death of his Colleague, commands a Wing of Campanian Horſe, conſiſting of almoſt Five hundred, to withdraw out of the Conflict, and wheeling about to Charge them in the Rear, and the formoſt Diviſions of the third Legion to follow them; and wherever the Horſe ſhould diſorder the Enemy, they were to ſecond them. Whil'ſt he himſelf having firſt vow'd a Temple to Jupiter the Conqueror, and all the ſpoils of the Enemy, purſued the Samnites to their Camp, where he found all on an heap, and in the greateſt conſternation imaginable under the Rampire; for the Ports were ſo narrow that they could not all get in at once: They that were ſhut out by the throng, made an offer to renew the Fight, and there Gellius Egnatius the Samnites General was ſlain, but they were quickly cut off or beat into the Works, which after a ſmall skirmiſh were alſo taken by the Romans, and then the Gauls ſurrounded and cut to pieces. There were kill'd that day of the Enemies Five and twenty thouſand, and Eight thouſand taken Priſoners. Nor was this glorious Victory purchaſed without Roman Blood, for of P. Decius's Army there fell Seven thouſand, and Fabius loſt Twelve hundred. The Spoils of the Enemy were all heap'd up together, and burnt as a Sacrifice to Jove the Victor. The Conſul Decius's Body could not that day be found, being covered with the Carcaſſes of the Gauls; but next day it was diſcover'd, and brought to the Roman Camp, with a general lamentation of his Soldiers: Whoſe Funeral Obſequies, Fabius, ſetting all other Affairs aſide for the time, cauſed to be Celebrated with the higheſt Honors and Applauſes.

About the ſame time likewiſe Cn. Fulvius the Pro-Praetor had as good Succeſs in Tuſcany as could be wiſh'd; for beſides the vaſt damage done the Enemy by over-running and plundering the Country, he routed them in a pitch'd Battel, where of Peruſines and Cluſines, above Three thouſand were ſlain, and twenty Colours taken. As the Relicks of the Samnites Army fled through the Territories of the Pelignians, they were by them intercepted, and ſlaughtered, ſo that of Five thouſand there was ſcarce a thouſand left. This Battel fought in the Sentinates Country, was certainly a great Action, and deſervedly famous if a Man keep ſtrictly to Truth, and make no more on't than 'twas; but ſome have Romanc'd upon it, and ſay, That the Enemy had Forty thouſand three hundred and thirty Foot, Six thouſand Horſe, and a Thouſand War-Chariots, including the Umbrians and Tuſcans, whom they will have to be in this Fight; and that they may encreaſe the Roman Forces proportionably, they add to them L. Volumnius, the Pro-Conſul, and his Army. But in moſt Chronicles, the honor of this Victory is aſcribed only to the two Conſuls; for Volumnius was at that time managing the War in Samnium, where, having forc'd the Enemy to take the Hill Tifernum, nothing diſcouraged with the diſadvantage of the place, he purſued and utterly routed them. Q. Fabius leaving the Decian Army in Tuſcany, march'd back with his own Legions to Rome, and Triumph'd over the Gauls, Tuſcans and Samnites, the Soldiers following him with their rude Military Catches, wherein they did not more celebrate and applaud the Victory of Fabius, than the noble Death of Decius, equalling the Glories of the Son in all reſpects, publick or private, with the Renown of his Father, who expoſed himſelf in the ſame manner for the good of his Country not many years before. In lieu of the ſpoil, the Soldiers had given them Eighty two pieces of Mony apiece, and every one a Campaign Coat and Tunick; no contemptible Military Reward in thoſe days.

But for all theſe notable Victories, neither the Samnites nor the Tuſcans would yet be quiet; for as ſoon as the Conſul was gone with his Army, the Peruſines began to Rebel, and the Samnites in ſeveral Parties came down to forrage and ranſack the adjacent Provinces; ſome into the Territories of Veſtin and Formianum, and others into Aeſerniac, and the Banks of the River Volturnus. Againſt whom Appius Claudius the Praetor was ſent forth with the Army which Decius lately commanded. Fabius himſelf undertook to chaſtize the Tuſcan Rebels, and killed Four thouſand and five hundred of the Peruſines, and took One thouſand ſeven hundred and forty of them Priſoners, who were forced to pay Three hundred and ten Aſſes [that is, about Forty ſix ſhillings and ten pence] apiece, for their Ranſome: All the reſt of the Booty was diſtributed amongſt the Soldiers. The Samnite Forces being hard purſued by App. Claudius one way, and by L. Volumnius the other, rendezvouz'd altogether in the Territory of Stella; and there alſo Claudius and Volumnius join'd their Troops. A ſharp and cruel Fight it was on both ſides; the one enraged againſt thoſe that had ſo oft rebelled, and the other now grown deſperate and reſolv'd to run all hazards: Of the Samnites Sixteen thouſand and three hundred ſlain; of the Romans, Two thouſand ſeven hundred.

This Year ſo proſperous in Mititary Affairs, was by reaſon of Peſtilence very doleſom, and mens minds much perplex'd wtth Prodigies; for 'twas reported, that in divers places it rain'd Earth, and in the Army of App. Claudius ſeveral Soldiers were blaſted with Lightening, therefore the Books of the Sybils were conſulted. The ſame Year Q. Fabius Gurges, the Conſuls Son, fin'd certain Matrons convicted and condemned before the People of Adultery, and with the Mony cauſed the Temple of Venus to be built, which ſtands near the Circus, or grand Racing-place. The Samnite Wars ſtill continued, which have already fill'd the moſt part of our laſt four Books, for the ſpace of Six and forty years, from the Conſulſhip of M. Valerius and A. Cornelius, who were the firſt that carried the War into that Country; and not to repeat the alternative overthrows and fatigues of both Nations, by which yet their ſtout Courages were nothing daunted; let it ſuffice to ſay, That although theſe Samnites the very laſt Year, both in the Sentinate Fields, and amongſt the Pelignians, and at Tifernum and Stella, were miſerably ſhattered and defeated with their own proper Legions, and likewiſe joyn'd with others their Confederates, by four ſeveral Roman Armies, under four diſtinct Commanders in Chief; and though they had loſt the braveſt General of their Nation, and ſaw their Allies, the Etrurians, Umbrians and Gauls, in the ſame forlorn condition with themſelves, and that they were no longer able to ſubſiſt either with their own Forces, or any Auxiliaries from abroad; yet for all this they would not give over the War, ſo little did they repent them of defending their Liberties, though unſucceſsfully, and choſe rather to be daily vanquiſh'd, than not daily try for a Victory. And who is it that will not be wearied in writing or reading ſo tedious a War, which never wearyed thoſe that manag'd it?

The next Conſuls after Q. Fabius and P. Decius, were L. Poſthumius Megellus, and M. Attilius Regulus, who were both ordered to take charge of Samnium, becauſe 'twas reported the Enemy had prepared three compleat Armies; one for Etruria, another to Forrage Campania, and the third to defend their own Frontiers; but ſickneſs detain'd Poſthumius at Rome: Attilius marching out in all haſt with the Army, that he might ſurprize the Enemy in Samnium before they had taken the Field (for ſo the Senate had given direction) found them ready on the way to meet him, as if it had been deſign'd; ſo that he could not enter into, much leſs forrage the Samnites Country; as on the other ſide he ſtop'd them from going thence into the peaceable Territories of the Roman Allies. Being Encamp'd near together, what the Romans, ſo often Conquerors, ſcarce durſt attempt, the Samnites ventured upon (ſee how deſpair puſhes Men on to extremities) even to attack the Romans in their Camp. And though this raſh Enterprize ſucceeded not, yet it was not altogether in vain. There chanc'd to be a foggy Miſt, which continued a good part of the day ſo thick and palpable, that it hindered all Proſpect, not only from the Rampire at a diſtance, but alſo thoſe that were near together could ſcarce ſee one another: The Samnites taking the advantage thereof, before it was full day, and that too ſo overcaſt, came up to the Romans Corps-du-guard at the entrance of the Camp, who were too ſecure and negligent; and being thus ſurprized, had neither the Courage, nor were ſtrong enough to reſiſt them. So that on the back ſide of the Camp, they ruſh'd in at the great Port called Decumana, and took the Queſtors Tent, the Queſtor himſelf, L. Opimius Panſa, being there ſlain, whereupon on every ſide the Alarm was given.

The Conſul raiſed with this Tumult, commanded two Companies of the Allies (one of Lucanians, the other Sueſſans) who were next at hand, to guard the Head-Quarters, and leads up ſome Leginory Bands that had ſcarce yet got on their Armor, along the principal Street of the Camp, and ſet them as well as he could in order. They knew the Enemy rather by their Out-cries, than that they could ſee them; nor could they gueſs at their number. This made them at firſt retreat, as doubtful of their Fortune, and reciv'd the Enemy into the middle of the Camp; but then the Conſul cryed out, and ask'd them, If they meant to be turn'd out of their own Fortifications, and afterwards make a new work on't to recover them? Whereupon they firſt ſtop'd, ſet up a ſhout, and preſently advanc'd, and charg'd the Enemy, whom they drove back with as much terror as they came in, and beat them clear out at the Gate, and beyond the Works, but did not think fit to purſue them any further, for fear of an Ambuſcade, the weather being ſo dark and hazy. Glad that they had rid them out of the Camp, they kept themſelves within their Trenches, having kill'd near Three hundred of the Enemy: Of the Roman Out-guard and Sentinels, and thoſe about the Queſtors Tent, there were ſlain One hundred and twenty. This bold adventure proving not altogether unſucceſsful, raiſed the ſpirits of the Samnites, ſo that they would not ſuffer the Romans to remove their Camp any further into the Country, nor ſend out any Parties for Forrage; whereupon they were forced to retire into the peaceable Quarters of their Friends about Sora for Proviſions. The noiſe of theſe unwelcome Occurrents (repreſented much worſe than in truth they were) at Rome cauſed L. Poſthumius the Conſul, though he had ſcarce recovered his Health, to depart from thence, having by an Edict appointed all his Soldiers to come to a Rendezvous at Sora. Himſelf now dedicated unto the Goddeſs Victoria that Temple, which he ordered to be built when he was Curule Aedile, with the mony raiſed out of the Fines of ſeveral Perſons convicted of miſdemeanors. Then he march'd his Army from Sora towards Samnium to the Camp of his Colleague; but the Samnites finding themſelves uncapable of making Head againſt two ſuch Armies, diſlodg'd and retreated, and the Conſuls taking ſeveral Courſes, proceed to harraſs the Country, and attack the Cities of the Enemy.

Poſthumius inveſted Milionia, and firſt endeavored to carry it by Storm, but afterwards by approaches, and bringing Engines of Battery cloſe up to the Walls, with which having made ſome Breaches, his Soldiers entred; yet from ten in the Morning, till two in the After-noon, the Fight continued very ſharp and doubtful in all parts of the Town, but in the end the Romans became Maſters of it; of the Samnites there were ſlain Three thouſand two hundred, and Four thouſand two hundred taken, beſides other Booty. Next, the Army march'd to Ferentinum, but the Inhabitants, with all that they could either drive or carry, had in the Night quitted the Town at the Poſtern-Gate; ſo that when the Conſul in the Morning had drawn up his Men expecting to have met with the ſame reſiſtance as he had at Milionia, he admired at that ſtrange Silence in the Town, and that he ſaw neither Men nor Arms on the Walls, or any of the Works, and kept back the eager Soldiers from ſcaling the deſerted Walls, leſt they ſhould fall into ſome Ambuſh; therefore he commanded two Troops of Horſe of the Latines, to skirt round about the Out-works for diſcovery, who finding a Gate or two wide open on one ſide, and apparent tracks of the Enemies Nocturnal flight, and that the City was wholly abandoned, brought back the news thereof to the Conſul, who thereupon leading a Party thither, ordered five Horſe-men to enter the Town, and if they ſaw all ſafe, three of them to ſtay there, and the other two to return; who informing him, That they could perceive nothing but ſilence and ſolitude, he with ſome light-arm'd Regiments went into the Town, charging the reſt in the mean time to pitch their Tents and fortifie a Camp. The Soldiers that went in, fell preſently to breaking open of the Doors, and found only a few aged People, or ſuch as were ſick and weak, left behind with Lumber that was too heavy to be removed; and by the Priſoners they underſtood, that not only the Inhabitants of that, but of ſeveral other Towns, were all with one accord fled and gone; that their own People went away in the beginning of the Night, and they verily believed he would find the reſt of the Towns thereabouts quitted in like manner; which proved very true, and the Conſul poſſeſs'd himſelf of thoſe forſaken Places.

The other Conſul M. Attilius met not with ſo eaſie a War; for having drawn his Legions to Luceria, which he underſtood was beſieged by the Samnites, the Enemy came forth to encounter him upon the Frontiers, with a rage equal to their ſtrength; the Fight was various and doubtful, but the iſſue more fatal to the Romans, as well becauſe they were now not wont to be baffled, as for that they found more of their Men kill'd and wounded in their diſorderly Retreat, than in the Combat it ſelf. Theſe dreadful conſiderations they were not ſenſible of, till after they were got into their Camp, which if they had apprehended during the Conflict, the loſs and overthrow had undoubtedly been much greater. They paſs'd over the Night very uneaſily, as fearing the Samnites would ſtorm their Camp, or at leaſt that they muſt be obliged in the Morning to engage again with thoſe who had already worſted them. But though the Enemies loſs was leſs, their Courage was not greater, for at break of day they were very deſirous to get away without renewing the Combate: But there was but one paſſage, and that lay juſt by the ſide of the Romans Leaguer, ſo that when they were come into it, they ſeemed as if they were marching to rights to attack that Camp; whereupon the Conſul commanded his Men to arm, and follow him without the Rampire, and to his Lieutenants, Colonels, and Captains of the Aſſociated Forces, he gave the neceſſary Orders, who all promiſed punctually to execute the ſame as far as 'twas poſſible, but withal told him, That the Soldiers hearts were down; that they had ſcarce ſlept a wink all night, for the pains of their own Wounds, or the diſmal groans of their Comrades that lay a dying; That if the Enemy had approach'd the Camp before it was day, ſo daunted they are, they would undoubtedly have fled from their Colours, and it muſt be only ſhame that can now keep them from running away, for otherwiſe they are already as bad as beaten. The Conſul hearing this, thought it beſt to go about amongſt them in Perſon, and ſpeak to and encourage them, and when he ſaw any backward to betake them to their Arms, check'd them thus: Why loiter ye, Gentlemen? and go ſo coldly about your buſineſs? The Enemy will certainly come into the very Camp and cut our Throats, if we do not march out and repulſe them, you muſt preſently be forced to fight at your Tent-doors, if you will not manfully defend your Out-works; and whoever ſhall naked and unarmed attend the Enemies coming, muſt aſſuredly dye for it, or (which is worſe) endure ſlavery as long as he lives. Whil'ſt thus he rebuk'd and reproach'd their Fears, they flatly anſwered, That they had enough and too much of Yeſterdays work; That they had no ſtrength, nor ſcarce Blood left, and the Enemies appear in greater numbers now than before. Whil'ſt they were thus bandying of Words, the Enemy approached, and being now at a leſs diſtance, ſo that they could have a more certain proſpect, becauſe the Samnites had their Baggage with them (as deſigning not ſo much to fight as to march off) the Romans concluded they brought with them ſtakes and pales to raiſe a Palizado round about their Camp, and ſo meant to block them up: Then the Conſul cry'd out upon them for ſhame, to ſuffer this moſt vile diſgrace, from a pittiful cowardly Enemy: What (ſays he) ſhall we let them empale and coop us up? and will you chuſe rather to periſh for hunger with Infamy, than to fall by the Swords point (if Fate will have it ſo) with Gallantry and Honor? The Gods defend the Roman name from ſuch daſtardly baſeneſs! Let each man do as he ſhall think beſt becomes him: The Conſul M. Attilius (though not a Soul ſhould follow him) reſolves alone to Charge the Enemy, and thinks it much better to fall bravely amongſt the Samnites Standards, than live to ſee the Romans beſieged in their Camp. This reſolution of the Conſul, the Lieutenant-Generals and Colonels, the Cavalry and principal Centurions, all applauded, ſo that at laſt for very ſhame the common Soldiers began to handle their Arms, but after an heartleſs faſhion, and as ſlowly did they march out of the Camp; not thick and cloſe united, but in a long broken Train, with heavy chear, and looks that would better have become a Rout than a Charge, they fac'd the Enemy, who were much in the ſame condition, as hopeleſs and dead-hearted as themſelves. For as ſoon as they diſcovered the Roman Enſigns, a whiſper ran amongſt the Samnites from Van to Rear, That the Romans were come out to intercept their Paſſage (the only thing they always feared) ſo that there was now no means left to eſcape, no, though they would run for't, but they muſt either dye on the ſpot, or cut their way through the thickeſt Squadrons of the Enemy: Preſently they flung all their Baggage together on an heap in the midſt of their Army, and drew up in Battalia.

There was now but a very ſmall ſpace between the two Armies, and each ſtood expecting when the other would fall on, neither of them having any ſtomach to fight; ſo that they had parted without a ſtroke ſtruck, but for fear which ſoever firſt ſhould march away, the other would attack him with advantage. Thus between willing and unwilling, at laſt a kind of a dull fight was begun with a faint halloo ſhout, nor did a Man advance a ſtep. To warm and quicken the work, the Roman Conſul ſent out ſome few Cornets of Horſe from their main Body, to Charge the Enemy, who being for the moſt part knock'd off their Horſes, or otherwiſe diſordered, Parties came out apace both from the Samnites Hoſt to kill thoſe that were fallen, and from the Romans to relieve them. Here the Skirmiſh grew pretty hot, but the Samnites advanced forwards in greater numbers, and plyed their Blows more luſtily; and beſides, the affrighted Horſes flying backwards, trod to pieces many of the Foot that came to their reſcue, who beginning to fly, ſet the whole Roman Army upon the run, and the Samnites plaid upon their backs as they fled; ſeeing this, the Conſul wheeling about with his Horſe, rode before to the Camp-Gate, where he planted a good Guard of the Cavalry, charging them, that whoever came thither, were he friend or foe, Samnite or Roman, they ſhould immediatly diſpatch him. And threatning the ſame Severities, he ſet himſelf againſt the Soldiers that were running towards the Camp: Whither away, Sirrah? (cries he to each Soldier he met) you ſhall here meet with Men and Arms to oppoſe your Cowardize as well as in the Field; as long as your Conſul lives, here's no entring the Camp without Victory: Take your choice therefore, whether you will fight with the Enemy, or with your Fellow-Citizens. Whil'ſt the Conſul thus entertain'd them, the Horſe came round about, threatning them with the naked points of their Spears, and command them at their peril to face about. Fortune was not wanting in this Extremity to the Conſuls courage, for it happened, that the Samnites did not follow the Chaſe ſo hard, but he had both ground and time enough to rally his Men, and bring about his Standards to face the Enemy: Then they began to hearten on one another to try the other Bout; the Captains ſnatch'd the Colours, and themſelves advanc'd and flouriſh'd them to encourage their Men, telling them, The Enemy was but few in number, and weary as well as they, and beſides, came againſt them now in diſorder and a confuſed march. Amongſt the reſt, the Conſul lifting up his hands to Heaven, with a loud Voice that the Soldiers might hear him, vows a Temple to Jupiter Stator (Jove the Stayer) if the Roman Army ſhould ceaſe their flight, ſtand to it bravely, and in this ſecond Charge defeat the Samnites. Thence-forwards they endeavored on all hands, both Commanders and Soldiers, Foot and Horſe, to reinforce the Battel with their utmoſt efforts; nor was the favor of the Gods (as it ſeems) wanting to take pity on the Roman Name at that Juncture, ſo quickly the Dice turn'd, the Enemies in a moment boat back from the Camp, and reduc'd to the ſame ſpot of Ground where the Fight firſt began: Where, by the great heap of their Fardles and Baggage, they were ſtop'd in their retreat, and for fear of loſing their Gear, caſt themſelves in a Ring to defend it; but whil'ſt the Roman Foot charg'd them in the Front, their Horſe were got about, and fell upon in the Rear, ſo that they were cut to pieces in the middle, or taken Captive: For the number of the Priſoners was Seven thouſand three hundred, who were all forced to paſs naked under the Gallows, and ſo releaſed; the number of thoſe ſlain out-right, amounted to Four thouſand eight hundred. Nor had the Romans much cauſe to boaſt of their Victory, for the Conſul taking a review of his Army, found that he had loſt in theſe two days, Seven thouſand and three hundred Men.

During theſe Occurrences in Apulia, the Samnites with another Army, attack Interamna, a Roman Colony ſituate on the High Road to Latium, and though they could not win the Town, they plundered the Country round about it, and as they were driving away a vaſt Booty as well of Cattel as of People, whom they had taken, they chanc'd to be met with by the Victorious Conſul in his return from Luceria, and loſt not only their Prey, but marching ſtraglingly and in diſorder, were moſt of them cut to pieces. The Conſul march'd to Interamna, where he made Proclamation for all perſons to come and receive their Goods recovered from the Enemy; and leaving his Army there, he himſelf repair'd to Rome to hold the Elections: He put in for a Triumph, but that honor was denied him, as well becauſe he had loſt ſo many thouſand Men, as becauſe he had releaſed the Priſoners only upon their paſſing under the Gallows, without holding them to Ranſom, or ſome harder Articles.

The other Conſul Poſthumius, finding no work for his Arms in Samnium, carryed his Army into Tuſcany, where firſt he waſted the Fields of the Volſinians, and when they came out to defend themſelves, fought with them almoſt under their own Walls; Two thouſand and two hundred being ſlain, the reſt ſheltered themſelves in the City, being ſo near. Thence he advanc'd to the Territory of Roſellum, where he not only harraſs'd the Country, but alſo took the City, and therein above Two thouſand People, beſides almoſt Two thouſand men ſlain before the Walls: But ſtill the Peace that Year obtain'd in Tuſcany, was more honorable and of greater advantage than all theſe ſucceſſes of War: For three of the moſt conſiderable States, viz. The Volſinians, Peruſians, and Aretians, (the principal People of all that Country) made Overtures for Peace; and having upon an agreement to allow his Soldiers ſo much Corn and Cloaths, obtain'd the Conſuls leave to ſend their Agents to Rome for that purpoſe, obtain'd a Truce for the term of Forty years, each City paying down for a preſent Fine, the ſum of Five hundred thouſand Aſſes [about One thouſand five hundred ſixty two pound ten ſhillings, ſterling.] For theſe exploits, the Conſul claiming a Triumph, rather for faſhion-ſake, than that he could hope to obtain it; ſome of the Senators objected againſt him, That he did not ſet out from the City ſo early as he ought to have done; others, that he left Samnium, and went into Tuſcany without Orders; ſome becauſe they were his Enemies; ſome becauſe they were the other Conſuls Friends (to whom it would be ſome ſatisfaction that his Colleague was put by that Honor as well as he) all for ſome reaſons or other were againſt his Triumphing; whereupon in an Huff he thus expreſs'd his Reſentments to the Senate: Though I have a very great Deference and Veneration, Conſcript Fathers! for the Majeſty and Authority of this Houſe, yet I ſhall not ſo far regard it, as to forget that I am Conſul: As by the right of my Place I manag'd theſe Wars, ſo having happily concluded them, ſubdued both the Samnites and Tuſcans, and obtained Victory and Peace, by the ſame Right will I Triumph without asking your leave; and ſo in an heat flung out of the Senate. Amongſt the Tribunes of the Commons there was variance, ſome threatning to oppoſe their Negative, That he ſhould not Triumph in this manner as had never yet been practiſed, and muſt be a very ill preſident; others of them were for favoring and promoting his Triumph: After much ado, the matter was brought before the People in Common-Hall; where the Conſul being ſummoned, after he had Remonſtrated how heretofore the Conſuls L. Horatius, and Marcus Valerius, and of late his own Father C. Marcius Rutilius, when he was Cenſor, had all Triumph'd not by the Authority of the Senate, but by the Ordinance of the People; he added, That he alſo would have moved the ſame to the People, but that he knew there were ſome of their Tribunes ſuch Slaves to the Nobility, as they would have obſtructed the Bill: As for himſelf he did, and ever would account the will and favor of the People agreeing together, to be as good as any formal Commands. And the next day, by the intereſt of three Tribunes againſt the oppoſition of ſeven, and againſt the general Reſolution of the Senate, he did celebrate a Triumph, and the People joyfully ſolemnized the honor of the day.

But it muſt be noted, That the actions of this Year are very uncertainly and variouſly related; for Claudius writes, That Poſthumius after the taking of a few Cities in Samnium, was routed and put to flight in Apulia, and himſelf wounded, and glad to take ſhelter with a few others that eſcaped in Luceria. And that the proſperous Actions in Tuſcany were atchiev'd by Attilius, and that he was the Man that Triumph'd. Fabius on the contrary ſets down, That both the Conſuls managed the War in Samnium, and at Luceria; and that one of the Armies was thence drawn into Tuſcany, but mentions not which Conſul it was that Commanded it. He alſo tells us, That before Luceria there was great ſlaughter on both ſides, and that in that Battel it was, that a Temple was vowed to Jupiter Stator, as Romulus did of old; but all this while, there had been no Temple actually erected, but only a Fanum [that is, a place ſet out and conſecrated, whereon to build a Temple.] But now this Year, the Commonwealth becoming a ſecond time obliged to perform the ſame Vow, Religious Reverence moved the Senate to Decree and Order, that a Temple ſhould there be built accordingly.

The next Year, ſucceeded both a moſt excellent Conſul L. Papirius Curſor, a perſon Illuſtrious, as well for his Fathers Glory as his own, and alſo a mighty great War, and ſuch a ſignal Victory as never any to that day had obtain'd the like over the Samnites, except it were L. Papirius his Father; and as it fell out, they had made juſt the like pompous preparations, and gaudy Armor now as then: But at this time, they moreover ſought to conciliate the favor of the Gods to their party, by initiating their Soldiers in a ſtrange kind of Oath adminiſtred with certain antient, but dreadful Rites and Ceremonies: For having made a general levy throughout all Samnium, with a new Law, That whoſoever of Age fit to bear Arms, ſhould not appear at the Rendezvous according to the Generals Edict, or afterwards ſhould depart without Licenſe, ſhould forfeit his Head to Jupiter as accurſed. The place of Rendezvous was appointed at Aquilonia, where the whole ſtrength of Samnium met together, to the number of Forty thouſand fighting Men. In the midſt of the Camp there was a plat of Ground fenc'd in with Hurdles and Boards, and covered over with Linnen Cloth, about Two hundred foot ſquare: There a ſolemn Sacrifice was celebrated, and Service ſaid out of an old Book with a Linnen cover, by one Ovius Paccius the Prieſt, a very old Fellow, who avow'd that he deriv'd that Sacred Form from the antient Religion of the Samnites, which their Anceſtors had made uſe of, at ſuch time as they ſecretly contrived to ſeize upon Capua, and take it from the Etrurians. The Sacrifice being diſpatch'd, the General cauſed the Marſhal to call in ſuch as were moſt noble and renowned for their Quality and Valour, who were brought in one by one. There was beſides other ſacred Furniture, which might ſtrike Mens minds with a Religious awe, in the middle of this place ſo covered on all parts, an Altar, and certain Sacrifices lying ſlain, and divers Captains ſtanding round with their drawn Swords: The Soldier was brought up to the Altar, rather as a Sacrifice himſelf, than a partaker of the Oblations, and was firſt ſworn to keep ſecret all that he ſhould there ſee or hear; and then was forc'd alſo to take an Oath, compoſed after the manner of a Charm, with moſt bitter Imprecations and Curſes againſt his own Life, his Family and all his Race, unleſs he ſhould go into the Battel wherever his Commanders ſhould lead him; or if either he himſelf ſhould at any time fly out of the Battel, or not preſently kill any other whom he ſhould ſee give ground or like to run away. Some at firſt refuſing to take this Curſe were Beheaded upon the Altars, and their Bodies lying amongſt the ſlaughtered Carcaſſes, were a warning to the reſt to conform. All the principal Perſons having bound themſelves with this Deteſtation; ten of them were particularly nominated by the Commander in chief, who every one were charged to chuſe himſelf a Comrade, and they likewiſe to take others to them man by man, until they compleated the number of ſixteen thouſand, which were called the Linnen Legion, taking that name from the covering of that place where the Samnite Nobles were firſt ſworn; theſe had brave Arms beſtowed upon them, and creſted Helmets, that they might ſeem taller than the reſt. There was another Army conſiſting of Twenty thouſand Men and upwards, who neither for able Bodies, nor paſt Services in the Wars, nor uſeful Armor, came ſhort of the Linnen Brigade in any reſpect. This great multitude and ſo ſtrong, Encamped themſelves not far from Aquilonia.

The Conſuls ſetting forth from the City, firſt Sp. Carvilius, who had the Command of the old Legions which the former Conſul M. Attilius left at Interamna, advances with them into Samnium; and whil'ſt the Enemy was thus buſie in their Superſtitions and ſecret Conſultations, took the City Amiternum, where were ſlain almoſt Two thouſand eight hundred People, and Four thouſand two hundred and ſeventy taken. Papirius having levyed a new Army (for ſo the Senate had ordered) ſtorm'd Duronia, where though he took not ſo many Priſoners as his Colleague, yet he kill'd more in the Conflict. At both places there was very rich Booty. Thence the Conſuls proceeded to over-run the Country, eſpecially about Atinium; Carvilius march'd to Cominium, and Papirius to Aquilonia, where the whole Power of the Samnites was Poſted. There for a while they were neither altogether idle, nor very ſmartly engaged, but ſpent their time in beating up of Quarters, Picqueering, and Skirmiſhes, provoking one another, rather than coming to a cloſe Fight; for whil'ſt ever and anon they began, and as quickly gave over, the event even of thoſe petty Rencounters was put off from day to day. The other Roman Army lay twenty miles off, yet though the other Conſul was abſent, he was frequently conſulted with; Carvilius being more intent upon the Affairs at Aquilonia, whereon the main Chance of the War depended, than about the Town of Cominium which he then beſieged. L. Papirius having by this time got all things ready for a Battel, ſent a Currier to his Partner, That he reſolved (if the Auſpices prov'd favorable) to engage the Enemy next Morning, and therefore 'twas fit he ſhould attack Cominium with all his Forces, to divert any aſſiſtance from thence: The Meſſenger returned at Night, and brought word, That his Colleague did well approve of thoſe Reſolutions. Then Papirius drew his Army together, and made an Oration in the Head of them, wherein he diſcours'd at large touching the nature of this War in general, and of the Enemies preſent Preparations, more gaudy in ſhew and for oſtentation, than effectually of any real Advantage: For (he told them) That it was no plumed Creſts that gave the deadly Wounds; the Roman Lances would eaſily pierce their painted and gilded Shields; That this gay Army, glittering with their white Coats, would ſoon be dyed of a Crimſon hue, when they came to handy-ſtroaks; That much ſuch a Gold and Silver Army of Samnites was utterly defeated to the laſt Man by his Father, and prov'd more honorable Spoils to the Conqueror, than ſafe Armor to themſelves; That perhaps 'twas the Deſtiny of his Name and Family, to be choſen Generals againſt the Samnites greateſt Efforts and Preparations, and that they were born to bring away thoſe Spoils which might be an ornament to the publick Buildings of the City; That the Immortal Gods would doubtleſs be preſent to revenge Leagues ſo often deſired, and ſo often violated: For if we may lawfully gueſs at the Divine Pleaſure, they were never more adverſe to any Army, than to this, which being polluted with the intermingled Blood of Beaſts and Men, had doubly devoted themſelves to the wrath and vengeance of Heaven, dreading on the one ſide the Gods which are Witneſſes of their Treaties with the Romans; and on the other ſide, the Curſes of that late Oath which they have taken directly contrary to thoſe Treaties; an Oath which as they took perforce, ſo the memory thereof muſt needs be odious to them, ſince it makes them perjured, and no leſs afraid of the Gods, and one another, than of their Enemies.

Having declared theſe things (which he came to know by the relation of ſome Deſerters) unto his Soldiers, who were already of themſelves ſufficiently enraged againſt the Enemy; they being all confident of Divine Aſſiſtance, as well as truſting on their own valor, unanimouſly cry out for a Battel, were vex'd that it was put off till the Morrow, and repined at that delay of one Night as too long. About Midnight Papirius having received Letters from his Colleague, got up when all was ſilence, and ſent to the Sooth-ſayers to take the Preſages, whether or no it might be lucky to fight the next day. There was not any ſort of Men in the Camp but were eager for a Battel; all degrees, high and low, Captains and Soldiers, were enflamed with the ſame deſires, which zealous ardour reached even thoſe that had the charge of the Auſpices; for though the Chickens would not peck, yet the Chick-maſter ventured rather to falſifie the token by a lye, than to put off the Engagement, and therefore ſent the Conſul word, That they fell to their meat ſo greedily, that with their haſty feeding, the Corn fell from their Bills and rebounded again, which they called Tripudium Soliſtimum, and in their Learning counted it the beſt ſign of Succeſs that was in the World. The Conſul hereupon joyfully declares, That the Auſpices were excellent good, and that they ſhould go on under the conduct and favor of the Gods, and ſo puts out the ſignal of Battel.

As he was marching into the Field, a Renegado acquaints him, That twenty Regiments of the Samnites (for they were in all about forty) were gone towards Cominium, of which he preſently ſent to advertiſe his Colleague; then cauſes the Standards to be brought forth with all expedition, Poſts his Reſerves in proper places, and aſſigns to every one his Charge. L. Volumnius led the Right Wing; L. Scipio the Left, and the other Lieutenant-Generals, C. Caeditius and C. Trebonius, had the conduct of the Cavalry. He ordered Sp. Nautius to take off the Pack-Saddles from the Mules, and to mount ſome Companies of Light-arm'd Foot that uſed to ſerve in the Wings, on their backs, and with all ſpeed, fetching a compaſs, to ſeize a certain Hill that lay in view, and in the heat of the Conflict to ſhew themſelves from thence, raiſing as great a cloud of duſt as poſſibly they could. Whil'ſt the General was thus buſie, there aroſe a ſquabble amongſt the Chicken-Maſters, or Sooth-Sayers, about the Preſages of the Day, which being over-heard by ſome of the Roman Horſe, they looking upon it as a matter of conſequence, told Sp. Papirius the Conſuls Nephew, That there was ſome doubt or queſtion about the Auſpice. The Youth, born in thoſe days when there were no Atheiſts, or deſpiſers of Religion and the Gods, having further enquired into the matter (becauſe he would not certifie any thing groundleſs) gave notice thereof to the Conſul, who anſwered: I commend your piety and diligence, however be not diſmayed, but rather fight more heartily and uſe thy beſt endeavor; as for him that has charge of the Auſpice, if he have made a wrong Report, Let the puniſhment for his violating of Religion light upon his own head; for my part the Tripudium which was certified, I take to be a good and ſufficient Omen of Succeſs to me and the People of Rome. Then he commanded the Centurions to place the Chicken-Prophets in the Forlorn-Hope. At the ſame time the Samnites advanced their Enſigns, and their Army in excellent equipage followed ſo glorious, that even the ſight of the Enemy was a pleaſing and magnificent Entertainment; before any ſhout made, or that they came to Charge, a Javelin darted at random lighted upon the chief Chicken-Fortune-teller, and ſtruck him dead before the Enſigns, which being told the Conſul, The Gods (ſaith he) you ſee are preſent in the Field, and the guilty Wretch has his due reward: Whil'ſt he was ſpeaking theſe words, a Raven ſet up her Throat juſt before him, at which lucky Augury the Conſul rejoyc'd, and affirmed, That the Gods never did more evidently appear in Mens affairs, or give plainer Demonſtrations of their favor. And immediately commanded the Trumpets to ſound a Charge, and the whole Army to ſet up a luſty Shout.

The Battel was fierce and terrible, but managed upon very different motives; the Romans ruſh'd on animated with rage, and hope, and an ardent eagerneſs of Fighting; but the Samnites for the moſt part by neceſſity, and the charms of Superſtition, were forced even almoſt againſt their wills, to make reſiſtance rather than attack the Enemy; nor would they ever have ſtood the Romans firſt Charge, having for many Years been cow'd with conſtant Overthrows, but that a more prevailing fear imprinted on their minds, did retain them from flight: For they had continually before their Eyes the whole Parade of that ſecret Sacrifice, the armed Prieſts, and promiſcuous ſlaughter of Beaſts and Men; the Altars ſtain'd with humane Blood, the dreadful Execrations, and that furious Oath, wiſhing Plagues and Curſes on their Kindred and Poſterity; tyed with theſe Magical chains they kept indeed the Field, but ſtill were more afraid of their own Companions than of the Enemy. The Romans preſs'd on from either Wing and the Main-Body with all imaginable fury, and butchered them at pleaſure whil'ſt they ſtood thus as it were aſtoniſh'd with a double dread of Gods and Men: The reſiſtance they made was ſmall and faint, and nothing but pure fear kept them from running away. So that by this time execution was done upon them up to their very Standards, when on a ſudden there appeared at a diſtance on one ſide of them, a great cloud of Duſt, as if ſome mighty Army had rais'd it with their march; for Sp. Nautius (Octavius Metius ſome call him) who had the Conduct of the Alarian Bands before-mentioned, purpoſely made a far greater duſt than could be expected from ſo ſmall a number, by cauſing his Regiment of the Black-Guard, as they ſat on their Mules, to trail after them thick boughs of Trees; their Arms and Enſigns in the Front firſt appeared as it were through a duskiſh Light, but the duſt behind them riſing higher and thicker, ſeem'd to repreſent a great Body of Horſe flanking an Army of Foot, and deceived not only the Samnites, but the Romans too: And to keep up that uſeful Error, the Conſul ſo loud that even the Enemy might hear him, cryed out, That Cominium was taken, and his Victorious Colleague was come; That now they ſhould uſe their utmoſt endeavors to compleat the Victory before the other Army ſnatch'd the Honor of it out of their hands. Thus he ſpake as he gallop'd to and fro amongſt the Ranks, and at the ſame time commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Foot to widen their Files, and make room for the Horſe. He had before given Orders to Trebonius and Caedicius, that when they ſhould ſee him flouriſh his Spear over his head, they ſhould advance with the Cavalry, and as hard as they could drive Charge the Enemy. All things were punctually put in execution according to Order, the Files opened to the Right and Left, and the Horſe thundered out upon the Enemy, and broke into the middle of their Main-Body, diſordering their Ranks which way ſoever they turn'd their Force; Volumnius and Scipio bravely ſeconded them with the Infantry, and whil'ſt they were thus diſarray'd, beat down all before them. Then the Linnen Brigade went to pot, and fell under the fury both of the Gods and Men; the ſworn and unſworn fled both alike, and no longer feared any but the Enemy. Their Foot, as many as eſcaped in the Battel, were beat into their Camp at Aquilonia; their Noble-men and Horſe got to Bovianum; the Foot were by the Foot purſued, and the Horſe by Horſe; the two Wings ſeparated themſelves, the Right marching up to the Samnites Camp, and the Left to the Town: Volumnius was ſomewhat the nimbleſt, and ſoon made himſelf Maſter of the Camp; Scipio had an harder task to win the City, not that they had greater Courage, being all alike diſ-heartened with their Over-throw, but becauſe Walls will better keep out Aſſailants, than a plain Trench and Rampire; and beſides, from the Courtine they had an advantage to ſhour down Stones upon them ſo faſt, as none could endure it. Scipio conſidering that it would prove a tedious piece of Work, unleſs he could carry the Town at this firſt Heat, whil'ſt they within were in a fright, and before they could recollect their Spirits, ask'd his Soldiers, If they would ſuffer this diſgrace, to ſee the Camp bravely won by the other Wing, and themſelves Conquerors too as well as the others, to be ſhamefully repulſed from the City? They all teſtifying their Reſolutions to the contrary by a loud ſhout, himſelf clapping his Target over his Head, march'd foremoſt up to the Gate, and all the reſt following him in that poſture, by main force they broke into the City, and knocking down thoſe Samnites that were about the Gate, made themſelves Maſters of the Walls, but durſt not venture up into the middle of the City, being ſo few in number.

The Conſul at firſt knew nothing of all this, but was buſie in bringing the Main-Body of his Army to an orderly Retreat, for the Sun was now almoſt down, and Night coming on apace, made every thing ſeem dangerous and ſuſpicious even to the Victors themſelves; but when he was advanced further, he ſaw on his right hand the Enemies Camp taken, and on the left, heard a confuſed Cry and Tumult in the City, as compoſed of the mix'd clamors of Men fighting, and People in a fright, for it happened at that inſtant the Conflict was at the Gate. Upon this, he rides up nearer, and at laſt diſcovered his own Men upon the Walls, and that his Work was not yet at an end, ſince by a few Mens raſh adventurouſneſs, there was an opportunity of performing an excellent piece of Service, whereupon he recalled the Forces that were retreating, and cauſed them with Banners diſplayed to enter the City, where near the Gate they took up their Quarters, becauſe the Night came on ſo faſt, and before Morning the Enemy had deſerted it. There were ſlain that day of the Samnites, Thirty thouſand three hundred and forty; taken, Three thouſand eight hundred and ſeventy, and ninety ſeven Colours. 'Tis Recorded, That never any General was more chearful and pleaſant than Papirius during this Battel, whether it were of his own natural Diſpoſition, or upon aſſured confidence of Victory; 'twas upon this ſtrength of mind that he would not be diverted from fighting by the controverted Auſpice; and in the heat of the Conflict, when others are wont to make Vows of building Temples to the Immortal Gods, he only Vow'd, That if he defeated the Enemies Legions, he would preſent Jupiter Victor with a Cup of Metheglin, before himſelf taſted a drop of ſtrong Wine. Which Vow the Gods accepted, and turn'd the ill Preſages to good.

The other Conſul had no leſs ſucceſs at Cominium; for drawing up all his Forces by break of day to the Walls, he inveſted it quite round, and ſet ſtrong Guards at all the Gates to prevent any Sallies. But juſt as he was about to give the Signal for a general Aſſault, the Meſſenger from his Brother Conſul in a great fright, brought word, That twenty Cohorts of the Enemy were upon their march to relieve the City, which made him for a while defer the Storm, and draw off part of his Forces. For immediatly he diſpatch'd the firſt Legion, and twenty Cohorts of the Wings, and Horſe, under the Command of D. Brutus Scaeva, to meet this Party of the Enemy, with orders to ſtop or divert their march wherever they ſhould find them, and if need were, to fight them rather than ſuffer them to come up to Cominium. This care being taken, he commands the Scaling-Ladders to be ſet to the Walls round the Town, and ſeveral parties in cloſe Order, with their Targets over their heads, to make up to the Gates, ſo that at once the Gates were burſt open, and the Walls mounted: The Samnites, that had ſome hopes before to keep off the Enemy, when they ſaw them now in poſſeſſion of their Walls, that there was no longer any fighting at a diſtance with Darts and Lances, but they muſt come to Handy-ſtrokes, concluded, that they who from below had got upon the Walls, would then more eaſily deſcend, and be too hard for them upon even ground, who could not withſtand them with all the advantages of their Works; they therefore quitted their Towers and Bulwarks, and were beat up to the Market-place, where for a while they tryed their utmoſt Fortune, but at laſt flung down their Arms, and Fifteen thouſand and five hundred ſurrendred themſelves at diſcretion to the Conſul; the number of the ſlain amounted to 4380.

Thus went things at Cominium, and at Aquilonia, but between both places where a third Battel was expected, no Enemies were to be found; for that Detachment of the Samnites, upon the Romans drawing up in Battalia, were re-called, when they were but ſeven miles from Cominium, and ſo came not in to either of the Battels; but being arrived about twilight, within ſight of Aquilonia on one hand, and their Camp on the other, and from each place hearing a mighty Clamour, they made an hault, wondring what the matter might be; but by and by the Camp being fired by the Romans, gave them certain notice of their Parties defeat, ſo that they durſt march no further, but lying down where they were in their Arms, ſpent a reſtleſs night, wiſhing for, and yet fearing the approach of day. As ſoon as 'twas light, being yet uncertain whether to bend their courſe, they were put to the Run by the ſight of a party of Horſe, who had been upon the purſuit of the Samnites that in the night ſtole out of the City, and ſpying this multitude lie in the open Field without Trenches or Out-guards, were coming up to Charge them: They were alſo ſeen from the Walls of Aquilonia, and thence ſeveral Regiments of Foot were making at them; but they came not up time enough, and the Horſe only cut off about 280 in the Rear, the reſt eſcap'd, but in great Conſternation, to Bovianum, leaving abundance of Arms ſcattered behind them, and eighteen Colours.

The joy of each Roman Army was encreaſed by the good ſucceſs of the other. The Conſuls, by mutual conſent, gave their Soldiers the Plunder of both Cities, and when they had ranſack'd the Houſes, ordered them to be ſet on fire; ſo that on one and the ſame day, both Aquilonia and Cominium were laid in aſhes, and the Conſuls with mighty Congratulations on either ſide, joined their Forces. There in the Head of both Armies, Carvilius beſtowed large Commendations and Rewards on ſuch of his Men as had ſignalized themſelves by any ſpecial Action: And Papirius, who had been engag'd in variety of Service in the Field, and the City, and the Camp, gave Bracelets, and Coronets of Gold, to Sp. Nautius and Sp. Papirius his own Nephew, and to four Centurions, and one whole Band of Haſtati or Javelyneers. To Nautius for his expedition and dexterity in terrifying the Enemy with a ſhew of a great Army; to young Papirius for his gallant Service with the Horſe, both in the Battel, and in purſuing the Samnites, when in the night they got out of the City; and to the Centurions and Haſtati, becauſe they were the firſt that took the Gate, and mounted the Wall of Aquilonia. To all the Horſe-men, becauſe they had behav'd themſelves very well, he gave Bracelets and little Horns of Silver.

In the next place a Council of War was held, to conſult, Whether both or either of the Armies ſhould yet be withdrawn out of Samnium, and it was reſolved, That the more irrecoverably to ſuppreſs the Enemy, they ſhould with the greateſt vigor improve their Victories, ſo as they might be able to deliver up the Country entirely ſubdued to the next Conſuls: And ſince there was now no Army of the Enemies that durſt appear in the Field, they had no buſineſs left but to aſſault their Cities and fortified Towns, the taking of which, would both enrich their own Soldiers, and empoveriſh the Enemy, beſides the multitudes of them that muſt there be either ſlain or taken Priſoners. Therefore having by Letters given the Senate an account of their Proceedings, the Conſuls divided their Armies; Papirius advancing to beſiege Sepinum, and Carvilius to inveſt Volana.

Theſe Letters from the Conſuls were read with the higheſt Joy imaginable, as well in the Senate, as before all the People in the Common-Hall; and this Publick Rejoycing was celebrated with Proceſſions and Thankſgivings for the ſpace of four days together: For indeed this Victory was not only of great Importance in it ſelf to the Romans, but alſo came very ſeaſonably, for it happened, that juſt at the ſame time tydings arrived, That the Tuſcans were in Rebellion, and People began to ponder in their minds how they ſhould do to quell them, if any thing ſhould happen amiſs in Samnium, where both the Conſuls, and all the Roman Forces were now engaged, which heartned on the Etrurians to this Inſurrection. Ambaſſadors from ſome of the Roman Allies were introduced by M. Attilius the Praetor into the Senate, complaining, That their Territories were waſted with Fire and Sword by their Neighbors the Tuſcans, becauſe they would not relinquiſh the Roman Intereſt; therefore they did beſeech the Fathers, to defend them from the Out-rages of theſe common Enemies: To whom Anſwer was return'd, That the Senate would take care, that their Allies ſhould have no cauſe to repent them of their having continued faithful, and that very ſpeedily they ſhould ſee the Tuſcans in as wretched a condition as the Samnites. Yet had they not proceeded with ſuch Expedition againſt the Tuſcans, but that News came, the Faliſcans, who for many Years had been firm Friends, were now revolted and join'd with them. The near Neighborhood of this Nation quickned the Senate to ſend Heralds to demand ſatisfaction; which being not given, by the Authority of the Senate and Command of the People, War is Declared againſt the Faliſcans, and the Conſuls ordered to caſt Lots which of them ſhould remove with his Army out of Samnium into Tuſcany. Carvilius had already taken from the Samnites three Cities, Volana, Palumbinum, and Herculaneum; Volana in few days time, Palumbinum the ſame day that he came before the Walls, but at Herculaneum he was forc'd to fight two ſet Battels, with doubtful Succeſs, and more loſs ſuſtained on his ſide than on the Enemies. Then he Entrench'd himſelf, and ſhut them up within the Walls, and at laſt aſſaulted the Town and took it. In theſe three places there were taken or ſlain to the number of Ten thouſand People. When the Conſuls came to ſort the Provinces, Tuſcany fell to Carvilius, at which his Soldiers were pleaſed, who could not well endure any longer the ſharpneſs of the Weather in Samnium. Papirius at Sepinum had an harder tug on't; he was forc'd to encounter the Enemy oft-times in Pitch'd-Battels, continual Skirmiſhes, and frequent Sallies, ſo that 'twas neither a meer Siege, nor an even War in the Field, for the Samnites did not ſo much defend themſelves with their Walls, as their Walls with their Bodies and their Arms; but in the end, by theſe daily Conflicts he reduc'd it to a juſt Siege, and partly with Batteries, and partly by main force, took the City, where the enraged Soldiers committed great ſlaughter, there being 7400 cut to pieces, and not full 3000 that had Quarter: The Booty, which was very conſiderable, becauſe the Samnites had brought all they had into a few Cities, was diſtributed amongſt the Soldiers.

The Ground was now all covered with Snow, and there was no enduring longer abroad in the Field; therefore the Conſul march'd his Army out of Samnium, and coming to Rome, a Triumph was Decreed him by a univerſal conſent; and accordingly he did Triumph before he went out of his Office, with as great State and Magnificence as thoſe days could afford. The Horſe and Foot appeared in the Cavalcade adorn'd with all their Prizes of Honor: Many a Civic Garland was worn that day by ſuch as had ſaved the Lives of their Fellow-Citizens; many that firſt mounted the Enemies Rampire, and others that were formoſt in Scaling their Walls, were diſtinguiſh'd by their ſeveral Badges and Crowns. The Samnites ſpoils made a gallant ſhow, and the People took great delight in comparing them with thoſe brought home by his Father, wherewith the publick Buildings were beautified. Divers noble Priſoners, famous for their own or their Anceſtors actions, were led along in Chains, and amongſt the reſt there was a vaſt quantity of Braſs Bullion, raiſed by the ranſom of Priſoners, amounting to Two millions five hundred thirty three thouſand Aſſes in weight [about 25006 l. 13 s. 4 d. ſterling] and of Silver taken in the ſeveral Cities, 1330 pounds weight, and upwards [amounting to 3990 l. of our mony.] All this mony, Braſs and Silver, was carryed into the common Treaſury, and nothing of the whole Booty given to the Soldiers; which as it cauſed much diſcontent and envy, ſo the ſame was encreaſed amongſt the common People, becauſe they were charged with a Tax to pay off the Soldiers; whereas if the Conſul in a vain glorious humor had not brought theſe Sums into the Chamber of the City, the ſame would have been enough both to have rewarded the Army, and ſatisfied their Arrears. Moreover, before he went out of his Conſulſhip, he Dedicated the Temple of Quirinus, which his Father being Dictator had Vowed, for that he himſelf made any ſuch Vow in the heat of the Battel, I find not in any ancient Author; nor could he in ſo ſhort a time have finiſh d it: This Temple he garniſh'd with the Enemies Spoils, whereof there was ſuch abundance, as not only ſuffic'd to deck up the ſame, and the Town-Hall, but great quantities of them were divided amongſt, and ſent unto their next Allies and Colonies to beautifie their Temples and publick Buildings. After the Triumph, the Army took up Winter-Quarters amongſt the Veſtins, becauſe thoſe parts were liable to be infeſted by the Incurſions of the Samnites.

In the interim, the other Conſul Carvilius in Etruria, firſt ſate down before the City Troilus, and for a great ſum of mony gave leave for 470 of the richeſt Burgers to depart thence whither they liſt, the reſt of the Rabble fell into his hands after he had ſtormed the Town. After which he took in five very ſtrong and well fortified Caſtles. Here were ſlain of the Enemy 2400, and almoſt 2000 taken Priſoners: The Faliſcans then coming to a Treaty, he granted them a Truce for a Year, upon paying down One hundred thouſand Aſſes (312 l. 10 s. ſterling) and paying off his Soldiers for that Year.

After theſe ſignal Succeſſes he came home to receive the honor of a Triumph, which if not ſo glorious as his Colleagues for his Actions in Samnium, yet adding his Services in Tuſcany, he might juſtly boaſt an equal merit. He brought into the Exchequer of Braſs mony, Three hundred and ninety thouſand pieces [637 l. 15 s. 7 d. ſterling] and with the reſt built a Chappel to Sors Fortunae (or good Fortune) near the Temple dedicated to the ſame Goddeſs by King Servius Tullus. Out of the Booty he gave his Soldiers 102 Aſſes [6 s. 5 d. ob. ſterling] apiece, and twice as much to each Centurion and Trooper, which was ſo much the more gratefully accepted, ſince his Colleague had been ſo nigardly as to give his Men nothing. And indeed, ſo much was this Conſul in the Peoples favor, that ('tis ſaid) he protected his Lieutenant L. Poſthumius, who being Indicted by M. Cautius, a Tribune of the Commons, put off the Judgment by alledging his Command in the Army, and that during his abſence they could not proceed to a definitive Sentence.

The Year being now expired, the new Tribunes of the Commons entred upon their Office; but they not being duly elected, five days after others were choſen in their ſtead. The ſame Year a Luſtrum or general Survey of the City, was held by P. Cornelius Arvina, and C. Marcius Rutilus the Cenſors, and there were aſſeſſed 262322 Roman Citizens. Theſe were the ſix and twentieth Cenſors ſince that Office erected, and this the nineteenth ſurvey that had been taken. The ſame Year, and never before, divers Perſons that had done good Services in the Wars, ſate in the Publick Theaters to behold the Roman Plays with Wreaths and Garlands of Flowers upon their Heads, and then too came up the faſhion, borrowed from the Greeks, to honor thoſe with Palm-branches that won the Prizes at thoſe ſolemn Sports. The Curule Aediles that exhibited theſe Sports, having fined the Graſiers that held City-Lands for defrauding the Publick, did with the Mony, new pave the Road from Mars's Temple to the Beaſt-Market. L. Papirius held the Court for electing of Conſuls, and choſe Gurges the Son of Q. Fabius Maximus, and D. Junius Brutus Scaeva; and Papirius himſelf was made Praetor. The many Proſperities of this Year were ſcarce able to ballance one Affliction, which was that of the Peſtilence, ſo grievous both in the City and Country, that it was look'd upon as an immediate Judgment from Heaven: The Sacred Books of the Sibyls were conſulted to know when the Gods would be pleas'd to put a period to this Calamity, or what remedy there might be for it; where 'twas found, That the God Aeſculapius muſt be fetch'd from Epidaurus to Rome: But ſo involved they were in Wars, that nothing could this Year be done in it, ſave only, that one day was ſolemnly obſerved in honor of, and ſupplications to the ſaid Aeſculapius.

THE SUPPLEMENT OF LIVY, By John Freinſheim. DECADE II.

BOOK XI. Lucius Annaeus Florus HIS EPITOME.

Fabius Gurges the Conſul having been defeated by the Samnites; and the Senate minding to remove him from his Command, Fabius Maximus his Father interceding that he might not undergo this diſgrace, overperſwades the Senate, by promiſing to go himſelf Lieutenant to his Son: which he does accordingly; and his Son aſſiſted by his Counſels triumphs over the Samnites, and beheads C. Pontius the Samnite General, whom he had led in Triumph. Peſtilence raging in the City, Embaſſadours are ſent to fetch Aeſculapius's ſhrine from Epidaurus to Rome: And bring with 'em a Snake, that came aboard their Ship, which they took for the Deity. Where this Snake went out into the Iſle of Tyber a Temple is built to Aeſculapius. Lucius Poſthumius a Perſon of conſular Dignity, being General, puts his Soldiers to work in his Ground, for which he is Fin'd. With the Samnites ſuing for Peace a League is renew'd the fourth time. Curius Dentatus the Conſul having defeated the Sabines and conquer'd the Rebel Samnites who ſurrendred themſelves, twice Triumphs in the ſame year. Colonies are brought to Caſtrum, Sena, and Adria. Triumviri Capitales are firſt made. The People are poll'd. The number amounting to two hundred, ſeventy two thouſand Citizens. The Commons by reaſon of Debt, and troubleſom Mutinies, withdraw into Janiculum whence they are brought back again by the Dictator Hortenſius, who Died in his Office: Beſides it contains the Wars with the Volſinians, and Lucanians, againſt whom 'twas thought fit to aſſiſt the Tyrrhenians.

THe Power of the Samnites was now weakned by ſeveral Battels, and there was no doubt made, but the War might be ended, if the Enemy after this defeat, and conſternation, ſhould be allow'd as little reſpit as could be, to recruit their Spirits. Therefore the Conſul Q. Fabius a hot Spurr'd Youth, and reſolved to get himſelf the Honour of ending the War, having ſpeedily levied Forces, marched out of hand to Campania. For the Samnites being a hardy People, and driven to deſpair rather than fear by ſo many defeats, becauſe the Conſuls the year before had carried away all the Legions to their Triumph; made uſe of this opportunity, and raiſed conſiderable Forces partly from the remainders of former Fights, and partly by new Levies. And becauſe they knew the Plague rag'd amongſt the Romans at that time, and withal, that the Conſuls for that year were not much to be feared either for their experience in War, or Authority, they took heart upon this, and annoy'd the Campanians a People always contemn'd by 'em, and now hated more than ever, as the Authors of their ſuffering, by ſpoiling and waſting their Country.

The Roman General had a courage equal to the reputation of the Fabian Houſe, but the contempt of an Enemy ſo often routed by his Countrymen, and too much eagerneſs to Fight rendred him very unwary. Marching thus againſt the Enemy with great precipitation, at laſt he came in ſight of an advanced party ſent by the General of the Samnites, who deſcrying the Romans marching forward, retreated to their own men: Fabius hereupon imagining that the Enemy fled, without informing himſelf either of the ſituation of Places, or the condition of the People, commands his Army with all ſpeed to advance; as if the whole hopes of Victory lay in making extraordinary ſpeed.

The Samnites forwarn'd by their Scouts manag'd all things more circumſpectly: for they poſſeſſed themſelves of advantageous Poſts, embattelled their men, and incouraged them by the Orations of their Commanders. The event therefore of this Battel was ſuch, as might juſtly be expected. An Army well order'd and every way appointed eaſily routed men tir'd out, with their Ranks broken, as if they came not to Fight but to Plunder. Fabius loſt three thouſand of his men, and more were wounded: and had not the night interpoſing prevented it, he would have loſt all his Army. Then he got to a place of more ſecurity, and fortified his Camp as well as he could in ſuch a conſternation: and here things were not in a better poſture, nor mens minds better aſſur'd, than they were in the Field. Here was no repoſe for the weary, no Food for the Hungry, nor any Medicins for the wounded. For they took only their Arms with 'em, having left all their Baggage in their former Camp. Therefore the whole night was ſpent between the groans of the Dying, and the complaints of the Living: whilſt all waited for the next day with fear and deſpair, as their laſt. For that men toil'd out and even ſpent with watching, weakn'd with wounds, and diſheartn'd by their overthrow, and withal much leſſen'd in numbers, were not able to withſtand an Enemy, which an Army both in Courage, and Strength and alſo full of hopes had not been able to ſuſtain.

Things being thus given up for loſt, as it happened, the Enemies miſtake was a means to relieve them: who being alarm'd with the report of the other Conſuls marching againſt him, diſlodg'd, and went another way, contenting himſelf with this unexpected ſucceſs, leſt if he went to attaque Fabius's Camp, he ſhould be environ'd by theſe freſh Forces. When the Enemy went off, the Romans alſo retreated to places of more ſecurity. When the News came to Rome, the People being more concern'd for the diſgrace than the loſs ſuſtain'd, took it ſadly to heart, that through the Conſuls raſhneſs matters ſhould be ordered ſo ill that a War which had laſted as long as any before it, ſhould be renew'd, now 'twas almoſt at an end; and that more terrible too than it had been of a long time before; becauſe the Samnites were reincourag'd by this Victory. Nor had the Tribunes of the Commons only, whoſe peculiar Trade it was, aggravated every thing as invidiouſly as they could, by their frequent Speeches to the Commons: But likewiſe when the Senate canvaſſed the matter, very hard Sentences paſsd upon it, and a Decree was made by the Senate, whereby Fabius the Conſul was commanded to Rome before ſuch a time to anſwer to his Charge. When he came, ſeveral Perſons accuſed him, nor could he defend the Fact, nay what is more, that very thing which ſhould have helped him, namely the Intereſt of old Fabius, prejudiced his cauſe. For men thought him leſs worthy of Pardon, who having ſo gallant a Perſon for his Father, and being bred up among his Triumphs, had not only diſgraced the Roman name in general, but the glories of his own Family in particular by his defeat imputable to his great raſhneſs. The People were ſo incenſed that they would hardly hear the Defendant Plead: But however they were pacified by the extraordinary tenderneſs of Fabius, and afterwards by his Speech. For he fearing, leſt his Son for his miſcarriage in the War ſhould be turn'd out of his Place, forbore altogether to excuſe his fault: But modeſtly mentioning his own, and his Anceſtors Merits, he pray'd he might not undergo a diſgrace ſo bitter to himſelf, ſo infamous to the whole Family of the Fabii: But yet he did not in the leaſt deſire that the miſcarriage of one Fabius ſhould be Pardon'd for the ſake of ſo many Fabii, who from the very Foundation of Rome almoſt had aggrandiz'd the Romans affairs: Nor likewiſe for thoſe three hundreds ſake, who by their own, and almoſt the univerſal deſtruction of the Fabian Race defended the Commonwealth: if ſo be that this fault were Incurable, and that more advantage was like to accrue to the publick from the puniſhment, than from the Pardon of his Son; for he had learnt to prefer the love of his Country before any other Relation. However the worſt that could be feared from the Youth was already paſt, but the benefits, that may redound from one of ſuch a temper, who has been Bred up by my ſelf, a Maſter competent enough by your own Judgment, may yet be expected; unleſs you by a juſt, yet unſeaſonable ſeverity deſtroy theſe hopes. Many men have by miſcarrying in the beginning of an Enterpriſe been rendred more cautious; who being admoniſhed of a fault have often repaired moderate loſſes with a great advantage; And for ought I know, we may impute it to Fortunes Spite rather than any mans fault, that the long Proſperity of our State, and of the Fabian Family has now by a ſlender diſaſter been thus allay'd, tho we may ſtile it the kindneſs, rather than the anger of the Gods thus to Arm us againſt that fatal Pride, which uſually attends too much Proſperity: and withal to mind us of Mortality by a misfortune not ſo prejudicial to the publick, as advantageous to our Inſtruction. Whatever the matter was, Fellow Citizens, my mind miſgave me, ſome miſchance would happen: when in the Aſſemblies I ſolicited you not to make my Son Conſul: for conſidering how my Father, Grand-Father, and others of my Anceſtours had bore that Office often, and moreover that I my ſelf had been Conſul five times, I began to fear, that neither Gods nor Men would be willing to ſee the chief Honours continue ſtill in the ſame Family. And I wiſh my Prayers had prevailed with you then; or elſe that you would make good your grant, leſt what you have beſtowed on my Son for Honour againſt my will, ſhould prove an occaſion of extraordinary diſgrace to us both: and you your ſelves alſo be accuſed of Raſhneſs; who if you repeal your former Act touching Q. Fabius by another Order, you will be eſteemed by poſterity, either to have given, or taken away that Power without a cauſe. If you take a milder courſe, you will then preſerve your own Authority, together with the reputation of the Fabian houſe: and the Youths miſcarriage, as it has done ſome hurt to the State, ſhall be alſo repair'd with greater advantage. But who can aſſure this? I my ſelf, (Fellow Citizens) will be engag'd for my Son to the Commonwealth, (and may it be for the good of the Senate, the Commons, and our Family) Ile go Lieutenant to my Son, to ſhare in any Fortune, which we ſhall find, or make our own. My Courage ſtill remains: and for one of my Age I cannot complain for want of ſtrength: I can yet endure the toils of War, and ſtand in the field. And were I good for nothing elſe, yet by the memory of former fights I ſhall be able to terrifie the Enemy, and incourage our own men: and (which is the main thing) I can by my Counſel direct the young Conſul, whoſe Age betray'd him to this miſcarriage, and by the cooler Counſels of elder years temper the vehement heat of Youth. Were I not acquainted with my Sons inclinations, and confident, that he will follow good Advice, now near the period of my Life ſpent with ſo much Honour, after ſo many Conſulſhips born according to your and my own mind, ſuch Victories and Triumphs, I would be loth to let a Reputation got by the toils of ſo many years at home and abroad, to be ſtain'd by the giddy raſhneſs of one Youth.

This Speech wanted neither weight to perſwade the hearers, nor truth as to the aſſuring of better ſucceſs. The Lieutenancy being decreed by the joint conſent of all, and every thing diligently provided, the Conſul marches out honour'd now no leſs, than he was defam'd and quarrelled at when he returned. Afterwards upon the way and in the Camp every thing was ordered according to the old Generals direction; and the Confederates who reſpected Q. Fabius for his kindneſſes and great worth, were ready at hand to do whatſoever ſhould be commanded them. The Soldiers alſo being deſirous to repair their diſgrace, and relying on their Generals Conduct, under whom they remembred how often that Nation had been routed by themſelves and their Fathers, now wiſhed with all their hearts to come to a Battel with the Enemy. The Samnites alſo after their laſt ſucceſs were not leſs incourag'd. So that whilſt the one ſtrove to maintain the honour they had won, and the other to regain what they had loſt, they fought very ſmartly on both ſides. And now the Romans began to have the worſt of it, and C. Pontius Herennius with a party of choice Men encompaſs'd the Conſul himſelf, when old Fabius ſeeing his Sons danger rode full ſpeed into the thickeſt of the Enemies. A Squadron of Horſe immediately follows him, who beyond their wonted courage were incited with ſhame to ſee an old Man outdo ſuch brave Sparks both in ſtrength and valour. This Effort drew after it the fortune of the Battel. The Roman Legions firſt ſtood, and being incourag'd by the Horſe routed the Enemy, whilſt Herennius in vain made reſiſtance: who that day perform'd all the parts of a good Commander and Soldier too, endeavouring to rally his Men that were diſorder'd, to ſtop thoſe that fled, and to make head againſt thoſe that charg'd him. Yet he could not hinder the flight of his own Men, but loſt himſelf the opportunity to eſcape. There were four thouſand of the Samnites together with their General taken priſoners, and in the Field, and on their ſlight twenty thouſand of 'em were ſlain. Their Camp was taken alſo with a great Booty therein, which by ravaging the Territories of the Enemy, and riſſing their Towns either conquer'd or ſurrendred, was increaſed exceedingly. So great an alteration of Affairs inſuing upon the account of one Man, inſomuch that an Army now victorious is defeated by thoſe it had beaten, and that General who had routed the Conſul, is now himſelf taken Priſoner by him, making a great ſhow for the Romans, and adorning his Triumph, which when he return'd home next year, he obtain'd by the conſent of all.

Whilſt the Fabii acted thus at Samnium the other Conſul, D. Brutus, to whoſe ſhare the Province of Faliſcum fell, had good ſucceſs. For being aſſiſted by S. Carvilius his Lieutenant (for the Senate thought fit to aſſign him one likewiſe) an experienc'd Soldier and one that underſtood that Enemy (againſt whom being Conſul the year before, he had fought with good ſucceſs) he both ravag'd a great part of Hetruria; and alſo routed the Faliſci, who adventured to engage him.

Theſe things being related in the City, when the time of the Aſſemblies came, and it was eſteem'd diſadvantageous to the State to take off the Conſuls from the proſecution of the War, a Viceroy was ſet up. This Viceroy L. Poſthumius Megellus is declar'd Conſul, in thoſe Aſſemblies he call'd himſelf, a thing without a former Precedent, except that of Appius Claudius, which no honeſt Men approv'd. But Poſthumius manag'd his Office with as great inſolence as he took it upon him. For being vainly arrogant A. U. 462 both for his birth, and his now third Conſulſhip, he formerly contemn'd his Colleague C. Junius Brutus a Plebeian by birth, as one much his inferiour. But as ſoon as they began to conſider about the Provinces, he would neithe • divide, nor caſt Lots with Brutus for them: demanding the manage of the Samnite War out of courſe as his due, becauſe he ſaid he had done ſuch great exploits againſt that Enemy in his two former Conſulſhips. The buſineſs being canvaſſed in the Senate with great debate; when C. Junius ſaw, that being an upſtart, he could not obtain his right againſt the Intereſt and Power of his Colleague, leſt the variance of the Conſuls ſhould incommode the Public, he declar'd at laſt that he yielded of his own accord to his Colleague.

The Peſtilence as yet rag'd terribly in the City and the Country: which now after three years could not be abated by any divine, or humane remedy whatſoever, though Men had try'd all. Therefore either by the command of the Books of the Sybils, or the Counſel of the Delphic Oracle (for this is likewiſe ſaid) ten Ambaſſadours were ſent to fetch Aeſculapius from Epidaurus, which was eſteem'd his native place, to Rome. For though the Oracle was dark enough, and the Senate could not foreſee the event, yet they were reſolv'd to obey the gods, making account that they would themſelves reveal their own deſtinies, and the order they were to proceed in. Hereupon a very ſtrange thing inſu'd and manifeſtly true both from many faithful Hiſtorians, and alſo from the building of the Temple dedicated in the Iſle of Tyber. When the Roman Ambaſſadours had deliver'd their Commands to the Epidaurians, they were civilly receiv'd, but becauſe they knew not what might be given 'em to carry away that might be moſt for their advantage they were brought into the Temple of Aeſculapius. In moſt parts of Greece the Temples of this Deity are built in high and open places. The Epidaurians alſo had a Temple five miles diſtant from the Town, which was then very famous, and richly furniſh'd with the Offerings of thoſe, who thought they had recover'd their health there. Being got in hither, whilſt they admire a huge Shrine made by that famous Artiſt Thraſymedes the Parian; a great Snake ſliding of a ſudden from the Adytum ſurpriz'd 'em all. For the Prieſts in a devout poſture ſaid that the Deity ſhrowded it ſelf in this form, and that when he appear'd in this guiſe, it was look'd on as a happy Omen. The Snake was ſeen for two days in the Temple, and afterwards diſappear'd again. But the third day he went ſtraight through the midſt of the croud, which gaz'd on and worſhip'd, to the Port where the Roman Galley ſtood; entring into which he lay down in the Cabin of Q. Ogulnius the chief Ambaſſadour winding himſelf round in ſeveral ſolds.

There goes an old Story, that the ſame Aeſculapius appearing in the form of a Serpent was drawn by Mules from Sicyon to Epidaurus, one Nicagoras the Wife of Echetimus attending him. The Romans therefore rejoycing at this ſight, as much as if they carry'd with 'em the god himſelf, ſet ſail, and in few days croſſing the Sea arriv'd ſafely at Antium and afterwards to Rome; but whilſt they lay here by reaſon of a ſtorm at Sea, the Snake which had not ſtirr'd all the while, creeping out of the Ship ſlides into the Porch of a Temple the moſt magnificent in the whole Town, and there continuing three days, the Ambaſſadours being ſore afraid, that he could not be got from thence: becauſe all that time he did not return to meals, until at laſt coming aboard again they carry'd him very joyfully to Rome. The whole City came out to ſee this wondrous thing, and along the River ſide, where it was brought up, Altars were built, Incenſe burnt, and Sacrifices offer'd. When they were come up as far as the Iſle of Tyber, the Snake ſwam over to that Iſland, which was afterwards call'd Aeſculapius's Iſle, and ſince was never ſeen. The Senate concluding this to be the place choſen by the god, decreed, that a Temple ſhould be built for Aeſculapius there. The Sickneſs whether by that means, or becauſe 'twas otherwiſe like to do ſo, ceaſed. The Temple grew famous for rich Offerings, and for ſeveral perſons ſaying they had been cur'd by that Deity. L. Poſthumius treated his Colleague with the ſame inſolence in the Province, as he had done in the City, For when Fabius Gurges who had been Conſul the year before, by order of the Senate manag'd the Affairs in Samnium inſtead of the Conſul: Poſthumius wrote to him ſaucily, commanding him to depart out of his Province, for that he was able of himſelf to manage that War. Fabius pleads to this the Commands of the Senate, that he could not quit a charge the Senate had laid upon him. When the news came to Rome, they were afraid, leſt the Commonwealth ſhould ſuffer by the difference of the Conſuls. Wherefore 'twas determin'd that Ambaſſadours ſhould be ſent to the Conſul to require him in the Senates name to let Fabius act as General in Samnium. To this they ſay that as his anſwer was impudent and ſaucy, ſo it had one expreſſion that imply'd an extraordinary churliſhneſs in the Man, namely, that as long as he was Conſul he ought not to obey the Senate but the Senate him, and that he might not ſeem more inſolent in words than in fact, he diſmiſſes the Ambaſſadours preſently, and marches with his Army to Cominium, which Fabius beſieg'd then, intending if he could not otherwiſe remove his Competitor, to fight with him. What a ſhameful ſight would the Roman Army have afforded to the Enemy, had Fabius reſiſted as ſenſeleſly, as he was urg'd. But Fabius being a more moderate Man both in his temper, and by reaſon of his Fathers counſels, declaring beforehand, that he quitted his right not for fear of the Conſul, but for the Commonwealths-ſake, departed the Province. Cominium in few days was taken by Poſthumius, who from thence march'd againſt Venuſia, and having taken it, carry'd the War about to other Towns: whereof he won very many, partly by force, and partly upon ſurrender. Of the Enemies in that Expedition ten thouſand were ſlain, ſix thouſand and two hundred delivering their Arms, yielded upon diſcretion.

The Actions of the Conſul in this War were indeed very conſiderable, had not his haughty behaviour reflected a great blemiſh upon 'em, inſomuch that when he wrote to the Senate and advertis'd 'em that the City Venuſia and the Country thereabout would be a moſt fit place for a Colony. The thing it ſelf was lik'd 'tis true, but no notice taken of the Author either of the Victory or Counſel. That a Colony of twenty thouſand Men was brought there by others, is deliver'd by authentick Authors: a great number and almoſt incredible, unleſs we ſuppoſe, that this multitude was ſetled there as a common gariſon among thoſe ſavage people the Lucanians and Apulians. But as the outragiouſneſs of Poſthumius beſides his other miſcarriages made all people hate him, ſo it procur'd the eſteem of all to Q. Fabius: and to him after his return to Rome and that he had made his Speech touching his Actions, a Triumph was eaſily granted. He triumph'd in the Conſuls ſtead over the Samnites ſurnam'd Pentri the firſt of Auguſt. The old Fabius riding behind the Chariot was applauded by all the multitude, not onely as the Adjutant to, but the Author of the Victory. But he being deſirous to give the Conſul all the credit of the Action us'd the Title as well as modeſty of a Lieutenant, being as well pleas'd to ſee his Son honour'd now, as when he carry'd him about in his Chariot, when he was a ſtripling, at his own Triumph. Moreover, the Conſul gave part of the booty to the Soldiers, the reſt was laid up in the publick Treaſury. C. Pontius the Samnite being led in triumph is beheaded immediately, a valiant and renowned Soldier, who ſuſtained the Roman Power ſo long in thoſe days, having given 'em many ſmart blows, and put 'em to the higheſt diſgrace at the Gallows of Caudium. Who by report us'd to ſay, That if he had been born when the Romans had learnt to take bribes, he would have ſuffer'd 'em to rule no longer. So that then 'twas not the puiſſance of Arms, but a perſeverance in vertue that ſupported the grandeur of the Commonwealth.

L. Poſthumius in the mean time being angry for the Honours beſtow'd on his Competitor, no leſs than for thoſe deny'd himſelf, out of a peeviſh humour quarrel'd continually with the Senate, but this was ſo far from curing his bleeding wounds, that it incens'd thoſe againſt him, whom by his ſubmiſſion he might have made his Friends. For he ceas'd not to complain of his Enemies, to rail againſt the States, and to vex the Senate yet more, he divided all the plunder between the Soldiers and diſmiſs'd the Army ere one could be ſent to ſucceed him. The Triumph he celebrated againſt the Senates will, though by ſome 'tis reckon'd to fall within his ſecond Conſulſhip: yet I rather judg it belongs to this time, which is alſo atteſted by Hiſtorians noted both for diligence and faith. For theſe his Actions he became liable to freſh diſpleaſures, inſomuch that as ſoon as he went out of his Office two Tribunes of the people arreſted A. U. 463 him, and order'd him to come to his Trial before the Commons. Beſides what is mention'd already, he was charg'd that as ſoon as he went out of Town in his Martial Habiliments, he had ſent two thouſand Soldiers, choſen out of the Legions, into his ground to dig about his Trees, and for many days had detain'd 'em in that work; not conſidering that Soldiers and not Slaves had been given him, and thoſe not to manure his ground but to inlarge the Roman Territories. Being ſhrewdly impeach'd of theſe crimes after he had in vain attempted to make his defence, he was condemned by the Votes of all the Tribes, and order'd to pay two hundred thouſand Seſterces damage.

The two new Conſuls P. Cornelius Rufinus, and M. C. Dentatus now enter'd upon their Office: both of which with their Legion waſted Samnium by ravaging the Country and deſtroying the Towns, inſomuch that they forc'd the Samnites who had in ſeveral places fought with 'em, by great ſlaughters of their Men to ſue for a Peace. For whereas in ſo many Battels, they had loſt almoſt all their young Men, and after C. Pontius their Councellour and Captain too was taken. Having ſent Ambaſſadours to the Conſuls and with their conſent to Rome, they prevail'd to have the Peace renew'd with 'em the fourth time. The Romans, I ſuppoſe, being likewiſe wearied with Victory, and deſiring ſometimes to exchange an irkſom War, that had prov'd often calamitous to themſelves for the tranquillity of a ſure Peace. The War I find began with the Samnites, when M. Valerius was third time Conſul, and A. Cor. Caſtus his Colleague, which continuing four and fifty years after with alternate fortune, or intermitted onely by ſhort Truces, employ'd theſe two Nations. Whether Cornelius triumph'd for this War is not certain, but as for Manius there is no doubt of it, whoſe ſucceſs was therefore the more remarkable, foraſmuch as he having conquer'd other Enemies, beſides triumph'd twice in the ſame Office. For the Sabines a potent Nation grown wealthy by a long Peace being mov'd either by the prayers of the Samnits, and compaſſion to their Kinred, or becauſe they would ſtop the fire, which was like to reach 'em after the conqueſt of their Neighbours, now took Arms, and invaded ſeveral places of the Roman Territories. Curius marching with his Army againſt 'em, being minded to divide the Enemy, and alſo to ſpoil the Sabines Country, ſent part of his Forces by ſecret ways, having order'd them to alarm the Country and waſt it as far as they could. This forc'd the ſeveral Armies to act ſeparately, that each of them might defend their own: and thereby the formidable ſtrength of the Sabine Army was broken, ſo that the Conſul eaſily routed people thus diſpers'd aſunder. By this Expedition they came as far as the Adriatic Sea, and took ſo much Men and Land by it, that the ſaying of Curius was afterwards much celebrated, who according to the diſcipline of thoſe times being readier with his Hands than his Tongue, ſaid, I have won ſo much ground, that would be like to lie deſolate, had not I taken ſo many Men; and I have taken ſo many Men as would be famiſh'd, unleſs I had taken ſo much ground.

The Sabines ſuing for a Peace, in memory of the ancient Alliance under Tatius, and becauſe the quarrel was not carried on with fierce animoſities between 'em, were made Denizens of Rome, but without a Vote. We have but a ſlender account left us of the Conſuls next year, M. Valerius Corvinus and Q. Caeditius A. U. 464 Noctua: ſave that about that time, we find that Colonies were brought to Caſtrum and Adria, whence the Adriatic Sea is ſo call'd, and alſo to Sena in the Gallic Country. But conſidering thoſe Countries were not then conquer'd as far as that place, I am rather inclin'd to believe other Authors, who refer the Origine of theſe Colonies to later times.

For ſuppreſſing Rogues in the City which were now very riſe, a new Magiſtracy was erected, which had power to impriſon and puniſh Malefactors. Theſe Magiſtrates were ſtiled the Capital Triumvirate [or Lord chief Juſtices] from their number, there being three of 'em. Of a Law touching this matter made by Papirius the Tribune of the Commons I find theſe words: Whoſoever hereafter ſhall be made Praetor, and ſhall ſit in Judgment, let him propoſe to the people the Election of a Capital Triumvirate, and let them ſet Fines, and give judgment, and each of 'em have equal Authority to fine, and give judgment according to the Laws and Statutes of the people. For then the fine was call'd Sacramentum becauſe it was generally laid out to defray the expences of Sacrifices, by reaſon of the multitude there was of them in the City, and the neceſſities of the Treaſury. Of the Polling that year we have no more account left, but that two hundred ſeventy three thouſand were ſaid to be poll'd. That the Preſident of the Senate this year choſen by the Cenſors was Fabius Maximus is very probable, which we know upon another account, foraſmuch as that honour continu'd in the Tribe of that Family, deſcending from Ambuſtus the Father to Maximus, and from him to Gurges the Son. In the mean time whilſt Affairs abroad went very proſperouſly, the State was peſter'd at home with ſad mutinies and diſſentions. The Populace now being much in Debt, demanded diſcharges of it, an ancient thing practis'd two hundred years before, variouſly according as ſome turbulent Tribune us'd it to incenſe the people, or the oppreſſion of Uſurers inflam'd their choler. But under ſome of the former Conſuls, the fear of ſickneſs or Enemies did abate the public heats and animoſities. When Q. Marcius Tremulus, and P. Cornelius Arvina were Conſuls: but the year following, when M. Cla. Marcellus and C. Nautius Rutilius, bore Office, the tumults roſe higher, A. U. 465, 466. to the ſuppreſſing of which rather than for any other buſineſs or War, I conceive that Appius Claudius afterwards ſurnam'd Caecus was made Dictator: whom I find in the Ancient Records to have bore that Office. But beſides the rigor and oppreſſion of the Uſurers, the infamous debauchery of C. Plotius fomented thoſe ill humours that were working already in the people, ſo that they fermented more vehemently, and ſuddenly. T Veturius Son to Veturius the Conſul, who had been deliver'd up to the people for the diſhonourable Treaty with the Samnites, had by reaſon of the misfortunes of his Family run into great Debt, and being not able to pay, he of his own accord deliver'd himſelf priſoner to his Creditor Plotius, to work out his Debt, and accordingly he did all kind of drudgery for him. But Plotius, is not ſatisfied to have thrown this young Gentleman from the hopes of a Conſular Houſe into arrant miſery, indeavour'd alſo by force to debauch him as well as to inſlave and beggar him. Afterwards ſeeing Veturius unwilling, and readier to endure any thing than ſuch a brutal act, he in a barbarous manner falls to beat him: whereupon Veturius gets out into the ſtreet, and then the multitude carrying him before the Conſuls, judging it no ſmall matter, brought a Bill to the Senate concerning it, and judgment was given, that Plotius ſhould be impriſon'd, and all that were in priſon for Debt through the whole Town, ſhould be diſcharg'd: a Law being made touching that particular. Inſtead of Veturius I know there is one Publius mention'd by others a Tribunes Son that was concern'd in the Peace of Caudium: Moreover 'tis ſaid, that forty years before a Law had been made concerning the Priſoners for Debt upon a very like occaſion: but for all that might not many Uſurers exerciſe the ſame cruelties; and a former Law, as it happens, be neglected by reaſon of the Debtors patience: until a freſh Act of the like nature ſhall remind people of the ſame? So that for the future a fuller and more exact proviſion might be made touching that particular. But the people deſirous to be freed not onely from their ſlavery, but withal from the ſeverity of the Uſury, could not, though the Law and the revenge pleaſed 'em, ſit contented. But as it happens in ſome violent Diſeaſes that the uſe of Medicines rather increaſes, than mitigates the pain, ſo here the State was ſo diſtemper'd, that when the Tribunes of the Commons indeavour'd by all means to make a Law concerning diſcharging of Debts, and the Creditors on the other hand oppos'd it with no leſs zeal and intereſt, the Commons leaving the City as their Fathers had done, withdrew over the River into the Hill Janiculum: being reſolv'd not to return home, unleſs they ſhould gain their point.

The Conſuls being not able to help theſe things (who are thought to be M. Valer. Potitus, and C. Aelius Paetus) they made uſe of the beſt remedy in times of great danger, and choſe a Dictator. Q. Hortenſius was the Man; who having applied thoſe lenitives, which the ſeaſon and occaſion requir'd, when A. U. 467 he underſtood that the publick Peace was hindred, becauſe the People were griev'd to ſee their Acts contemn'd and the Publian Law deſpis'd, thought it beſt, though many oppos'd him, to yield to the times, and making a new Law upon the Eſculetum, he ordain'd again more ſtrictly, that an Order of the Commons ſhould bind all the people. The • ommons by theſe and the like Addreſſes being pacified, and call'd home, the Dictator either by a ſudden fit of ſickneſs, or elſe being worn out with the toils of buſineſs, dy'd in his Office, a thing that happen'd to none afore him. The differences between the States abated for a pretty while after. But in the mean time the luſtre of the Empire was more and more eclips'd; for whilſt the Commons either underſtood not the Intrigues of ambitious Men, or elſe to exerciſe their Power, became eaſie to paſs any Bills? many things were enacted, which not onely leſſen'd the grandeur, but likewiſe ſtruck at the foundations of the Government. This may be a caution for Governours, not to let the Populace, who never aim higher, if they enjoy but a competent Eſtate, to be forc'd by the inſolencies of the Rich to deſire ſuch a Power as they are not fit to manage. The Law concerning Votes I ſuppoſe, was made about this time, by which the Senate were forc'd to approve the proceedings in the public Aſſemblies of the People, whatever they ſhould be: who till then had the Power in their hands, that none could bear Office, unleſs he were firſt approv'd by them. This reſtraint controll'd the wild humours of the multitude: and though the Senate rarely diſapprov'd the Aſſemblies proceedings, yet becauſe of their Power to do ſo, they were fear'd as if they would diſapprove them.

But when the Tribune of the Commons Maenius made this Law, the Power of the people was hereby much augmented; but the exactneſs in Elections, a thing as honourable as beneficial to the State was greatly impair'd. After Q. Hortenſius's death, 'tis ſaid, that another Dictator was made for the adminiſtration of the Commonwealth: to wit, Q. Fab. Maximus now thrice Dictator. L. Volumnius was Cenſor, and Flamma Violens Maſter of the Horſe. For then they had War with the Volſinians a Nation of Hetruria: which prov'd very ſeaſonable to purge the City of innovators, and to efface the memory of former differences.

Moreover, a Warbroke out with the Lucanians upon a new ſcore: who by moleſting their Neighbours the Thurini, that inhabit a part of Italy called Magna Graecia, forced them after many injuries to put themſelves under the protection of the Romans: and the people decreed a War ſhould be made with the Lucanians, Aelius their Tribune propoſing it to them. The Armies on both ſides marched out, and ſeveral actions paſſed between them: the memory of which with the Annals that recorded them is quite loſt. The Thurini preſented a Statue and a Crown of Gold to C. Aelius.

A. U. 468 The Conſulſhip of C. Claudius Canina, and M. Aemilius Lepidus follows, which paſſed without any thing of note, whereof there is any Record, ſave that the Wars with the Hetrurians and Lucanians ſeem to have happen'd about that time. We have alſo the Triumph of Manius Curius, for his Victory over the Lucanians, which is to be reckon'd among his four Triumphs, ſo many being attributed to him; but when or in what Office he did theſe things, is not known. After this aroſe greater buſineſs, and memorable for no inconſiderable loſs. A War being made with the Senones a people of Gaul, who had Peace and War at turns with the Romans, and now they had reſted ten years after their defeat in the Countrey of Sentinum, when upon Decius's devoting himſelf to death, great numbers of them were ſlain: onely they let their young Men be liſted by the Hetrurians againſt the Romans: but afterwards they came out in greater numbers than they had done for many years before, and entring Hetruria beſieg'd Aretium. The Aretines before that had a deſired Peace with the Romans, but though that was denied them, yet they obtain'd a Truce, which was not yet expir'd; but now they were in greater hopes of aid becauſe they knew the Galls could not claſh with their Arms, but the Romans thought themſelves concerned at it: therefore by their Ambaſſadours ſent to Rome they begg'd aid againſt the common Enemy: and now the year ended when C. Servilius Tulla, and L. Caecilius Metellus were Conſuls. Some Annals put Caelius for Caecilius, but the Houſe of Caelius being of a meaner quality is ſuppoſed not to have bore the Conſular Dignity till ſix hundred ſixty years after the building of Rome.

DECADE II. BOOK XII. Florus his Epitome of the Twelfth Book of Livy.

The Roman Ambaſſadours having been aſſaſſinated by the Galli Senones, a War is therefore declar'd againſt them, wherein Caecilius the Pretor with his Forces is defeated. And the Roman Fleet being robb'd by the Florentines, and the Admiral kill'd, the Ambaſſadours ſent to them to complain of theſe injuries, are beaten: Therefore a War is declar'd againſt them. The Samnites revolt, with whom as alſo the Lucanians and Brutians many Battels are fought with good ſucceſs. Pyrrhus King of Epirus comes into Italy to aid the Tarentines. The Campanian Legion under the command of its Tribune, Decius Jubellius, being ſent for to aid the Rhegians, they ſtay the Inhabitants and ſeize on the Town of Rhegium.

WHEN P. Cornelius Dolabella, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus were Conſuls, there aroſe ſome fear again of the Gallic War, it being reported that many of the Tuſcans took part with the Gauls, ſo that the Senate looked on the danger of the Aretines as a thing not to be neglected; but becauſe that neither Dolabella could be call'd out of the Volſcinian Province, nor Domitius from Lucania without prejudice to the Affairs they had in hand: the Senate commanded L. Caecilius the laſt year Conſul, and then a Praetor to march out ſpeedily to raiſe the Siege of Aretium; But leſt this War ſhould ſeem to be undertaken raſhly, 'twas thought fit to ſend Ambaſſadours before to acquaint the Gauls, that Aretium was under the Romans protection; and that the Gauls would ſeem to act more honeſtly, if they would not ſuffer their young Men to ſerve in War againſt their Confederates. Whilſt the Ambaſſadours carried this Meſſage through the ſeveral Cantons of the Gauls, one Britomaris a young Hotſpur, deſcended from the Royal Line, whoſe Father among the Auxiliaries of the Hetrurians had been ſlain by the Romans, being brimfull with deſire of revenge, not onely ſeiz'd on the Ambaſſadours cutting them in pieces, but tore even their Robes, and badges of their Sacred Character. When this barbarous act was reported at Rome, and in the Camp of Dolabella, people were ſo incenſed at it, that a war was immediately declar'd againſt the Senones; and the Conſul laying aſide the Hetrurian Expedition, by great Journeys through the Sabino and Picene Countries, arrives upon the borders of the Senones, who being alarm'd by this ſudden incurſion of the Enemy, whilſt the main of their Forces was abſent, came out with a few unexperienced Soldiers, and were eaſily routed. The Conſul giving no reſpite to the conquered, burns their Villages, and waſts all the Country round. In fine, he ſlew all that were of age, carried into captivity all the weak multitude of Women and Children, and leſt the Country as deſert as he could behind him. Britomaris himſelf was taken, and after he had endured ſeveral tortures, he was reſerved for the Triumph. But at the ſame time Affairs did not ſucceed ſo well at Aretium, L. Caecilius before the Town being routed by the Senones and Hetrurians. Seven Tribunes and many brave Men beſides having been killed together with the General. Out of the Legions and Auxiliaries thirteen thouſand Men were loſt: but the joy for this Victory among the Gauls was quite damp'd with mourning and conſternation, when they underſtood the ruin of their own Country: for theſe people being furious, deſperate, and raſh, having now no habitation to go to, drew together all their Countrymen that fought in Hetruria, reſolving in a heat to march againſt Rome, as if they were led by Fate to their own deſtruction: For they could not quit ſcores with the ravagers of their Territories, but by forcing them to behold their own City under the ſame Fate; and to be ſure they had as much courage, and greater reaſon to march againſt Rome than their Anceſtours, who ſetting out of Cluſium a place in the ſame Hetruria, had conquer'd that City.

Having provoked one another by ſuch words as theſe, they marched out in a hurry being naturally impatient of delay, and now haſtning the more to ſurprize the Enemy; but whilſt they paſs through their Enemies Country, ſeveral devices were found to retard their motion, whereby time was gain'd to provide againſt the ſtorm. Being thus put back, whilſt they roam heedleſly through ſtrange and dangerous places, at laſt they light on Domitius the Conſul, and immediately joined Battel with him; but his Conduct eaſily prevail'd over their raſhneſs, many of them being kill'd in the Battel, the reſt in rage and deſpair turned the Swords upon themſelves, which they had drawn in vain againſt their Enemies. So that a Nation but now flouriſhing in power for the barbarous Aſſaſſination of the Ambaſſadours is overtaken by a ſwift and a ſevere vengeance: inſomuch that in a few months ſpace 'twas deſtroyed quite, and ceas'd to have a name among the Nations, whoſe rights it had invaded. For the ſmall remainder of the Senones that went to the Boii their Neighbours and Kinſmen, was wholly deſtroyed that ſame year by the Conſul Dolabella. For when they by conſidering the bloudy ſlaughters of their people, and fearing the like fate themſelves had ſtirred the Boii and Hetrurians to take Arms, they fought a Battel at the Lake Vadimonius wherein many of the Hetrurians were killed, and of the Boii a few onely eſcaped, but the whole race of the Senones was quite extinguiſhed: inſomuch that none of that people which had burnt Rome was thought to have ſurviv'd.

It ſeems probable that a Colony was brought to Sena about the ſame time, when the Romans having made themſelves Maſters of the whole Country, the Senones in that part of Italy were utterly deſtroyed. But yet the Boii and the Hetrurians having reinforced their Army with ſuch Men as were grown up to military Age by that time, made bold again to try their fortunes in the Field, who I believe were then A. U. 471 routed by Aemilius Papus, for his and Fabricius's firſt Conſulſhip fell as this year. And 'tis certain Hetruria was Papus's Province, yet in moſt Annals extant the account of theſe things, by the intervention of greater, is quite loſt.

Thoſe States of Italy that were yet free and unconquer'd, being affraid of the Romans, who by daily Victories improv'd both in valour and power, rais'd a dangerous and bloudy War, joyning all their Policy and Force, as if they went to ſuppreſs a common Enemy. Nor was it thought good to defer the War till the remnants of the Boii and Hetrurians ſhould be ſtrong enough to divert the Roman Arms.

The Samnites firſt of all take Arms, having again broke the League, and entered into a Confederacy with the Brutians and Lucanians. But C. Fabricius the Conſul routed them in ſeveral Battels, the moſt remarkable whereof was that, when Statilius beſieging Thurina the ſecond time, they fought hand to hand: and after great numbers ſlain of the Enemies, their Camp was taken. 'Tis reported that whilſt their Camp was bravely defended, a Man of prodigious Stature helping to bring the Ladders, ſo encouraged the Romans, that they gained a complete Victory. In the fight, and in the Enemies Camp twenty thouſand are ſaid to have been killed: five thouſand with the General, and twenty Enſigns were taken. Next day when the Conſul would have rewarded them who ſignaliz'd themſelves in this Action, promiſing him that firſt entred the Enemies Camp a Coronet [Corona Vallaris] the Man after diligent ſearch could not be found, whereas had he been a Soldier, he would have come of his own accord to receive his reward. 'Twas therefore credibly reported, that Mars himſelf was the Author of this Victory. And hence by the Conſuls Edict a ſolemn Proceſſion was celebrated in honour of him: the Soldiers being adorned with Laurel, and performing the Solemnity with extraordinary joy.

The Tarentines had not as yet openly aided thoſe that enter'd into the Confederacy againſt the Romans, though they were the main contrivers of that League; yet they held it more adviſeable to let others begin the quarrel, and run the firſt risk of the War. Yet this Policy would now do no longer, for by an accident provoking the giddy Rabble, the whole myſtery was reveal'd.

That part of Italy at that time after the mode of the Greeks who built Tarentum, and moſt other Towns thereabouts, diverted themſelves unreaſonably with Shows and Stage-plays; the Tarentines being particularly notorious for this piece of luxury: who by report abandon'd themſelves ſo much to pleaſures, that they had more Feaſts and Games, than the year had days. It happen'd that they were in the great Theatre which ſtands by the Haven, at a Play, when L. Valerius (according to others Cornelius) the Admiral with ten Roman Ships came into ſight: making ſhew as if they deſign'd to put in at that Port, which bred a miſtake hurtful to both ſides; whilſt the Romans miſtruſting nothing, drew to ſhore, as to a place of hoſpitality: But the Tarentines being jealous, took the Fleet to be ſent upon an hoſtile deſign. Philocharis was preſent (one for his lewd life called Thais by his Countrymen) who mentioning ſome ancient Treaties, alledg'd that the Romans were not allow'd to ſail by the Cape of Lacinium, therefore he commands them to make up againſt thoſe raſh Barbarians, and to correct their inſolence by force. The rude multitude through conſtant drunkenneſs being half mad applaud the ſaying, inſomuch, that all approv'd the vile fellow's advice, and immediately betaking themſelves to their Arms, ran aboard their Ships. The Romans wholly unprepar'd for fight fled away, but the Tarentines chaſing them very hard, five onely of the Ships eſcap'd, the other five being ſurrounded by the Enemy were forc'd back into the Port, of which they ſunk four with the Admiral, and took one. The Men of military Age and ſtrength they ſlew, and ſold the reſt for Slaves. Soon after out of the ſame whimſical humour they make War upon thoſe of Thurium, charging them of being the cauſe that the Romans were come into thoſe places, who when they were Grecians had choſen to be protected in their diſtreſſes by a barbarous people rather than by their Countrymen and Neighbours, The Town hereupon being ſeiz'd was plunder'd: the principal Men baniſh'd, and the Roman Gariſon having capitulated for their lives, were ſent away.

This news coming to Rome, it was reſented, as the greatneſs of the injury deſerv'd. But to undertake a new War at ſuch a time was judged inconvenient. Ambaſſadours therefore were ſent to complain of the wrong done, and to require reſtitution of Priſoners, and of whatever had been taken from thoſe of Thurium, or elſe an equal compenſation for the ſame. As likewiſe that the Exiles ſhould be ſent back, and that the Authors of theſe miſchiefs be deliver'd up to the Romans.

After the Grecian manner the Tarentines were wont to aſſemble their People in the Theatre; where the Ambaſſadours with much ado getting admittance found the Rabble carowſing and revelling: for they at that time alſo kept Holy-day. Here when L. Poſthumius began his Speech, he was received with deriſion by the ſcurrilous multitude; whereupon he return'd to Rome with greater reaſons for War than he had when he came thence; for they uſed him ſo deſpicably, that afterwards no body minded what he ſaid: but as oft as he miſs'd the pronunciation of a Greek word, being himſelf a Roman, the whole croud laugh'd loud at it, and tauntingly call'd him Barbarian. They likewiſe derided the Ambaſſadours garb, for they wore their Gowns, and in fine turn'd them out of the Theatre, they in vain appealing to the Laws of Nations.

This uſage was follow'd with worſe and not fit to be mention'd, but that it may be an inſtance for checking the exhorbitances of popular inſolence. When the Ambaſſadours were going away among the croud of the Tarentines that ſtood at the door of the Theatre, one Philonides a Buffoon (for this Town by her lewdneſs deſerves to have the names of her Buffoons recorded in Story, whilſt her Princes are forgotten) piſs'd upon the ſacred Robes of the Ambaſſadour, like an impudent Dog. This might have paſs'd for the fault of one Raſcal, had not the whole Town approv'd the ſame, and the Theatre eccho'd with the laughter and acclamations of thoſe that applauded it. Poſthumius ſpeaking theſe words, This Omen is welcome; Varlet, inaſmuch as you give us what we do not ask you; turning to the multitude, and ſhewing his garment that had been ſoiled; when with repeated laughter, he ſaw them alſo expoſe the Romans by Lampoons and antick Dances, he cry'd out, Laugh, laugh you Tarentines, whilſt you may, for you ſhall mourn ſufficiently hereafter. The Tarentines being angry at this: "To vex you yet more, I tell you beforehand (ſays he) that you will be forced to waſh this garment clean in your own blood. After which without receiving any other Anſwer they departed. Now L. Aemilius Barbula, and Q. Marcus Philippus being Conſuls had entred upon their Office at Rome. Who having conven'd the Senate, when they ſaw the Veſtment (which was brought foul as it was by the Ambaſſadors;) and that they had reported to A. U. 472 the Senate the ſeveral circumſtances of this multiplied contumely: all in general being highly incenſed thereat, 'twas reſolved that it ſhould be reveng'd by Arms. But becauſe their Forces were engag'd in ſo many other Wars againſt very powerful Nations, they could not well determine, whether they ſhould preſently ſend an Army againſt the Tarentines or ſtay a little; and the matter being debated in the Houſe from morning till night for ſeveral days, ſome being of Opinion that nothing ſhould be attempted before the other Provinces, at leaſt thoſe adjacent to Tarentum, were ſubdued; and others adviſed that a War ſhould be immediately declar'd. At laſt, when the Voices had been numbred, the Senate decreed that a War againſt Tarentum ſhould be propoſed to the Commons. Which when the People had unanimouſly ratified, an Expreſs was ſent to Aemilius the Conſul, who was gone to the Army at Samnium, that quitting the buſineſs in hand, he ſhould incamp in the Country of the Tarentines. And if the Tarentines refuſed to give ſatisfaction for the injuries they had done, he ſhould make a juſt and ſacred War againſt them.

The Tarentines ſeeing they had not now to do with a few unarm'd Men, but with military Forces drawn in Battalia, as it were rouz'd from their drunken fit, they began ſeriouſly to conſider what they had beſt to do. To undertake the War ſeemed dangerous, to ſubmit ſervile, and both could not be avoided. Whilſt they thus varied in their Opinions, one riſes up, and ſpeaks to this Effect.

Why ſpend we the day in contraſt, O Tarentines? Theſe times require actions, not words, for the performing of which, to the advantage of the public, we want good Counſels and liberty of Speech. I am not at all concern'd, that according to the Epidemical diſtemper of all free States, you have been humour'd formerly with flattering Orations, though they often did you harm. For then as it happens in times of proſperity, what was moſt for the public Intereſt, you did not underſtand. But now the Roman Army is upon our Coaſts, and the terrour of the Enemy before our Gates: by ſuch Schooling you ſhall eaſily learn to prefer your Intereſt before your pleaſures: Do not yet miſtake me, as if I ſtood up to ubraid you with things paſt; for to charge Men with an old fault out of ſeaſon, proceeds from a malitious Spirit, ſuch as inſults over the miſtakes of others: but honeſt Men, that love their Country, chuſe to palliate and excuſe the peoples miſcarriages, unleſs when to avert a public Calamity the memory of former Errors does very much conduce. For to have ones ſelf eſteemed free from Error as long as we are Men, is too proud; and yet to ſtumble often at the ſame ſtone, and never by the event correcting our folly, to learn Caution, is below a Man. Upon the Speech of one Man we ſunk the Roman Galleys. Afterwards we annoy'd the Thurians our Countrymen after an hoſtile manner; becauſe they choſe to be protected by the Romans rather than to be worri'd by the Brutians and Lucanians. We let the Roman Ambaſſadours be affronted in a moſt contumelious manner: and hereby we have drawn upon our ſelves a dangerous, terrible and ſudden War, which we might have been without, and that in the unhappieſt time that could be for us. In fine, the Romans are incamp'd in the Tarentine Country: and we in the greateſt uncertainty are demurring, whether we ſhall chuſe a formidable War, or a diſhonourable Peace; and I could wiſh now at leaſt that foregoing all falſe hopes, and private Intereſts we concert our meaſures with an eye to the public Intereſt and Honour; then might we either treat upon honourable terms, or ſafely take up Arms. Now I ſee you are divided into two parts, and almoſt factions, not adviſing upon judgment and the true ſtate of Affairs, but each of you is byaſs'd by his own private reaſons; for why elſe ſhould ſo many young and poor Men as I ſee, be bent upon the War? and why none of the rich and the old Men like it? Is there any other reaſon of the Peoples being thus divided equally; but that the one in times of Peace would enjoy their Eſtates, and the Intereſt of their Money, whilſt the others in caſe of War hope for advantage from Places of Command, or free-booting. We have formerly been ſick of this Diſeaſe, nor has our Commonwealth for a long while wanted ſuch Men, as deſir'd to improve their own Eſtates, though with the public damage. All which you will certainly prevent (for I muſt tell you, what I conceive moſt expedient in the preſent juncture) if you do neither buy a Peace upon ſuch unequal terms, as may intrench upon the priviledges of a Free State: nor yet oppoſe your own ſtrength againſt ſo formidable an Enemy. The command in chief of our Forces has been given often to Foreiners by our Anceſtors. From Peloponneſus or Sicily, Archidamus the Son of Ageſilaus, afterwards Cleonymus, and then Agathocles have been ſent for. In our memory, when we were infeſted by out Neighbours with War, our Forefathers ſent for Alexander of Epirus: by which courſe they themſelves not only enjoyed proſperity, but left the State flouriſhing to us. Between us and the Epirots remains now the ſame Amity: and they are now as well appointed both for an Army and a General; and Pyrrhus is oblig'd to us for the aid we gave him with our Fleet when he fought with the Corcyreans. Think not therefore this to be my advice onely, but that of the beſt and wiſeſt Perſons, who have fortunately govern'd this State: which you ought even for that reaſon to imbrace, becauſe in the former inſtance you ſee as it were the whole reaſon thereof with the conſequence. But beſides, there are other ſtrong and clear arguments for the thing. There is no Man among us ſo Eminent, that all the reſt will condeſcend to obey him: how great the dangers of Emulation are, eſpecially being to deal with a puiſſant, active Enemy, you your ſelves know; and whatever General you ſhould make, he would ruin your Affairs, either by an immoderate deſire of Peace, or an unreaſonable inclination to War; not to tell you that againſt the Romans a Nation ſo inur'd to Arms, a War is not ſafely made under every General. But Pyrrhus doubtleſs for Valour and Martial Conduct is outdone by none. Perhaps 'twill be ſaid he will not come? Yes doubtleſs becauſe he is a lover of action, and has no War in hand, he will not onely come willingly himſelf, but alſo bring with him an Army of brave experienced Soldiers, and that we may not fear any deſigns upon our own liberties, we may agree with him on ſuch terms beforehand as may ſecure our Commonwealth. By this means we ſhall have ſome probable hopes of obtaining either an advantageous Peace for our ſelves, or the glorious opportunity of preſcribing Conditions to them. Though it may be hop'd things will ſo fall out, that the Romans may upon even terms adjuſt their differences with us, rather than at ſuch a juncture receive Pyrrhus into Italy: who formerly ſtood in fear of a King of the ſame Epirus inferiour to this for glory and power.

This Counſel prevail'd, not onely becauſe it ſeem'd to propoſe a fair way for ſecuring the State; but alſo becauſe the Aſſembly being divided into two contrary parties, and neither ſide could prevail (the other ſtill oppoſing) all of them conſequently embraced that Opinion, which ſeem'd a mean betwixt 'em both. 'Tis reported that when the Decree for calling in Pyrrhus was commonly talk'd of in the Town; One Meto, a ſober Man, having a wither'd Garland and a Link like a Drunkard, entred the Theatre together with a She-piper: and then that the Tarentines after their uſual merriment commanded them both to ſtand in the middle, the Man to ſing, and the Woman to pipe. Then ſilence being made, Meto ſaid, O Tarentines, you do well in allowing any that will, the liberty to ſing and dance: For when once Pyrrhus comes to Town, we ſhall ſcarce live as we would our ſelves.

The People being mov'd hereat, and ſome buſtle riſing among them, the Authors of the injuries done the Romans, leſt any propoſals of Peace prevailing, they ſhould be deliver'd to be puniſh'd, having rebuk'd the People for being ſo ſhamefully wheadled by ſuch a ſenſleſs Fellow, drove Meto by force out of the Theatre: and then no body being left to oppoſe it, the Decree paſs'd. But the Roman Conſul having no anſwer of Peace from the Tarentines: and hearing beſides that Ambaſſadours and Preſents had been ſent to Pyrrhus, applied himſelf to the War, and waſted the Country. Some Towns he takes by force, others upon ſurrender: and ſpreads terrour and ruin all round. Forces were alſo ſent from Tarentum to hinder the incurſions of the Romans: and a ſhrewd Battel happen'd between them; but the Romans having the better of it, the Grecians after great ſlaughters of their Men were driven into the Town. Aemilius now burns and waſts the Country about, without any oppoſition. The Tarentines being frighted with their defeat, as the nature of the Rabble is, (who the more inſolent they are in proſperity, are the more dejected in adverſity) put the Government in the hands of Agis, who always advis'd them to have Peace with the Romans: whereof they had greater hopes and deſire, by reaſon of ſome of their Noblemen who were diſmiſs'd by the Roman General: of whoſe civility they ſpoke much, and of the kind uſage the Tarentines who were either taken in the Battel, or abroad in the Fields, had received of him. But their confidence in Cyneas's coming with ſuccors from Epirus alter'd and kept up their minds.

For Pyrrhus being a brave-ſpirited Man, and out of emulation to Alexander the Great, in his fanſie aſpiring to ſome mighty Empire, believ'd he had a way mark'd out by the Fates themſelves inviting him, to perform what he had deſign'd; 'tis ſaid likewiſe, that he was confirmed by the Delphic Oracle, which, though it was ambiguous, and conſequently capable of a double ſignification, the King interpreted after his own fanſie, taking it for a ſure lucky Omen. For they ſay, when he conſulted the Oracle touching the event of the War he had in hand, he was anſwer'd [poſſe cum Romanos vincere.] But the Tarentine Ambaſſadours encourag'd him more, who aſſur'd him that out of their own Territories, together with the Lucanians, Samnites and Meſſapians, and the reſt of the Confederates twenty thouſand Horſe, and three hundred and fifty thouſand Foot might be rais'd; and if he could but maſter the Romans with theſe Forces, he promis'd himſelf an eaſie Conqueſt of the reſt of Italy. From hence alſo the ſhort paſſage into Sicily diſcover'd that Iſland after the extinction of the Houſe of Agathocles void, and at odds with it ſelf, which he preſum'd, did belong to him by Inheritance, becauſe he had Children by Lanaſſa the Daughter of Agathocles. And when theſe things were done according to his mind, he intended to carry on the War againſt Carthage.

'Tis reported that Cyneas being a very diſcreet perſon, to ſhew that the King's immoderate ambition being like to mar the pleaſure of his preſent enjoyments, was even by his own confeſſion to be reſtrain'd, asked him, What he deſign'd to do after the Conqueſt of the Romans? and when Pyrrhus told him of Victory upon Victory; What ſhall we do then, ſays he, when all this is compleated? Then, ſays Pyrrhus, we ſhall abundantly enjoy the bleſſings of Peace. To which Cyneas repli'd, Why cannot we, O King, enjoy the ſame now, whilſt they are in our power, and not by undertaking new Wars utterly loſe and deſtroy them?

But Pyrrhus being prevail'd with by a ſecond Embaſſy from the Tarentines, and carried away by his own ambition anſwer'd, That 'twas natural for the Epirots to fight not onely for themſelves but alſo for their Confederates. Yet the better to colour his deſigns, he made his agreement with the Ambaſſadours preciſely that he ſhould return home as ſoon as he had reliev'd them, and not be detain'd in Italy any longer than there was need of him. Then he diligently made preparations for the War: and manned a great number of Galleys: beſides he ſet out other Veſſels for the tranſportation of Men and Horſes; making uſe of moſt of the Italian Ambaſſadours, (that under pretence of honour he might keep them for Hoſtages) in raiſing and levying his Forces; he ſent the reſt with three thouſand Men before to Tarentum, under the command of Cyneas.

All hopes of Peace being deſtroy'd by the arrival of theſe, Agis is depos'd from the Government: and one of the Ambaſſadours that were return'd was put in his room by a decree of the People. Not long after Milo being ſent by the King plac'd a Gariſon in the Fort of Tarentum, and requir'd that he ſhould guard the Town himſelf, the ſimple multitude being glad of it, for they thought that Strangers took all the pains and trouble, whilſt they had eaſe and ſecurity. An allowance of Victuals was therefore order'd for the Soldiers, and Money for Pyrrhus with all chearfulneſs.

Aemilius in the mean time being inform'd of the arrival of theſe forein Soldiers, that he might take his Winter-quarters in places of more ſecurity, reſolves to carry away his Army into Lucania; but he was to paſs through ſeveral defiles, which were environ'd with ſteep, and unpaſſable Rocks on one ſide, and on the other ſide with the Sea. The Tarentines having intelligence of the Roman Generals deſign, put to ſhoar with ſeveral Ships carrying Engines to throw Stones, wherewith they gall'd the Roman Soldiers: whilſt they marched through theſe narrow Paſſes, which were expos'd to their ſhot. Aemilius ſeeing Valour could not prevail, made his way through by a Stratagem, placing in the Flank of his Army which was expos'd to danger, thoſe Priſoners which were in the Rear: in compaſſion of whom (whilſt they fear'd to ſhoot their own Men) the Tarentines ſpar'd the Enemies alſo. Theſe are almoſt all the tranſactions of this Campagn at Tarentum.

At Rome C. Fabricius Luſcinus, who in his Conſulſhip had bravely defeated the Samnites, Brutians and Lucanians, enter'd the Capitol in Triumph, and not many days after Q. Marcius the Conſul had the ſame honour, being return'd from Hetruria, where he fought with good ſucceſs: what the reaſon was that brought him back from that Province, the Hetrurian War being as yet not ended at ſuch an inconvenient time (for he trumph'd the 11th of March) is not recorded. I gueſs he was call'd by the Senate, who being then much concern'd with the expectation of Pyrrhus, drew from every part all their Forces to oppoſe him. For then firſt of all (whilſt this terrible War forced the Romans to put out ſeveral Armies for their defence) the common Subjects, who were anciently exempt from warfare, were liſted, and Arms were given them upon the public charge, they being too poor to buy for themſelves: So that whilſt the Legions were elſewhere employed, ſeveral Squadrons of theſe being poſted upon the walls and in the Market-place might guard the City.

Nor could all theſe Methods have prevented imminent ruin, had not the fortune of a People deſign'd by Fate to be Sovereign of the World, reſerv'd for theſe dangerous times, very great Men, and perhaps the braveſt of any that State ever had; being not renown'd for Wealth or Parentage, but for their Valour and contempt of Riches. For this Age bred up the Curii, and the Coruncanii, perſons not eſteemed for Wealth, or Extraction, but of eminent Renown; which they (being perſons of great integrity) acquir'd by their experience in War, and an equal probity of Manners, doing good ſervice to their Country both ways, which againſt a King to be fear'd on either account, had as great need of Men that would contemn his Gold, as of ſuch as would put back his Sword.

Pyrrhus in the mean while not tarrying 'till Spring, as he was bringing with him an Army of 22 thouſand Foot, and 3000 Horſe, beſides twenty Elephants, and a company of Archers, and Slingers, met in the midſt of his Voyage with a great ſtorm, wherein he was almoſt caſt away: the Navy being diſperſed and ſeveral Ships wrack'd, when the Admiral alſo was in danger, Pyrrhus threw himſelf into the Sea, and with much ado ſwam to ſhore: his courage ſupporting his loſs of ſtrength, and the good attendance of the Meſſapians, who treated him being caſt out upon their ſhore, with all kindneſs and civility; ſome of the Ships that had eſcap'd, were recover'd by their means: and a few Horſemen, two Elephants, and under two thouſand Foot were got together. With theſe Forces he marches towards Tarentum, where Cyneas with his Men went out to meet him, and waited on him into the Town, where being receiv'd by the Tarentines with all expreſſions of joy, he repos'd himſelf a few days: in which time when he obſerv'd the manners of this People to be ſuch, that unleſs they were reform'd, they could not be preſerv'd by any body, but would be like to undo their own defenders, he took no more notice of it for the preſent: till the Ships that had been ſcatter'd by the ſtorm were arriv'd, ſo that he had Forces enough. Then he ſhut up their Galleries and Theaters (where the idle youth ſpent whole days in walking, and paſtime) and prohibited all Feaſts and Clubs, and retrench'd the exceſſes of their ſolemn Games. After which he ſtrictly muſter'd their young Men, commanding the Preſs-maſters (as he us'd to do) to liſt Men that were big ſet, and he would make them valiant: Theſe being mingled among his own Troops, leſt if they were ſeparated from the reſt, they ſhould mutiny, were train'd by him with the ſame exactneſs of diſcipline, none being permitted to be often abſent from his Colours upon pain of death. And as for thoſe that bore Arms already, he compell'd them for the greateſt part of the day to keep guard in the Market-place. The unwontedneſs of which uſage to Men of ſoft effeminate lives was mighty troubleſom, ſo that they call'd it Slavery, thus to be conſtrain'd to ſave themſelves, whilſt they were willing to periſh by their idleneſs and Luxury. And that which offended them more was the rudeneſs of ſome of the King's Guards, who taking up their Quarters where they fancy'd, kept them againſt the Maſters will, and afterwards behaved themſelves with the ſame incivility towards their Wives and Children.

Many therefore being weary of ſuch a life, left the Town, and departed into the Country, till the Gates were ſhut up, and a Guard was ſet to hinder them. Then the Tarentines underſtanding too late, that they had received a Maſter inſtead of a Confederate, with anger and murmuring deplor'd their condition, and that more freely, when they had aſſembled together upon ſome neceſſary occaſions, and beſides their uſual paſſion were heated alſo with Wine: and ſome informed Pyrrhus of the ſame; who ſent for ſeveral that were charged for railing againſt him at a Feaſt. But the downright confeſſion of one Perſon among them brought off the reſt: ſaying, We own our ſelves to have ſpoken theſe words, and if our Wine had not been out, we had ſaid worſe than this. Then Pyrrhus, who had rather have the fault imputed to the Wine, than to the Men, ſmiling at the matter, diſcharged them. But ſtill miſtruſting the humours of this people, where he ſaw any Perſon eſteem'd either for his Authority or Counſel by the Tarentines, he upon juſt, or pretended cauſes ſent him away to his Son Ptolomy (a Youth of fifteen years of age, to whom at his departure he had committed his Kingdom to be govern'd:) He deſtroy'd others by ſecret wiles. There were ſome, whom with a feigned civility he careſs'd, uſing them as his Minions, that they might become the more ſuſpected by the People: Of this number Ariſtarchus was one, a Perſon eminent among the Grandees both for his Eloquence, and alſo becauſe the People lov'd him. Now becauſe he ſaw this Man in ſuch favour with the People, he commands him upon pretence of buſineſs to ſail to Epirus. Ariſtarchus when he ſaw it was preſent death to diſobey the King's Command, and to obey it a more ſlow, but every whit as certain a deſtruction, went aboard, and when he got pretty far into the Sea, he changed his courſe for Rome, and being received there into protection, he informed the Senate at large of ſeveral important Affairs.

Whilſt Pyrrhus acts thus at Tarentum, the Romans with no leſs diligence levied Men and Money for the War. C. Fabricius being ſent to the Confederates to deter them by his Intereſt and Authority from Innovation: they put Gariſons likewiſe into ſome convenient places to keep thoſe from revolting, whoſe inconſtancy they were jealous of. For now whatever diſcontent upon account of former injuries, or turbulent humour out of a deſire of change was entertain'd by any Man, the ſtrength of ſo many Nations joyning againſt one, and the expectation of ſuch a warlike Prince had ſet all this a working. Whence the Romans were very diligent in ſecuring themſelves by cruſhing the Ring-leaders of the Factions. A remarkable accident happened about that time; ſome Noblemen of Praeneſte, who were brought to Rome in the dusk of the Evening being impriſon'd in the common Treaſury: whereby they came at laſt to underſtand the quibble of that falſe Oracle, upon the confidence of which they had oft aſſur'd their Countrymen, when they ſolicited them to revolt, that it was doom'd for the Preneſtines to enter the Roman Treaſury. The Senate being already much concern'd, (upon news that Fabricius was kept by their Confederates, that they by ſuch a pledge might receive their own Men ſafe from the Romans, and that Ambaſſadours were ſent to ſtir the Hetrurians, Ʋmbrians and Gauls againſt the Romans) were now perplext with new trouble, by reaſon of an action both horrid in it ſelf, and alſo of dangerous conſequence at ſuch an ill juncture, being like to bring the Roman faith into ſuſpicion and diſcredit among the Italians. In the utmoſt coaſt of Italy oppoſite to Sicily Rhegium ſtands, a Town nam'd ſo by the Grecians; the People wealthy and flouriſhing in thoſe days. Theſe upon the arrival of Pyrrhus apprehending the danger of the War, and being affrighted by the Carthaginian Fleets roving in that Sea, diſtruſting their own ſtrength, they reſolv'd to ſend for a Gariſon of Roman Soldiers, and accordingly four thouſand Men were ſent that were raiſed in the Colonies of Campania, (whence they were called the Campanian Legion) under the command of D. Jubellius the Tribune. Theſe Men at the firſt wanted neither faithfulneſs nor diligence in defending the Town. But afterwards, becauſe there was no fear of War near them, they grew Luxurious through ſloth, and an imitation of the Grecian ſoftneſs, and comparing their preſent plenty with the hard laborious life they had led hitherto, they began to look with an envious Eye on the commodiouſneſs of the place, and the proſperity of the Inhabitants; and when they were together in their Quarters they would talk of plundering them. This pleaſed Decius being himſelf of the ſame rapacious humour; and having long ſince contriv'd that villanous deſign of ſeizing the Town into his own hands. The conjuncture of the preſent War favour'd the enterprize, whereby he knew the Romans would be ſo taken up that they could not mind the Rhegians: and on the oppoſite ſhore he looked on the Mamertines as a Preſident of thriving Villany, and doubtleſs like to be abettors of his treachery: beſides that they were ally'd together as Countrymen. For theſe being Campanians originally, when they ſerved formerly among the Auxiliaries of Agathocles, being received as Friends by thoſe of Meſſana poſſeſſed themſelves of rhe City, having killed or caſt out the Men and divided their Wives and Houſes amongſt themſelves. They remembred alſo how the Ancient Campanians ſeized on Capua being taken away from the Tuſcians by a like perfidy: The deſign then being well approv'd, it remain'd that they ſhould conſult, how they might act this Villany ſafely, leſt being but a few in a populous City they ſhould be environ'd by greater numbers and kill'd. He countefeits Letters as ſent from the Rhegians to Pyrrhus, that the Roman Gariſon ſhould be betrayed to him, and the Soldiers were privately call'd, and the Letters read, as intercepted: Decius complaining heavily of the Rhegians treachery, and ſome of the Soldiers prepared on purpoſe, crying out, that they muſt defend themſelves with their Arms, and turn the deſtruction contriv'd againſt them upon the heads of its contrivers: withal there comes one, as they had order'd it aforehand, who ſays, that Pyrrhus's Navy was ſeen upon the Rhegian ſhore, and that private correſpondence paſs'd between Pyrrhus and the Rhegians. The Soldiers beſides their former eagerneſs to the thing, were now alſo enrag'd by the treachery of the Enemy, and the fear of danger, and by the conſent of all they came to this reſolution, that they ſhould ſurprize the Town, and having kill'd the men they ſhould ſeize upon all their public and private Wealth. Hereupon this horrid and infamous act was committed; for Decius having invited ſome of the chief Men to Supper, kills them at his Table, againſt all the ſacred ties of hoſpitality. Others were aſſaſſinated in their own Houſes, and the greateſt part of the Rhegians, being murther'd: the reſt were expelled their Country by thoſe very perſons, whom a little before they had receiv'd into it (for the defence of themſelves and their Country) under the name of Friends and Confederates. This done, they drew up a new Model of Government: the Houſes and Eſtates of theſe poor wretches being divided among the Villains: and whilſt the ſlaughter was yet freſh, the Widows and Virgins were forced to marry thoſe who had ſlain their Husbands and Fathers: and the power and name of the Rhegian State was aſſum'd by this treacherous Legion.

But God has well order'd for Mankind that generally inſtances of notorious Villanies prove likewiſe Examples of as remarkable vengeance, that no man ſhould be encouraged to the ſame practices by the ſucceſs of Impiety, but deterr'd by the conſequence thereof. For wicked men can never enjoy true felicity; nor is there any greater folly than to imagine any man happier by his wickedneſs; for, ſuppoſing that no puniſhments remain'd after this life, which yet wiſe men know to be very great, (though ſuch is the infidelity of ſome Men, that they are apt to disbelieve even what they ſee; much more what they are not ſenſible of) yet though every thing ſhould hit luckily, the reflexion upon their own guilts will gall their minds with inward anxiety: their names whilſt they live, and their memories when they are dead will be hated and abhorred amongſt Men; and what they have got ſo baſely, and kept ſo diligently, is taken away from them to their great ſorrow, neither God nor Man ſuffering Villains to paſs long with impunity.

And here I think it not amiſs to relate the puniſhments inflicted on Decius Jubellius, and his Complices in this barbarous act: which in point of time fell in with theſe matters we treat of; for their final deſtruction, (they being in the mean while plagu'd with ſeveral diſaſters) was deferr'd till ten years after, as we ſhall mention in time; for theſe Rogues had no long peace or joy among themſelves. However: they ſecur'd themſelves from the Romans and Pyrrhus, beſides the opportunity of the times, by making a Peace with the Mamertines, with conditions for mutual Security. For at preſent in the infancy of their State, until their Commonwealth erected ſo violently and ſuddenly were eſtabliſh'd, it was thought the beſt courſe to abſtain from War: for that they could not ſafely take Arms againſt the King, and hop'd for an eaſier pardon from the Romans, if they ſhould not fight againſt them alſo. The firſt occaſion of their Quarrel, (as it is wont to be among Thieves) aroſe from rhe unequal diviſion of the Spoil. Decius in the tumult being driven out fled to Meſſina. The Gariſon of the place chuſing his Secretary M. Caeſius for their Commander. Decius likewiſe, having brought with him a great ſum of Money, received the ſame honour from the Mamertines; but he did not long enjoy his good fortunes. For it happen'd, that having ſore Eyes he caus'd a famous Phyſician to be ſent for (the divine Vengeance now haling the Villain to heavier puniſhments) and the Phyſician was brought, who was a native of Rhegium, but becauſe he had dwelt at Meſſina many years, his Country became unknown, not onely to Decius, who wittingly would never have truſted any Rhegian, but alſo to moſt of the Inhabitants of the Town.

This Man remembring his own Country, and being reſolved to revenge its wrongs, perſuades Decius that he had brought a ſtrong Medicine for him, but that it was very ſafe and quick in its Operation. And then having applied a Plaiſter, made of Spaniſh Flies, and forbidding it to be taken off, 'till he was return'd to his Patient, he preſently took Ship and left Meſſina. Decius having long enough endur'd an incredible torment, after that the Phyſician return'd not, commanded the Eye-ſalve to be taken off: which was no ſooner done, but he found his Eyes were put out: and thus he leads an infamous vagrant life; being blind, and likewiſe troubled with a crazy body at well as a diſcontented mind, (like a Priſoner chain'd) he is reſerv'd for his Execution. A ſtrange providence it was, that he ſhould ſuffer this calamity from that very Man, to whom he had truſted his life, who himſelf had barbarouſly and perfidiouſly circumvented thoſe whom he ought to have defended. Such examples for the good of Mankind ought to be recorded in Story. For Men can never be too much convinc'd, how far that Craftineſs is diſtant from true Prudence, by which for a certain falſe good, men having contemn'd Vertue and Honeſty, through baſe and diſhoneſt paſſions run into real evils.

DECADE II. BOOK XIII. Florus his Epitome of the Thirteenth Book of Livy.

Valerius Levinus the Conſul is worſted by King Pyrrhus, chiefly occaſion'd by the Soldiers being frighted at the ſight of his Elephants. Pyrrhus after the Fight viewing the Bodies of the Romans that were ſlain, takes notice that they all lay with their faces towards the Enemy. He ſpoils the Country almoſt up to the Walls of Rome. He attempts to ſeduce C. Fabricius that was ſent by the Senate to treat with him about redeeming of Priſoners, but cannot prevail with him to forſake and betray his Country. The Priſoners are releaſed gratis. Cynaeas is ſent by Pyrrhus Ambaſſadour to the Senate, deſiring that for the better Treating and concluding a Peace; his Maſter the King with a ſmall Guard might be admitted into the City; The Debate whereof being adjourn'd to a fuller Senate, Appius Claudius who by reaſon of the weakneſs of his ſight, had a long time refrain'd coming to publick Councils, then appeared in the Houſe, and argued ſo ſmartly againſt it, that Pyrrhus's requeſt was flatly deny'd. Cn. Domitius the firſt Commoner that ever was Cenſor, makes a Ceſſing or general Poll, and finds 278222. Citizens. Another Battel is fought with King Pyrrhus, but with doubtful ſucceſs. The League with the Carthaginians is renewed the fourth time. A Renegado having offered C. Fabricius the Conſul to poiſon King Pyrrhus, is ſent back again and his Treaſon diſcovered. This Book alſo contains ſeveral ſucceſſes againſt the Tuſcans, Lucanians, Brutians and Samnites.

IN the mean while part of the Forces being kept at Rome for its defence, and the uncertain chances of War, the Army and the Provinces were diſpos'd of among the new Conſuls. To P. Valerius Levinus the Tarentines and Pyrrhus were allotted, and the relicks of the Hetrurian War to Coruncanius. Levinus conceiving that it might render him more terrible and renown'd, if he ſhould firſt attack the Enemy; and withal that it was advantageous to the State, to have the fear and damages, as far as might be, remov'd from the Roman Territories, marches out of hand into Lucania and fortifies a Caſtle, that was conveniently ſituated there: putting in it a ſtrong Gariſon, that he might both obſtruct Pyrrhus's deſigns, and hinder the Lucanians whoſe treachery he fear'd, from revolting to the Enemy.

Upon the news of the Roman Conſuls arrival, Pyrrhus, though the Confederates were not come together, judging it a diſgrace to him to diſcover any ſigns of fear in the beginning of the War, marches out with the Forces he had immediately againſt him; but that by ſome plauſible pretence he might put off the matter, and gain time, he ſent a Herald with Letters, the Contents whereof were as followeth:

PYRRHƲS to LEVINƲS. I hear that you are coming with an Army againſt the Tarentines: but leave the Army, and come with a few Men to me. For when I ſhall have underſtood the matter, I will force one ſide to do to the other whatever is juſt, though againſt their wills.

To this Levinus anſwers: We neither take you to be Judg of our differences, not fear you as our Enemy: but 'tis impertinently done by you, thus to meddle with other mens matters, who your ſelf being very blame-worthy have not yet made us any ſatisfaction for entring Italy without our leave. Therefore we are come with our Armies in Battalia, to fight with you, as well as the Tarentines, referring the deciſion of our Quarrel to the arbitration of Mars the founder of our Race.

Then he march'd outright againſt the Enemy, and ſate down between the Cities Pandoſia and Heraclea; the River Siris parting his Camp from the Enemies. 'Tis reported, that Pyrrhus having gone to the River to view the Enemies poſture, told Megacles one of his Friends: Thoſe Barbarians certainly are not drawn up after the manner of Barbarians, but we ſhall ſoon underſtand their mettle. Afterwards having ſet a ſtrong Guard to ſecure the Paſſes of the River, that the Enemy might not come over, he reſolved to wait for the Confederates. For he was concern'd not onely for the preſent poſture of Affairs, being deceived in his hopes that the Romans would be ſtraitned for Proviſions in a Hoſtile Country, but alſo by reaſon of Levinus's confidence, which by a freſh inſtance he had rendred more admirable; having freely diſmiſſed the Enemies Spies, that came to view his Camp, and telling them, that he had another Army greater than that.

In the mean while the two Armies lying ſo near, there happen'd continual Skirmiſhes between them; but there was no ſet Battel fought: and after they had ſpent fifty days in theſe Skirmiſhings, the Conſul being concern'd for the ſame reaſons to haſten a Battel, as Pyrrhus was to put it off, aſſembled his Soldiers and informed them of his deſign; he incouraged them alſo not to fear this ſtrange Enemy, by leſſening the Fame of Pyrrhus, and the terrour of his Elephants as much as he could. In fine, he prepares ſo as to be able to fight the Enemy, if he would give him Battel, or elſe to force him to it againſt his will.

Afterwards finding that Pyrrhus continu'd in his reſolution, he ſent the Cavalry before, as if they made an incurſion to plunder the Countrey, waiting in the mean time with his Army in order of Battel, till the ſhout was heard from the other ſide of the River. The Horſemen taking a great compaſs about from their Camp, paſs'd the River where it was not guarded, and with great ſpeed advanc'd againſt thoſe that were poſted on that ſide where the Enemies lay. The Epirots affrighted with this ſudden appearance of the Enemy, betook themſelves to their Camp; and Pyrrhus underſtanding that the Enemies were coming up, made haſte with his Horſemen, being in all three thouſand, to the River: hoping to ſurprize the Romans, whilſt they paſſed over with their Ranks broken, and ſtrugled with the roughneſs of the ground and waters, in a blind Foord; but when the Roman Horſemen had oppos'd themſelves, the King charging at the head of his Troops, fought with a Courage equal to his Fame, being diſtinguiſh'd by his valour and gallantry, as well as by his glittering Arms. For he govern'd the whole Army by his Conduct, as if he ſate looſe from all other buſineſs, and alſo fought upon occaſion, as if he had been a Common Soldier, and ſome other Perſon had been General of the Army.

In the mean time one Leonnatus a Macedonian acquaints Pyrrhus, that he had obſerv'd one of the Enemies, who had his Eye upon him in particular, watching his motions through the Army, and riding up thither, where ever he ſaw him charge: To whom Pyrrhus replies, O Leonnatus, 'Tis impoſſible to avoid Fate: but yet neither ſhall this Italian nor any other man whatſoever come off with ſafety, if he incounters with me: And he had ſcarce ſpoken this but Oplacus (for that was the man's name, he being Commander of the Fretane Squadron) with his Launce kill'd his Horſe under him, and Leonnatus ſerved his Horſe likewiſe after the ſame manner, and then the King's Friends beſetting Oplacus round about, kill'd him fighting, and ſo reſcued the King.

But this accident cauſed a great conſternation among the Epirots, who imagin'd the King himſelf had been kill'd: therefore to incourage his men, and to ſecure himſelf withal from all dangers that might lie in his way, he changes his Arms with Megacles, and having left him in the Affray he goes himſelf to arrange and bring on the Phalanx. The Roman Legions likewiſe had a warm diſpute with them, which held a long while with alternate ſucceſs; the fortune of the Battel varying by report ſeven times: inſomuch that one while the Romans forc'd the Enemies to quit their ground, and another while the Epirots made the Romans retire. But things were like to come to a deſperate condition on the King's ſide, when Megacles was ſlain; for he being diſtinguiſh'd by the King's Armour was ſet upon by the ſtouteſt of the Enemies, whilſt each was deſirous to have the honour of killing the King; till at laſt one Dexter a Horſeman, bringing his Coat and Helmet taken from him when he was kill'd with a great ſhout to the Conſul, made both Armies to believe the King had been ſlain. Hereupon the Grecians were feized upon with conſternation, and they would have fled doubtleſs had not Pyrrhus (as ſoon as ever he could) rode to and fro bare-headed, and ſpoke to them with a loud voice that he was with them and alive: whereby he both abated the confidence of the Enemy, and raiſed the Spirits of his own Men.

Leivnus now thinking it high time to have recourſe to the laſt reſerve, gave the Signal to thoſe Horſemen that lay in Ambuſh, to fall upon the Enemy in the Rear: but Pyrrhus ſent out the Elephants againſt them, having reſerved them for the laſt terrour of the Enemies. This Stratagem ſpoiled the Romans Game: and gave the fortune of the Battel to Pyrrhus. For the men themſelves being amaz'd at their huge bulks, and the terrible ſight of arm'd men ſtanding upon their backs, fancied, that they ſaw ſome ſtrange Monſter, rather than the ſhape of any natural Creature: and the Horſes likewiſe being frighted with the ſight, ſmell, and noiſe of Beaſts never ſeen before by them, preſently diſorder'd the Ranks: and in a wild carrier took the next way before them; either throwing their Riders, or elſe running away with them, while they in vain endeavour'd to ſtop them. Moreover, by running upon the main Body of their own Army, they put all into confuſion. The Maſters of the Elephants went in purſuit of thoſe that fled, and thoſe that ſtood in little Caſtles upon the Elephants wounded many of them: but there were more kill'd and bruis'd by the Elephants themſelves.

The Conſul with much ado kept his men however yet in a body: till a Squadron of Theſſalians being detached by the King broke and diſperſed them, though they made a brave reſiſtance; and doubtleſs all of them had either been ſlain or taken, becauſe they were cooped up into ſuch a narrow place, but, beſides that Pyrrhus's held it to be a Generals Policy not to purſue the Enemies flying too eagerly, leſt they ſhould make a more obſtinate reſiſtance another time through deſpair of ſaving themſelves, the Evening likewiſe drawing on had forced the Conquerour to leave the purſuit. Good fortune alſo favour'd the remaining part of this poor Army: for one of the Elephants having received a wound turn'd back, and with his braying diſorder'd all the reſt. This ſtopp'd the Enemy, and gave the Romans, who fled, time to paſs the River, and to get into Apulia, where they were ſecur'd from the preſent danger by the fortifications of a City.

In this Battel there fell of the Romans and their Confederates 14870 Foot, 246 Horſe. Priſoners taken in all 1812. among theſe were 802 Horſemen, beſide 22 Enſigns. Which makes me marvel the more, why the Authors who have ſo diligently related theſe things ſhould deny, that the number of thoſe the King loſt was not taken notice of: whereas Dionyſius writes that Levinus loſt near fifteen thouſand, and Pyrrhus thirteen: but Hieronymus Cardianus a Writer of thoſe times ſays, that there were not above ſeven thouſand of the Romans loſt, and of the King's ſide but four thouſand; but all agree that this Victory coſt Pyrrhus the flower of his Army: and he was heard to ſay, that he loſt as much as he gain'd by this Battel, and even when he offer'd his ſpoils to Jupiter of Tarentum, 'tis ſaid, that he confeſs'd the ſame in an Inſcription to that purpoſe: and that when his Confederates made complaints to him, he anſwered, "Truly, if I get ſuch another Victory, I ſhall be forc'd to go home without a man left me. I am inform'd alſo, that the King himſelf receiv'd a great Wound in this Battel: but becauſe others report no ſuch matters: and ſeeing the actions of different Fights are ſometimes jumbled together, I dare not believe one man againſt ſo many and thoſe exact Writers too, who ſpeak not a ſyllable of it. That this was a very ſmart ingagement, may be gathered hence: becauſe that when Pyrrhus the next day after the fight view'd the bodies of the ſlain, which for the credit of being eſteem'd merciful he order'd to be bury'd: and ſaw the Romans with their Faces towards the Enemy, having dy'd all in the bed of Honour, he broke out into theſe expreſſions: O how eaſie a thing would it be for me to conquer the World, if I had Roman Soldiers. Therefore by courteous addreſs and great promiſes he ſolicited thoſe that were taken, to take pay of him, and though they obſtinately refuſed it, yet he uſed them with the ſame civility as before: never putting them in Chains, or to any of thoſe diſgraces that uſually attend the fate of Priſoners.

But the Romans after this their defeat were terrified with another Calamity, which though as to the loſs it was lighter than the former, yet it was look'd upon as more diſmal and aſtoniſhing. For they reckon'd it a ſignal judgment from Heaven, that a ſudden ſtorm had deſtroy'd their forage in the Fields, ſo that four and thirty Men were kill'd by the Thunder, and two and twenty left half dead: their Horſes being likewiſe either kill'd or hurt by the ſame ſtorm. In the mean while Pyrrhus took the Romans Camp, which they had quitted, and making the beſt uſe of his ſucceſs he advanc'd with his Army, and by waſting the grounds of all the bordering Nations alienated many from their friendſhip with Rome.

Afterwards arriv'd the Lucanians and Samnites his Confederates, to whom after a light rebuke given them, for not aſſiſting him in the Battel, he beſtow'd part of the booty: being exceedingly pleas'd for that he had routed ſuch a numerous Army of the Romans, having onely the Auxiliaries of the Tarentines, beſides his own Forces.

Whil'ſt Pyrrhus was thus intent upon making the beſt advantage of the Victory, Levinus on the contrary by taking care of the maimed Soldiers and drawing thoſe that were diſperſed into a Body got a conſiderable Army together: and the Senate, notwithſtanding this defeat was laid to the Conſuls charge by many, and that Fabricius ſaid, the Romans were not conquer'd by the Epirots, but Levinus by Pyrrhus, order'd ſupplies of Men to be ſent him.

When the Cryer made Proclamation, that whoſoever was willing to ſerve his Country in the room of thoſe that were kill'd, he ſhould liſt himſelf; ſuch numbers of men came into the ſervice, that two Legions were made up immediately. With which the Conſul being now recruited followed Pyrrhus at the heels, annoying his Army as much as he could: and having intelligence that Pyrrhus deſign'd to make himſelf Maſter of Capua, he march'd ſpeedily to prevent him, and having prepar'd all things for its defence deterr'd Pyrrhus from attacking it.

Pyrrhus then turns his courſe towards Naples, and being there likewiſe diſappointed in his deſigns, marches ſpeedily by the Latine road towards Rome. And now he was got from Anagnia and the Country of the Hernicans as far as Preneſte within twenty miles of Rome, having taken Fregellae in his way. But the Magiſtrates of the City upon the firſt news of this defeat, had put all the young men in Arms by an Order of the Senate; and at this juncture the Romans were luckily furniſhed with another conſiderable help; for the other Conſul, who had better ſucceſs againſt the Hetrurians, had ingaged that Nation by a new Treaty, ſo that when the Senate call'd him away for the defence of his Country, he haſtned with his victorious Army to its relief being now hindred by no other Enemy.

Pyrrhus having in vain ſolicited the Hetrurians to take Arms again, and conſidering withal, that two Conſular Armies, one before and the other behind were ready to fall upon him, returned into Campania. Where finding Levinus marching againſt him with greater forces than he had before his defeat, he ſaid, "He was to deal with the Lernean Hydra, whoſe heads grew more numerous by being cut off. Yet relying on his former Victory, he led his men forth, and ſet them in Battel-array. Moreover, to try the hearts of his men, and to ſtrike a terrour into the Enemy, he caus'd the Soldiers to ſhout, and the Elephants to bray: but the Romans anſwer'd them with a more terrible noiſe; So that the King gueſſing of the Courage of both, judged it more adviſeable for the preſent to forbear Battel; and pretending ſome ill Omens from the Sacrifices, he led his Army back into the Camp, from whence he return'd to Tarentum, carrying with him a rich booty, and a multitude of Priſoners.

The Romans, who had not abated a jot of their former Courage in theſe hard times, but had always hop'd the beſt, and ſpoke confidently of the ſucceſs of the War, conceiving that the rewards of Valour were then eſpecially to be beſtow'd, decreed a Triumph to L. Aemilius Barbula for his actions in his Confulſhip, who accordingly triumph'd for the conqueſt of the Samnites, and Tarentines, and of the Salentines who had aided the Tarentines. But Valerius the Conſul was commanded that he ſhould carry the reſt of his defeated Army to Setinum, there to encamp: and that he ſhould make them take their Winter-quarters in Tents.

At the ſame time it being debated in the Senate, concerning ranſoming the Captives, it was order'd that they ſhould be redeemed; their minds being chiefly mov'd thereunto (I ſuppoſe) in compaſſion of the Horſemen, who had play'd their parts very bravely, until the Elephants came on: but when their Horſes were frightned by them, the men without any fault of their own fell into the Enemies hands, and were either killed or taken by them. Upon this account Perſons of very great quality were ſent Ambaſſadours, P. Cornelius Dolabella famous for overthrowing the Senones, and C. Fabricius Luſcinus, and Q. Aemilius Papus Fellow-Conſuls two years before.

Pyrrhus was naturally a Perſon of an obliging addreſs, this being the inſeparable attendant of all generous Spirits: but yet his ambition whilſt by a common miſtake he thought Vertues to be but the handmaids of Empire, had rendred him too complaiſant: ſo that being extravagantly addicted to deſire of Glory, he had an Eye to it in all his undertakings: and though he was as valiant and as experienced a Commander as any then living, yet he us'd to try all means, before he would put things to the hazard of Battel, endeavouring to win his Enemy, according as each was to be wrought on, by arguments of fear, or intereſt, pleaſure, or pity; and in fine by juſt and reaſonable compoſitions. Therefore hearing that Ambaſſadours were coming to him from Rome, and imagining, that ſo many Perſons of Conſular quality were not ſent upon a ſlender Errand, he was in hopes they came to treat of a Peace.

Therefore that they might have the ſafer and more honourable acceſs, he ſent Lyco the Moloſſian as far as the borders of the Tarentines Country to meet them with a Convoy, and he himſelf with a Troop of Horſe bravely mounted met them out of Town, and attending them with great civility gave them a noble Entertainment. They having at firſt ſpoken ſomething touching moderation of mind, and of the inconſtancy of Fortune, how ſudden the alterations of War, and that futurities cannot be foreſeen: deliver'd their Meſſage; That they were come to ranſom their Priſoners, if he would let them be redeem'd at ſuch a ſum, or elſe be exchang'd for the Tarentines and others.

Pyrrhus did not uſe to determine any great Affairs without the Counſel of his Friends: who being then aſſembled: One of them, Milo by name advis'd, that he ſhould detain the Priſoners and make good uſe of his Succeſſes, not leaving the War till the Romans were ſubdu'd. But Cyneas ſpoke quite contrary, who firſt taking notice of the conſtancy of the Senate and People of Rome, which they had ſhown to be invincible, in their greateſt extremities, added, We may hate the Cuſtoms, and deſpiſe the Arms of another Enemy perhaps, but O King, I think we ought rather to be at Peace than in War with this People. Nor will it be onely your Intereſt to reſtore, but even to give them their Priſoners: and I think you ſhould not delay, but ſend the Ambaſſadours immediately with Preſents to Rome to conclude a Peace upon even terms. For now I ſuppoſe the time is come, wherein, if I am not miſtaken, you may get to your ſelf ſome advantage, and that with honour; for now in time of proſperity, if you will treat of Peace, you ſhall more eaſily obtain what you deſire, and withal ſeem for no other cauſe, but onely of your wonted generoſity to have offer'd Peace to thoſe whom by your Arms you might have Conquer'd. But ſuppoſing you do not miſcarry in your deſigns, but run on ſucceſsfully as you have begun, and God forbid it ſhould be otherwiſe, yet we are ſtill but Men, and if Fortune varies, we ſhall not make Peace upon ſo eaſie, nor ſo honourable terms.

The reſt having ſpoke likewiſe to the ſame effect, and the King himſelf aſſenting thereunto, commanded the Ambaſſadours to be called in, and as ſoon as they came, the King ſpake to them in this manner:

That which you Romans propoſe is indeed very unhandſom, when without offering any Conditions of Peace: You demand the Priſoners I have taken in the War, intending when I ſhall have reſtor'd them, to employ them againſt me; if you will take better meaſures, and ſuch as may be advantageous to both ſides, let us enter into an Alliance, and then you ſhall have all your own Men and thoſe of your Confederates whom I have taken, without Ranſom; but if you are reſolved to perſevere in hoſtility with me, I ſhould be eſteem'd a Fool, if I ſhould ſtrengthen my Enemy with ſo many ſtout Men: Nor am I ſo ſtraitned for Money, as to want any of the Romans: who, were we Friends, might be more proper Subjects of my Liberality.

And hereupon he commanded that Preſents of conſiderable value ſhould be given to the Ambaſſadours with promiſes of larger.

Theſe things were done and ſaid before all the Ambaſſadours, but he had a longer and a more particular Conference with Fabricius alone, which I ſhall relate, as I find it in authentick Authors. When they diſcourſed privately, 'tis reported that the King among other things ſpake to this effect:

As I deſire to have all the reſt of the Romans for my Friends, ſo eſpecially you C. Fabricius: whom I eſteem as a Perſon that excels all others for your Conduct as well in Civil as Military Affairs. Yet I am ſorry to ſee you wanting in one point, I mean, of an Eſtate that may enable you to live in that Port which becomes a perſon of your Quality. But I will not ſuffer this injury of Fortune any longer to be troubleſom to you: and I will beſtow on you ſo much Gold and Silver coin'd and in the Bullion, as ſhall make you richer than any of your fellow-Citizens: For I hold it to beſit my condition to relieve ſuch great Men as are poor, who have aim'd more at getting Honour than Money. This I look upon as a very glorious Action: by which a Prince rears the nobleſt Monument of his Magnificence, and tenders the moſt ſacred and well-pleaſing Sacrifice to the Gods. I ſhall therefore think that I have receiv'd a benefit rather than beſtow'd one, if you will let me ſupply your neceſſities. Yet I would not have deſir'd this of you, if the honour of this benefit accru'd to me with diſhonour to your ſelf; but now becauſe you come not upon any perfidious deſign, or that which is at all unworthy your Character, why ſhould you refuſe a ſmall Preſent offered you out of kindneſs by a Friend with an obſtinate averſeneſs? For I ask nothing of you but what may, yea and ought to be done by any honeſt Man that is a lover of his Country: That you would bring the Senate off from their obſtinacy to a more moderate temper: telling them the truth of the matter, that a War cannot be undertaken by them without great danger and detriment: nor yet be foregone by me (who promiſing the Tarentines my aſſiſtance, have even won the firſt Battel) without breach of Faith and diſhonour. Nor am I for having War with you, whom I eſteem worthier my friendſhip, than my hatred: and by reaſon of many buſineſſes falling out, which require my preſence I had rather return into my own Kingdom; and for this I will give all the Security you can deſire, that you may be ſure of my intentions: and alſo take away all doubts from other Men, if there be any that will ſay perhaps, that Kings cannot be truſted ſafely, becauſe of the perfidiouſneſs of ſome few, who having no ſenſe of honeſty, ſtand onely to their Articles as long as they make for their Intereſt: but upon the firſt apprehenſion of any good to be got by falſhood, they will break their faith, rather than let go their advantage; but when the Peace is made, there can be nothing more grateful to me, nor more conducive to us both, than if you would go with me to Epirus, there to be preferr'd to the higheſt Honours among my Friends, and to be my Lieutenant in War, and a ſharer with me in all my Fortunes: for I value no poſſeſſion more than that of a faithful and valiant Friend. Moreover, the State of a Court, and the grandeur of a King's ſervice is more ſuitable to your Genius. If therefore we ſhall mutually aſſiſt each other herein we ſhall attain the greateſt humane Felicity.

When the King had ended his Speech, Fabricius a little after began thus:

If I am obſerv'd to have any Skill in the management either of Civil or Military Affairs, 'tis needleſs for me to ſay any thing of it: ſince you have believ'd others ſo much concerning it; nor is it neceſſary that I ſhould ſpeak any thing touching my Poverty: and how being Maſter of a little ſpot of ground and Cottage, I live not upon the Intereſt of Money or by the labours of Slaves, but by my own. For as to theſe things I ſuppoſe you are ſufficiently inform'd by the relation of others; but yet if you ſuppoſe that I am in a worſer condition, becauſe I am poor, than any other Roman, truly whether you imagine ſo of your ſelf, or follow others Opinion in the point, you are mightily miſtaken; for whilſt I do my duty with contempt of Wealth, I feel no miſery; nor have I ever yet lamented my fate, either in my publick or private Concerns: for why ſhould I quarrel at it? unleſs I ſhould blame it, becauſe in this condition as poor as 'tis I enjoy all thoſe things in my Country, which ſeem deſireable by a generous Spirit, not onely with but before the wealthy. For I bear the greateſt Offices among us: I manage the moſt important Wars: I am imploy'd in the moſt honourable Embaſſies. The charge of Religion is committed to my care: I am call'd to the Senate, and conſulted with concerning the weightieſt Affairs of State. There are many that praiſe and imitate my Actions of their own accord. Nor am I leſs eſteem'd than any of the princpal Men of our Commonwealth: and I am thought by others an Example for the undertaking noble things. But yet all this while I do not ſpend a penny of my own Mony, nor does any of the reſt do ſo. For in other places where Riches lie generally in the hands of private men, and the public Revenues are but ſmall, the Officers out of their own Purſes maintain the Port and ſplendour of their Place; but our Commonwealth has far different Conſtitutions, being no ways burthenſom to the Eſtates of private men. All that Equipage wherewith our Countrymen, as many of them as are employ'd in the management of State Affairs, are ſo ſplendidly furniſh'd, is given by the Public. Hereby all Eſtates are made equal: inſomuch that the pooreſt can lack nothing for the maintaining either his public or perſonal Honour, nor the richeſt have any thing over. Therefore inaſmuch as being the pooreſt of all, I come not ſhort of any of the wealthieſt in what is commendable and good, why ſhould I complain of my Fortune? Should I require of her that ſhe ſhould have made me equal to Kings, who have it in their power to heap up vaſt Treaſures.

Thus far touching my publick Capacity: now in my private one, my poverty is ſo far from being a burthen to me: that on the contrary when I compare my ſelf with your Rich men, my condition ſeems infinitely happier than theirs: and I counr my ſelf one of thoſe few, who have attain'd the greateſt happineſs of this World: and therefore I bleſs my Stars for my condition, and I am thankful for my poverty. For ſince it ſeems but an idle thing to me to covet ſuperfluities, and withal ſince my little Spot of ground, if well cultivated, will ſupply me with neceſſaries, I do not know why I ſhould be ſolicitous for any more Wealth. For my appetite recommends any ſort of Diet to my taſte: I procure my ſelf an eaſie ſleep by labour: my Cloaths if they are warm, ſatisfie me: in Houſholdſtuff I like that beſt which is cheapeſt and fitteſt for the uſe it is deſigned to; wherefore I ſhould be unjuſt to accuſe Fortune for not granting me a greater ſtock of Wealth than my nature requires: which never implanted in me either a deſire of too great Riches, or the skill of getting them. Wherefore (as poor as I am) I think my ſelf richer than the richeſt, not excepting your ſelf, for I have as much as I deſire. But what made you come into Italy ſeeing you already poſſeſs'd Epirus and other places, but that you thought your ſelf poor? Ay, but Wealth inables one man to benefit others: and this I cannot do for poverty. But this concerns me no more, than that I have no other extraordinary accompliſhments; that God has not made me a great Scholar, or a Prophet, for other mens good, or any thing elſe; but if I ſerve my Friends and my Country with thoſe Talents that I have, and do all the good I can to any man: I think I am thus far free alſo from this imputation. Nor may you count theſe things ſmall and trivial, who pretend to an high value of them, and ſeem ready to buy them off at ſuch a dear rate; but if great Wealth be onely deſireable for helping the neceſſitous, and that the poſſeſſion thereof upon that ſcore renders a man any thing happy; as to you, Kings, the matter ſeemeth: Which is the beſt way of getting Wealth, to receive it from you diſhonorably, or to get it my ſelf hereafter handſomly? My good ſucceſſes in the ſervice of the State have given me brave opportunities to improve my fortunes, as at other times often, ſo eſpecially four years ago, when being Conſul I was ſent with an Army againſt the Lucanians, Samnites and Brutians, and waſted their large Territories; and having routed them in ſeveral Battels took and rifled their rich Towns: from which Booty after I had given largeſſes to my Soldiers, and repay'd private perſons, whatever they had lent the State upon the occaſions of the War, there remain'd the ſum of four hundred Talents, which I laid up in the common Treaſure-houſe. Seeing therefore that I have thus refus'd to make my fortune by juſt and honourable means out of this Booty, which was ready in my hand; and like V. Publicola and many other noble Romans who have rais'd the State to this pitch, preferr'd Honour before Intereſt; ſhall I now take Bribes of you, quitting an honeſt way of getting Wealth for one as infamous as dangerous? Beſides, as for that Wealth I could have ſpent it freely upon ſome good uſes: but there is no probability of getting ſo much good by this; for that Money which comes by anothers bounty, ſeems rather to be lent than given: and it is an incumbrance to a generous man, until it is repay'd, whether it be given and receiv'd upon the account of friendſhip, hoſpitality, or kindneſs. But now what do you think would be the iſſue of the matter, if the thing ſhould be diſcover'd (and it cannot be conceal'd) to thoſe Magiſtrates, called Cenſors from their Authority in reforming Manners, and that they ſhould impeach me of Bribery?

'Tis added by moſt that Pyrrhus knowing ſuch a brave Man was not too dearly bought at any rate, try'd his conſtancy and reſolution more importunately a ſecond time; after other large Promiſes offering to him part of his Kingdom. And that the Roman was concern'd at it, onely ſo far, that he could not tell what to think of Pyrrhus's deſign. For, ſays he, if you think me an honeſt Man, why do you corrupt me? if a Knave, why do you court me?

Afterwards, 'tis reported that he ſhould ſay, This buſineſs would prove neither pleaſing nor profitable to Pyrrhus himſelf if it would ſucceed; for his free carriage might give diſtaſte both to the King and his Friends: and if the Epirots would but taſte his juſtice and temperance, they would probably leave the King, and come over to him. All which together with what I ſhall hereafter deliver, as being related by ſeveral Authors I thought pertinent and uſeful to mention: whereby the minds and diſpoſitions of thoſe perſons might be known, by whom the Roman State being buoy'd up, through ſo many difficulties and calamities arriv'd to ſuch an incomparable grandeur of Empire and Renown: and that by a remarkable inſtance it might more eaſily appear, how men ought to be qualified if they intend to be admir'd; and to leave their poſterity a more flouriſhing State than they receiv'd from their Forefathers.

When theſe things therefore had been ſaid and heard 'tis reported, that the King gave over the buſineſs for the preſent. But two days after he order'd Fabricius to be call'd to him: and whilſt they were talking, an Elephant which was prepar'd beforehand to affright Fabricius, and placed behind a Curtain at their backs, when the Curtain was ſuddenly drawn aſide, let down his Trunk upon Fabricius's head, and roar'd terribly, but the undaunted Hero, onely turn'd himſelf leiſurely about, and ſmiling upon the matter, ſaid, "Your Gold could not corrupt me yeſterday, nor has your Elephant affrighted me to day.

Afterwards at Supper when he heard Cyneas diſcourſe of the Grecian Philoſophers: how the Scholars of Epicurus made Pleaſure the chiefeſt good, and held the management of State-affairs among the chief impediments of happineſs: that the Gods took no care of humane affairs, but liv'd at eaſe and reſt neither loving the good, nor hating the bad; 'tis reported that Fabricius ſhould ſay, I wiſh, Pyrrhus and the Samnites may be taken with that Philoſophy as long as they War with the Romans.

Theſe were the manners of thoſe days: Great men did not then ſtrive to exceed in Wealth and Luxury, but in Valour and Conduct, in hardineſs, and fidelity to their Country: for theſe were no warm expreſſions, ariſing from paſſion, nor premeditated by the ſpeakers the more plauſibly to carry on ſome ſecret Intrigue: but theſe men being rather admirable than imitable in our days by the conſtant tenor of their actions verified their words.

This ſame Fabricius, when he had but two pieces of Plate in his Houſe, a Saltſellar and a Diſh, with a horn Stand to hold it, and the Ambaſſadours of the Samnites would have preſented him with Money and rich Houſhold goods, carry'd his hands wide open to his Ears, and thence to his Eyes, noſtrils, mouth, throat, and at laſt down to his Belly, ſaying, As long as I can rule theſe, I ſhall want nothing: carry you the Money to them that want it. In fine, he liv'd ſo all his life, that he had not any thing left to raiſe fortunes for his Daughters: but this was a glorious Poverty (for the Senate being aſham'd to let them continue without Portions, whilſt their Father was not aſham'd to leave them ſo, paid their Portions out of the common Treaſury.

The chief Senators liv'd then with the ſame continence and moderation. Among whom was Q. Fabius Maximus, a perſon who had often bore the greateſt Offices; who having been once Cenſor refus'd the Office a ſecond time, ſaying, that it was not for the Intereſt of the Commonwealth, to have the ſame men often choſen Cenſors. This Man alſo receiv'd a like teſtimony of his poverty, and the public Charity from the Romans. For when he dy'd there was ſo much Money given by the people as inabled his Son Gurges to give a Dole, and to make a public Feaſt.

Curius alſo out of a like generoſity contemn'd the Sabines Preſents, as Fabricius had done thoſe of the Samnites. Aemilius Papus Fabricius's Colleague in ſeveral Offices, as alſo Tib. Coruncanius, and other eminent Perſons, being of like diſpoſitions, maintain'd a conſtant friendſhip among themſelves. So that the Poet ſeems to me to have hit exactly the humour of thoſe times, when he ſaid that the Roman State was onely ſupported by Perſons and Principles that were honeſt and vertuous.

In conſideration of which things Pyrrhus being more inclin'd to conclude a • eace with this Nation, ſends home two hundred Priſoners without any Ranſom; and if any others deſired to go to Rome to celebrate the Saturnalia then near at hand, they were permitted to go: the King relying on Fabricius's word, which he had ingag'd for their return as ſoon as the Feaſt was ended, unleſs a Peace were in the mean while concluded. And ſuch was both the Authority of the Senate, and the honeſty of each of them at that time, that they return'd every man upon the day appointed by the Senate; though they had earneſtly ſolicited their Friends who were ſtifly bent againſt a Peace.

For now whilſt their minds were ſoftned with the ſight of their dear Relations, and fill'd with deſires of enjoying them, they might be thought more inclin'd to embrace friendſhip and amity; and hereupon the politick Prince looking on it as a convenient juncture, reſolves to ſend Ambaſſadours to Rome to conclude a Peace upon thoſe terms he propoſed to Fabricius, to wit, That the Tarentines ſhould be included in the ſame Treaty: That the reſt of the Grecians who inhabited Italy ſhould live free, and be govern'd onely by their own Laws: and whatever was taken away by the Romans ſhould be reſtored to the Samnites, Apulians, Lucanians and Brutians: and the Romans ſhould receive their Priſoners without Ranſom from Pyrrhus.

Cyneas, whom we mention'd before, was then with Pyrrhus; He was an excellent Politician, and withal an honeſt Man: one who by adding ſtudy and practice to the pregnancy of his own Genius had attain'd to a very maſterly Eloquence. For theſe his Accompliſhments he was very gracious with the King; who often ſaid, "That he had conquer'd more Cities by the Tongue of Cyneas, than by his Arms.

When this Man was come Ambaſſadour to Rome, he cunningly delay'd the time from coming to have his Audience before the Senate, and ſent Preſents in the King's name to the Nobility. Being afterwards introduced into the Senate, and having largely magnified his Maſter's Valour, and his affection to the Romans, and likewiſe diſcours'd of the equity of thoſe terms he propoſed, a great part of the Senate were almoſt perſuaded to embrace them. For beſides other things, he promiſed them ſo much Aid, if they would deſiſt from ſpoiling his Confederates, with which they might eaſily make themſelves Maſters of all the reſt of Italy.

But the debate held many days, the Senate being ſolicitous upon an Affair of ſo great importance, ſo that ſome report and ſuſpicion of a Peace was rais'd. Hereupon Appius Claudius, who formerly by his Age and blindneſs was forced to abſent himſelf from the Senate, caus'd himſelf immediately to be carried thither in a Chair, where at the firſt ſight of him, his Sons, and Relations receiv'd him, and ſtanding about him with reſpect and honour conducted him to his Seat.

There, when by reaſon of the ſtrangeneſs of the thing, and out of reverence to the Perſon all were ſilent, and expecting to hear the reaſons that had induc'd him after ſo long abſence to return to the Senate; beginning with the relation of his infirmities, he ſaid,

Hitherto I have been ſorry, becauſe I am blind, but now I do not onely rejoyce for it, becauſe I cannot ſee the things you do; but I am ſorry, that I am not deaf alſo, that I might not be forc'd to hear ſuch ſcandalous things, ſo unworthy the Roman name. For whither is that Courage fled? Where are the ancient Roman Spirits? You us'd formerly to ſay, when you heard Alexander the Great celebrated for a mighty Hero; that his Glory was not ſo much to be imputed to his Valour as to his Succeſs. For had Fortune conſtrain'd him to have had War with the Romans, the caſe would have been alter'd with him, and the World would have had another Opinion of him. But now ſee how much you have degenerated from that magnanimity. You thought you might have conquer'd the Macedonians: You are now affraid of the Moloſſians and Chronians, the conſtant prey of the Macedonians. You deſpiſed Alexander then; now you fear Pyrrhus, a Vaſſal not of Alexander himſelf, but even of his Vaſſals. Who to run away from old Enemies, rather than to ſeek new ones has paſs'd over into Italy: intending forſooth to get an Empire for the Romans with thoſe forces, wherewith he could not defend the leaſt Spot of Macedonia: Unleſs therefore we drive him hence with conſiderable loſs, we ſhall invite other Gueſts to come boldly into Italy, as to a ready prey, in juſt contempt of us. For what will the World take us for but onely a company of Cowards; if Pyrrhus being admitted into our friendſhip, ſhall be ſo well rewarded for affronting us, that he may be able to expoſe us Romans to be jeer'd by the Tarentines and Samnites.

This is well nigh the whole drift of that Speech ſpoken by Appius at that inſtant, wherewith they were all put into ſuch a heat, that in purſuance of this reſolute Counſel of his, by common conſent they decreed, That the War ſhould be carried on; and that Cyneas ſhould be commanded to depart the Town that very day, and acquaint Pyrrhus, that they would neither let him come into the Town (which he deſir'd) nor treat at all of Peace with him, unleſs he left Italy. Afterwards a decree of equal rigor was made by the Counſel of Appius touching the Priſoners; the Senate ordering, That they ſhould neither be ſent out againſt Pyrrhus, nor be kept together all of them in any other place; but that ſome ſhould be diſpoſed in one Gariſon, and ſome in another, their Poſts being alter'd for the greater diſgrace: So that the Horſemen were turned over to the Foot, and the Legionary Foot were entred among the Light-harneſs'd, none being allowed to recover his former Poſt, till he ſhould twice have gotten the ſpoils of an Enemy.

When the Ambaſſadors return'd with this terrible Anſwer. 'Tis reported, that the King being aſtoniſh'd at the Romans Courage, ask'd how the City and the Senate look'd? And that Cyneas anſwer'd him, That the City appear'd like a Temple, the Senate like an Aſſembly of Kings. After this ſome imagine that Fabricius was ſent Ambaſſadour to the King: but beſides the teſtimonies of Authors, they may be convinc'd of their Errour by duly conſidering the Series of the things themſelves.

Now all hopes of Peace was over, and preparations were made for the War with all vigour and application, ſo that this was a buſie Winter on both ſides. I think this was the time when Pyrrhus to eſcape Shipwracks, and to make a paſſage for the Epirots and Tarentines to go to and fro to one anothers aſſiſtance, intended to lay a Bridge from Hydrus in the utmoſt point of Italy to Apollonia a Town ſituate on the oppoſite ſhore, for the ſpace of fifty miles. For thereabouts Greece and Italy are ſo far diſtant from one another. M. Terentius Varro afterwards is reported to have attempted the ſame thing: when in the Fyrate War being Lieutenant under Pompey he guarded the Ionian and Aegean Seas with his Fleet.

In the mean time Tib. Coruncanius the Conſul triumphed over the Volſinians and Vulcientians a People of Hetruria the firſt day of February. The Cenſorſhip was remarkable that year, the ceremony of the Luſtrum being then firſt perform'd by a Cenſor deſcended of a Plebeian Houſe, 278222 men were Poll'd. That Fabrius Maximus us'd to be choſen in thoſe times Preſident of the Senate is very certain And 'tis thought his Son ſurnam'd Gurges was Cenſor then. Cn. Domitius for having perform'd the Luſtration, and becauſe the priviledges of the Commons were inlarg'd was had in great eſteem.

In the beginning of the Spring Pyrrhus having got together the Forces of the Confederates advanc'd to Apulia, and took there ſeveral Towns partly by aſſault, and partly by ſurrender. Againſt whom the new Conſuls, P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Decius Mus marching out with two Conſular Armies pitch'd their Camp oppoſite to the Enemies near Aſculum a Town of Apulia of the ſame name with that in Picentia. There was no doubt but that they would come to a ſet Battel: which was deſerr'd for many days, not onely becauſe of the deep River that parted the two Armies, but alſo becauſe they fear'd each other. The ſucceſs of the former Battel and the Victory of Pyrrhus affrighted the Romans; and the courage of the Romans, together with the name of one of the Conſuls, which was fatal to the Enemies, terrified the Epirots. For it was ſaid, that, P. Decius to procure Victory for his men, was about to devote himſelf as his Father and Grandfather had done before: and the ill ſucceſſes of thoſe Battels, wherein they dy'd, render'd the threats of the Decii devoting themſelves ominous to all.

Pyrrhus looking on this as a thing not to be ſlighted, aſſembled his Soldiers, and told them plainly, That the ſucceſs of the War was not diſpos'd by the Goddeſs Tellus, or the infernal deities, who were invok'd in that Curſe: for that the Gods could not be eſteem'd ſo unjuſt as for the ſake of one Madman to alter and diſpoſe the fates of Armies: that Victories were not won by ſuperſtition and Sorceries, but by fighting, as the Romans themſelves might bear witneſs, who uſe not to encounter their Enemies with a company of Wizards and Prieſts, but with armed men. But yet becauſe ignorant People are more apt to be mov'd by the fooleries of Superſtition, than by true cauſes of fear, he told them how they might rid themſelves of this fear, by deſcribing to them the garb, wherein the other Decii had offer'd themſelves, and warning them if they met any man ſo accoutred, they ſhould not kill him, but take him alive.

He ſent alſo a Meſſenger to Decius himſelf to acquaint him, that he ſhould not play the Fool among armed men, for that his deſign would not ſucceed; and if he ſhould be taken alive he ſhould ſmart for it.

The Conſuls anſwer'd, That they truſted onely in their Arms, and needed no ſuch deſperate means of help: and to aſſure him of the truth hereof, they gave him his choice either to paſs the River himſelf (which as was ſaid before, ran between the two Armies) or elſe to expect the Romans on the other ſide: for they would either retire with their forces to leave ſafe paſſage for the King, or if he retir'd, paſs over themſelves. So that coming to Battel with all their forces, it might appear that they plac'd the hopes of Victory in nothing but Valour.

Pyrrhus being aſhamed to diſcover any ſign of fear or doubt in the caſe approves the laſt Propoſal, giving the Enemy liberty to paſs over. Their fear of the Elephants (being now grown a familiar ſ • ght to them) abated of it ſelf, and by the experience of the former Battel they had learnt that their Trunks might eaſily be cut off, C. Minucius a Pikeman in the Vanguard of the fourth Legion having with his Sword chop'd off one of them at one ſtroke. But now they had contriv'd other means of defence that were ſafer. For they had a Chariot ſet round about with Iron Spikes, which was drawn by Horſes covered with Armour. In the Chariot there were placed Soldiers to beat the Elephants back by ſhot, and caſting fire among them.

The Soldiers being thus appointed paſſed over, and Pyrrhus on the other ſide ſet his men in Battel Array according to his great skill in Marſhal Diſcipline, and that excellent Conduct, wherein he was eſteem'd to out do all the Commanders of his time. Having therefore obſerv'd the ſituation of the Country, which by reaſon of the unevenneſs of the ground and becauſe the place was woody, was onely ſit for the Foot to poſt themſelves in, he plac'd the Horſemen and the Elephants upon the reſerves. The Right Wing conſiſted of his own Soldiers with the Auxiliaries of the Samnites: the Brutians, Lucanians and Salentines were poſted on the left Wing: and the Tarentines whoſe Valour he moſt diſtruſted were placed in the body of the Army. The Conſuls Army was made up of the Legionary Foot with ſome parties of Light-arm'd Soldiers mingled in convenient places among them for their aſſiſtance, and their reſerves were order'd in the ſame poſture. The Horſe ſpreading themſelves out upon both the Wings would neither hinder the Foot when they ingag'd, nor were they yet too far off in caſe there ſhould be occaſion for them.

The two Armies thus match'd not onely for Valour but numbers (each of them conſiſting of forty thouſand men) fought with ſo much bravery as might be expected: but Night at laſt parted them, when neither ſide could claim the Victory.

Pyrrhus on the morrow having ſecured all the moſt difficult Paſſes with Guards, forced the Romans to come down into a more level ground, where the Elephants ſtood him in ſome ſtead: for they being ſuddenly brought on in another part of the Army than that where the Chariots ſtood ready againſt them, frightned and put to ſlight the Enemies Horſe, as they had done in the former Battel, but to the Foot they did no great harm. The account of this fight is very different: ſome report that the Romans overcame, and that by an accident: when the Detatchments ſent by the King againſt the Apulians, that plunder'd the Baggage, appear'd by their going off to the reſt of the Army, as if they fled, ſo that by this fear and miſtake all the King's Army was diſcomfited. A vaſt number are reported to have been ſlain: twenty thouſand on Pyrrhus's ſide, and five thouſand of the Conquerors. Beſides, 'tis ſaid that the K • g, after he had been wounded with a Lance through the Arm, being not able to rally his men, was carry'd almoſt laſt of all out of the Field by his Guards, and that Fabricius who was Lieutenant to one of the Conſuls was wounded.

Others on the contrary ſay, that the fortune of this Battel and the former was alike: and that the Romans being ſecur'd by the nearneſs of their Camp, the loſs on their ſide was not ſo conſiderable: but yet that they retir'd in great diſorder having loſt ſix thouſand men, and that on Pyrrhus's ſide there were three thouſand five hundred and five killed, and that was the number recorded in the King's Journal as Hieronymus writes; and this not onely difference but contradiction of Authors induces me rather to believe thoſe, who affirm that they parted upon equal terms. For both ſides uſe to challenge the credit of the Victory, when they go off with equal loſs: which is afterwards through the careleſneſs or knavery of others recorded: this being a great Cheat, and a great ſhame to thoſe men, who report ſuch things for truths, for which they have onely a bare hearſay, or elſe believe them to be true becauſe they would have it ſo. Wherefore the account of thoſe Annals ſeems more probable, which tell us, that at Aſculum they fought but once, and that after a very warm Diſpute and great ſlaughters on both ſides, at Sun-ſetting by reaſon of the King's Wound and the loſs of his Baggage with much ado they parted, and that both Armies then ſounded a retreat, about fifteen thouſand having been ſlain on either ſide. And that this was the time when Pyrrhus anſwer'd one who congratulated him for his Victory: "If the Romans muſt be conquer'd thus once more, we ſhall be quite undone.

And the ſequel confirms me in this Opinion. For Pyrrhus went to Tarentum: and the Conſuls not purſuing the Enemy, ſetled their Army in their Winter-quarters in the Towns of Apulia. Whereas if we conſider the ſeaſon of the year and the poſture of Affairs, the firſt did eaſily admit the proſecution of ſuch a noble Victory; and the latter might even have enforc'd it. Moreover, I find not that theſe Conſuls triumphed; but there are many who imagine that P. Decius the Conſul devoted himſelf in this Battel, who immediately following his Father and Grandfather, that dy'd in the ſame manner offer'd himſelf a third Sacrifice for the Commonwealth. A thing I ſhould not have thought fit to relate, much leſs to confute, unleſs Cicero in ſome of his Philoſophical Diſcourſes has mention'd it, and that more than once: whilſt Hiſtories are ſilent in the matter.

The Battel of Aſculum, whatever the iſſue of it was, concluded that Campagne: but in the mean while they were concerting their Meaſures and preparing for the War.

Pyrrhus having loſt moſt of his Soldiers and a great part of his Officers, ſent to Epirus for men and Money to be brought to him about the beginning of Spring. But before that Fleet could be fitted out, ſome new hopes ariſing alter'd the King's reſolutions.

For Pyrrhus had formerly poſſeſs'd Macedonia, having won it from Demetrius: but afterwards he loſt it to Lyſimachus in Battel. And now again there ſeem'd a fair way made to him for recovering it by the death of Ptolomy Ceraunus, who being ſlain by the Gauls, whilſt Pyrrhus was in Italy, had left his Kingdom in a very troubleſom condition, and no man in actual poſſeſſion of it. For this reaſon he determin'd not to leave Epirus without Soldiers: leſt at the ſame time it ſhould be expos'd to the injuries of the Gauls, that were then burning its neighbouring Province Macedonia. He went not however juſt then into Sicily, but other occaſions call'd him thither afterwards, as we ſhall ſhew in due time.

When Winter had been ſpent in ſuch cares as theſe, the two new Conſuls Caius Fabricius Luſcinus, and Q. Aemilius Papus both of them Conſuls together before, came to the Army. Upon intelligence hereof Pyrrhus marched out with his Forces againſt them, being reſolv'd to obſerve the motions of the A. U. 475 Enemy. And whilſt they were thus incamp'd very near one another, a very odd accident happen'd, which is deliver'd by ſeveral without any material difference.

One Timochares an Ambraciot a favourite of the King, came privately to Fabricius the Conſul, promiſing, if he ſhould be well rewarded for his pains, to poiſon his Maſter: which he made account to do eaſily by means of his Sons who were the King's Cup-bearers. Fabricius though he abhorr'd the Treaſon, gave the Senate however an account of it. The Senate ſent Ambaſſadors to Pyrrhus, not to inform him of the Treachery of Timochares, who intended to do the Romans a kindneſs however, but to warn him in general to look about him, and ſee what ſort of Men, and how honeſt, he employ'd in his ſervice. Thus Valerius Amias ſays; but Claud. Quadrigarius, for Timochares mentions Nicias as the perſon who offer'd to poiſon the King: and that Ambaſſadours were ſent by the Conſuls, not by the Senate; who in their Letter to Pyrrhus diſcover'd Nicias's deſign, and told him withal that they would not fight with him by Money or Treachery, but by Valour: adding, That they wiſhed the King ſafe from all traiterous deſigns, hoping to have him reſerv'd for the ſubject of their Triumph, and the noble Subject of their Victory.

By others 'tis ſaid, that the King's Phyſician either by word of mouth, or Letter inform'd Fabricius of the matter, and that upon the Conſuls diſcovery thereof to the King, the man was hang'd for it. Though this is uncertain, yet they are manifeſtly miſtaken, who ſay, that the Phyſician was ſent by Curius to the King.

'Tis ſaid, that Pyrrhus being ſurpriz'd at this extraordinary generoſity cryed out, "This is that Fabricius whom it is harder to turn from the ways of Vertue and Honeſty than the Sun from his courſe.

And immediately that he might not ſeem to be outdone in kindneſs, he reſtored all the Roman Priſoners he had taken, and ſent Cyneas again to ſue for Peace and Alliance. It was not thought honourable, either to receive a gift from an Enemy, or to have abhorr'd a Vice for lucre, rather than out of any generous principle; and therefore that they might not receive the Captives gratis: as many more of the Tarentines and Samnites were ſent in lieu of them. This public moderation of the chief Men was follow'd (with conſpicuous generoſity) by a like grave and continent behaviour in private Men: inſomuch that Pyrrhus's preſents (for he had brought ſeveral precious ones for both Sexes) were refus'd not onely by the Men but even by the Women too. For when they had been refus'd by thoſe who had the firſt offer, and were carry'd to others, there could not be found one Man or Woman ſo mean or covetous, as to open his door to receive them. The Ambaſſadours after this receiv'd their former Anſwer: That Pyrrhus ſhould be treated as an Enemy of that State till he had quitted Italy. The King who was puzled at this, being unwilling to continue the War, and alſo to quit it diſhonourably, was in this ſtreight reliev'd by the Expedition into Sicily, which he after a long and doubtful Conſultation reſolved at length to undertake: For ſo he hoped he might upon ſpecious pretexts decline the Roman War; and alſo ſubjugate that wealthy Iſland. Withal he deſir'd to be aveng'd of the Carthaginians, who had firſt affronted him. For they upon ſuſpicion of the King's deſigns, a little before had ſent Mago their General with a Navy of a hundred and fifty Ships, pretending, That they came with forein ſuccours to aid the Romans againſt a forein Enemy: and though the Romans did not make uſe of their ſervice, the Senate anſwering, That they were wont to undertake no War, but ſuch as they could wage with their own Countrymen; yet a League was renew'd a fourth time between the two States. And to the former Articles it was added, That if either the Romans or Carthaginians ſhould make Peace with Pyrrhus, it ſhould be with this particular exception; That if either of them were invaded, the other ſhould be at liberty to aſſiſt him: and that as often as either of them wanted aid, the Carthaginians ſhould furniſh Shipping: and that every one ſhould pay their own Soldiers; that the Punic ſuccours ſhould aid the Romans by Sea, and not be forced to Land-ſervice.

When this was done, Mago goes to Pyrrhus, pretending that he came to conclude Peace with him, but indeed he came as a Spy to obſerve the King's deſigns, who as the Carthaginians were inform'd, had been called into Sicily: and they offer'd their Fleet to the Romans not out of any reſpect or love for them, but onely that they might make Pyrrhus the more deeply engag'd in the War in Italy, that ſo he might not overthrow their flouriſhing Power in that Iſland. They were then with a great Fleet guarding the Seas between Italy and Sicily, and made ſhew as if they would attack Rhegium, but indeed it was onely to hinder Pyrrhus that he might not paſs over into Sicily.

For theſe reaſons therefore the King apply'd his mind to the buſineſs of Sicily, being mightily incouraged thereunto, partly by the poſture of Affairs there, and partly by the Embaſſies of the Sicilians, which coming one after the other brought word that he was deſir'd to come by all men, as the onely ſupport of thoſe miſeries, wherewith that unhappy Iſland was at that time more grievouſly harraſs'd than ever it had been before. For after the miſerable rather than unworthy death of Agathocles, one Moeno a native of Egeſta in Sicily, who alſo had poiſon'd the King, aſpiring to the Government and being driven out of Syracuſe by the Praetor Hicetas, had put himſelf under the protection of the Carthaginians; hence there aroſe a greater War, which was unfortunate to the Syracuſians: at which time notwithſtanding Hicetas's Power was increaſed by private means, who afterwards turning his Arms againſt Phintia the Agrigentine, held the Government of the Iſland for a long while in his hands, though in a very unſetled poſture: till at length by the courage of one Thenio he was depos'd after he had govern'd the Iſland nine years. Thenio who endeavoured to keep the Power in his own hands was oppoſed by Soſiſtratus a Nobleman of Syracuſe: and between theſe two there was a long War: whilſt Thenio was Maſter of the Iſland (call'd by them Naſus) which is part of Syracuſe, and Soſiſtratus play'd the Tyrant over the reſt of the City.

At length, when both Parties ſaw that theſe quarrels would end in the common deſtruction of them all, they unanimouſly agreed to ſend for Pyrrhus: who being the Son-in-law of Agathocles and next Heir to the Crown, having had a Son by Lanaſſa his Wife, was eſteemed alſo a man capable both for Courage and Power to ſettle the Affairs of Sicily. Moreover, the Princes of the Agrigentines and Leontines, who alſo offer'd him the Government of their reſpective Seigniories, ask'd him with one accord to come over into Sicily: that he might by his preſence ſuccour their diſtreſſed State, and preſerve their liberty now endanger'd by the Arms of Barbarians.

For the Carthaginians having waſted the Country belonging to Syracuſe, beſieg'd the Town it ſelf with a hundred Gallies by Sea, and an Army of fifty thouſand men by Land. Pyrrhus therefore being reſolv'd not to loſe time, ſends Cyneas before, whom for his prudence and fidelity he employ'd very much to make Leagues with the ſeveral Provinces of Sicily. Moreover, he comforted his Confederates who were troubled for his departure by telling them, that if the Romans ſhould moleſt them he would come time enough out of the Neighbouring Iſland to their aid, being ſtrengthned with the addition of theſe new Confederates.

But when he was about to leave a Gariſon in Tarentum, the Tarentines earneſtly requeſted him either to give them the aid he promis'd upon thoſe terms agreed betwixt them, or elſe to leave their City free; but they could prevail in neither: Pyrrhus giving them no ſatisfactory Anſwer, but commanding them to wait his time.

Whilſt Pyrrhus bends his mind this way, the Conſuls find it eaſier to deal with the reſt of their Enemies: We find therefore that at this time they fought with good ſucceſs againſt the Hetrurians, Lucanians, Brutians and Samnites. That they had but little action with the Hetrurians appears hence, becauſe no Triumph follow'd that War: and I think they did not fight with the whole Nation, but onely with one or two Provinces: which being ſolicited by the Samnites, that were left in a forlorn Eſtate upon the departure of Pyrrhus, took Arms again againſt the Romans, having been at Peace a little before with them. With the other Nations as the War was greater, ſo the Conqueſt was more illuſtrious. C. Fabricius the Conſul, his Colleague being gone, as is conjectured, to the Hetrurian War, becauſe that one Conſular Army ſeem'd ſufficient upon the Epirots departure, overcame the Lucanians, Brutians, Tarentines and Samnites. With ſome of thoſe States he made a League, among which was that of Heraclea: and he Triumph'd over all theſe Nations before the fifth of December.

Afterwards when the Election was held, Pub. Cornelius Rufinus, and C. Junius Brutus were elected Conſuls the ſecond time. There were other Noblemen likewiſe who ſtood in competition with Rufinus, but A. U. 476 he got it by the intereſt of Fabricius: who having an Eye to the public good, valu'd the ſafety of his Country more than any private animoſities. For there was ſome pique betwixt theſe two upon the account of their different diſpoſitions: Fabricius being a Perſon not ſuperable by Money, that wholly minded the good of the Community: But Rufinus being a greater lover of Money acted and deſign'd ſeveral things for his own Intereſt. However, becauſe he was otherwiſe a good careful Commander Fabricius judged him preferable to his Competitors, far inferiour to him for experience in Arms. 'Tis reported, that Rufinus afterwards thank'd him, becauſe though he was his Adverſary yet he ſhould make him Conſul, eſpecially for ſo great and important a War: and that he anſwer'd him: That it was no wonder if he had rather be pillag'd than ſold. For there were yet remaining in Italy very dangerous Wars, and Pyrrhus proceeding ſucceſsfully in Sicily (whither he was now arriv'd) gave them juſt cauſe to fear, leſt the King back'd with the additional Forces of this noble Iſland ſhould return a more formidable Enemy to Rome.

DECADE II. BOOK XIV. Florus his Epitome of the Fourteenth Book of Livy.

Pyrrhus croſſeth the Sea into Sicily. Amongſt other Prodigies the Image of Jupiter in the Capitol is overthrown by Lightning, and the Head thereof ſuppoſed to be loſt, recovered and found again by the skill of the Aruſpices or Soothſayers. Curius Dentatus the Conſul when he was making his Levies, cauſed the Goods of one that being Cited would not anſwer to his name, but declined the Service, to be preſently ſold by the publique Cryer, and he was the firſt that took that Courſe to puniſh ſuch as refuſed to be Liſted. The ſame General routs King Pyrrhus being now return'd out of Sicily, and beats him quite out of Italy. Fabricius the Cenſor turns P. Cornelius Rufinus, one that had been Conſul, out of the Senate, becauſe he had as much Silver Plate in his Houſe as weighed Ten Pounds. Ʋpon a Poll taken by the Cenſors the number of Citizens is caſt up to be 271224. An Alliance is made with Ptolomy King of Egypt. Sextilia a Veſtal Virgin convicted of Inceſt [Fornication was called ſo in one of her ſacred Order] is buried alive. Two Colonies peopled, Poſſidonia and Coſſa. A Fleet of Carthaginians comes to aſſiſt the Tarentines, by which they firſt broke the League with the Romans; It likewiſe relates ſeveral Exploits againſt the Lucanians, Samnites, and Brutians, and the death of King Pyrrhus.

WHILE Affairs went thus in Italy, Pyrrhus carrying his Army and Elephants aboard his Ships, ſet ſail from the Port of Tarentum to Sicily. After he had ſtay'd in Italy two years and four months: being attended by Thenio, who met him with his Fleet, he was receiv'd with the general ſatisfaction of all the Sicilians: who deliver'd their Towns, Forces and Money into his hands, ſtriving which ſhould come firſt. Therefore having in a ſhort time brought all the Territories of the Greeks under his ſubjection; he won likewiſe all the Punic Dominions by Arms, except onely the Town of Lilybaeum: which the Carthaginians being much advantag'd by its natural ſtrength defended againſt Pyrrhus, who had in vain attack'd it. From whence having (not without cauſe) entertain'd great hopes in his mind, he intended to leave his eldeſt Son his own hereditary Dominions, and of his other two, to make one King of Italy and the other of Sicily. This King was then a Man of great fame, and worth, and the Sicilians having for many years endured forein and domeſtick Wars, and what was yet worſe than either, Tyranny, they were ready with all their hearts to accept of a Prince that was but tolerably good. But a little after when he fell to oppreſs them with heavy impoſitions of Taxes, and to make away thoſe that were in greateſt ſway among them, he render'd himſelf very odious. Moreover, the covetouſneſs and arrogance of his Miniſters did him no leſs prejudice than his own faults. So that next to that prime duty incumbent upon Kings to be good themſelves, they cannot fix their thoughts upon any better or worthier concern, than to chuſe virtuous Friends: for whereas among private men every one is hated for his own fault, the miſdemeanours of others are imputed to the Prince. But theſe things came to paſs afterwards.

But then while Peoples affections were warm, being firſt nobly entertain'd and honour'd by Tindario the Prince of the Taurominitans (for he had landed firſt in that part of the Iſland) and afterwards by the People of Catana, he marched with an Army of Foot to Syracuſe, and order'd that the Fleet being in a readineſs ſhould ſteer its courſe near the ſhore: for that the Carthaginian Fleet belike would not let them have paſſage to Syracuſe without running the riſque of a Battel: but as it happen'd, a little before that time thirty Ships of the Carthaginians were gone off from the Fleet upon other occaſions; and becauſe theſe were not yet return'd, the Carthaginian Admiral durſt not hazard Battel with the reſt. Therefore having entred the Town without any oppoſition, Thenio and Soſiſtratus deliver'd him their public Fond, with their Artillery and Ammunition of War, as alſo one hundred Galleys, and twenty Long-boats. While he was doing theſe things, there came to him Ambaſſadours from the Leontines, who in the name of their Prince Heraclides offer'd to him their City: and other Towns likewiſe reſign'd their Power readily into his hands: his ſucceſs flowing upon him in a full tide. Pyrrhus by his obliging meen, and good entertainment having endear'd himſelf to them all, diſmiſſed them; for now he had greater deſigns in his head, and intended, if things ſhould thus ſucceed, to paſs over into Africa. But his Confederates had no ſuch happy times: for the Romans taking this advantage of the King's abſence, and the ſtrength of the Army, annoy'd them daily more and more; whilſt Milo, that was left with a part of the Army at Tarentum, was not in a capacity to defend them. However, he ſtood them in ſo much ſtead, that the Conſuls did not fall upon them preſently, but employ'd their Arms againſt Samnium. The Samnites, when they ſaw the ruine of their Caſtles and Country, their Allies falling off, and the burden of the War lying upon them, being unequal both for courage and ſtrength to their Enemies, retir'd into high Mountains, carrying with them their Wives, Children, and as much of their moſt valuable goods, as they could for the hurry and confuſion. The Romans beſides the piques of their Officers, were alſo through contempt of the Enemy and proſperity ſeiz'd upon with ſupine ſecurity, the attendant of ſucceſs. Hence they incurr'd ſome danger and diſgrace: for whilſt the Soldiers crept up thoſe crags in a careleſs and diſorderly manner, they were routed by the Samnites that had the advantage of the ground. In which action many were ſlain, ſome with Darts and Stones, and ſome with tumbling down the Precipices: but others having neither room to fight, nor to retreat, fell into the hands of the Enemy.

This Accident made the Generals divide their Armies again, whilſt one charg'd the other with the miſcarriage, and each of them pretended, that if he had acted ſeparately, things ſhould have ſucceeded better. Caius Junius with his Regiments ſtaid in Samnium; and Publius Cornelius bends his courſe againſt the Lucanians and Brutians: There while he was ſpreading terrour and ruin all around, by burning the Villages, and laying the Country waſte, he lights upon an opportunity of undertaking a greater Enterprize.

In the utmoſt Coaſt of Italy at the fartheſt point of the Lacinian Promontory to the Eaſtward, on the Ionian Sea Croton is ſituated a Town of Ancient Fame, and then conſiderable for Wealth; through the middle of it in thoſe days the River Eſarus ran, on both ſides of which a great number of Houſes ſtood incloſed with a Wall twelve miles round: the Conſul not daring openly to beſiege the place, truſted that he might poſſeſs it by treachery; for that he was aſſured by ſeveral of the Roman party within, that the Town having no extraordinary Gariſon in it, might be taken by the intereſt and aſſiſtance of thoſe that diſguſted Pyrrhus's Government, if he ſhould lead his Forces to the place in time. But by chance, at that nick, whether for fear of the Enemies approach, or upon ſuſpicion of Treaſon (which is not generally conceal'd long) the Crotonians had ſent to Milo for a Gariſon; and there arriv'd a ſtrong Body of Lucanians to the place, which iſſuing forth ſuddenly defeated the Conſul, who without fear of danger had made his approaches nearer to the Walls, and ſlew and wounded ſeveral of his men upon the place.

Rufinus was reſolv'd by Stratagem to repair the loſs ſuſtain'd by his temerity, and therefore of himſelf enhanſes the report of his defeat: and that he might ſeem to be more affraid, he makes a ſhew of quitting this deſign, and gives Orders to his Soldiers to make ready their Bag and Baggage, as being for the march. This was ſoon underſtood in the Town, the Camp lying ſo near it: and beſides the probability of the thing, they believ'd it the more becauſe they wiſh'd it to be true. And now while they were of themſelves leaning to this Opinion, a certain Priſoner induc'd with hopes of liberty and reward by the Conſul, came among them, pretending that he had made his eſcape, taking this opportunity of the haſte they were in at their departure. This perſon informs them, that Cornelius Rufinus having not men enough to attack Croton, was gone for Locri, being inticed thither by certain, who promis'd to betray the place to him. A little after there comes in another, and tells the ſame ſtory with the former; adding withal, that the Romans had now begun their Journey, and at the ſame time the Enſigns and the Army were ſeen afar off advancing toward Locri.

Nicomachus being thus trepann'd makes all haſte with his men, taking the ſhorteſt cut to Locri, with an intention to defend it; which when Rufinus underſtood by ſecret intelligence, he returns back to Croton, having now by ſo much better ſucceſs, by how much he was more ſubtle than before: and not onely the ſecurity of the Enemy, but good fortune too contributed to his diligence. For a thick miſt happened at that time very ſeaſonably, ſo that he was not ſeen coming towards the Town, nay his Army was almoſt entred within the Walls, before the Crotoniates knew of his returning back. And the joy for this Victory, which was great enough of it ſelf, was accompanied with other ſucceſſes not inconſiderable, Fortune being moſtly in the extreams, either over-croſs, or over-kind.

For Nicomachus reflecting upon his irreparable miſtake while he returns to Tarentum being at a great non-plus, in his way is encountred by Rufinus, and loſes a great part of his men, himſelf with the reſt with much ado ſaving themſelves by flight; after he had loſt two Towns, by being not contented to defend one: for the Locrians were animated with this ſucceſs, inſomuch that they ſlew the Gariſon of Pyrrhus and the Governour, and enter'd into Alliance with the Romans. While matters went on in this manner the Samnites and the other Nations were not ſo diſheartned thereby, but that beſides their innate ſtubbornneſs they were by the expectation of Pyrrhus and his ſucceſſes in Sicily encouraged to ſtand it out and expect whatever ſhould happen.

For Pyrrhus (to ſpeak ſomething of his actions abroad, (as having relation both in times and places, and in the very nature of the things themſelves with our Roman Affairs) having ſetled the Affairs of the Leontines and Syracuſians: about the ſame time went with his Army to Agrigentum, and had intelligence by the way, that the Punic Gariſon was put out of the Town, and that the Agrigentines were willing to ſerve him with their lives and fortunes; and they were as good as their word.

For Soſiſtratus, that had ſurrendred Syracuſa into his hands, deliver'd to him the Town, and alſo eight thouſand Foot, and eight hundred Horſe, brave Soldiers, and not inferiour to his own Countrymen. Soſiſtratus alſo cauſed thirty other Towns, whereof he was Governour, to ſubmit themſelves to him. After this was done, he ſent men to Syracuſe to fetch Arms and Engines of all ſorts, that were neceſſary for beſieging of Towns. For he had a mind to attack thoſe Towns that belonged to the Carthaginians, having now in readineſs an Army of thirty thouſand men, beſides one thouſand five hundred Horſemen and the Elephants which he had brought with him into Sicily. And in the firſt place he took Heraclea, once a Gariſon of the Carthaginians: afterwards he made himſelf Maſter of Azonae: and preſently after the Selinuntians tack'd about together with the Egeſtanes and Halcyeans, who revolting from the Carthaginians incited by their Example a great many other Towns in that Coaſt to eſpouſe the ſame Intereſt. But the Erycinians, who truſted in the numbers of their Auxiliaries, and the fortifications of the place, he reſolves to attaque with all his ſtrength. Therefore with his Army in Battalia, he marches in his Arms towards the Town, having obliged himſelf by a Vow to Hercules upon condition, That he ſhould ſhew himſelf that day to the Grecians a Warrior worthy his Race and Quality.

After that an Aſſault had been made upon the place, and the Defendants were by ſhot continually poured upon them, forced to give ground, ſo that there was room to apply the Ladders to the Walls; Pyrrhus got up firſt himſelf, and there fought very ſtoutly with the Enemies, hand to hand; ſome of whom he ſtrook down with his Buckler, killed others with his Sword, and terrified all with his Courage.

Nor was this Action onely honourable to him, but ſucceſsful too; for with ſafety and honour he carried the Town at the ſame effort. The reſt being encouraged with the King's Example no leſs than concern'd for his danger, for both reaſons behav'd themſelves gallantly.

Afterwards he ſacrific'd to Hercules according to his Vow, and exhibited magnificent Shews of ſeveral ſorts for many days together.

This year alſo we find that they Triumph'd at Rome over the Lucanians and Brutians the 14th day of January: but I wonder, why C. Junius is entitled to that Triumph, whereas Rufinus fought with thoſe People, and took from them two famous Towns: whom alſo I find by ſome Authors honoured with the title of a Triumphal Perſon.

The City, which was already diſturb'd with Pyrrhus's ſucceſſes, falls alſo under freſh terrours proceeding from Prodigies, and peſtilential Diſeaſes; but that which was reckon'd the moſt ominous of all, was the Statue of Capitoline Jove beaten down by Lightning, the head of which being broken off could not be found again, but by the Augurs Art and diligence; the City afterwards was not onely ſcar'd but hurt by a Peſtilence equally deſtroying Men and Beaſts: but yet it was more eſpecially formidable for cauſing Abortions in all Creatures, ſo that when neither the Off-ſpring of Men, nor of Beaſts could be brought forth alive, it was imagin'd that the whole race of living Creatures ſhould be deſtroy'd by the indignation of the Gods.

This violent Calamity rendred the ſecond Conſulſhip of Q. Fab. Maximus very remarkable, wherein C. Genucius Clepſina was his Colleague. But for all this they gave not over the Wars with the Lucanians and Samnites: of the great ſlaughters of both which there are two certain proofs, namely, becauſe Q. Fabius triumph'd over the Samnites, Brutians and Lucanians, in the Quirinalia: and alſo becauſe thoſe People ſent Ambaſſadours and Letters to Pyrrhus to inform him of their deſperate condition, If they were not ſuccour'd; and that they could not hold out againſt the Romans any longer, but muſt yield •••• ſelves to prevent their own utter deſtruction.

For this Reaſon, and alſo becauſe that things did not go right in the Iſland, the People being quite averſe from him for his cruelty, Pyrrhus was induc'd to leave Sicily, and to carry back his Army into Italy.

For the fuller demonſtration of which deſign of his, and of the ſeries of Affairs inſuing thereupon: 'tis convenient that I ſhould more particularly relate the Actions he did in the mean time.

After he had taken Eryx and put a Gariſon into it, he went to Egina remarkable for its ſtrength, and commodious ſite near the Haven of Palermo; and being received into that Town by the Burgers of their own accord, he marched to Palermo ſo called from its commodious and capacious Harbour: and having carried this place alſo by aſſault, together with a place called Epirecte lying between Palermo and Eryx upon a pleaſant Mountain but of difficult acceſs, he was now Maſter of all the Carthaginians Province, except Lylybeum. This Town had not been long before built by the Carthaginians to ſeat the Motyeans in: whoſe City had been raz'd by Dionyſius the Tyrant in the Carthaginian War.

When therefore the Carthaginians ſaw that of all their Empire in Sicily, there was onely this place remaining in thei power; hearing of preparations made by Pyrrhus to attack it, they reſolv'd to defend it with all their ſtrength. Having put therefore a ſtrong Gariſon into the place with good ſtore of Amunition, and abundance of Arms and Engines (wherewith they might be well furniſh'd, having the Sea at their command) they fell to fortifie the place with all diligence, eſpecially on that ſide where it was acceſſible by Land; they rais'd ſeveral Turrets, and made a broad Ditch: the work going on the more ſpeedily, becauſe the Town being for the moſt part built upon the Rocks of the Sea, needed no works for all that ſpace.

In the mean while though they had made great preparations for the War, having rais'd a great many mercenary Soldiers in Italy and other places, yet they ſent Ambaſſadours promiſing Money, and their Fleet to Pyrrhus, if Peace might be obtain'd upon reaſonable terms.

Pyrrhus would not hear of the Money, being deſirous to hold the Cities he had taken: but as for Lylibeum he ſeem'd to like of their propoſitions.

But yet his Friends and the Grandees of Sicily telling him, That Sicily could never be quiet for the Carthaginians, as long as they being ſo ſtrong at Sea poſſeſs'd Lilybeum as a Ladder ready to make a deſcent by, perſuaded him to anſwer them, That he would not conclude Peace with them, unleſs they would quit the Iſland, leaving the Sea to be the limit of both Empires.

The Treaty thus broken off, he led his Forces immediately againſt the Town, and encamping near the Walls formally inveſted the place: having ſo order'd his men, that ſuch of them as were tir'd, might be reliev'd by freſh ones; but the Lilybetanes defended the Town, being ſtrengthned with men, and well furniſhed with Engines: for the Carthaginians had put ſo many into the place, that the compaſs of the Walls was hardly large enough to hold them all. Therefore having pour'd all manner of ſhot upon the Epirots, and kill'd and wounded many of them they forced them to deſiſt from their Enterprize.

The King after this makes other Engines beſides thoſe brought from Syracuſe, and by mining and all other methods of beſieging tries what might be done. But after he had tired himſelf in vain for almoſt two Months, the Carthaginians not loſing ground at all, and conſidered that as long as they had the Sea open to go in and out, Lilybeum could not be taken; he rais'd the Siege, and directed his courſe another way. For certain Grecian Cities deſir'd his protection againſt the Mamertines, who beſides other injuries done to them forced them to pay Tribute.

Pyrrhus then leading out his Army with great ſpeed, takes and kills ſome of theſe Mamertines, who were gathering the Contributions, and overcomes thoſe that encountred him in Battel, and withal takes and demoliſhes many of their ſtrong Holds.

Hitherto the King by noble Exploits had gain'd great power an • glory, having not ſo much got as deſerv'd the love of every man in particular, and the good will of all the Country by his obliging addreſs, not to ſpeak of his other good Qualities.

But his ſo great felicity, which one would think had been firmly eſtabliſh'd was deſtroy'd in a moment, the occaſion hereof proceeding not onely from the natural levity of that People, and the extravagancies of the King's Officers, but alſo from the King's own fault, who though a brave Man in Adverſities, yet by Proſperity, which generally men are too weak to bear, was puff d up with pride.

For finding, as was before ſaid, a Fleet to be abſolutely neceſſary for the effecting of his deſigns, and that though he had ſeveral Ships, yet they were ill furniſhed with Mariners: by too vigorouſly preſſing men for Sea-ſervice he diſguſted the People extreamly: He was now quite another man, his former lenity was turn'd into imperiouſneſs and inſolence, and theſe vented themſelves in threats and puniſhments too. However the People made ſhift to ſuffer theſe things, becauſe they were done under pretence of the publick good, till they ſaw thoſe very Perſons kill'd by whoſe Intereſt he had got Sicily; and then they turn'd Enemies to him, not by degrees but all on the ſudden, and many revolted from him, ſome joyning themſelves to the Carthaginians and others to the Mamertines, according as beſt ſerv'd their turns.

Thus Cruelty however odious of it ſelf, becomes intolerable when 'tis exerciſed againſt the well-deſerving, and improves every private hatred with the general deteſtation that all mankind have for an ungrateful and perfidious man. That which chiefly ſeems to have forc'd him upon uſing theſe violent courſes, was his too great compliance with the Counſels and perverſe diſpoſitions of his Friends: for the Eſtates he had taken away from the Relations and Friends of Agathocles he beſtowed on theſe men, who were not one grain better than they: Some of his Guards and Captains he ſet up for Magiſtrates of Towns, contrary to the conſtitutions of the places, nor for the lawful time, but after what manner and as long as he pleas'd himſelf. He ingroſſed all the Power in their Courts of Judicature, all the adminiſtration of publick Affairs into his own hands, committing moſt of thoſe matters to his Creatures, who were abhorr'd by all for their Luxury and Avarice, and who minding onely how to get and to ſpend Money diſhoneſtly, for the ſatisfaction of their luſts, made no difference of right and wrong.

At theſe things the People being incens'd, began firſt to mutter, and then to complain openly, That they ought not to have repented of their former condition, if they muſt ſuffer the ſame things over again: That Pyrrhus had been ſent for and entertain'd in vain, if he thought to imitate thoſe men he came to puniſh, and that no injury made ſo deep an impreſſion, as that whereof he was the Author, who ought to have been the Avenger.

And by this time many People did apparently incline to a revolt from him, whilſt he taking the worſt meaſures, chuſes to exaſperate rather than aſſwage their Animoſities, as if by Cruelty he intended to attone for the Crimes of injuſtice.

The Carthaginians in the mean while looking on the King as not very ſtrong in forces of his own, and daily more weakned in the affections of the Sicilians, entertain'd hopes of recovering their Territories, and landed a freſh Army. And while People daily deſerted Pyrrhus for fear of his Cruelty, they annoy'd the Epirots very conſiderably.

Pyrrhus by reaſon of the Punic War having put a Gariſon into every Town, reſolves to make away all the principal Men, by forging accuſations of Treaſon againſt them: When theſe were taken off, he made account the multitude would be more eaſily kept in awe: at laſt he ſeizes on Thenio and Soſiſtratus, two Perſons of the greateſt Quality in the whole Iſle, by whoſe Intereſt, we told you, he had attain'd the Dominion of Sicily, and Thenio was kill'd, but Soſiſtratus eſcap'd to the Enemy, where he becomes no leſs inſtrumental to the expelling of the King, than he had been before to the ſetting of him up and eſtabliſhing him. Afterwards vying who ſhould be firſt, they revolted from him moſt to the Carthaginians, and ſome to the Mamertines: ſo that now the once flouriſhing Power of the Epirots, here was reduc'd to the loweſt ebb of Fortune.

In this ſtate of Affairs the Ambaſſadors from his Italian Confederates came welcome to the King: who complaining to him, that ſeveral Towns being loſt, the reſt with much ado kept out the aſſailing Foe, gave him a fair pretence to be going, which he wiſh'd heartily; for that now being to aid his Confederates he could ſeem to return into Italy, not as forc'd by the Carthaginians.

Being upon his departure, when he conſider'd with himſelf the Wealth and Situation of the Iſland, and tempers of the People, 'tis reported that he ſaid, O my Friends, what a Prize do we leave here for the Romans and Carthaginians! And this was a true preſage being ſufficiently fulfill'd in thoſe long Wars that follow'd, wherein ſo many men were kill'd, and ſuch great Navies ſunk on either ſide.

And now the Enemies being encouraged with their fortune rendred Pyrrhus's journey very dangerous to him from Sicily, and alſo very unſecure after his landing in Italy. For the Carthaginians fell upon him in the Streight, and having to do with unexperienc'd men in Naval Fights, themſelves being moſt expert, ſunk ſeventy of his Galleys, and diſabled the reſt. So that after this blow he eſcaped into Italy with twelve Galleys onely, having ſet out with one hundred Galleys with Decks, beſides a far greater number of Barks, and ſuch as were for tranſporting proviſions for the Army.

But having got together as many of his men as recover'd Land after this defeat, he preſently had ſo ſtrong an Army on foot that he was in good hopes to ſurprize Rhegium; but being repuls'd by the Campanians, who defended Rhegium, he fell ſoon after into another conſiderable danger. For, while he led his Army through difficult and woody places, the Enemy lying in Ambuſh ſuddenly charg'd and diſorder'd the Rear of his Army, having kill'd many of his men and two of his Elephants: this was a ſtrong Body of men, both in reſpect of their kind and number. There were ten thouſand of them, no leſs, experienc'd Soldiers, and moſt of them were Mamertines: for theſe truſting in their Alliance and Kindred to the Rhegians, upon intelligence had of Pyrrhus's intentions to return into Italy, croſſed the Sea before him, and in hopes of booty lodged themſelves in places convenient to ſurprize him: In this Action Pyrrhus, while he was fighting according to his uſual Courage in the front of his Army, receiv'd a wound in his Head: and when he had withdrawn for a little while from the Army to ſtop the bloud, one of the Enemies, a man remarkable for the bigneſs of his Stature, and glittering Arms, thruſts himſelf before the reſt, and defies him with a loud Voice, commanding him if he were alive to come out. Pyrrhus being fir'd with rage, and looking terribly with his bloud running down his Face, preſently ingages this Challenger, his men being not able to hinder him: and with a blow upon his Head killed him there right.

It is reported that the temper of his Sword was ſuch, and the ſtroak ſo ſtrong, that it cut the man through the Body, ſo that the wound cleft one half of him from the other. This frightful fight terrified the Enemies, inſomuch that they quitted the fight, looking on him with Reverence as ſomething more than a Man. Pyrrhus, though freed from this trouble, had no great pleaſure for all that; for when he had loſt part of his Baggage in that Battel, and that all his rich Booty taken from the Sicilians had been intercepted in that unfortunate fight with the Carthaginians, he was ſo ſtreightned for Money to pay off his Soldiers, that he was forc'd to rob the ſacred Treaſures of Proſerpina.

Her Shrine was then famous among the Locrians for an Opinion held of its Sanctity. Pyrrhus having retaken this Town Locri, his Party within being encouraged by his preſence, acted ſeveral cruelties upon the Locrians, proſecuting the revenge of the Gariſon, ſlain by them, more eagerly and furiouſly than he ought to have done, by making a prey of the Lives and Eſtates of thoſe wretches. When he had taken from the People all they could, or would part with, he ſeiz'd on the holy Treaſure; the moſt profligate of his Friends, who always had given him the worſt Counſel, fomented this covetous humour of his.

Their names were Evagoras the Son of Theodorus, Balacer the Son of Nicander, and Dinarchus the Son of Nicias. Theſe were not onely adviſers to Pyrrhus in the thing, telling him, That neceſſity had no Law, but likewiſe became the Inſtruments in committing the Sacriledg, having got out a great quantity of Gold, which had been kept in Vaults under ground for many years. The thing took mighty well with the King, who ſaid, that Religion out of ſeaſon was foppiſh, and that none but a Madman would refuſe ready Caſh: and accordingly he commanded the Prize to be carried by Sea to Tarentum, he himſelf going by Land; but this Act of his was not more diſhoneſt in the Execution, than unfortunate in the Event; for a ſudden ſtorm ſurpriz'd his Fleet, the Wind, that ſtood fair before, changing all night, inſomuch that ſome of his Ships being toſſed about in the dark were driven out into the Sea: but as for thoſe which carried the Holy Treaſure, they were torn and ſcattered by the ſtorm, and all of them loſt with the men; but the Money ſtuck upon ſome planks remaining of this Wreck, and within two days after it had been carried away, was thrown out by the Sea upon the ſhore near this Temple. When the thing was known, he cauſed all the Treaſure diligently to be got together and to be carried back to the old place, thinking hereby to procure the pardon of the Gods.

But notwithſtanding all this, he could never proſper afterwards, Fortune ſtill croſſing all his deſigns even thoſe which were manag'd with Conduct and reſolution too, which he ever after imputed to the anger of the Goddeſs, as Proxenus the Hiſtorian, and Pyrrhus himſelf ſays in his Commentaries; Beſide this, quickly after the perpetration of this vile Act, he ſacrificed to Proſerpina; but when none of his Offerings prov'd auſpicious, he fell into ſuch a rage, that he took off all the Counſellors and Inſtruments of that unhappy action, and all that in the leaſt comply'd with him when he was going about that buſineſs; and theſe men indeed dy'd as they deſerv'd.

Pyrrhus after this continues on his Journey, and without any trouble arrives at Tarentum. The Romans who were extreamly afflicted with a Peſtilence, and the fear of War increaſing upon Pyrrhus's return into Italy, againſt both theſe made uſe of all humane and divine means whatſoever.Concerning this Rite, See Dempſter, &c. There was an Ancient Opinion among them, that the driving in of a Nail by the Dictator might aſſwage the Diſeaſe, and it may be very probably gueſs'd, that this ſhift was made uſe of, and that P. Cornelius Rufinus was made Dictator to drive the Nail, whilſt the greatneſs of the Calamity was apt to urge People to ſeek for any Remedies: and 'tis manifeſt that Rufinus was diſgrac'd by the Cenſors the next year after he had been twice Conſul and Dictator: and there cannot be found a ſurer Record, or a ſitter place for his Dictatorſhip.

Thus they did all they could to remove the Peſtilence; but the care of the War by reaſon of the difficulty in making Levies put them to a greater trouble. For beſides the long continuance of the War, the Peſtilence having rag'd a long while made People weary of their lives: and the young Men being cited, obſtinately refus'd to enter into ſervice. But the ſeverity and reſolution of M. Curius Dentatus being Conſul the ſecond time broke their obſtinacy: for he was now entred upon his Office with L. Cornelius Lentulus his Colleague. While Curius was making new Levies in the Capitol, and ſaw that none would liſt themſelves, he commanded the names of all the Tribes to be put into the Box, and the Lot falling upon the Pollian Tribe, the firſt name of that Tribe that was drawn, was cited; but when the Man would not anſwer, he firſt of all ſold his goods, and afterwards, when with grievous complaints he had made his Appeal to the Tribune, he ſold the man himſelf, ſaying beforehand, "That the Commonwealth had no need of ſuch a Member as would not be obedient. The Tribunes did not aſſiſt the Fellow in the leaſt; and from that time this action was eſteem'd ſo good a Preſident, that if any one refus'd to liſt himſelf, when he was commanded to do ſo in a Muſter rightly held, it became a Cuſtom to make a Slave of him. This terrour forced the reſt to inroll themſelves more readily: and ſo having rais'd as many Regiments as they had deſign'd, the two Conſuls advanc'd towards the Enemy. Lentulus makes an inroad into Lucania, and Curius invades the Samnites.

Pyrrhus beſtirring himſelf at this news, in a general Rendezvouz of his Forces at Tarentum, review'd his Army conſiſting of twenty thouſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe. With which, and a choice Troop of Tarentines he entred into Samnium: where he found that Nation but coldly affected to him, and his aids from other places came in very ſlowly and thin: People being not onely wearied out by their great loſſes, but very much netled, becauſe he was reckon'd to be the Author of all the miſeries they ſuffer'd, whilſt betraying his Italian Allies by his departure he undertook an Expedition into Sicily.

But yet for all this being furniſh'd with great Forces he ſent part of them into Lucania, to divert the other Conſul, and goes himſelf againſt Man. Curius, promiſing himſelf an eaſie conqueſt of the reſt, if he could but conquer this Man. But the Roman knowing full well, that no Army could be a match to the Macedonian Phalanx, if it were drawn out in Battalia; poſted himſelf in a place that was of difficult acceſs: and becauſe he hop'd for Aids out of Lucania, beſide that the Sacrifices and Auguries did not bode well, he was not willing to give Battel.

Pyrrhus the more earneſtly deſir'd Battel before the two conſular Armies were joyn'd: and therefore taking with him ſome of the Light-arm'd Soldiers together with ſome Elephants he reſolved by Night to ſurprize the Roman Camp. And now when all things are prepar'd for this attempt, he falls aſleep, and dreams that moſt of his Teeth drop'd out of their place, and a great deal of blood ran out of his Mouth. Being perplex'd with this Dream he determined for the preſent to forbear all Action; But becauſe his Friends importun'd him not to pretermit an opportunity, not likely to be retriev'd, he commanded that the Signal for the March ſhould be given. About the Town of Maleventum (which was ſo called in thoſe days) the Country is woody and mountainous, but further on the Hills by moderate and gentle deſcents it determines in a ſpacious Plain, called the Fields of Tauraſinum. Whilſt Pyrrhus was going from the lower ground by the aſcent of theſe hilly and woody places, the Lights he carried with him went quite out, ſo that ſtraying in the dark, and being ſtop'd in his Journey he could be ſeen from the Roman Camp by break of day.

The Romans were not a little ſurpriz'd at the ſudden arrival of the Enemy; but becauſe they knew for certain they muſt ingage, and conſidering that their Sacrifices appear'd auſpicious: the Conſul marches ſpeedily out of the Camp, and falls upon and routs the foremoſt of the Enemies that were broken from the reſt, and in diſarray; theſe running back upon their own men, diſorder'd the Army, and a great many were kill'd, and ſome Elephants left by the Enemy were taken by the Romans. This ſucceſs incouraged Curius to purſue his good fortune, and to lead his Army in Battalia down into the Plain, where the Epirots were ready to receive them. They fought very ſharply on both ſides; but the Romans having gotten the better in the former Battel, they were more couragious now. The Epirots at length gave ground, which made Pyrrhus to have recourſe to the aſſiſtance of his Elephants, by which means when one Wing of his Army fled, he forced the Romans in the other Wing to retire to their Poſts.

The Conſul having before left there a ſtrong Guard, commands them now being freſh to receive the Enemy, and beat back the Elephants. Againſt theſe Creatures experience had taught them how to ſecure themſelves very eaſily: and they had learn'd in the former Battels that they were more affraid of Fire than Sword; they got therefore bundles of Hempen ſtalks beſmear'd with Pitch, which being fir'd they threw upon the backs or Towers of the Elephants: and theſe, whether they lighted on the skin of the Elephants, or on their wooden Towers, ſtuck faſt by ſharp hooks they were arm'd withal.

While they ply'd them with theſe and ſeveral other kinds of ſhot very thick from the upper ground; the Elephants partly by the terrour of the fire, and partly by their Wounds were put into a rage, and in an ungovern'd manner retreating upon their own men diſordered and deſtroy'd all where they bent their courſe. This confuſion, as they ſay, began by a young Elephant, who being ſhot in the head with a Dart, made a mournful noiſe, at which (as being known by her) his Dam leaping out, and increaſing the diſorder afterwards, put all the reſt of the Elephants into the like hurry and confuſion.

This Battel was a very great one both for the number of the ſlain, and the advantages of the Victory. For then was Pyrrhus quite defeated: nor did the reſt of Italy hold out long after him, nor other Countries and States after Italy.

'Tis ſaid, that the King had in that Battel three times more men than the Romans: for that he had eighty thouſand Foot, and ſix thouſand Horſe; whereof according to thoſe who ſay moſt, there were thirty ſix thouſand ſlain, and according to thoſe that ſay leaſt, twenty ſix thouſand. There were taken one thouſand three hundred men with eight Elephants, Pyrrhus with few Horſemen eſcaping to Tarentum.

His Camp was alſo taken, which was not onely admir'd, but likewiſe prov'd of very great uſe afterwards. For anciently the Romans and all other Nations us'd to pitch their Tents here and there after the manner of Booths in the midſt of their ſeveral Battalions: but Pyrrhus was the firſt who meaſuring out the ground incamp'd all his Army within a Trench. By which Example the Romans being enlightned in the matter, adding onely ſuch things as ſeemed neceſſary attain'd to that abſolute skill in incampments in ſucceeding times. This year was not onely remarkable for ſucceſſes abroad, but alſo for domeſtick Affairs, and great ſeverity of Diſcipline. Q. Fabricius Luſcinus, and Q. Aemilius Papus bore the Cenſorſhip with good accord together. Many had their Horſes taken from them: ſome were paſs'd by, when they choſe Members for the Senate; but the moſt memorable thing of all was the Cenſure upon P. Cornelius Rufinus. This Man had been twice Conſul and Dictator, and having perform'd many warlike Exploits had triumph'd alſo; but now the Cenſors turn'd him out of the Houſe, and for the reaſon of their proceedings gave this, That they found him to have ten pound of Silver Plate for the uſe of his Table. And this blot remain'd ſo long upon the Family, that none thereof were admitted to Honours and Offices till the times of Sulla the Dictator.

So great was the abſtinence of thoſe days, and their Luxury was as great afterwards, ſo that that Houſhold-ſtuff, which would have been looked upon by their Poſterity as mean and ſ •• did, ſhould have been eſteem'd too • uxu • ious and gay by theſe their Forefathers.

After the Poll there follow'd a luſtration. There were poll'd 271222. In the end of this year, both the Conſuls rode into the Capitol in triumph; Curius was firſt, whoſe triumph both for the honour of his Atchievemets, and the joy of his Succeſſes, as alſo for the ſplendour of his Train made the more glorious ſhow. For till that day there was nothing to ſet off a Triumph (as being but overpoor neighbouring Nations) but onely ſome ruſty Arms, or Gallie Waggons: and there was no booty, but Flocks and Herds. But now both for the variety of Nations, whoſe Captives were led before the Chariot, as alſo for the beauty and magnificence of the Spoils the Show was ſplendid and great. Here you might ſee Epirots, Theſſalians, Macedonians, Apulians, Lucanians and Brutians led in Chains before the Chariot: while curious Pictures, and Statues of noble Artiſts with Gold, Purple, and other tranſmarine Rarities, implements of the Tarentine luxury were carried before to adorn the Triumph But the pleaſanteſt and moſt ſurpriſing ſight of all was, the Elephants; four of which with their Towers (for the 〈◊〉 dy'd before of their Wounds) were then firſt ſeen at Rome: the common People from the name of the biggeſt Creature they knew, and the place they had been firſt ſeen in, call'd them Lucanian Oxen. The other Conſuls triumph a few days after was more obſcure: though his Actions were none of the meaneſt; for he h • d beaten the Samnites and Lucanians, and taken ſeveral Towns: but yet the lu • tre of Curius's fame out-ſhone theſe leſſer glories.

Among thoſe who were rewarded for their Courage, he beſtow'd a golden Coronet out of the booty upon Ser. Corn. Merenda, who had been a chief Inſtrument in taking a Town of the Samnites. While the Romans thus enjoy'd the fruits of their Victory, their Enemies were in a quite different humour; for they, who a long while had been diſ-ſatisfied with the Government of Pyrrhus, after this unhappy Battel, being filled with fear and indignation, began to murmur and mutiny. The King himſelf who had a long while been weary of this game with the Romans, and now wholly deſpair'd of Victory, thought of nothing elſe, but onely how he might without danger and diſgrace go away. But diſſembling his deſign for the preſent, he exhorted his Allies, by telling them, That they ſhould not be caſt down for one defeat, for that they had not been worſe beaten by the Romans in the laſt Battel, than they had beaten them in the firſt: who for all that could not be perſuaded to make Peace with them; and if they would but imitate their Conſtancy, and wait for better times, then all things would appear more tolerable: •••• des that, they had ſtrength ſufficient for a longer War; and that he had in Greece many potent Friends from whom he might expect certain aſſiſtance. Nor were theſe idle ſtories; for the truth of it is, he had been aided conſiderably before by Ptolomy King of Macedonia, and was held in great eſteem by the Grecians and Barbarians too. And withal, he was honour'd by the Etolians then a powerful People, by the Macedonians and the Princes of the Slavonians; whom he had won partly by fear, and partly by kindneſs. But yet he pretended theſe things to keep his Allies from revolting from him, until the Sea being open for his Voyage, he might return into his Country; and not becauſe he was willing to continue the War in Italy, or did put any great hopes in forein Succours: but yet he ſent Ambaſſadours abo • t to the Kings of Aſia and Macedonia, deſiring Money of ſome, and Aid of others, and both of Antigonus King of Macedonia. By ſuch hopes as theſe he preſerv'd to himſelf the good will of his Allies however, ſo that while he had prepar'd all things ready for his departure under-hand, his Ambaſſadours return'd from Antigonus. Having therefore aſſembled the Chiefs of the Italians and Epirots, he reads to them not thoſe Letters he had receiv'd but counterfeit ones, wherein Antigonus ſignifi'd that he would ſend him aid ſpeedily.

By this Intrigue having wheedled not onely his Allies but the Romans too, who kept Guard in the Neighbourhood, he ſet Sail the next day without any hindrance, and ſo arriv'd at the C • raunian Mountains (a Promontory of Epire ſo call'd). But to take off the ſhame of his having qui • ted the War, and to make men believe he would return when he had perform'd thoſe things for which he was ca •• d away, he left Milo to guard the Citadel of Tarentum: and that he might continue faithful to him, not onel • in hopes of rewards from him, but alſo for fear of the ſame doom, he preſented him with a Chair, the Cords of which were made of the skin of Nicias, whom for Treaſon deſign'd againſt him, he had put to death.

Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers, he return'd with the reſt of his Forces being eight thouſand Foot and five hundred Horſe into his own Kingdom, now in the ſixth year after he had come from thence. In the mean while when the Centuriate aſſemblies were held at Rome, and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War, they determined to make Curius Conſul the ſecond time, becauſe he of all Men had managed the buſineſs moſt handſomly againſt that King; and therefore ſeem'd a Perſon of the greateſt ſtroak and fortune to go through with the reſt of the War. Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Conſul, his late Atchievements and glory advancing him, and alſo the recommendation of his Kinſman under whom he had bore Arms in the laſt Campagne.

Theſe Conſuls bent the effort of their Arms againſt the Lucanians, Samnites and Brutians; who defended themſelves rather by ſtrength of places, than by Arms, ſo that no Action could be perform'd comparable to the reſt. Yet this did not in the leaſt impair Curius's glory, whilſt all were of Opinion, that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd, but alſo becauſe Curius would be made General again, to fight againſt him. Therefore the whole honour of ending this War, and routing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be aſcribed to this Great Man.

The next year after Curius's third Conſulſhip, the firſt Embaſſy came from the Kings of Alexandria with A. U. 480 Preſents to Rome, in the Conſulſhip of C. Corſo, and C. Claud. Canina. Ptolomy ſurnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight ſent to congratulate the Romans, and to deſire an Alliance with them. The Senators thought it highly honourable, and a great happineſs thus to be courted by Kings ſo potent and remote of their own accord for their Alliance, therefore they received the Ambaſſadours civilly, and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy. Moreover, they nominated perſons of the greateſt Quality to go Ambaſſadours to the King to ratifie the Alliance, and to return the Complement, namely, Q. Fabius Gurges a Conſular Perſon, and with him Caius Fabius Pictor, Numerius Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogulnius. When theſe were gone, the Conſuls fought with good ſucceſs againſt thoſe Italian Nations, who out of neceſſity and deſpair continued yet in Arms: but that the actions of one of the Conſuls exceeded the others, may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites, Lucanians and Brutians, in his Conſulſhip, at the Feaſt Romulus. But theſe Joys for ſucceſſes abroad were ſomewhat diſturbed by Sextilia a Veſtal Virgin convicted of Inceſt, and thought to have incens'd the Gods againſt the City by her Irreligion; but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements, and the Nun ſuffering the puniſhment due to ſo great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate. The ſame year Colonies were brought to Coſa of the Volſcians and Paeſtum in Lucania, called by the Greeks, Poſſidonia. This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites: and now it was newly ſubjected to the Romans. The year following was more remarkable, wherein not only the War againſt the Samnites and others, but alſo againſt the Tarentines was ended.

L. Papirius Curſor, and Sp. Carvilius Conſuls the ſecond time, having the Lucanians, Brutians, Samnites and Tarentines for their Provinces, by their great Exploits and undertakings anſwer'd the expectations they A. U. 481 had rais'd (being both choſen on purpoſe in hopes to conclude the War that year): and the Samnites being totally ſubdued by Carvilius after a War of ſeventy one years, now with more fidelity than before imbrac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans. L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians, after great ſlaughters made of them, to ſue for Peace. But as it happens in a War againſt ſeveral bordering People Papirius was alſo ingag'd with the Samnites, and Carvilius with the Brutians and Lucanians, and both with the Tarentines: nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated, but the City it ſelf was taken; which whole affair I ſhall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conqueſt of this famous City, but alſo the death of King Pyrrhus, with the falſe dealings of the Carthaginians, and the ſource of that Rupture between them and the Romans.

Pyrrhus two years before had ſo departed from Italy, as by his Gariſon left behind at Tarentum, to give People hopes of his return: which ſoon after being much increas'd by the late ſucceſſes of that King in Macedonia, kept up the ſpirits of the Italians in their preſent ſufferings: for being a Man of an active Spirit, who could not long reſt, he had made War againſt Antigonus, for not aiding him in the buſineſs of Italy, and having defeated him, almoſt diſpoſſeſs'd him of his whole Dominions. Whence the Romans were the • continually affraid, leſt returning with more Forces into Italy he ſhould raiſe a greater War than the former. But the ſudden death of Pyrrhus deſtroy'd the hopes, and remov'd the fears of all People. For Pyrrhus inſatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmoſt, under pretence of re-inſtating Cleonymus in the Kingdom of Sparta, who then had difference with Areus, entring Peloponneſus, reſolv'd to make himſelf Maſter thereof likewiſe; and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much, though he had in vain attacked their City. In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties, headed by Ariſtippus and Ariſtias, the firſt of which ſends for Antigonus, the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies: For Antigonus alſo was come to Peloponneſus, to aſſiſt the Lacedaemonians againſt the common Enemy. So that the ſame Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through ſeveral Gates into the Town. Pyrrhus underſtanding that his men were preſs'd hard by the Enemies, entring himſelf likewiſe into the City; when he ſaw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Braſs repreſenting them fighting with one another, was aſtoniſhed at this Omen of his imminent danger. For there was an ancient Oracle which ſaid that the place where Aeacides ſhould ſee a Bull and a Wolf fighting, ſhould be fatal to him. Therefore he deſign'd to draw back with his Forces, and to retire out of the Town; but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reſerves and Elephants had ſtop'd his way; and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town, and the others to enter in, whilſt the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring, and the Argives, Epirots, and Macedonians, together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus, and ſome Elephants were in thoſe narrow ſtreets crouded together, and trampled upon one another, all was in a hurry and confuſion. Mean while Pyrrhus, whilſt he does all he can by his directions, exhortations, and valour to repel the Enemy and defend his own men, receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth, whoſe Mother being a poor old Woman was there among others of her Sex looking upon the Battel from the top of a Houſe, and happening to ſee Pyrrhus eagerly coming up towards the perſon that wounded him, was ſo concern'd for her Sons danger, that ſhe took a Tile from the top of the Houſe, and with both hands threw it on Pyrrhus's head. Thus Pyrrhus died miſerably and ignobly: a Perſon outdone by none in that Age for Courage, Conduct, and Experience in Military Affairs, and ſeveral other endowments both of Body and Mind; but the fruit of his Atchievements, and the luſtre of his other Excellencies was deſtroy'd by his Ambition; for he wanted nothing of being a happy Man but Contentment. In fine, had he been as circumſpect in maintaining, as he was induſtrious in making Conqueſts, the World could not have ſhew'd a greater Prince.

When the news hereof came to Italy, it was receiv'd with joy or regret according as People were differently affected to the Perſon. While other Nations which were free bought their Peace with Rome upon ſuch terms as they could get, the Tarentines were not able to take thoſe meaſures they would have done, being over-rul'd by Milo and the Gariſon of the Epirots: between whom matters improv'd from lighter Affronts to an open quarrel. The Tarentines thus ſorely afflicted on both ſides, by the Romans their Enemies without the Walls, and the Epirots within, ſent Ambaſſadours for aid to Carthage; the Carthaginians, who already poſſeſs'd a great part of Sicily, and wiſh'd rather to make themſelves Maſters of the Maritime Coaſts of Italy, than that they ſhould fall into the hands of the Romans, readily came with a Navy equipp'd under pretence of caſting out Milo, but intending if they could take Tarentum, to defend it againſt the Romans. When L. Papirius the Conſul was alſo arriv'd thither, Tarentum was block'd up out all ſides: the Romans beſieging by Land the City and Citadel, and the Carthaginians beſieging the Citadel by Sea. In this ſtate of Affairs, whilſt the Romans were no leſs ſolicitous that the Carthaginians ſhould not take the place, than that themſelves ſhould take it, whilſt they cunningly tried all the Methods of Victory, they ſent to Milo by private Meſſengers, promiſing, if Tarentum were deliver'd into their hands by his means, they would diſmiſs him and his Countrymen ſafe home. Milo thinking it the beſt courſe to do ſo at preſent, treats with the Tarentines, that they ſhould unanimouſly conſult concerning their common ſafety: and by degrees he perſuades them to ſend him Ambaſſadour to L. Papirius, and that he would get ſuch conditions from him as would be for the advantage of them all. When theſe People being tir'd with cares and dangers had willingly aſſented to him he went likewiſe to the Conſul, with whom he had laid the Plot, and return'd from him with very advantageous Conditions, and hopes of Peace upon reaſonable terms. This credulity expos'd the Tarentines to ſecurity and confidence, laying aſide all care and circumſpection; and thereby adminiſtred an opportunity to Milo, not onely to deliver the Citadel, but the Town alſo to the Romans. The Carthaginians being not well pleas'd with this event, departed, pretending themſelves ſtill Friends to the Romans: and that they were come for no other end but to drive out Milo. According to ſome Authors, I find that the Romans had warn'd the Carthaginians not to meddle in the Tarentine Affair, for in ſo doing they would act contrary to the Articles of the League; but that the Carthaginians did not onely ſlight the admonition, but alſo that the Punic Auxiliaries fought in the Tarentine Army againſt the Romans: from which diſtaſte the War that was waged againſt the Carthaginians in Sicily firſt broke out; though the Carthaginians being deſirous to conceal their falſhood by perjury, ſwore they had acted all things ſquarely and honeſtly. But as I do not deny, but ſuch things might paſs between the Generals: while the Romans could not endure the preſence of the Carthaginians, and the Carthaginians colour'd the matter as well as they could, or that People commonly diſcours'd ſuch things: ſo I am of Opinion that the War roſe upon other reaſons; both becauſe they did not enter upon the War preſently, and alſo becauſe the War in Sicily riſing afterwards chiefly broke out by reaſon of the Mamertines, while the Punic League was ſtill valid.

Their Dominion being thus inlarged, the Conſuls returning to Rome being receiv'd with a great deal of rejoycing, triumphed afterwards with Honour and Renown. In the mean while Q. Fabius Gurges, and the reſt who had been ſent to Alexandria, gave an Account of their Embaſſy in the Senate, how that they had been entertain'd with all manner of civility; coſtly Preſents being ſent to them when they came, and richer ones when they were returning home. But that it was conceiv'd more for the honour of the Roman abſtinence, to refuſe the former modeſtly. But as for the reſt which had been receiv'd, they had carried them into the Treaſury of the Roman People before they had done any other buſineſs; and as for the golden Crowns ſent to them at Alexandria, when they were invited to a Feaſt according to the uſual cuſtom of the Court, that they had receiv'd them for the Omens ſake, and plac'd them at Night upon the King's Statues.

The Senate being very glad for the ſucceſs of the Embaſſy, and gravity of the Ambaſſadours, returning them thanks for rendring the Roman Manners venerable even to forein Nations by their continence, order'd thoſe Preſents to be reſtor'd them which they had put into the Treaſury; and the People ſaying, That the Commonwealth would then be beſt manag'd, when that baſe courſe of getting Riches by the Acqueſts of Miniſters of State during their imployments was taken away, immediately decreed the ſame thing: and the Treaſurers readily delivering up the Money as they were commanded, theſe Perſons worthy of this fruit of their abſtinence, with equal glory refus'd and receiv'd the Egyptian Wealth. Q. Fabius the Chief Ambaſſadour was (I ſuppoſe) upon this account preferr'd before ſo many noble Perſons, and choſen Preſident of the Senate by the Cenſors Curius and Papirius: whilſt both for the nobleneſs of his blood and his Father's deſerts; as alſo for his two Conſulſhips, and as many Triumphs he ſeem'd ripe for any Honour.

In the ſame year M. Curius the Cenſor defray'd the charge of bringing the River Anien into the City, with the booty taken from the Enemy. Out of which he was ſo unwilling to be enrich'd himſelf, privately, that when he was charg'd by ſome Adverſaries of his with having imbezzled that Money, bringing out a wooden Cruiſe that he us'd to Sacrifice withal, he ſwore that he had carried no more of the booty into his own Houſe, but that: a Man that deſerves for the greatneſs of his Atchievements, and other famous proofs of his Vertues, to have his more remarkable Deeds and Sayings taken notice of, though we digreſs a little. For I think it not unfit or impertinent to the buſineſs of an Hiſtorian to relate ſuch things, whereby men that are like to be converſant in State Affairs may be no leſs inſtructed towards the attaining of happineſs by Vertue, than by Military Actions and Counſels. In the Sabine War, when there had been ſo much booty taken, that the Hiſtoriographer Fabius imagines that the Romans then firſt of all had the taſt of Riches; Curius out of ſuch a wealthy Victory aſſuming to himſelf nothing but the Credit and Satisfaction of the Performance, continu'd in his former auſtere way of living, being both a competent Example, and alſo a ſevere exactor of publick Abſtinence. For when the greateſt part of the Land taken from the Enemy had been confiſcated, he allotted not above fourteen Acres to every private mans ſhare; and when the Senate would have aſſign'd him a greater ſhare, he was content with the ſame quantity of ground as the reſt had, ſaying, that he was an ill Citizen, who could not be ſatisfied with the ſame as others had. Afterwards in this place ſtood the Villa of Curius among the Sabines, in which by chance as he was boyling Rapes, the Samnites being newly conquer'd came to him and preſented him with a great ſum of Gold; unto whom he ſaid, I had rather have theſe things in my earthen Veſſels, and command thoſe men who have Gold. Cato the elder poſſeſſing ſome Lands near this Villa came thither often, and contemplating upon that ſmall Cottage and ſpot of ground, which that great Man had dig'd with his own hands after three Triumphs, remembring alſo his life led with the greateſt abſtinence that could be, he form'd his Mind to a like generoſity in imitation of that Primitive Integrity and ſimplicity of Curius. And in truth, they were the fitteſt Perſons to lay the firm foundations of an Empire, which might bear up the ſuperſtructure, and not onely withſtand forein Aſſaults, but alſo ſcarcely be ſhaken with its own domeſtick Vices.

DECADE II. BOOK XV. Florus his Epitome of the Fifteenth Book of Livy.

Both Peace and Liberty is granted to the vanquiſh'd Tarentines. The Campanian Legion that treacherouſly ſeized Rhegium, is beſieg'd, and upon ſurrender, all Beheaded. Some unruly young Noblemen happening to affront the Ambaſſadours which the Apolloniats ſent to the Senate, they were all delivered into the Apolloniats hands to be puniſh'd at diſcretion. Peace granted to the conquer'd Picenes, and a Colony planted at Ariminum in that Country, and another at Beneventum in Samnium. Now and not before the Romans began to uſe Silver Coin for their Money. The Umbrians and Salentines ſubdued, and their ſubmiſſions accepted. The number of Quaeſtors increaſed to Eight.

ALL theſe Potent Enemies being conquer'd after many Battels, and a Peace made in Italy, the Lords of the Senate fell now to conſider how they might improve their Victories to the beſt advantage. They reſolved that all thoſe who had taken Arms againſt them, ſhould forfeit part of their Territories; reſerving a ſevere revenge for the Tarentines, becauſe their Crime was greater: whom they commanded to deliver up their Arms and Shipping, and alſo razed their Walls, and impos'd a Tribute upon them: but yet they had Liberty and Peace given them.

Afterwards they judged nothing more neceſſary than to puniſh the treachery of that Legion, which having circumvented the Rhegians poſſeſs'd that Town now for the ſpace of ten years. Theſe People foreſeeing, that the Romans being every day more and more ſucceſsful, their wickedneſs ſhould not go unaveng'd, diligently applied themſelves to fortifie their Town and to ſecure themſelves againſt danger, well knowing that what they had got by fraud and rapine, was to be maintain'd by the ſame practices. Beſides their inbred inſolence, they truſted in their Alliance with the Mamertines; and their ſucceſs againſt the Carthaginians and againſt Pyrrhus, whereby they had try'd the courage of their People, having ſoon forc'd the Enemies to quit their attempts of beſieging them: So that the Rebels and deſertors were grown ſo bold, that they took Croton by treachery, kill'd the Roman Gariſon, and deſtroy'd the Town. L. Genucius therefore who bore the Conſulſhip with C. Quinctius that year, was order'd to do juſtice upon theſe matters: who having forc'd the Traitors within their Walls, beſieg'd the Town. But whilſt they made great reſiſtance with their own Forces, and thoſe of the Mamertines, the Conſul after conſiderable loſſes was ſtreightned alſo for Proviſion, until Hiero King of Syracuſe ſupply'd him with Men and Victuals: for he being an Enemy to the Mamertines hated alſo their Allies of Rhegium. He was alſo induc'd hereunto by the conſideration of the Roman greatneſs, whom he thought to make his Friends againſt future occaſions, by obliging them firſt. Thus at laſt the Town being forc'd to ſurrender it ſelf, the Conſul diſmiſs'd the Mamertines obliging them to certain Conditions, and puniſh'd the Thieves and Deſertors that had got to Rhegium as to a Sanctuary: but he carried the Legionary Soldiers to Rome, that the Senate might take a courſe with them. Hereupon a great Example of the Roman Diſcipline follow'd: The Senate firſt of all commanded that all thoſe who had been brought by the Conſul ſhould be impriſon'd, and from thence be brought to Execution. Afterwards, when a Tribune of the Commons had remonſtrated againſt this act of the Senate, declaring, That the lives of Roman Citizens ſhould not be taken away contrary to the Laws and Cuſtoms of their Anceſtors: the clamours of the Tribunes were contemned by the reſolute Senators, and the Malefactors puniſh'd; but to take away the invidiouſneſs of ſuch a ſad action leſt the People ſhould regret, to ſee ſuch a company of men ſuffer death together: they brought them out by fifty in a day, and after they had ſcourg'd them, ſtrook off their Heads. The Senate order'd that their Bodies ſhould not be buried nor any mourning made for them.

D. Jubellius who had liv'd blind till that time that he might die with greater torment, kill'd himſelf in Priſon. Following moſt Authors in the Point, I have related that the whole Legion conſiſting of four thouand men, was beheaded. But I hold that a more true account which is given by Polybius, namely, that they had taken alive no more than three hundred of that Legion, the reſt chuſing by manful reſiſtance to die by the Sword; when the City was taken, as knowing that after ſuch enormous Crimes, nothing elſe could be expected from a ſurrender of themſelves, but greater tortures and a more infamous death. The Town of Rhegium was reſtor'd to the former Inhabitants, as many of them as could be found out, and they enjoy'd their Liberty and Laws as before. This act of Juſtice mightily encreas'd the reputation of the Roman Commonwealth, and the Italians and neighbouring Nations lov'd them no leſs for this action, than they fear'd them for their Arms. Afterwards when Genucius and Cornelius were Conſuls, they had War with the Sarſinates, (a Race of Ʋmbrians inhabiting the Appennine) but upon what cauſe theſe took Arms, and upon what confidence they durſt oppoſe a Power ſo formidable, as the Romans was grown, I cannot imagine, what remains of Authors being wholly ſilent in the matter: the whole Series likewiſe of that War is wholly loſt, no further account of theſe ancient actions remaining, but that Cneius Cornelius triumphed over the Sarſinates.

The Winter this year is reported to have been exceeding ſharp, ſo that the Trees wither'd, the Tyber was frozen over with a thick Ice, and Cattel dy'd for want of fodder: nay, the weather was ſo extreamly cold, that in the Roman Forum the Snow lay very deep for forty days together. This unuſual thing, as A. U. 484 it happens, being eſteem'd for a Portentous Accident by many, ſtrangely affected People with fears, which were encreas'd when they ſaw and heard of many Prodigies, Q. Ogulnius Gallus, and C. Fabius Pictor being Conſuls. For at Rome the Temple of Health, and part of the room under it was beaten down with Lightning. Three Wolves coming into the Town before day brought a Carcaſs half eaten, and left it mangled in pieces in the Forum, being affrighted with the noiſe of people. From Formiae, it was reported, that their Walls had been frequently deſtroy'd with Lightning. From the Country of Calenum, it was ſaid, that the Earth ſuddenly gaping a violent flame iſſu'd forth, which continuing to burn for three days conſumed five Acres of ground into aſhes, ſo that not onely the fruits of that place, but the Trees themſelves dy'd from the roots. Theſe things cauſed greater fear than harm at Rome; for nothing extraordinary followed hereupon, except it were a War with the Picentians, which was concluded the next year with the addition of that Province to the Commonwealth. Mean while Silver began to be Coyn'd firſt at Rome, their Riches being increas'd by the ſucceſſes of their Arms, whereas till that time Braſs Coyns were the onely Money us'd in common at Rome: but then there were Denaries and Quinaries of Silver coyn'd in the Temple of Juno, in the Capitol: for Juno was ſo ſurnam'd, becauſe that when the Romans in the War againſt Pyrrhus and the Tarentines, conſulted her touching their preſent exigencies for Money; ſhe anſwer'd them, that they ſhould not lack Money if they would follow Juſtice and the Wars. The Conſuls Q. Gallus, and C. Fabius went to take Lollius the Samnite, who being an Hoſtage at Rome made his eſcape privately, and taking a certain Caſtle, robbed the people from thence, and ſtirr'd up the minds of his Countrymen which were not yet ſetled in a ſure Peace, to a Revolt: but bringing onely an unarmed Rabble with him, he made no great reſiſtance, except that by the Caricinians (a people bordering on the Frentani) things were put into greater trouble and danger: for whilſt they were attacking a certain Fort, which was the receptacle of Lollius's booty and pillage, by a various turn of Fortune their hopes were changed into fear, and their fear again into Victory. Some of the beſieged induc'd upon promiſe of indempnity to themſelves received the Romans in a Moon-ſhine Night into the Town. The Townſmen being got together at this, as ſoon as they came to cloſe fight, a great deal of Snow ſuddenly falling down hinder'd them from ſeeing one another in the fight. Hereby the Carcinians had got ſo much odds againſt men that were Strangers in thoſe places, that the Roman Enſigns were endanger'd; and now they were almoſt forc'd to give back, when upon a ſudden it ceas'd to ſnow, and the Moon ſhone again: and thus when they were deliver'd from their blind fear, Victory was waiting to crown their Valour with ſucceſs. Theſe buſtles ſeem to have hinder'd them from ſubduing the Picentians that year: but the next year P. Sempronius Sophus, and Appius Claudius the A. U. 485 Son of Caecus in the entrance upon their Conſulſhips undertaking the War, manag'd the buſineſs with ſucceſs. About the ſame time in the Picenian Country belonging to the Galli Senones, a Colony was planted at Ariminum, as alſo at Maleventum in Samnium, the name being chang'd into Beneventum for the Omens ſake. The Sabines, who ſome years had been made Denizens of Rome, received now alſo the Power of Voting in Elections. Claudius likewiſe ingaged with the Enemies in Ʋmbria, and took the Town of Camarinum, the Inhabitants whereof were ſold for Slaves: but becauſe the War ſeem'd to have been carried on by indirect means, the Romans preferr'd Juſtice before Lucre; and order'd the Camarinians to be ſought for and ranſom'd by the buyers: and that being made Denizens of Rome, they ſhould have places to inhabit aſſign'd them in Mount Aventine, and their Lands reſtor'd.

But the Victory obtain'd over the Picentians was a Subject of greater Triumph, eſteem'd at ſo high a rate as to have impreſſa's on the Silver Deniers then newly coyn'd to repreſent it, that ſo it might be known preſently by all men, and alſo the memory of it tranſmitted to Poſterity. Q. Ceditius the Son of Quintus by an Order of the Senate, procur'd the Money to be coyn'd with Picus the Son of Saturn (for he was thought to be the founder of the Race) inſtamp'd on one ſide, and a Roman Magiſtrate reaching out his hand to a Suppliant upon the other. Moreover, that the Conqueſt of that Nation made a conſiderable acceſſion of ſtrength to the Romans may be collected hence, becauſe 360000 Picentians are ſaid to have then yielded themſelves to the mercy of the Romans.

Both the Conſuls deſerv'd and enjoy'd a Triumph for that War, but Sempronius was the more Illuſtrious: becauſe he had ingag'd againſt ſtronger Forces of the Enemy with greater danger and difficulty. For there happen'd a prodigious thing at the time when the Armies being drawn up in Battalia were juſt ready to fall on, namely a ſudden Earthquake. But the Conſul in a Speech proper for the occaſion encourag'd the terrified minds of the Soldiery, alledging, that the Enemy was alſo as much diſturb'd with a needleſs fear, and that the day ſhould be his, who firſt bravely adventur'd to charge his Enemy lying yet under a conſternation. Afterwards, vowing a Temple to the Goddeſs Tellus in caſe ſhe ſhould give Victory to the Romans: he fell upon the Enemy, who were ready to receive him; ſo that a bloody and terrible ſlaughter enſu'd: and of the Conquerours the leaſt part are ſaid to have eſcap'd. After this Battel, among other Towns of the Picentians, Aſculum their Metropolis, a place ſtrong by Nature and Art yielded it ſelf to Sempronius. Afterwards, by the Example of this place, the whole Picentian Nation promiſing obedience obtain'd Peace of the Romans. And thus all Italy, as far as it is waſh'd with the Ionian and Sicilian Seas being conquer'd, the Sallentines onely remain'd to be ſubdued, a People inhabiting the utmoſt Coaſts of A. U. 486 Italy where the Ionian and the Adriatic join. From the Picentians therefore the War proceeded as it were by ſome contagion to theſe People, which was declar'd againſt them. M. Atilius Regulus, and Julius Libo being then Conſuls, they were charg'd of having entertain'd Pyrrhus coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports. But the commodiouſneſs of the Haven of Brunduſium, which with the Wind blowing from the ſame Point, receives and ſends forth Veſſels, together with the eaſie paſſage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence, as alſo the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy, were deemed the moſt important reaſons of the War. Both the Conſuls triumph'd over theſe people in one day being the 20th of February. The Sallentines being overcome they took Brunduſium, the moſt eminent Town in that quarter, and atchiev'd other matters very proſperouſly: being aſſiſted, as they gave out, by Pales the Goddeſs of Shepherds, ſaid to have requeſted for reward of the Victory, a Chappel to be conſecrated for her A. U. 487 at Rome. The greater part of the Sallentines being ſubdued by theſe men, the Conſuls of the year following compleated the Victory; their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D.F.D: by theſe the Ʋmbrians and Sallentines alſo were ſubjected to the Roman Yoke. Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po, the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of ſome, and fear of others in the neighbouring Iſlands, and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas. For thoſe who deſir'd to aggrandize themſelves by oppreſſing others, were affraid to be hinder'd in their deſigns by the Romans, whilſt others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as ſent from Heaven againſt the outrages of their Adverſaries.

The Apollonians firſt of all deſired by their Ambaſſadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Romans. The Town of Apollonia is diſtant from the Sea ſixty furlongs, being built by the Corinthians and Corcyreans: it has a commodious Harbour, and the ſhorteſt paſſage from Brunduſium into Greece lies that way: the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it; therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground againſt their ambitious and potent Neighbours. The Embaſſie was graciouſly received by the Senate, not regarding ſo much the Wealth and Power of that People being but ſmall, as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reverſion: whence the puniſhment taken upon ſome young Noblemen for beating the Ambaſſadours in a ſcuffle was the greater; for neither could the dignity of his Office (for he was Edile) nor the nobleneſs of his Extract reſcue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that miſdemeanour. Q. Apronius likewiſe an Edile, and an Accomplice in the ſame Crime was ſurrendered to the Apollonians; for the Senate decreed that theſe ſhould be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apollonian Ambaſſadours, and that a Queſtor ſhould go along with them to Brunduſium, leſt the Relations of the perſons ſurrendred ſhould offer any injury to the Ambaſſadours in their Journey.

This was a ſignal demonſtration both of the juſtice of the State, and of their prudence too: for whilſt by an Opinion of honeſty they deſir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them; it nearly concern'd them in ſome ſignal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to thoſe, who firſt came to propoſe an Alliance with them; for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Intereſt than to let matters come to ſuch a paſs, that the Apollonians ſhould have cauſe to repent of their action, and others for their Example. And hence in after-times it went for a conſtant Rule, that thoſe who had beaten the Ambaſſadours of a free People, ſhould be delivered into the hands of thoſe to whom the Ambaſſadours belonged. The Apollonians however when theſe perſons were brought to them, wiſely conſidering that they ſhould reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge, ſent them home ſafe. This year both the Conſuls triumph'd twice: D. Junius before the 27th of September, and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarſinates a people of Ʋmbria. Fabius alſo the firſt of February, and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and ſome Meſſapians aſſiſtants to then Neighbours the Sallentini. This ye • r was made an end of the Italian Wars; for the War which was w • g'd the year following, Q. A. U. 488 Fabius Gurges being the third time Conſul, having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus, was not againſt a juſt Enemy, but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies.

The Volſinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans againſt their quoudam Slaves: for whether it were in hopes to recruit their ſtrength impair'd by former Wars or to indulge themſelves in eaſe ſhunning the toil of War, they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms: and afterwards communicating Honours to them, choſe ſome of th • m for Senators, and ſome for other Offices in the State; ſo that theſe in a ſhort time over-topping the ancient Citizens, and wreſting the Power into their own hands, moſt impudently exerciſed their liberty againſt thoſe men, to whom they were indebted for it. So that now it became their common Trade, to rav • ſh the h • nourable Dames and Virgins, to anſwer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for theſe injuries with mockery and reproaches inſtead of redreſs and correction of the Offenders; and to plunder, deſtroy and harraſs all things as they pleas'd themſelves. And not to paſs by a ſignal demonſtration of th • t brutiſh impudence to which ſervile Spirits may arrive, when they have power on their ſide; they publiſhed a Law, whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to raviſh the Wives and Daughters of their Pations: and that every Maid, that was to many a Freeman, ſhould firſt be defl • wr'd by one that had been a Slave. Now the old Volſinians being neither able to endure theſe miſeries, nor yet to remove them with their own ſtrength, entring into private conſult, determin'd to ſend Ambaſſadours to Rome: who by addreſſes underhand prevail'd to have the Senate aſſembled in a private Houſe (for they foreſaw, that the thing if it ſhould be diſcover'd, would undo them) declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City: whereat the Senate being moved promiſed to aſſiſt that diſtreſſed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges. But whilſt theſe matters were thought to have been tranſacted Incognito, they were diſcovered by a certain Samnite to thoſe very men, againſt whom all the complaint was made. This Fellow being a Gueſt to the Maſter of that Houſe, when the Senate aſſembled, lay ill, and being forgotten ſtay'd behind in that place, whereby he over-heard, and betray'd the whole matter.

The Ambaſſadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture: and the buſineſs being found out, both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarouſly murthered.

This gave a juſter pretence for making a War: and Q Fabius was ſent with an Army againſt them, who defeated them in Battel, and ſlew a great number of them in the purſuit: and as for thoſe who betook themſelves into their fortreſſes, he reſolved to attack them by ſtorm; but whilſt they made brisk reſiſtance, and ſeveral Skirmiſhes hapned between both parties, the Conſul unwarily expoſing himſelf to the ſhot receiv'd a Wound, whereof he dy'd, being under the Chirurgions hands. The beſieged underſtanding this diſaſter, ſallied out with all their Forces, hoping that an Army cow'd by the fall of their General, might be beaten from the Town if it were ſuddenly aſſaulted, but the event of the Battel proved contrary to their expectations: for the Roman Soldiers bravely receiv'd them, and with great ſlaughter forced them to retire into the Town.

I ſuppoſe Decius Mus was chief Commander in this Battel: for that this man might be Lieutenant to Fabius, and ſo might manage the War after his death until one was ſent to ſucceed him. And hence, I believe, it comes to paſs, that Decius Mus by ſome negligent Hiſtorians is entitled to the beginning and ending of this War. The Cenſors made that year were Cn. Cornelius the Son of Lucius, and C. Marcius who having been Cenſor once before, was call'd Cenſorinus in the time of his ſecond Cenſorſhip. Memorable was the moderation of this Marcius, who receiving a Power he ſu'd not for, reprimanded the People being aſſembled, in a grave Harangue becauſe they had twice committed that Office to the ſame Man, whereas their Anceſtors had for no other reaſon judged that the time of bearing this Office ought to be limited, but becauſe the Power was too great. Hence there aroſe a Law, whereby it was provided, That no man ſhould be twice Cenſor: the ſame year the number of the Queſtors were increas'd, hitherto four had ſerv'd the tu • n: two in the City, and as many more joyn'd with the Conſuls that went out to the War. But ſome years after, the Commonwealth being inlarg'd, and greater Cuſtoms and Revenues coming in, it was neceſſary that that number ſhould be doubled. Afterwards Appius Claudius ſurnamed Caudex in his Office, and M. Fulvius Flaccus were made Conſuls. This year was memorable for the War then firſt begun againſt the Carthaginians in Sicily; for then the quarrel firſt brake out between thoſe two moſt potent States, which after many years and great loſſes on both ſides, could not be ended but by the deſtruction of one of them. But we muſt premiſe ſome things more particularly concerning Carthage before we come to the handling of theſe things: for that in the narrations of theſe matters ſeveral things will be unintelligible, unleſs we have firſt an inſight into the riſe and growth of that City.

DECADE II. BOOK XVI. Florus his Epitome of the Sixteenth Book of Livy.

The Original of the Carthaginians and the firſt Fortunes of their City related: Againſt whom, and Hiero King of the Syracuſans, the Senate of Rome decreed Forces to be ſent in Aid of the Mamertines [or Inhabitants of Meſſina] after much debate Pro and Con, upon that point. And then the Gentlemen of Rome that ſerv'd on Horſeback firſt croſs'd the Seas, and fought valiantly againſt King Hiero in ſeveral Battels, who at laſt ſuing for Peace, had it granted. The Cenſors held a Luſtrum, and enroll'd 292224. Citizens in the Subſidy-Book. D. Junius Brutus in honour of his deceaſed Father, entertained the people with a Prize or Fencing-match of the Gladiators, the firſt of that kind that was ever ſhow'd in Rome. A Colony planted at Aeſernia, and ſeveral proſperous Actions againſt the Carthaginians and Volſcinians.

THAT Carthage was founded by Phenicians of Tyre beſides the Authority and faith of ancient Story, we have the perpetual amity between thoſe two Nations while they flouriſhed, as alſo the apparent ſimilitude of Language even now remaining to atteſt it. It is reported that one Eliſa of that Nation, the ſame which is ſurnamed Dido, Daughter of Agenor Son of Belus fled from her Country, in hatred to Pygmalion her Brother-in-law for the cruel murther of her Husband Sicheus; and arrived at that Bay or Peninſula in Africa, where Carthage was afterwards built; whoſe Power at its beginning being but inconſiderable, diſcovered not any hopes of that grandeur, which it afterwards attained to. For Eliſa is thought to have bought no more Land from the Inhabitants, than could be cover'd with an Ox hide: But then that ſhe cut this Hide into ſmall thongs, and ſo took in a far greater quantity of ground, than the Owners thought they had bargain'd for; ſo that the place ſerv'd for the building of a Citadel, which from thence is ſuppoſed to be called Byrſa. In proceſs of time, when ſeveral people for the convenience of trading with theſe Foreiners built Houſes cloſe to the Citadel, ſo that it appeared like a Town, and that the Africans alſo deſired to retain ſuch civil and rich cuſtomers with them, they eaſily complied with the Ambaſſadors from Ʋtica, who by their own Example (for Ʋtica was a Colony of Tyrians) exhorted them to build a City in thoſe places. It was agreed therefore between them, that the Africans ſhould give the Phenicians a place to dwell in: theſe paying a yearly tribute to the Africans in lieu thereof. When the work was finiſhed, Eliſa call'd it in her own Language, Carthadas, which ſignifies the new Town, the Greeks call it Carchedon, and the Romans as is uſual, by altering the pronunciation, Carthago. This City having peaceful Neighbours, an induſtrious People, and what was the main thing of all, a wiſe Queen, arriv'd in a ſhort time to great proweſs and Riches.

Theſe things ſeem to have been done about ſeventy years before the building of Rome; for Authors differ in their account of an affair ſo ancient. But as the life of Eliſa was remarkable for variety of Fortune, ſo was her death memorable too. Jarbas a petty Prince of ſome African Province courted her for his Wife, threatning War if he ſhould be deny'd; But ſhe being a Woman of rare chaſtity, and ſtill retaining true to her deceaſed Sicheus, was averſe from marrying him: however becauſe ſhe underſtood that a War would be deſtructive to the infancy of her blooming State, ſhe took ſome time to conſider on't, as if ſhe were inclining towards the marriage with this African Prince: and then order'd a pile of Wood to be ſet up in the further end of the Town, pretending, that before ſhe would enter upon the ſecond Marriage ſhe would perform holy Rites to the aſhes of her Sicheus: and afterwards having offered many Sacrifices, ſhe climbs up the Pile her ſelf at laſt, and with the Sword which ſhe had brought for that uſe kills her ſelf: her affection to her Husband and People exceeding the care ſhe had of her own life.

The Carthaginians ſhew'd as much reſpect to her memory as they could; and in admiration of her Vertues worſhipped her for a Goddeſs, as long as their Commonwealth ſtood: She had a Temple built her in the place where ſhe dy'd, being called Dido (a name given to brave Amazons by the Carthaginians.) Afterwards when no ſingle Perſon was held worthy of the ſucceſſion to the Government, the City began to be governed by a mix'd power of the Nobility and the Populace, but yet the Royal Title continued ſtill: but their Kings were like the Lacedaemonians; unleſs it were that the honour being ty'd to no particular Houſe was given to any of the Nobility that was eminent above the reſt for his Valour and Riches. To theſe the adminiſtrations of War abroad did belong; whence by the Romans comparing their Government with their own, they were called Pretors and Dictators. At home theſe were the Preſidents of their Councils, with whom they advis'd concerning State Affairs: matters of great importance were propos'd to the people; whoſe judgment was deciſive, when the Kings and Senators differ'd. They had likewiſe a Power to remonſtrate againſt the Decrees of the Kings and Senators, if they ſeem'd to be prejudicial to the Publick (every one having the liberty to judg of their proceedings:) which extravagant Power of the Populace when exceſſively heightned, as is uſual, by the ſoothings of Flatterers in after-times did a great deal of miſchief to the Carthaginians.

Moreover, they had in their Senate thirty elderly Men as it were the Privy Counſellours, and theſe had a great influence over the other Counſellours of State. They had alſo an Officer indued with an Authority like a Cenſor for the keeping of good Order and Diſcipline. In proceſs of time, the Power of the Carthaginians increaſing, ſeveral Commanders were choſen for the Wars: of whom Mago was the moſt valiant and ſucceſsful, who when he had left two Sons qualified like himſelf, and that they alſo as it were handed down to their more numerous Progeny the ſame hereditary qualifications, it happened that this immoderate power of his Family ſeem'd fit to be reſtrained by ſome new remedies: and a hundred Officers were created, who were commiſſion'd to paſs ſentence even upon the Commanders themſelves; a formidable power this, whether we reſpect the largeneſs of their Commiſſion, or the continuance of it, which was for life: whereas the Kings themſelves were not created for life, nor for any longer term than a year: at home they were called Suffetes or Judges reſembling the Roman Conſuls.

But the Centumviri behaving themſelves inſolently were reſtrained by a Law of Hannibal, whereby he enacted that theſe Judges ſhould be choſen yearly, and none ſhould hold the Office for two years together. In their Religion they imitated very much the Modes of Tyre: to which ſome additions were made afterwards. Juno was the Deity moſt in vogue: Eſculapius had alſo honours paid him, to whom was built a noble Shrine in the City. Apollo's Temple likewiſe was richly adorned, being cover'd with golden Plates, having a noble Statue in it, which was carried to Rome after the deſtruction of Carthage, and placed by the great Cirque: to Hercules of Tyre they ſent yearly a Ship, one of the choiceſt they had, with the tenths of the annual products of their Country and of their ſpoils taken in the Wars. From the ſame people likewiſe their Founders, they receiv'd another piece of horrid impiety, which was, yearly to ſacrifice a Man to Saturn, called Belus by them; the remnants of which barbarity could not be quite extinguiſh'd and aboliſh'd with the ruin of their City. The utility of Commerce did for the moſt part moderate the other cuſtoms of that people; for being addicted very much to Trade by nature, and the inſtitution of their Anceſtors, whether willingly, or unwillingly they ſquar'd all their deſigns and meaſures in order to this. Hence by avoidleſs miſchief, the admiration of Wealth and Honour, corrupted the Aſſemblies of the Magiſtrates: weakned Vertue and Courage, being ſubjected to Money: inflam'd the people with covetouſneſs, and infected them with a ſervile cuſtom of cozening and lying, and forced the Commonwealth wholly to betake it ſelf to the purſuit of ſuch things as theſe. For from hence it came to paſs that there was ſo little faith in the Punic Capitulations, and that all their ſtrength lay in ſhipping. Their Infantry was the main ſupport of their Empire, but their Cavalry was little or nothing eſteem'd. In their Wars by Land they employ'd mercenary forces, whoſe affection to the Commonwealth was not real, and their faith was venal, their diſſentions dangerous, and conſpiracies deſtructive: by which main errour in their Policies it came to paſs that no Enemy ever threw the State till its final diſſolution, into ſo much confuſion as this did. Again, abundance of miſchief befell this State, whilſt the men of power and authority among them, by mutual diſſimulation without control committed extortion and pillaged the People: ſo that we need not ſo much wonder that in a War riſen between thoſe two States the Romans ſhould have the better on't: whoſe Senators in times of danger contributed to the neceſſities of the publick out of their own Purſes: whereas the Carthaginians made a prey and ſpoil of the Commonwealth.

But theſe Grievances increaſed with the City: wherefore at the beginning they were very tolerable, as being but ſmall and inconſiderable: and a long while after the Empire bore up under them by its own greatneſs, and by the good conduct of ſome of its Commanders, by whoſe means chiefly we find all that happineſs procur'd and eſtabliſh'd, which Carthage ever attain'd to. At firſt they warred with the Africans, who demanded a Tribute for that ground whereon their City was built, which ingagement they could not free themſelves from but by repeated Wars. Hence their Empire is inlarged, and the beſt inhabited part of Africa reduc'd under the ſubjection of the Carthaginians. And as for their paſſing over into Sardinia, and thence into Sicily, they were invited thereunto by the convenience of the Sea, and the openneſs of the firſt of theſe places for any aſſault through the rudeneſs of its Inhabitants in War, as alſo by the beauty of the latter expos'd as a prey to him that had the longeſt Sword, by reaſon of immortal quarrels and conteſts. The paſſage from Sardinia to Corſica was eaſie, and the conqueſt of a weak people cheap. But Sicily became the Scene of the various and ſundry chances which accompany the Wars: ſometimes yielding wreaths to adorn the triumphant Generals of Carthage, and ſometimes proving a field of blood to them. Hamilcar the Son of Hanno having tranſported three hundred thouſand men into Sicily was defeated by Gelo and ſlain; with which blow the Carthaginians being ſtunn'd forbore the buſineſs of Sicily, till at the requeſt of the Egeſtanes moleſted by the Selinuntians, they ſent out Hannibal Hamilcar's Grandchild by his Son Geſco. This perſon having deſtroyed Selinus and Himera acquired great Power to the Carthaginians in Sicily. Imilco overcame the elder Dionyſius's Brother and General, Leptines, in the Sicilian Streight; he took and ſunk one hundred Veſſels, and ſlew above twenty thouſand. He won ſeveral Towns in Sicily, and took alſo part of Syracuſe: but a ſudden Pl • gue forced him to return with a ſmall company to Carthage, the whole Army being very near deſtroy'd.

But notwithſtanding this, the Carthaginians did not abandon all hopes of poſſeſſing Sicily, but ſent Hanno a few years after with another Fleet againſt Dionyſius. After this Timolcon expell'd Mago, called in by Icetas, and then incamp'd in Syracuſe with ſixty thouſand men. Again, Hannibal and Hamilcar bringing ſeventy thouſand men with them were in a ſignal Battel defeated, and beaten out of their Camp by the ſame Timoleon; but there ſcarce ever appear'd a quicker or greater revolution of their ſate in any War as in that againſt Agathocles; who being routed in Sicily, beſieg'd at Syracuſe, and apprehending no hopes of ſafety, of his own head transferr'd the War into Africk, and having overcome the Carthaginians in ſeveral Battels, whilſt the Africans revolted in great numbers to him, brought them into great danger and fear, and afterwards having return'd home, expell'd them quite out of Sicily, till the death of the King, and troubles ariſing thereupon opened a door to let the Carthaginians into the poſſeſſion of Sicily again: from which time, they fought with various ſucceſſes againſt Pyrrhus as we have ſhewn already, and at laſt conquer'd him. Mean while, ſome Cities in Spain were made tributaries to this State: when the Gaditanes addreſſing for ſuccour againſt their Neighbours, the Auxiliaries ſent unto this people their Kinred (for the Tyrians built Gades alſo) reduc'd ſome bordering Countries of Spain to the ſubjection of the Carthaginians.

This was near upon the matter the State of Carthage when they enter'd into War with Rome. As for Sicily, where it was not under the Carthaginians Sovereignty, the Syracuſans and their King Hiero ſway'd the greater part thereof, the reſt the Mamertines poſſeſs'd by Conqueſt, who as long as they could ſerve themſelves with the Alliance of the Romans, that ſeiz'd on Rhegium, being not content to ſtand upon the defenſive, made in • urſions into the Territories of the Carthaginians and Syracuſans: And in ſine, forced ſeveral Towns of Sicily by tribute to redeem themſelves from being plundered and otherwiſe annoy'd. But Rhegium being expugned, and the deſerters puniſhed, the Mamertines bereav'd of their main ſtrength became unable to maintain their former Port; and ſo being reduced almoſt to the laſt Stake, fought for Meſſina with the King of Syracuſe. Concerning which King I ſhall treat ſomewhat more largely, becauſe he was then an Enemy of the Romans, but a little after prov'd their Friend and Ally for many years together, and mightily contributed to the eſtabliſhment of their Affairs: for he was a Man of prodigious ſucceſs, great Valour and excellent Conduct: and in thoſe days the power of the Syracuſans roſe and ſell away with Hiero. This Man therefore inherited neither Honour, Riches, nor any ſuch advantages from his Anceſtors: but all his fortune, all his honour he owed to himſelf. He was not raiſed as many are from a low degree to greatneſs by ſlandering the Innocent, and deſtroying or defeating his Adverſaries; but by a ſingular Moderation both in the acquiſition and the exerciſe of Power; whilſt he prudently conſider'd, that no Government could be eſtabliſhed better than that, which is ſo manag'd, that the Subject may rather be affraid of being depriv'd of it than the Prince. Therefore when he had reigned fifty four years, and that when two mighty People claſh'd with one another, and contended with their utmoſt power for the Empire of the World, being attempted upon by no forein Enemy except in his younger days, nor by any homebred Plots and Treaſons, he died upwards of Ninety, having arrived at this Age with his Senſes intire and ſound, and his Body vigorous, a great demonſtration of his temperate life: being a Man not onely belov'd by his own People, but held in great eſteem among the Romans and Grecians: who alſo, as he was minded to reſign up the Government was hindred by the people in general from doing it, and his Son Gelon, who being fifty years old deceas'd before Hiero, out of a moderation very rare in the World, choſe rather for ever to want his Kingdom, than his Father, and honour'd him as long as he liv'd, with all dutiful reſpect and obedience. Now this Hiero was expoſed by his Father Hierocles, who derived his pedigree from Gelo an ancient Tyrant of Sicily: becauſe a noble Perſon ſuch as he was, diſdain'd to breed up a Child begot on a Maid-ſervant. But when he was bereft of all humane ſuccour and relief, Bees fed him for many days with their Honey drop'd into his mouth as he lay along; By this Prodigy, as alſo by the anſwers of the Diviners who affirm'd that a Royal Power was portended thereby, Hierocles being mov'd takes the Child again, owns him and provides for his good Education, in hopes of his future greatneſs. Thence 'tis ſaid, that whilſt he was learning his Leſſon with his School-fellows, a Wolf came in ſuddenly among the Boys and ſnatch'd his Book out of his hand. Afterwards, when he was juſt entring upon the rudiments of War, an Eagle lighted upon his Buckler, and an Owl upon his Spear. This was interpreted a ſign of Counſel and Strength and eminence of Place denoted by the Kingly Bird.

But afterwards he gave more manifeſt and certain Signs than theſe, by the ſhape and great ſtrength of his Body: yet he was rendred more noble and illuſtrious upon the account of his temperance, judgment, affableneſs, juſtice and moderation. For having often at ſingle Combat fought both in the Field, and alſo upon Challenges, and always coming off victorious, he was rewarded by Pyrrhus with many Military Ornaments for his Valour; whoſe Kinſwoman afterwards call'd Nereis, was married to Gelo the Son of Hiero. Pyrrhus being routed out of Sicily, when according to the uſual diſtemper of thoſe times, a Conteſt had riſen betwixt the Syracuſan Army, and the Townſmen, Artemidorus and Hiero were created chief Commanders by Military Votes in the Camp at Mergana: and by the contrivance of Hiero and the help of his Friends, they put Soldiers privately into the Town, and ſo became Maſters of it: for he neither kill'd nor expell'd any one of the contrary faction, but by clemency, meekneſs and good counſels ſo quieted theſe commotions, that he got the good will of his Enemies as well as Friends to be made Praetor of Syracuſe.

But this Perſonage being as zealous for the Publickweal as for his own, obſerving an old reigning diſtemper in that Body Politick, whereby it came to paſs that as often as the Magiſtrates march'd out their Forces, mutinies would uſually break out in the Army, or elſe ſome Riots and Innovations at home: he began to look about him for ſome perſon to whom he might truſt the government of the City, if he ſhould be forced at any time to go abroad to the Wars; he marries therefores the Daughter of Leptines a principal perſon among the Citizens, and one that had the reputation of an honeſt and true-hearted Gentleman, by which means being ſecure at home, he contriv'd a remedy rather neceſſary, than any ways laudable againſt the inſolence of the Mercenaries. For marching out his Army againſt the Mamertines, when they had met him near Centuripa, in arranging his Forces at the River Cyamoſus, he play'd his game ſo cunningly, that leaving a ſpace between the Citizens and Mercenaries, he commanded theſe to charge the Enemy in the front, as if he deſign'd with the City Militia to attack them on ſome other ſide as ſoon as they were ingag'd.

Thus the Mercenaries ſurrounded by a greater number of the Mamertines were ſlain: and whilſt the Enemies were diverted by the ſlaughter of them, he retreats with his Forces quietly and ſafely into Syracuſe. When he had in this manner clear'd the Soldiery of ſeditious Spirits and Male-contents, he exercis'd the City Militia in their Arms with great diligence, and rais'd new levies of Mercenaries: and ſo having wrought himſelf into the favour and good liking of the people, and remov'd all that could ſtand in his way, the reſt not daring to mutter againſt an armed and a watchful Man, he manag'd the Government as he pleas'd himſelf.

Mean while the Mamertines incouraged by their late Victory, negligently and in a contemptuous manner ſpoil'd the Country of the Syracuſans. Againſt theſe Hiero now ſecure of the fidelity of his Countrymen and Soldiers, marches out with all ſpeed and advances with his Army even to the Gates of the Enemies City, then drain'd of men by reaſon of ſeveral Parties drawn out of it to piqueer up and down the Country; and here he pitches his Camp. The Mamertines alarm'd at this danger of their City, poſted with a Body of Light-Horſe to its relief. Whereupon Hiero decamping from their Borders takes a Town called Mylae and in it fifteen hundred men: from thence having ſurpriz'd ſome Caſtles in his way, he proceeds to Ameſelum ſituated in the mid-way between Agyrium and Centuripa; which place likewiſe though ſtrengthned with fortifications and well gariſon'd, he took and raz'd, the Gariſon receiving quarter, he forced to bear Arms under himſelf, and divided the Lands belonging to Ameſelum between the Centyripians and Agyrians.

And now being fluſh'd with theſe ſucceſſes he makes an incurſion into the Territories of the Mamertines, takes the City Aleſus upon ſurrender, and brings over the Abaceninians and Tyndaritans voluntarily to eſpouſe his Cauſe: thus the next Towns to Meſſina towards both Seas becoming ſubject to Hiero (for the Tindaritanes border on the Tuſcan Sea, and the Tauromenians on the Sicilians, who were Confederates of the Syracuſians at that time.) The Mamertines thus reduc'd to ſtraits and difficulties, under the conduct of Cios their Pretor march'd againſt the Enemy, then incamped in the Plains of Mylea near the River Longanus. When Battel was join'd, and they fought a long while with doubtful fortune, until a freſh Squadron charging the Mamertines in the Flank won a ſignal Victory, and gave the glory of the day to Hiero. For Hiero before the ſight began, had ordered two hundred Meſſenian Exiles, brave Fellows and mortal Enemies of the Mamertines, together with a detachment of four hundred choice men of his own to go round about a neighbouring Hill (called Thorax) and by a ſudden attack to diſorder and break the Enemies ranks: they having executed his Orders with vigour and reſolution cut to pieces the whole Army of the Mamertines.

Cios in this deſperate condition deſiring nothing elſe but to die in the bed of Honour, having been wounded in ſeveral places falls into his Enemies hands, and being carried into their Camp, confirm'd the predictions of the Entrails and Diviners by a contrary event than he had looked for. For when he ſacrific d before the Battel began, the Soothſayers viewing the Entrails promiſed him, that he ſhould that Night lodg in the Camp of his Enemies: which he interpreting as an Omen of Victory, underſto • d too late the Cheat and Deluſion of an equivocal Prediction. Being already caſt down with th • diſaſter, when he ſees next day among the captive Horſes that whereon his Son rode in the Battel, ima •• ni • g that he had be • n kill'd, he tore the Plaiſters and bands from off his Wounds, and expir'd his murmu • 〈◊〉 • ep ••• ing breath. The Mamertines hearing of this ſlaughter of their men were quite caſt down 〈◊〉 ••• e ready to meet the Conquerour with the badges of ſubmiſſion, and to yield themſelves 〈…〉 had not a lucky hap unexpectedly interpoſed to their preſervation.

It happened that Hannibal the General of the Carthaginians was at the ſ • me time in the Liparean Iſles, places adjacent to Sicily, who being advertis'd of Hiero's Victory, and fea • ng leſt • pon the ruin and ſubverſion of the Mamertines, the Syracuſian Power would become troubleſom and intolerable to Carthage, came ſtraightway to Hiero under pretext of congratulating his ſucceſs; and 〈◊〉 having ſtop'd him from marching outright againſt Meſſina, enter'd himſelf before him into the Town, and not onely by words incouraged the Mamertines, who had thoughts of ſurrendring themſelves, to maintain their liberty, but likewiſe brought a Gariſon of his own men into the place. Hiero finding himſelf out-witted by this trepanning and cunning Carthaginian, return'd to Syracuſe, being too weak to undertake a Siege of ſo much difficulty as this was like to prove: and being received with general ſatisfaction he was by the whole Army declared King, which Title he afterwards retain'd by the conſent both of his own people, and of Foreiners.

Hiero being gone, the Mamertines, when they had taken heart again for a little while, deliberating upon the preſent ſtate of Affairs, were divided into two factions: One party was of Opinion, that they muſt put themſelves under the protection of the Carthaginians, it being thought not onely convenient for ſeveral reaſons, but now their Gariſon was received, almoſt neceſſary for them ſo to do. The other reply'd, That the Carthaginians were as much their Enemies as Hiero; and doubtleſs deſign'd not out of kindneſs, but deſire of Empire to defend Meſſina, as having for many years aſpir'd to the Dominion of Sicily; deterr'd from this their unreaſonable reſolution, neither by the loſſes of Armies, nor Navies, nay, not by the concern of their domeſtick Affairs, and the African Wars: If ſo be therefore that they ſhould truſt themſelves to them, who had ſo ſtrong a Fleet, and the beſt part of Sicily in their hands, they muſt without all diſpute become perfect Slaves and Vaſſals. Therefore it would be abſolutely againſt their Intereſt to call the Carthaginians to their aſſiſtance, a tyrannical treacherous People, who would impoſe a heavier Yoke upon their Necks, than they had yet fear'd from the Syracuſans. As for the Punic Gariſon, if it were purely ſent on purpoſe to preſerve their State from falling into Hiero's hand • hey might diſmiſs it, now the buſineſs was done in an amicable civil way; but if any Sham was deſign'd, they ought the more carefully to prevent the treachery of falſe Friends, and for that reaſon addreſs themſelves rather to the Romans for protection, a Nation victorious in Arms, of approved fidelity and juſtice, who would have neither power nor any pretenſions to keep Meſſina in their own hands: who had not one ſpan of ground in Sicily, no skill in Navigation nor any Genius that way. Theſe would reſt content, if ſo be they might but conſerve their own Italy, by oppoſing Meſſina as a curb or dam againſt the violent ambition of Hiero and the Carthaginians. Therefore they had beſt reſolve to try the Romans friendſhip, rather than any other peoples whatſoever: for that it would be a diſhonourable action, and very ill tim'd, if they ſhould alter their former Meaſures having ſent Ambaſſadours to them, and received a promiſe of aſſiſtance.

For before this, the Mamertines beginning to look jealouſly upon their own Affairs after the laſt Battel with Hiero had emplored the aſſiſtance of the Romans, as being of the ſame ſtock, and the Conſuls having incited the peoples minds, and prepar'd them for the undertaking of the War, procur'd their Votes for it; but the Senate demurr'd, and would not ratifie the act of the Commons. For they who had but juſt now puniſh'd their own people for a villanous act committed upon Rhegium, ſaw, that in aſſiſting the Mamertines, who by a like treachery had poſſeſſed Meſſina, they ſhould forfeit all the honour and reputation of their juſtice which was amply acquir'd by that procedure. But hearing immediately of the Mamertines defeat, and conſidering that if they were forſaken by the Romans, they would place their regards upon the Power of Carthage, they comply'd readily with thoſe, who voted the War. For ſeveral of the Senators too were inclin'd to the thing; foreſeeing that otherwiſe, Meſſina preſently and after that the reſt of Sicily, would fall into the hands of the Carthaginians: and ſhould that happen, the Romans would be oblig'd to diſpute their Title to Italy it ſelf with them. And to render this danger unavoidable the ambition of that potent People, and the ſituation of the place did manifeſtly concur. For Italy in a ſpacious Tract of ground extending it ſelf from the Borders of Liguria between two Seas is ſeparated onely by a narrow Frith from the Sicilian ſhore, and doubtleſs theſe two Countries were formerly joyn'd: but afterwards the Sea running between parted them, whether it were that the Country lying lower on that ſide was overwhelm'd by the Sea, or elſe that ſome violent Earthquake, or the impetuous ruſhing in of the Waters broke through the Isthmus; from which event it may be, they call it Rhegium: for ſo the Grecians expreſs thoſe things that are broken off. Hence it is very probable, that Sicily was at firſt peopled from Italy: which conjecture the very name ſeems to confirm. For the Opiques are ſaid to have built Meſſina, a Town lying oppoſite to the Italian ſhore: which I ſuppoſe, they call'd Sicily, becauſe it was built in a Bay reſembling the Figure of a Sickle; which the Grecians arriving thither afterwards tranſlated Zancle, • heſe two words ſignifying the ſame thing in the ſeveral Languages.

Hence the whole Iſland (as it uſually happens) came to be ſo named: for ſome call it Zancle, but moſt Sicily. Now this Iſle as well for greatneſs as fruitfulneſs far exceeds all thoſe of the Mediterranean Sea, incredibly abounding with Oil, Wine, and Corn of the beſt, being well peopled, and admirably adorn'd with many and thoſe very great Towns: but in reſpect of convenient Harbours and ſituation, there's no place in the World fitter to ſuch as deſign the erection and eſtabliſhment of an Empire; for joyning on one ſide to Italy, it has Africa on the oppoſite: Sardinia alſo lies on another ſide of it, and Eaſtward it is ſeparated from Morea and the parts of Greece by the Ionian: to all which places round the Voyage is but ſhort: and for Ships to ride in and out at, there is no place more ſafe and commodious; and the truth on't is, a deſire to become Maſters of this Iſle, which the Romans and Carthaginians, at the ſame time affected, gave occaſion to the War; tho other things were pretended: for the Romans alledged the aſſiſtance given the Tarentines contrary to the League, and the Carthaginians quarrelled at the Alliance with Hiero as made againſt them.

But now both Nations were arrived to ſuch proweſs, that they muſt of neceſſity fall out ſometimes for one thing or other. For as Trees planted at a ſmall diſtance aſunder for a while interfere not with one another; but being grown up intercept one anothers nouriſhment and juice: and when they are arrived to their full growth and proportion, then they mutually conſume and ſtarve one another root and branch. So riſing Empires ſcarce ever hold correſpondence longer than till the intervening Land of Union is worn out, and both Nations joyn'd, claſh and juſtle together: being neither of them capable of fixing within their former bounds, nor yet free to extend themſelves to a greater bulk and dimenſion, till all impediments are removed.

To theſe reaſons we may add the great influence of the Commons, and their eager deſires to have a War, in both States. For in that of Carthage the Commonalty bore a great ſway, and becauſe upon the growth of their national Power and Riches, they were wont alſo to enrich themſelves by ſeveral ways of gain and advantage, allured by the ſweets thereof they were well enough content to have one War upon the neck of the other. Nor indeed was the State or the Roman Commons much different from this; who being in hopes to retrieve their private damages ſuſtained in the former War, by the Riches of Sicily, in compenſation of a priviledg extorted from the Senate, confirm'd ſuch Votes as paſs'd for the War, by an Order of their own; with which Power the Conſul Appius being armed, whilſt the major part of the Senate already aſſented, the reſt complying now notwithſtanding all their ſcruples and bogglings, immediately diſpatches C. Claudius a Tribune of Soldiers with ſome few Ships, and commanded him to wait an oportunity, and if any happen'd, to paſs over into Sicily. When he was arrived at Rhegium, he durſt not venture out with his Galleys to Sea becauſe the paſſage was guarded by a very ſtrong Fleet of the Carthaginians. However, he himſelf gets into a Fiſher-boat and ſo paſs'd over; where having conferred with the Mamertines concerning the preſent ſtate of Affairs, but availing little by his Negotiation whilſt the Carthaginians ſtill oppos'd him, he return'd without any manner of ſucceſs. But a while after when it was known that the Mamertines bandied into parties, whilſt ſome oppoſed the calling in of the Romans, and moſt were diſguſted at the Carthaginian Gariſon, having repaſs'd the Sea, among other things proper to the buſineſs on foot, he inſiſted mainly on this point, That he was come onely to deliver the Town; and when he had ſo done, he would immediately depart.

When the Carthaginians reply'd thereunto, that the Romans need not be at any trouble to ſet free a place, that was already ſo; and that by the Arms of the Carthaginians proviſion had been made, whereby the Mamertines were ſecured from becoming Vaſſals to the Syracuſans; therefore the Romans would do well to be gone, or elſe declare, if they had any other juſt cauſe to be at Meſſina. Claudius denies that that City could be thought free, wherein a Gariſon of Foreiners was reſident againſt the Burgers wills. To which when no anſwer was made: the Carthaginians out of diſdain and the Mamertines for fear holding their Tongues, ſays this politick and quick-witted Man: 'Tis manifeſt by this your ſilence, that the cauſe of the Carthaginians is unjuſt, and that the Mamertines are deſirous of liberty: for were it otherwiſe, they would not be loth to ſpeak concerning their own Right, and to juſtifie their proceedings; and theſe without diſſembling the matter, dig they conſent to the Carthaginians, would openly and avowedly approve what they do.

At this the Mamertines humming, and the major part of them applauding his Speech as true, and agreeing with their own thoughts and judgments, the Roman for the preſent thinking he had proceeded far enough in the point, having felt their pulſes, and ſounded the tempers of their minds, return'd to Rhegium; and not long after having equipp'd thoſe Galleys that were with him, attempted to paſs over: but coming far ſhort of the Carthaginian Commanders both for number of Ships, and skill in Navigation; and moreover, being driven back by the violence of the Tide, which was then vehemently rais'd by a ſudden Tempeſt, he return'd from whence he ſet out, with the loſs of ſome of his Galleys, and hardly ſaving the reſt. But not daunted with this croſs event, but deſiring to try again his fortune at a better ſeaſon, he refitted his Galleys: when in the mean while Meſſengers came from Hanno (the Governour of the Gariſon of Meſſina, and Commander in chief over all the Fleet in thoſe Streights) bringing with them all the men and ſhipping which had been taken in the former Battel by the Carthaginians. This Hanno did, being minded to lay the fault of violating the Peace upon the Romans: and complaining of the attempt made by the Romans to force their paſſage over a Sea under the Carthaginian juriſdiction, preſſed them to a ſtricter obſervation of the Peace for the future.

But underſtanding that Claudius would admit of no Conditions, till the Gariſon were drawn out of Meſſina, and that he intended again to paſs over, he cry'd out in a rage, That he would not ſuffer the Romans ſo much as to waſh their hands in that Sea: nevertheleſs he could not hinder it, but that Claudius having obſerved the courſe of the Tide, and taken an opportunity when the Wind blowing very commodiouſly further'd the reflux of the Water got to Sicily, before he could be met withal. And there having aſſembled as many of the Mamertines as were in the Port, he perſuaded them to ſend for Hanno, as if they intended to adviſe and deliberate with him upon the preſent ſtate of Affairs: for Hanno ſuſpecting the mutinous Spirits of the Burgers, had with his Men poſſeſs'd himſelf of the Citadel, neither durſt he venture his perſon among the Mamertines. But yet leſt this ſhould provoke and irritate them the more againſt him, he came to the conference, which being protracted in debates a long while, at laſt the Romans ſeized upon Hanno, and threw him into Priſon, the Mamertines approving what was done. Thus being circumvented partly by treachery, and partly by terrour, ſeeing there were no other terms allowed him, drew the Gariſon out of Meſſina, delivering the Citadel into the hands of the Mamertines.

The Carthaginians hearing this were much inraged at it: and whereas at other times they uſually puniſhed their Commanders for their ill conduct, though never ſo fortunately ſucceeding, now accuſing both the folly and cowardiſe of Hanno, they crucified the poor man: and forthwith order'd their Forces by Sea and Land to move towards Meſſina, having ſent another Hanno the Son of Hannibal to command in Sicily: Who having rendezvouz'd his Forces at Lilybeum proceeded forward to Selinus, and encamping there, left the Infantry behind him, whilſt he himſelf goes to Agrigentum, and having fortified the Citadel, perſuades this People being Allies to Carthage, to come and enter into an Aſſociation of Arms againſt the Romans. Afterwards, when he was returned into his Camp, Ambaſſadours came to him from Hiero, who alſo did not well relliſh the arrival of theſe new Gueſts into Sicily, and thought it now the moſt convenient time with the conjunction of the Punic Forces to expel the Romans, and the barbarous Inhabitants of Meſſana quite out of the Iſland.

In order hereunto, he enters into a Conference with the Carthaginian General, and both of them having miſcarried heretofore in their deſign upon Meſſana, eaſily concluded an Alliance againſt the Romans, equally miſchievous to them both; by which it was agreed, that Meſſana ſhould be beſieged by their joint-forces, and that none ſhould be permitted to live in Sicily, which were not Subjects either of the Syracuſans or Carthaginians. Hereupon the Punic General having ſent before him a Herald to command the Romans, As they valued their Peace with Carthage to quit Meſſana, and within a ſet-time to depart the Iſland of Sicily; advanced with his whole Army againſt the Mamertines. The Fleet was order'd to keep Guard near Pelorus: the Infantry intrench'd themſelves at Eunas [the Beds] a place not far diſtant from Meſſina. Hiero likewiſe came according to agreement, and encamp'd on the other ſide of the Town near the Chalcidic Hill. Thus the Town was beleaguer'd on all quarters, ſo that no ſupply of men or proviſion could be ſent into it either by Sea or Land.

The Carthaginians, when their Herald at the ſame time return'd without tidings of Peace from Meſſana, moved partly with anger and partly with diſtruſt, barbarouſly ſlew all ſuch Italians as bore Arms amongſt them. The news of theſe Actions being brought to Rome, the Conſul Appius marching outright at the head of a ſtout Army, arrived at Rhegium, from whence having diſpatch'd ſome perſons before-hand to expoſtulate with Hiero and the Carthaginians about raiſing the Siege; he began to conſider, and diligently examin by what means, now the Carthaginians ſo narrowly watch'd and block'd up the Strait, he might paſs it with the leaſt danger and inconvenience. The Conſul's Ambaſſadours received no amicable Anſwer from the Carthaginians, and Hiero reprimanded them in a very ſmart Speech, and recounting the kindneſſes he had done the Roman people, ſpoke to this effect:

I am at a loſs, O Romans, whether I ſhould more bewail, your or my own condition! for I indeed have loſt Friends, which prov'd worſe than I had thought: but you have loſt the credit of that Faith, and Honeſty, which made you ſo famous in the World. With the Mamertines you never had Friendſhip or Alliance, but you were Leagu'd with the Carthaginians long ago, and of late with me alſo. Now that you are minded to break theſe Leagues for the ſake of others no ways relating to you, tell me if you can, for what injury of ours, or for what merit of the Mamertines ye do this? but becauſe the Carthaginians are able enough to plead for themſelves, I ſhall wholly wave their Cauſe, and at preſent onely mention ſuch points as concern my own particular. The Mamertines, thoſe honeſt Countrymen of yours, when (as you know) they had receiv'd pay in the ſervice of the Syracuſans; being diſmiſſed to return into Italy, at Meſſana where they had been hoſpitably treated by the poor credulous Meſſanians, committed one of the moſt barbarous acts that ever was known ſince the memory of Man. For againſt all the Laws of hoſpitality they aſſaſſinated them by Night, and ſeiz'd on their Wives, Children, Goods, and their Town it ſelf; which had not you as well as the reſt of mankind reſented as a curſed intolerable piece of Villany, you would not certainly have puniſhed ſo ſeverely the ſame Crime in the perſons of theſe, who copi'd the Mamertines Example in their cruelty againſt the Rhegians.

The ſame indignity wherewith you were moved to puniſh thoſe Villains, moves me likewiſe to do the ſame with the Mamertines, eſpecially when they have ſince by pillaging all Sicily over as it were antiquated the memory of their former Crime, which is almoſt outdone by thoſe of later date. For to paſs by other things, the Cities of Camarina and Gela rifled by them, when theſe were under the Syracuſans protection, ſeem to me a juſt ground, why I ſhould proſecute theſe bold lawleſs Villains by a pious and religious War. But if you pretend that you muſt protect them, becauſe being born in the ſame Country, they ſeem to be your Kindred; how much more equitable would it have been then to ſpare the Italians of Rhegium, who had been your Fellow-Citizens? In recovering which place from theſe Traytors hands, when I aſſiſted you with Men and Ammunition, ought I ever to imagine, that you would hinder me, who am now beſieging Meſſana, upon as good pretenſions as any you had to ſhew? But what need I enlarge, O Romans! For if you have any care of your Faith and Reputation, any ſenſe of honeſty and juſtice; in fine, if there be any ſhame remaining in you, I need not doubt but you will aſſiſt rather than hinder me, whilſt I now take Arms in ſo juſt a Cauſee; but if you ſlight theſe, the event of War indeed is doubtful; but this is moſt certain, that the World will plainly ſee, it is not any colour of Juſtice or Equity, nor any injuries receiv'd, which they themſelves cannot pretend, nor alſo any pity to the Mamertines, but onely ambition to inlarge their Empire by the Conqueſt of this noble Iſle, which incites the Romans to make this War.

When this Meſſage had been deliver'd by the Ambaſſadours, Appius foreſeeing there was no croſſing the Streight without great danger, whilſt a ſtrong Fleet guarded, and obſerv'd the paſſage, contrives this cunning Stratagem. He profeſſes, That he was not for having any breach between Hiero and the Romans: Nay moreover, that this War was neither intended upon Hiero, nor could it be carried on without the conſent of the People. Therefore at a day prefix'd, he commands all the Mariners to be ready and to put the Fleet in order to ſail, making as if he were to return home. For he knew that ſeveral Soldiers both of the Syracuſans and the Carthaginians, were then in the quality of Merchants traffiquing in the Port of Rhegium: who, thought he, will carry this Report ſoon enough to thoſe, who are chiefly deſign'd to be inſnar'd thereby. And as he had fore-caſted, ſo it happen'd. For when the whole Fleet putting to Sea in a clear day, he had begun to ſteer his courſe near the Italian ſhore: the Carthaginians who were poſted for blocking up the Frith, left it open and unguarded, every one going where he pleas'd.

The Conſul, who gueſs'd it would be ſo, at Night changing his courſe arriv'd with his whole Fleet in Sicily, whilſt no man obſerv'd, much leſs reſiſted this paſſage in the dark. This Enterprize was hazardous and bold: for an Army of freſh-water Soldiers to imbark in a Sea terrible of it ſelf in the day-time, without the fear of an Enemy, and that too in ſuch unwieldy, aukward Veſſels, and the thing was thought worthy to be tranſmitted to poſterity by the monument of a new Name. For becauſe the Conſul in tranſporting the Soldiers had ſerv'd himſelf with ſome Veſſels made of thick Planks rudely clap'd together, he was named Caudex, according to the ſimplicity of that Age. For hitherto the Romans were ſuch ſtrangers to Marine Affairs, that they had not one Veſſel with Decks and Hatches, nor any Bark, but they made uſe of Galleys of three banks of Oars and Pinnaces of fifty Oars, which they had borrowed of the Tarentines, Eleates, Locrians and Neapolitans.

Appius, after he had landed near that Plain where the Syracuſans were incamped, incouraging his men, boldly promiſing them a ſure Victory, if they would ſurprize their Enemies, immediately puts forward to attack the Syracuſans Camp; Hiero being rouz'd with this Alarm, marches out his men likewiſe, in as good order as the ſhortneſs of time would permit him to draw them up in. The fight continued very ſharp for a long while, and the Roman Horſe were beaten back, but the Legions fighting with great Valour forced Hiero fearfully to retire into his Camp, leaving the glory of the day to the Romans.

Appius having firſt order'd the Soldiers to ſtrip the Enemy, enters Meſſana, and puts new life and vigour into the hearts of the Mamertines, after their late fears. But Hiero finding himſelf overcome ere he ſaw the Enemy (as he himſelf afterwards confeſſed) and ſuſpecting the paſſage of the narrow Sea betray'd by the Carthaginians, was at a non-plus as to what courſe he had beſt take. He began to fear for the main Stake, and in the Still of the Night following march'd, out of his Camp, and continuing his Journey retreated to Syracuſe.

When he was departed, Appius to improve the terrour of his late Victory to the Conqueſt of the Carthaginians, commands his Soldiers to take ſome refreſhment in time, and marching out at break of day, he reſolv'd to attack the Carthaginians in their Camp. They were poſted in a very advantageous place, and their Camp was ſtrengthen'd by Nature as well as Art, for the Sea lay on one ſide of them, and deep Moraſſes on the other in the form of a Peninſula. The narrow ſpace where the place was only acceſſible was walled in to hinder the aſſaults of the Enemy, againſt which the Roman Soldiers made an attack, but the ſituation of the place diſadvantageous to them, and the multitude of the Defendants, render'd all ineffectual: for the Carthaginians fought with Darts, as is uſual in Sieges, wherewith they gall'd the Romans ſo that they were forced to retire without ſucceſs. But oftentimes misfortunes in Wars are but the Prologues to good ſucceſs; whilſt thoſe that have ſuffer'd loſs, endeavour by their conduct and courage to repair the ſame; but the Enemies bewitch'd with a falſe Opinion of their preſent happineſs, are raſh and precipitous, wholly neglecting to arm themſelves againſt caſualties.

This happen'd at that time to the Carthaginians, who not content to have repuls'd the Enemy from their Camp muſt needs purſue him, and ſally out of their Lines and Works: fondly imagining that it was their Valour, and not the ſtrength of their fortifications which had beaten the Romans. But when they had got out of that Streight, wherein they were ſecur'd, the fortune of the Battel alter'd with the place, and a great number of them was ſlain, the reſt fled away, ſome into the Camp, and ſome (as they could ſhift beſt for themſelves) into the circumjacent Towns. Nor durſt they thenceforwards ſtir abroad out of their Poſt, during Claudius's ſtay at Meſſana. The Conſul likewiſe by reaſon of the difficulty of the place, and its uneaſie acceſs, concluding it unadviſable to fight again, not to loſe any more time there, makes an inroad into the borders of the Syracuſans and the Allies, leaving a Gariſon at Meſſina, and when he had waſted the Country without any oppoſition, he was ſo encouraged thereby as to venture with his Army forwards, and advance towards Syracuſe it ſelf. There they fought with variable fortune: and the Conſul himſelf was once in great danger, and had been incompaſs'd by the Enemies, unleſs he had prevented it in time by ſending to Hiero one of his Confidents, to treat with him. Hiero likewiſe ſent one of his Friends. And ſo the Parley being begun and prolong'd on purpoſe, the Conſul inſenſibly got out of this dangerous difficulty into a place of greater ſecurity. The Syracuſans coming after held ſeveral Conferences with the Romans touching a Peace, and the thing had been concluded, if Hiero would have approv'd it.

The beſt part of that year was ſpun out in theſe Treaties, and then the Conſul return'd to Meſſana, and from thence, having left ſome Squadrons of men to defend the Mamertines, paſſed over with the reſt to Rhegium: ſoon after he departed thence to his Triumph at Rome; which he celebrated with univerſal applauſe, for conquering Hiero and the Carthaginians; becauſe that it was the firſt Triumph, which was obtain'd for the Conqueſt of tranſmarine Nations. This was the firſt time the Romans attempted any action by Sea, and this was the ſucceſs of their Arms in Sicily. But yet theſe tranſactions, as alſo thoſe that follow'd, have been miſ-repreſented through the prejudice of the Hiſtorians, whilſt the chief of them Philinus the Agrigentine, and Fabius Pictor the Roman, the one favouring the Carthaginians, the other his own Countrymen, preſerv'd neither faith nor ſincerity in their Hiſtories.

Theſe mens levity is juſtly taxed by Polybius. For if it be counted an execrable thing by a falſe evidence to trepan and circumvent a private Perſon, in matters of leſſer moment: how much more heinous is an Hiſtorians fault, think you, thus to corrupt and falſifie the Actions of States and Princes? who ought in duty to prefer nothing, not life it ſelf before the truth, being the more inexcuſable, becauſe he cannot have any pretence to tell a lye: who if upon any account he is barr'd from ſpeaking truth, to the beſt of his knowledg, might then certainly have held his peace.

But now whilſt Claudius conquer'd Hiero and the Carthaginians, M. Fulvius the other Conſul ended the Siege of the Volſcinians, and by ſtarving them reduc'd a People that would have been unconquerable by force, becauſe of their deſperation. Upon the ſurrender of the place, thoſe inſolent ungrateful Libertines were tortur'd to death: the City it ſelf was demoliſh'd, and the reſt of the Volſcinians, with ſuch Slaves as had been obedient to their Maſters, went to thoſe places of ſettlement which were aſſign'd to them. This War was likewiſe thought worthy of a Triumph, which the Conſul celebrated as if it had been over the Volſcinians, the firſt day of November. The ſame year Cn. Cornelius and C. Marcius the Cenſors perform'd the Luſtration, 29224 Citizens were polled, a great number, and almoſt incredible to one that conſiders how many men were loſt in the Wars, which from the firſt foundation of Rome hardly ever ceaſed: as alſo what multitudes of people were ſwept away by the Plague and other malignant diſtempers which caus'd as great mortality as the Wars. But yet by communicating the freedoms of their City to Strangers, a Policy conſtantly practis'd ever ſince the time of Romulus the Author thereof, the Commonwealth was render'd inſuperable by any loſſes or calamities whatſoever. For neither could the foils and damages it receiv'd from Pyrrhus, nor the many Shipwracks in the firſt Punic War, nor could Thraſymen and Caunae daſh and weaken its ſtrength; but after its loſſes it reviv'd and flouriſh'd more gloriouſly than before.

Whereas in Greece thoſe great Maſters of Military Affairs and not inferiour to the Romans, the Lacedaemonians, by reaſon of their prohibiting all Commerce with Strangers, could neither long maintain the Empire they had acquir'd, nor preſerve their private liberty always: but when one thouſand and no more Spartans fell in the Battel of Leuctra, the whole power of the City was broken by this one blow. Again, when at Sellaſia ſix thouſand of the Spartans had been kill'd, th • ir whole liberty was loſt alſo. But the Argives Inhabitants of the ſame Peloponneſus imparting the piviledges of their community to all their Neighbours, and uniting them to their own ſelves erected a glorious well-form'd Republick, a Republick that would have laſted it out for many years, had not the madneſs of ſome few Hot-headed Fellows provok'd the Romans, who were then extending their Empire on every ſide, to the ruin of themſelves and their Country too. Such diverſities of events muſt needs follow from ſuch different counſels and practices: for as it naturally follows, that a body refreſh'd by wholeſom nouriſhment to a juſt meaſure proves ſtronger and more long-liv'd, than the ſame would have been, if, content barely with its inward moiſture, it had refus'd all kind of aliment from without; ſo thoſe Cities have ever been more flouriſhing, which knew how to make any thing their own which was excellent and praiſe-worthy, whatever Climate it was to be found in, than if they had follow'd the Manners of thoſe people; who through an over-weening conceit of themſelves, deſpiſe what is not of their own Countries growth, and thereby rob themſelves of ſeveral fair ſupports and advantages both for the acquiring and the maintaining of their Power.

The ſame year firſt gave birth to a very barbarous Cuſtom, afterwards immoderately practis'd; for to ſpill humane blood for the gratifying of any whiffling Fellow that was a looker on, arrived to be a publick paſtime and divertiſement. The Authors of which inhumane butchery were M. and D. Junius Brutus, who to adorn and ſolemnize their deceaſed Fathers funerals with ſome ſtrange and unheard of Rites and Devotions, ſet out a Match or Prize of Gladiators, which took mightily with the People. But the Peſtilence reveng'd this injury done to Humanity, raging moſt violently for two years after, which upon conſulting the Sibyls Books was found to be a judgment ſent by the offended Deity to puniſh them. Therefore ſome ſuſpicion aroſe that their Worſhip and religious ceremonies were not duly perform'd and obſerved, and the Pontifs upon a ſtricter inquiry into the matter found ſeveral Temples and Chappels turned into private Tenements, as alſo one of the Veſtal Virgins (called Caparonia) guilty of Inceſt. But while her Indictment was a drawing up ſhe prevented the Executioner by hanging her ſelf; but he that debauched her and the ſervants that were privy to the fact, were puniſhed according to Law. The Sacred Places were vindicated from all thoſe abuſes, whereby private perſons had profan'd them: and reſtor'd to the uſe they were at firſt intended for. After this reformation of Religion in the City, the Senate began to apply themſelves again to the Affairs of the Commonwealth. And becauſe after the Conqueſt of Hetruria there was no Enemy in Italy appearing, it was reſolved that the new Conſuls ſhould paſs over with the Legions into Sicily.

The Conſuls were M. Valer. Maximus, ſtilled during his Honour Meſſalla, and M. Octacilius Craſſus. Theſe having luckily put over with their Forces into the Iſland, met afterwards a ſucceſs anſwerable to ſo good a beginning; for having firſt taken the City of the Adranites after a ſhort Siege by ſtorm, whilſt A. U. 490 they ſat down before Centuripium the Aleſian Ambaſſadours arrived there, being ſent to ſurrender their Town: From whence the Conſuls taking their courſe into ſeveral parts of the Iſland, and acting with their Forces together, or ſeparately as occaſion required, ſpread the terrour of their Arms into the moſt diſtant parts of the Land: routing the Syracuſans and the Carthaginians, where-ever they met them. And ſo vigorous and eaſie was their Conqueſt, whilſt they warmly purſu'd their good fortune, that a little while after no leſs than ſixty ſeven Towns were reckon'd which had become ſubject to the Romans. Of which number were the Tauromenitans and Cataneans.

Upon which the Conſuls daily encreaſing their Armies by the addition of as many Auxiliary Troops as they pleaſed to demand, were encouraged to incamp before Syracuſe it ſelf, deſigning to inveſt that place. Hiero finding matters come to this paſs, and on the one hand diſtruſting his own, and the Carthaginian Power, whilſt on the other he took the Romans for the honeſter Men, reſolves himſelf alſo to enter into Alliance with the Romans, and accordingly ſends Ambaſſadours with Inſtructions to conclude a Peace. The Romans were glad enough to diſſolve the League between Hiero and the Carthaginians, chiefly becauſe hereby their Legions would be better ſupplied with proviſions: for no Victuals could be tranſported out of Italy, the Carthaginians being Maſters of the Sea, and the Conſul the year before had received more harm for want of proviſion, than from the Enemy. But now Hiero being on their ſide, the Territory of Syracuſe ſo well ſtor'd with Proviſions was likely to afford all neceſſaries for their Camp. Therefore they agreed upon theſe Articles:

That whatſoever Places or Perſons Hiero had taken from the Romans, he ſhould reſtore them gratis, and withal pay one hundred Talents: That he ſhould continue in an abſolute poſſeſſion of the City of Syracuſe with all other places dependant thereupon, whereof Acrae, Leontium, Megara, Elorus, Nitini, and Tauromenium were the moſt conſiderable. Ambaſſadours afterwards coming from Hiero, the Articles were interchang'd, and reciprocally confirmed, and the Senate decreed that a Peace be concluded with Hiero, which a little after was ratified by the People upon Cn. Atilius Calatinus's propoſing the buſineſs to them. This League at firſt being made but for fifteen years laſted ever after. Whilſt Hiero accoſted the Roman grandeur with juſt and ſuitable reſpect, and they likewiſe requited his kindneſſes with as much generoſity and bounty. So that neither had any cauſe to repent of the Alliance contracted between them.

When the report of the Peace with Syracuſe was nois'd abroad, Hannibal the Carthaginian, having come as far as Xiphonia on purpoſe to raiſe the Siege of Syracuſe, retreated more haſtily than he had ſet forwards.

The Romans now having Hiero for their Ally and Aſſociate in the War, without delay, took in ſeveral Towns of the Carthaginians; and though from Adrano, a walled Town, and Macella after a Siege of ſeveral days they had been repulſed; yet they reduc'd the Segeſtanes, who having kill'd the Punick Gariſon, revolted to them of their own accord; beſides other reaſons, theſe gave out that they favour'd the Romans for Kindreds ſake, deriving their pedigree too from Aeneas, who eſcap'd from the flames of Troy, and ſhortly after the Alieneans joyn'd themſelves to the Romans: but as for Hilarus, Tyrittus and Aſcelus, they were forced to batter and ſtorm them: and therefore the conquered were more ſeverely treated. At which terrour the Tyndaritanes ſeeing themſelves to be next the danger, and their Succours too far off, whilſt they were conſidering about delivering up their Town to the Romans, were hinder'd by the Carthaginians: for they gueſſing from the preſent juncture at what was in agitation, carried away the principal Citizens to Lilybeum for Hoſtages, together with Corn, Wine, and other Ammunition.

At this time the ſevere Diſcipline of Octacilius Craſſus the Conſul was of great importance to the Public; for he order'd thoſe Soldiers, who upon diſhonourable terms of ſafety, had ſuffer'd themſelves to be treated as Slaves by Hannibal, to poſt themſelves without the Trenches, thus expoſing them perpetually to the Incurſions of their Enemies, ſo that having no hopes but in their Valour they might become reſolute and bold, and learn to defend themſelves rather by the gallantry of their Arms, than by the ſtrength of their Camp. Theſe things being done and the Winter was now approaching, the Conſuls leaving their places gariſon d which were moſt advantageous, return'd to Rome carrying the reſt of the Army into Italy, where a Triumph was decreed to M. Valerius who had been moſt ſucceſsful in the War: which he kept before the 16th of March, for the Conqueſt of Hiero King of Sicily and the Carthaginians. A Dial which was born up among the Spoils was the more taken notice of, becauſe ſuch a thing had never been ſeen at Rome before. Valerius having carried it away after the taking of Catana, placed it in the open Street near the Roſtra upon a Pillar. He alſo poſted a Table wherein the Victory over the Syracuſans and Carthaginians was painted, upon one ſide of the Curia Hoſtilia, which none ever did before him, but many after him: It is certain that this Man was ſurnam'd Meſſalla from the City of Meſſina, but I wonder it ſhould be believed upon ſeveral conſiderable Authors teſtimonies, that this name was impos'd for the taking of that place, whereas the thing it ſelf manifeſtly ſhews, that this name was therefore impos'd, becauſe Meſſina, which upon Appius Claudius's departure was by the Carthaginians and Hiero ſorely diſtreſs'd, was by him deliver'd by driving the firſt away, and winning the latter to his ſide.

The City of Rome in the mean while being afflicted with the Peſtilence, it was reſolved that a Dictator ſhould be nam'd to faſten the Nail. Cn. Fulvius Maximus Centumalus was declared Dictator: he choſe Q. Marcius Philippus for his Lieutenant. The ſame year a Colony was brought to Eſernia, as the year before there had been one planted at Firmum, and another, as ſome will have it, at Caſtrum.

A. U. 491 L. Poſthumius Megellus, and Q. Mamilius Vitulus were afterwards made Conſuls, and both of them have Sicily aſſign'd for their Province, but they had onely two Legions allotted them: this being judg'd a ſufficient Army, now the War was become leſs burthenſom, upon Hiero's coming into the League; and as for Victuals they thought it might be eaſier provided, the fewer men were ſent over.

The Conſuls with their Forces having arriv'd in Sicily, and drawn together the Auxiliary Bodies of their Allies, whilſt they paſſed by places of leſſer moment, converted their main effort upon Agrigentum reſolving to beſiege it. This place had been plentifully furniſhed with all neceſſaries by the Carthaginians, who intended it for their Head-Quarters. For when they ſaw that Hiero had left them, and that the Romans applyed themſelves in good earneſt to the buſineſs of Sicily, concluding that more diligent preparations for the War were neceſſary to be made on their part alſo, they ſent at firſt the beſt part of their preſent Forces into Sardinia, to lie in wait upon the Coaſt of Italy, that by this terrour they might divert the Romans from Sicily, or at leaſt oblige them to ſight there with a ſmaller Army than they would have done. But the Romans being ſtill ſtrong enough both to defend their own, and to bring a freſh Army into Sicily, diſappointed in theſe their hopes they hir'd great numbers of Soldiers out of Liguria and Gaul, and greater yet from Spain: and withal put a great quantity of proviſions into Agrigentum; deſigning it for the Granary and Retreating-place of their Armies, as being a Town for its convenient Site and capaciouſneſs fitted for that purpoſe above any other which they held in Sicily.

This place therefore being made the Scene of the preſent War, the Conſuls having obliged the Carthaginians to retire within their Fortifications, incamp'd at a mile diſtance from thence. Corn was then ripe in the Fields; and becauſe the Siege was like to be a long one, the Soldiers out of a deſire to reap and gather in the Corn rov'd further than they ſhould, when the Enemy lay ſo near them. And the Carthaginians cunningly laying hold of this opportunity had made great ſlaughters of them, but that the Roman Soldiers by their Valour had repair'd, whatever damage they had incurr'd through their negligence. For the Forragers not being able to ſtand the ſudden ſhock of the Enemy, the Carthaginians proceeded forwards to the very Tents of the Romans, and dividing their Forces ſome endeavour'd to ruin their Palliſado, whilſt the others fought with their out-Guards, that were poſted for defence of the Camp. Then was the time, when ſtrictneſs of Military Diſcipline reſcu'd the Roman Army from hazard and deſtruction.

For it being a capital Crime among the Romans for any man to deſert his Station, the Guards entertaining no hopes of ſafety by ſlight, though they were for number much inferiour to the Enemy, received them with great Valour, many of their own men being ſlain, and more of the Enemies, until the reſt of the Army was drawn in Battalia to relieve them in this ſtreſs and difficulty. Hereupon the Enemy was routed on that ſide, and thoſe who had almoſt taken their Trenches were circumvented, and the Romans chaſed the reſt to the Walls of the Town.

This accident made the Romans for the future more cautious in the matter of ſorraging, and the Enemies more timerous to ſally out. Their Recounters afterwards abating as to their vigour, whilſt the Carthaginians made but ſeldom any excurſion, and that onely for a bruſh, they thought it expedient to divide their Forces, and to attack the Town on two Quarters, on the one ſide of Eſculapius's Temple, and the way that leads to Heraclea. Their Camp was intrench'd and fortified round towards the City to prevent Sallies, and on the other ſide for defence againſt Aggreſſors, and to ſtop up all Avenues whereby any proviſion might be conveyed into the Town. The ſpace in the middle between the two Camps was fortified and guarded with ſeveral Courts of Guard.

In all which Affairs they were much aſſiſted and further'd by thoſe Sicilians, who had lately ſwore fealty to them: whereof there were now one hundred thouſand on the Romans ſide. Proviſions alſo were convey'd by the ſame perſons to Erbeſſus, from which place (for it ſtood but a little way off) the Romans themſelves afterwards fetch'd it into their Camp: inſomuch that they had plenty thereof.

In this condition the Siege laſted almoſt five Months, whilſt neither ſide having got any great advantage towards a Victory, (nothing but Skirmiſhes having paſs'd between them) at length the Punic Affairs began to decline, for becauſe a vaſt multitude, no leſs than fifty thouſand men cooped up ſo long in one Town had conſumed almoſt all their Proviſions, and that no Recruits could be hoped for, the Romans diligently blocking and watching all the Avenues, the minds of the beſieged what by their preſent evils, and what by the expectation of approaching miſeries were mightily diſmay'd.

Hannibal therefore the Son of Giſgo (who was the Carthaginians chief Commander at Agrigentum) by frequent Meſſages craving help againſt their preſent ſcarcity and dangers, Hanno the Elder with ſome Soldiers afterwards levied, and Elephants, is ſent over into Sicily to the number of fifty thouſand Foot, ſix thouſand Horſe and ſixty Elephants, who being arrived at Lilybeum with theſe Forces he marched thence towards Heraclea, and immediately ſome came and offered to ſurrender Erbeſſus into his hands; and by their means having made himſelf Maſter of Erbeſſus, from whence till then Proviſions us'd to be fetch'd to ſerve the Roman Camp, he ſeem'd to have atchiev'd an Exploit of no ſmall moment, whilſt thus by debarring the Romans from all ſupplies, he incommoded them no leſs, than they did the Agrigentines. And now they had oftentimes conſulted about raiſing the Siege, and once were in a manner reſolv'd to quit the deſign as unfeaſible, had not Hiero trying every way, by ſtealth convey'd ſome Corn and other neceſſaries into the Roman Camp, and thereby adminiſtred a littſe relief to their preſent wants, and neceſſities.

Hanno obſerving that the Romans were much afflicted with Famine, and other maladies that attended it; whilſt on the contrary his Army was ſtrong and healthy, reſolv'd to approach nearer to them, and to try the fortune of a Battel, if he ſhould have an opportunity for the ſame. Taking therefore along with him fifty Elephants and the reſt of the Army he marches out of Heraclea, and ſends the Numidian Horſe to Scout before the Romans Camp, thereby to decoy their Horſe, and drill them on into an Ambuſh laid for them. When the Numidians, as they were order'd, contemptuouſly rode up to the Conſul's Camp; the Romans ſallied forth, and routed them, at the firſt making reſiſtance, and afterwards purſu'd them upon high ſpeed, as they were flying back diſorderly that way by which they knew Hanno was coming. The further therefore they continued this purſuit, their retreat to their own Camp was made the more difficult, and many of them were ſlain, when they were met with by freſh Forces, and that thoſe, who fled before, wheel'd about to incloſe them.

This Event rais'd in Hanno great hopes of an intire Victory, and thereupon he poſted his Army upon an Eminence, called Torus, at a Mile and a halfs diſtance from the Roman Camp. It might have been expected, that two ſuch great Armies ſo near to one another ſhould have joyn'd Battel ſooner, which was deferr'd the longer, becauſe both ſides were affraid to venture all upon the fortune of one Battel. Therefore whilſt Hanno ſeem'd more deſirous to fight, the Romans ſtirr'd not out of their ſtrong Holds, becauſe the Enemy was numerous, and elevated with ſucceſs, and therefore an over-match to a people cow'd and terrified with the loſs of their Cavalry. But when they found that becauſe of their timidity the Spirits of their Allies began to flag, and the Enemy to take heart upon it, and withal that they were like to wage a ſorer War with their hungry ſtomachs than with the Enemy, they reſolv'd to fight. Hanno upon this began likewiſe to draw back and flinch, and to fear every thing.

Two Months were ſpent in this manner, whilſt beſides ſome Skirmiſhes which paſſed daily, no action of greater moment was performed. At laſt upon the frequent importunities of Hannibal, who ſent Meſſengers daily, and alſo gave ſigns often by fire, how that the beſieged could no longer ſubſiſt for want of Victuals, and that many ran over to the Enemy being forced by the ſcarcity, he reſolved to put off the Battel no longer: Hannibal alſo being order'd to ſally out with his men at the ſame time; which when the Conſuls underſtood, they kept quiet within their Camp. Hanno upon this began more boldly to brave them with his Army in Battalia, and when none durſt oppoſe him, to advance to the Romans Lines and Trenches defying them to fight him, and upbraiding them with cowardice for not venturing. They being contented to have repulſed the Enemy by light Skirmiſhes from their Paliſadoes, neither oppos'd them with their Army in order of Battel; nor went in purſuit of them when they retir'd. Thus having done for ſeveral days, and the Carthaginians being now grown confident that the Romans durſt venture no further, L. Poſthumius the Conſul wiſely turn'd the Enemies contempt to his own advantage; for having very ſilently put his men in array, and keeping them within the Trenches, he ſent out ſome ſmall detachments to drive away the Carthaginians who attack'd them as they were wont: and by light Skirmiſhes and Combats kept them in play from break of day till ſix a Clock. Then at laſt when the Enemies retreated, he pour'd the Legions out of his Camp upon them.

Hanno, though he ſaw he muſt fight contrary to his judgment, boldly engag'd the Enemy, ſo that the Battel continued doubtful till the Evening; but the Romans having refreſhed themſelves well with meat, and being prepar'd for the work could better endure thirſt, heat and labour; whereas the Carthaginians by ſtanding, and hunger being tir'd before the Battel began, made the fainter reſiſtance, their ſtrength ſtill decaying, the longer the Battel continued, till at laſt the Mercenaries, who made the Vanguard, could no longer ſuſtain the Shock: nor did they onely quit their ground, but retiring fearfully among the Elephants and the other ranks behind them diſordered the whole Army, and forced them to fly before the Enemy, who bore up ſtifly upon them. Matters likewiſe fell out luckily, on the other ſide of the Camp at the ſame time, and Hannibal after a Sally made more to his own than his Enemies damage, was beaten back into the Town. The Carthaginians Camp was taken, three Elephants wounded, thirty kill'd, and eleven taken by the Romans. The men far'd much alike: Of ſo great an Army but very few eſcaped with the General to Heraclea.

The beſieged after this blow not ſeeing any proſpect of Relief, but being hopeleſs of ſafety, were affected with great conſternation; when Hannibal (making the beſt of a bad Market) having obſerved that the Romans partly through the fatigues of labour, and partly through exceſs of joy were grown more lazy and remiſs in keeping Guards, got out of the Town with the Mercenaries: and having thrown ſome hurdles filled with ſtraw, and prepar'd beforehand into the Ditch, paſſed over, and got pretty far on his Journey: till the Romans at break of day underſtanding what was done, overtook part of the Rear of his Army, and cut them off, but Hannibal with the reſt ſaved themſelves. The Agrigentines ſeeing themſelves forſaken by the Carthaginians, cut off many of thoſe who remained in the Town, partly for anger, and partly to ingratiate themſelves with the Conquerour: and yet for all this the Town was plunder'd, and above twenty five thouſand Freemen ſold for Slaves. After this manner was Agrigentum taken after ſeven Months Siege, to the great glory and advantage of the Romans, but yet with great effuſion of blood; for above thirty thouſand of the Conſular Armies and the Auxiliaries by ſundry fates periſhed during that Siege: for which reaſon as alſo becauſe no great action could be undertaken for the Winters near approaching, they return'd to Meſſina.

The next year after L. Valerius Flaccus, and T. Octacilius Craſſus, being Conſuls, went Commanders into Sicily. The former Generals in hopes of a Triumph returning to Rome. The Carthaginians by ſending A. U. 492 out a Fleet in ſhew as it were to cruiſe upon the Coaſt of Italy, thought to divert the new Conſuls from going in hand with the Sicilian Expedition; but they placing ſeveral Companies of Soldiers along the Coaſt to hinder the Enemies deſcent, put over notwithſtanding into the Iſland.

Then there were many Towns of Sicily which ſurrendred, being terrified by the late Example of the deſtruction of Agrigentum; nor did the Carthaginians withſtand them, being beſides their late defeat, perplex'd alſo upon the account of the ſeditious humours of their mercenary Soldiers. The Gauls eſpecially mutinying for ſome months Arrears due unto them. To be reveng'd of whom Hanno contriv'd this cunning Plot; pacifying them with fair words he bad them be quiet a little while, and tells them withal, that he had in his Eye a certain rich City, of whoſe Conqueſt he was every day ſurer: and out of the booty thereof, he paſſes his word that the Gauls ſhould be abundantly ſatisfied for the delay of their payment. Being thus amus'd, and even ready to conn him thanks, at a convenient time he practiſes with a Steward of his, in whom he repoſed great confidence, that he ſhould go in the form of a Renegade to Conſul Octacilius, as if he had falſify'd and imbezled his Accounts, and inform him that the Night following four thouſand Gauls were to take poſſeſſion of Entella, which was to be betray'd unto them, and might be circumvented by Ambuſh. The Conſul looking on it as a thing worth the taking notice of, though he could not truſt the deſertors word, yet detaches out a party of choice Men for the buſineſs. The Gauls likewiſe deceiv'd by Hanno came on: whom the Romans attack'd, and there aroſe a ſharp Combat, wherein all the Gauls being ſlain, whilſt they were reſolv'd to ſell their lives as dear as they could, brought double joy to Hanno, who cunningly chaſtiſed the inſolence of his Mercenaries, and that with no ſmall damage to the Enemy.

About this time the Praetor Minucius preferr'd a Bill to the Senate about bringing the Water of the River Anienis into the City, the charge of which Work the Cenſor M. Curius had undertaken to defray before out of the booty taken from the Enemy; but there aroſe ſeveral hindrances, which made the buſineſs to be deferr'd for nine years after, when the matter was revived again, and Curius, and Fulvius Flaccus were made Surveyors of the Work: but Curius dying within five days after left the glory of finiſhing it ſolely to Fulvius.

About the ſame time Hamilcar came from Carthage to Sicily to ſucceed Hanno: for when Hanno after his defeat at Agrigentum return'd home, he fell into great diſgrace among the Carthaginians, who after they had ſet ſix thouſand Crowns fine upon his head, took away his Commiſſion of General. That this Hamilcar was the Father of Hannibal, who commanded in the following Punic War, has been deliver'd falſly by ſome, who were miſtaken through the likeneſs of their names. For Hamilcar the Father of Hannibal in the latter end of that War came in his younger days Generaliſſimo into Sicily. But ſuch was the Renown of the Man, that the acts of another Hamilcar an obſcurer Perſon were aſcribed to Barca Hamilcar the famouſeſt of any that was ever known by that Name.

This Hamilcar, the Succeſſor of Hanno, ſeeing the Romans far Superiour to him in Foot durſt not attempt any of the mid-land Towns, not deſcend from the Mountains into the Champaign Country, but being ſtrong in Shipping, whereby he became abſolute Maſter of the Sea, with that part of his Forces he was very active, and having ſent another Hamilcar to waſt the Coaſt of Italy, himſelf cruiſing about Sicily, eaſily recover'd moſt of the Maritime places, which had ſubmitted to the Romans. So that whilſt the Romans eaſily conquer'd and defended thoſe places, which lay farther up in the Country, and the Carthaginians thoſe on the Sea-coaſts, their hopes and fears were counterpoiſed; nor could it eaſily be judg'd, which ſide ſhould get the better on't in the War.

DECADE II. BOOK XVII. Florus his Epitome of the Seventeenth Book of Livy.

Cn. Cornelius the Conſul circumvented by the punick Fleet, and wheedled out under colour of a Parley, is treacherouſly taken Priſoner. C. Duilius the Conſul had an Engagement with the ſaid Fleet and beat them, being the firſt Roman that ever Triumph'd for a Victory at Sea. For which reaſon he had the Honour as long as he liv'd, when he went from Supper, to have Muſick and a lighted Flambeau carried before him. L. Cornelius the Conſul overthrows the Sardinians and Corſicans, and Hanno the Carthaginian General. The Conſul Attilius Calatinus, having raſhly drawn his Army into a very diſadvantageous p ace where they were ſurrounded by the Carthaginians, is brought off by the Courage and diligence of M. Calphurnius one of his Co • onels, who with a Regiment of three hundred Foot deſperately ſallied out and diverted the Enemy. Whilſt the Army made their eſcape, Annibal a Carthaginian Admiral having loſt the greateſt part of his Fleet in an Engagement, is by his own men crucified.

NOW the fourth year of the Carthaginian War was ended, nor had the Romans any cauſe either to repent at either their courage or fortune. For in all the Battels they fought, either with the Carthaginians or Syracuſans, they came off victorious; they had taken ſome rich places by Storm; others ſurrendred themſelves unto them upon Articles: but when the War was waged in the Iſland, and that neither proviſions of Victuals, nor recruits of Men could be conveyed thither to ſerve the turn, and alſo that the Carthaginian Navies by their ſudden and free deſcents, not onely infeſted the Sicilian Towns next the Sea, being themſelves out of all harms-way, but alſo by waſting the Coaſt of Italy endamag'd the Roman Territories, and leſſen'd their reputation in the World; whilſt in the interim Affrica was free from harms and exempt from all the calamities and preſſures of War. The Nobility therefore and Commons of Rome, having duly deliberated upon the matter, made an Ordinance for building a Navy, that ſo they might be in a poſture not onely to fight with the Carthaginians by Land, as they began, but likewiſe try their fortune by Sea.

This was the firſt time the Romans ſet their minds in good earneſt to the buſineſs of Shipping: which as they boldly undertook, ſo they no leſs proſperouſly accompliſhed. So that it might be juſtly ſaid, That the Romans might challenge the Empire of the World as their due: who when they were to fight with the moſt experienc'd Seamen wanted neither Courage to eſſay, Prudence to manage, nor Reſolution to go through with the Work. For although till then the Romans were ſuch ſtrangers to the Maritime Affairs, that they had not one Man among them who had ever ſeen a Sea-fight, no Ships of War, nor any skilful Shipwrights; yet reſolutely applying themſelves to the point they ſoon put out to Sea, fought and overcame thoſe who for many Ages had been counted the moſt experienc'd Seamen.

The Perſons conſtituted Superviſors for the building of the Ships were Luc. Cornelius, Scipio Aſina, and C. Duilius who had newly entred upon their Conſulſhips. They had one Galley of five banks of Oars, which when Claudius was upon his paſſage croſs the Streight, out of an eager deſire to fight had drawn too near ſhore, and ran aground in the ſhallow Water, ſo that the Soldiers that were upon the Land took it. The Conſul order'd that the whole Armada ſhould be built after the form of that Veſſel, and they ply'd the work ſo cloſely that within ſixty days after the felling of the Timber a Navy of one hundred and ſixty Veſſels lay at Anchor: nor did the Conſuls ſet forwards this Expedition with leſs cunning, than induſtry. For judging it unadviſable to hazard a Battel with unskilful Rowers, and likewiſe being unwilling to have the time of action taken up in exerciſing them; they found out a device, which at firſt ſight may ſeem ridiculous, but in the event it proved very commendable. For while the Veſſels were building, the Rowers were taught to handle the Oar ſitting upon the dry Land, being ſeated in the ſame ranks as if they were aboard the Galleys, with the Boatſwain ſitting in the middle they were commanded as he gave the word, either to pluck at the Oars or to reſt, as they do at Sea. By which preluſory exerciſe they arrived to ſo much skill, that afterwards, the Galleys being launch'd, when they had given ſome Specimens of their Art in the Work it ſelf the Conſuls now confided in them, and ventur'd their own and the lives of their men in their hands.

Afterwards, when the lots for the Provinces had been drawn, the command of the Land-forces fell to Duilius's ſhare, and that of the Fleet to Cn. Cornelius, who taking with him ſeventeen Galleys went to Meſſana to provide neceſſaries againſt the arrival of the Fleet, which he commanded to follow as faſt as it could: but before the Fleet could enter the Streight he fell into the Enemies hands. This was effected partly through the policy of one Boodes Lieutenant to Hannibal the Carthaginian General, and partly through the Conſuls credulity, who believing ſome Lipareans ſuborn'd by the Enemy raſhly conceived hopes of taking Lipara by treachery. There being hemm'd in by the Punic Fleet he reſolved to ſight his way through them: had not Boodes by another trick enticed him and the Officers to come aboard his Ship, pretending to treat about Conditions of Peace with the Carthaginians. As ſoon as they were come, they were put in Chains, which ſo terrified the reſt that they yielded themſelves to the Enemy without ſtriking a ſtroak, and Boodes having taken all the Ships ſent the Captives to Carthage.

The Carthaginian General afterwards committed ſuch another miſtake, which was therefore the more infamous, becauſe the Conſuls overſight by ſo late an Example might have taught him more wit. He had been inform'd that the Roman Fleet ſailing along the Coaſt of Italy was on its way towards the Streights, and that now it could not be far off. Willing therefore to view the Fleet at a near diſtance, and to inform himſelf of the number of the Ships and the Romans skill and dexterity in this new Trade, he put forwards with fifty Galleys: and thinking himſelf ſecure of future events, his Navy riding in a confuſed manner, as is uſual, when there is no danger within ken, he fell in ſuddenly with the Roman Fleet, ſailing in good order at the point of a Promontory: ſo that he was routed before he had prepared himſelf to fight; and having loſt the beſt part of the Fleet he had much ado to eſcape, h • vin • been reduc'd to the utmoſt danger. The Fleet that had got the Victory, having heard of Cornelius's misfortune, ſent Meſſengers to Duilius to inform him of their arrival, and withal made themſelves ready for the Battel; for they had intelligence that the reſt of the Carthaginian Fleet was riding near them. There whilſt they ſeriouſly conſ dered the inconveniences of their own Ships, which being ill contriv'd and built after a bungling man • er could not compare with the Carthaginian Galleys for ſwiftneſs, one of them deviſed a certain Engine to hold faſt Ships, called afterwards a Crow.

The form of it was thus; There was a round ſtrait piece of Wood four fathom long, and nine inches thick with a Pulley at the end of it, faſtned to the Prow of the Veſſel, to which was fitted another Engine Scala made of ſeveral croſs boards, ſtrongly nailed together. In this Engine there was left an oblong hole, through which it was to be clap'd upon the Beam and ſo faſtned to it, for the ſpace of ſixteen foot the length of the Beam: but the reſt of the Engine that was not joyn'd to the Beam, being about eight foot hung as it were by certain joints, ſo that it could be eaſily lifted up and let down upon occaſion: At the end of this Engine there was faſten'd a very ſtrong ſharp piece of Iron, with a ring at the head of it; from which a Rope was tied that reached through the Pulley, and ſo to the Deck. Now when they pulled the Rope to them, the Engine was raiſed, when they let it go, it fell down, faſtening with its ſharp claws, and grappling faſt whatever it laid hold of.

Mean while Duilius leaving his La • d-forces with the Tribunes arriv'd with the Fleet: and underſtanding that the Country round about Mylae had been waſted by the Enemy he made to ſhore with the whole Fleet. The Carthaginians were glad of this, promiſing themſelves ſure Victory againſt Mid-landers, and no Seamen. But they became Examples to inſtruct Men, that no Enemy ought ſo much to be deſpis'd as to render any one leſs cautious and wary in dealing with them.

Hannibal Captain General of the Galleys, who led his Forces from Agrigentum, was aboard a ſeven Oar'd Galley of King Pyrrhus; the reſt of the Fleet followed her: not in Squadrons and order of Battel, but every one made up towards the Enemy with eager haſt, through contempt of them. When they wer • got nearer, and ſaw the Prows of the Ships armed with thoſe tertible Engines, they ſtood ſtill for a while • o • d • ing at the novelty of the ſight. But at length, whilſt the forwardeſt of thoſe ſenſleſs f • llow • ••• 'd and ſcoffed that ill-favour'd device, the foremoſt Veſſels advanc'd very furiouſly. When the Cro • being ſuddenly let down, where they lighted upon any Ship, pierc'd the boards through, ſo that the S • ip was not able to move, but ſtood ſtill. The Roman Soldiers, if it ſo happen'd that the Veſſels were grappl'd on the ſides, puſhed forward and from every quarter boarded the Enemy: but when the Prows were onely ſeiz'd upon, by the Beam and the Bridg adjoyning two Soldiers paſs'd over, and that the more eaſily, becauſe the ledges of the Engine ſtanding knee-high afforded ſafer going and ſurer footing. For the foremoſt holding their Targets before them defended their Faces from the Enemies Darts; thoſe that followed behind on either hand held their Targets even to the ledges of the Engine: Thus their ſides being defended, they attacked the Enemy hand to hand; ſo that there was no tilting of Beaks one againſt the other, but they fought as it were a pitch'd Battel, and each man ſtood his ground. And hence it was that the Romans being the ſtronger men, eaſily obtained the Victory over light-armed Soldiers, who truſted to the ſwiftneſs of their Ships, more than to their Arms.

There were about thirty Galleys of the Carthaginians taken, among which the Admiral with ſeven banks of Oars was one. But Hannibal having leap'd out of the Galley which was juſt then taken into the Long-boat, eſcap'd falling into the Enemies hands, and having diſpatch'd an expreſs poſt-haſt to Carthage, that might outgo the very fame of this defeat, cunningly warded off the puniſhment that hung over his head for his ill-ſucceſs. For the Meſſenger entring into the Council-Chamber, as if all was well, conſulted the Senate, whether they thought fit they ſhould encounter the Roman Fleet. To which when all anſwer'd, that they muſt do ſo, and that too out of hand, ſays he, he has done ſo already and has come off by the worſt. Thus whil'ſt they durſt not accuſe an action, which before it was done, every man ſeem'd to approve, the General was clear'd from all capital puniſhment, loſing onely his Commiſſion of Captain of the Calleys.

But after the Generals defeat the reſt of the Carthaginian Fleet (for the greateſt part by far remain'd) were at a ſtand as to what they ſhould do. They could not in honour quit the Battel, having receiv'd no loſs, and not one man urging and preſſing upon them. Again to attempt the Roman Galleys ſeem'd hazardous for fear of their Crows. At length coming up in a half-Moon, and trying all their tricks, when they ſaw the beaks of the Galleys with thoſe terrible Engines on every ſide planted againſt them, they fell off, and bad adieu to all hopes of Victory. Of the Carthaginian Fleet fourteen Veſſels are ſaid to have been ſunk in that ingagement, and thirty one taken with ſeven thouſand men, after that three thouſand had dy'd in the Battel.

Thus fought Duilius the Conſul, near the Iſles of Lipara, againſt the Carthaginians, from whence the Romans reap'd ſome advantage, but more glory and renown. The Conſul with the Land-forces marched to Segeſta, which he deliver'd, after it had been reduc'd by the Carthaginians to the utmoſt danger. Then he took Macilla by ſtorm, Hamilcar not daring to oppoſe him; and having encourag'd and aſſur'd the Confederate Towns of Sicily, in the end of Summer return'd to Rome.

At whoſe departure the Punic Affairs began to revive again. For firſt the Romans having loſt a great many men were forc'd to raiſe the Siege of Muſiſtratus after ſeven Months. Afterwards upon a feud ariſing between them and the Auxiliaries, when the Confederate Forces had encamped apart from the Legions between Paropus and Thermae, Hamilcar reſolving to make his advantage of their humourſom temper, in a ſudden Aſſault ſlew about four thouſand of them, and the groſs of the Roman Army was like to have been involv'd in the ſame ruin. Then it was that Hannibal won ſeveral Towns partly by force, and partly by treachery; which news though they were ſorry to hear at Rome, yet theſe loſſes were eſteem'd but inconſiderable if compar'd with their Victory at Sea. For whereas the Romans had hitherto onely ſ • gnaliz'd themſelves by their invincible courage in Land fights, they were very glad (and not without cauſe) that they had purchas'd ſo much glory and reputation in Maritime Affairs alſo. From whence they began to conceive great hopes of the ſucceſs of the War: and judg'd the Author of ſo great an Exploit worthy of unuſual Honour.

Duilius therefore firſt celebrated a Naval Triumph over the Sicilians and the Carthaginian Fleet the 24th day of February, and the State allow'd further, ſince not content with that Honour, he had himſelf aſſum'd another without any Preſident for the ſame, that when he return'd from Supper, he ſhould have Muſick and Flambeaus to attend him home. There was alſo by an Order of the Senate, a Triumphal Arch of white Parian Marble adorn'd with beaks of Ships ſet up in the Forum, which is to be ſeen to this day, with an Inſcription ſhewing the number of the Veſſels ſunk, and taken, and alſo what Money was taken: but time has defac'd ſeveral words. Nevertheleſs it is apparent enough, that there were thirty ſeven thouſand Seſterces of Gold taken, of Silver coyn'd above one hundred thouſand, of Braſs two Millions and ſeven hundred thouſand pounds.

This Solemnity ended, C. Duilius call'd an Aſſembly of the People, where L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Aquilius A. U. 494 Florus are made Conſuls; the Senate appointed the Provinces for the Conſuls Sicily and the Navy. The Perſon that was to command at Sea, was permitted to put over into Sardinia, if he thought it advantageous for the Public; and when the Lot fell upon C. Cornelius he went out with the Fleet equipped in all points. This was the firſt Voyage the Romans ever made into Sardinia and Corſica.

Theſe Iſles are ſo nearly ſituated, that a man would think them both to be but one: but yet the nature of the Climate and Soil, and conſequently the tempers of the people do very much differ. The Ancients call'd Sardinia, Ichnuſa, for its reſemblance to the print of a mans foot, as alſo Sandaliatis. Afterwards they ſay, that one Sardus the Son of Hercules the Lybion gave the Iſland, which he much frequented, the preſent name. The Poets alſo deliver, how that the Grecians with one Ariſtaeus, as likewiſe the Tyrians after the Trojan Wars came to thoſe places. The Country for fruitfulneſs and bigneſs is not much inferiour to the largeſt and fruitfuleſt of thoſe Iſles that lie in that Sea: being excellent for breeding Cattel, very fruitful in Corn, and rich in Mines, eſpecially Silver; but yet it has no ſuch good Air, and in the account of Strangers it loſes much of the glory of its fertility by reaſon of the unhealthineſs thereof: which in Summer is very unwholſom, eſpecially in the rankeſt places.

Beſides, it produces an herb like Mint, which is a ſtrong Poiſon: and being eaten caſts men into fits, and by a violent convulſion of the Nerves, cauſes ſuch a diſtorſion of the Mouth and Lips, as is ſeen in Laughter. The juice proves deadly, unleſs after vomiting ſome Milk and Metheglin be preſently drank; for ſo the preſent force of the Poiſon is ſtop'd, and afterwards ſuch Remedies cure the other ill effects of it, as are preſcribed in Convulſion: there is alſo a little Creature there call'd Solpuga, which kills thoſe who ſit upon it ere they are aware: it is a kind of Emet, and does the miſchief the more dangerouſly, becauſe being ſuch a very ſmall thing, it cannot be ſeen: and thoſe who are ignorant of the nature of it, are not affraid thereof when they ſee it. The Sardi are a medley of Barbarians, who if they are left to themſelves, chuſe rather to live by Robbery, than Husbandry. Their Arms are a Target and a ſhort Sword. For Armour they wear quilts made of the skins of thoſe Rams which that Country breeds, being hairy like Goats, and not bearing Wool as others do. The Metropolis of the Country is Carolis, lying towards Affrica, and peopled from thence; having an excellent Harbour.

Corſica is neither for bigneſs nor Riches comparable to Sardinia, yet among thoſe Iſlands, it is ſuppos'd to obtain the third place for magnitude. The Inhabitants ſay, that it had its name from a certain Woman named Corſa, from whoſe Herd a Bull paſs'd over out of Liguria into this Iſle: by the Greeks it is called Cyrnus. It is mountainous, rugged, and in many places unpaſſable: and conſequently breeds a People void of all civility, and almoſt as ſavage as Brutes. When they are taken Priſoners they never become tractable, but either through impatience of labour and reſtraint make away with themſelves, or elſe through their dulneſs and ſtubbornneſs become troubleſom to their Maſters. There is good ſtore of Honey in the Iſland, but it is harſh of taſt, and ſuch as is made of Box-tree bloſſoms, which is counted very wholſom Honey, and it is thought that men in Corſica live long, becauſe they generally uſe it. They have but few Towns, and thoſe but ill ſtock'd with people, they reckon about thirty of them: the chiefeſt whereof are Aleria a Colony of Phocenſians, and Nicea of the Hetrurians. The Air is here likewiſe foggy and unwholſom, and the Coaſt Harbourleſs.

With theſe Nations the Carthaginians warred a long while, and made themſelves Maſters of both the Iſlands, excepting ſuch places as they could not come at: but becauſe it was eaſier to conquer than civilize a headſtrong barbarous People; among other devices they us'd to keep them under, they deſtroyed all the Corn in the Country, whereby the Inhabitants might be forc'd to furniſh themſelves with proviſions out of Affrica, and made it death to any of them to ſow any Corn again: till by long cuſtom they were civiliz'd, and ſubmitted themſelves to the Yoke more patiently.

L. Cornelius then made an Expedition to theſe Iſlands: and firſt he took Aleria a Town in Corſica: and afterwards eaſily and without any danger over-ran all the reſt. From thence as he was going for Sardinia, the Carthaginian Fleet met him, which the Conſul attack'd and routed before they could come to cloſe fighting. In the next place he marched againſt Olbia; but finding the Carthaginian Fleet lying in the Port, and not judging himſelf ſtrong enough in Foot to beſiege a place ſo well fortified and gariſon'd, he quitted that deſign for the preſent: and return'd homewards to take in more men.

At the ſame time the Slaves deſign'd to make an Inſurrection, which was fortunately quaſh'd in the firſt breaking out: and thereby freed the Commonwealth from that great trouble and diſturbance which it was like to have created. There had been great numbers of Seamen preſs'd from the Countries lately conquer'd for the ſervice of the Fleet, moſt of them Samnites. Now theſe being unwilling to go to Sea complain'd in private of their condition, and became ſo tranſported with rage, that they reſolved to rifle, and burn the City. There were three thouſand Slaves who joyn'd in this Plot, the Conſpiracy daily gathering more ſtrength, when Erius Potilius a Captain of the Auxiliaries cunningly defeated and ruin'd all the Deſign: For making as if he were one of the ſame Party, he exactly learn'd all their Intrigues: found out the quality, number and names of all the Conſpirators: as alſo the times and places, when any thing was to be attempted. And now he was ready to make a diſcovery of the whole to the Senate, but he could not have an opportunity to go to the Senate-houſe: for the Samnites follow'd him always, ſo that he could not perform his deſign; till by a cunning wheedle he perſuaded them, that when the Senate were ſitting they ſhould go in crouds to the Forum, and there cry out, that they had been cheated in the meaſuring of their Corn: telling them, that an opportunity would ariſe from thence for them, either to execute their deſigns, or at leaſt to diſcover what courage and reſolution the Senate had againſt ſuch ſudden Inſurrections; and that he might make the thing go down the better: he went with them, and not onely made a Party in this Riot, but was the Ring-leader of it. Whereupon being call'd into the Senate, he diſcover'd the reaſons of this device, and the danger of the Plot.

The Senate diſſembling their knowledg of the thing ſent ſome perſons, who by fair words might perſuade that Rabble to go home: telling them, the Senate would take care that the injury ſhould be redreſs'd, and every one have juſtice done them. Thus the Conſpirators thinking their Plot undiſcover'd went away: but next Night every one put thoſe of their Slaves in bonds, which by the diſcovery of Potilius they had underſtood to be partakers of this Villany: moſt alſo of the Samnites were taken in their Lodgings. It is not certainly known, whether C. Florus was hindred by this occaſion, or elſe by ſome other buſineſs, or Diſeaſe from going ſooner into Sicily, where Hamilcar after the laſt Victory had mightily retriev'd the Carthaginian Affairs. For having taken Camarina and Enna by treachery, he fortified Drepanum where there was a noble Port, and made it a Town, planting the Erycinians there, whoſe City, leſt it might advantage the Enemy he had demoliſh'd, excepting the Temple of Venus. Afterward • , he took ſeveral other places by force or treachery, and ſeem'd like to carry all Sicily before him, had not Florus oppos'd him, who for that reaſon durſt not leave the Iſland that Winter.

The other Conſul found it eaſier to encounter with the Sardinians and Carthaginians at Olbia. To which place when he was return'd again with greater Forces, he found Hanno there, whom upon Hannibals removal the Carthaginians had made Admiral at Sea. After a very ſharp Battel, Hanno fighting bravely, when he ſaw his men beaten, ruſhed among the thickeſt of the Enemies, and was ſlain, and thereupon the Town was ſurrendred. The Conſul adorn'd the Fame of his Victory by a noble example of Humanity towards the Enemy. For he took care that Hanno's Body ſhould be carried to be buried out of his own Pavilion; and honour'd him with a very noble Funeral, all hatred ceaſing after death, whilſt he rightly judg'd that Valour was to be honoured even in an Enemy.

Afterwards, improving the terrour of his late Victory he took many other places in Sardinia, making uſe of Stratagems as well as downright fighting. For he was wont by Night to put ſome Soldiers aſhore, being detach'd out of his Army, not far from thoſe Towns he deſign'd to aſſault, who having poſted themſelves in ſome advantageous places, they waited there, till the Conſul coming up to the Towns gave the alarm to the people, and pretending to fly, drew them far from their Walls. Then theſe advancing on high ſpeed enter'd the Towns, having no Soldiers within to defend them. By this Stratagem he took ſeveral places: and carried on his Victories ſo ſucceſsfully that the Carthaginian Army could not ſtand againſt him either in Corſica or Sardinia. For which reaſon it was not doubted, but when he return'd to Rome he ſhould have a Triumph decreed to him. He triumph'd over the Carthaginians, Sardinia and Corſica before the 5th of the Ides of March, having carried away great ſpoils, and many thouſand Priſoners out of thoſe Iſlands.

In Sicily C. Florus beſieg'd Mytiſtratus, a ſtrong place, and ſeveral times in vain attempted. Nor could it be taken then, till the new Conſul A. Atilius Colatinus came thither, when the Province of Sicily had A. U. 495 fallen to his ſhare, and the Navy to his Colleague C. Sulpitius Paterculus. Theſe two, with all their Forces in Battalia went to Panormus, where the Carthaginians had their Winter-quarters, before which place they offered them Battel; but no perſon oppoſing them, they went to Hippana: which they aſſaulted and took. In their Journey from thence Atilius advanced to Mytiſtratus, which after a ſtout reſiſtance made, the Defendants at laſt abandon'd, being tired by the cries and lamentations of the Women and Children. So that when the Carthaginian Gariſon departed away by Night, the Townſmen at break of day opened their Gates: but the Romans not forgetting the hardſhips they had ſuffer'd in the Siege, ſlew all they met without any diſtinction of Age or Sex: until Atilius caus'd it to be proclaim'd, that the booty and men ſhould be theirs that took them.

Then their Cruelty gave way to their Avarice: and the reſt of the Mytiſtratenſians being ſaved were ſold for Slaves: the Town was plundered and demoliſh'd. The Army from thence being led againſt Camarina, ran a great hazard for want of ſending out Spies to view the Country. For the Carthaginian General having firſt poſſeſs'd himſelf of the Hills, had ſurrounded the Roman Army that were heedleſly got into a narrow Valley. And now when they expected nought but death, and ſuch a ſlaughter as that of Caudium, Calpurnius Flamma a Colonel in the ſame Army, by his Valour, and good conduct ſaved the Army in this extremity of danger. He following the Example of P. Decius, who himſelf had been Colonel in Samnium, went with three hundred men to poſſeſs himſelf of a certain eminence: having no proſpect of eſcaping, but onely inflam'd both he and his men with a noble thirſt after Honour, and a deſire to ſave the Army. 'Tis reported, that when he had his men thither he ſhould thus beſpeak them: Fellow-Soldiers, Let us die, and by our death reſcue from danger, the Legions which are ſurrounded by the Enemy.

And ſo it happen'd; the Enemy charg'd them, and they receiv'd their Cannon bravely, and kept them in play till the Conſul got out of theſe Streights. The Carthaginians having ſlain thoſe, who had oppos'd themſelves againſt their Arms, departed, no longer placing any hopes in their Stratagem, which was now diſcover'd.

And here the good fortune of Calpurnius was almoſt a Miracle, who being found with breath yet in his body among great heaps of the Enemies Carcaſſes, and thoſe of his own men, was taken up, and by good tendance recover'd again, having receiv'd among his numerous Wounds none that was mortal; ſo that he afterwards liv'd to do conſiderable ſervice to the Commonwealth: and was a great terrour to the Enemies. This man, if he had ſhewn ſuch a proof of his Valour among Grecians, no Monuments or Rewards could have been thought ſufficient for him. But, being a Roman, for ſo great an Act had onely a Chaplet of Graſs: and the memory of the fact is ſo negligently deliver'd, that there is ſcarce any certainty what the Hero's name was. Moſt call him Calpurnius Flamina, but Cato ſays his name was Ceditius, and Quadrigarius calls him Laberius. However, the Conſul having eſcap'd out of theſe Streights, whilſt his Errour raiſed ſhame in him, and his danger procur'd watchfulneſs, attempting again with more Forces, and greater care to beſiege the Town, but finding he could not ſucceed without Engines, he borrow'd ſome of Hiero, with which he batter'd the Wall: and the Camarinians being thus reduc'd were moſt of them ſold to ſlavery by the Conſul. Then they went to Enna: which place they alſo took by treachery, and the Gariſon Soldiers were partly ſlain by the Romans who were receiv'd into the Town, whilſt others of them eſcaping by flight betook themſelves to ſuch places as belong'd to their own Party. Sittana was poſſeſs'd not by fraud, but Valour: for the Defendants were beaten by main might and ſtrength, and the Town taken by Storm.

And now the leſſer Towns of Sicily without any more ado ſent Ambaſſadours to the Conſul to ſurrender themſelves to him: Who after he had put Gariſons in convenient places marched into the Country of Agrigentum, where he took the Caſtle of Camicum by treachery, which ſo amaz'd them at Erleſſus, that they fled away abandoning the Town. Thus alſo was Erleſſus recover'd by the Romans. The Conſul elevated with his good fortune, and alſo becauſe he thought ſeveral of the Lipareans to be well affected towards him, march'd towards their City. But there his affairs did not ſucceed ſo well as before; for Hamilcar having cunningly found out the Roman Generals deſign entred privately into Lipara, and diligently waited his time to fight; which the Romans were ignorant of, and therefore whilſt they approached the Walls too boldly and raſhly, the Carthaginians ſuddenly ſallied out and routed them. There were many killed in that encounter, and ſeveral wounded.

In the mean while Sulpitius the Conſul fought proſperouſly ſeveral Battels againſt the Carthaginians: and he became ſo encourag'd hereby, that he ventur'd to ſail towards Affrica. The Carthaginians reſolving not to endure that, made Hannibal again Chief Commander at Sea, who lived all along at Carthage ever ſince his defeat in Sicily. And having joyn'd ſeveral eminent Sea Commanders with him, ordered him to keep off the Enemies Fleet from the Affrican ſhores. Accordingly he put out to Sea well equipp'd for a fight: but a ſtorm hindred them from engaging: which lying very ſore on both parties forced them againſt their wills to take ſhelter in places more calm; but yet both the Generals recover'd the Ports of Sardinia. There whilſt their Fleet lay at Anchor, Sulpitius, to draw the Carthaginians out into the open Sea, ſubo • ns ſome people to go as deſertors, and perſuade Hannibal that the Romans were about to ſail again for Affrica. He being deceiv'd with this trick, came out in all haſt with the Fleet, and fell in with the Conſul, who waited for him in a convenient place unawares: where many of the Punic Veſſels were ſunk before they could know where they were; whilſt the favour of the Night, and a ſtorm opportunely ariſing had cover'd the Ambuſh laid by the Conſul.

At length, when they underſtood their condition, the reſt of the Galleys made back to the Haven, or elſe drove to ſhore, where moſt of them were taken empty, the Rowers flying away. Hannibal deſpairing of being able to defend the Haven, had betaken himſelf into a Town called Sulcos: where a Mutiny ariſing he was apprehended by the Carthaginians, who had fled thither from the ſame Battel, and hang'd; they alledging, that his folly and raſhneſs was the cauſe of their overthrow. But this Victory a while after cauſed ſome loſs to the Romans. For, when now without any fear of the Punic Fleet, they were waſting the Country very ſecurely and without fear; they were routed by a ſudden Incurſion of the Sardinians and Carthaginians under the Conduct of Hanno.

C. Duilius bore the Cenſorſhip this year, and built the Temple of Janus at the Herb-Market. About this time there were two Triumphs ſeen: the firſt that of C. Aquilius Florus, as Conſul over the Carthaginians the 4th of October. The ſecond Caius Sulpitius the Conſul over the Carthaginians and Sardinians the fifth of the ſame Month.

Afterwards, when C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius Blaſio were again Conſuls, the Senate order'd that ſome Ceremonies uſed for the expiating of Prodigies ſhould be perform'd, becauſe that in Monte Albano, A. U. 496 and many other places, and even in the City it ſelf, it had rain'd Stones as thick as Hail. It was order'd that the Latine Holy-days ſhould be renew'd, and a Dictator choſen for that end. Q. Ogulneius Gallus was the Dictator, and M. Letorius Plancianus his Deputy. C. Atilius, who commanded the Fleet, arriving at Tyndaris in Sicily, deſtroy'd the Punic Navy ſailing by in a diſorderly manner, and reſolv'd to a • tack • t; and accordingly having order'd the reſt of the Fleet to follow him, he with ten Galleys, which could be firſt fitted, advances againſt the Carthaginians who were got pretty far before by the help of their Oars and Sails which they ply'd with all their might and main.

Hamilcar was then in that Fleet, a great Commander: who ſeeing but few Ships near him, and others ſcarce yet got out of the Haven, and that the greateſt part yet lay at Anchor, tack'd about, and with his whole Fleet encompaſs'd C. Atilius, and his Ships. Nine Galleys were ſunk preſently, being over-pour'd by the numbers of the Enemy, after they had fought it ſtoutly. But the Admiral, by the help of her Oars, and the Rowers being encourag'd by the preſence of the Conſul, forc'd its way through, and ſav'd her ſelf. For now there were other Galleys of the Romans come up, which chang'd the fortune of the Battel; and then there were eight Galleys of the Carthaginians ſunk, ten with their Rowers taken: the reſt ſteer'd their courſe towards the Liparean Iſles. Theſe were their Actions at Sea. Their Land-forces acted more ſlowly, having attack'd Lipara in vain; but they wreck'd their fury upon ſuch places as were open, laying them waſt; and the ſame Calamity reach'd the Iſland of Malta not far diſtant. For theſe Atchievem • nts C. Atilius the Conſul had a Naval Triumph for his Victory over the Carthaginians. The ſame year Atilius triumph'd over the Carthaginians in Sicily the 19th of January. Thus proſperouſly did the Roman Affairs ſucceed, ſo that they now being ſuperiour at Sea as well as at Land, began to conſult not onely about Sicily and the adjacent Iſles, the Conqueſt of which they made ſure of, but alſo of invading Affrica, and carrying the terrour of the War to the very Gates of Carthage.

DECADE II. BOOK XVIII. Florus his Epitome of the Eighteenth Book of Livy.

Atilius Regulus being Conſul, overthrows the Carthaginians in a Sea-fight, invades Affrick, and there kills a Serpent of a prodigious bigneſs, not without a great ſlaughter of his Soldiers. He having fought ſeveral Battels with the Carthaginians with advantage, and the Senate by reaſon of his ſucceſs, continuing him in his Command, he himſelf by his Letters complains thereof and deſires a Succeſſ • r, aſſi • ning (am • ngſt other things) this reaſon for it, becauſe the Farm his Family liv'd upon, lay untill'd, being deſerted by his Bailiffs and Husbandmen. After this, Fortune being willing to ſhew an Eminent Example in this Gentleman of a glorious Adverſity as well as a great Proſperity, he is overthrown, and taken Priſoner by one Zantippus a Lacedaemonian, whom the Carthaginians had entertain'd for their General. The Roman Navies ſuffer'd grievous Shipwrecks which eclips'd the Glory of all their former ſucceſſes either at Sea or Land. Tib. Caruncanus Created High Prieſt, the firſt Commoner that ever enjoy'd that dignity. P. Sempronius Sophus, and Manius Valerius Maximus the Cenſors calling over the Senate turn'd out thirteen Members f • r miſdemeanours. And held a ſurvey of the whole City, and regiſtred to the number of 297797 Heads. Regulus is ſent by the Carthaginians to the Senate to treat for a Peace, or if that could not be obtain'd for excha • of Priſoners. Ʋpon his Parole to return again, if the ſame were not granted; But he himſelf perſ • aded the Senate to deny both; and to diſcharge his Promiſe, goes back, where he is put to death by the Carthaginians with moſt exquiſite Tortures.

THE Conſuls next were L. Manilius ſurnamed Longus, and Q. Ceditius, who dying in his Office was ſucceeded by M. Atilius Regulus ſecond time Conſul. Affrica having hitherto been exempt A. U. 497 from all acts of Hoſtility, firſt felt the War this year, the Romans entring the Country after a ſignal Victory gain'd by them over the Carthaginian Fleet. All which Affairs, as they happen'd, as alſo Regulus his adverſe and proſperous fortune, and undeſerv'd death, we ſhall deſcribe in this Book. The year before C. Atilius being Conſul, the Carthaginians, notwithſtanding in a Sea-fight they firſt retreated with the loſs of many of their Ships, yet look'd upon themſelves not inferiour to their Enemies becauſe they had ſunk ſome of their Galleys alſo: whilſt the Romans reckon'd themſelves to have gain'd a ſignal Victory.

Hence the two Nations with equal Courage and Emulation apply'd themſelves to Maritime Affairs. And in purſuance hereof, the Conſuls being order'd to transfer the War into Affrica arrived at Meſſina with three hundred and thirty ſail of Ships under their Command, and from thence leaving Sicily on the right hand paſs'd by Paclinyus to take in ſome Foot-Companies then quarter'd about the Hill Ecnomus; and Hamilcar the Carthaginian General, and Hanno the Admiral with three hundred and ſixty ſail put over from Carthage to Lilybeum, and from thence taking their courſe to Heraclea Minoa, poſted themſelves in that Port, watching the Enemies motions, and intending to ſtop their paſſage to Affrica. The Conſuls inform'd hereof, prepar'd themſelves diligently to encounter either danger, ſo that whether they ſhould come to a tryal of skill by Sea, or make any deſcent into the Country, they might not be at a loſs when the matter came to the puſh. Having therefore mann'd their Ships with the beſt and moſt couragious Soldiers, they divided their whole Fleet into four Squadrons: the firſt Squadron being compoſed of the firſt Legion, the ſecond and third of the two other Legions, and the fourth of the Triarii.

The Forces were ordered in this manner: Every Ship carried three hundred Seamen, and one hundred and twenty Soldiers, ſo that the whole Fleet made about one hundred and forty thouſand men; which number was ſomewhat exceeded by the Carthaginians, having aboard their Navy one hundred and fifty thouſand men: but for all that, the Conſuls looked on the Carthaginian Soldiery no ways comparable to their own: but ſeeing they were to fight upon the main Sea, where the ſwifteſt Saylors, and the moſt skilful Seamen have the advantage; their chiefeſt care was to range their Fleet in ſuch an order as might beſt incounter this danger. At laſt they rang'd their Fleet in this manner: the two Galleys wherein the Conſuls were, they placed in the front: to both which they joyn'd the firſt and ſecond Squadron in two Lines one directly oppoſite to the other; the Ships ſtanding with their Prows outward: the two Admirals rode almoſt ſide by ſide: but thoſe Ships next to them ſtood at a greater diſtance aſunder, which ſtill increaſed with the number of the Ships. Thus when the Galleys in the front ſtood neareſt one another, and thoſe behind fartheſt aſunder, the order of theſe two Squadrons reſembled the figure of a Wedg; but when the third Squadron drawn in one Line filled the interval between the two former, the figure of their Battalia was made Triangular. The Ships belonging to the third Squadron tow'd along their Boats and ſmaller Veſſels. Laſt of all, the Triarii being drawn in a Half-Moon extended out their Wings ſo as to incloſe the reſt before them. Thus the Fleet being open before, and cloſe in the Rear ſeem'd like a Ships Stem being poſted in an excellent order to defend it ſelf, and attack the Enemy.

When the Carthaginians Generals heard the Roman Fleet was coming, and conſider'd that their Town was weak and not tenable, the People cow'd, and fearful, and their Neighbours wavering, and diſpos'd to Innovations, they determined to encounter the Enemy, being reſolved to run any hazard rather than let them have a free paſſage to Affrica. And when they had in few words encouraged their men, bidding them remember they were to fight not onely for themſelves, but for their Wives and Children, and therefore ought to do it with the greateſt Valour poſſible, they went on board and launch'd from ſhore having great hopes in their Seamen, and Soldiers.

By this time the Romans came on, and not far from Heraclea they engag'd with equal Forces. The Carthaginians had agreed among themſelves, that Hanno (the ſame that had been beaten before Agrigentum) ſhould command the right Wing, and Hamilcar all the reſt of the Fleet: and having obſerved the Romans order of Battel, they alſo divided their Fleet into four parts, the left Wing being drawn in a Half-moon, was order'd to lie near the ſhore, but the reſt of the Fleet ſtood in three Lines facing the Enemy. Of theſe Hanno drew out the right Wing, which conſiſted of the ſwifteſt Galleys, as far as he could into the main Sea, that he might encompaſs the Enemy, if the fight ſhould begin any where elſe.

The Conſuls charg'd without delay, the Body of the Punic Fleet with their two Squadrons. Now Hamilcar, to diſorder the Romans Battalia, had order'd his men, when they had joyn'd Battel immediately to retreat; which they did, and the Romans eagerly purſu'd them: but they received no damage by reaſon of the ſwiftneſs of their Ships; whilſt the Roman Fleet as Hamilcar foreſaw, was put in diſarray, the Triarii and the third Squadron as yet not moving. Which he no ſooner ſaw, but he gave the ſignal for his men to tack about, and receive the Romans purſuing them: and upon this aroſe a doubtful Battel, rhe Carthaginians having the odds for ſwiftneſs of Ships and skill of Mariners, but the Romans for ſtrength of men. Therefore ſo long as the fight was between the Ships rather than the Soldiers, the Carthaginians prevailed: but when once they came to grapple Ship to Ship, then the Romans got the Victory; whilſt their Soldiers ſo good at handling their Arms, and now in the ſight of their Conſuls bravely expos'd their lives, endeavouring to ſignalize their Valour in the Action.

While things went thus on that ſide, Hanno, with the right Wing, which had not mov'd yet, bearing upon the Triarii, attacked them from the Sea, and diſtreſs'd them very ſorely. At the ſame time the Carthaginians left Wing changing their former poſture, and reducing themſelves to a ſtreight Line charged the Romans third Squadron, which tow'd their Boats, with their Beaks running full tilt upon the Enemy. The Romans then diſengaging themſelves from thoſe Boats they towed, prepar'd for fight: and here alſo aroſe a ſharp Conflict. Thus in three ſeveral places there were as many Naval fights as it were, at a pretty good diſtance one from the other. Having fought a long time upon equal terms, and with doubtful fortune, at length it happen'd, as it generally does, where men are equally engag'd at once in ſeveral places, that that ſide which firſt defeats a party of the Enemies forces overcomes all the reſt: for, Hamilcar being no longer able to withſtand the ſhock, drew off, and the reſt of the Punic Fleet was immediately routed.

Now whilſt L. Manlius the Conſul was buſie in ſecuring the Ships taken from the Enemy, and towing them along, M. Regulus ſeeing his men ingag'd in another place haſten'd to their aid with as many Ships of the ſecond Squadron, as had eſcaped without damage from the former ſervice. Soon did the Triarii apprehend their ſuccour, and taking heart again after they had deſponded upon proſpect of their danger, began valiantly to encounter with the Enemy. Hanno, finding theſe make a ſtout reſiſtance, and himſelf preſſed upon behind, hois'd ſail, and ſaved himſelf by ſlight. In the mean time, L. Manlius ſeeing the Romans third Squadron driven towards ſhore by the Carthaginians left Wing directed his courſe thither, when M. Regulus alſo came in, who had now ſecur'd the Triarii and the Long-boats. Thus was the Scene ſoon ſhefled, and they were encompaſs'd themſelves who had juſt before inviron'd the Romans: whom they had once at their mercy pent up and incloſed, and might have deſtroyed them to rights; but for fear of the grappling-hooks not venturing too near, they gave the Conſuls time enough, inſomuch that they reſcued their own men, and alſo took fifty Ships of the Enemies with all the men, incloſing them ſuddenly as in a toyl: the reſt being but few eſcap'd, ſtealing away near the ſhore.

This Battel for variety of Accidents, and the ſharpneſs of the Conflict, as alſo for the number of Ships loſt may ſcarce be parallel'd. The Carthaginians had ſixty three Ships taken, and above thirty ſunk: the Victors had twenty four ſunk, but none taken by the Enemy. After this Victory being returned to Meſſina, they ſpent ſome time there in refreſhing the Soldiers, re-fitting their Galleys, and victualling their Fleet. During which time Hamilcar, who would have hinder'd the Romans from going to Affrica, and being not able to do it by force of Arms, betook himſelf to this Intrigue; he ſends Hanno to the Conſuls to deſire a Peace, thinking to gain time, till the Forces, he expected from Carthage, were ſent him.

When Hanno was come to the Conſuls, and heard ſome people crying out, that it was fit he ſhould be treated after the ſame rate as Cornelius Aſina the Conſul had been by the Carthaginians five years before; If you do ſo, ſays Hanno, defending himſelf by a ſly Complement, then you will not be honeſter men than the Affricans. And the Conſuls preſently underſtanding what was ſaid, commanded thoſe to be ſilent, who had diſcourſed of making Hanno Priſoner: whom they accoſted in a Language ſuitable to the Roman gravity: telling him, You are ſecur'd, Hanno, of any fear of this ſort by the honour of the Roman Name. But the treaty of Peace had no effect, the Carthaginians not acting in earneſt, and the Conſuls being more deſirous of Conqueſt than Peace, therefore they reſolved no longer to put off the Affrican Expedition. Nor did the Carthaginians oppoſe them, though they had once reſolved among themſelves to ſtop them in their Voyage. But Hanno haſtening before to fortifie Carthage, Hamilcar durſt not ſtir, but kept at Heraclea: whilſt the Roman Fleet were neither incommoded by the Enemy nor the weather in their Voyage.

There were thoſe that fear'd this long Expedition, and trembled at the very name of Affrica: and Mannius a Colonel was one of thoſe who refus'd to obey the Orders of the Conſul: but Regulus being highly inrag'd againſt the man, threatned to take off his head if he would not ſubmit. Thus at length the Conſul was obey'd, a nearer and greater terrour expelling all fears of the Journey. There is a Promontory called Hermeum, which from the Bay of Carthage runs out far into the Sicilian Sea: The foremoſt of the Roman Galleys arrived upon that Coaſt, and there ſtaying a while till the whole Fleet had come up, the Conſuls paſſing by the Affrican ſhore came to the Town. Here the Legions firſt landed, and the Ships being hal'd aſhore, ſome works were made to defend them: the City was inveſted, becauſe it would not ſurrender at firſt, and being either deliver'd up or quitted by the affrighted Inhabitants (for both is reported) fell into the hands of the Romans.

And now though the Carthaginians labour'd under great diſtreſſes, yet they were very glad, that things had fallen out better to them than they expected. For they feared, hearing the ſucceſs of their men at Sea, that the Romans would have marched out-right to the Walls of Carthage: upon which taking heart again they applied themſelves to raiſe Forces, and to defend the City and the Territories belonging to it. The Conſuls in the mean while (having diſpatch'd a Meſſage to Rome, both to inform the Senate of what was already done, and alſo to conſult them upon the preſent juncture of Affairs) fortifie Clupea, intending it for their Head-quarters: and having placed a Gariſon in it for the defence of the Town and the Country, marched on with the reſt of their forces, waſting that fertile and well-cultivated Country, which had not ſeen an Enemy ſince the time of Agathocles: they deſtroyed likewiſe many ſtately Palaces, and carried away abundance of plunder, beſides above twenty thouſand men: none daring to oppoſe them. They likewiſe took ſeveral Towns by ſtorm and ſurrender: wherein they found ſome deſertors, and ſet at liberty great numbers of Roman Citizens taken in the laſt Wars: among whom I take Cn. Cornelius to have been, who was again made Conſul two years after.

In the mean while, thoſe that had been ſent by the Conſuls to Rome returned with the Senates Commands, whereby, "One of the Conſuls was order'd to ſtay in Affrica with ſuch a part of their Forces as they ſhould judg neceſſary to keep there without prejudice to the Commonwealth: and the other to bring the reſt of the Fleet and Forces to Rome. So now Winter approaching M. Regulus remained behind with near fifteen thouſand Foot, five hundred Horſe, and forty Galleys, the reſt of the Fleet under the conduct of L. Manlius who ſafely paſs'd the Coaſts of Sicily, returned to Rome laden with abundance of ſpoils and Slaves. We find there were twenty thouſand Slaves brought to Rome by Manlius: and that a A. U. 498 Naval Triumph was decreed to him. After this Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, and M. Aemilius Paulus were made Conſuls: to theſe Sicily and the Fleet were aſſign'd in charge. They were unwilling to call Regulus home in the midſt of his Victories and ſucceſſes in Affrica: and therefore he was commanded to manage the War in Affrica with the Character of Proconſul.

This Decree of the Senate none dislik'd ſo much as that very Perſon, in honour of whom it was made; who therefore complain'd in a Letter to the Senate, among others giving this reaſon for his deſiring one to be ſent in his room, that by the death of his Steward (who was intruſted with the tilling of a little Field of his of ſeven acres in Pupinia) a hir'd ſervant of his had taken this opportunity to run away, carrying with him his Houſhold-ſtuff; wherefore his preſence was requiſite, leſt his Farm being neglected his Wife and Children ſhould be ſtarv'd; upon which the Senate decreed, that M. Regulus his Land ſhould be till'd at the Public charge, the Goods he had loſt, reſtor'd him, and maintenance given to his Wife and Children. Theſe were the manners of thoſe golden days: But as oft as I read or write of ſuch things, I cannot but reflect with my ſelf, how much more laſting is the reward that accrues to men by Valour and Virtue, than by Riches; for the glory of M. Regulus ſurvives ſo many Ages after him, while the vaſteſt Wealth periſhes with, and often before its Owners.

The Carthaginians mean while having conſtituted two Generals, Aſdrubal the Son of Hanno, and Boſtar, call'd for a third (Hamilcar) out of Sicily, who came ſpeedily from Heraclea to Carthage with five thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe. Theſe having held conſultation together, determined, that their Army ſhould be kept no longer within Walls, as they had done till then, and that the Romans were not to be ſuffered to act as they did at pleaſure. Then fir'd with eager reſolutions to fight, they led out their Army: while Regulus over-running all the Country around, came at laſt to the River Bagrada: and when he was incamped there, a ſudden diſaſter befell his Army, which was attended with ſome damage, and greater terrour. For a Serpent of prodigious Size ſet upon the Soldiers going for Water: and the men being aſtoniſhed and in vain reſiſting; the Serpent ſwallowed up ſome of them in her jaws and bruiſed others, twiſting her ſelf round about and laſhing them with her Tail: ſome alſo were deſtroyed by the venomous ſcent of this Monſters breath: nay, Regulus was ſo peſter'd by it, that he was forced with all his Army to come and fight for the poſſeſſion of the River.

But ſeeing that he loſt many men, and yet could neither wound nor conquer the Serpent, being arm'd with ſuch thick ſcales as defended her from the Darts they threw at her; he order'd Engines to be planted and thus with battering Rams they were forced to ſtorm the Enemy like to ſome Caſtle. After ſome ſhot made in vain a huge ſtone broke her Chine, and ſo cool'd the impetuouſneſs and fierceneſs of this formidable Monſter; and at laſt with much ado the Serpent was kill'd; which had occaſion'd ſo great terrour to the Legions and Cohorts, that Regulus proteſted, he had rather ſtorm Carthage than have the ſame to do again with ſuch another Monſter. But the Romans could incamp no longer there for the noiſomneſs of this Serpents Carcaſs, which corrupted the water with gore, and infected the Country round with the ſcent. And here Humane pride may bluſh at its own folly whilſt it fancies nothing able to withſtand its power. This is certain, that one Serpent alive engag'd the whole Roman Army under the conduct of M. Regulus, victorious by Sea and Land, and being kill'd oblig'd them to remove their Quarters. Wherefore the Proconſul was not aſhamed to ſend the ſpoils of this Enemy to Rome, and to confeſs the greatneſs of his fear and joy for the Victory by that trophy and publick Monument. For he cauſed the Serpents skin to be carried to Rome, ſaid to be one hundred and twenty foot long; and that it was hung up in a certain Temple, where it continued till the times of the Numantine War.

The Conſul decamping from Bagrada, led his Army towards Adis, having expugned and deſtroyed all the Towns and Caſtles that lay in his way. But this Adis, the taking of which prov'd a difficult Enterprize, he formally beſieg'd, raiſing Batteries and planting his Engines againſt the place. When the Carthaginian Generals ſpeeded away to raiſe the Siege, they ſat down upon a Hill over-looking the Roman Camp, but woody and rugged. M. Regulu having conſider'd the Site of the ground, and the nature of the Enemies forces, not comparable to his own in Foot, but better appointed for Horſe and Elephants, which in an open field would prove formidable, but now were rendred unſerviceable in ſo diſadvantageous a place, he wiſely taking advantage of the Enemies overſight, reſolv'd to attack them before they could amend their Errour.

Wherefore having encouraged his men, and taking all requiſite care for his deſign, before day-break he ſets out of his Camp, and leads his Army up the Hill where the Carthaginians were lodg'd. This boldneſs of the Romans at firſt aſtoniſh'd the Carthaginians: but afterwards the confuſion wax'd greater, when the Elephants and the Horſe the main ſtrength of their Army, not onely prov'd unſerviceable, but alſo diſorder'd and hinder'd them. The time alſo encreas'd their conſternation, becauſe the Romans had aſſaulted them unawares, whilſt moſt of them lay aſleep; ſo that ſeveral were kill'd in their beds, others cut off by Ambuſhes laid for them in by-ways and Roads, whilſt they ſtragled for fear not knowing whither to go. But yet the Carthaginian Mercenaries, the Spaniards and Gauls haſtily caſting themſelves into a Battalia, and fighting deſperately without the Camp, rendred the Battel for ſome time very doubtful: the firſt Legion flying, and the whole Army would have been defeated, had not the Cohorts encompaſs'd the Enemy, as they were commanded on the other ſide, and aſſaulted them in the nick of time in the Rear, when they preſſed upon the Romans retreating: who then rallied again, and with freſh courage charg'd the Aggreſſors.

Thus the Enemy being aſſaulted on both ſides, were defeated after they had for a while made a very ſtout reſiſtance. Which the Carthaginians ſeeing, immediately pour'd out of their Camp, and fled as faſt as they could; and as for the Horſe and the Elephants when they got to plain ground, their retreat was ſafe and eaſie to them, but the Victors having purſu'd the Foot further, return'd to plunder the Camp. In this Battel there were ſeventeen thouſand of the Carthaginians ſlain, five thouſand taken, and twenty two Elephants. The ſucceſs of this Battel drew not onely the Country thereabouts, but people more remote to eſpouſe the Roman Intereſt, and within fifty days they won about eighty Towns, whereby the Carthaginians already reduc'd to great ſtraits, were in a manner dejected at the news of Tunis being taken, a place ſo ſtrong, and but twelve miles diſtant from Carthage, whereby the Enemy might ſee whatever paſs'd there, the proſpect from thence lying open to the Town and neighbouring Sea.

Nor were they onely alarm'd with fear of the Romans, but the Numidians alſo upon an old quarrel taking this opportunity roſe in Arms againſt them, and by waſting and burning the Carthaginian Territories left greater deſolation and terrour behind them than the Romans did. And now the Country people ſlocking into the Town, cauſed not onely a great conſternation but a famine too, ſuch a multitude of men neceſſarily conſuming a great deal of proviſion: whilſt ſome miſerable Caytiffs conceal'd their Stores, deſigning their own gain in theſe hard times, and hoping to raiſe the prices of their Commodities, as they grew ſcarce. Hence it was that the Ambaſſadours ſent by M. Regulus were very welcome, who deſiring to have the Honour of having ended the War, and fearing leſt another ſent in his room ſhould deprive him of it, adviſed the Carthaginians to conclude a Peace. But he, as it were ſure of Victory, offer'd it upon intolerable Conditions, ſo that this Negotiation had not its intended effect.

The Conditions he propoſed to the Carthaginians, were, That they ſhould quit all Sicily and Sardinia; that they ſhould reſtore all the Roman Priſoners gratis, and ranſom their own, paying all the charges of the War, and a yearly Tribute beſides. To which were added other things no leſs grievous: That they ſhould hold the ſame for their Enemies and Friends as the Romans did: That they ſhould have but one Ship of the long form of building; and as oft as they were requir'd they ſhould ſet out fifty Galleys compleatly equipped for the ſervice of the Romans. The Ambaſſadours being amaz'd at theſe Demands, and deſiring ſome milder terms from him; ſays he, This is your caſe, you muſt either overcome, or ſubmit to the Conquerours.

This Meſſage ſo incens'd the Carthaginians, that though they labour'd under great preſſures and neceſſities, yet they determin'd to endure the greateſt extremity, rather than admit Conditions, which had ſo direct a tendency to inſlave them and their People. In this juncture of Affairs, the Ships ſent into Greece to raiſe Soldiers, returned with conſiderable numbers of hired Soldiers: and among the reſt came Xanthippus, a Spartan born, who to his Country Diſcipline, wherein he had been excellently trained up from a Child, had join'd a ſuitable experience in Military Affairs.

He being told how things had gone till then, and informing himſelf as to the ſtrength of the Punic forces both Horſe and Foot, openly declared, that the Carthaginians had not been conquer'd by the Romans, but by themſelves, through their Leaders ill conduct, who knew not how to manage their Forces. Theſe words being ſoon nois'd about, Xanthippus was ſent for by the Magiſtrates, who gave them ſuch clear reaſons for his Opinion, that nothing could be plainer. He ſhew'd them all along what overſights they had committed in their Marches, Encampments and Fights, being us'd to ſuch places as were diſadvantageous: and promiſed them not onely ſecurity, but Victory if they ſhould hearken to his Counſel.

His Opinion was approved both by the Chief Governours of the State, and alſo by the Generals themſelves, who out of a laudable condeſcenſion preferring the Public Intereſt before their own Reputations, agreed and conſented to have the command of the Army committed to this Foreiner. Xanthippus having received this Power, led the Soldiers forth daily into the Field, and exercis'd them in their Arms, teaching them to keep their Ranks, and readily do whatever their Captains ſhould command. The Soldiers comparing this Diſcipline with the former became more confident of better ſucceſs for the future: and the whole State, which had been chill'd with fear began now to be inſpirited with f • eſh vigour and warmth.

The Officers alſo of the Army ſeeing this general briskneſs of their People, taking good heart, themſelves likewiſe reſolv'd to march againſt the Enemy; and having encouraged their men as the time requir'd, went out againſt the Romans with about twelve thouſand Foot, four thouſand Horſe, and no leſs than one hundred Elephants: but what moſt concern'd the Romans was, to ſee the Carthaginians contrary to their uſual manner, avoiding the hilly rugged Country, and keeping to the Plains. But by perpetual ſucceſs the Romans were ſo elevated, that they deſpis'd an Army ſo often beaten by them, now under a pitiful Greek Commander. Nay, Regulus himſelf was not free from the ſame vanity, being carried away with the flattering ſmiles of Fortune; and therefore reflecting, that he had defeated the Carthaginians both by Sea and Land, taken almoſt two hundred of their Towns, and two hundred thouſand men; and withal conceiting that he was able to force Carthage it ſelf labouring under ſuch diſtreſſes to ſurrender; he refus'd to grant Peace upon any tolerable Conditions, and wrote to Rome, that he had block'd up Carthage. Thus men of great Spirits oftner miſcarry for want of moderation in Proſperity, than conſtancy in Adverſity.

Whilſt the Carthaginians were incamp'd in a plain and level ground, M. Regulus, whoſe main ſtrength conſiſted in Foot, and therefore ſhould have kept the Hills, ventur'd down into the Plain, thinking every place indifferent for valiant Men to fight in; and for the greater ſhow of his confidence, paſſed a River which ran between him and the Enemy, and advanced within a mile of them. Xanthippus ſeeing Regulus his ill Conduct declar'd, that now the time was come wherein he ſhould make good his word to the Carthaginians: for having got the Romans tir'd by their journey in ſuch a place as he deſir'd, he aſſur'd himſelf of Victory. The time of the day ſeemed likewiſe moſt opportune for Battel: for now it drew towards Evening, ſo that the Carthaginians acquainted with all the Paſſes of the Country, might eaſily eſcape by Night, if they ſhould be beaten, and nothing could hinder them to proſecute their Victory, if they ſhould prevail. When the Carthaginians therefore conſulted what they ſhould do, he conjur'd them by all that was good and great not to ſlip ſo brave an opportunity: and perſuaded them to joyn Battel, which they eaſily agreed to, the Souldiers calling him by Name, and with extraordinary alacrity deſiring Battel.

The Command of all therefore being left to this Spartan General; he led out his Army, and rang'd them in this manner: The Carthaginian Phalanx conſiſting of the main ſtrength of their Foot, was placed upon the Reſerve: before which at a convenient diſtance the Elephants were rang'd in one Line equal to the breadth of the Phalanx. On both the Wings the Light-armed men and the Horſe were poſted, and behind them on the right Wing, the Mercenary Men of Arms. His Army being drawn in this order, he commanded the Light-Horſe as ſoon as they had charg'd to fall back to their own Men, who were to open their Ranks to receive them: and the Enemy being engag'd with ſtronger forces, to iſſue out again from both the Wings, and ſuddenly flank the Romans fighting with the Phalanx. Regulus on the contrary having ranged his men in order of Battel, when he ſaw the Elephants ſtanding in the Carthaginians Van, immediately took this courſe: the Light-arm'd he places in the front, the Legions in cloſe Ranks on the Reſerve, and the Wings conſiſted of the Horſe; whereby the Army was firm for depth, but took up a much narrower compaſs than before: ſo that when danger was fear'd both from the Elephants and the Horſe, this order ſerv'd well enough to hinder the Elephants from breaking in, but in an open Field ſo much room was left to the Enemies Horſe, that they might ſurround an Army, ſhrunk into ſuch a ſmall compaſs.

The Onſet was made by the Elephants, Xanthippus having cauſed them to advance upon the Romans, and immediately the Romans claſhing their Arms, and ſhouting mingled with the Enemy: The Horſe alſo of both ſides joyn'd Battel upon the Wing, and the Romans here over-power'd by greater numbers of the Enemies, when they were no longer able to ſuſtein the ſhock, fled out-right: while the Foot towards the left Wing, either to avoid the Elephants, or in hopes of an eaſier Conqueſt over the Mercenaries, charged, routed, and purſued theſe to their Camp; but the reſt had a harder task of it with the Elephants: who with an intolerable force broke the Ranks, trampled the Soldiers, and deſtroyed whole Squadrons together.

However, the depth of the Army ſuſtein'd the ſhock for a while, one Rank ſtill ſupporting another, till the Army in every part began to be diſtreſſed at once: thoſe in the Rear being encompaſs'd by the Enemies Horſe, and thoſe in the Front of the Army as many as had broke through the Elephants, were either kill'd by the Phalanx being freſh men and poſted to • eceive them, or elſe by the Light-horſe, who aſſaulted them on every ſide. Nor were there fewer kill'd in the flight; for the Elephants and Numidian Horſe being ſent after them, ſlew them here and there as they ſtragled through that open Champian Country. M. Regulus with five hundred was taken alive by the Enemy. Of all the Army not above two thouſand men, who had defeated the Mercenaries, eſaped alive making their retreat haſtily to Clupea. Of the Punic Army not many fell, beſides the eight hundred Mercenaries, that had fought with the Enemies left Wing.

After ſo great an Atchievement, when the Army return'd to Carthage carrying the ſpoils of the ſlain, and triumphing for having taken Regulus Priſoner, the Citizens in great numbers pour'd out to meet them: others ſtanding either in the Streets or Balconies, with incredible pleaſure enjoyed that ſight which they durſt not wiſh for ſome time before, their minds being ſcarce able to bear the joy and tranſports, or to believe the truth of this Victory; for thoſe who but juſt now being brought to the brink of deſpair, fear'd to loſe their Town, Temples and Country, could ſcarce believe ſo ſudden a revolution of Affairs, though they ſaw it; but the eyes and minds of all were moſt intent upon the Generals themſelves: whilſt looking upon Xanthippus one while, and Regulus another, by their eſtimate of this they valued and extolled the greatneſs of their own General. For, what a mighty Man muſt he be accounted, who has outed ſuch a great and fortunate Warriour, ſo cruel an Enemy, and the terrour of Carthage, of ſuch a flouriſhing Army, a glorious Name, and in fine of Liberty it ſelf, and that ſo eaſily and ſpeedily too.

They alſo admir'd Xanthippus the more for his ſhape and features, ſeeing ſo much Valour lay conceal'd under ſo mean a Stature, and an ordinary Aſpect. From hence however Xanthippus got great honour, and no leſs envy. In declining of which he us'd as great prudence, as in managing the War. For although Carthage owed him an eternal Reward for his ſervices done her, yet he choſe to quit all doubtful and ſlippery hopes, and return home, before the peoples minds or his fortune was alter'd. For men are generally of ſuch a temper, as openly to profeſs a love to their Country, but privately they mind their own Intereſt: Therefore as long as they can get Riches and Honours, whilſt the State flouriſhes, they pretend the higheſt affection for it: but when they are in danger, leſt others for their great ſervices and Courage ſhould ſhare in the ſame, they had rather the Commonwealth ſhould want men to promote its Intereſt, than that there ſhould be any to obſtruct their own.

While they are in hopes to equal others, they envy more ſecretly and leſs; but being far diſtanc'd, when they ſee themſelves depreſs'd, and thoſe Places and Offices, which they thirſted in the hands of the others, what they deſpair'd by Virtue to atchieve, by Calumny, and criminations they are reſolv'd to obtain. Hence it comes to paſs, that the moſt vertuous has always the moſt Enemies to lie in wait for him. Againſt theſe deſigns a man indeed in his own Country is protected by his Friends and Relations: but a Stranger deſtitute of this ſupport provokes and invites the malice of this baſe ſort of men, being more expos'd to injuries; for lying open to their wicked deſigns, he may be ruin'd with little labour, and injur'd without any danger.

And that Xanthippus foreſaw this, the ſequel manifeſtly ſhews; for when he was ſailing homeward, The Carthaginians, as 'tis ſaid, ſent men after him to drown him, whilſt after they had receiv'd a favour they diſguſted and hated the Author of it, hoping by his death to raze out the very memory of their Cities having been deliver'd by the valour of a Stranger. Different fpom theſe are the reports of others touching Xanthippus his fate: but yet theſe are ſuch as plainly ſhew the Punic treachery. For when he went away they gave him an old leaky Veſſel, which ſeemed ſtrong, being newly careen'd; but that this wary circumſpect Man diſcover'd the Trick, and privately imbarking in another Veſſel eſcap'd the danger. An Act of no leſs treachery, but much more cruel is ſaid to have been done by them about the ſame time; for the Mercenaries tumultuouſly demanding their pay for the great ſervice done by them, they put them on Shipboard, promiſing that in another place they ſhould receive what they deſir'd; but being abandon'd and expos'd in a deſert Iſland by the Maſters of the Ships commanded privately to do ſo, they di'd a miſerable death, whilſt depriv'd of all humane ſuſtenance, left without Ships and Proviſions, they could neither get away for the Sea, nor remain there for hunger.

In other Authors I find this Act referr'd to thoſe times wherein the Syracuſans had War with the Carthaginians: and that that Iſland was afterwards called Oſtodes or the place of Bones. It lies in the main Sea Weſtward from Lipara; which actions how, or whenſoever committed are no ways agreeable to the Carthaginians practice at other times. Nor is it to be admir'd, if thoſe men ſhould treat their Enemies unmercifully, who are ſo affected towards their Friends and Aſſiſtants. Though indeed it is reported, that they us'd the other Captives well enough, becauſe they knew the Romans had taken ſeveral of their men, and deſir'd to receive them upon exchange.

But they could neither moderate nor conceal their ſpite againſt M. Regulus, but tormented him as much as they could. For they gave him Diet, that neither pleas'd his Palate, nor ſtrengthned his Body, but only by a ſlender refection kept him alive to prolong his miſeries: but their daily affronts put upon him were more inſupportable: for they uſed to frighten him almoſt out of his wits with an Elephant ſuddenly brought in to ſurprize him with his horrid noiſe and unuſual ſhape; and at laſt being almoſt ſtarv'd, he was thrown into the common Jail.

When this new came to Rome, the City was affected with great ſorrow and fear too. For not it was expected that the Carthaginians irritated by the greatneſs of their Calamities, and confidence of Victory, ſhould deſire to quit ſcores with their Enemies, and make Rome feel thoſe evils Carthage had endured. Wherefore the Senate commanded the Conſuls to take all poſſible care of the defence of Italy; and that going themſelves with as great a Fleet as they could make to Sicily, and from thence if they ſaw good to Affrica, they ſhould divert the Enemy from making any attempt upon Italy. The Carthaginians were more deſirous to recover their Towns from the Romans, as alſo to puniſh the Affrican Revolters, and force by Arms thoſe to obedience who perſiſted in Rebellion; Clupea however was ſtoutly defended by the Romans; In Numidia and other places, the Wars was great, but the Victory eaſie. Mean while when they had heard of a Fleet ſetting out from Italy, raiſing the Siege of Ʋtica they began to repair their old, and to build new Galleys, and diligently prepared all things to hinder the Romans from entring upon Affrica.

But the Conſuls uſed ſuch ſtrange diligence at this time, that at the beginning of the Summer they rigged out a Fleet of three hundred Sail compleatly equipped. With which going into Sicily, they found all things ſafe there; and leaving Gariſons in the moſt neceſſary places, they made towards Affrica with the reſt of their Forces.

But driven by ſtorm to Coſſura (an Iſland ſituate between Affrica and Sicily, near the Promontory of Lilybaeum) having waſted the Country, and taken a Town of the ſame name, there they put a Gariſon therein. From thence they went on to the Hermaean Promontory ſituate in the midway between Carthage and Clupea, and making one point of the Bay of Carthage. Here the Carthaginians Fleet met them, where they both fought a very ſharp Battel, but at laſt the Romans from Clupea came to aſſiſt their own men, and turn'd the Scale, both ſides being equal before. In this Battel the Carthaginians had one hundred and four Ships ſunk, thirty taken, and about fifteen thouſand men kill'd: the Romans loſt eleven hundred men and nine Ships. The Navy from thence went to Ʋtica, and the Soldiers disbarking encamp'd before the Town: The Carthaginians came thither alſo with their Forces led by the two Hanno's: and here they fought a pitch'd Battel, in which the Carthaginians were beaten, having loſt about nine thouſand men: amongſt whom ſome noble Perſons were taken, and kept by the Conſuls, who thought by them to redeem Regulus, and thoſe who had undergone the ſame fate with him.

After this they conſulted upon the preſent ſtate of Affairs, and were in great hopes their Affrican Conqueſts might ſtill be kept; but yet the Country around being waſted, for fear of a Famine they reſolv'd to carry away the Roman Gariſon from Clupea, and return to Sicily. They brought away great ſpoils and booty, which being laid up in the Town of Clupea during Regulus his proſperous ſucceſſes, were much encreas'd by their freſh Victories.

The Fleet arrived in Sicily in very good condition, and the Conſuls had been too fortunate, if they had known to uſe their felicity moderately. But in their return for Italy, they thought to reduce ſome of the Maritime Towns of Sicily: (though the Pilots in vain diſſuaded the attempt, being between the riſing of Orion and the Dog-ſtar, when there is always ſtormy weather at Sea,) they paſſed by the Coaſt of Affrica which was dangerous and Harbourleſs, and ſuffer'd ſo great a wreck, that there is no Example in this kind of any other ſo remarkable. In ſhort, of three hundred ſixty four ſcarce eighty could be ſaved, and thoſe, all their lading being loſt. They loſt likewiſe a great number of Long-boats, and other Veſſels of ſeveral ſorts: inſomuch as that from the Coaſt of Camarina, where the ſtorm firſt fell upon them, all the ſhore as far as Pachenus was filled with Carcaſſes of Men and Beaſts, and broken planks of Ships. But King Hiero gave them conſiderable reliefs in this their diſtreſs, who receiv'd them courteouſly, ſupplying them with Cloaths, Meat, and tackling for their Ships, and convoy'd them ſafe to Meſſina.

The Carthaginians taking advantage of this Calamity, retook both the Iſle and Town of Coſſura: and immediately croſſing into Sicily deſtroyed Agrigentum, having not been reliev'd when it was beſieg'd by Carthalo. Many men were kill'd and taken here: the reſt, who made their eſcape through the middle of the Country into the Syracuſan Territories, ſeated themſelves in a Village near the Temple of Jupiter Olympius; and the Carthaginians had made themſelves maſters almoſt of the whole Iſland, had not the Romans diligence in rigging out another Fleet, kept the Confederates from falling away in this tickliſh time. For the Conſuls were ſo active in the buſineſs, that with an incredible ſpeed they had one hundred and twenty new Ships built in three months ſpace: and Cn. Cornelius Aſina, and A. Atilius Celatinus again Conſuls, having mann'd the Fleet with ſeveral ſtout men out of the new Levies, were commanded to ſail as ſoon as they could.

This Cn. Cornelius was a great Example of Fortunes inconſtancy, which may encourage men to bear Adverſity: for he who ſeven years before being taken by the treachery of the Carthaginians, had endur'd A. U. 499 ſlavery, bonds and impriſonment, now reſum'd not onely thoſe other ornaments of his Dignity, but even the Conſulſhip it ſelf, and his Faſces forc'd from him; for the gaining of which he now rejoyc'd as much as he had griev'd for their loſs. The Conſuls having paſſed over to Meſſina, and taking ſuch Ships as they found there (being the relicks of the former Wreck) arrived at the mouth of the River Himera with two hundred and fifty ſail of Ships, and took the Town of Cephalodium, ſituate upon the ſame Coaſt at twelve miles diſtance from thence, by treachery. From Drepanum, (for they had bent their courſe thither) they departed diſappointed in their deſigns, perceiving themſelves not able to take the place in a little time, and that Carthalo, whilſt they were about to beſiege it, was coming to its relief.

But not diſcourag'd with this diſappointment, they afterwards perform'd a more important Exploit with better ſucceſs. For directing their courſe to Palermo the chief Town in the Carthaginian Territory, and poſſeſſing themſelves of the Harbour they made a deſcent almoſt to the very Walls, and beſieg'd the Panormitanes who refuſed to ſurrender. The nature of the Country thereabouts, which affords plenty of Timber, further'd their Enterprize, ſo that having ſoon perfected their Works, and whilſt they vigorouſly puſh'd on the Siege, they battered down a Tower lying to the Sea with their Engines: and the Soldiers entring in at the breach ſtormed the outward Town called the New, putting many of the Enemies to the Sword: Nor did the old Town hold out long: for when the multitude running thither for ſhelter, had brought more terrour than proviſion into the place; the Inhabitants dejected with the ſight of their danger, and fearing a Famine, ſent Ambaſſadours to the Conſuls offering an abſolute ſurrender, with exception onely of liberty for their Perſons. But this the Conſuls (well knowing the extremities they were brought to) denied to accept of, unleſs they would at ſome ſtated Rate ranſom themſelves: Hereupon two Mina's were ſet upon every head, and fourteen thouſand of them were redem'd; the reſt of the multitude being almoſt thirteen thouſand were ſold with the booty.

This was a remarkable Conqueſt, and of great importance and advantage; for ſeveral Towns in that Coaſt, and ſome alſo more diſtant driving out the Carthaginian Gariſons, embraced the Roman Alliance. The Jetinians firſt led the way, and the Soluntinians, Petrinians, Tyndaritans and others preſently followed them. This done, the Conſuls having left a Gariſon at Palermo return'd to Meſſina, and from thence to Rome: but the Carthaginians having lain in wait for them took ſome Ships of burden with all the Money that they carried away. After this two Triumphs were ſeen together at Rome: the Conſuls the year before being continued in their Authority, held two Naval Triumphs over the Coſſurians and the Carthaginians. Ser. Sulpitius triumphed firſt the ſixteenth of February, and M. Aemilius the next day.

This year (being computed the five hundredth ſince the building of Rome) the Affrican Expedition happen'd; but it prov'd of no effect, Cn. Servilius Caepio, and M. Sempronius Blaeſus being Conſuls put over into Sicily, and failing in their attempt upon Lilybaeum directed their courſe towards Affrica, being furniſhed with two hundred and ſixty ſail of Ships; and whilſt they cruis'd upon the Affrican Coaſts, and made deſcents into ſeveral places of the Country, they took many Towns, and abundance of prey and booty, but nought of greater moment could be performed, the Carthaginians meeting them everywhere being now more encourag'd, becauſe they had recover'd all that Regulus had taken from them: and no other buſineſs hinder'd them, the Revolters being ſuppreſs'd and puniſhed.

For Hamilcar having over-run all Numidia and Mauritania, reduc'd thoſe Countries, and impoſing a Fine of one thouſand Talents, and twenty thouſand heads of Oxen upon the People, puniſhed the Ring-leaders, ſuppos'd to have kept correſpondence with the Romans: whereof three thouſand were hung on Gibbets. But in the mean while the Romans were not ſo much incommoded by their Enemies, as by ſtorms and misfortunes at Sea; for the Fleet being driven to Meninx, an Iſland of the Loſophagi, bordering upon the leſſer Syrtis, all the Ships being dry ſtruck upon the Sand, at an ebb, till the Tide returning brought them off, after they had unladed and were reduc'd to extream danger: and when they had eſcaped this diſaſter with ſome loſs, fearing ſuch unfortunate places, they preſently ſet ſail like men flying before their Enemies: but did not foreſee that they were running themſelves into as great hazard as that which they avoided: however they had a proſperous Voyage of it as far as Panormus; but when they were making towards Italy, and doubling the Cape Palinarus, that runs from the Lucanian Mountains out into the Main; a violent ſtorm overtook them, wherein one hundred and ſixty men of War with ſeveral Ships of burden ſunk. Theſe continual diſaſters happening to their Fleet put the City in great fear and conſternation; and whilſt the Waves and Winds ſeem'd to deny them the Sovereignty of the Sea, the Senate decreed, that for the future there ſhould not be kept on foot above ſixty ſail of Ships to be employ'd for the defence of Italy, and tranſporting Ammunition and Proviſion to the Armies in Sicily. But C. Sempronius the other Conſul, (notwithſtanding this fatal Wreck) bore a Triumph over the Carthaginians the firſt of April; and Cn. Cornelius the Proconſul ten days after did the ſame. This year there were Cenſors at Rome; but L. Poſthumius (who was alſo Praetor at the ſame time) dying in his Office, Cn. Junius Pera his Colleague reſign'd the Cenſorſhip.

The Summer following C. Servilius Cotta, and P. Servilius Gencinus put over into Sicily, where among other places they took Himera (ſo called from the River on which it lies) deſerted by the Inhabitants, whom the Carthaginians had carried off by Night; but yet they were well enough ſatisfied with the taking of ſo important a place, becauſe hereby the diſgrace had been repair'd which the Romans had ſuſtain'd before that Town a little before, whilſt through the greedineſs of ſome few of the Soldiers, to ingroſs all the ſpoils to themſelves, Himera was loſt, juſt as it was ready to fall into their hands; for a certain Priſoner taken by the Romans, (who had been an Officer in the Town) undertook to betray the Town for his liberty; and being diſmiſs'd at the time appointed, opened one of the Gates to the detachment, ſent to ſeize the place. The chief of theſe being got in, and deſiring to ingroſs all the booty to themſelves, commanded the Gates to be ſhut after them, and none elſe to be admitted to come in beſides. When this was done, the Thermitanes hearing the ſtir and noiſe, took the alarm thereupon: and whilſt the Soldiers were over-powr'd by their Enemies, and incapable to receive any relief from their own men without, they raſhly ſquander'd away their lives, and died like fools, being every man of them put to the Sword. Thermae of the Himerians being thus reduc'd, C. Aurelius the Conſul determining to beſiege Lipara, (which had been ſeveral times in vain attempted by the other Generals) detach'd a party of the ſtouteſt Soldiers that were in the Roman Army in Sicily, and carried them over into Lipara in Veſſels borrowed from Hiero. But being to return to Meſſina, that he might adviſe with the Diviners and Augures touching the event of the Siege, he left the chief Command of the Leaguer to P. Aurelius Pecuniola his Kinſman (or as others ſay to Q. Caſſius a Tribune) charging him carefully to defend the Works, but not to ingage in Battel. But this Man thinking it might make for his honour, if Lipara ſhould be taken in the Conſuls abſence, contrary to the Orders given him, went and attacked the Town, but miſcarried in his raſh attempt; for he could not carry the place. And beſides, he had much ado to defend the Camp; for the Enemies ſallying out upon him in his retreat, cut off abundance of his men, and withal burnt down the Rampier. But at C. Aurelius his return the caſe was alter'd, for he took the Town, and put great numbers of the Inhabitants to the Sword. Afterwards he proceeded to puniſh the Tribune, who for his diſobedience was turned out of his place, and by the Conſuls commands having run the Gantlope was degraded to a private Foot-Soldier. This is a very remarkable ſeverity of Diſcipline, whereof C. Aurelius ſhewed ſome other Examples in that ſame Conſulſhip. Lipara being taken, the poſterity of Timaſitheus (once Governour of that Iſle) were exempted from all Taxes and Impoſitions, which this moſt grateful People did, to perpetuate the memory of an ancient kindneſs ſhew'd them by him. For when they had preſented a golden Bowl to Apollo of Delphos, and the Liparean Pirats had taken it away, Timaſitheus caus'd both the Preſent, and the Ambaſſadours that carried it, to be ſafely convoy'd in their journey to Greece, and back again to Rome.

In the next place the Romans attempted to beſiege Ercta a ſtrong Caſtle, with forty thouſand Foot, and one thouſand Horſe, but could neither take it, nor durſt they fight a pitch'd Battel with the Carthaginians. For after M. Regulus's defeat, the Roman Legions were ſo affraid of the Elephants, that ever after they declined the hazard of a Battel: and though both in the Country of Lilybeum and Selinus too they often advanc'd within ſixty paces of the Enemy, and fac'd them in order of Battel: yet they did not come on with that briskneſs they us'd to do; but fearing to come down into the Plains, kept the high grounds, which were hard of acceſs. From whence the Carthaginians were more and more encourag'd, whilſt they now began to put ſome confidence in their Land-forces, and reckon'd their Enemies had loſt more by Ship-wrecks than themſelves had by Battels: And underſtanding withal t •• •• nates Decree for laying aſide their Fleet, they hop'd to recover Sicily again, if freſh recruits 〈◊〉 Soldiers were ſent them. But they wanted Money: for this long expenſive War had drain'd all their Treaſuries, and conſum'd all they could raiſe by Taxes. Therefore they ſent Ambaſſadours to King Ptolomy, then their Confederate, to borrow two thouſand Talents of him: but the King being unwilling to diſguſt the Romans (that were his Allies alſo) proffer'd to mediate a Peace, and accommodate the differences between both: but deny'd the Mony, telling them, That he would aſſiſt his Friends againſt a common Enemy, but not againſt other Friends.

About the ſame time Tib. Corucanus was firſt made Chief Pontif out of the Commons. There were Cenſors alſo this year: becauſe that Office could not be executed the former year; one of the Cenſors dying, and the other reſigning. M. Valerius Maximus Meſſalla, and P. Sempronius Sophus performd the thirty ſeventh Luſtration, wherein 297797 men were polled. The Cenſors were ve • y • ecure in their Office: for they depoſed thirteen Senators, and four hundred young Gentlemen were degraded, their Horſes being taken away from them. This happen'd through C. Aurelius the Conſul his command; who alledg'd before the Cenſors, that in Sicily being order'd to diſmount and work in the Trenches, they had refus'd to comply: when neceſſity requir'd them to do ſo. The Conſul not thinking this a plenary revenge for their contempt of Diſcipline, obtain'd alſo of the Senate that their Arrears ſhould not be paid them. And (I ſuppoſe) as times went then: he bore a Triumph as well for the ſtrictneſs of Diſcipline maintain'd by him, as for his Atchievements in the Wars. This Triumph over the Carthaginians and Sicilians, hapned on the 7th of April. But after all theſe mighty preparations of both ſides (whilſt the Romans and Carthaginians were afraid of one another) the Summer of the next year paſſed without any action that is memorable.

L. Caecilius Metellus, and C. Furius Pacilus the Conſuls, having tranſported the Legions into Sicily, did neither moleſt the Enemy, nor were moleſted by them; though Aſdrubal the new Carthaginian General was arriv'd thither from Carthage with two hundred Galleys, one hundred and forty Elephants, and twenty A. U. 502 thouſand Foot and Horſe. In this juncture the Senate held ſeveral Conſults together, and reſolv'd to ſet out a new Fleet: for by drawing out the War at length they ſaw they ſhould exhauſt their Treaſury; and beſides, their Legions were mightily diſpirited after the defeat of Regulus; and though the buſineſs ſhould ſucceed proſperouſly by Land, yet they plainly diſcern'd, that as long as the Carthaginians were Maſters of the Sea, they could not be kept out of Sicily; therefore they came again to their former reſolutions, and placing A. U. 503 their hopes in Shipping repair'd their old Galleys, and built new ones. Mean while Metellus being left at Palermo, when C. Furius being return'd from Sicily had call'd the Aſſembly for Election of Conſuls, C. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius Vulſo were both of them made Conſuls a ſecond time: and the Senate charg'd and commanded them to rig out a Fleet, and to raiſe men for the ſervice of it. L. Metellus his Commiſſion was prorogu'd to him, and he was order'd in the quality of Proconſul to command in chief the Forces in Sicily. Now when Aſdrubal ſaw that one of the Conſuls was abſent with half the Army, and bethought himſelf that the Romans had declin'd Battel, though the Armies had fac'd one another in the Field; whilſt he could no longer endure to be reproached as a Coward by his own men, he ſets out from Lilybaeum with all his Forces, and having had a hard Journey of it through the borders of the Selinuntians, arriv'd to the Country of Palermo, and there encamp'd. The Proconſul was by chance then at Palermo, to cover the Allies, and Confederates in Harveſt-time, that they might reap and lay in their Corn. He being inform'd that there were ſome of the Enemies Spies lurking at Palermo, commanded all the people of the Town to go out into the Field: and there bad them take hold of one another by the hands; and by asking ſuch (as he ſuſpected for Strangers) what they were, and what buſineſs they had there? he diſcovered the Spies: And when he underſtood by them what the Enemy deſign'd, perceiving the Carthaginians proceeded very raſhly in this Enterprize, he pretended fear, and kept himſelf within the Walls of the Town, the more to tempt the Enemies to a vain confidence. Aſdrubal being therefore more elevated, marched forwards, and as he went ravag'd and burnt the Country of Panormus, deſtroying the fruits and products of the Earth, and laying all waſte to the very Walls of the Town. But the Proconſul was not mov'd either with the loſs or the diſgrace: who made account, that if he ſhould forbear but a little while, he might quit ſcores with the Enemies: but he chiefly expected that they ſhould paſs the River Orethus, which runs upon the South-ſide of the Town; for if this were done, he promis'd himſelf an eaſie Victory over them. Now to compaſs this, he deſir'd to have both the courage, and number of his men deſpis'd by the Enemy, and proceeded very timorouſly in all things, placing but few men to guard the Walls: This deſign ſucceeded as the Proconſul would have it; whilſt the Carthaginian General by his raſhneſs, and fortune too by a ſudden accident further'd it. For Aſdrubal paſſed the River Orethus with all his Foot, Horſe and Elephants, and his Army encamp'd by the Walls of the Town, with that contempt of the Enemy (whom they look'd upon as already beaten) that they pitch'd their Tents without any Intrenchments about them, thinking Paliſadoes and Breaſt-works unneceſſary things. When the Sutlers and Merchants brought thither a great quantity of Proviſions, and much Wine, the Carthaginian Mercenaries drinking immoderately, fill'd all places with loud noiſe ſuch as follows Drunkenneſs. Then the Conſul thought it ſeaſonable to draw the Enemy to fight, by ſending out ſome parties of Light-Horſe; and the buſineſs ſucceeded ſo luckily, that whilſt one party following another iſſued forth: at laſt Aſdrubal's whole Army came out of the Camp. Then L. Caecilius the Proconſul, places part of the Light-arm'd men before the Town-Ditch; commanding them to throw their Darts very thick among the Elephants, if they ſhould come nearer to them: and if they were preſſed themſelves, that they ſhould retreat into the Ditch, and again ſally out from thence. He commanded likewiſe the Tradeſmen and Rabble of the Town to fetch abundance of all ſorts of Miſſiles, and to throw them over the Walls, leſt the Light-arm'd ſhould want any: He placed the Archers upon the Walls whilſt he himſelf, with the Men of Arms of the Cohorts ſtood in Battalia within the Gate, which look'd to the Enemies Right-wing. Mean time, thoſe that were engag'd, one while being preſſed by the great numbers of the Enemies retreated in good order, and anon ſupported with freſh ſuccours of their own men detach'd by the Conſul to their relief ſtood the ſhock: whilſt the Maſters of the Elephants enflam'd with emulation, and willing to gain the glory of the day entirely to themſelves (without Aſdrubals ſharing in it) charg'd the Enemies briskly, overthrowing all that ſtood in their way: and when the Romans retreated to the Town, following the purſuit raſhly, they went on to the very Town-Ditch: But here whilſt Arrows were ſhowr'd as thick as Hail from the Walls; and the freſh men poſted before the Ditch ply'd them continually with their Launces: the Elephants enrag'd with the Wounds they receiv'd, fell back upon their own men, breaking the Ranks, and diſordering the whole Army. The Conſul, when he ſaw what was done (crying out that the time of his Victory long look'd for was come at laſt) ſallied at the Gate: and here an Army of men drawn up in good order, eaſily routed thoſe, who were cow'd and out of order. A great number of men fell both in the Battel, and in the flight too. A certain accident belike (which ſhould have reliev'd the diſtreſſed) contributing to their ruin: for at the ſame time the Punic Fleet appeared, to which as their onely Sanctuary, when the multitude confuſedly ran for fear, many of them were trodden down by the Elephants: others killed by the Purſuers; and a great number as they ſwam, or elſe tumbling down as they went a Ship-board in a hurry, periſhed in the Sea. And the Romans among their many great ſucceſſes, never gain'd either before or ſince ſo ſignal a Victory: which inſpir'd them with freſh Courage, and ſtruck ſuch a terrour in the Enemy that made them quit not onely all hopes, but even the thoughts of Land-fighting during that War. Twenty thouſand Carthaginians are ſaid to have been ſlain in that action; twenty ſix Elephants were taken there, and all the reſt afterwards. For the Proconſul conſidering that the Elephants being fierce and untractable could not eaſily be brought to hand, unleſs it were by men acquainted with their nature, promis'd by Proclamation to ſet ſuch Priſoners at liberty, as would help to catch them. And theſe having firſt caught the tameſt and gentleſt of them, by their means eaſily brought the reſt to hand: L. Metellus ſent them all to Rome, having uſed a new Invention in tranſporting them by Sea. For having no Ships fit for that uſe, of ſeveral Hogſheads joyn'd together (a piece of Timber being laid betwixt every two Hogſheads to keep them tight) he made a float, which after it was boarded and cover'd with Earth, and the ſides made up look'd like a Stable, ſo that the Elephants miſtruſting nothing entred into it, and not being ſenſible they went by Water (a thing they cannot endure) were landed at Rhegium.

Aſdrubal after this defeat eſcap'd to Lilybeum, but being condemn'd at Carthage, he was taken and put to death as ſoon as he return'd. The Carthaginians mean while ſeeing their Forces routed, their Elephants taken, all Sicily except Lilybeum and Drepanum loſt, and the Romans again puiſſant both by Sea and Land being provided with a new Fleet, reſolv'd to make Peace; which now they would be glad with all their hearts to have concluded upon any reaſonable terms. And bethinking themſelves of M. Regulus, and the Conditions of Peace propos'd by him, they looked upon him as the fitteſt Inſtrument to obtain a Peace for them, or what next to that would prove their greateſt comfort, an exchange of Priſoners; and they doubted not but that he would uſe his utmoſt endeavour and application in the buſineſs, if it were onely to ſerve his own turn. For what Man could be thought ſo hard-hearted, as not to deſire a releaſe from the miſeries of a Priſon, to ſee his Children, and enjoy his Country, liberty and honour.

M. Regulus had a Wife and Children at Rome: his Kinſmen and Relations were either Senators or elſe in Offices, and his Brother a Conſul. He himſelf was belov'd by the Senate and people of Rome for his proſperous Exploits, and pitied for his Calamity. For which reaſons therefore they could pitch upon no man, that would be more diligent in managing the buſineſs for them, or more likely to prevail in it. Regulus undertook the thing, not out of any hopes or deſign of advantage to himſelf (as it afterwards appear'd) but onely to perſuade the Senate more effectually by his preſence to maintain their own Intereſts.

And now being joyn'd with the Carthaginian Ambaſſadours: when he came to the City he would not enter into it, though he was deſir'd to do ſo, alledging, that the Senate according to Ancient Cuſtom ought to give Audience out of the Town to Ambaſſadours ſent from an Enemy. When the Senate was aſſembled, He ſaid before the Carthaginian Ambaſſadors, that being by the Law of Arms made a Captive of the Carthaginians, he came to preſent them with a memorial from his Maſters, in order to have a Peace concluded upon ſuch terms as both Nations ſhould think fit, or if that were not granted to have an Exchange of Priſoners. When the Ambaſſadours withdrew he follow'd them: and though the Senate mightily importun'd him, yet he would not be preſent at their Debates, before the Carthaginians had conſented to it; then he ſate down ſilent, till he was ask'd his Opinion, which he deliver'd in words to this effect: My Lords, I am yet a Roman, and though my body (as Fate would have it) is in the power of the Enemy: my mind being none of Fortunes Slaves remains what it was before; wherefore in compliance with this, which I properly call my own, rather than with that which is another mans, I adviſe you neither to exchange Priſoners, nor to make Peace. Whilſt the War is afoot, 'tis wholly againſt your Intereſt to reſtore the Priſoners: for they require ſeveral Captains for me and many young men for an old one: among whom there are ſome (I know) that you do not deſpiſe. But to end the War unleſs upon very good Conditions, is both unbecoming men of your Wiſdom, and alſo prejudicial to the Public. I am very ſenſible of the many difficulties you meet with in waging this War; for great Enterpriſes cannot be atchieved without much labour, and expences. But if you compare the Carthaginians condition, and your own together, you will find all the advantage on your ſide; we loſt once ('tis true) a great Battel; but we have often routed them ſince, and our Victory at Palermo has dejected their Spirits more than their ſucceſs againſt me had elated them. They have loſt all Sicily except one or two places, and in the other Iſlands they have had but ill ſucceſs. You have a Fleet now which the Carthaginians dare not encounter though they were always ſuperiour by Sea: Nor have the loſſes ſuſtain'd by ſtorms ſo much impair'd your ſtrength, as encreas'd your caution. As for Money perhaps both ſides want it equally: but your Italians will be more obedient to you, than the Affricans to the Carthaginians, whom they never lov'd, and of late have hated mortally. For thoſe who without any injury or provocation revolted to me; after their Country is waſted by their former Maſters, their Cattel driven away, Money exhorted from them, and their Princes ſlain; what do you think do they expect, but that a new Army come into Affrica from hence? Beſide that 'tis eaſie for you to levy Soldiers, having ſuch plenty of men fit for War of the ſame Language, Manners, Religion, Kindred, and Country to one another. I look on this to be a matter of that grand importance, that for this reaſon you are able to diſpute the Victory with the Carthaginians, though you come ſhort of them in all other reſpects. For what will a mercenary Army ſignifie againſt ſuch Forces as theſe? and though they ſhould he of any uſe, yet the Carthaginians by their cruelty have render'd it as hard a task for themſelves to raiſe forein Soldiers, as to maintain thoſe they raiſe. Xanthippus, to whom Carthage perhaps owes all, ſhe had to loſe ſince, being ingratefully and perfidiouſly treated ſtands for an Example to others to deter them from raſhly entring into the Service of a People, that requites the greateſt kindneſſes with the greateſt injuries. Beſides the common rout of Barbarians, that ſtupid and mercenary Race will be affraid to ſerve a People eminent and notorious for their cruelty to their own Countrymen: of whom ſo many have died either by the Hangman or their Fellow-Soldiers hands. Others being expos'd in deſert Iſlands, inſtead of having their Arrears paid them, met with ſtrange and diſmal deaths and puniſhments, ſuch as not to be us'd by men. My Lords, You ſee here the reaſons by which I am induc'd to perſuade you neither to grant the Carthaginians Peace, nor an exchange of Priſoners.

The Senate liked the advice well enough, if they could but have follow'd it, without prejudice to the Adviſer; but the more he neglected his own Intereſt to promote the Public, the more they pitied him: and it was manifeſt that the Senate was reſolved, by any means to have a Perſon of ſo generous a Soul reſtor'd to his Country. And now 'twas the talk of the Town, that ſince Regulus was come to his own again, he might rightfully remain, or be forced to abide there, and the chief Pontif affirm'd, That if he would ſtay at Rome, he might do ſo, and not be foreſworn. To which he with ſuch a Spirit and Aſpect, as the Senate were amazed at, ſpoke to this effect.

How long, O Romans, do you demur upon the point? follow my Advice and forego your care of my ſafety. 'Tis vain for you to endeavour after that which will prove neither pleaſant to you, nor profitable to the State, nor honourable to my ſelf. Perhaps whilſt the thing is new, you would be well pleaſed to converſe with me: but as ſoon as the impetus of that ſhort-liv'd pleaſure had ſpent it ſelf, you would more abhor me for returning upon ſuch diſhoneſt terms, than you long'd for me in my abſence. I am reſolv'd not to ſtay in a place, where after my Affrican ſlavery, I am not capable to live ſuitable to the port of a Citizen of Rome: and if I was ever ſo deſirous to remain here, yet the Oath (I took) and reverence of the Gods prohibits me: For the Deity, by whom I ſwore to return to Carthage, if I am foreſworn, will puniſh not onely my ſelf, but the Senate, and people of Rome for the perjury. For certainly, if there be a God, he muſt needs be affronted by perjuries and profaneneſs. But if any one imagines that I may be abſolv'd from the Oath: that ſuch abſolutions are recorded in our Augural Books and Rituals: That Ceremonies and Sacrifices may attone for falſe-ſwearing and perjury; I would have him remember that the Majeſty of the Deity is not to be appeaſed with any inventions of men, when affronted by perjury: nor is it rational to conceive, that Spots contracted by ſins may be waſhed away by the blood of Sheep and Oxen.

As for me, I know the Carthaginians are preparing exquiſite tortures for me, but I think perjury a more terrible thing than all that. For this would really hurt me, whereas their tortures and cruelties can only reach the body of M. Regulus, not his mind. Never think him calamitous, who has learn'd to bear his Calamity. As for bondage, diſgrace, pain, poverty and want, I (who never thought them evils) have ceas'd to think them troubleſom, after ſo long endurance. For by bearing them I have learn'd that they were ſupportable: but if my Calamities be encreas'd to ſuch a degree that a man cannot bear them, Death will quickly put an end to all my troubles. I ſee therefore that that man is proof againſt all terrours, who fears not death, whoſe ſtroke 'tis in every man's power to prevent; and I would have done ſo, were it not the part of a man rather to conquer, than fly ſorrow and grief; but I have ſpoken theſe few words without any order, to let you underſtand that nothing ſhall make me ſwerve from this Principle; and that ye might not pity my condition as that of an unhappy and miſerable perſon: whereas 'tis eaſie and natural for me to perſiſt in my reſolutions; for I muſt take care to return to Carthage, and the Gods will take care of what I ſhall ſuffer there.

They ſay likewiſe, that the more effectually to perſuade the Senate to let him go, he told them, "The Carthaginians had given him Poiſon, before he was diſmiſs'd from Carthage, which by degrees preying upon his Vitals, would kill him when he was reſtor'd to his Country, after the Exchange was made. Certainly this mans ſteddineſs and conſtancy in Vertue is not parallel'd: who rather than ſwerve from his honeſt Principle, courted Affronts, Tortures, Death, and whatever the World does abhor, and that more eagerly than others decline them: which may ſerve for a good Example to inſtruct us, that thoſe men can onely face Death in any ſhape, and will ſtick to their Principles to the laſt, who are ſenſible of the Souls immortality; and that they are not born merely for the preſent life. For M. Regulus would not have ſuffered ſuch hard meaſure, unleſs he had been perſuaded that vertuous Actions ſhould be rewarded after this life, and thoſe which are vitious puniſh'd. When the Senate had paſs'd a Decree acco • ding to M. Regulus his Opinion, and all might ſee plainly, that the Carthaginians would be aveng'd upon him who had perſuaded the Senate to reject their Propoſals: ſome were ſo concern'd at it, that they gave Orders for detaining M. Regulus againſt his will. Moreover, his Wife Marcia, and his Children filling all places with mourning and lamentation, the Conſuls ſaid, That they would neither deliver up Regulus if he were willing to ſtay, nor hinder him from going.

But he refuſing to ſpeak with his Wife, and ſhunning the embraces and kiſſes of his little Children, return'd to Carthage and ended his days in great torments: For, having cut off his Eye-lids they kept him for ſome time in a very dark Dungeon; and afterwards when the Sun ſhone hotteſt, he was ſuddenly brought out, and forced to look upon the light. At laſt, he was put in a Cheſt of Wood, ſtuck full of Nails with the points inward, which was turned towards the Sun; and ſo narrow, that he was always forced to ſtand upright: and thus whilſt his wearied body, where-ever he turned it, was pierced with Nails, he dy'd by the extremity of the Torture. This was the end of M. Atilius Regulus, which was more glorious than his life, though led with ſo much honour. He was a Perſon of incorrupt Integrity, an undaunted courage, and good Conduct: in whom the preſent or ſucceeding Ages could find no fault, except it were that he bore his proſperous fortune too weakly, and by refuſing the Carthaginians Overtures, entail'd that laſting War to the great prejudice of both Nations. However, M. Regulus atton'd for that fault by his other Vertues, and principally by his admirable conſtancy in death; being more happy by thus ſupporting his Calamity, than if he could have avoided this blow of Fate.

When the Senate were informed of Regulus his death and the Carthaginians barbarous uſage of him, they deliver'd up the Priſoners of the greateſt note and quality to Marcia and her Children; whom they ſhut up in an Armoury ſtuck round with Iron Spikes, deſigning to torment them in the ſame manner as they had done M. Regulus, and for five days together they gave them no Meat: in which time Boſtar the Carthaginian died with pain and hunger, but Hamilcar being a ſtronger Man was inclos'd with the body of Boſtar five days more, and liv'd, having ſo much Meat allow'd him as would ſerve to prolong his life in miſery. At laſt, the Magiſtrates being inform'd of what had paſs'd, they gave ſtrict command that they ſhould forbear to exerciſe any more cruelties towards them, and that Boſtar's aſhes being ſent home, the reſt of the Priſoners ſhould be uſed more moderately. Which ſhews the difference between theſe two Nations as to their tempers: whilſt the one being no ways injur'd, deſtroy'd that Vertue by the moſt barbarous means, which it ought to have ador'd: and the other ſet bounds even to a juſt revenge, being not ſway'd by the violence of their paſſions, but influenc'd with Principles of Humanity and Clemency that bright Ornament of all flouriſhing States and Empires.

DECADE II. BOOK XIX. Florus his Epitome of the Nineteenth Book of Livy.

Caecilius Metellus having performed excellent Service againſt the Carthaginians, had a moſt glorious Triumph, wherein he led Captive in Chains Thirteen of the Enemies Commanders in Chief, and one hundred and twenty Elephants. Claudius Pulcher the Conſul, who would needs hazard a Battel in ſpight of the ill-Auſpices: and when 'twas told him, the Sacred Pullets would not Eat, commanded them to be flung into the Sea, to ſee if they would drink, is worſted in a Sea-fight by the Carthaginians, and being call'd home by the Senate, and order'd to Create a Dictator, nominated Claudius Glicias, a fellow of no Quality or Reputation, who though he were forced to reſign the Office, would yet ever after come to the Theatre in his Mantle of State. Attilius Calatinus was the firſt Dictator that led an Army out of Italy. Priſoners are exchanged with the Carthaginians. Colonies ſent abroad to Fregena, and to Brunduſium amongſt the Sallentines. A Survey taken by the Cenſors 351222 Citizens numbered; Claudia (the Siſter of that Claudius, who fighting in contempt of the Auſpices loſt the Fleet) being crouded by a throng of people as ſhe was going ftom a Play, in her paſſion happen'd to ſay, Would God my Brother were alive again, and had the Charge of another Armado, he'd quickly make you thinner: For which ſhe was Indicted and Fin'd. Then began two Praetors to be Created at once: A. Poſthumius the Conſul, when he would have gone out to manage the Wars, is forbidden by Caecilius Metellus the Arch-Prieſt, becauſe he was at the ſame time the Flamen (or Prieſt) of Mars) and therefore ought not to be abſent from the City, leſt the Sacred Rights ſhould be neglected. After ſeveral Commanders had done brave Service againſt the Carthaginians, the Conſul C. Luctatius, Crown'd the Work with a ſignal Victory over them at Sea, near the Iſlands call'd Aegates. Whereupon the Enemy begging for Peace, the ſame was granted. The Temple of Veſta being on Fire, Caecilius the Arch-Prieſt with great hazard preſerved the Sacred Reliques out of the Flames, two new Tribes added, Velina and Quirina. The Faliſcans rebelling, were in ſix days time reduced to Obedience.

WHEN the Carthaginian Ambaſſadours were departed from the City, the Conſuls being commanded by the Senate to tranſport the Army into Sicily, willingly obey'd, being inflamed with anger againſt their Enemies for M. Regulus his buſineſs, and with emulation and confidence for the Victory of Manlius the Proconſul. Nor did they meaſure the greatneſs of this Atchievement by the damages of the Carthaginians, becauſe having loſt their Men, and ſo many Elephants, they muſt needs be weaker towards a further proſecution of the War; but they valu'd their ſucceſs no leſs for their having overcome the Elephants, whereby the Roman Soldiers recover'd themſelves from their former fear: and they were in good hopes the War might be ended, if they were not wanting to themſelves: Therefore both the Conſuls having got two hundred Sail of Ships under their Command with four Legions arrived at Palermo: and taking with them all the reſt of their Men and Ships, beſides what ſeem'd neceſſary for the defence of that place, they came to Lilybaeum with two hundred and forty men of War, and ſeveral Ships more of all ſorts: and there in a Council of War reſolv'd to beſiege the place.

This is that noble Siege of Lilybaeum, which continued for full ten years from the fourteenth year of this War, and ended not in the taking of the place, or a ſurrendry of the beſieg'd, but determin'd with the general ſucceſs and event of the War. For both the Romans and Carthaginians well knowing how advantageous that place would be to both of them, either for the defence of Affrica, or the Dominion of Sicily, it was beſieged and defended with the utmoſt ſtrength of both Nations. L. Metellus his Triumph afterwards gave the Romans ſome diverſion amidſt their trouble and concern for M. Regulus: whilſt they did not onely entertain themſelves with the ſight and thoughts of their ſucceſſes, but alſo with the ſweetneſs of revenge againſt this inhuman Nation. The Proconſul triumph'd over the Carthaginians the ſeventh of September; Thirteen Captains of the Enemies were led before his Chariot, and about one hundred and twenty Elephants: ſome ſay more. Theſe afterwards were brought to the Cirque, when they exhibited Shows to the People, and there they had employ'd men on purpoſe to drive them along the Cirque with Spears in their hands, to the end that the People might learn to contemn thoſe Beaſts, which they had ſo extremely feared. Verrius Flaccus ſays, they were killed with Darts: becauſe they thought it not convenient to make uſe of them; and to furniſh and ſupply forein Princes with ſuch an acceſſion of ſtrength, would be no ways advantageous for the Commonwealth.

The ſame year Victuals were very cheap at Rome, a Buſhel of Wheat was ſold for a farthing, and you might buy a gallon of Wine, thirty pounds of Raiſons, ten pound of Oil, and twelve pound of Fleſh at the ſame Price; becauſe there was greater plenty of theſe Commodities, than there was of Mony, which began to be ſcarce, the War having been ſo expenſive to the Public. Whilſt Affairs went thus at Rome, the Conſuls with main force puſhed on the Siege of Lilybaeum in Sicily; and the beſieged with no leſs vigour withſtood their aſſaults. Their firſt attack was made upon a Tower, which ſtands out farther than any other part of the Town towards the Lybian Sea, and this being ruin'd, they made their approaches, and carried on their Trenches to the next Tower, and battered down ſix Towers after one another. Then they began in order to ſtorm the reſt, to fill and level the Ditch for planting their Engines and raiſing of Batteries, and though the work was difficult and immenſe: for the Ditch was ſixty Cubits broad and forty in depth, yet it was undertaken and carried on with vigour.

The Carthaginians to hinder their approaches, cutting another Ditch more within removed away the Earth, which the Romans threw up: but whilſt by the multitude of theſe that carried in materials the Mount was ſtill raiſed higher, and the Ditch was levell'd, quitting that deſign, they built another Wall within. The Governour Himilco having his Eye in every place, and being indefatigable in the buſineſs, who beſides the Townſmen had ten thouſand hired Soldiers under his Command; and by his Sagacity, vigilance and conſtancy, baffled and diſappointed all the open aſſaults, and cloſer Stratagems of the Enemies. He kept his own men always in action, and ply'd the Enemies with continual Alarms: He countermin'd their Mines, made retrenchments to hinder their approaches, and placed Guards to defend every breach: In this time they often ſallied out, and ſometimes did it with ſuch vigour and fierceneſs, that in thoſe tumultuary Skirmiſhes as many men were ſlain as in a pitch'd Battel. In the mean time whilſt the Romans thought to undermine the Walls, Himilco commanded Counter-mines to be made, where he ſaw the Romans threw out the Earth, and when theſe Mines were finiſhed, preſently he ſent Soldiers armed into them, who aſſaulting the Roman Pioneers being at work and without Arms, ſlew many of them: and others, whilſt they ran to relieve their own men, were burnt with Faggots thrown into the Ditch, and afterwards ſet on fire.

Notwithſtanding all this, the beſieged began to be affected with fear and conſternation, which ſome Commanders of the hired Soldiers taking advantage of, and pretending that their ſtipend was not duly paid them, reſolved together to betray the Town to the Romans: not doubting but that every Officer might eaſily perſuade his Soldiers to approve what was done. Therefore by Night having ſtoln privately out of the Town to the Roman Camp, they diſcover'd the condition of the beſieged, and what they deſign'd to do. There was one Alexon among the Mercenaries at Lilybaeum, a Grecian born, a good Soldier and very faithful and Loyal. He having obſerved the Traitors deſigns, immediately diſcover'd the matter to Himilco. Himilco not delaying in ſuch a tickliſh time, aſſembles all the Captains of the hired Soldiers in Lilybaeum: tells them what was deſigned, and who were ingaged in it: and reviles them ſharply: beſides, he exhorts thoſe that were preſent, not to be partakers in the raſhneſs and treachery of others: he promiſes to ſuch as would continue faithful all favour with the Carthaginians, great Rewards, and ſure pay: whereas thoſe who would commit that infamous piece of Treaſon, muſt live hated by Gods and Men. Withal, he divides as much Money among them as he could get together in that hurry: and promiſes that the Common-Soldiers ſhould be paid as ſoon as could be.

A Speech made in ſeaſon is very forcible and perſuaſive, eſpecially if by the ſincerity of our performances we make our words good. For all of them agreed with him, and readily proffer'd their ſervice to keep the Soldiers in due obedience. Himilco, having encouraged and commended them, bids every one immediately to repair to his Soldiers; and to uſe his beſt endeavour that they continue them dutiful and obedient: he ſends Annibal (the Son of that Hannibal who died in Sardinia) and Alexon the Grecian: firſt to the Gauls, who knew and reſpected him: and the other to the reſt of the Mercenaries of ſeveral Countries, who univerſally lov'd and eſteem'd him. When theſe two had paſs'd their words that what Himilco had promis'd ſhould be duly perform'd, they manag'd the buſineſs ſo ſucceſsfully, that when the Traitors came back a little afterwards, they were not onely abhorr'd by all; but alſo revil'd, and driven away by force. And when theſe return'd to the Conſuls though the deſign did not hit, yet they had ſome Rewards, and Lands beſtowed on them in Sicily. Thus the Carthaginians almoſt reduced to the utmoſt danger by this ſudden miſchief and contrivance, were at that time preſerv'd by Alexon's loyalty and fidelity: who having before deliver'd the Agrigentines, (againſt whom the Syracuſan Mercenaries would have been playing the ſame Game) juſtly deſerves to have his name recorded in Story.

The beſieged afterwards were encouraged with recruits of freſh Men: for the Carthaginians though wholly ignorant of what paſs'd at Lilybaeum, judg'd rightly, that that place muſt be reliev'd ſpeedily. Therefore they commanded Adherbal their Admiral to fit out a certain number of Ships,, and to put Men, Money and Ammunition into Lilybaeum. Hannibal, Hamilcar's Son being ſent by him, ſayling with a fair Wind from the Aeguſian Iſles (as they are called) ſteered his courſe directly for the Port of Lilybaeum, having his Soldiers in a readineſs for Battel in the Ships, and intending to force his way through the Enemies if they ſhould oppoſe him.

Now the Romans at the beginning of the Siege had endeavoured to ſtop up the mouth of the Haven, by ſinking about fifteen Veſſels to the bottom of the Sea, which they had filled with ſtones for that purpoſe. Therefore partly through the ſuddenneſs and ſurprize of the thing, and partly for fear of being driven by the Winds into the Port, and dangerous places, they did not go out to meet the Enemies. But Hannibal ſafely arrived in the Port; and having landed about ten thouſand Soldiers, was received with great joy and acclamations by the Lilybaeans. When the Romans ſaw they could not hinder the Enemy from coming into the Town, they conſulted together, how they might for the future beſt defend their Works, which they knew Himilco recruited with ſuch numbers of freſh men would not fail to attack. Nor were they miſtaken in their conjecture; for the Carthaginians intending to try the mettle of theſe freſh Recruits, and the courage of his old Soldiers rais'd and elevated by the arrival of their ſuccours, aſſembles the whole Army [both the Recruits and the old Regiments] and with hopes of Victory and great Rewards perſuades them to ſally out, and having diſpoſed them in ſuch order (as ſeemed moſt convenient) by day-break attacks the Romans intrenchments and approaches in ſeveral places. But the Romans were well provided to receive them, having plac'd ſtrong Guards where they fear'd any danger: ſo that the Carthaginians were preſently encountred very briskly, and many were killed on both ſides, whilſt in the action ſuch numbers of men were engag'd, and that with ſo much vigour and reſolution; for no leſs than twenty thouſand men came out of the Town, and the beſiegers made yet a greater number: for the Conſuls having raiſed ſome Auxiliary Troops among their Confederates in Sicily, had got an Army of one hundred thouſand men compleat: of whom there remained at the Siege ſixty thouſand, the reſt being ſent away to bring in Proviſions, and upon other neceſſary occaſions. But though the Battel was very fierce in every quarter, yet the brunt of it fell, where the Engines ſtood, whilſt the one to defend, and the others to deſtroy them freely expos'd their lives; being as prodigal of their own blood as they were of their Enemies. There you might ſee the Bodies of the ſlain pil'd on heaps in that Quarter, and Poſt, which they had undertaken to defend from the firſt: the noiſe of the Battel, and the terrible ruſtling of Arms was encreaſed by another tumult, whilſt a great company of men arm'd with fire-brands and Torches in their hands ruſh'd on (maugre all dangers and oppoſition) through the thickeſt of the Enemies to burn their Works: and the Romans were well-nigh forc'd to retreat, and to leave the Engines to the Enemies, who preſſed ſo rudely upon them. But Himilco ſeeing ſeveral of his men fall, whilſt the Romans maintain'd their ground ſtill without ſhrinking, ſounded a Retreat, and firſt quitted the Battel. Neither did the Romans purſue them, being contented to have ſaved their Engines, which once they had given for loſt.

The next Night Hannibal unknown to the Enemies, who after the toyls and fatigues of the Battel could not watch him, going away, went to Drepanum to Adherbal, having carried away with him the Cavalry, which in ſuch a place could not be ſerviceable to the beſieged, but elſewhere might do good ſervice; and ſo they did. For, making excurſions out of Drepanum, they render'd it very dangerous to travel the Country, and there was no fetching any proviſion to ſerve the Camp for them: for they ſnapp'd ſeveral of the Foragers, who ſtragled far into the Country, and diſtreſſed the Roman Allies all manner of ways, inſomuch that the Conſuls were at a loſs what to do. Adherbal alſo gave them continual alarms by Sea, for all of a ſudden he us'd to ravage ſometimes the Coaſts of Sicily, and ſometimes thoſe of Italy, doing all the miſchief he could poſſibly, to the Romans. Hence it came to paſs, that a great ſcarcity of Proviſion ariſing in the Camp (for they had no Victuals left but fleſh) a great many dy'd with Famine, and ſeveral of the ſickneſs then reigning in the Camp.

Some thouſands having been loſt after this manner, it was reſolv'd that one of the Conſuls ſhould depart to Rome to the Comitia, and carry away all his Legions with him: whereby thoſe remaining behind at the Siege might be more eaſily furniſhed with proviſions. And now the Romans again attempted to block up the Port, having with greater induſtry made a Mole of Earth, and Stones, and ſtrengthening this Mole with beams laid acroſs one another, which were join'd with Cramping-Irons to keep the whole more firm together: but the work was very difficult and unſucceſsful, becauſe of the great depth of the Sea in that place, whereby it came to paſs, that whatever was thrown into it, was daſhed in pieces in the deſcent: and by the firſt violent Guſt of Wind and raging billows that happned, the Mole was quite ruined. Nevertheleſs, the very noiſe of the deſign for ſome time ſhut up the Port, which vexed the Carthaginians mightily: for now they had no way left them, whereby they might come to underſtand the ſtate of the beſieged, and there was none that durſt undertake to go into the Town.

At laſt, one Hannibal (ſurnamed Rhodius) a Gentleman of conſiderable Quality undertook to go and view the ſtate of the Town, and to bring a faithful account of all particulars concerning it: at firſt the Carthaginians look'd on the thing as a Complement, and ſo thank'd him, but did not believe him; For they knew that beſides the Mole built to ſtop the mouth of the Port, the Roman Fleet likewiſe rode there at Anchor to watch and guard it. But Hannibal having equipped a Ship of his own, touch'd at one of the Iſlands, which lie oppoſite to Lilybaeum: and afterwards from thence ſailing with a fair Wind about the fourth hour of the day enter'd the Port, whilſt the Roman Soldiers looked on, and ſtood amaz'd at the boldneſs of the Man. The Conſul however making account to intercept him in his return, order'd ten Ships choſen out of the whole Fleet to be equipped in the Night, and poſted on both ſides of the Port as near as might be to the mouth of it. Hannibal truſting to the ſwiftneſs of his Galley, ſet out in open day: and the Romans, who had watch'd narrowly for him, when they ſaw him, bore up in all haſte towards him, but his Galley was ſo good a Sailer, that he was able not onely to eſcape from them, but even to brave them, ſometimes ſailing up to their Ships, and ſometimes moving round about them: as if he defy'd an Enemy to Battel.

By often repeating this piece of bravery he did the Carthaginians great ſervice: for the beſieged having an opportunity hereby to hear from their Friends the Carthaginians, and to communicate their neceſſities to them, were conſiderably encourag'd, whilſt the Romans were vexed to the heart to ſee the daring Spirit and boldneſs of the Man. Now that which helped Hannibal very much in this undertaking, was his knowledg of the place gather'd from particular obſervations he had taken of the ſafeſt way for Ships to ſteer their courſe through thoſe Waſhes of Lilybeum: For as ſoon as he could deſcry the Town from the Channel, he turned his Ship ſo that the Stern looked towards Italy, and from the Prow the Tower of Lilybaeum, which ſtands over the Sea might be ſeen, whilſt thoſe other Towers lying towards Affrica were hid from view, and this they look upon as the ſecureſt Road for ſuch as enter that Port under full Sail. And now ſeveral others incited by the Courage and good ſucceſs of Hannibal Rhodius, went into the Town: till the Romans happen'd to take a four-Oar'd Galley of extraordinary ſwiftneſs. For though in other places the Winds and ſtorm had ruin'd the Mole, yet it ſtood, where the Water was ſhallow: and the Galley happening to ſtrike againſt that part of the Mole, ſtuck faſt there, and was taken by the Romans with all the men and rigging, being both incomparably good, which prov'd Hannibal's ruin. For having entred the Town by Night, when he looſed from Port in open Day, and ſaw this Galley meeting him at every turn and motion with a ſwiftneſs equal to his own, he thought at firſt to eſcape, but failing of that, endeavour'd to reſiſt, when being ſoon overpower'd he was taken: And the Romans having got this Ship alſo, and narrowly watching the mouth of the Haven, they eaſily hinder'd any more Ships from coming to Lilybaeum.

The Beſiegers hereupon puſh'd on the Siege more vigorouſly, and aſſaulting the fortifications next the Sea, drew all the Gariſon from other quarters of the Town to defend the Poſts attack'd: and by this means the reſt of the Army, which on the other ſide waited for this opportunity, were inabled to make themſelves Maſters of the outward Wall, which was left unguarded: though they could not hold it; for Hannibal coming thither in time with a ſtrong detachment, beat out the Romans again, killing ſeveral men upon the place. The beſieged afterwards had ſuch good fortune, that they were in hopes of an intire Victory. There hapned at that time a violent Guſt of Wind, which as if it had been on purpoſe, ſpent its fury againſt the Romans Engines, inſomuch that it ſhook their Batteries, and ruin'd the Works they had rais'd againſt the Town. The beſieged ſoon perceiv'd the matter, and now imagining with themſelves, that the Gods had put this opportunity into their hands to execute their often baffled deſign of burning the Roman Engines, they ſallied out in three Bodies, and threw Fire-balls and other combuſtible materials upon them, the Timber whereof the Engines were made being very apt to take fire, having been fell'd long before, and dry'd in the Sun. The Romans came together from all quarters to oppoſe the Enemy, but they fought upon great diſadvantage; for the Carthaginians by the light of the flames (the Engines now being ſet on fire) and the violence of the ſtorm, were inabled to caſt their Darts with greater ſtrength, and ſurer aim. Whilſt the Romans were hereby incommoded as much as by the Arms of the Enemies: For the Wind bearing violently againſt them, blew the ſmoak, aſhes and flames in their Faces, and drove the Enemies ſhot with redoubled force upon them; they in the mean while ſhooting faintly and at random, being not able to take aim in the dark; and the violence of the Wind brake the force of their Shot.

Thus it came to paſs, that all the Roman Engines uſed both for Battery, and Mines were burnt to Aſhes. And hereupon they would have riſen from before Lilybaeum (as deſpairing of ever forcing the place) had not Hiero by ſending to the Camp great Recruits of Proviſion, prevailed with them to continue the Siege. After this forbearing all atttacks upon the place, they fortified their Camp, and reſolved to leave the ſucceſs to time.

The Beſieged likewiſe having repaired the ruins and breaches of their Walls, became more reſolute to hold out for the future. But at Rome this news was very unwelcome: however, they were reſolved to be avenged on their Enemies for the damages ſuſteined at their hands: and one of the Senators, who had ſpoken ſome words concerning Peace, is ſaid to have been kill'd in the Senate-houſe: ſo ſteddily and firmly were their minds bent to the War. Great preparations were hereupon made, and ten thouſand Seamen raiſed, and ſent over into Sicily, where a great number of Saylors had been loſt.

The Conſuls this year were P. Clodius Pulcher, and L. Junius Pullus; though that this ſame Clodius was the Grand-child of Caecus is falſly reported by ſome Authors. When Clodius was arrived in Sicily and A. U. 504 took the command of the Army before Lilybaeum, he aſſembled the Soldiers, and exclaimed mightily againſt the Conſuls the year before, ſaying, That more like Beſieged than Beſiegers, they had through Cowardize and Sloth ſquander'd their time at Lilybaeum, doing nothing, to the great damage and diſhonour of the Roman Name. For he was a hot-headed Man, fierce of temper and very haughty: one that vaunted mightily for his high Birth and Parentage, and behav'd himſelf both in his words and actions like a Man that was tranſported beyond his Senſes; he never ſhewed mercy to any Offender, never forgave any fault, but puniſhed the leaſt with immoderate ſeverity, whilſt he himſelf was guilty of moſt ſhameful Overſights and Errours, and thoſe too in the management of the moſt important Affairs. For that very Method of the former Conſuls, at which he was ſo much offended juſt now, we find imitated afterwards by himſelf. For he alſo made a kind of Mole to ſtop up the Entries of the Port: nay, what was yet a more inſupportable piece of madneſs: he with a furious ſuddenneſs attack'd Drepanum, and loſt a brave Navy by his own precipitouſneſs as much as by the valour and good Conduct of Adherbal. He had perſuaded himſelf, and others, that the Enemy ignorant of the reinforcement lately ſent to the Roman Fleet might be ſurpriz'd at Drepanum. Foraſmuch as they would never believe, that the Romans would have either Courage or Power to give them Battel by Sea.

In purſuance hereof he ſelected two hundred and twenty of the beſt Ships, and manned them with the ſtouteſt he could chuſe among the Legionary Soldiers, who very ambitiouſly ſtrove to get themſelves liſted for this ſervice, thinking they went to take ſome certain booty, which was not far diſtant (Drepanum being ſituate but fifteen miles from Lilybaeum) and ſilently in the Night weighed Anchor, and had a lucky Voyage of it in the dark, being undiſcovered by the Enemy. But at the break of day, when the foremoſt Ships were deſcry'd from Drepanum: Adherbal was much ſurpriz'd at this appearance, and doubted not but the Enemy was coming on. Now he had two things propoſed to his choice, either inſtantly to fight the Enemy, or elſe to venture a Siege by permitting them to Land. The laſt of which he diſlik'd both as a kind of treachery, and alſo as a thing dangerous in its conſequence. Therefore he aſſembled all the Seamen upon the ſhore, and called all the Mercenary Soldiers together: and in few words, but thoſe pat to the buſineſs, told them, How great their advantage would be to fight it out like men of Courage, and if they refus'd to do ſo, what dangers they muſt expect from a Siege.

They entertain'd his words with great acclamations, and Adherbal order'd them immediately to imbark, and keeping the Admiral Galley (aboard of which himſelf was) in their ſight to row up after her. As ſoon as he had given theſe Orders he weighed Anchor firſt himſelf, ſayling juſt under the Rocks that hang over the Port, whilſt the Roman Galleys at the ſame time enter'd into it from the other ſide. Clodius finding he was not to deal with a cow'd Enemy (as he fancy'd) that would refuſe Battel; but one reſolv'd to defend himſelf, and ſtand the ſhock, was much ſurpriz'd at it, and haſtily countermanded all his Ships, intending to embattel them in the open Sea; but his Fleet obſerv'd no kind of order, but ſailed on very confuſedly. So that ſome of his Ships had enter'd the Haven, others were making up towards it, and ſome got into the mouth of it. Hence it was, that whilſt they all ſtrove to retire, the Ships in this hurry ran one againſt another, whereby their Oars were broken off, and great confuſion aroſe among them: till having got clear of the Haven as well as they could, they immediately drew up in Battel-array cloſe to the ſhore; for the time would not permit them to chuſe a better place.

The Conſul himſelf who at firſt had brought up the Rear, now tack'd about, and ſailing about before all the reſt ſetled himſelf upon the left Wing of his Fleet. But Adherbal in the mean while having paſs'd by the Enemies left Wing with five Men of War (for no more came up juſt with him) began to confront the Romans, having the open Sea behind him: and at the ſame time the reſt of his Fleet coming up as faſt as they could, joined theſe at a juſt diſtance according as he had commanded; then ranging all his Ships, he advanced againſt the Enemy in good order. And now the Flags being hung out from both the Admirals, they fell on very furiouſly, both ingaging upon equal hopes, but the Carthaginians having the better fortune; for tho the Romans exceeded them in number of Ships, yet in all other points they had the advantage. For they had the beſt Ships, and the skilfulleſt Seamen: and moreover, they had taken the moſt commodious place to fight in, ſo that if they happen'd to be preſs'd, they ſhould not be ſtreightned for Searoom to retreat into, whilſt by the ſwiftneſs of their Galleys they might eaſily elude the Enemy though got never ſo near them, and encompaſs him if he ſhould chaſe them further. The Romans on the contrary being coop'd together cloſe to the ſhore, had neither room to uſe their full ſtrength when they charg'd, nor ſtop ſafely when they had a mind to it: but as often as they retir'd from the Enemy preſſing upon them, they were in danger either of running themſelves upon the Shelves, or ſplitting againſt the ſhore.

Thus whilſt they could neither break through the Enemies Fleet, nor charge them behind by reaſon of the ſlowneſs of their Ships and unskilfulneſs of their Seamen, nor were able by reaſon of the ſtraitneſs of the place they were coop'd into, to employ the Soldiers on the Poop for the aſſiſtance of thoſe of their men who were diſtreſs'd by the Enemy: the Carthaginians having them at their mercy rak'd them ſorely. Moreover, the Soldiers beſides their preſent difficulties were dejected upon a religious account, and thought the Gods fought againſt them for the Conſuls raſhneſs in ingaging the Enemy at a time when the Auguries portended nothing but ill ſucceſs: which he not onely diſobey'd, but ſpoke contemptuouſly of them. For, he commanded the Birds becauſe they would not feed to be thrown into the Sea that they might drink, ſince they would not eat. Now this made the Soldiers more timorous to ingage, whilſt they imagin'd that Heaven oppoſed their Cauſe. But the Author of this fatal blow had wit and courage enough to ſave himſelf, when all had been loſt; for when he ſaw his Ships all around ſunk and taken by the Enemies, he got away with Thirty Ships, that ſtood next him, making his eſcape betwixt the Carthaginian Fleet and the ſhore. And for the better ſecurity of his retreat to Lilybaeum, leſt the Garriſon ſhould annoy him from the Town, he caus'd the Ships to be adorn'd in a triumphant manner, to amuſe the Carthaginians, who hereupon imagin'd that the Conſul had won the Victory, and that the reſt of the Fleet was following after; ſo that he return'd ſafely to Lilybaeum, and ſtruck a great terrour in the People of the Town.

The Enemy took Ninety three Ships abandon'd by the Conſul, together with all the Soldiers and Seamen, except theſe who by running themſelves aſhore got to land, and ſo eſcaped; and many Ships (doubtleſs) were ſunk in the Engagement, for Clodius had brought about two hundred with him from Lilybaeun: And the Carthaginians got this great Victory at a very cheap rate; for 'tis reported that they loſt not ſo much as one Man or Ship, and had but very few wounded, whereas the Romans had eight thouſand Men killed, and twenty thouſand taken Priſoners: And about this time the Carthaginians took ſeveral Veſſels laden with Corn from Palermo, and carried them to Drepanum; and withal bringing out of the Country about Drepanum ſome Proviſions into Lilybaeum, ſuppli'd the Beſieged with large recruits, and good ſtore of all neceſſaries.

Nor did the Romans ill Fortune at this time ſtop here, but further diſtreſs'd 'em, ſo as not only to deprive them of all power by Sea at the preſent, but likewiſe to put 'em out of all hopes of ever obtaining any. For the other Conſul L. Junius with ſeveral Ships laden with Proviſions for the Army in Sicily, and ſixty Men of War. Setting out from Italy, upon his arrival at Meſſana, met there abundance of other Ships, which were got together to the Port having come from the Army, and from other parts of Sicily: The Conſul, when he had joyn'd theſe, having got now two hundred and twenty long Ships, and near eight hundred Ships of burthen ſail'd for Syracuſe, and being arrived there, deliver'd part of the Fleet to the Quaeſtors to be conducted to Lilybaeum, whilſt he himſelf ſtayed at Syracuſe waiting the arrival of thoſe Ships, that could not come up with the reſt of the Fleet from Meſſana, as alſo to take in ſome proviſions, which the Confederates fetch'd from the mid-land Countries. Mean while Adherbal having ſent both the Ships and Priſoners (he had taken) to Carthage; whilſt ſucceſs and honour puſh'd him on to action, joyn'd Carthalo's Fleet conſiſting of ſeventy Men of War, and as many Ships of burthen, with thirty others, and gave him orders to go and bring away, or elſe deſtroy the Roman Navy that rode at Anchor before Lilybaeum.

Carthalo by day-break entring the Port in a terrible manner, took ſome of the Ships, and fir'd others; and in the mean time the Garriſon ſally'd out by Himilco's command, which occaſion'd a great Conſternation through the Roman Camp. Carthalo at laſt having deſtroy'd ſome few and brought away Five Ships, ſteer'd his courſe for Heraclea. Whilſt he lay in wait thereabouts, intending to hinder the Romans in their Journey to Lylybaeun, he had intelligence of a conſiderable Fleet, that was not far off. Now Carthalo, ſeveral other Commanders joyning with him, had got about a hundred and twenty very good Ships, truſting therefore in his preſent ſtrength and former Victory, he immediately weighs Anchor, and goes to meet the Enemy. The two Fleets came in ſight of one another near Gelo, but the Roman Quaeſtors declining an engagement upon ſuch diſadvantages, ſtood off for Phintias a confederate Town of theirs.

Now there was no Port in that place, but certain Rocks running out into the Sea, had made it a pretty good Harbour, and here the Romans having landed, prepar'd themſelves to receive the Enemy upon the ſhore; having brought down their Engines from the Town and planted them along the ſhore for defence of their Ships. The Carthaginians at firſt thought to beſiege the Enemy, making account that they would be frightened into the Town, and leave the Ships for a Prey: But finding that the Romans did not ſtir away, and that the place they fought in was very diſadvantagious, they gave over; and having carried away ſome few Ships laden with Proviſions, went off to the mouth of the Halicus, a River not far diſtant from thence, intending from thence to obſerve the Enemies motions at their leiſure, whilſt their wounded Men were under cure. Other Authors relying upon the Authority of Philinus (as I ſuppoſe) report that the Romans had receiv'd ſome conſiderable Loſs in this place; and that the Quaeſtors were ſo much terrifi'd at the firſt ſight of the Enemy, that they left the Ships of Burthen and all others beſides the Men of War behind, and made all the Sail they could to recover Phinitias. Moreover they tell us of Sixty Men of War, and Ffty Ships of Burthen of the Romans that were ſunk in this Battel, and Thirteen more ſo torn and ſhatter'd, that they could never be refitted again.

Some time after this, whilſt the Carthaginians lay at Anchor at the mouth of the Halycus, the Conſul having diſpatch'd his buſineſs at Syracuſe, as he was ſayling towards Lilybaeum by the Promontory of Pachinus, was diſcover'd by the Carthaginian Spies. Carthalo advertis'd hereof, in all haſt goes to meet the Conſul, who was then ignorant of the late action at Phintias, whereby he might fight him far enough from the Quaeſtors Fleet, ſo as to hinder him from having any aid from them. When the conſul ſaw the Punic Fleet at ſome diſtance off, whilſt he durſt not fight, nor could eſcape from the Enemy advancing towards him, he runs his Fleet into a rough harbourleſs place, the fear of loſing the whole Fleet overcoming the apprehenſions of the preſent danger. Carthalo not daring to follow him, poſted himſelf near a certain Promontory ſo conveniently ſituated, that from thence he might at once obſerve the two Roman Fleets.

Not long after the winds blowing roughly at Sea, the Carthaginian Pilots being good Sea-men, acquainted him of the ſtorm that was coming on, and ſo perſwaded Carthalo to quit that Station, and ſet ſayl for Pachinus, by which means the Punic Fleet eaſily eſcaped the fury of the ſtorm: but both the Roman Fleets were deſtroyed all to rights by it, inſomuch as that there was not one plank of the Wreck left fit for any uſe; except two Veſſels wherein the Conſul afterwards brought all the Soldiers and Mariners preſerved from this wreck to Lilybaeum. By this diſaſter all the Veſſels laden with Proviſion, and above a hundred Ships of War were caſt away: but yet part of the Army was ſaved, ſeveral having ſwum out, or elſe being caſt out upon the neighbouring Coaſts.

The Senate having recalled P. Clodius rhe Conſul from Sicily, becauſe of his former miſcarriage, began now to deſpair of any ſucceſs by Sea, when they heard of Junius his diſaſterous Fortune. However they went on briskly in their preparations for the Land: And for the Siege of Lilybaeum, they reſolved to continue it; and therefore ſeveral Perſons were appointed to carry over Proviſion for the Army there, according as they ſhould want it; for conſidering, that as the Carthaginians had the advantage by Sea, ſo they had it by Land; they ſtill entertain'd good hopes of the final ſucceſs of the War; for now the Romans had Sicily all at their Devotions, either by Conqueſt, or elſe by Confederacy: But they neither liked the preſent Conſuls, nor thought the buſineſs would ever proſper in the hands of ſuch Magiſtrates, the Office having been prophan'd through their contempt of the Auſpices, and of Religion (of which thoſe two Conſuls were both guilty) for L. Junius as well as Clodius had proceeded in his Voyage contrary to all the admonitions of the Augures. Therefore recourſe was had to an expedient new, and extraordinary; for it was ordered that a Dictator ſhould be nominated to command the Forces in Sicily, whereas no Dictator till then had ever been General of an Army out of Italy.

P. Clodius ſhew'd himſelf ſtrangely inſolent at this time; for when he was commanded by the Senate to appoint a Dictator, he (as if by being the occaſion of ſo great a ſlaughter, he had not offended enough againſt his Country, unleſs he expos'd alſo the honour of Magiſtracy to contempt) nominated M. Claudius Glycias a Serjeant or Secretary of his, to be Dictator.

At this Affront all the People being highly incenſed againſt him, he was forced to reſign, and ſummon'd to his tryal before the People. The Authors ſeen by Cicero, report that he was condemned; but others ſay, when Sentence was ready to paſs upon him, that he was deliver'd from it by chance, a violent ſudden ſhower of Rain diſſolving the Aſſembly: ſo that as if the Gods had ſtop'd all manner of proceedings againſt him, they did not think fit to bring him to his tryal again. But as for Glycias, People being aſham'd to ſee the greateſt Honour in the hands of a mean inferiour Fellow, he was forced to reſign, and afterwards he ſaw the Plays in his Robes. Aulus Atilius Calatinus was made Dictator in his room, and he appointed Caecilius Metellus to be his General of the Horſe, who had triumph'd over the Carthaginians. Theſe men indeed went into Sicily, but did nothing memorable there.

Mean while L. Junius, deſiring to repair the diſgraces at Sea by ſome ſignal Atchievement, whilſt he watched all opportunities; at laſt found a way to poſſeſs himſelf of Eryx, by corrupting ſome of the Town, who betrayed the place into his hands. Eryx is a Mountain the higheſt in Sicily next Aetna, ſituate in that part of the Iſland, which looks towards Italy, in the mid-way betwixt Drepanum and Panormus: but towards Drepanum 'tis more ſteep and rough. On the top it has a Plain, where ſtands the Temple of Venus, (called from this place Erycina) the richeſt and moſt magnificent of any in Sicily. Below, about the midſt of the Mountan, there ſtands a Town of the ſame name, of very difficult acceſs; for a Man muſt wind about the Mountain by long narrow Paths to get into it. Junius having obſerv'd the nature of the place, plac'd Gariſons both upon the top of the Mountain and alſo in thoſe Streights which look towards Drepanum, being ſecur'd in his Poſt, from whence he might eaſily beat out the Enemy, if he ſhould attack him. He likewiſe walled Aegithallus and ſtrengthned the place with a Gariſon of eight hundred men. But Carthalo having landed his men by Night forced the Caſtle, and the Gariſon-Soldiers were partly kill'd or taken, and ſome of them fled to Eryx.

Authors are very uncertain as to the reſt of the Actions of Junius. For ſome report that he was taken at Aegithallus by Carthalo. Others, that to prevent being impeach'd for the loſs of the Fleet, he killed himſelf. And the Account of the Secular Games is as uncertain; it being controverted whether they were then the third time celebrated or fourteen years after, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and C. Licinius Varus being Conſuls. Yet I think it more probable that the Games fell out this year, Peoples fears after ſuch diſaſters, together with the hopes of better times, inciting them to the celebration of the ſame, and a punctual obſervation of their religious Rites. This year was very fruitful, and twelve pounds of Oil were ſold for ſo many farthings. In the mean while, either the time of this Dictatorian Authority being expir'd, or elſe Calatinus reſigning his Office, C. Aurelius Cotta, and P. Servilius Geminus entered on their ſecond Conſulſhips.

Theſe managed the War in Sicily ſucceſsfully enough, but yet without any Victory or advantage gotten, which is worth ſpeaking of. They repreſs'd indeed the Carthaginians of Drepanum and Lilybaeum, ſo that they did not ſo frequently or ſo far make their Excurſions: and alſo recovered thoſe Gariſons which they had in places remoter from the Sea. When Carthalo had often miſcarried in his Efforts againſt theſe, he reſolv'd to go and waſte the Coaſts of Italy: that by this Alarm at home he might give a diverſion to the Conſuls good fortune in Sicily: and if they ſhould not be forced to repaſs the Sea to relieve their people in diſtreſs, then he might take this advantage to ravage the Country, and take their Towns; but fortune croſs'd him in this his attempt alſo. For the Praetor with the Militia being ſent to cover the Confederate Countries, and check the incurſions of the Enemies, obliged Carthalo to return into Sicily, laying aſide any expectation of the ſucceſs of his deſigns. Upon his return the Mercenaries mutinying for want of their pay, he expos'd ſome of them in deſert Iſlands, and ſent many to Carthage to be puniſh'd, which the reſt of their Comrades took ſo heinouſly, and were ſo inrag'd at, that all of them ſeem'd ready to revolt, whence (it was fear'd) an occaſion of a new War might ariſe. But Hamilcar coming in the very nick of time to ſucceed Carthalo, ſet upon theſe Mutineers by Night, and ſome he kill'd, and drown'd others: and as for the reſt who begg'd his pardon, he admitted them to favour.

This is that Hamilcar known by the ſurname of Barcas, than whom Carthage never bred a greater or a better Commander: a Perſon that had wanted a Parallel, unleſs he had found one in the Great Hannibal his Son. From this time forwards the War began to go harder on the Romans ſide. For immediately after he had quell'd the mutiny of the Mercenaries: Hamilcar ſet out with a Fleet of Ships to waſt Italy and far and near ravag'd the Country of the Locrians and Brutians. At this time the Romans having been much obliged to Hiero the Syracuſan for his conſtant love and affection towards them, remitted him the Annual Tribute, which he was engaged to pay by the Articles of the former League, and eſtabliſhed a perpetual Alliance and good Correſpondence with him.

Mean while Hamilcar returning from Italy, made a deſcent into the Country of Panormus, and pitch'd his Camp between Panormus and Eryx at a place very ſtrong by nature, called Epiercte, a Mountain on every ſide ſteep and craggy, which is of a conſiderable heighth, and over-looks the Country all about: it is not of a ſmall compaſs at the top, but contains one hundred furlongs in circuit: all which ſpace of ground is good either for paſture or tillage, as being conveniently expoſed to the Sea-breezes, which preſerves it free from all venomous Creatures. It has alſo a certain Eminence, which might ſerve for a Fort, and has a good proſpect into the Plains below. Hard by it is a Port very commodious for thoſe that go to Italy from Drepanum or Lilybaeum: being well furniſhed with freſh Water. There are onely three ways by which that Mountain is acceſſible, two from the Land, and one from the Sea: but all are alike difficult and uneaſie. Now that Hamilcar encamped here, it ſhew'd the daring ſpirit and reſolution of the Man, thus to put himſelf in the midſt of his Enemies, whilſt he had no Confederate Town near; but truſting meerly in the natural ſtrength of the place, and his own Courage and experience in War, he gave the Romans Centinel Alarms, and annoyed them very much from hence: and withal very much eſtabliſh'd the Carthaginian Affairs which began now to proſper at home alſo. For Hanno the other Carthaginian General, who was Hamilcar's Rival in the purſuit of Honour and Renown, both to advance his fame, as alſo to maintain the Soldiers at the Enemies charge without making them burdenſom to the Public, carried the War into that part of Lybia which is about Hecatompylos: and having taken that Town brought three thouſand Hoſtages to Carthage.

But their ſucceſſes were not free from ſome allay of croſs fortune. For L. Caecilius Metellus, and Num. Fabius Buteo being Conſuls: a Fleet ſet out at the charge of ſome private Perſons, landed and waſted Affrica. For though the Senate determin'd again to forbear fighting any more by Sea, yet when the Citizens deſired it, they gave them leave to make this Voyage upon condition, that they ſhould reſtore all the Ships they borrowed from the State: reſerving the booty for themſelves. Thus a conſiderable Fleet being got together brought much terrour and detriment to the Affrican Coaſts: and beſides that, they aſſaulted Hippo Regius no contemptible place, and there deſtroy'd the Navy of the Hipponenſians, and many of their Houſes, but being about to return they found the mouth of the Haven ſhut up with Chains: and here they were forced to uſe their Wits to eſcape this danger; for the Galleys being rowed ſwiftly, when the Fore-decks almoſt touch'd the Chain, all the people retir'd to the Hind-decks: by which means the Fore-decks being lightned of their burden eaſily paſſed over the Chains: this done, they all went into the Fore-decks, which ſinking down with the weight, raiſed the hind-parts of the Galleys, and made them ſlide alſo over the Chains, that they all eſcap'd the danger, and got clear out of this ſtreight. After this deliverance from ſo much peril and fear, it was not long ere they fought the Punic Fleet at Panormus with good ſucceſs.

The Roman Conſuls acting ſeparately with their Forces this Campaign, L. Metellus beſieged Lilybaeum, and Num. Fabius Drepanum. There lies near Drepanum Southward an Iſland, or rather a Rock, named by the Greeks the Pelian Iſle, and by us Columbaria. The Conſul by night made himſelf Maſter of this, having put all the Punic Gariſon in the place to the Sword: but Hamilcar who was come in all haſte to defend Drepanum, at break of Day went out to recover this place, which the Conſul ſeeing, and not being able to aſſiſt his men in the Iſland, reſolved to attack Drepanum with his utmoſt power; whereupon Hamilcar drawing back, the Conſul kept the Iſland, and afterwards made uſe of that place to annoy and gall the beſieged. For by a Mole he join'd it to the main Land; and becauſe the Walls were weaker on that ſide, he made his firſt attack upon the Town from thence, having raiſed ſeveral betteries. Polybius was of Opinion, that the Battels betwixt Hamilcar and the preſent and ſucceeding Conſuls for their number, cannot, and for the likeneſs of accidents and occurrences ought not to be deſcrib'd: whilſt for almoſt three years together. Hamilcar encamped at Epiercta, fought very near every day with the Roman Generals, eſpecially after they had lain before Panormus, and left ſcarce five furlongs diſtance betwixt them and the Enemy; it being impoſſible there ſhould be any ceſſation of Arms, or reſpite from action, where two Armies were encamped ſo near one another: though all this while they never came to a general Battel, in order to a final determination of the War: for ſeveral things hinder'd them from this, and eſpecially becauſe both having equal forces, and both equally ſecured within their ſtrong Holds, even thoſe who were worſted in the Encounter, might ſoon find a ſhelter and a Sanctuary in their Camp. Thus it came to paſs, that though ſome were always killed whilſt they fought, yet as ſoon as they turn'd their backs, they retreated ſafely within their fortifications.

But the ſame year that Drepanum was beſieged, the Punic Fleet infeſted not onely the Sicilian, but alſo the Italian Coaſts, and Hamilcar ravaging all he could ſet his foot upon, over-ran the Maritime Coaſt of Italy as far as Cumae. By theſe Inroads, as alſo by the Battels in Sicily when many of the Romans had been taken Priſoners by the Enemy, the Generals enter'd into Articles with the Carthaginians about exchange of Priſoners: wherein it was agreed betwixt them, That that ſide which ſhould receive moſt Priſoners, ſhould pay two pounds and a half of Silver for every head: and the Carthaginians receiving more than they had reſtor'd, paid the Money according to the Articles. We find two Colonies to have been ſent out in Italy this year, to Aeſulum and Alſium. The Luſtration likewiſe (being the forty ſecond) was made at Rome this year by the Cenſors A. Atilius Calatinus, and A. Manlius Atticus. The number of all the People now poll'd came but to 257222. Whereas in the former Luſtrum, there had been poll'd very near 300000 Men. So great a multitude of Mortals had the Wrecks and Wars deſtroyed at that time: but yet for all this, the Army in Sicily was then reinforc'd with a conſiderable ſupply of men, which was brought thither by the two Conſuls M. Octacilius Craſſus, and M. Fabius Licinus.

Theſe had a very difficult Province to manage and a trouleſom Campaign to paſs, for there was work A. U. 507 enough cut out for them: but not being able to force Hamilcar from his ſtrong Holds, they performed no action that is memorable, which was alſo the Caſe of ſome of the ſucceeding Conſuls by reaſon of the ſame diſadvantage: Beſides that, being young Generals choſen againſt an old well practiſed Commander, they were forced to ſpend in preparation, and acquainting themſelves with the Site of places, the minds of the Soldiery, and ſtate of the War, more time than remained for action. And for this reaſon it ſeems that year, when the time of Elections was at hand, they were inclin'd rather to chuſe a Dictator, than that either of the Conſuls ſhould be called out of Sicily. Titus Coruncanius was choſen Dictator, than that either of the Conſuls ſhould be called out of Sicily. Titus Coruncanius was choſen Dictator, in whoſe name the Aſſemblies for Election of Magiſtrates were held: he named M. Fulvius Flaccus General of the Horſe.

Mean while the two Tribunes of the Commons Sempronius and Fundanius, ſummon'd Claudia Appius Caecus his Daughter to appear before the People at ſuch a day, becauſe that returning from the Plays, when ſhe was preſs'd by a throng of People and her Chariot ſtopt in the croud, ſhe had uſed this direful imprecation: Oh that my Brother were alive again, that he might lead forth another Fleet! There was ſcarce any great or noble Family in all Rome, but either by Bloud or Marriage was akin to the Houſe of the Claudii. Therefore ſhe wanted not her Compurgators to defend her, who pleading the greatneſs of her Family, the good Services of her Father Appius, and frailty of her Sex, alledg'd, That it was unuſual to impeach any Woman before the Commons; and that the Cauſe was too ſlender and light, to make a new Cuſtom commence from Clodia, which neither in thought or deed was guilty of any Treaſon againſt the the Roman People, and had onely ſpoken ſome raſh words which ſhe might have ſpar'd.

Againſt which the two Tribunes thus argued: What impious and curſed words Claudia has ſpoken, you know already, O Romans! for what needs there any Evidence, when we have her own confeſſion for the thing? neither can ſhe deny the matter, if ſhe would; for ſhe ſpoke theſe words in the face of the Sun, having no reſpect for a multitude of good Citizens upon whom ſhe uſed this Imprecation. Why therefore ſhould we doubt of the puniſhment, ſince we are certain of the Crime? Have the Laws made too little proviſion in the matter? or ſhall we too ſtrictly inſiſting upon the letter of the Law, ſuffer our ſelves to be impos'd upon by falſe interpretations thereof? They plead that it is an unuſual thing to proſecute a Woman before this Tribunal. Suppoſe it is ſo: 'tis an unuſual thing likewiſe for any Woman to offend in this nature: nor had we ever an inſtance of any Woman that committed ſo great a Villany till now, and I could wiſh now there were no need of making a Preſident; for we had rather the World were once grown ſo innocent, that the Sword of Juſtice might be aſleep in the ſcabbard, than be forc'd, as now, to draw it out againſt Criminals with a neceſſary and expedient rigour, though it may make us ſeem harſh and ſevere.

A ſtrict execution of Laws is neceſſary for every State, that would ſupport it ſelf: and thoſe Laws ought not ſurely to be infring'd and violated by any, much leſs by ſuch Perſons as would paſs for the Atlaſſes and Pillars of the State; who being well read and learned in the Laws muſt of neceſſity be ſenſible, that though there is no expreſs mention made of Women in ſeveral Laws, yet in the words, if any one, or the like, a Man with half an Eye may ſee that Sex is imply'd as well as the Male. Is it any thing ſtrange therefore,, if we ſuppoſe laws made againſt Treaſon to reach both Sexes, when even this Claudia is an Example which may convince us, that Women as well as Men may become Traitors. But ſome are for extenuating and palliating the matter. They would have us look on that as a Peccadillo, which went no farther than words, and not expreſſed by any overt Act. We muſt prove (forſooth) that ſhe us'd all her endeavour to compaſs and bring about a helliſh deſign, kept correſpondence with the Carthaginians concerning it, armed the Rabble, ſeiz'd the Capitol, and actually involv'd us all in that Mine of Calamity, which by her Curſes ſhe imprecated upon us. But Actions are not more puniſhable by the Laws, than the intentions and deſigns of Men. Indeed, let a Madman or a Child do any miſchief and there is no Action againſt him; but that is not the caſe here. 'Tis certain, that a Mans mind may be underſtood as well by his words as deeds. She who wiſhes ſuch things as theſe, what would ſhe do, if it lay in her power to bring about what ſhe wiſhes? But if we deſpiſe not others judgments in the matter, (as I am ſure we ought not to do:) We may find, that in other Countries an impious Wiſh has been eſteem'd a heinous Crime, and puniſh'd accordingly. At Athens, a place eminent above any other in Greece for good Government; a Man has been condemned to die for wiſhing himſelf a good Trade, which he could not have, except in times of great mortality, he being one that ſold all neceſſaries for the burials of the dead; and yet thoſe words might have been capable of a fairer conſtruction: whereas this Woman has poſitively wiſh'd for the utter deſtruction of the whole Commonwealth.

(Says ſhe) That my Brother were alive again! A villanous wiſh though ſhe made it purely for her Brother's ſake. For why ſhould ſhe deſire him alive again, by whoſe means ſo many thouſands of honeſt Citizens loſt their lives? Who affronted the Commonwealth no leſs by his inſolence, than he had endamag'd it by his raſhneſs? Who being condemn'd in the judgments of all men even before his Trial, eſcap'd not the infamy of the Sentence, but the puniſhment by mere chance; And would you, if you had any brains, wiſh ſuch a man alive again! whereas ſhe ought to have prayed, that his memory had died with him, his actions and his aſhes had been buried in one common Tomb. As other Ladies juſtly glory in the renowned Actions of their Brethren: ſo thou (Claudia) ſhouldeſt be aſham'd of ſuch a Brother if thou hadſt any ſhame? However let's pardon the Lady, for thus fooliſhly wiſhing her Brother alive, ſuppoſing ſhe meant well: Nay acquit her too, if the reaſon of her Vow appear not as abominable as it was inſolent. For why would you have your Brother alive again! that you might comfort your ſelf with the ſight of ſo near a Relation? No, not at all. What then? why, that he might command another Fleet. And was't for this, thou wicked Creature, that (as much as in thee lay) thou deſireſt to raiſe the dead, to invert Natures courſe, and break open the Priſons of the Grave, that thou mightſt find him again, by whom we might be all of us ruin'd.

This is ſhe, Countrymen, in whoſe favour thoſe men intercede, who whilſt they ſhew themſelves kind Relations, little think they forfeit hereby the reputation of honeſt Citizens, and yet there's not one here intercedes for her but might prevail to have as much pity ſhewn her (as he pleas'd) had ſhe pitied any of you. But ſince ſhe has wiſh'd the confuſion of us all, who would be ſuch a tame Fool, as to think a perſon of ſo barbarous and inhumane a Spirit worthy any mercy? Of late when the Cenſors number'd the People, what groans were heard, what a damp ſeiz'd upon the City? For alſo during thoſe years ſeveral actions of ours ſucceeded fortunately, yet to all good men the Commonwealth ſeem'd in a dangerous condition, whilſt the people number in the Cenſors Books fell ſo ſhort of what it was before; but ſhe's not at all concern'd for the loſs of thoſe that periſhed: She's griev'd onely, becauſe any ſurvive; She complains the ſtreets of Rome are too much throng'd with People, and wiſhes for that very Man to life again, by whoſe means the accounts of the laſt Poll were ſo much abated.

But granting all this, that the Lady is unworthy of mercy, Yet, ſay they, if ſhe has offended, ſhe deſerves to be pardon'd for her Anceſtors ſake. What, ſhall we ſet up this for a Law in our Commonwealth, that if any Perſon has done any Service to his Country, his Poſterity may injure the ſame, and not be called to account for it? Our Forefathers ſurely were not of that mind, who put Manlius to death, when not his Father, or any of his old Anceſtors, but he himſelf had preſerv'd the Capitol, the laſt refuge of the Roman People? He ought not to ſeek a greater Reward for his Service to his Country, than the ſatisfaction of his Conſcience for the diſcharge of his duty: And if Ap. Claudius has done his Country any Service, he has been fully rewarded for it: He got Wealth and Honour by it, wherein he flouriſhed to his dying day; though perhaps it would have been better not to mention Appius and the former Claudii, than to remind you again of the injuries and Affronts put upon you by that Family, never inclin'd to popularity. For what other Appius would they have you remember but him, who alſo ſpitefully oppoſed your Intereſts, who choſe rather to periſh with his Army than be beholden to his Colleague the Plebeian Conſul for his preſervation, who continued alſo in his Cenſorſhip beyond the time prefix'd by the Law.

And now let them, if they have a mind to it twit us with the Merits and good Services of the Claudian Family, and proceed as high as the times of the Decemvirate: or even to the firſt beginning of that Race; and by all their enquiry they will be enabled to ſhew how the Woman takes after her Anceſtors pride and obſtinacy, rather than prove that ſhe ought to be ſpar'd for their ſakes. What reaſon then can they or any man elſe produce, why this Woman ſhould not be puniſhed? Alas, are they affraid for her, leſt they ſhould loſe ſo vertuous a thing; which if you fear in the leaſt, O Romans, make much of this Claudia, and keep her, ſo that when other Matrons in times of public dangers go to pray to the Temples, ſhe may hinder their Prayers by her Curſes: when they pray for the ſafety of our Armies, this may wiſh their confuſion: when they ſollicite the Gods, that few may be killed, ſhe may reproach them, if any return ſafe. Be kind to that Woman, who, whilſt other Matrons excite their Children by their Anceſtors Examples to Vertue and loyalty, teaches hers by the Example of P. Claudius to fight raſhly, fly cowardly, to deſtroy the Citizens, and trample upon the Commonwealth. Let her inſtill into our Noblemens Children theſe Principles, that they may learn them in their Infancy and imitate them in their riper years. Let thoſe who are in time to be intruſted with the command of your Forces by Sea and Land, be thus trained up, thus principled.

When this Harangue had ended, the People being aſſembled to give their Votes, gave Sentence againſt Claudia; whereupon ſhe was fined twenty five thouſand pound Braſs Money. With which and other Fines A. U. 508 Ti. Sempronius the Edile built, and conſecrated the Temple of Liberty upon Mount Aventine. Afterwards M. Fabius Buteo, and C. Atilius Bulbus were made Conſuls. Some Citizens were then brought to Fregellae a Maritime Town of Hetruria nine miles from Alſium, where a Colony had been planted two years before. This year was fought a great Battel by Sea between the Romans and Carthaginians at Aegimurus, which proved ſucceſsful to neither ſide, the Carthaginians loſing a great number both of Men and Ships; and the Conquerors loſing all the Spoils taken from the Enemy, by the violence of Storms and Wrecks.

In Sicily Affairs were carried on with the ſame Conduct and ſucceſs, as had been done the year before: the War proving difficult to the Conſuls, not onely by reaſon of the incommodiouſneſs of the place they were incamped in, but alſo becauſe of Hamilcar's ſubtilty: who as he was bold in action, and would venture farther than any man in the Combat, ſo he was good at Intrigue, and throughly verſed in all Stratagems, by which means he ſuſtein'd the Roman Power at that time, ſo, as not onely to defend the places he had taken, and haraſs the Roman Allies both in Sicily and on the Coaſt of Italy, but alſo having his Eye elſewhere propp'd up the then tottering Punic Commonwealth, being an active Man, and one that was very reſolute, and quick in making the beſt advantage of any thing that occurr'd, as he ſhew'd at this time. For having a great mind to relieve the Lilybaeans, who were chiefly diſtreſſed from the Land, he commanded part of the Fleet to put it ſelf in ſuch a poſture as if it were going for Lilybaeum, at ſight of which when the Romans had iſſued out, he with ſuch Ships, as he had hid in a place out of ſight for that purpoſe, got into the Port, and by his preſence and ſupplies of Proviſions mightily encouraged the beſieged.

Whilſt the time was thus ſpent in Sicily, A. Manlius Torquatus Atticus, and C. Sempronius Blaeſus being A. U. 509 again Conſuls, took the command of the Forces. Now the ſtate of the War was not alter'd to the better, but proved rather worſe at that time. The Romans, as we ſaid before, had placed one Gariſon above the Town of Eryx upon the top of the Hill, and another below at the foot of it. So that beſides the ſtrength and ſituation of the place, it was ſo well guarded, that all People were confident there could happen no danger to the Town; but Hamilcar, whole boldneſs broke through all oppoſition that hinder'd him in any Enterprize, performed this great Action in a trice. For, having arrived in the Night with his Forces, and advancing ſilently about thirty furlongs up the Hill (himſelf marching at the head of the Army) he ſuddenly ſurpriz'd the place: and having put the greater part of thoſe he found within the Town to the ſword, he ſent the reſt away to Drepanum.

From that time the face of things appeared ſtrange, and the War was proſecuted very ſharply on both ſides: for, Hamilcar lying betwixt two ſeveral Cariſons of the Enemies, was himſelf beſieged by the lower at the ſame time that he was beſieging the other above him: And now both Romans and Carthaginians having endured incredible pains and labours, no day paſſing without fighting, performed many noble Atchievements during the two years next enſuing, being never tir'd or parted by either Victory or ſlaughter, but always equal, till a Battel by Sea decided the Controverſie betwixt them. A Colony was brought the ſame year to Brunduſium in the Country of the Sallentines, twenty years after that Country had been brought into ſubjection to the Romans. At the ſame time Ti. Coruncanius, who firſt of the Commons had been made chief Pontif, died very old, and L. Caecilius Metellus ſucceeded him.

Mean while, C. Fundanius Fundulus, and C. Sulpicius Gallus were made Conſuls at Rome. Then alſo the A. U. 510 War went on with Hamilcar in the ſame manner, and with the ſame ſucceſs as before, except that a Mercenary Band of Gauls, and certain others who bore Arms in the Service of the Carthaginians, by reaſon that they were not paid, and for other injuries, endeavoured to betray the Town of Eryx to the Romans (for they were there quarter'd,) and after their deſign was diſcover'd, ran over to the Conſuls: and were the firſt Foreiners that the Romans employed in their Service. Their Forces being thus encreaſed: yet for all this they could not put an end to the War by Land-fights, eſpecially becauſe Hamilcar made ſuch a vigorous oppoſition, who could neither be trepann'd by Stratagem, nor tam'd by Forces. Therefore they reſum'd their reſolutions of fitting out their Fleet, and putting to Sea again; for the Carthaginians could not be kept out of Sicily, whilſt they commanded the Sea. Beſides that the conſiderable ſucceſſes obtain'd by ſome Privatiers formerly gave them pretty good encouragement to betake themſelves to Sea Affairs. But they wanted Money, their Treaſury having been for a long while much drain'd, and not able to ſupport the expences of ſo tedious a War.

Then it was, that the good and noble Spirits of the Roman People adminiſtred ſeaſonable aid and ſupport to the Commonwealth labouring under theſe Preſſures and difficulties; for ſuch was the Generoſity of the Senators, that in this time of publick danger they were aſham'd ſtingily to ſave their money, but raiſed a Fond that ſurmounted the Charges they would be at in building a Navy. For the wealthier Citizens ſingly, and two or three of the others, according to their Eſtates, did undertake to ſet out each one five-oar'd Gally compleatly rigg'd and equipp'd, upon condition to have their Money reſtor'd them, when better times ſhould come: By this means two hundred five-oar'd Galleys were equipp'd, all which were built after the model of Hannibal Rhodius his Galley; and People were in great expectation, that this Fleet muſt neceſſarily determine the War.

Whilſt matters go on in this manner C. Lutatius Catulus, and A. Poſthumius Albinus were made Conſuls. A. Poſthumius was Flamen of Mars; and when he was minded to go to his Province, L. Caecilius Metellus the Chief Pontif confin'd him at home, telling him that it was not lawful for a Prieſt to forego the Duties of his Function; which act of his ſerv'd as a Preſident for after-times. The Senate at the ſame time ſhew'd another inſtance of their Zeal for the maintenance of their own Religion, by prohibiting C. Lutatius the Conſul from conſulting the Praeneſtine Oracle, and making uſe of foreign Auſpices and Divinations in the adminiſtration of the Common-wealth: Then they apply'd themſelves to the buſineſs of the War; and becauſe that both the Conſuls could not go (one of them being a Prieſt, and therefore confin'd at home) and that one would not be able to undergo ſo great a charge, they concluded to ſend one of the Praetors, two having been made firſt that year, with C. Lutatius. That Province fell to Q. Valerius Falco's lot. Theſe getting together all the Ships belonging to the State, and thoſe of private Men, the whole number amounting to three hundred, they ſet out for Sicily in the cloſe of Winter, the ſeaſon of action then approaching; and as ſoon as they were arrived, the Ports of Lilybaeum and Drepanum lay open to them; for the Enemy not miſtruſting in the leaſt that a Fleet ſhould come from Italy, had returned with all their Navy into Africa.

The Conſul who was of himſelf a brisk active Man, being encouraged with this good fortune at the beginning, beſieg'd Drepanum, and at the ſame time diſciplin'd the Soldiers every day to ſit them for the Engagement by Sea which was likely to follow; and this he did with ſuch ſucceſs, that thoſe Soldiers he had brought from home unexpert in Sea-ſervice, were now become excellent Seamen: Mean time whilſt Drepanum is beſieged both by Sea and Land, and reduc'd almoſt to extremity, part of the Wall being battered down, the Conſul engaging in the heat of the action, received a dangerous wound in his Thigh, and the Soldiers being diſmayed at his misfortune ran all about him, and left the aſſault when the Town was almoſt taken.

The Conſul was not yet perfectly recover'd of his Wound, when it was told him, that a great Fleet of the Enemy approach'd. There were four hundred Ships in all laden with Proviſions for the Army, and a great deal of Arms and Money; there was alſo aboard of them a conſiderable number of Soldiers, Hanno a Noble Man of Carthage having the chief command of the whole Fleet. This Man was reſolv'd by all means to get to Eryx, where he might unload his Veſſels, and take in ſome of Hamilcars beſt Soldiers to man the Fleet, and then engage with the Romans. But this deſign of his though laid with ſo much advice and wiſdom, was nevertheleſs ruined by the wary and vigilant C. Lutatius the Conſul. For conſidering, that to fight preſently with the Punic Fleet now moving heavily beneath the weight and burthen of its own luggage, would be the only means to get the day, he manned his Fleet with the beſt of his Soldiers; and ſetting out about the middle of March for the Egatian Iſles oppoſite to Lilybaeum, from thence diſcover'd their Fleet coming from Hieronneſus; and having encourag'd the Seamen and Soldiers, he ordered them all to put themſelves in a readineſs to fight on the morrow.

But next morning in conſultation they were very much at a loſs, whether they ſhould fight or not; becauſe the Enemy had got the wind of them: and when the reaſons on both ſides were weighed and debated, at laſt they came to a reſolution to fight both againſt the wind, and Hanno alone, rather than ſuffer him to unload his Veſſels, and to bring the flower of their Land-forces with Hamilcar himſelf, the moſt terrible man of thoſe times, into the Engagement: Therefore upon ſight of the Enemies Fleet then directing their courſe for Eryx, in all haſt he weighed Anchor; and the more to encourage his Men, tho he could not uſe his Foot, he caus'd himſelf to be carri'd into the Admiral Galley. The Carthaginians ſeeing their paſſage ſhut up, put themſelves into order of Battel, intending to force their way through the Enemies. And the ſignal being given on both ſides, the Battel began very furiouſly, Q. Valerius performing all the Duties of General, by reaſon of C. Lutatius his indiſpoſition, which hindered him from commanding in his turn.

The fight did not laſt long, before 'twas plain which ſide would have the Victory; for the Roman Galleys being light, aſſaulted the Enemies that were ſlow, as they pleas'd themſelves: Beſides the Romans had now the advantage of them in all other reſpects. For they had amended upon better experience, whatever before had been inconvenient to them; their Galleys were built after the beſt form; whatever might hinder them in fight, was carefully removed; their Seamen were ſtrong and expert in their buſineſs; and they had the flower of their Legions aboard their Fleet, all which muſt needs render them victorious. Contrariwiſe the Carthaginians Galleys were heavy; their Seamen but newly raiſed and unexperienc'd: For they never dream'd that the Romans durſt attempt any thing again by Sea. So that as it muſt needs happen, the Victory in an Engagement, where there was ſo much odds, was ſoon determin'd. The Carthaginians loſt a hundred and twenty Ships, whereof ſeventy with the men (amounting to near ten thouſand) were taken, and the reſt eſcaped by flight to Hieronneſus, the wind changing very conveniently for them in the very time of the engagement.

This is that noble Victory obtain'd over the Carthaginians, near the Aegatian Iſles, according to the account given by Polybius: For other Authors ſpeak of ſeventy three Ships taken, a hundred twenty five ſunk, thirty two thouſand Men taken, and thirteen thouſand kill'd. The booty was very great, not only in Proviſions and Arms, but in Gold and Silver. The Romans loſt only twelve Ships. It is reported that a light in the form of a Torch, was ſeen in the Heavens, from the beginning of the Engagement, which with its point threatned the Punic Fleet, a Prodigy ſhewing the event that ſucceeded. Hanno with all the Galleys remaining after the Battel, beſides thoſe that had eſcap'd to Lilybaeum, returned to Carthage, where he paid for his misfortune with the loſs of his Head. C. Lutatius the Conſul having gone to the Army at Lilybaeum, ſtay'd there till his wound was thoroughly cur'd, and in the mean while ſpent his time in reviewing the Ships and Men taken Priſoners, and in giving the neceſſary orders for the diſpoſing of them: From thence they went to Eryx, and defeated Hamilcar, having kill'd two thouſand Carthaginians.

The Carthaginians being inform'd of their great overthrow, wanted not courage for all this to renew the War, but money and Forces; for they could neither furniſh the Army at Eryx with neceſſary Proviſions, the Romans being Maſters of the Sea; nor in caſe they ſhould loſe this Army, had they any other, either General or Army, wherein they durſt confide. Forced then by theſe difficulties to deſpair, they ſent to Hamilcar, impowering him to do whatever he judg'd moſt advantagious for the publick; and here he performed the part of an honeſt faithful perſon to his Country, as he had ſhewn himſelf before an excellent and a brave Commander in its ſervice. For having conſidered all circumſtances, when he ſaw that after all that he had done, there was no means left to preſerve his People but a Peace; he ſent Ambaſſadors to the Conſul to treat concerning it; and the Conſul was well enough pleas'd with the mention of a Peace; his annual Authority being almoſt at an end, he could not look for any greater glory, than that of ending the War: But to leave this as a legacy for his Succeſſor, when he might appropriate it to himſelf, ſeem'd very indiſcreet and unadviſable; beſides, he was mov'd by the known ſtreights and neceſſities of the Roman People, and after ſuch tedious continual labours, he judg'd the Common-wealth ought for ſome time to be refreſh'd with Peace; and accordingly when the buſineſs had bin debated betwixt both parties, at laſt the Peace was concluded upon theſe Articles.

"That the Carthaginians ſhould wholly quit Sicily.

That they ſhould not make any War upon Hiero the Syracuſian, or any of their Confederates.

That they ſhould reſtore all the Priſoners gratis, as alſo the Deſertors.

That they ſhould pay twenty two hundred Euboean Talents of Silver in twenty years in equal payments.

That the Confederates of both ſhould be ſecured from either, by virtue of this Peace.

That neither ſhould have any power to act, or build any Forts within the Precinc ts and Dominions of the other, or raiſe any Soldiers in the others Dominions.

"That neither ſhould admit the Allyes of the other into his Alliance and Confederacy.

All which Articles had this proviſo in the cloſe. That they were no further ratified than the Roman People ſhould allow them. But that thoſe who were incamp'd at Eryx, ſhould deliver up their Arms: This point could not be gained, tho the Conſul preſs'd it. For Hamilcar proteſted he would ſooner ſee himſelf and his Country ruin'd, than ſubmit to ſo great a diſgrace; but yet he condeſcended to that Condition of paying eighteen denarii a man, for liberty to march out of Eryx.

Then Ambaſſadors were ſent to the Conſul and the Carthaginians at Rome, to inform the Senate and People of the conditions the Peace was concluded upon: The People lik'd not the Peace, but ſent ten Deputies to examine and conſider the buſineſs, and when they return'd, they rais'd their Demands higher.

That they ſhould pay down preſently a thouſand Talents, and twenty two hundred more within ten years next enſuing.

That they ſhould not only depart from Sicily, but alſo from all the other Iſlands lying betwixt that and Italy.

That the Carthaginians ſhould not come in any Man of War into Italy, or any of the Iſlands belonging to the Roman Juriſdiction; nor raiſe any hier'd Soldiers from thence.

The Carthaginians, to obtain Peace ſubmitted to all theſe propoſitions. Hamilcar preſently reſign'd up his Command before the Articles were ſolemnly ratified and ſworn to; paſs'd over to Lilybaeum, and from thence to Carthage; a perſon, who both by his conduct and Valour had out-done all the Commanders that had had any hand in that War.

Thus ended that firſt Carthaginian War, which laſted twenty four years, being drawn in length by reaſon of many turns and revolutions, to the great damage of both the Parties, but eſpecially of the Conquerour: For 'tis reported by ſuch as took an account of the particular loſſes; that the Romans loſt ſeven hundred five oar'd Galleys; whereas the Carthaginians had not loſt above five hundred. An evident inſtance this of the Roman Fortitude, which could not be ſhaken by any ill ſucceſs in Battel, nor by the moſt diſaſtrous Caſualties; but under all the toils of War, and with the diſadvantage of a poor Treaſury, not only encountred the utmoſt power of its Enemies, and the boiſtrous ſhocks of Fortune with an equal conſtancy, but at laſt rendred it ſelf Victor over both. After this C. Lutatius Catulus, whoſe year was A. U. 512 now expired, was continued in his place ſome time longer, that he might ſettle the Affairs of Sicily. One of the new Conſuls alſo was ſent thither, namely Q. Lutatius Cerco, Catulus his Brother the Colleague of A. Manlius. Theſe two regulated the Province, and order'd things ſo well, as to take away all occaſion of future Broils and Commotions, which might any way diſturb the peace and tranquillity of that Government; and indeed they had but juſt cauſe to be jealous of thoſe People, in whom ſome relicks of reſtleſs and unquiet humours, after ſo great and univerſal a fermentation ſtill remaining might break out again, and work up their turbulent Spirits to Rebellion; and therefore they took away all Arms from the Siculi, who had eſpous'd Hamilcars intereſt, and from the Galls who had revolted from him. The Galls were ſhip'd away, and baniſh'd the Roman Territories, as well for other Villanies they had committed, as for their robbing and ſpoiling the Temple of Venus, when they were quarter'd upon Mount Eryx. The Town of Sicily had Taxes and Contributions aſſeſs'd upon them, according to a proportion; and the Iſland was made a Province, whither a Praetor was ſent yearly from Rome.

Mean time the Carthaginian Ambaſſadours came to Rome, deſiring that they might redeem their Men that were taken Priſoners; and they were all reſtor'd gratis, as many of them as were in publick cuſtody; but thoſe who were in the hands of private men, the Senate ordered to be ranſomed at a certain price: the greateſt part of which money for their ranſom, was afterwards paid out of the publick Treaſury by an Order of the Senate. But ſad calamities in the City, very much leſſened the joy of the Roman People at that time: For now the River Tybur firſt overflowing its banks, filled all the lower parts of the City with the inundation, whole ſtreets of Houſes were over-thrown by the violence of the ſtream; and thoſe which were not born away by the rapid torrent, fell down upon the waters returning into its channel; for the inundation laſting ſeveral days, had eaten through and decayed the Foundations.

This calamity of Water was ſucceeded by a dreadful Conflagration which begun caſually in the night, and having burnt down ſeveral parts of the City, deſtroyed a multitude of Men and Houſes: Nor was its fury ſatisfied with conſuming private habitations, but it likewiſe burnt down all the publick buildings round the Forum. Veſta's Temple at laſt was all on fire. Then L. Caecilius the Chief Pontif behav'd himſelf ſutably to his place; for ſeeing the Holy things in danger by the fire, he caſt himſelf into the midſt of the flames, expoſing his own Life for the preſervation of the Holy things, then deſerted by the Veſtal Nuns, and reſcu'd by him: But this brave Perſon after his eyes had been quite burnt out, and one of his Arms half burnt, receiv'd beſides the ſatisfaction of his mind for having done ſo nobly, a ſutable reward from his Country, namely, that whenever he went to the Senate-houſe, he ſhould ride thither in a Chariot; an Honour never granted to any man in Rome before, ſince its firſt foundation.

In the mean time Q. Lutatius the Conſul with his Brother Catulus, and Q. Valerius the Pro-Praetor having ſetled Affairs in Sicily, and brought away the Army from thence was returned home. C. Lutatius Catulus, and Q. Valerius celebrated the Naval Triumphs aſſigned to them, the firſt on the ſecond of October, and the latter on the fifth of the ſame Month. There hapned a very remarkable contraſt betwixt the Generals, touching Valerius his Triumph: for when a Triumph had been unanimouſly voted to C. Lutatius, Valerius pleading, that he had ſignaliz'd himſelf as much as the other in that buſineſs, deſir'd, that as he had bore his part of care and danger in the Action, he might alſo equally ſhare in that Honour which was the reward of it. To which Catulus objected, That he who was commiſſioned with an inferiour Authority, was not in the conferring of Honours to have equal conſiderations with a Superiour. At laſt the Controverſie growing high betwixt them, Q Valerius engag'd Catulus to lay in a Pledg for the trial of the buſineſs: whether or no he had contributed by his Conduct to the defeat of the Punic Fleet: whereupon Catulus engag'd him alſo to do the ſame. Atilius Calatinus was choſen Arbitrator in the buſineſs; who asking Valerius, Whether, if any difference or debate had happen'd in a Council of War, whoſe Authority would have been deciſive in the point, the Praetors or Conſuls? As likewiſe, if they had had ſeveral Auſpices, which ſhould have been follow'd? And Valerius anſwering, That in both Caſes the Conſul had greater Power than the Praetor, Atilius Calatinus without hearing, what Catulus could ſay, determined the Cauſe in favour of him; becauſe the Controverſie ſeem'd to be concerning the Preeminence of Authority. But though Valerius was worſted in this reference, yet for the great proofs of his Valour ſhown in that War he obtained a right to Triumph.

The Cenſors that year (Aurelius Cotta, and M. Fabius Buteo) performed the Luſtration, and two hundred and ſixty thouſand men were polled: two Wards more, the Velina and Quirina being taken in, the number of the Wards was made up thirty five, which number was never after exceeded. And now all that part of Sicily that had been ſubject to the Carthaginians being ſubdued, and the Peace concluded, Affairs not onely ran in a ſmooth courſe, but the Public ſecurity ſeemed eſtabliſhed upon the firmeſt foundations. When all of a ſudden, a War breaks out, whence no ſuch thing could have been expected, which for ſome days kept all Italy in ſuſpence with the terrour of ſuch an inteſtine commotion, and it was a matter of no leſs ſurpriſe to ſee how ſpeedily it was ended. The Faliſci (upon what grounds is not known) being incited to Rebel, provok'd the Roman Arms: But the Conſuls ſent out againſt them with the Legions reduc'd all this People, and ended the War in ſix days: yet in the firſt Engagement (for they ſpeak of two) the Conſuls came off with doubtful fortune; being routed by the Enemies Horſe, though they had in the Battel defeated their Foot; but the laſt Battel was fought with ſuch ſucceſs, that they obtain'd the Victory, and obliged the Faliſci to deſire Peace after they had loſt fifteen thouſand men. When they ſurrender'd themſelves to be in all points at the diſcretion of the Conquerours, their Arms, Horſes, Houſhold-goods, and half their Lands were confiſcated; and their City, the ſtrength whereof had encouraged them to Rebel, was removed from a high craggy Rock into a plain place. The Romans would have treated the Faliſci upon their ſurrender more ſeverely, meditating a ſharp revenge againſt a People that had ſo often rebelled; but they became more moderate when Papirius (who had drawn the Articles of this Capitulation with his own hand by the Conſuls appointment) told them, the Faliſci had not put themſelves under the Power, but protection of the Romans, which words were received with that Sacred Reverence that they reſolved to lay no harder conditions upon them. On occaſion of this War the year ended with the Triumphs of the Conſuls. Lutatius triumph'd the firſt of March, and Manlius the fourth of the ſame Month.

DECADE II. BOOK XX. Florus his Epitome of the Twentieth Book of Livy.

A Colony planted at Spoletum. A War firſt made upon the Ligurians [now the Genoeſes] The Sardinians and Corſicans who had revolted, are ſubdued. Tutia a Veſtal Nun c • ndemn'd for Inceſt. War proclaimed with the Illyrians for killing an Ambaſſadour, who being overcome, yield up themſelves to the Roman Government. The number of Praetors encreaſed to four: The Gauls that dwelt beyond the Alps making an Incurſion into Italy, are cut to pieces; In which War the Romans are ſaid to have had of their own Forces and their Allies Three hundred thouſand fighting Men. Then firſt of all the Roman Enſigns paſs'd the River Po, where the Inſubrian Gauls [or Lombards] after ſeveral defeats, ſubmitted themſelves. M. Claudius Marcellus the Conſul, having with his own hand ſlain Viridomarus their General, and ſo obtain'd the Royal Spoils, being the Third Man that had that Honour ever ſince Romulus's days. After this the Iſtrians were ſubdued, and the Illyrians that had fallen into Rebellion, reduced. Ʋpon a ſurvey of the Roman Citizens there were found in all 270213. The Libertini [or Slaves Enfranchis'd] were caſt into four Tribes by themſelves, called Eſquilina, Palatina, Suburrana, and Collina, whereas before they were intermingled with the reſt. C. Flaminius the Cenſor, repaired the Highway called Flaminia, and built the great Circus or Theatre called alſo after his Name. Colonies are carried into the Territories lately taken from the Gauls, and planted at Placentia, and Cremona.

ITALY being again at Peace, the publick Luxury encreas'd together with their Empire and their Security. For, whereas till then Farce or Drolls had made the chief Entertainments of the Roman Stage; Livius Andronicus after the Grecian Mode, preſented the people with Comedies and Tragedies, which were firſt acted C. Claudius Centho, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus being Conſuls, at the public Sports. The ſame year likewiſe began another ſort of Games, or Shows. For on the fourth of the Calends of May, the Floralia were inſtituted according to the Method preſcribed in the Books of the Sibyls, to avert the blaſting of Fruits, and all other products of the Farth which bloſſom at that time of the year. L. and M. Pollicius Malleolus two Brothers, both of them Ediles in the ſame year exhibited theſe Shows or Games, defraying the expences thereof out of Fines, which had been laid on thoſe Graſiers that had fed their Cattel upon the Commons grounds. Theſe two Brothers during their Magiſtracy, were remarkable alſo upon another account: becauſe they caus'd the Hill afterwards call'd Publicius, to be levell'd and pav'd for the more commodious paſſage of Waggons that way into Mount Aventine; whereas before it was onely a hard unpaſſable Rock: as alſo becauſe the built the Temple of Flora, near the great Cirque.

Theſe were the tranſactions at home. All things were very quiet abroad, only there were ſome ſuſpicions of a War deſign'd by the Gauls and Ligurians: that theſe therefore were the Conſuls Provinces, and conſequently that the War with the Gauls began then, we have rather a conjecture than any certain account, there being no ancient Authors now left who can furniſh us with an exact relation of thoſe things; and as for the next year alſo, that there was no Peace we may venture to ſay, becauſe Janus his Temple was not A. U. 514 ſhut, but we are not able to diſcover in what places, or with what ſucceſs ſuch War was carried on; nor have we any more account of C. Mamilius Turinus and Q. Valerius Falto's Conſulſhip, but that Ennius was born that year, that ingenious Roman Poet.

The year following when Ti. Sempronius Gracchus and P. Valerius Falto were Conſuls, both the Wars A. U. 515 with the Galls broke out, and alſo the Romans at the ſame time firſt made invaſion with an Army upon the Ligurians, a new Enemy. This Province fell to Ti. Sempronius his ſhare. P. Valerius having ſet upon the Galls at firſt came off unfortunately, having loſt thirty five hundred men; but in a ſecond Battel he gave them a ſignal overthrow, wherein fourteen thouſand Galls were ſlain, and two thouſand taken: But the Conſul was not allow'd to triumph, becauſe of his loſſes in the former Battel, eſpecially ſince that even the ſucceſs obtain'd then, was rather to be attributed to the Roman fortune, than any good conduct of the Conſuls: For when he had received intelligence that ſome ſuccours were coming to him after the firſt Battel, he declar'd that rather than conquer by the aſſiſtance of another, he would periſh with his whole Army: And in this freak he expos'd both himſelf and the Army under his command to great hazard. But Tib. Gracchus manag'd the War againſt the Ligurians with better conduct and ſucceſs; for having routed the Enemy in Battel, he with his victorious Army waſted a great part of Liguria: From Liguria he croſs'd over into Sardinia and Corſica, and having brought from thence abundance of Priſoners, he gave occaſion to that Proverb, where we ſay The Sardinians are ſet to ſale, in a great glut of ſome mean paltry Commodities.

But to ſay the truth, the Romans in thoſe days had a good opportunity, but no juſt pretenſion to poſſeſs Sardinia and Corſica. The Carthaginians after the Peace of Sicily being ingag'd in a ſore War with their Mercenaries were reduc'd to extremity of danger, whence ſome others of their hired Soldiers who were in the Gariſons in Sardinia, taking heart, ſlew Boſtar the Punic General, with all his men: They hang'd Hanno alſo another Commander ſent from Carthage to quell and ſuppreſs them, having drawn his Army over to joyn with them in their Rebellion; and now having all over the Iſland put to the Sword ſuch as were of the Punic race, they make themſelves maſters of all the Forts in the Country, until at length upon a quarrel betwixt them and the Sardi, who at length expell'd them out of Sardinia, they betook themſelves into Italy, where at laſt they effected what they could not do a little before whilſt they were in Sardinia: For they had in vain invited the Romans before to ſeize into their hands that Iſland; but when they came to talk the matter perſonally, either by their importunity, or elſe by ſhewing more plainly the opportunities the Romans had of advancing themſelves hereby, they prevail'd with the People to undertake this Voyage into Sardinia, for it is no common vertue to abſtain from invading a Neighbours Territories, when we may eaſily poſſeſs our ſelves of them: Nor can this inclination be long diſſembled by the covetous and the ambitious.

But it ſeems not improper in this place to enquire more particularly into the original of theſe things; for the Romans ever ſince the beginning of that War had zealouſly aſſerted the Carthaginian intereſt, to get themſelves the credit and reputation of being obliging and good natur'd to their friends; and therefore they ſent no aids to the Rebels, which the Carthaginians had deſired them not to do; nor harboured the men of Ʋtica, or any others that revolted from them: Their Merchants they order'd to carry Proviſions to the Carthaginians out of Italy and Sicily; but forbad them to have any commerce with the Rebels: They further gave leave to the Carthaginians to raiſe Soldiers in Italy for that War: Moreover they ſent Ambaſſadors to accommodate and compoſe their differences, tho it took no effect. But a little before this, they were like to differ themſelves with the Carthaginians about ſome Italians, who carrying Proviſions to ſell to the Enemy, were taken and impriſoned by the Carthaginians.

They had now got about five hundred of this ſort of People in cuſtody, and it was reported that they had kill'd ſeveral more, and thrown them into the Sea, the better to keep their cruelty undiſcover'd; which things the Romans took ſo heinouſly, that immediately they threatned them with War. But the Carthaginians having ſent Ambaſſadors to reſtore as many as were kept Priſoners at Carthage, ſo pacified the Roman People, that the reſt of the Carthaginians that were taken Priſoners in the Sicilian War, were reſtored without ranſom. But Ambition at laſt got the aſcendant over them, and out of policy they thought it high time to pull down a People, with whom they remembred they had fought for twenty four years with very doubtful fortune, and alſo foreſaw that they muſt do ſo again, unleſs they took care in time to prevent it. Wherefore ſeeing the Carthaginians were loth to part with Sardinia, and having rid their hands of the Mercenaries, were now deſigning to proſecute the Rebels farther; the Romans took hold of this opportunity, and reſolv'd to enter upon a War with them, unleſs they laid down their Arms, which in truth they had taken againſt the Romans, tho they pretended is was done againſt the Rebels. So that at laſt the Carthaginians who were loth to engage in a War of this nature at ſuch a time, not only quitted Sardinia to the Romans, but compounded with them to pay twelve hundred Talents over and above the former ſum; a thing which ever after ſo diſguſted and provoked them, that Hannibal's War ſeems to have been undertaken purely in revenge for theſe hard meaſures, and the deep reſentment which Hamilcar the chief Author of the ſecond Punic War ever had againſt the Romans, took its riſe from no other ſource but this. But however theſe things happened afterwards.

But the new Conſuls L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus had then the Gauls inhabiting on this ſide the Po given them for their Province. That a Colony was this year brought to Valentia, tho ſome report it, yet the thing is uncertain, unleſs it be another Valentia beſides Vibo, where a Colony was planted fifty years after in the Conſulſhip of L. Quintius Flaminius, and Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, which we may believe upon better authority. Now the Conſuls in the Territory of the Gauls, whilſt they kept their Forces together, had a very proſperous expedition of it: But when out of the deſire to pillage and waſt more of the Country, they divided their Armies; the Enemy attacqued Q. Fulvius his Camp by night, and almoſt took it. But the Gauls having gone off without any ſucceſs in this attempt, return'd a little while after with greater terror and more numerous Forces to the War. For the ſeveral Princes of the Boii having under-hand concerted their meaſures together, called a numerous multitude of the Gauls inhabiting beyond the Alps, to joyn with them in an Alliance againſt the Romans.

Mean while L. Lentulus the Conſul, who was marched off to the borders of Liguria, overcame the Ligurians in a ſet Battel, for which a Triumph was decreed to him; which he performed upon the Intercalar Ides. There are Authors who tell us, that thoſe Conſuls firſt advanc'd the Roman Banners beyond the Po, and that in ſeveral Battels twenty four thouſand Ligurians, and Inſubrian Gauls had been kill'd, and five thouſand taken Priſoners. But to me it ſeems more probable that the Romans firſt paſſed the Po in that general Riſing of the Gauls, which followed but a little after, and that the Inſubres were invaded firſt in their own Country.

About the ſame time Ambaſſadours were ſent to Ptolomy King of Egypt to proffer him Aid in his Wars againſt Antiochus and the Syrians. The King returned them thanks, but as for their aſſiſtance he ſaid he did not want it, becauſe they had already agreed upon Articles of Peace. Not long after much to the ſatisfaction of the People, Hiero King of Syracuſe arrived at Rome, and was received with all the reſpect that was due to an Ally; one that had ſhewn himſelf their hearty Friend, and ſhar'd with them in their g e • t ••• Victory. He came to Rome to ſee certain Games, that were deſign'd to be celebrated the year following. For the third Secular Games according to ſome Authors were celebrated during the Conſulſhips of P. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, and C. Licinius Varus; as we have hinted before. M. Aemilius, and Livius Salinator were appointed as Stewards to prepare all things for the ſetting out of theſe Games.

In the mean time the Princes of the Boii, being back'd and ſtrengthen'd with numerous Troops of Auxiliaries A. U. 517 of the Tranſalpine Gauls, ſent to the Conſuls to demand, That the Town and Territory of Ariminum ſhould be reſtored to them: for to theſe places they pretended an indiſputable Right and Title, which if not comply'd with, they threatned the Romans with a bloody and moſt deſtructive War: The Conſuls had not as yet got their Forces together; ſo that fearing to expoſe a handful of Men to ſo much hazard, and yet unable to grant the Gauls their demands, they made Anſwer, That if they had any buſineſs, they ſhould ſend their Ambaſſadours to the Senate.

The Gauls lik'd this Propoſition well enough, and a ceſſation of Arms was concluded betwixt both till the Ambaſſadours were return'd. When the Ambaſſadours came to Rome, the Senate gave them an Anſwer contrary to their expectations: and withal made great preparations to oppoſe this inundation which afterwards came to nothing: Fortune alone baffling them without the effuſion of any Roman blood. For whilſt the Ambaſſadours were going homewards, the Boii and the Tranſalpine Gauls quarrell'd among themſelves, upon this account: The Tranſalpine Army unknown to the Boii marched to Ariminum, which it was ſuſpected they did with a deſign to poſſeſs themſelves of that place: and hereupon they fell out, and having kill'd Ates and Galatus their Kings, laying treachery to their charge, they endeavoured by force of Arms to expel theſe Aliens out of their Country. Hereupon they fought very deſperately; and when they had weaken'd and broken one another ſufficiently, the Tranſalpine Gauls return'd home; and the Romans granted Peace to the Boii, having firſt taken ſome part of their Country from them.

This War being ſo ſoon ended, the Conſuls departed into Liguria, where P. Lentulus defeated all the Enemies Forces that met him; and marching with his Army through their Country took ſome Caſtles by ſtorm, and others upon ſurrender. And now C. Licinus deſigning to croſs over into Corſica, and being not provided with Ships enough to carry over the whole Army at once, ſent M. Claudius Glycias with part of the Forces before, who ſeeing the Corſi terrified at his arrival, and forgetting his Character and place, and the duty he owed to his Conſul, makes a Compoſition with the Corſi in his own name upon certain Articles, intending to ingroſs to himſelf all the honour of having reduc'd the Iſland; but Varus arriving with the reſt of the Army, though the Corſi appeal'd to their Peace made with Claudius, never ceas'd his Attacks upon them, till he had quite ſubdued them. The Senate to free their people from the reproach of having falſify'd their faith, ſentenc'd the Author of that diſhonourable Peace to be deliver'd up to the Corſi; and when he was not receiv'd by them, they order'd that he ſhould be executed in Priſon.

L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, and Q. Lutatius Cerco were Cenſors that year, but they did not perform the Luſtration, becauſe Q. Cerco died in his Office. Though M. Claudius had been offer'd to be deliver'd to the Corſi, and had been afterwards puniſh'd, yet theſe Barbarians could not be ſatisfied that the Romans had any juſt cauſe afterwards to invade them: Wherefore this People, who were ſtill uneaſie and diſcontented for theſe injuries, were ready enough to riſe again in Arms; when they ſaw their Neighbours the Sardi leading them the way. For ſome ſecret Promiſes of the Carthaginians had wheedled the Sardi to raiſe a Rebellion, thoſe Barbarians being prone enough to do ſo, who neither hated their old Maſters, nor lov'd their new ones over-much.

When this news came to Rome, it filled all people with fear and indignation, not for the loſs of Sardinia, which they valued not ſo much, but becauſe a War with Carthage was like to break out again. But becauſe they thought it would prove the eaſier, the ſooner it was begun, whilſt the Carthaginians as yet had not recovered fully their former ſtrength ſince the late Wars, they determined to fall to the buſineſs roundly, and immediately to declare War with Carthage: But the Carthaginians, who at this juncture were willing to ſubmit to any terms rather than quarrel with the Romans, were ſo terrified at this news, that they diſpatch'd ſeveral Ambaſſadours to Rome to treat for a continuation of the Peace; but theſe not prevailing in the buſineſs, they ſent ten of their principal Men to beg in terms of the greateſt ſubmiſſion, that they might enjoy the Peace which was before concluded. But nothing would prevail with this angry and jealous People, till one Hanno the youngeſt of the Ambaſſadours, a perſon of an undaunted Spirit and a bold Addreſſor, ſpake thus: Ye Romans, if you are reſolved not to grant us that Peace, which we did not buy at your hands for one or two years, but for ever: reſtore us again Sardinia and Sicily the price thereof: for in private Contracts, when a bargain is broken, no honeſt Man will require his Commodities again, without reſtoring the Money paid for the ſame. At which the Romans for ſhame, leſt they might A. U. 518 ſeem to make War upon unjuſt grounds, diſmiſſed the Ambaſſadours with a better Anſwer. So that now C. Atilius Bulbus one of the Conſuls, who bore this Office a ſecond time, continued in Italy: but Tit. Manlius Torquatus, to whoſe lot Sardinia fell, went to his Province; where having at ſeveral times defeated the Enemy, he reduced the whole Iſland, and ſubdued the Sardi: for which Victories he triumph'd before the ſixth or the Ides of March.

Theſe things done, and no Enemy appearing, the Romans had repoſe from Arms, which occaſioned the ſhutting of Janus his Temple an unuſual Spectacle to the warlike City; for this ſign of Peace had not been ſeen ſince Numa's days, very near four hundred and forty years before. For which reaſon, I think the Romans very unhappy, becauſe that after ſuch toils and labours, they could never reap the fruits of them: for whereas wiſe Men wage War onely for the ſake of Peace; this City after ſo many Wars ended ſucceſsfully could not often obtain Peace, and could never keep it long. And now within a few months afte they were alarm'd again, and forc'd to part with that Peace, the benefits whereof they had but juſt taſted for both the newly conquer'd Sardi began to ſhake off the yoak, and ſome like deſigns of the Corſi were deſcover'd, and at the ſame time in Italy it ſelf the Ligurians made an inſurrection.

Hereupon L. Poſthumius Albinus and Sp. Carvilius Maximus the Conſuls were commanded to raiſe Forces, A. U. 519 which being divided into three parts to hinder the Enemy from joyning and aſſiſting one another, L. Poſthumius marched againſt the Ligurians, Sp. Carvilius againſt the Corſi, and P. Cornelius went to Sardinia; the unwholſom air of which Iſle caus'd a Plague in the Army, whereof a great number of men, and the Praetor himſelf died, which made the Sardi very high and ſtout, till Sp. Carvilius the Conſul entering the Iſland, gave them a ſignal overthrow, and ſo cool'd their courage; for which action a Triumph was decreed to him, which was celebrated on the firſt of April. Againſt the Ligurians alſo the Conſul with his Conſular Army had good ſucceſs: While at Rome Tutia the veſtal Virgin being condemn'd for Inceſt, which was the more ſcandalous becauſe ſhe had done it with a Slave, kill'd her ſelf.

C. Atilius Bulbus, and A. Poſthumius Albinus being afterwards Cenſors, perform'd the Fortieth Luſtration. A. U. 520 That there were fewer men poll'd this time than before (tho I find no certain number deliver'd) may hence be gather'd, becauſe the Cenſors the better to ſtock the Town with People, took an Oath of every man, that he would marry to get Children. This year Cn. Naevius of Capua, who had been a Soldier in the firſt Punic War, acted Plays firſt upon the Stage; mean time the Ligurians and Sardi again in rebellion, were aſſign'd Provinces to the new Conſuls. The Ligurian War fell to Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucoſus, and the Sardinian to M. Pomponius Matho: Upon ſome jealouſies, that theſe Tumults and Rebellions were fomented by the Carthaginians, who might privately wheedle the groſs underſtandings of theſe barbarous People to revolt; Ambaſſadours were diſpatch'd to Carthage, with ſtrict Orders from the Senate, that they ſhould demand the Tribute of the Carthaginians, and alſo command them not to meddle with any of the Iſlands belonging to the Roman Jurisdiction, adding threats of War, if they would not comply.

The Carthaginians had now taken heart again after their late Calamity, eſpecially by the diligence and conduct of Hamilcar, who not only reduc'd all thoſe People of Affrica, that had revolted, but alſo enlarg'd the bounds of the Carthaginian Territories, by his great conqueſts in Spain; therefore they carried it high with the Ambaſſadours, and anſwer'd them in very huffing language: For when the Ambaſſadours as they were commanded, had propos'd to them War or Peace, chuſe which they would; they cried out they would chuſe neither, but that the Ambaſſadours ſhould leave them which they pleas'd, and they would willingly accept of it; from whence the piques and animoſities betwixt the two Nations were more enflamed, but neither as yet being willing to begin the War, a kind of friendſhip was in ſhew maintain'd betwixt them, not that they lov'd one another heartily, but however they abſtain'd from open Hoſtilities. Both the Conſuls afterwards upon their return to Rome, when they had given an account of their Exploits, obtain'd a Triumph: Q. Fabius had kill'd many of the Ligurians in battel, and forc'd the reſt to keep within the Alpine Countries, and alſo ſecur'd the neighbouring Coaſts of Italy from their incurſions; ſo that he triumph'd before the firſt of February over the Ligurians. M. Pomponius afterwards held a Triumph for conquering the Sardi, upon the Ides of March.

Notwithſtanding all this, the Sardi would not give over, but rather irritated than broken by their diſaſters; they rais'd a new Rebellion with greater vigour than before. Therefore both the Conſuls M. Aemilius Lepidus, and M. Publicius Malleolus being ſent into Sardinia, got a great deal of booty out of that Iſland: which afterwards when they had paſs'd over to Corſica, was all taken away from them by the Corſi. There aroſe at home likewiſe great broils and diſturbances at that time, whilſt C. Flaminius Tribune of the Commons, endeavoured to paſs an Agrarian Law. That the Picene and Gallic Countrey once belonging to the Galli Senones might be divided betwixt the People. The Senate oppos'd this deſign, uſing both perſwaſions and menaces to the Tribune thereupon; and at laſt order'd the Conſuls to levy Forces for the A. U. 521 defence of the Commonwealth. But C. Flaminius perſiſted ſtill in his reſolutions, being neither to be wrought upon by force nor intreaties, tho his Father too had advis'd him to yeild to the Senate, and not be accounted the Author of a Sedition.

But he continuing ſtill the ſame, call'd an Aſſembly of the People, before whom he began to read this Law; upon which his Father Flaminius in great rage came to the Roſtra, and pull'd down his Son with his own hands, and then was ſhewn a notable inſtance of obedience and veneration, which men in thoſe days acknowledg'd as due to that Authority Fathers had over their Children: For he, who had contemn'd the diſpleaſure and ſevere menaces of the Senate, ſuffer'd himſelf to be pull'd down from the Roſtra by the hand of one old man, and that too when he was in the heat of the action, the Roman People looking on, to whom nothing could be more grateful, than the enacting of this Law. Nor ought the modeſty of the Aſſembly to be paſs'd by without notice, who tho they ſaw all their hopes daſh'd and diſappointed by the Tribunes departure, yet never ſo much as mutter'd to ſhew their diſlike of the thing. The Law was thus ſtav'd off for a while, rather than quite avoided; whilſt C. Carvilius another Tribune back'd his Colleague, which was the beginning of corrupting the Commons, and of the Gallic War, which aroſe eight years after the diviſion of thoſe Lands.

Then M. Pomponius Matho and C. Papirius Maſo being Conſuls, went into their ſeveral Provinces; the A. U. 521 one to Sardinia, and the other to Corſica, in both which places the Enemy was retir'd into the Mountains and Woods, defending themſelves more by the natural ſtrength of thoſe places, than by Arms. M. Pomponius therefore ſeeing it was a harder task to find, than to conquer the barbarous People, caus'd ſome Hounds to be brought from Italy, to hunt them like wild Beaſts out of their coverts and lurking holes. C. Papirius having driven the Corſi from the Plains, purſu'd them to the Mountains, where they were in great labour and danger, and many of the Soldiers periſh'd either with thirſt, or by the incurſion of the Enemies; till having found ſome water and refreſh'd the Army, they forc'd the Corſi now dreading a Battel, to ſurrender themſelves. Whilſt the Conſuls are ingag'd in theſe affairs, the Dictator created for that end, call'd the Aſſemblies, C. Duilius was the Man, and he choſe C. Aurelius for his Lieutenant: The Cenſors that year were Tit. Manlius Torquatus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus; but theſe being not return'd according to Law, reſign'd. Authors do fix upon this year the beginning of a new ſort of Practice, worth our while to mention. The Romans had as yet no Divorces us'd among them ſince the firſt foundation of that State. Sp. Carvilius Ruga was the firſt who divorc'd himſelf from his Wife, becauſe ſhe bare him no Children, having been ſworn by the Cenſors that he would marry a Wife to get Children by her. The People were mightily diſguſted, not only becauſe the thing was new, but very heinous, judging it cruelty and injuſtice, for men upon any account whatever to be divorc'd from their Wives, which were to enjoy an inſeparable Union and Society with their Husbands during their lives: and therefore SP. Carvilius was hated for the thing, though he much againſt his will, to comply with ſome Friends of his had divorc'd himſelf from a Wife, with which he agreed well enough, and whom he loved intirely. After which time there happened more Quillets in the Laws touching Eſpouſals, and more wrangling and Suits in the Courts of Judicature; ſo many new Cautions being found out concerning Marriage, which Niceties were wholly uſeleſs, before there were any Divorces.

The ſame year alſo another Cuſtom obtain'd, relating to the Honours the Generals received. C. Papirius at the end of his Conſulſhip triumphed over the Corſi upon Mount Albano the fifth of March. The reaſon of which was this: he had quite ſubdued Corſica, and therefore challeng'd a Triumph, but could not obtain it from the Senate: his Example was afterwards taken up by ſeveral others: ſo that as often as a Triumph was denied them, they triumphed upon Mount Albano. The ſame Perſon afterwards ſaw the Shows with a Crown of Myrtle on his Head, having choſen that Tree to make his Chaplet of, becauſe he had conquer'd the Corſi in a Field where Myrtles grew. Sardinia and Corſica being now quieted, the Ligurians remained ſtill to conquer, againſt whom the Conſuls M. Aemilius Barbula, and M. Junius Pera marched out with their Forces: and having received intelligence by the way that the Gauls deſign'd to take Arms, entred their Country; for the Flaminian Law had ſo inflamed the ſpirits of the Gauls, that it was fear'd at Rome, leſt a People delighting in War, and Choleric, ſhould make ſome new Effort againſt the Romans. Wherefore a Proclamation was iſſued out by the State, forbidding all perſons to ſend any Money to the Gauls: becauſe both the Boii and the other Gauls got a great deal of Money, as by ſeveral other ways, ſo eſpecially by ſelling of Slaves: and it was ſuſpected, that they would employ it in the War againſt the Romans. They being enrag'd hereat, and the more embolden'd upon hearing that the Conſuls were at preſent engag'd in the Ligurian War, held Conſultations under-hand how to attack the City, whilſt the Roman Armies were kept abroad in this long Expedition. But being terrified at the Conſuls arrival, they received the Romans in an amicable manner, pretending the greateſt ſubmiſſion to them, becauſe they were not yet in a capacity to oppoſe them. The Conſuls alſo being well enough contented to have ſmother'd the War, pretended they were come that way onely that they might the more commodiouſly march their Forces through the Gallic Countries into Liguria.

The Cenſors the former year being illegally return'd had reſign'd their Office: Upon which Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucoſus, and M. Sempronius Triditanus this year performed the Luſtration, being the one and fortieth. Affairs paſſing thus in Italy, and in the City, a War brake out with the Illyrians, upon this occaſion. The Illyrians a fierce ſort of People, greedy of prey, were much addicted to Piracy; and they had taken ſeveral Italian Merchants ſailing from the Port of Brunduſium, ſome of whom they had killed: Complaints thereupon were made to the Senate, which among other buſineſs at firſt were not much heeded: but at laſt, when theſe Pirates became bolder by their impunity, and that complaints were often made of them, it was reſolved that Ambaſſadours ſhould be diſpatched to demand ſatisfaction of them, as alſo to intercede in behalf of the Iſſaeans, who had lately ſworn fealty, and done Homage to the Romans. Now theſe were a People inhabiting an Iſle in the Ionian Sea, whom the Illyrians moleſted and hated for revolting.

C. and L. Coruncanius were ſent upon this Embaſſy. Whilſt theſe two were upon their Journey, Agron Son of Pleuratus King of thoſe Illyrians who were called Ardaei, to whom they were ſent, was taken ill, and died: having left a Son yet a Minor (whoſe name was Pinneus:) and Teuta his Mother-in-law aſſiſted by her Council, managed the Government. This being a haughty paſſionate Woman, elated with proſperity, after ſhe had heard the Roman Ambaſſadours in a ſlighting manner, told them: That ſhe would take care, that the Romans ſhould not receive any public damage from the Illyrians; but to forbid her private Subjects from taking what Prizes they could by Sea, was a thing unuſual with the Kings of Illyria. At which words the younger Coruncanius was much urged, and uſing an unſeaſonable rather than an unjuſt liberty of Speech, ſaid, Ay, but Teuta you muſt know, it is uſual with the Romans publickly to revenge injuries done privately, and to help the diſtreſſed, and we will endeavour by the bleſſing of God to compell you forthwith to alter and amend theſe Methods of your Government. Which words ſo enrag'd the Woman, that though ſhe diſſembled the matter for the preſent, yet when the Ambaſſadours were gone, ſhe ſent ſome Ruſſians after them, by whom the younger Coruncanius and ſome others of his Retinue were killed: the reſt being clapp'd in Priſon, and the Captains of the Ships burnt. The Iſſaean Ambaſſadours alſo, by name Calemporus, was kill'd by the ſame Aſſaſſins.

This news no ſooner came to Rome, but T. Coruncanius and P. Junius had Statues three foot high erected in memory of them: and War was declared againſt Teuta and the Illyrians. Teuta being no ways capable of the Regency, had neither by reaſon, or experience learn'd to correct the Vices and Levities incident to her Sex, but upon the approach of danger, appears as cowardous and ſneaking, as ſhe had before ſhewed her ſelf raſh and precipitous. Therefore hearing the Romans prepared to make War againſt her, ſhe ſent to acquaint them, that ſhe was willing to reſtore all the Men that were alive: but for the reſt, who had been murther'd without her conſent; ſhe could not anſwer for them. This Embaſſy, though it made but a ſmall Attonement for ſo great an offence, yet becauſe it gave ſome hopes of compoſing this quarrel without a War, the Romans deſired no further ſatisfaction in the buſineſs, but that the Ruffians, who had murther'd the Ambaſſadours, ſhould be delivered to them to be puniſhed. The Woman thinking the ſtorm blown over, which had ſo affrighted her, through levity of mind became again bold and inſolent, and dedeclared that ſhe would not deliver up one man; and accordingly to make good theſe arrogant Expreſſions by her Actions, preſently ſent an Army to beſiege Iſſa.

The Romans now reſolving not to dally any longer, diſpatched the two Conſuls, Lucius Poſthumius Albinus, and Cn. Fulvius Centumalus with Forces by Land and Sea againſt the Illyrians. Cn. Fulvius commanded A. U. 524 the Fleet conſiſting of two hundred Galleys, and L. Poſthumius the Legions. Then again, Teuta being affraid ſent Demetrius Pharius to deſire Peace of the Conſuls: who conſented to a ceſſation of Arms, upon condition, that the Illyrians ſhould quit Corcyra, of which they had lately poſſeſſed themſelves; of which when The Romans went to take poſſeſſion, Teuta fancying her ſelf again out of the reach of danger, falls afreſh to her former practices, and ſends her Forces to beſiege Dyrrachium and Apollonia. Others relate, That Corcyra was not ſurrendred with Teuta's conſent, but purely by Demetrius his means, who knowing, that Teuta was minded to charge him with Treaſon, thought to ingratiate with the Romans, • nd ſo ſhelter himſelf againſt her malice, by betraying that Gariſon which ſhe commanded. This Gariſon of the Illyrians being ſurrendred, the Corcyreans all with general conſent put themſelves under the Roman protection, judging there was no other means left to ſecure them againſt the injuries of the Illyrians, but making this potent and renowned people the Guardians of their State.

From Corcyra the Conſul took his courſe with the Fleet to Apollonia: and L. Poſthumius came thither alſo, having with the Land-forces paſſed over from Brunduſium. He had with him about 20000 Foot and 2000 Horſe. The Apollonians willingly received the Romans, and put themſelves under their protection. This place being delivered, they preſently went to Dyrrhachium which the Romans immediately became Maſters of; the Illyrians who had laid Siege to the place, running away when they heard the Army was coming. With the ſame victorious ſucceſs the Ardiaeans were alſo brought in ſubjection to the Romans; and Ambaſſadours of ſeveral Nations came from the fartheſt parts of Illyria promiſing to ſubmit themſelves to them, if they would receive them into their protection; among which were the Parthini, and Atintanes. Demetrius Pharius had a great hand in all theſe matters, who being carried about with the Conſuls, by magnifying the Roman Courage and Faith, and expoſing the temeriry and inconſtancy of Teuta brought ſeveral People to embrace the Roman Intereſt, partly by his counſel and perſuaſion, and partly by his Authority.

This done, they proceeded to Iſſa: and in their Voyage making deſcents upon the Coaſts took ſeveral Towns very eaſily; but Nutria was bravely defended by the Illyrians, and the Victory was here dearly bought, ſeveral Colonels and the Treaſurer of the Army being loſt in the Action. Which loſſes were however ballanc'd by the Romans, taking twenty Veſſels of the Enemies, as they were coming laden with Money and booty from Peloponneſus. As ſoon as they were arrived before Iſſa: the Barbarians, as it happen'd at Dyrrachium, raiſed the Siege, and fled into ſeveral parts of the Country, all of them beſides the Pharians, who for Demetrius his ſake, a Native of that Country, and once Governour thereof under Agron, were permitted to enjoy their Eſtates and Liberties under the Roman protection. Teuta hearing theſe things was ſtrangely confounded in her thoughts, whilſt hopes and fear alternately teiz'd her mind; for as the loſs of ſo many Towns, the waſting of the Maritime Countries, and the defeat of her Forces in every place ſtruck a great terrour into her; ſo likewiſe ſhe took heart again, reflecting on the Valour of the Nutrians, and the ſeaſon of the year drawing to Winter, when thoſe Seas would be rough, upon which therefore ſhe thought the Romans would be forced to make homewards the ſooner. Therefore with a ſmall Retinue, ſhe retir'd to Rhizon a Town lying upon a River of the ſame name: intending there to wait whatever ſucceſs ſhould befal her.

The Methods taken by the Conſuls ſerved to nurſe in her theſe vain conceits: for they having committed the beſt part of the Countries they had conquer'd to the care of Demetrius, carried away both the Fleet and the Army to Dyrrachium. But when ſhe heard that L. Poſthumius was left with forty Ships behind, and had levied Forces out of the neighbouring Cities for the defence of the Ardyaei, and other Illyrians Friends to the Romans: then Teuta deſpairing of ſucceſs, began ſeriouſly to think of concluding a Peace upon any conditions: and accordingly at the beginning of the Spring, ſhe ſent her Ambaſſadours to Rome to excuſe the matter, as if all that paſſed had been done by Agrons Command, the reputation of whoſe Actions ſhe was compelled to maintain. The Romans hereupon made a Peace, not with Teuta, who had no right to it, and who had deſerv'd ſo ill at their hands, but with Pinneus Agrons Son, and that upon theſe Conditions, That he ſhould pay the Tribute impos'd upon him, quit all Illyria except ſome few places: and not ſail beyond Liſſus with above two Veſſels and thoſe without Arms. By this Treaty Corcyra, Pharus, Iſſa, Dyrrachium and the Atintanes became ſubject to the Romans: the reſt which had been under Agrons Command, was left to Pinneus. Teuta either for fear, or ſhame, or elſe becauſe the Romans commanded her, quitted the adminiſtration of the Government; which Demetrius Pharius undertook as Protector to the King.

Thus at laſt the differences with the Illyrians determin'd: and the bounds of the Roman Empire were extended to the frontiers of Greece. Mean while the Commonwealth was threatned with ſome danger on the other ſide: the Gauls preparing for War, and the Carthaginians being arrived to conſiderable Power in Spain, whoſe growth and advancement, in all mens opinion might prove of dangerous conſequence to the Romans. Haſdrubal the Son-in-law, and Succeſſor of Hamilcar, having revenged his Fathers death, brought ſeveral Nations under ſubjection to the Carthaginians, partly by his Arms, and partly by his Policy and Eloquence, having alſo built another Carthage in Spain, (which was called the new Carthage) in a Bay of the Sea near a large commodious Haven.

But the danger from the Gauls being nearer home, hinder'd the Romans from making War with the Carthaginians. All they could do at preſent was to ſtop the courſe of their fortune by tying them up to Articles, which might ſet bounds to their growing Empire. Ambaſſadours therefore were ſent to Carthage as alſo to Haſdrubal to enter into Articles with them, whereby they were ingaged not to paſs the Riber Iberus: and not to invade the Saguntines, but leave them to the enjoyment of their Laws and Liberties. Theſe A. U. 325 things were done that year, wherein Sp. Carvilius Maximus, and Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucoſus were both of them again Conſuls. About the ſame time L. Poſthumius the Proconſul, who had winter'd in Illyria, ſent Ambaſſadours from Corcyra to the Aetolians and Achaeans, to preſent them with a Memorial of all the tranſactions in Illyria, as namely for what reaſons that War had been firſt undertaken, how carried on, and upon what conditions it was at laſt concluded; the Ambaſſadours were received with abundance of Civilities and Reſpects? becauſe thoſe Nations, and the reſt of the Grecians alſo, perfectly hated the very name of the Illyrians, for thoſe continual Robberies they had made under Agron and Teuta. When this was reported at Rome, the Senate approv'd what the Proconſul had done, as juſt and laudable, and thereupon decreed a ſecond Embaſſy, which ſhould go to the Corinthians and Athenians in the name of the State, to notifie to them the Roman Peoples affection and kindneſs to the Grecians, and their moderation towards all Men: which got the Romans a great deal of love in thoſe parts; and the Corinthians paſſed a Decree immediately in honour of them, whereby they were made free of the Iſthmian Games, one of the four Solemn Exerciſes of Greece.

Beſides, the Romans benefits to Apollonia, and other Greek Towns, they looked on themſelves principally oblig'd to the Romans for their kindneſs in reſtoring liberty to the Corcyreans a Colony of the Corinthians. The Athenians alſo having embraced the Roman Alliance, decreed, that they ſhould be made free of Athens, and of the moſt Sacred Myſteries of Ceres. Fulvius the Proconſul in the mean while held a Naval Triumph over the Illyrians: and having led thoſe of the principal note among the Illyrians in the Solemnity, he beheaded them. This was the firſt Triumph over the Illyrians.

The next year P Valerius Flaccus, and M. Atilius Regulus being Conſuls, the number of the Praetors A. U. 526 was doubled, and four were made, that they might have two to ſend into the Provinces of Sicily and Sardinia; of theſe M. Valerius had Sardinia and its Appendage Corſica allotted to his ſhare, and C. Flaminius had Sicily. At that time People were in great fear of a War with the Galls, which the Boii and Inſ • bres not only between themſelves, but together with other Tranſalpine Nations, were ſaid to have in agitation; for which purpoſe they had levied great Forces conſiſting of the Gaeſatae a Gallic People, ſo called from a particular ſort of Arms peculiar to them.

Therefore now beſides the uſual Expedients, they had recourſe to other means for preventing this danger, which with ſevere Judges nothing could excuſe, but the great affection men have for their Country, upon whoſe account they might be allow'd to act ſomething otherwiſe unwarrantable. For beſides other dangers threatning the State by divine Prodigies, and an Invaſion from the Enemy, it was alſo found in the Sibylline Propheſies, that the Gauls and Greeks were to poſſeſs themſelves of the City: Now to fulfil this Prediction and avert its dire effects, this ſlight and Artifice was then practiſed. M. Valerius Meſſalla, A. U. 527 and L. Apuſtius Tullo being Conſuls, by an order of the Pontifs two Gauls, a Man and a Woman, and as many Greeks were buried alive in the midſt of the Beaſt-market: that ſo holding part of the Town, they might ſeem to have compleated that Propheſie.

But this year, among other matters of leſſer moment was ſpent in preparations for the Gallic War now drawing on, incredible numbera of Soldiers were raiſed for this War, all Italy joyning with the Romans. Q. Fabius the Hiſtorian, who liv'd about this time, ſays of the Romans, that they had eight hundred thouſand Men compleat in this War, the Romans and Campanians making two hundred forty eight thouſand Foot, and twenty ſix thouſand ſix hundred Horſe; the reſt of this numerous Army was compoſed of the other Italians. The Veneti and Cenomani alſo aided the Romans with twenty thouſand men, who were order'd to make incurſions upon their Neighbours the Boii, that ſo they might be oblig'd to act defenſively in their own Country, and not be in a capacity to join the Enemies: ſince all the endeavours the Roman Ambaſſadours us'd to reclaim them from their attempts, prov'd ineffectual; the Veneti and Cenomani being perſuaded to enter into an Alliance with the Romans, the Boii and Inſubrians perſiſted in their hoſtile deſigns. But yet their Forces were leſſen'd, becauſe their Kings durſt not bring all the People, but were obliged to leave a conſiderable number for the defence of their Country. With the reſt of their Forces being fifty thouſand Foot and twenty thouſand Horſe, they attempted to paſs through Hetruria.

In the mean while L. Aemilius Papus, and C. Atilius being Conſuls obtained Sardinia, Ariminum, and its neighbouring Countrey Gaul for their Provinces: for the Sardi diſtaſted with the daily ſight of a Roman A. U. 528 Praetor and his Mace, rebelled again: but C. Atilius quell'd them very eaſily. L. Aimilius had a harder task of it with the Gauls now marching towards Rome, having forced their paſſage through Hetruria. The Governour of that Province ſeeing he could not ſtop their paſſage, made after and overtook them about Cluſium, where towards Sun-ſetting he pitch'd his Camp near the Enemies. The Gauls to entice the Romans to a Battel, having laid the Plot before-hand, in the Night march'd with all their Foot to a Town called Faeſulae: having left their Horſe behind them, who were order'd at break of Day to ſhew themſelves onely to the Enemy; and when they had ſo done, immediately to retreat to the Foot, who by that time were to poſt themſelves in a place fit to receive the Horſe, and whence they might ſurprize the Enemies.

The Romans deceiv'd by this Stratagem, went in cloſe purſuit of the Horſe, as if they really fled before them: and continued following them to Faeſulae where a Body of freſh Men lay poſted in Battalia to receive them, when they were tir'd with the purſuit, and now reduc'd to ſuch a non-plus, as it happens in ſuch accidents, that they knew not what courſe to take. All that remain'd in their power to do, was to ſell their lives as dear as they could, and either by their Swords to win the glory of the Day, or elſe to die in the bed of Honour. But the Gauls beſides other things, over-match'd them in point of number: ſo that with their vaſt Forces they eaſily overcame them, having killed above ſix thouſand upon the Spot; the reſt fled: the Gauls attempted to take a certain Hill fortified with Rocks, which the greateſt part fled to from the Battel; but finding themſelves tir'd with marching all the Night, and fighting that day they went away to take ſome refreſhment, leaving a Body of Horſe to beſet that Hill, which they made no queſtion but would be taken the next day either by force, or ſurrender. In this nick of time Aimilius the Conſul arrived there by good fortune, which the Romans might wiſh, but could not have hop'd for. For at the ſame time the Gauls marching forwards, the Conſul went to Ariminum to cover and defend the Countries bordering on the Adriatic Sea: but when he received intelligence that the Gauls were coming towards Rome, making long marches from Ariminum, by lucky hit he arriv'd in that place: and encamped at a little diſtance from the Enemies.

The beſieg'd on the Hill by the fire ſeen on that ſide, gueſſing rightly that the Roman Army was come, ſent out ſome Men without Arms, the better to paſs the Enemies Sentinels undiſcover'd, by whom the Conſul underſtanding the ſtate of Affairs, in the greateſt haſt the time would allow, went before with the Cavalry to the Hill, having order'd the Colonels to follow after with the Legions. And by this time the ſame fires had given the Gauls notice of the Romans arrival; whereupon they were forced to conſult together about their preſent condition. And here King Aneroeſtus advis'd not to encounter the Enemy with an Army, landed with ſuch rich Spoils, but depart home, where having laid down their booty, they might return diſencumbred for the buſineſs, in caſe they had a mind to try their fortune again in War. This advice being approv'd by all, they departed before Night; purſuing their Journey through Hetruria along the Sea-ſide. M. Aimilius having reſcued thoſe who had fled to the Hill, and being inform'd of the Gauls departure, was unwilling to fight a ſet Battel, but yet reſolv'd to follow them, intending to lay hold on whatever advantage time would put into his hands.

In this nick of time Fortune on the ſudden varies ſtrangely the ſtate of things: The other Conſul C. Atilius was arrived out of Sardinia with his Legions at Piſae, where having put aſhoar, he went with the Army toward Rome by Land, taking his courſe through the ſame Coaſt of Hetruria, in which the Gauls were marching. About Telamon a Port of Hetruria, the Forelorn-hope of both Armies firſt met one another; and when the Conſul by ſome Priſoners brought to him was informed of the Gauls march, and his Colleagues deſign, who purſued them at the heels, being ſurpriz'd at the thing, and hoping the Gauls might be coop'd up betwixt the two Conſular Armies, he commanded the Captains to draw the whole Army in a ſquare figure of Battalia, as far as the ſituation of the ground would permit to do it: whilſt in the mean time having obſerved a certain Eminence which over-look'd the way the Gauls were to come, went before with the Cavalry to poſſeſs himſelf of the Poſt, making all the haſt he could to engage the Enemy, aſſuring himſelf, that if he ſhould be preſſed hard, his Colleague would come up to relieve him; and if the Enterprize ſhould ſucceed, then the glory and credit of the Action ſhould be all his own.

When the Gauls ſaw the Enemies upon the Hill, they ſuppoſing them to be ſome parties of Horſe ſent about in the Night by Aimilius, detach'd a Body of Horſe alſo, having joyn'd ſome Dragoons with them to clear the way. Afterwards by ſome Priſoners being advertis'd of the other Conſuls arrival, they were immediately forced to draw their Foot in Battalia, ſo as to face the Enemies both ways, in the Front and Rear, having their backs turned to one another. For they ſaw Atilius advancing towards them before, and knew Aimilius was following them behind: againſt whom they poſted ſome Mercenaries of the Tranſalpine Gauls (called Gaeſatae, as is ſaid before, from the Arms they wore) in the Van-guard; and at their backs the Inſubres were placed to ſupport them. But the Tauriſci and Boii were drawn up againſt Atilius's his Army. Then they fortified the two Wings with Waggons and Caris: and ſent away the Booty to a Hill hard by with a good Guard to attend it. By this time C. Atilius had begun the fight upon the Hill: from whence Aimilius gueſs'd his Colleague was come, of whoſe Journey he had no intelligence before, except that he was arrived at Piſae. Therefore ſuddenly reſolving what courſe to take, he commanded his Cavalry likewiſe to advance ſpeedily to the Hill, where the fight was.

Here the Horſe engaged very furiouſly, and C. Atilius the Conſul was kill'd, and his Head carried to the Kings of the Gauls. But the Romans ſtanding firmly together maintain'd their ground to the laſt, and charging the Enemy with their utmoſt vigour, forced them to fly. The Battel betwixt the Horſemen of each ſide thus paſs'd over; the Foot engag'd. And here the fight both for numbers and force of Men, and alſo for their order of the Battel was terrible to behold: whilſt numerous multitudes of Gauls intercepted betwixt the two Roman Armies fought with both at once: ſo that it could hardly be judg'd, whether that form of Battel was more advantageous to them, becauſe fighting with the Enemies forces ſeparated from one another, they were ſecur'd at their backs, and alſo incited to Valour by not having any hopes of a Retreat: or elſe that it was more hurtful to them, whilſt they were thus pent up betwixt the two Conſular Armies. But as the prodigious Stature and dreadful aſpects of the Gauls. terrified the Romans, ſo at the ſame time they were encourag'd to fight not onely for Honour and Renown, but alſo for thoſe rich Spoils, the golden Bracelets, and glittering Habiliments, wherein the Gauls Van-guard appear'd richly equipped.

Having joyn'd Battel, the Light-Horſe firſt attack'd the Enemy, and that with ſo much fury, that they cut off great numbers of them, eſpecially where the Gaeſatae fought, who in a bravado, to ſhew their Courage ſtripp'd themſelves, and ſtood naked in the front of the Army. But the long and narrow Target (which the Gauls uſe) not covering the whole Body, they were expos'd as Marks to the Enemies ſhot, which were directed ſo ſure as never to miſs them: And thus they fell to no purpoſe, being neither able to wound their Enemies at a diſtance, nor to come to Hand-ſtroaks whilſt the Light-Horſe fought aloof off, and would not cloſe in with them. In this deſperate condition part of them ruſhed furiouſly in upon the Enemies, and before they could come to grapple with them hand to hand, were ſhot by the Roman Javelins: others making their retreat by little and little, broke the Ranks, and diſorder'd the Army. Thus the Gaeſatae were diſcomfited by the Light-Horſe, and in the mean time the Men of Arms attacquing the Inſubrians, and Boii, and Tauriſci on every ſide, ſlew abundance of them.

But yet for all this they ſtood reſolutely to it, being in all reſpects equal to the Romans, except their having ſuch bad ſort of Arms, upon which account they had much the worſt on't: being ſo ill appointed, that they could neither defend themſelves, nor offend the Enemy; For the Gallic Sword is onely fit for cutting, and has ne'r a point to make a paſs or thruſt withal: beſides it bends almoſt to the Hilt with the firſt ſtroak, and does no kind of Execution afterwards till 'tis ſtraitned again by preſſing upon it with their Feet. The Victory, for which the Romans already ſtood ſo fair, was ſoon determin'd at the return of the Cavalry from the purſuit of the Gauliſh Horſe; for they pour'd down from the Hill, and attacked the Enemies Flank ſo furiouſly that they could not longer maintain their Poſts againſt ſo rude a ſhock, which was ſo much the more impetuous and irreſiſtible, becauſe they came upon them from the higher grounds, bearing down all in their way. This is the account given by Polybius of the Battel in Hetruria; from whom others differ upon very improbable grounds: for who would imagine the buſineſs done otherwiſe? As that a Storm in the Night forc'd the Gauls to fly as if they fear'd the Anger of the Gods? That C. Atilius receiv'd his death while he attacqued them in the Rear? and that when both Armies thereupon had for ſome time contain'd themſelves within their own bounds, L. Aimilius ſet upon the Gallic Army and then totally routed them? Nor do thoſe People deſerve more credit, who change the place where the Battel was fought, from the Sea-ſide to the Country of Aretium.

'Tis agreed on all hands, that forty thouſand Gauls fell at that time, and about ten thouſand were taken with Concolitanus one of their Kings: the other King Aneroeſtus, who was much eſteemed both for his Valour and Power, got away with a ſmall Retinue, and in his flight cut his own and his Friends throats. Great was the Booty that was taken, which the Conſul caus'd to be reſtor'd to them, from whom it had been taken away at firſt, the Owners knowing every one their own goods. From thence marching with his own and Atilius his Army by the borders of Liguria into the Country of the Boii, that he might reward the Soldiers for their late Service, he gave them the plunder of all the Country; and within few days after carried the Army to the City, having loaded them with Booty and Spoils: and at his return the public joy was the greater, becauſe that War had ſtruck ſuch a terrour into the People, as none before it ever did.

Therefore there was ſcarce ever a Triumph ſo generally applauded with the acclamations of the People as this of Aimilius: being of it ſelf glorious and magnificent enough, and that both in reſpect of thoſe renowned Exploits performed by the Conſul, and alſo of the quantity and value of the Spoils born in it; among which were ſeveral Standards of the Enemies: many golden Chains and Bracelets the Ornaments of their brave Men. But Britomarus, and other Princes of the Gauls drew the Eyes of the People moſt upon them, whom L. Aimilius by way of mockery led into the Capitol with their Swords girt about them, as if now they were about to keep their Oath, wherein they had ſworn never to take off their Belts, till they had entered the Capitol. This Triumph of L. Aimilius the Conſul over the Gauls was holden the fifth of March. The ſame year I find that the one and fortieth Luſtration was performed by the Cenſors. Q. Claudius Centho, and M. Junius Pera. Now the fear of the Gauliſh War was laid aſide, but the Romans had not as yet taken their fill of Revenge: and therefore the Gauls were aſſign'd the Province to the two Conſuls of the year following.

Tit. Manlius Torquatus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus were again both of them Conſuls. To them the Army, and all other neceſſaries belonging to War, were readily and chearfully appointed. For the Romans were in A. U. 529 good hopes after ſo great a Victory, if they ply'd the buſineſs vigorouſly, that the Gauls might be driven from all that tract of Land which borders upon the Po. The Conſuls marching out with their Forces forc'd the Boii upon their firſt appearance to ſurrender immediately: But the Expedition afterwards ſlackned becauſe of the Peſtilence, and continual rain. Some Authors write, that theſe Conſuls having paſſed the Po, fought and overcame the Inſubres in a pitch'd Battel, killing twenty three thouſand, and taking five thouſand of them. But we are more inclin'd to rely in theſe things upon Polybius his Authority. In the mean while becauſe the Conſuls hinder'd either by the way, or elſe by bad Weather could not arrive out of thoſe remote Countries in time to the Aſſemblies of Election, L. Caecilius Metellus was made Dictator, who appointed Fabius Buteo to be his Lieutenant. The Aſſemblies being call'd, C. Flaminius and P. Furius Philus were made Conſuls. Theſe, as I ſuppoſe, were the firſt Romans who with an Army paſſed the A. U. 530 Po, where the River Paduſa runs into it, having made an irruption into the Country of the Inſubrians.. This boldneſs of the Romans coſt them a great deal of labour, and much blood. For in paſſing the River, and whilſt they were encamping themſelves, they loſt a great many men by a fierce Attack, which the Enemies made upon them.

The fears and jealouſies caus'd by this news were much encreas'd by Prodigies. For it was reported, that in the Country of Picenum a River ran with blood, and in Hetruria the Heavens ſeemed all on fire, at Ariminum three Moons appear'd at once, beſides a Vultur had ſat for ſeveral days together in the Forum at Rome. But as for the great Earthquake in Caria, and the Rhodian Coloſs happening to fall about the ſame time, theſe things were not thought to concern the Romans. The Augurs being conſulted about the other Prodigies, anſwer'd, That the Conſuls ſeem'd to have been unduly choſen; and the Senate ſent Letters after them to recall them home. The Conſuls in the mean time having made a Truce, drew off from Inſubria: and having got the Auxiliaries together in the borders of the Cenomani, began again to ravage the Plains at the foot of the Alps: and the Inſubrians enrag'd at this, took the golden Shields out of the Temple of Minerva, which were called Unmoveable, becauſe it was not lawful to ſtir them but in times of extream neceſſity; and came with an Army of fifty thouſand to encounter the Romans.

The Conſuls received the Senates Letters about this time; but C. Flaminius, whether gueſſing what was in them, or elſe inform'd thereof by his Friends, perſuaded his Colleague, not to open the Letters before they had fought the Enemies. Being thus reſolv'd upon an Engagement, they conſulted together what they ſhould do with the Auxiliary Troops of the Gauls, conſidering that the making light of their Service would prompt them to miſchievous deſigns, as on the contrary the employing ſuch men might furniſh them with an opportunity to accompliſh the ſame. For they were very jealous of this Peoples levity and infidelity, eſpecially now in a War undertaken againſt their Neighbours and Kindred. At length they came to this reſolution in the point: They ſent the Gauls over the River, and afterwards broke down the Bridges; ſo that the Romans now could receive no harm by them, and having no room left to run away, they were oblig'd wholly to truſt to their own Valour. After a ſharp Engagement the Romans at laſt got the Victory, the honour of which action belongs to the Tribunes, not the Conſul. For C. Flaminius had drawn his Army ſo near the bank of the River, that there was no room left for the Soldiers to retreat: which doubtleſs would have prov'd the deſtruction of the whole Army, had the Enemies preſſed on, and oblig'd them to give never ſo little ground. The Gauls main Effort conſiſted in their firſt charge, which was very brisk, but this flaſh being ſuſtain'd, afterwards there was nothing formidable in them. This the Tribunes by experience of former fights knew well enough: and therefore they arm'd thoſe Soldiers in the firſt line with Spears and Partizans, to put by the Enemies blows withal, after which they might throw them away, and draw out their Swords, when the Battel began.

The Gauls Swords were bent and blunted immediately by thoſe Spears: which whilſt they endeavour'd to ſtraiten again, the Romans cloſing up to them with their Swords drawn, quite took away all the uſe of their Arms from them. For their Swords being us'd onely for cutting and flaſhing, require ſome room to wield them, otherwiſe they'l do no Execution; but the Romans though never ſo cloſe to the Enemies, could paſs at their Breaſts or other parts of their Bodies as they pleas'd. Nine thouſand Gauls are ſaid to have been kill'd, and about double that number taken. After this Victory the Enemies Country was ravag'd far and near, and great Booty carried away. The Conſuls after this Exploit read the Senates Letter, which when P. Philus was about to obey, C. Flaminius looking on this as a Sham contrived by the Senate out of ſpite and envy, averr'd that there was no fault in their Auſpices, no ill Omens at their Choice: whereof their Victory was an evident demonſtration; and therefore that he would not depart till the War was either ended, or the time of his Office expir'd. Beſides, he ſaid, He would take care the Roman People ſhould be no longer ſhamm'd and abus'd with the ridiculous obſervance of Auguries, and ſuch kind of pretences.

But P. Furius perſiſting in his Opinion, Flaminius his Army fearing leſt after he was gone, they could not be ſecure enough in a hoſtile Country, by great importunities prevailed at laſt with him to ſtay ſome days longer, but yet he would act nothing afterwards: Whilſt in the mean time C. Flaminius took ſome Caſtles, and a Town of ſome note in that Country, and endeavoured by beſtowing the Booty on the Soldiers to gain their affections, now that he was like to have ſome Conteſt with the Senate. For People were ſo angry with the Conſuls at this time, that none went out to meet them, as the Cuſtom was: and a Triumph was denied not onely to C. Flaminius, but likewiſe to P. Philus for his ſake. At laſt, Flaminius his great Intereſt and favour with the Commons prevail'd, ſo that he enter'd the City in a triumphant manner the ninth of March. Many rich Spoils were carried in this Triumph, and great ſtore of Arms: as alſo ſeveral golden Chains, of which C. Flaminius erected a Trophy to Jupiter in the Capitol, having inverted the Gauls Vow, who had promis'd their Mars a Chain out of the Roman Spoils. The other Conſul triumphed over the Gauls and Ligurians the 12th of March.

By this means the Senates diſpleaſure was rather enflam'd, than aſſwag'd, inſomuch that the Conſuls were immediately after their Triumph conſtrain'd to reſign their Office. And through a like ſeverity about the ſame time two very noble Perſons were deprived of the honour of the Prieſthood: M. Cornelius Cethegus, for not laying the Entrails upon the Altar according to Order, and Q. Sulpicius, becauſe that his Miter had fallen off from his Head whilſt he was ſacrificing. The Conſuls having reſign'd their Office, the Aſſemblies for Election of Conſuls were call'd by a Dictator; wherein M. Claudius Marcellus was choſen Conſul, who after he had been veſted in his Office, took Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus to be his Colleague. Theſe two refuſed to grant any conditions of Peace to the Inſubrians, who deſir'd it: M. Marcellus out of Ambition and deſire of Conqueſt, ſtifly oppoſing all Propoſals that tended that way. Nay, the Gauls themſelves ſeemed rather to carry on deſigns of War, than Peace: for they had newly got thirty thouſand Geſates into their Service, which were join'd by a far greater Body of the Inſubrian Gauls.

The War being thus begun, the Conſuls in the Spring took the Field; and in the firſt place inveſted Acerrae, a Town ſituate betwixt the Alps and the Po. Britomarus, ſeeing it would prove a difficult task to raiſe this Siege, taking with him ten thouſand Gaeſates, reſolved to ravage the Country near the Po. Whereupon the Conſuls divided their Forces, ſo that Cn. Cornelius with the reſt of the Army maintained the Siege, and M. Marcellus marched out with two thirds of the Cavalry, and a detachment of Light-Arms to cover the Roman Allies. For this Service he took out but ſix hundred Men, but thoſe were the lighteſt and nimbleſt in all the Army: with theſe and the Cavalry he marched Day and Night without intermiſſion towards the Enemy, and coming up with them about Claſtidium, before he could refreſh his own men, he was forced to ingage againſt his will through the fierceneſs of the Gauls, who being ſuperiour in number, and arrogating to themſelves the preheminence above all other People in Horſmanſhip, immediately marched out as it were to deſtroy the Conſuls Army, which according to their intelligence had in it but few Foot. M. Marcellus advanc'd to meet the Enemy, having drawn out his men in length as far as he could, leſt he ſhould be ſurrounded by the numerous multitudes of the Gauls: And now the two Armies were ready to engage, being but a ſmall diſtance aſunder, when on a ſudden as Marcellus was going to charge, his Horſe affrighted by the noiſe and yelling of the Gauls, ſtarted back. Whereupon the Conſul fearing, leſt this Accident ſhould be taken for an ill Omen, and thereby diſcourage his Soldiers, wheel'd about his Horſe, and worſhipp'd the Sun: as if that had been the reaſon why he turn'd back, it being an ancient Cuſtom for ſuch as pray to the Gods to turn themſelves round.

'Tis reported, that before the firſt Onſet, he had Vow'd to dedicate the beſt of the Enemies Arms to Jupiter Feretrius; and that afterwards when he ſaw Britomarus at the head of his Troops, his Arms glittering with Gold and Silver; he concluded thoſe muſt be the Arms, which he had vow'd. And now the King himſelf having ſeen the Roman General, advanc'd a good way before the reſt of his men, challenging him to fight both by his words, and brandiſhing of his Arms: Whereupon M. Marcellus came on, wounded the King through his Armour with his Launce, and afterwards having diſmounted him, laid him dead with ſeveral Wounds. Then alighting from his Horſe, and holding Britomarus his Arms in his Hands, he lifted up his Eyes towards Heaven, ſaying, Thou Jupiter Feretrius, who art privy to all the noble Exploits of Valiant Commanders in Battels: Lo, I in thy preſence, the third Roman that ever did ſo, being a General, having ſlain a General, preſent, conſecrate now theſe magnificent Spoils to thee; Do thou grant us equal ſucceſs during the reſt of the War.

Marcellus after this returning to the fight, they began to ingage furiouſly, the Romans fighting very couragiouſly, whom their Conſuls Valour and ſucceſs had fill'd with deſire of Action as well as hopes of Victory. And hereupon the Gauls were routed Horſe and Foot: and a handful of Men overcame a very numerous Army, which ſeldom happens. The Conſul then having firſt pick'd up the Spoils of the Camps returned to his Colleague, who having poſſeſſed himſelf of Acerrae, where he found a great quantity of Proviſions, with much ado defended himſelf againſt the Enemy about Milan a Capital Town of the Inſubrian Gauls. But by Marcellus his arrival the Scene was much alter'd. For both the Gaeſates went home when they heard their King was ſlain; and alſo the Milaneſes being abandon'd by them, could not defend their City. So that great numbers of the Inſubrians being killed, and Milan and Como taken, the other Towns afterwards, and the whole Nation of the Inſubrians ſurrendred themſelves, having obtain'd conditions of Peace that were reaſonable enough, part onely of their Lands being confiſcated.

M. Marcellus having performed his charge, held a very ſplendid and magnificent Triumph over the Inſubrian Gauls and Germans the firſt of March. This is the firſt mention of Germans in Roman Story, theſe being ſome Mercenary Soldiers rais'd in Countries beyond the Rhine, who came into Italy under the conduct of Viridomarus. Some of whom and alſo of the Gauls being taken Priſoners (Men of huge ſize and Stature) went before the Victors Chariot among the moſt precious Spoils. The Conſul Himſelf followed after, who made a gallant Show carrying the Arms he had devoted in his hands to Jupiter Feretrius, on whom the Army richly clad and equipped attended, and as they went celebrated the Conſuls Praiſes with Songs and Acclamations. When the Cavalcade had come in this order to Jupiters Temple, M. Marcellus alighting from his Chariot hung up in that Temple the Magnificent Spoils, being the third Man after Romulus and Au. Cornelius Coſſus, and the laſt too that ever did ſo. The Roman People view'd theſe Arms with greater pleaſure, becauſe the Enemies were ſaid to have Vow'd the Romans Arms to Vulcan: and the joy for this Victory was ſo great, that the Senate and People of Rome out of the Spoils made a Preſent to Apollo's Shrine at Delphos, of a golden Bowl, and beſtowed on their Confederates and Friends round about ſome of the Arms taken from the Gauls. To Hiero King of Syracuſe, beſides ſome of the Spoils they ſent the price of that Corn, which he had furniſhed the Romans with during the Gallic War.

The Iſtrians were the next Enemies they had, who annoying the Seas by Piracy took ſeveral Veſſels belonging to the Romans, that were laden with Corn; againſt whom the two Conſuls P. Cornelius and M. A. U. 532 Minucius Rufus being ſent, ſubdued ſome by force, and obliged others to ſurrender themſelves. But yet I do not find that theſe triumph'd: becauſe (I ſuppoſe) their Victory had coſt a great deal of Roman blood.

A. U. 533 This year there aroſe in Spain a Star of malevolent influence upon ſeveral Kingdoms and People: Hannibal, Haſdrubal's Succeſſor; of whoſe riſe and Exploits many things are to be delivered in the courſe of this Hiſtory by a greater hand. Mean while L. Veturius, and C. Lutatius marched out with their Forces to the Alps: and rather uſing Treaties and Negotiations, than Arms with thoſe People, they brought over ſeveral of them to embrace the Roman Alliance.

A War brake out again with the Illyrians at this time by reaſon of Demetrius Pharius his Tyranny: who pretending his Alliance with Rome, moleſted the neighbouring Nations, as he pleaſed himſelf: and therefore Complaints were made againſt him from ſeveral parts.

He truſting in the Power, in which upon his revolt from Teuta he was ſetled by the Romans, and his being Protector to Pinneus during his Minority, whoſe Mother Triteuta he had married, he carried himſelf with as great State as a King; and becauſe troubleſom and inſupportable as well to his Countrymen, as Neighbours. And even thoſe People of Illyria, that were the Roman Confederates and Allies, he endeavour'd to ſubdue: and having put to Sea with a Fleet of fifty Pinnaces well manned, he ſail'd beyond Leſſus contrary to the Treaty made with the Romans, and waſted the Cyclades [ſmall Iſlands in the Archipelago] and forced ſome of the People to pay him Tribute. And now he had got on his ſide as many of the Iſtrians, as were diſſaffected to the Romans ſince the late War, and forced the Atintanes to join with him. Neither did he regard the Romans at all; for he thought now they were ingaged in the Gallic War, and likewiſe were under apprehenſions of another with Carthage, they would have neither Power nor leiſure to revenge their Confederates quarrel, or to afford them protection. Beſide, he doubted not but he ſhould be aſſiſted with what Force he pleaſed by Philip King of Macedon, becauſe in his War with Cleomenes he had lent him Aid, being himſelf General of the Illyrian Auxiliaries.

A War therefore is declared againſt him, and preparations were made accordingly. Mean time L. Aimilius, and C. Flaminius the Cenſors perform'd the Luſtration; wherein 270213 men were polled. At that time a multitude of freed men, which liv'd diſperſed amongſt all the Tribes, gave great diſturbances to the City; ſo that the Cenſors in imitation of Q. Fabius Maximus reduced them into four Tribes, the Eſquilina, Palatina, Suburrana and Collina. C. Flaminia in the ſame Cenſorſhip, payed the High-way, as far as Ariminum, and built a Cirque; both which Works were called by the name of their Author, the Flaminian Cirque, and the Flaminian Way. The ſame Cenſors propoſed to the Commons the Metilian Law concerning Fullers, not ſuppoſing the Care of thoſe meaner things to be below the regards of their great Office.

At this time the Rebellion in Illyria obliged the Senate to ſend M Livius Salinator, and L. Aimilius Paul us the Conſuls to that Province. Demetrius on the other ſide was preparing very briskly for War, A. U. 534 having put a Gariſon into Dimalus, and provided all other things that were neceſſary for holding out a long Siege. In ſome places he caus'd the principal men to be kill'd, whoſe loyalty he ſuſpected, and deliver'd the government of their reſpective Towns to ſuch as were his own Creatures and Adherents; and out of his whole Kingdom he ſelected a Body of ſix thouſand men, which he kept with him for the defence of Pharus. Whilſt theſe things paſs'd on thus, L. Paulus the Conſul marching out in the beginning of Spring came to Illyria: and underſtanding that the Enemies relied very much upon the Works and defences of Dimalus, thought by them an impregnable Fort, he judg'd, that if he could take this place, he might put the Enemy into a great conſternation: Whereupon he ſat down before it, and his men made ſuch brisk attacques upon the place, that it was taken by ſtorm within ſeven days aftar it had been firſt inveſted. Nor was the Conſul miſtaken in his opinion; for the report hereof being immediately ſpread through the neighbouring Cities, Ambaſſadours came from all places round yielding themſelves up to the Romans.

The Conſul having accepted their ſubmiſſions and taken them under his protection, went to the Iſle of Pharus, where Demetrius his Palace ſtood, which when he found to be well furniſhed with Proviſion, ſtrongly guarded with Soldiers and alſo fortified with Works, and beſides with the Preſence of the Tyrant, fearing the tedious toyl of the Siege, contrived this cunning Intrigue to haſten the Victory. Having carried over his Army by Night, he poſted the beſt part of them in a certain Wood, where they ſtood undiſcovered by the Enemies, whilſt he himſelf went in open light with twenty Ships to a Port next the Town, where he drew out the Pharians, amongſt whom Demetrius himſelf came to hinder the Enemies from landing. When the Battel was joyn'd, ſeveral Parties coming in one after another to relieve their men; at laſt the Town was left without any guard to all. And in the mean time the Romans, who had landed in the Night, paſſing by certain by-ways poſſeſſed themſelves of a Hill betwixt the Town and Port, lying at an equal diſtance from either, whereby the way was block'd up, ſo that thoſe who had gone out of the City could not return in thither again.

Demetrius ſeeing what was done, took the beſt courſe that could be, conſidering his circumſtances. For leaving the preſent ingagement and countermanding his Men; He told them, You ſee how much the Enemy dreads your Valour; for, betaking themſelves to ſuch Stratagems as theſe, they confeſs, they diſtruſt their Arms againſt you. Having got in in the Night they ſtole into this Country, whereof, if I am not much miſtaken in you, they ſhall enjoy no more but what will ſerve for their Graves, having paid for it with their lives. Now you my Pharians, and all others of the Illyrian Race be mindful this day of your Countries and your own Honour: and let the Romans know, that it was not the effect of your Cowardize, that ever they triumph'd over the Illyrians; it was neither Fulvius nor P • ſthumius by their Arms or Conduct, but Teuta by her raſhneſs and folly that then deſtroyed the Illyrians and not to mention other things, you may remember, that if Teuta had choſe rather to make me her Friend, than her Enemy, the Romans then would not have had ſuch an eaſie Victory of it. But becauſe I depend very much upon your Valour, and the ſeaſon requires Action more than Words, I'le be ſhort with you, You have Arms, and Courage to uſe them; you ſee what danger you are in, and there is no way to avoid it, but by Valour. Let us therefore march on againſt the Enemies, who are juſt now got out of their lurking-holes, leaving theſe who are landing; for if we ſhall rout them, theſe will return to their Ships in greater haſt, than they left them.

Having thus encouraged his Men, he marched in order of Battel to attack thoſe who were poſted on the Hill, who received them very warmly, and ſtood their ground till the men that were landed came up, and aſſaulting the Enemy behind, routed them with great ſlaughter. Some few fled back into the Town, the reſt got off by certain by-ways. Demetrius, who in ſome private places had ſome Veſſels lying ready if any danger ſhould happen, embark'd in one of them, and fled to Philip King of Macedon; where being admitted to be one of that King's Favourites, by flattery and tyrannical Counſels he debauched the mind of that young Prince, enclin'd before to Vertue and moderation; and prov'd the Author of the Roman War, and of ſeveral other miſchiefs.

After this Battel Pharus was taken by the Romans, which was plunder'd and deſtroyed by the Generals Order. The Conſul afterwards having ſetled the Affairs of Illyria, returned to Rome to ſue for a Triumph, the Summer being now far ſpent.

In the relation of this War alſo, I have choſen to follow Polybius; though I know that in other Hiſtorians the glory of that Victory is equally given to both Conſuls, who having ſent for Demetrius to come to them, becauſe he obeyed not, firſt attacqu'd him in the Iſle of Iſſa, and overcame him by the aforementioned Stratagem; and afterwards having taken Pharus by treachery, drove out Demetrius from thence.

However, the Senate pardon'd the Illyrians for King Pinneus his ſake, whom they knew innocent in reſpect both of his mind and his age; and renewed the League with him, only adding ſome clauſes to the former Articles. In the mean while L. Aimilius celebrated a moſt ſpendid Triumph over theſe Nations: and ſome Authors ſay, that M. Livius triumphed after this War; but yet moſt ſpeak nothing of him, I ſuppoſe, becauſe L Paulus his Actions were more glorious ſo as to eclipſe the Fame and Honour of his Colleague. But the trial and Sentence of the ſame M. Livius afterwards was a thing moſt remarkable. For both he and L Paulus being maliciouſly impeached, as if they had not equally divided the Booty among the Soldiers, and converted a great part of it to their own uſe, underwent their Trial: L. Paulus Ambuſtus hardly eſcap'd, and all the Tribes except Maecia condemned M. Livius: which diſgrace he took ſo heinouſly, that afterwards he quitted the Town, and retir'd from all Company till the occaſions of the State call'd him back again to manage publick Affairs.

But theſe things happened during the Conſulſhips of P. Cornelius Scipio, and Tib. Sempronius Longus. The ſame year, whilſt M. Livius, and L. Paulus were yet Conſuls, one Archagathus the Son of Lyſanias came from Peloponneſus to Rome, who profeſſing Phyſick was made free of the City, and a Houſe was bought for him at the public charge in the Acilian Street: a thing not worth the relating, except becauſe this was the firſt time that ever any practis'd Phyſick in Rome, temperance and unbought Remedies having hitherto ſerved for the preſervation of Peoples health. The ſame year Colonies were brought to Placentia and Cremona in the Gallic Country, which was the principal cauſe, that incens'd the Boii and Inſubres, ſo that they began to caſt their Eyes upon Hannibal, who was then with all his Forces beſieging Saguntus, by the ruin of which place he made his way to come and fight with the Romans.

But theſe great Commotions, which brought on ſuch a terrible War, muſt be trac'd from their firſt ſource and Original.

The HISTORY OF TITUS LIVIUS, A PADƲAN. From the Foundation of Rome, to his time. DECADE III.

BOOK I. EPITOME.

THe Occurrences of the ſecond Punick War in Italy are related. 5, &c. Annibal, the Carthaginians General, contrary to the League, paſſes over the River Iberus, and after eight Months ſevere Siege, takes Saguntum, a City Allied with the Romans. 18. Whereupon Ambaſſadors are ſent to Carthage to complain of this Infraction of the Peace, but they refuſing to give ſatisfaction, War is declared againſt them. 24, &c. Annibal having got over the Pyrenaean Mountains, and defeated the Volſcians who would have hindered his Paſſage, marches on through part of France to the Alps, and with great labor and difficulty having alſo paſs'd thoſe Mountains, and beat back the Gallick Inhabitants there, who oppoſed him, deſcends into Italy, and overthrows the Roman Cavalry near the River Ticinus. 46. In which Conflict P. Cornelius Scipio being wounded, was reſcued, and his Life ſaved by his own Son, the ſame who afterwards was ſurnamed Africanus. 56, &c. Annibal having again routed the Roman Army upon the River Trebia, advances over the Appenine Hills, where his Soldiers were much diſtreſſed by the foul Weather and violent Tempeſts. 60, &c. Cn. Cornelius Scipio proſpers in his Wars againſt the Carthaginians in Spain, and takes their General Mago Priſoner.

JUſtly may I Preface to this Part of my Work, what moſt Hiſtorians are wont to profeſs U. C. 534 in the beginning of the whole of Theirs, That I am about to write the Story of one of the moſt memorable Wars that ever happened in any Age of the World: I mean, That which the Carthaginians, under the Conduct of their General Annibal, waged with the People of Rome. For never did more wealthy and potent Nations engage againſt each other in Arms; nor were they themſelves at any time ſo ſtrong and formidable as at this Juncture: And as they were not ignorant of each others Courage and Military skill, but had ſufficiently experienced the ſame in the former War between them; ſo alſo, they were ſo equally match'd, and the fortune of the Field ſo variable, that for a long time that ſide ſeemed neareſt to Ruine, who at laſt obtained the Victory. Beſides, their ſpights and animoſities againſt each other, were in a manner greater than their Forces; the Romans taking it in ſcorn and indignation, that Thoſe whom once already they had vanquiſh'd, ſhould of their own accords now begin a War with their Conquerors; and the Carthaginians no leſs enraged, becauſe the Romans manag'd their Succeſs with ſo much inſolence and covetouſneſs, as rendred, they thought, their uſage altogether inſupportable. 'Tis alſo reported, That when Amilcar after finiſhing his War in Africk, was upon his Expedition into Spain, as he was Sacrificing for good Succeſs, Annibal his Son not then above nine Years of Age, came coakſing of him (as Children uſe to do) to take him along with him; whereupon the Father brought him up to the Altar, and with his hand laid thereupon, cauſed him to ſwear, That he would ever be a mortal Enemy to the People of Rome, and fight with them as ſoon as he was able. This Amilcar being a Perſon of great Spirit, was, no doubt, exaſperated as well at the loſs of Sicily and Sardinia; of which the former, he thought was too haſtily ſurrendred by thoſe that without cauſe diſpaired of Defending it; and the latter, during the Broils in Africk fraudulently ſeized by the Romans; as alſo for the Tribute which (beyond what was capitulated) they had arbitrarily impoſed upon his Country.

Diſquieted with theſe thoughts, he manag'd Affairs ſo both in the African Commotions (which enſued for the next five Years after the Peace concluded with Rome) and after that in his Spaniſh Wars (where for nine Years together he diligently, and with mighty ſucceſs, encreaſed the Punick Dominions and Grandeur) that all the World might ſee he deſign'd ſtill a greater War than what he had in hand; and if he had lived, there is no queſtion but he had brought thoſe Carthaginian Arms upon Italy, wherewith it was afterwards Invaded under the Conduct of his Son; but his ſeaſonable Death, and Annibals Non-age, deferr'd the Storm a little longer. In the mean time, between the Father and the Son, Aſdrubal was Commander for almoſt the ſpace of eight Years. This Aſdrubal had been Amilcars Favorite; at the firſt (they ſay) for his Youth and handſome Face, but afterwards, for thoſe ſignal marks of Gallantry and Prudence which he manifeſted upon all occaſions, preferr'd to be his Son-in-Law; and in reſpect of that Alliance by the Intereſt of the Barchine Some ſay this was the common Name of the Commons-Party at Carthage, in oppoſition to the Nobility, whereof Amilcar had made himſelf Head; others, that Amilcars Father was named Barcha, and that this was only the Faction of that particular Family. Faction (which carryed a mighty ſway both in the Army, and with the Commons) he was now advanc'd to the Soveraign Conduct of the War, though much againſt the Will of the principal Noblemen. He manag'd Affairs more by Policy and Intrigue, than Force and Violence; and by treating, entertaining and careſſing the Neighboring Princes and Grandees, won the Affections and good Will of ſeveral Nations, and by that means encreaſed the Carthaginians Dominions and Power, rather than by force of Arms. But for all this Peace with Forein States, he was never the more ſecure of his own Life at home; for a certain barbarous Fellow, whoſe Maſter he had put to death, watching an opportunity, lop'd off his Head, and being apprehended by ſome that were by, kept his Countenance, and look'd as unconcern'd as if he had eſcaped; nay, when he was all mangled and torn with Tortures, he ſeem'd to ſmile, ſo far did the joy of his mind and ſweetneſs of revenge, over-ballance the pains of his Body, and render them as it were inſenſible. With this Aſdrubal, becauſe he had ſuch a ſingular dexterity at inſinuating into Forein Nations, and uniting them to his Intereſts, the Romans had renewed the League upon theſe two Conditions, That the River Iberus ſhould limit the utmoſt extent of their Dominions on either ſide; and that the Saguntines, who were ſituate between the Territories of both Nations, ſhould enjoy their Antient Liberties.

There being now a new Commander to ſucceed in the room of Aſdrubal, there was no doubt to be made, but the favor of the Mobile would join with the Prerogative choice of the Soldiery, who preſently carryed young Hannibal to the Head-Quarters, and with a vaſt Shout and unanimous conſent, ſaluted him as their General: For (you muſt note) whil'ſt he was yet very young, Aſdrubal had ſent for him to the Army, and the matter was debated in the Senate at Carthage, where they of the Barchine Faction urg'd how fit it was, That Annibal ſhould be train'd up in the Camp, and enur'd to Affairs of War, that he might be qualified to ſucceed his Father in ſerving the Publick. But Hanno, the Head of the contrary Faction, ſtood up and told them, That both what Aſdrubal deſired was very juſt and reaſonable, and that yet he was of Opinion, it ought not to be granted. They all began to ſtare at him for this odd ſaying, and knew not what to make on't, till thus he continued his Speech: That flower and beauty of Youth which Aſdrubal himſelf parted with, and proſtituted long ſince to Annibals Father, to uſe or abuſe at his pleaſure; the ſame he thinks he may with good right challenge and expect from the Son: But it little becomes the Dignity of our State, to have our Youth, under pretence of following the Camp and Military Inſtitution, debauch'd and made Catamites to the Luſts of our Generals: Are we afraid that Amilcars Son ſhould not ſoon enough be Ambitious? or too late graſp after his Fathers immoderate Commands and Power, which (in a Free-State) wanted but little of abſolute Royalty? Or are we in doubt that we ſhould not time enough be Slaves to his own Child, whoſe very Son-in-law uſurps the Conduct of our Armies as due to him by right of Inheritance? For my own part 'tis my judgment, That this Lofty-ſpirited Youth ſhould rather be kept at home in ſtrict obedience of Law, and taught under Civil Magiſtrates to live in equal condition with the reſt of his Fellow-Subjects, for fear, leſt one time or other, this Spark blaze too high, and put us all into a Combuſtion.

A few, and thoſe in a manner all of the beſt Quality and ſoundeſt Judgment, approved Hanno's advice; but (as it commonly happens where Votes are numbred, not weighed) the greater part over-rul'd the Better. Annibal being ſent into Spain, at his very firſt coming, attracted the eyes and affections of the whole Army: The Soldiers fancied that their old General Amilcar was reviv'd, and come again amongſt them; They thought they beheld the ſame vigor in his looks, the ſame vivacity in his eyes, the very ſame Martial features and generous lineaments in his whole countenance; but after a little time, ſo much he had inſinuated himſelf into their good Opinion, that the memory of his Father was the leaſt part of his Recommendation: Never was there a temper ſo well fitted by Nature to diſcharge two the moſt contrary Duties; viz. both to Command and Obey, ſo that you could not eaſily determine, whether he was more belov'd of the General for one, or of the Army for the other; for neither would Aſdrubal, when there was any hazardous Service in hand, chuſe to prefer any before him to manage it; nor did the Soldiers put greater confidence in any other Leader, or would ever more daringly adventure themſelves than under his Conduct. He had an admirable Courage to grapple with any Dangers, and no leſs Prudence in the midſt of hazards to extricate himſelf by good Counſel: No Fatigues could weary out his Body, nor damp the reſolution of his Mind; he could equally endure extraordinary Heat and exceſſive Cold: For his Diet, he meaſured both his meat and drink by his Appetite, and Natures neceſſities, not the pleaſure of his Palate: For ſleeping or for waking day or night, was all one to him, for only then when his Affairs left him at leiſure would he take his repoſe, wherein he was nothing curious of a ſoft Bed, or to have no noiſe about him, for often has he been ſeen taking a ſound nap amongſt the Sentinels and Corps-du-Guards upon the bare Ground, with nothing but a Soldiers courſe Jacket thrown over him: His Apparel no braver than the reſt of his Companions, but much delighted to be ſeen in excellent Armor, and to have the beſt Horſes could be got. Whether amongſt Horſe or Foot, he would ſtill be a great way formoſt; the firſt always in a Charge, and the laſt in a Retreat. But theſe ſo great and Manly Virtues, were counterpois'd by as mighty Vices; His Cruelty was inhumane, and though the Treachery of his Nation be famous even to a Proverb, yet he exceeded the reſt of his Country-men for Falſhood; he had no Truth, no Honeſty, no fear of the Gods, no reguard to his Promiſes or Oaths, no Conſcience, no Religion. Thus diſpoſed by Nature both as to Virtues and Vices, he ſerv'd full three Years under Aſdrubal, during which time he omitted nothing that was fit either to be known or done by a Perſon like to prove another day one of the greateſt Commanders in the World.

From the firſt day he was declared Generaliſſimo, as if Italy had been his Province, and he had receiv'd a Commiſſion to war with the Romans, hating delays, leſt ſome Misfortune ſhould take him off, as it had done his Father firſt, and Aſdrubal afterwards, he reſolv'd to attack the Saguntines. But knowing that thereby he ſhould undoubtedly provoke the Romans to take Arms in their Defence, as being their Allies, he thought fit firſt to lead his Army into the Borders of the Olcades (a People beyond the River Iberus, rather taking part with the Carthaginians than being under their Juriſdiction) that he might not ſeem principally to aim at the Saguntines, but to have been drawn upon them by the courſe of his Succeſſes, and after he had ſubdued all the bordering Nations, neceſſitated (as it were) to join them to the reſt of his Conqueſts. Here he firſt won by force Carteia, a rich City, and the Metropolis of that Province, and plundered it, which ſo terrified the ſmaller Towns, that they ſubmitted and became his Tributaries; whence he march'd back his Victorious Army, loaded with Plunder to New Carthage [now Cartagena] to take up their Winter-Quarters. Where having engaged the affections as well of his own Country-men, as of his Allies, partly by diſtributing the Pillage very liberally amongſt them, and eſpecially by paying the Soldiers punctually all their old Arrears, early in the Spring he took his March againſt the Vaccei [a People of Old Caſtile:] He alſo ſtorm'd Hermandica and Arbacala, two Cities of the Carteians, the latter of which made a ſtout Defence by the multitude and valour of the Townſmen; and thoſe that eſcaped from the former, joining themſelves with the baniſh'd remnant of the Olcades (a Nation vanquiſh'd laſt Summer) raiſed alſo the Carpetani [Inhabitants of Toledo] and fell upon Annibals Army, in their retur • , from the Vacceians, not far from the River Tagus; Annibal knowing his Men to be ſ •••• arg'd with Spoil and Pillage, declin'd to come to a pitch'd Battel, but encamped on the Bank of the River, and as ſoon as the Enemy were in their firſt ſleep, and all huſh'd, gets his Army over to the other ſide, where he again encamp'd at a convenient diſtance, leaving them room enough to paſs by him, but determining to attack them in their paſſage; in order whereunto he commands his Cavalry to Charge them as ſoon as they ſhould take the Water, and before his Foot upon the Bank he poſted forty Elephants: The Carpetani with their Aſſociates, the Olcades and Vacceians were an Hundred thouſand ſtrong, an Army invincible if they had fought upon equal ground, but being naturally fierce, and confident in their numbers, and withal believing that the Enemy was retreated for fear, they concluded the only obſtacle of their Victory was the Rivers being between them, and therefore ſetting up a ſhout, all in an huddle without direction of any Leader, ran into the River here and there, every Man at the place that was next him. From the other Bank Annibals Body of Horſe advanced into the Water to oppoſe them, where in the middle of the Channel they fought, but upon very unequal terms; for the Enemies Infantry having no firm footing, and afraid leſt the River ſhould not be fordable, were eaſily to be toppled down even by unarmed Cavalry if they did but ſpur on their Horſes amongſt them, whereas the Horſe having their Bodies and Arms at liberty, might in the midſt of the Stream ride ſecurely, and either Charge them with Handy-ſtroaks, or kill them at a diſtance with their Darts and Lances; abundance of the formoſt were drowned, and not a few by the violence of the Current driven to Land juſt in the mouth of the Enemy, where they were trod to pieces by the Elephants; the hindmoſt with more ſafety got back to their own Bank, but being ſcattered before they could rally together, and recover themſelves out of that Conſternation, Annibal with his Army in good order entered the River, beat them from the Bank and made them run for't, and having harraſs'd all thoſe Countries in ſhort time brought the Carpetans alſo to an entire ſubmiſſion.

Now were the Carthaginians Maſters of all beyond the River Iberus, except the Saguntines, with whom they had yet no War; but to adminiſter occaſion for it, a quarrel is fomented between them and ſome of their Neighbors, eſpecially the Turdetani, and he pretended to favor the latter, who indeed was the only Inſtrument that under-hand ſet them all at variance; which at laſt the Saguntines perceiving, and that he intended not ſo much to act as a Mediator for an amicable compoſure of their differences, as to ſeek colourable pretences to deſtroy them with open force; they diſpatch'd away Ambaſſadors for Rome, to crave aſſiſtance againſt that violence which was certainly coming upon them. The Conſuls of Rome at that time were P. Cornelius Scipio, and T. Sempronius Longus, who having introduced the Ambaſſadors into the Senate, and propoſed the matter, It was reſolved, That Ambaſſadors ſhould be ſent into Spain to inſpect the ſtate and condition of their Allies, who ſhould, if they found cauſe, ſolemnly require Annibal to forbear all acts of Hoſtility againſt the Saguntines, who were Friends and Confederates with the People of Rome; and from thence to ſail over into Africk to Carthage, and there give in a Memorial of the Complaints of their Allies: But before theſe Ambaſſadors could ſet forwards, certain Intelligence arriv'd, That Saguntum was already (much ſooner than any body expected it) actually Beſieged. Then the whole matter is again taken into conſideration by the Senate; ſome adviſed forthwith to diſpatch the Conſuls into the Provinces of Spain and Africk, with Commiſſion to make War both by Land and Sea; others thought it better to bend all their Forces wholly againſt Annibal in Spain. Nor wanted there ſome Opinions, That a matter of ſuch vaſt Importance was not raſhly to be undertaken, and that therefore they ſhould ſtay for the return of the Ambaſſadors before they proceeded to a final Reſolution. Which laſt advice ſeeming moſt ſafe, was embraced, and the Ambaſſadors ſo much the ſooner haſtned away, viz. P. Valerius Flaccus, and Q. Bebius Pamphilus, firſt to Annibal before Saguntum, and thence to Carthage (if he would not deſiſt) to demand him the ſaid Annibal to be delivered up into the Romans hands to be puniſh'd for violating the League.

Whil'ſt the Romans amus'd themſelves with theſe Conſultations, Saguntum is aſſaulted with the greateſt violence imaginable: This City was abundantly the richeſt of any beyond the Iberus, ſituate well nigh a mile from the Sea: The Inhabitants are ſaid to be Originally deſcended from the Iſle of Zant, but mix'd with ſome People that came from Ardea, a Town of the Rutilians; in few Years time it became a place very rich, ſtrong and conſiderable, as well in reſpect of the Revenues and product of their Lands, and their great Traffick by Sea, as for the multitude of Inhabitants, and that ſtrict and ſacred Diſcipline whereby they would remain firm to their Allies, though it were to their own deſtruction. Annibal, after he had Invaded their Territories with a formidable Army, and harraſs'd all the adjacent Country, Inveſted the City, but chiefly made his aſſaults three ways; there was one corner of the Wall ſhooting out into a more open Valley, than any other part all thereabouts, againſt which he reſolv'd to erect his Works call'd Vineae, [certain Galleries or Blinds made of Timber and Hurdles] under covert of which his Men might make their approaches, and bring up their Battering-Rams to play againſt the Wall: But as the ground a a diſtance ſeem'd very even and fit for ſuch purpoſes, ſo in the Proceſs of their Work tit did not at all anſwer expectation, for it was commanded by a vaſt Tower, and the Wall it ſelf (as being at a place moſt expoſed to danger) was there built more high and ſtrong than any where elſe, beſides the choiceſt and ableſt Men were Poſted there to make the moſt vigorous Defence where there was like to be the moſt violent Attack: Theſe firſt, with their Darts and Lances thrown at a diſtance, beat off the Enemy, ſo that the Pioneers could not with any ſafety follow their Work; afterwards, they not only pepper'd them from the Tower and the Walls, but grew ſo hardy as to Sally out upon them, and not only beat up their Guards, but many times would enter their Trenches and Works; and yet in all theſe daring Skirmiſhes loſt not more Men than they cut to pieces of the Carthaginians; nay Annibal himſelf, unadviſedly approaching too near the Wall, happening to be wounded in the Thigh with a light Javelyn, ſo that for the preſent he fell down; his Men were thereat ſo daunted and in ſuch diſorder, that they had like quite to have deſerted all their aforeſaid Engines and Fortifications.

Then for ſome days, till the Generals hurt was cured, the Siege indeed was continued, but no great Aſſaults made; however, though they had a Ceſſation from actual Conflicts, yet on both ſides they were as buſie as ever in preparing new Deviſes and Engines wherewith to miſchief one another; whereupon a little while after the Service grew hotter than before, and in ſeveral places at once, even in ſome where you would think it impoſſible; theſe Galleries were carryed on, and the Battering-Rams brought up to the very Wall. Annibal had plenty of Men to ſpare, for 'tis ſaid, he had not leſs than an Hundred and fifty thouſand Men in Arms; but the Townſmen, what with framing and managing Engines to annoy the Enemy, and what with defending themſelves in ſo many places, had all their hands full, and more than they could well perform: For now were the Walls continually battered by the Rams, and in many parts thereof ſhattered, but at one place above the reſt a breach was made ſo wide, that the City lay open and naked to the Enemy; and preſently after three Towers, and all the Wall betwixt them, fell down with an horrible craſh, inſomuch that the Carthaginians then verily perſwaded themſelves the Town was their own: At this Breach, as if the Wall had protected both Parties before, they met in heaps, and fought with equal fierceneſs, as if the one ſide had been as eager to come out as the other to get in. This Engagement was not like thoſe tumultuary Sallies and Skirmiſhes which are wont to happen at the aſſaults of Cities, wherein one party has the better of the other; but ſeem'd to be a formal Battel, or pitch'd Field, in the open ſpace between the breaches of the Wall and the Houſes of the City, which ſtood at a little diſtance within: On the one ſide they were tranſported with hope, on the other with deſpair; the Punicks looking upon the City as taken, if they did but ſtrive a little more, and the Saguntines reſolving now to fortifie and defend their native City with their Bodies, ſince it now was deſtitute of Walls; nor would any one retreat a ſtep for fear an Enemy ſhould advance in his place, and ſo get ground: The cloſer the Fight was, the more were kill'd and wounded, for there was not a Dart flung, not a blow ſtruck almoſt, but it muſt do ſome Execution either on their Bodies, or at leaſt on their Armor; but eſpecially the Saguntines uſed a Weapon called Falerica, which they lanced in manner of a Dart, having a long ſhaft and round, except at the end where it was headed with Iron, bound about with Tow ſmeared with Pitch; the Iron head was three foot long, that it might pierce through both the Armor and the Body; but if it happened only to ſtick in the Target without reaching the Body, yet it was very terrible, becauſe being flung after the middle was ſet on fire, by its motion through the Air, it burn'd more violently, and ſo forced thoſe on whom it lighted to fling away their Armor, and remain naked to receive the blows that afterwards were made at them.

When thus for a long time the Battel had continued doubtful, the Saguntines taking heart becauſe they had been able to defend themſelves ſo long, even beyond their own hopes and expectation, and the Carthaginians looking upon themſelves as little better than vanquiſh'd becauſe they had not compleated the Victory; the Townſmen all at once on a ſudden ſet up a ſhout, beat back the Enemy to the ruines of the Wall, and there being encumbred in their Retreat, thruſt them clean out, and at laſt put them to a diſorderly flight, and chaſed them as far as their Camp. In the mean time news came, that Ambaſſadors were arrived from Rome, but Annibal ſent ſome to meet them at the Sea-ſide, giving them to underſtand, That he thought it would not be ſafe for them to venture their Perſons amongſt the Arms of ſo many barbarous Nations; and that for his own part, amongſt thoſe dangerous and troubleſom Affairs he was engaged in, he had no leiſure to give Audience unto, or treat with Ambaſſadors: But well he knew, That upon refuſing to admit them, they would forthwith away to Carthage, therefore he had ſent Letters and Agents before to the chief Perſons of the Barchine Faction, to prepare the minds of that Party, that nothing ſhould be graunted in favor of the Romans, or to his own prejudice.

So their Ambaſſy thither was altogether as vain and without effect, as to him, ſave only that they were there entertain'd and had Audience. Hanno alone, though the whole Body of the Senate was againſt him, pleaded the Cauſe of the breach of League, and was heard with great ſilence and attention in reſpect of his Authority, rather than for any conſent they yielded to his Opinion: I have often (ſaid he) in the name and for the ſake of the Gods, who are the Witneſſes unto, and Judges of ſolemn Treaties and Leagues, admoniſhed and forewarned you, That you ſhould not ſend any of Amilcars race unto the Camp; That neither the Ghoſt nor Progeny of that Man would ever be at quiet, nor any Peace with the Romans be inviolably obſerved, whil'ſt there remains one alive of the Barchine Name and Family: But ſent you have, notwithſtanding all my Cautions, and conferr'd the chief Command of your Armies upon a Youth enflamed with the ambition of being an Abſolute Monarch over you, and who perceives nothing can be more conducive to ſuch his Deſigns, than the raiſing one War after another whereby he may always live in Arms, and ſurrounded with Legions: By this indiſcreet Action, you have as it were adminiſtred fewel to the Flame, and fed that Fire which already ſcorches and in time will conſume you. At this inſtant your Armies beſiege Saguntum, contrary to your League and Solemn Capitulations: What can you thence expect, but that ere long the Roman Legions ſhould encompaſs our Carthage, under the conduct of thoſe very Gods who in the former War took Vengeance upon us for the like perfidiouſneſs? What? Are you yet to learn what kind of Enemy it is you hereby provoke? Or have you forgot your ſelves, or the Fortune of both Nations? Your good Lord General, forſooth, would not admit into the Camp the Ambaſſadors of our Allies, coming alſo on the behalf of thoſe who were likewiſe in Alliance with us, and thereby have violated the Law of Nations. Theſe Ambaſſadors of our Friends, having received a greater affront than ever is wont to be offered to the Publick Meſſenger of Enemies, addreſs themſelves now to you, to demand ſatisfaction for the Injuries ſuſtained, deſiring you to keep that League to which you are ſworn; That you would not make your Generals fault your own, by juſtifying or ſuffering it to paſs with impunity; Without engaging you in the Quarrel, they only require him to be delivered up to Juſtice who is the Offender, and inſolently guilty of all theſe Infractions of the common Pence; The more gently they deal, and the longer it is ere they begin, the more obſtinately will they, I fear, continue their juſt Reſentments and Severities if once you ſhall neceſſitate them to it. Reflect upon proceedings paſt, ſet before your Eyes the Overthrows you ſuſtain'd at Eryx and the Aegatian Iſle, and all the Calamities which ye ſuffered for Four and twenty years ſpace as well by Land as Sea; nor was a Beardleſs Boy then your General, but his Father, Amilcar himſelf, a ſecond Mars, as thoſe of that Gang were wont to magnifie him; but the miſchief on't was, we could not then (as we were obliged by Treaty) hold our hands off from Tarentum in Italy, juſt for all the World as we muſt now be medling with Saguntum; therefore the Gods as well as Men took the matter in hand, and in the end vanquiſh'd us, though with fair words and ſpecious pretences we made it ſeem doubtful which Nation was the Aggreſſor; the Iſſue of the War determined it, and as a juſt Judge, where the Right was, beſtowed the Victory. Carthage it is, againſt which Annibal at this inſtant is raiſing his Mantlets, and his Galleries, and all his Warlike Engines; 'Tis her Walls he batters ſo fiercely with the Ram; Theſe very Ruines of Saguntum (I wiſh I may prove a falſe Prophet) will fall on our heads; The War begun with the Saguntines, muſt be fought with the Romans: What then, ſays ſome body, ſhall we deliver up ſo brave a Man as Annibal to them? I know my words will be of ſmall weight or authority in that matter, becauſe of the old Fewds between his Father and my ſelf; yet I muſt avow, That as I rejoiced when Amilcar dyed, for this very reaſon, Becauſe if he had lived, we had before this time been involv'd in Wars with the Romans; ſo looking upon this Youth, an Imp of his, as the very Fury and Fire-brand of ſuch a War, I cannot but hate and deteſt him; and (rather than that ſhould happen) do not only think him fit to be ſurrendred to them to expiate the breach of the League, but if no body demanded him, to be Tranſported as far as there is Sea or Land, and to be eternally Baniſh'd to ſome place ſo remote, as his name might never hereafter reach our Ears, nor his turbulent Genius have any influence to diſturb the Repoſe of our State. 'Tis therefore my judgment, That we preſently ſend away Ambaſſadors to Rome to give the Senate ſatisfaction, and others to Annibal, commanding him forthwith to withdraw the Army from Saguntum, and to deliver up the ſaid Annibal himſelf to the Romans, according to the League; and that a third Ambaſſy be diſpatch'd to the Saguntines, to make them reparation for the Injuries they have ſuſtained.

When Hanno had concluded his Speech, there was none thought it neceſſary to anſwer him, and bandy the matter with words, ſo intirely prepoſſeſſed was almoſt the whole Senate in Annibals favor, only they told Hanno, That he had made a virulent Harangue, and talk'd more like an Enemy, than Flaccus Valerius himſelf the Roman Ambaſſador. To whom afterwards this Anſwer was return'd, That it was not Annibal, but the Saguntines themſelves that begun the War; and that the People of Rome would deal unjuſtly, If they ſhould prefer the new Amity of the Saguntines, before that of the Carthaginians who were their moſt antient Allies.

Whil'ſt the Romans thus ſpend time in Ambaſſies, Annibal finding his Soldiers wearyed with continual Skirmiſhes and toil in the Works, gave them a few days refreſhment, ſetting Guards to defend his Galleries and Engines of Battery, and in the mean time endeavors to raiſe the Spirits of his Men, ſometimes provoking them againſt the Enemy, and ſometimes encouraging them with hopes of Booty. But when one day he told them, They ſhould have the whole Pillage of the City, they were ſo enflam'd and eager, that if he had preſently led them on, no force ſeem'd able to reſiſt them. The Saguntines as they were quiet this while from fighting, being neither aſſaulted by the Enemy, nor yet making any Sallies; ſo they ceaſed not night or day from Fortifying themſelves, and making a new Retrenchment behind the Breach. But after this ſhort Calm, the Storm was more furious than ever, nor could they tell (ſo various were the Attacks, Shouts and Alarms on every ſide) where they ſhould firſt apply themſelves to make Defence: Annibal himſelf was preſent in Perſon to hearten on his Soldiers that were driving up a Tower upon Rowlers, ſo high, that it over-look'd all the Fortifications of the City; which approaching near the Walls, well furniſh'd in every Story with Catapulta and Baliſtae [two ſorts of Engines, the firſt of which ſhot whole ſhoals of great Arrows, Darts, and the like Weapons, the other diſcharg'd ſhowers of great and ſmall Stones] they therewith beat off the Defendants; and Annibal taking that opportunity, ſent about Five hundred African Pioneers to undermine the Wall near the bottom; nor was it hard to be done, being built after the old faſhion with Loam inſtead of Chalk, ſo that it quickly came all tumbling down much further than they had weakned it, and through thoſe large Breaches whole Troops of armed Men entred at once into the Town, and withal poſſeſs'd themſelves of a little Hillock, and got thither all their Engines, and raiſed a Wall about it, ſo that they might have within the City it ſelf a Baſtilion of their own, that like a Caſtle might command all parts; on the other hand, the Saguntines ran up a Counter-mure to ſecure that part of the City that was not yet taken: Thus both ſides fortifie and fight with the utmoſt diligence and courage; yet though they diſpute the ground by Inches, the City daily grows leſs and leſs, they ſtill defending ſtoutly ſo much as was left, until at laſt ſcarcity of all Neceſſaries by reaſon of the long Siege, encreaſing, and their expectations of relief as faſt diminiſhing, the Romans, their only hope, being ſo far off, and round about them nothing but Enemies, they ſeem'd almoſt ready to deſpair; yet then for a while their Spirits were bouy'd up by ſome diſturbances amongſt the Oretanes and Carpetanes, which obliged Annibal himſelf to repair thither: For thoſe People diſcontented at too rigorous Levies of Soldiers that had been made amongſt them, had ſeized ſome of the Muſter-Maſters, and threatned to revolt, but by Annibals ſudden arrival in thoſe Parts, were quell'd, and glad to lay down their Arms.

The Siege of Saguntum in the mean time was nothing ſlackned, for Maharbal the Son of Himilco, whom Annibal had left Commander in Chief, ſo beſtirred himſelf, That neither his own Soldiers, nor the Townſmen, found any miſs of the General. This Maharbal had made ſome fortunate Attacks, and with three Rams ſhattered ſeveral parts of the Wall, and ſhewed Annibal at his return every place full of freſh Ruins; whereupon, the Body of the Army is preſently brought up to ſtorm the Caſtle or main Cittadel it ſelf, where a moſt deſperate and bloody Fight was maintain'd, with great multitudes ſlaughtered on each ſide, but in concluſion one part of the ſaid Fortreſs taken. Things being in this extremity, there were ſome ſmall hopes of Peace by the mediation of two Perſons, Alcon a Saguntine, and Alorcus a Spaniard; Alcon ſuppoſing he could prevail ſomewhat by way of Entreaty, unknown to the Saguntines, got by night to Annibal; but after he ſaw all his Lamentations would do no good, and that nothing but ſevere Conditions were propounded as from an incenſed Conqueror, inſtead of an Envoy, he reſolved to turn a Fugitive, and ſo continued with the Enemy, alledging, That whoever ſhould offer to move his Country-men to a Peace on ſuch terms, they would certainly kill him. Which terms were theſe, That they ſhould make reſtitution and ſatisfaction to the Turditanes for all loſſes and damages, ſurrender up whatever Gold or Silver they had, and departing out of the City but with one ſuit of Apparel apiece, dwell at ſuch place as the Carthaginians ſhould appoint. Alcon affirming, That the Saguntines would never accept of thoſe Conditions: Alorcus replyed, Where all things fail, the ſtouteſt Courages will fail and be glad to ſubmit to Fortune; withal, offering himſelf to carry thoſe Articles, and uſe his endeavors to compaſs a Peace. He was at that time a Soldier in Annibal's Army, but publickly profeſs'd a kindneſs for the Saguntines with whom he had formerly ſojourn'd, and been kindly entertained: Who having openly ſurrendred his Arms to the outmoſt Sentinels, paſs'd over their Works, and was carryed (as he deſired) to the Praetor of the Saguntines, where preſently there flock'd together a multitude of People; but the rabble being diſmiſs'd, and the Senate aſſembled, Alorcus made a Speech to them to this effect.

If Alcon your Fellow-Citizen, as he came to Annibal to deſire Peace, would have brought you back thoſe only Conditions on which you may have Peace, from Annibal, I needed not have given my ſelf or you this trouble, who am come neither as an Agent from Annibal, nor yet as a Fugitive; but ſeeing the ſaid Alcon remains with the Enemy, either through your fault or his own; his own, if he pretended cauſleſs fear; but yours, if indeed thoſe go in danger of their Lives at your hands that tell you the truth, I have though fit for that old kind Entertainment I had amongſt you, to come unto you, That you might not be ignorant, that there are ſtill ſome Conditions both of Life and Peace to be had. And that I have no deſign in this Addreſs to advance any other Perſons intereſt, but do it purely for your Good; this one conſideration may, I think, ſufficiently aſſure you, viz. That all the while you were able to defend your ſelves, or had any probable hopes of being relieved by the Romans, I never mentioned a ſyllable to you about Peace: But ſince you now juſtly deſpair of any timely aid from the Romans, and that neither your Arms nor your Walls are longer able to defend you, I bring you Overtures of a Peace more neceſſary, I confeſs, than equal; and which there are good hopes to effect, if what Annibal offers as a Conqueror, you will be content to accept as perſons Conquered, and not ſo much regard what you part with as loſt (ſince all will be the Conquerors) as to look upon what is left, as freely given you. Your City, a great part of which he has ruin'd, and in a manner taken it all, he is reſolv'd to diſpoſſeſs you of, but will allow you your Territories, and aſſign you a place whereon you may build a new Town to dwell in. He requires all your Gold and Silver, publick and private, but leaves your Perſons, your Wives and Children, free and untouch'd, if you pleaſe to march out with each a ſingle ſuit of Apparel. Remember, 'tis an Enemy and a Conqueror that Commands all this, and though it may ſeem harſh and grievous, yet your preſent deplorable Fortune perſwades you to accept thereof; nor do I deſpair but if you reſign all to his good pleaſure, he may perhaps remit ſome part thereof: However, I think you were abundantly better yield to all theſe his Demands, than to ſuffer your Bodies to be ſlaughtered or enſlaved, your Wives and Children to be raviſh'd before your faces, and carryed away Captive, to undergo the barbarous Outrages of inſolent Conquerors, and other uſual Extremities of War.

The People thronging round to hear what news this Alorcus brought, had by degrees mix'd themſelves with the Council, and all of a ſudden the chief of them, before any anſwer was return'd, withdrew themſelves, and brought out all the Gold and Silver they had, as well publick as private, into the Market-place, and when they had caſt it into a great Fire haſtily made there for that purpoſe, moſt of them threw themſelves headlong after it into the midſt of the Flames, and ſo periſhed with their Treaſure rather than they would part with it: This ſet all the City in an uproar and conſternation, which was encreaſed by a lamentable ſhreik much about the ſame time heard from the Caſtle; for a certain Tower that had been long batter'd, fell down, and at the breach a Regiment of Carthaginians ruſh'd in, and gave their General notice, That the Town was in diſorder, and abandoned of its ordinary Guards and Defence: Annibal knowing there was no delay to be uſed, when ſo favorable an opportunity preſented it ſelf, inſtantly ſtorm'd the City in every part with all his Forces, and in a moment made himſelf Maſter of it, giving out Orders, That all perſons above fourteen Years of age ſhould be put to the Sword; which Command, though cruel, was yet almoſt neceſſary as appeared in the event; for who would ſpare, or indeed could give Quarter, to ſuch as either ſhutting themſelves up with their Wives and Children, voluntarily burnt their Houſes over their own Heads, or elſe in their Armor would never give over fighting till they dyed?

Thus was the Town won, with great ſtore of Pillage in it, though a great deal was deſtroyed on purpoſe by the Owners; and that ſuch was the rage of the Conquerors, as ſcarce made any diſtinction of Age in the general Execution, for all that the Soldiers were to have the benefit of the Priſoners; yet 'tis certain, there was made a conſiderable ſum of Mony of the Goods they ſold, and abundance of rich Houſhold-Furniture and coſtly Apparel ſent to Carthage. Some write, that this City Saguntum was taken the eighth month after the Siege began, that thence Annibal retreated to take up his Winter Quarters, at New Carthage, and that in the fifth month after he ſet forth from Carthage, he entred Italy; which if true, then it cannot be, That P. Cornelius, and T. Sempronius, were the Conſuls to whom the Saguntine Ambaſſadors addreſs'd themſelves when they were firſt in danger of a Siege, and who alſo, whil'ſt they were in their Office, fought with Annibal, one of them at the River Ticinus, and a little afterwards both of them together at Trebia. But either all theſe things muſt have been diſpatch'd in leſs time, or Saguntum was not firſt beſieged at the beginning of the year wherein they two were Conſuls, but rather taken then; for the Battel at Trebia could not be ſo long after, as to fall in the year wherein Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius were Conſuls; for Flaminius entred his Conſulſhip at Ariminum, being created by T. Sempronius the Conſul, who after the Fight at Trebia came to Rome on purpoſe to hold the Elections, and then return'd to the Army at their Winter Quarters.

About one and the ſame time, both the Ambaſſadors came back from Carthage to Rome, bringing word, there was nothing but War to be expected, and tidings arriv'd of Saguntums being deſtroy'd; whereby the Senators felt various Paſſions all at once ſtrugling in their Breaſts, grief and pity for their Allies thus unworthily Maſſacred, ſhame becauſe they had not ſent them aid in time, rage and indignation againſt the Carthaginians, and ſuch an extream fear for their own State, as if the Enemy had been at their very Gates; ſo that in theſe agitations of their Souls, they rather encreaſed each others trembling, than ſetled themſelves into any orderly Counſel. They knew well, both that they never had to deal with a fiercer and more Warlike Enemy, and that the State of Rome was never more reſty, feeble, and undiſpoſed to War: That the Sardinians and Corſicans, the Iſtrians and Sclavonians, had but challeng'd and made bravadoes, rather than exerciſed in good earneſt the Roman Arms; and with the Gauls they had had tumultuary Skirmiſhes, but ſcarce any ſerious Fights. But the Carthaginian was an old try'd Enemy, a People that for the ſpace of Three and twenty years in continual moſt ſharp and difficult Services amongſt the ſeveral Nations of Spain, had always come off Victorious, being train'd up to all the toils and arts of War, firſt by Amilcar, and then by Aſdrubal, and now under Annibal a moſt valiant and able General; under whoſe Conduct they paſs the River Iberus, fluſh'd with a late Victory, and the ſpoils of a moſt opulent City, drawing after him a Train of ſo many Nations of the Spaniards, whom he has already hardened and inur'd to Wars, and will no doubt raiſe the ſeveral numerous Tribes of the Gauls, a People at all times ready enough to take Arms and do miſchief, ſo that henceforth they were to wage War with all the World, in Italy, and under the very Walls of Rome.

The Provinces were already nominated to the Conſuls, but now they were ordered to divide them by Lot; Spain fell to Cornelius; to Sempronius, Africk and Sicily: The ſtanding Forces for that Year were decreed to be ſix Legions of Romans, and as many of the Allies as the Conſuls ſhould think fit, with as good a Fleet as could be equipped. So they were muſter'd Four and twenty thouſand Roman Foot, and Eighteen thouſand Horſe; of Allies Four and forty thouſand Foot, and Four thouſand Horſe, and Two hundred and twenty Gallies with five courſe of Oars on a ſide, and twenty Barks fitted out. The preparations made, a Bill was preferred to the People, Whether they would Will and Command War to be declared againſt the People of Carthage? which being paſs'd in the affirmative, publick Supplications were obſerved throughout the City, wherein the People beſeech'd the Gods, That the War might ſucceed well and happily which the People of Rome had Decreed. The Forces were divided between the Conſuls, as followeth; Sempronius had the Conduct of two Legions, each conſiſting of Four thouſand Foot and Three hundred Horſe; and of Sixteen thouſand Foot and One thouſand eight hundred Horſe, of the Confederate Forces; and for Sea-ſervice, One hundred and ſixty long Ships, and twelve Barks: With which ſtrength for Sea and Land, he was ſent into Sicily, from thence to Invade Africk, if the other Conſul ſhould be able to keep Annibal out of Italy. To Cornelius were aſſign'd the fewer Forces, becauſe L. Manlius the Praetor was ſent into Lombardy with a conſiderable Army; eſpecially as to Ships, Cornelius had but a few, viz. only Sixty Gallies of five Benches of Oars on a ſide, becauſe it was ſuppoſed the Enemy would not come by Sea, nor any occaſion happen in thoſe parts for much Service on the Water. He had alſo with him two Legions of Roman Foot, with their juſt Complement of Horſe, and of the Allies Fourteen thouſand Foot, and Twelve hundred Horſe. In Lombardy, and the Coaſts of the River Po (call'd of old Ciſalpin a Gallia) there were two Roman Legions, and Fourteen thouſand of the Aſſociate-Infantry; a Thouſand of their Horſe, and Six hundred of the Romans, which that Year were all brought into Service againſt the Carthaginians.

Things being thus in readineſs, that it might appear they proceeded with all the Formalities of Juſtice and the Law of Nations, before they would actually begin the War, they again ſent Ambaſſadors into Africk, employing therein Q. Fabius, M. Livius, L. Aemilius, C. Licinius, and Q. Boebius, Perſons venerable both for their Age and Quality, whoſe Errand was, To demand of the Carthaginians, Whether or no it were by Publick Council and Order that Annibal aſſaulted Saguntum? And if (as 'twas believed they would) they ſhould avow the Action and juſtifie it, then to give them defiance, and declare open War againſt the People of Carthage. The Romans being arrived and admitted to Audience, after Q. Fabius had made the aforeſaid Demand according to their Inſtructions, one of the chief only of the Carthaginians made him this anſwer: As your former Ambaſſy, O Romans, was vain & groundleſs, when you would needs have had Annibal delivered up to you for Beſieging Saguntum of his own head, ſo this, though it ſeem in Words more mild and plauſible, is, in truth, more rude and affronting: Then was only Annibal charged and demanded; now we are urged to own that as a Fault which is none, and then, as if we had confeſs'd a Crime, you ſhall require Satisfaction: But I muſt tell you, That you miſtake the Queſtion, which is not, nor ought to be, Whether Saguntum was attack'd by private or publick Advice? but, Whether juſtly or unjuſtly? For whether it were done by our Commiſſion, or of his own head, is a matter that belongs to our cognizance, who only have the right of chaſtizing our own Citizens for tranſgreſſing our Orders: All that we have to debate with you, is, Whether it were not lawful for us to Inveſt that Town notwithſtanding the League? And ſince it pleaſes you, That we ſhould diſtinguiſh between what Commanders do by Orders from the State, and what they attempt of themſelves; we muſt remember you, That there was a League between us and you, concluded by your Conſul Luctatius, wherein there is a Clauſe comprizing the Allies of both Parties, but not a word concerning the Saguntines, with whom you had then no Alliance. But afterwards, in the Treaty with Aſdrubal, the Saguntines were indeed excepted, againſt which I ſhall alledge nothing but what you your ſelves have taught me; for you denyed your ſelves to be any way obliged by that League that was made on your behalf by the ſaid Conſul Luctatius, becauſe it was not done either by the Authority of the Senate, nor Command of the People; and therefore you would have another League drawn up anew, and entred into by publick Aſſent: If therefore your Leagues are not binding to you, unleſs concluded with your Approbation and Command, then neither can this Treaty of Aſdrubal's oblige us, which he entred into not only without warrant from us, but even without our privity or knowledge. Forbear therefore theſe Diſcourſes of Saguntum and Iberus, and ſpeak plain, what you have ſo long deſigned in your minds, That you are reſolved upon any pretences to quarrel with us. Then Q. Fabius the Roman folding up the skirt of his Gown: Here, quoth he, within this Lappet we offer you Peace and War, take which you will: At which word they all cryed out no leſs ſtoutly, Even which you will your ſelf; and when he letting looſe his Robe, had told them, Then there I denounce War againſt you: They all reply'd, We chearfully accept thereof, and doubt not but to manage it with as much Courage, as now we entertain the Tidings of it.

This direct Demand and down-right denunciation of War, the Romans thought more for their Honor, than to ſtand arguing longer about the Right and Juſtice on't from the Terms of the League, as well before, as eſpecially now ſince Saguntum was deſtroyed. Though yet had it been a matter to be determined by Reaſoning, 'twas plain on their ſide; for the League with Aſdrubal was not in the ſame Tenor, nor to be compared with that concluded by Lutatius, ſince that of Lutatius had an expreſs Clauſe, that it ſhould hold good and firm, If the People of Rome ſhould approve it, but in Aſdrubals there was no ſuch Exception; and beſides, as by tacite conſent for ſo many years during his Life it was approved of, ſo neither after his Death had they deſired to have it altered. Yet ſtill, put caſe they ſhould ſtand wholly to the firſt Treaty, the Saguntines were therein ſufficiently comprehended under thoſe general Words, The Allies of both Parties excepted: For neither was it ſaid, The Allies that then were, nor, that none afterwards ſhould be received into Alliance. Since therefore they might by the Treaty aſſume new Aſſociates, who can imagine it juſt or reaſonable either, That none ſhould be received into Amity for any merits whatſoever; or that being once received, they ſhould not be Defended? Provided, That no Allies of the Carthaginians ſhould be ſolicited to break with them; or having of their own accord revolted from them, ſhould be entertain'd into Friendſhip by the Romans. The Roman Ambaſſadors (according to their Inſtructions) went from Carthage into Spain, to viſit the ſeveral Cities there, to endeavor to draw them to their Confederacy, or alienate them from the Carthaginians. They addreſſed themſelves firſt to the Barguſians, by whom being courteouſly received, as weary of the Punick Government, they excited ſeveral petty Nations beyond Iberus, to a deſire of Innovations. Then they came to the Volſcians, whoſe ſhrewd Anſwer (reported through all Spain) wholly averted the reſt of the People from joining with the Romans: For thus the eldeſt of their Council accoſted them: With what face can, you Romans, deſire we ſhould prefer your Amity before that of the Carthaginians? Since, when the Saguntines had ſo done, they were by you their Allies more cruelly betrayed, than by their Enemies the Carthaginians deſtroy'd? For my part, I conceive you muſt go and ſeek you Confederates where the Calamities of Saguntum were never heard of: To the People of Spain, the yet ſmoaking Ruines of that miſerable City are, as a doleſome Example, ſo an illuſtrious Warning, That none ever hereafter repoſe confidence on Roman Faith, or truſt to their Protection. Immediately they were commanded to depart the Volſcian Territories; nor did they afterwards meet with any kinder Language in any Diet or Council in all Spain; ſo that having in vain traverſed that Country, they went their ways into France.

There they thought it a new and terrible ſight, to ſee them all repair to Council in their Armor (for ſuch was the mode of the Country:) But when, extolling the Valor and Glory of the People of Rome, and the Grandeur of their Empire, the Ambaſſadors deſired, They would not allow the Carthaginians (who were about to Invade Italy) a paſſage through their Dominions; ſuch a laughter and ſhout was ſet up, as could ſcarce be appeaſed by the Magiſtrates and Graver ſort, ſo ſilly and impudent a requeſt it ſeem'd to them, to think that the French would be ſuch Coxcombs, as rather than ſuffer the War to paſs into Italy, to turn it upon themſelves, and expoſe their own Country to be haraſſed and ruined for the ſake of Strangers. But at length the noiſe being quallified, this Anſwer was returned to the Ambaſſadors: That neither the Romans had deſerved ſo well, nor the Carthaginians ſo ill at their hands, that they ſhould embroil themſelves or take Arms for the one, or againſt the other: But rather on the contrary they had receiv'd Intelligence, That the People of their Nation were by the Romans driven out of their antient Poſſeſſions in Italy, forced to pay Tribute, and treated with all ſorts of Outrages and Indignities. The ſame, or ſuch like Anſwers, they met with in the reſt of the French Aſſemblies; nor received any kind Entertainment or friendly Language till they came to Marſeilles, from whom, being their Old Allies, and who had narrowly pry'd into all Intrigues, they underſtood, That Annibal had already prepoſſeſſed the French; but withal, That they were not like long to continue in good Terms with him (they were a People of ſuch a fierce and untractable temper) unleſs continually he fed their Grandees with Gold, of which that Nation is moſt greedy and covetous. Having thus paſs'd through, and amongſt the ſeveral People of Spain and France, the Ambaſſadors return home to Rome, quickly after the Conſuls were gone into their reſpective Provinces, and found the Eyes of the whole City altogether intent upon the fortune of the War; it being credibly related, That the Carthaginians had already paſs'd the River Iberus.

Annibal, after the taking of Saguntum, being retired to New Carthage for Winter-Quarters, and advertiſed of all that paſs'd both at Rome and Carthage, and that he was look'd upon not only as the General, but the Promoter too, and ſole cauſe of the War; ſo ſoon as he had divided and ſold the reſt of the Pillage that remained, thought good now no longer to conceal his Intentions, but aſſembled the Soldiers of the Spaniſh Nations, and thus diſcourſed them: I believe even you your ſelves, Fellow Soldiers! cannot but ſee, that having now reduc'd all the States of Spain to Obedience and Peace, we muſt either lay down our Arms, and disband our ſelves, or transfer the War into other Lands; for ſo ſhall theſe Nations flouriſh, not only with the advantages of Peace, but reap the fruits of War and Victory, if we ſhall bravely endeavor to acquire both Riches and Glory from others. Since therefore our Campaign is like ſhortly to lie at a further diſtance, and it is uncertain when you may again have an opportunity to viſit your own homes, and what there is dear to every one; therefore to ſuch of you as deſire to go ſee your Families and Friends, I am willing to give free Paſs-ports; but withal, ſtrictly charge you, to be back again here at the Rendezvous, early in the Spring, That then, the Gods being our Aſſiſtants, we may go in hand with a War that cannot fail to yield us a plentiful Harveſt of Wealth and Glory. There was not one, in a manner, to whom this free leave of viſiting their Native Homes, was not very welcome, becauſe they had already a longing to ſee their Relations, which was encreaſed by the thoughts of being removed to a greater diſtance from them. This reſt all Winter, between the Labors paſt and thoſe they were to undergo, refreſh'd as well their Minds as their Bodies, and prepared them to endure all fatigues as briskly as ever.

In the very beginning of the Spring, according to the aforeſeid Edict, they came again to a Rendezvous, and Annibal having taken a Muſter of all the Auxiliaries ſent from the ſeveral Nations; Marching to Cadiz, there paid his old Vows to Hercules, and obliged himſelf in new ones, If the reſt of his Undertakings ſhould ſucceed proſperouſly. And now dividing his Cares, as well for a defenſive as offenſive War, leſt whil'ſt he with a tedious March by Land through Spain and France, went to Invade Italy, Africk ſhould lie naked and expoſed to the Romans, who eaſily from Sicily might croſs the Seas, and make a deſcent upon the main Continent; he thought fit therefore to ſecure home, by ſending thither a grand Detachment, and in lieu thereof deſired Recruits from Africk, eſpecially of Archers and Javelineers lightly Armed, That as interchangable Pledges of Fidelity, the Africans might ſerve in Spain, and the Spaniards in Africk; both like to prove the better Soldiers, by being far from their own Countries. He ſent into Africk One thouſand three hundred eighty five Foot, armed with ſhort Targets, and Eight hundred and ſeventy Slingers of the Balearean Iſles, and of Horſe mix'd of ſeveral Nations, One thouſand and two hundred. All which he ordered partly for a Gariſon for Carthage, and the reſt to be diſtributed through Africk as occaſion ſhould require; Likewiſe he deputed Commiſſioners into the ſeveral Cities to preſs Soldiers, of whom Four thouſand ſelect Youths of the beſt Quality were carryed to Carthage, both to ſtrengthen the Gariſon, and remain as Hoſtages.

Nor was Spain in the mean time to be neglected, eſpecially becauſe he was not ignorant that the Roman Ambaſſadors had gone their Circuit amongſt them to tamper with the Chief Perſons, and ſolicit them to a Revolt; he therefore committed the charge of that Province to his Brother Aſdrubal, a Perſon diligent and ſtout, and furniſh'd him with conſiderable Forces, for the moſt part tranſported out of Africk, viz. Eleven thouſand eight hundred and fifty African Foot, Three hundred Ligurians, Five hundred Balearians (or Slingers, from the Iſles Majorca and Minorca:) To which Infantry was added the following Horſe, viz. Three hundred Lybiphoenicians (a mungril People, partly ſprung from the Carthaginians (who were of Phoenician Extract) add partly from the old Inhabitants of Libia or Africk) and of Numidians and Moors dwelling on the Sea-coaſt, One thouſand eight hundred, with a few ſmall Troops amounting to about Two hundred, from the Illergetes in Spain; and that nothing for Land-Service might be wanting, he alſo accommodated him with Fourteen Elephants: Furthermore conſidering, that 'twas probable the Romans would again chuſe to make uſe of that ſort of War, viz. Marine, whereby in the former Conteſt they chiefly got the Victory; he ordered him a Fleet to guard the Coaſts, conſiſting of Fifty Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece, two of four, and five of three rows of Oars; but only the five laſt, and Thirty two of the firſt ſort, were Man'd and fitted out.

From Cadiz the Army returned to their old Winter-Quarters at New Carthage, and from thence along by the City Etoviſſa, to Iberus and the Sea-coaſt. There, 'tis reported, Annibal ſaw in a Dream, a young Man, for ſhape and beauty Divine rather than Humane, who ſaid he was ſent by Jupiter to be his Guide into Italy, and therefore bid him follow him, without ever looking behind him, or turning his eyes to one ſide or t'other; Which accordingly he did for a while, never looking either back or beſides him, but at laſt, that Curioſity natural to Man, wondering much and inquiſitive to know what it might be behind him, which he was ſo ſtrictly forbidden to behold, prevailed with him ſo far, that he could not forbear turning his eyes that way, where he ſaw a Serpent of a wonderful ſize, all the way as it went, bearing down vaſt Woods and Groves before it, and immediatly followed a great ſtorm with dreadful Thunder-claps; and when he ask'd the meaning of this confuſion and prodigious ſight, he was told, 'Twas the deſolation of Italy; That therefore he ſhould go on in his Expedition and inquire no further, but ſuffer the Deſtinies to remain unveloped in their Natural obſcurity.

Overjoy'd with this Viſion, he Fords his Army over the River Iberus, divided into three Bodies, conſiſting in all of Ninety thouſand Foot and Twelve thouſand Horſe, ſending ſome before, who with Preſents might conciliate the favor of the Gauls (amongſt whom he was to paſs) and alſo to diſcover the Paſſages of the Alps. Then he over-run the Illergetes, Barguſians, and Auſetanians, and the Province of Lacetania [now the Biſhoprick of Barcellona] which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean Mountains: Over all which Tract he made Hanno Governor, that he might have at his Devotion thoſe Paſſes and Streights which join France to Spain, allowing him Ten thouſand Foot and a thouſand Horſe to keep them in ſubjection. Whil'ſt now the Army was begun to be drawn into the Pyrenaean Thickets and Hills, and the report ran more certainly current amongſt the Barbarous Auxiliaries, that 'twas the Romans they were deſigned to fight againſt, Three thouſand Foot of the Carpetanes deſerted the Service, not ſo much terrified with the War, as at the tediouſneſs of the Journy, and the inſuperable paſſage of the Alps: Annibal being loth either to force them back, or retain them againſt their Wills, leſt thereby he ſhould provoke the reſt that were as fierce and ſavage as they, to a mutiny, did of his own accord ſend home above Seven thouſand more, whom he perceived to be weary and have no ſtomach to the Service, pretending that the ſaid Carpetanes were alſo diſmiſs'd with his free conſent.

But leſt lingering and idleneſs ſhould likewiſe debauch the Courage of the reſt, he preſently paſſes the Pyrenaean Hills, and Encamps before the Town Illiberis. The French, although they were told the War was deſigned only againſt Italy, yet becauſe there was a report that the Spaniards on the other ſide of the Pyrenaean Mountains, were ſet upon and conquered by Force, and great Gariſons impoſed upon them, therefore the Heads of ſeveral Nations, for fear of being Enſlav'd, betook themſelves to Arms, and Rendezvous'd at Rouſillon. Of which Annibal having advice, apprehending more the ſtop and loſs of time, than their Arms, ſent Meſſengers to their ſeveral Princes and Chiefs, That he in Perſon would have a Friendly Conference with them, and that the Meeting might be the more eaſie, They ſhould either advance nearer to Illeberis, or he go on further towards Rouſillon; For as he was ready with Joy to receive them into his Camp, ſo he would make no difficulty to venture himſelf amongſt them, ſince he came a Gueſt, not an Enemy into France, and was reſolv'd, if they would but permit him, not to draw a Sword until he was entred Italy. This paſs'd by Curriers between both Parties, but preſently after, the French Chiefs remov'd towards Illeberis, and came willingly enough to Annibal, as being before brib'd by his large Preſents, and ſo gave him free leave to march his Army through their Territories, under the Walls of Rouſillon.

In Italy all this while they had no further News, than only that Annibal was paſs'd beyond Iberus, which tidings was brought to Rome by the Envoys from Marſeilles; yet, as if he had already paſs'd the Alps, the Boii were revolted, and ſoliciting the Inſubrians (thoſe of Milain) to join with them; which they did, not ſo much for the old grudge againſt the Romans, as becauſe they could not endure thoſe Colonies which were brought into the Ciſalpine Gallia, along the Banks of the Po, at Placentia and Cremona. So having ſuddenly taken Arms, they made an Incurſion into thoſe parts, and gave ſuch a terrible Alarm, that not only the Ruſtick rabble, but even the Roman Triumvirs who were ſent thither to aſſign and alot the Lands, not thinking themſelves ſafe within the Walls, fled to Mutina [at this day call'd Modena] whoſe names are ſaid to be C. Lutatius, A. Servilius, and T. Annius. As for Lutatius there is no diſpute, but inſtead of A. Servilius and T. Annius, ſome Chronicles have Q. Acilius and C. Herennius; others, P. Cornelius Aſina, and C. Papirius Maſo. It is alſo uncertain, whether it were the Ambaſſadors ſent to Expoſtulate with the Boii that were abuſed, or whether it were only to the Triumvirs as they were meaſuring out the Ground that violence was offered. Whil'ſt they were beſieg'd in Modena, the Enemy being both unskill'd in the Arts of aſſaulting Towns, and of all others the moſt cowardly and unapt for any Martial Exploits, knowing not how to do any thing but lie idling before the Walls, did at laſt make Overtures for a Peace: But when Commiſſioners at their requeſt came out to Treat with them, they, contrary not only to the Law of Nations, but alſo in violation of their preſent ſafe Conduct, detain'd them Priſoners, refuſing to releaſe them, unleſs the Hoſtages they had formerly given were diſcharged. Intelligence hereof arriving at Rome, and that the Gariſon at Modena was in danger, L. Manlius the Praetor with great Indignation, and more haſt than good ſpeed, leads an Army thitherwards. In thoſe days there were mighty Woods upon the Road, and for the moſt part uninhabited, ſo that venturing along there without his Scouts abroad, he fell into an Ambuſcade, and not without difficulty and great loſs of his Men, recovered the open Champain Country, where he Entrench'd himſelf, and becauſe the Gauls [for theſe Boii were a Branch of that Nation] had no Courage to attack their Camp; his Soldiers hearts were a little lightned, and yet would not but be ſenſible they had receiv'd a ſhrewd Blow, and were much impaired. Then they began to March again, and as long as they were in the open Fields, no Enemy appear'd, but as ſoon as they entred another Woody place, fell upon their Rear, cut off Eight hundred of their Men, and carryed away ſix Colours, putting the whole Body into great Terror and Conſternation; but as ſoon as they were got paſt thoſe pathleſs Thickets and Forreſts, both the Gauls ceaſed to moleſt them, and the Romans gave over their fears, who eaſily defending themſelves in the open Country, made haſt to Tanetum, a Village on the Bank of the Po, where with Entrenchments and Works they caſt up, and ſupply of Proviſions ſent them down by the River, together with the aſſiſtance of thoſe Gauls call'd Brixians, they ſecured themſelves againſt the Enemy, whoſe multitudes were daily encreaſed.

After this ſudden tumult was reported at Rome, and that the Senate was advertiſed, that beſides the Punick War, they were alſo like to be emboil'd with the Gauls, they immediately iſſue out Orders, That C. Attilius the Praetor, with a compleat Roman Legion, and Five thouſand of the Allies liſted on a new Levy by the Conſul, ſhould go to relieve his Brother Manlius, who accordingly march'd to Tanetum without any Encounter; for upon news of his advance, the Enemy was frighted and fled. Alſo P. Cornelius having newly raiſed another Legion in the room of that which was ſent along with the Praetor, departed from Rome with ſixty long Ships, by the Coaſts of Tuſcany, Liguria, and within view of the Salyan Mountains, till he arrived at Marſeilles; and having landed his Men, Encamped by the neareſt mouth of the Rhone (for that River being devided, diſcharges it ſelf in ſeveral Channels into the Sea) ſcarce believing, That Annibal was yet got over the Pyrenaean Mountains, till adviſe came, that he was already come up to the Rhoſne, and contriving to Tranſport his Army over it; wherefore, not knowing where he might encounter him, and for that his Men were ſcarce yet well recovered of their being Sea-ſick, he ſent out Three hundred choſen Horſe, with Marſeillian Guides, and ſome French Auxiliaries to diſcover the poſture of the Enemy. Who having pacified the reſt of the Nations, either fearing to ſtir, or brib'd with mony to be quiet, was now come to the Territories of the Volcans (People of Avignon) a potent Nation that inhabit on both ſides of the Rhone, who miſtruſting they ſhould not be able to keep off Annibal from that part which lay beyond it, that they might ſecure the reſt by the advantage of the River, carryed almoſt all they had to the other ſide, and there Poſted themſelves. The reſt of the Borderers on the River, as well as thoſe in whoſe Countries he quartered, Annibal eaſily prevail'd with to ſupply him with what Veſſels they had, and in building of new ones; for both he was deſirous to get his Army over as ſoon as poſſibly he could, and they were as willing to be rid of the burthen of Quartering ſo vaſt a multitude; ſo that there was quickly got together a World of Lighters, Barges, and ſorry kind of Boats which the Country People had for their ordinary uſe; other new ones were alſo made, firſt by the French, out of the hallowed Trunks of Trees, and afterwards the Soldiers ſeeing how eaſie it was, and that they had materials enough, fell to making themſelves ſuch Canoo's, regarding no neatneſs, ſo they would but float upon the Water, and carry them over and their Baggage.

But when all things were in readineſs for their Tranſportation, the Enemy on the other ſide daunted them, for they covered all the Bank with Armed Men, both Horſe and Foot; Annibal, to give them a diverſion, orders Hanno the Son of Bomilcar, in the beginning of the Evening, with a ſtrong Detachment, moſt of them Spaniards, to march up the River one days journy, and getting over the River where he could find a conveniency, to march round with all ſecrecy, that upon occaſion he might fall upon the back of the Enemy. The French Guides appointed for this Expedition, led him up almoſt Five and twenty miles, to a place where the River dividing it ſelf, made as it were a little Iſland, and ſo its Channel became leſs deep, and afforded a convenient paſſage: Therefore cutting down Timber in all haſt, they built them Punts and flat-bottom'd Boats, to carry over both Men and Horſe; but many of the Spaniards made no more, but clap'd their Bucklers and Cloaths upon certain Leathern Bottles, ſat themſelves aloft thereon, and wafted over in a trice; and the reſt of the Party upon Rafts and kind of Boats. Then they Encamp'd near the Rivers ſide, being weary both with their long march, and this hard work; but after one days refreſhment, their Leader being intent upon his Deſign, they advanc'd from thence, and gave notice by great ſmoaks that they were got over, and not far off; whereupon Annibal, that he might loſe no time, gave his Army the Signal to tranſport themſelves as faſt as they could. The Foot had their Wherries or Canoo's ready prepared and fitted, and abundance of Barges or large Veſſels placed up higher in the River, to break the force of the Current, and render it more ſmooth and ſafe for the ſaid little Boats that paſs'd below them, carryed the Cavalry, except ſuch Horſes as ſwam croſs, as many empty ones did after the Veſſels, their Bridles being tyed to the Stern; but ſuch as were ſaddled and harnaſſed to be ready for preſent Service, were tranſported in the Barges or Ferry-Boats.

The French in heaps ſtood upon the oppoſite Bank, with loud hooping, hallooing, and ſinging after their barbarous manner, clattering their Targets over their Heads, and brandiſhing their Weapons in their right hands; though yet they were not a little ſtartled to ſee ſuch a power of Veſſels coming upon them, with the hideous roaring of the Water, and no leſs terrible ſhouts and clamors both of the Water-men and Soldiers, endeavoring to break through the Current, and of thoſe yet behind on the other Bank, encouraging their Fellows that were paſſing. But whil'ſt they were thus concern'd at the ſight and noiſe before, a much more dreadful Out-cry aroſe behind their backs, Hanno having ſurprized their Camp, and preſently after was up at them with his Brigade; ſo that now they were aſtoniſh'd, and in equal danger on all ſides, for they had not only a mighty power of Armed Men that were got on Land from the Veſſels, to deal with, but alſo an unexpected Army furiouſly charging them in the Rear: The French, after they had made head a while, and found all reſiſtance vain, where they ſpyed the Coaſt moſt clear, broke through, and ſo in great fear fled ſeveral ways into their reſpective Towns and Villages. Annibal then at leiſure wafting over the reſt of his Forces, contemning now all French interruptions, Encamped himſelf: For tranſporting the Elephants, I ſuppoſe there might be ſeveral devices propoſed, becauſe 'tis variouſly related; ſome ſay, That having brought them altogether to the Bank, one of the wildeſt and fierceſt of them being purpoſely provoked and enraged by his Keeper, when he run at him, the Fellow, as to ſave himſelf, took the Water, and the Beaſt in that fury followed him as he ſwam, thereby drawing after him all the whole drove to do the like; and as any of them fearing the depth failed to wade, the very force of the Stream carryed them downwards till they came to the other Bank. But it is more credibly related, That they were conveyed over in Veſſels, which as it was ſafer counſel before it was practiſed, ſo when 'twas done, was more eaſie to be believed: They made (theſe Authors ſay) a very large Raft of Two hundred foot long, and fifty broad, which, that it might not be carryed away with the Current, they fix'd with ſtrong Ropes on the upper part to the Bank, and covered it over with Turfs and Earth like a Bridge, that the Beaſts might boldly venture on it as on firm Ground: To the fartheſt ſide of this, was join'd very even, a Ferry-boat of the ſame breadth, but only One hundred foot long, fitted to paſs the River; then the Elephants being driven along upon the firſt fix'd Boat, as in an High-way, their Females formoſt, when as many as 'twas thought convenient were paſs'd into the ſecond, preſently the ſame was looſned, and ſo tow'd away by certain Gallies to the other ſhore. Thus when the firſt were landed, they went back and fetch'd more, till they had them all; whil'ſt they were on the long Bridge they ſhew'd no fear, but when the Barge was put off, and they parted from their fellows into the broad River, they were a little troubleſom, by thronging one another, thoſe on the outſide giving back as much as they could from the Water, until at laſt ſeeing nothing but Water all round, the very fear made them be quiet; yet ſome few were ſo unruly, that they fell into the River, but by reaſon of their bulk and heavineſs ſtood firm againſt the Torrent, and caſting their Keepers, by wading warily where it was Fordable, got ſafe to Land.

Whil'ſt the Elephants were Ferrying over, Annibal ſent out Five hundred Numidian Horſe to diſcover the Romans Camp, Where they were? of what ſtrength? and what they intended? This Party, the Three hundred Roman Horſe ſent out upon the like Errand from the mouth of the Rhone, as aforeſaid, happened to encounter with; between whom happened a Skirmiſh more fierce and bloody than could be expected from the ſmalneſs of their numbers, for beſides many wounded, there were kill'd out-right near upon as many on the one ſide as the other; but juſt as the Romans were almoſt tyred out and ſpent, the fear and flight of the Enemy, yielded them the Victory: Of the Numidians who were worſted, were kill'd above Two hundred; and of the Romans ſide who were Victors, One hundred and ſixty, but ſome of them French, that they had took with them for their Guides and aſſiſtants: As this was the firſt Hanſel, ſo it may well be accounted an Omen of the whole War that followed, portending as in the end and upon the whole matter, a proſperous event to the Romans, ſo likewiſe that it was to be doubtfully diſputed, and with great hazard and ſlaughter. The Conflict thus over, each Party return'd to their own Army.

Now as Scipio could not reſolve what Meaſures to take, but as he found the Enemy to ſhape his courſe; ſo neither was Annibal yet certainly determined, whether he ſhould purſue his intended march for Italy, or fight the Roman Army that was now ſo near him; but he was diverted wholly from engaging at preſent, by the arrival of Ambaſſadors from the Boii, and of Matalus a petty King amongſt them, who offered to be both his Guides in his Journy to Italy, and ſharers with him in all dangers, affirming, That in their opinion his beſt way was to begin the War, with his ſtrength intire, and unweakned by any other Service. The main Body of his Army had no ſmall apprehenſions of the Enemy they were to cope with, for the remembrance of the former ſharp and tedious War, was not yet obliterated. But much more did they dread ſo vaſt a Journy, and the thoughts of the Alps, whoſe very name to Men altogether unacquainted in thoſe parts, was very terrible.

Annibal therefore having fix'd his Reſolutions to go on, and march directly for Italy, calls his Soldiers to an Aſſembly, and partly by reproof, and partly by encouragement, endeavors to prepare their Spirits for the Expedition, in an Oration to this effect: I cannot but admire, Gentlemen Soldiers! what ſtrange and ſudden fear hath of late invaded your Breaſts, which ever heretofore have been utter ſtrangers to that Womaniſh Paſſion. You have ſerved in the Wars ſo many years, and always Victorious; who left not Spain till you had rendred all its ſeveral Nations, and that vaſt Tract of Land which reaches from Sea to Sea, Tributaries and Vaſſals to Carthage; you who took the Romans, demanding all that were at the Siege of Saguntum to be delivered up to them as Malefactors and Slaves, in ſo much ſcorn and indignation, that you paſs'd the Iberus full of generous Reſolves, not only to chaſtize that Inſolence, but even root out the Roman name from under Heaven, and for ever Enfranchize the World from their Tyranny; and in order to ſo glorious a deſign, did then declare, You would think no March too long, though it ſhould be even from the ſetting to the riſing of the Sun; yet after you now ſee the far greater part of your Journy already diſpatch'd, The Pyrenaean Hills and Thickets, amongſt fierce and deſperate Nations, happily ſurmounted; that we have paſs'd over the great River Rhoſne, notwithſtanding either the rapid fierceneſs of its Current, or thoſe thouſands of French which ſtood armed on its Banks to hinder us: Now that we are got within ſight of the Alps, the other ſide of which is Italy, Will ye faint and languiſh with a lazy Cowardize, when you are even upon the very Gates of your Enemy? What Monſters do you fanſie theſe Alps to be? They are nothing in the World but a parcel of high Hills; and ſuppoſe them a little higher than the Clifts of the Pyrenaeans, there is no Land (I am ſure) that reaches up to Heaven, nor any place for Men unſuperable: Theſe very Alps are Inhabited, they are Plowed and Tilled like the reſt of the Earth, and both breed and feed great numbers of Cattel, and other living Creatures: Are they indeed acceſſible and to be paſs'd by a few, but unpaſſable to whole Armies? rather the more they are in company, the more helpful they muſt needs be to each other: Theſe very Ambaſſadors you ſee here lately arriv'd, have no wings, nor did they fly over the towering tops of the Alps; nor were their Anceſtors born and bred there, but ſtrangers, that with their Wives and Children, after the manner of thoſe that ſeek new Countries to Inhabit, did often in vaſt multitudes ſafely Troop over theſe Mountains, to dwell in the more pleaſant and plentiful Plains of Italy: What ſhould there be unpaſſable or impoſſible to a Soldier, carrying no burden but his Arms? What pains did ye take, what dangers and hazards did you freely expoſe your ſelves unto daily for eight long months together, for the taking of Saguntum? and now when you are going to conquer Rome, when the reward of your Travel is no leſs than a City that is Miſtris of the World: Shall any thing ſeem ſo hard or difficult as to ſtop your March, or divert your Courage from ſuch glorious hopes? Shall it be ſaid, That the Gauls heretofore by main force made themſelves Maſters of that very place, which the Carthaginians now deſpair of being able to get at? You muſt therefore either ſhamefully confeſs your ſelves inferior for valor and ſpirit, to a Nation that of late days you have ſo often vanquiſh'd; or elſe never hope for, or think of any other end of your March, until you come to thoſe fair Fields that lie between Tyber and the Walls of Rome.

Having with ſuch Diſcourſes rais'd the hearts of his Soldiers, he ordered them to betake themſelves to reſt, refreſh their Bodies, and prepare for their March. The next day croſſing from the Banks of the Rhone, he advanc'd towards the Inland parts of France, not becauſe that was the directer Road to the Alps, but becauſe the further off he was from the Sea-ſide, the more out of danger he ſhould be of meeting the Romans, with whom he reſolv'd not to fight (if he could avoid it) till he got into Italy: After four days march he came to a kind of an Iſland made by the two Rivers, the Saone and the Rhone, which iſſuing out of different parts of the Alps, after they have in ſeveral Courſes ran through a good part of the Country, there at length fall together and unite their Streams, and the Meadows lying between them are called, The Iſle. Not far from thence inhabit the Allobroges [People of Dauphinois and Savoy] a Nation even ſo long ago inferior to none in France, either for Wealth or Power, but at that Juncture at variance amongſt themſelves, occaſion'd by two Brothers contending for the Crown: The elder (whoſe name was Brancus, and had before enjoyed the Kingdom) being Depoſed and Juſtled out of the Throne by a younger, and a luſty crew of the Youth of his Faction, who had more Might, though leſs Right on their ſide. This Quarrel was referr'd to Annibals Arbitrament, as ſeaſonably as he could wiſh, who made a very Juſt Award, and no other than what the Senate and Nobles would have given, viz. That the Elder Brother ſhould be reſtored to his Kingdom, and all Animoſities be buryed in Oblivion: For which good Office, they plentifully furniſh'd him with all ſorts of Proviſions, and eſpecially Cloaths, which he thought fit to provide before-hand, by reaſon of the ſad reports he heard of the extremity of cold he muſt expect to meet with on the Alps.

Having ſettled the Differences amongſt the Allobroges, purſuing his Journey to the Alps, he paſs'd not ſtraight forward, but turn'd towards the left hand to the Tricaſtins, and from thence by the Territories of the Vocontians into the Country of the Tricorians, meeting with no obſtacle all the way until he came to the Durance; a River likewiſe flowing out of the Alps, but the moſt difficult to be paſs'd over of any in all France; for though it carries a vaſt quantity of Water, yet 'tis no way Navigable, nor will bear any Veſſel, becauſe being kept within no certain Banks, it runs at once in ſeveral different Channels, and not always the ſame, but is continually caſting up new Shelves and Heaps, and making new deep Paſſages and Whirl-pits in the Ground (which renders it very unſafe and difficult for a Foot-man to wade through it) beſides the Torrent rolling down perpetually great ſtones, and vaſt quantities of pibbles and gravel, makes it yet more dangerous: It chanc'd too at that time to be higher than ordinary, by reaſon of ſome ſhowers that had lately faln, ſo that much ado they had to get over it, being no leſs diſcouraged by their own fears and uncertain out-crys as they paſs'd through it, than by difficulties of the place it ſelf.

P. Cornelius the Conſul, about three days after Annibal diſlodg'd from the Banks of the Rhone, came up with his Army in excellent order to the place where the Enemy lately Encamped, reſolv'd immediatly to have given them Battel: But finding the Works deſerted, and that 'twas unlikely he ſhould eaſily come up with them who had ſo far got the ſtart of him, returned to his Ships at Sea, hoping for a ſafer and more ſeaſonable opportunity of Encountring Annibal as he deſcended from the Alps. But that his Province, Spain, might not be left altogether naked of Roman Succors, he ſent his Brother Cn. Scipio with the greater part of the Forces againſt Aſdrubal, with Commiſſion not only to defend their old Allies, and conciliate new ones, but to drive Aſdrubal out of the Country, whil'ſt he himſelf with a very ſmall Company return'd to Genoo, with intent to guard Italy with that Army which lay Quartered about the Po.

Annibal, from the River Durance, march'd chiefly through the Champion Countries without any diſturbance from the Inhabitants, to the foot of the Alps; which Mountains, though they had heard much of before by report (which is wont to make things that are uncertain to us, ſeem much greater or more terrible than they are in truth) yet ſeeing now near hand their prodigious heighth, cap'd with Snows, that ſeem'd almoſt intermingled with the Heavens themſelves. The rude miſ-ſhapen Cottages built on the ſides of ſteep Rocks, that over-look'd the Clouds; the Cattel, Sheep, Oxen and Horſes ſing'd with cold; the People barbarous, and with long ſhagg'd hair like Savages: In a word, all things living or inanimate parched, and ſtiff with continual Froſts, and nothing to be ſeen but a general Scene of deformity and horror; the near proſpect, I ſay, of all this, renewed his Soldiers fears; and to encreaſe their apprehenſions of danger, they were no ſooner marching up the firſt Aſcents, but there appeared, ſetting over their heads, multitudes of the Mountaineers who had ſeized the Hills, who if they had lain in Ambuſcade in the interjacent Vallies, and all at once charg'd upon them, muſt needs have done great execution. Annibal hereupon orders his Enſigns to make an Halt, ſends out ſome French to view the Ground before, by whom, underſtanding there was no paſſage that way, he pitch'd his Camp amongſt thoſe craggy ſteep rough places, upon as large and plain a Valley as he could find. By the ſame French Scouts (who not much differing in Language or Looks from the other Gauls that dwelt in the Mountains, could eaſily mix themſelves amongſt them) he was informed, That they only guarded the Hills in the day time, but in the night every one ſlip'd away to his own harbor. Therefore having for one whole day made ſeveral Bravado's and Parades, as if he would openly force his Paſſage; towards night he retreats back again to his Camp: but in the evening as ſoon as he perceived the Enemy were gone home from off their Guards, making abundance of Fires in the Camp for ſhew, more than were neceſſary for thoſe that were to ſtay there, and leaving with the Cavalry the Bag and Baggage, and moſt of the Infantry, himſelf in Perſon, taking with him the moſt active and nimbleſt of his Army, and ſuch as were moſt lightly Arm'd, in an inſtant got through the Streights aforeſaid, and Poſted himſelf on thoſe very Hills, which the Enemy was before poſſeſt of.

As ſoon as 'twas day, the reſt of his Army diſlodg'd and began their March: At the ſame time the Mountaineers at their uſual Signal, repairing from their Forts towards their place of Guard, ſeeing ſome of the Enemies had already made themſelves Maſters thereof, and others haſtening thither, were extreamly daunted, and for a while ſtood as Men aſtoniſh'd; but afterwards, perceiving Annibals Soldiers embarraſs'd in the Streights, and diſordered in their March, the Horſes being wonderfully frighted, imagined, that if they could but add a little to that terror, it might be enough to deſtroy them, and therefore to alarm them ran up and down like mad, over-thwart the Rocks, and through blind Paſſages with which they were well acquainted, ſo that henceforth the Punicks were at once incommoded, both with the inconveniencies and dangers of the Paſſage, and the attacks of theſe lurking ſtraglers; yet ſtill there was more ado amongſt themſelves (whil'ſt every one ſtrove who ſhould firſt eſcape the danger) than with the Enemy. But indeed, nothing troubled and diſcompoſed the Army ſo much as their own Horſes, which, with the various ſhouts and out-cries, redoubled by the Eccho's between the Rocks and the Vallies, were continually ſtartled; and if any of them happened to be ſtruck or wounded, they would keep ſuch a flinging about on thoſe narrow Precipices, that they overthrew and made great havock both of Men and all ſorts of Carriages: Beſides, the throng was ſo great, and the Streights on both ſides ſo ſteep and craggy, that many Men were joſtled down head-long a mighty heighth, and ſome of them in their Armor; but eſpecially the Sumpter-Horſes, and Beaſts for carriage, by reaſon of their heavy Loading, were tumbled down with their Packs, making an horrible rumbling from one Rock to another, as if it were the fall of ſome Caſtle or great Building. All which, though a very grievous ſpectacle, yet Annibal for a while look'd on, and kept the party that was with him together, until he ſaw his Army, by the continual peltings and diſturbances of the Enemy, put into ſuch diſorder, that he was afraid they would leave their Carriages and Baggages behind them, which being loſt, all his labor would be in vain: To prevent therefore this miſchief, he ran down from the upper Ground, and with a ſmart Charge quickly ſent packing all the Mountaineers, but therewith encreaſed at firſt the tumult amongſt his own Men; however, in a moment that was over, when they found their Paſſage now free from the troubleſom interruptions and clamors of the Enemy, and ſo, ſilently and at their leiſure march'd all through that narrow Paſs. After which he took a Caſtle (the chief Fort in thoſe parts) and ſeveral neighboring Villages, and with the Cattel there taken Feaſted his Army for three days together, in which ſpace being not at all hindred by the Inhabitants, nor ſo very much encumbred with the difficulties of the Ways, he had made a pretty conſiderable progreſs in his Journy.

They came next to a Coaſt well Peopled for ſuch Mountainous places. Here Annibal was like to have been over-match'd, not by open Force, but in his own Arts, fraud and ambuſh. Certain antient Perſons, Governors of Caſtles, come to him as Agents from the Country, telling him, That being better inſtructed by the uſeful examples of other Mens misfortunes, they had made choice rather to try the Friendſhip, than tempt the force of the Carthaginian Arms, and therefore ſhould readily obey whatever he ſhould command, entreating, That he would be pleaſed to accept of ſuch mean Proviſions as they were able to afford, together with Guides for his Journy, and Hoſtages for the true performance of what they promiſed. Annibal, neither over-haſtily believing them, nor churliſhly ſlighting the Overture, leſt they ſhould then prove his open Enemies, gave them good Language, receiv'd their Hoſtages, made uſe of what Proviſions they brought in, and followed their Guides, but in good order, and with caution as in an Enemies Country. In the Van-guard were the Elephants and Cavalry; next he himſelf in Perſon with the Flower of his Foot, diligently looking round about with a watchful Eye. When at laſt they were entred into a narrow Paſs, that on one ſide lay under a ſteep Hill which commanded it, the barbarous people ſtarted up out of their Ambuſh, and all at once Charg'd them Front and Rear, with Weapons from a diſtance, and cloſe blows, and alſo rolling down vaſt Stones upon them as they march'd; but the greateſt number came behind upon their backs, againſt whom the Foot faced about, and undoubtedly, if his Rear had not been very ſtrongly guarded, he had that day received a notable Overthrow; for even as 'twas, they were reduc'd to an extremity of danger, and the very brink of ruine, for whil'ſt Annibal delay'd to advance with his Diviſion into the Streights, for that he had not left any Succors in the Rear-guard to ſecure the Foot, as he himſelf was a defence to the Horſe, the Mountaineers came over-thwart and flank'd them, and breaking through the Files, croſs'd upon him and beſet the way before him, ſo that he was forc'd for one night to take up his Lodging there, without either Horſe or Baggage.

The next day the barbarous People making their Incurſions more faintly, he joined his Forces, and got clear of that Streight, not without conſiderable loſs (but more of Horſes than Men.) Thenceforwards the Mountaineers, not in a poſture of War, but rather like Robbers, moleſted them by falling on ſome of the Van, and at other times picking up ſtraglers in the Rear, as each place gave opportunity, or the careleſsneſs of his Men adminiſtred occaſion. The Elephants in the Front, as they could march but ſlowly through thoſe narrow Paſſages, ſo where they went they ſecured thoſe about them, becauſe the Enemy having never ſeen ſuch huge Creatures before, durſt not come near them. On the ninth day he got to the top of the Alps, having been forc'd to march for the moſt part through places before untrodden, and often wandring out of the way; either by the treachery of his Guides, or when they durſt not truſt them, by marching into Vallies that promiſed fair, and gueſſing the way at a venture: Here he lay Encamped two days to refreſh his Soldiers, wearied out with the toil of clambering up thither, and the frequent Skirmiſhes and continual Alarms they had had; and ſeveral of the Sumpter-horſes loſt in the Paſſage, following the track of the Army, came up to them. But as they were thus over-toil'd with tedious Travel, a new diſaſter happened by the falling of a deep Snow, For the Pleiades were now come to ſet with the Sun [which happens in thoſe parts about the middle of November] and Winter haſtned on apace. When therefore at break of day the Standards began to advance, the Army march'd very heavily through the Snow, which covered all the Ground very thick, and faintheartedneſs and deſpair ſeem'd to appear in every mans countenance; Annibal marching a pretty way before the Standards up into a certain Promontory, yielding a long proſpect all about, commanded his Soldiers to Hault, and there ſhewed them Italy, and the goodly Champian Fields about the Po, that lye under that ſide of the Alpine Hills, telling them, That now they had mounted not only the Walls of Italy, but even thoſe of the City Rome; that the reſt of their march would be plain, and all the way down-hill, and that after one or two bruſhes at moſt, they ſhould be abſolute Maſters of the Bulwark and Metropolis of Italy. Then more chearfully did they march on, no Enemy troubling them unleſs by petty Robberies upon an advantage. Yet their deſcent was indeed more difficult than their getting up (for as the Alps on the Italian ſide are ſhorter, ſo they are more ſteep and ſtrait,) all the way being almoſt a Precipice, narrow, and ſo ſlippery, that as they could hardly keep themſelves from tumbling, ſo if they did but happen to ſtumble never ſo little, there was no recovering their foot-hold, but both Horſes and Men fell down one on the top of the other.

But after this, they came to a Rock much more difficult to paſs, for the crags thereof were ſo ſteep down-right, that ſcarce the nimbleſt Soldier, though not at all encumbred with Arms or Baggage, could creep down it, do what he could to catch hold with his hands on the twigs and ſhrubs that grew about it; this place being before by Nature a kind of Precipice, by a late vaſt fall of Earth near a thouſand foot high, was rendred yet more abrupt. There the Horſe-men making a ſtop as if they had been come to their Journys end, and Annibal admiring why they did not march on, word was brought him, That 'twas impoſſible for them to go any further that way; which he himſelf going in Perſon to view it, found to be too true, and that he muſt of neceſſity fetch a compaſs about, through places where no Road lay, and which had never yet been trodden; for here there was no going on further; for whereas over the old untouch'd Snow, there was new faln, in which being not very deep, their feet as they went eaſily made impreſſion, but when the ſame with the trampling of ſuch a multitude of Men and Horſes, was thaw'd, they were fain to go upon the bare Ice underneath, and through the ſlabby Liquor of the melting Snow o'th' top: There a ſad and untoward ſtrugling they had, for as they could not tread ſure upon the ſlippery Ice, eſpecially being ſo very ſteep, ſo when they fell, if they went to get up by the help either of their hands or knees, down they came again; nor were there any ſtumps or twigs whereon they might take hold or ſtay either hand or foot; and as for the poor Beaſts, all they could do was to tumble and wallow on the glaſſy Ice and ſlabby Snow, and ſometimes being faln, with their flinging to and fro, and endeavoring with their hoofs to take faſter hold, they would break into the hard congealed Snow underneath, and ſo ſtick faſt as if they had been caught in a Trap.

At laſt, when both Man and Beaſt were quite tyred out, and all with ſtrugling to no purpoſe, they Encamped on the top of an Hill, having firſt, with much ado, cleared the place for that purpoſe, ſuch abundance of Snow there was to be ſhovell'd away; after which, the Soldiers were ſet to work upon a Rock, through which only they could hope for a Paſſage, and in order thereunto having fell'd abundance of huge Trees thereabouts, and made a mighty Pile of Wood againſt it, when the Wind blew freſh to encreaſe the fire, they ſet it a burning; and when the Rock was thus made red hot, they poured Vinegar upon it to ſoften it, and ſo with their Pick-Axes and other Tools, wrought it away, and with little winding Paths made a paſſage both for their Horſe and Elephants. This work took them up four days, by which time their Horſes were almoſt ſtarv'd; for the tops of the Mountains are generally bare of Graſs, or if there were any, 'twas covered up with the Snow; but the Vallies have ſome little Banks lying towards the Sun, and Rivers withal near the Woods, convenient for Habitations; there the Horſe were put out to graſs, and two days reſt allowed the Army to refreſh them after their hard labor on the Rock; from thence they deſcended into a plain Champian Country, and found both their March more eaſie and pleaſant, and the Inhabitants more humane and tractable.

Theſe are the chief Occurrents of this tedious and renowned March: They entring into Italy the fifth month after their advance from New Carthage (as ſome write) having in Fifteen days paſs'd over the whole Alps. What Forces Annibal had when he arriv'd in Italy, is variouſly related by Hiſtorians; they that ſpeak with the moſt, mention One hundred thouſand Foot, and Twenty thouſand Horſe; they that make the leaſt on't, ſay, but Twenty thouſand Foot and Six hundred Horſe. L. Cincius Alimentus, an Author of great Authority, and who avers that himſelf was taken Priſoner by Annibal, would ſatisfie us, but that he ſets down the number confuſedly, by adding to the reſt the Gauls and Ligurians that join'd him after he came down the Alps; for with them he counts Annibals Army to conſiſt of Eighty thouſand Foot and Ten thouſand Horſe (yet 'tis probable that from all parts there came more thither than ſo, which is alſo atteſted by ſome Writers:) The ſame Author relates, that he had it from Annibal himſelf, That after he had paſſed the Rhone, he loſt ſix and thirty thouſand Men, and a vaſt number of Horſes and other Cattel, eſpecially on the Coaſts of Piedmont, which Nation lay next to the Ciſalpine Gauls as he went down into Italy. Which being a thing generally agreed, I ſo much the more admire how it comes to be made a diſpute, on which ſide he paſs'd the Alps, and that it ſhould be commonly believed, That he went over the place called Penninum, and that the top of the Alps was ſo called, quaſi Poeninum, a Poenis, from this march of the Carthaginians: Coelius ſays, he took his way over the top of Cremon; but as either of both thoſe Paſſes would have brought him not amongſt the Piedmontez, but through the Mountains of the Salaſſi, to the Gauls called Libuans; ſo neither is it probable that thoſe Roads into France were open or known ſo long ago, conſidering that which led to Penninum was environed with fierce and barbarous People, half Germans; and certain it is (if the alluſion of the Name ſhould ſeem of any weight) That the Veragrians who inhabit that very Peak, know noting of its being called ſo from any march of the Punics that way, but from a certain Conſecrated Place on the very ridge of the Hill, which the Mountaineers uſe to call Penninum.

It fell out very opportunely to favor Annibals firſt proceedings, That the People of Piedmont, the next Nation he came to, were at that time engaged in Wars with the Milanois; nor could he conveniently aſſiſt either party, being buſie in refreſhing his Army, that now grew more ſenſible of the harms they had received by the rigours of their March, than before whil'ſt they actually labored under them; for eaſe after ſuch toil, ſudden plenty upon pining ſcarcity, and good and delicate keeping after all kind of ſordid naſtineſs, had ſtrangely diſordered their Bodies. Which Conſiderations moved P. Cornelius the Conſul, as ſoon as he was arrived at Piſo, and had received from Manlius Attilius the new raiſed Army (though yet trembling under the diſgrace of their late overthrows) [by the Boians and Gauls] to haſten towards the Banks of the Po, that he might fight the Enemy before they were well recruited: But by that time he got to Placentia, Annibal had removed his Camp, and by force taken one, and that the chief City of the Piedmonteſe, becauſe it had ſlighted his Friendſhip; likewiſe the Gauls about the Po, out of inclination as well as fear, were to have join'd with him, had not the ſudden arrival of the Conſul retain'd them in obedience, juſt as they were ſtudying a fit time and occaſion for a revolt: At the ſame inſtant Annibal had quitted Piedmont, and come amongſt the ſaid Gauls, imagining, that ſtanding in this wavering poſture they might eaſily be made comply with him, when he was once preſent on the place. The Armies were now almoſt within ſight of each other, and two Generals met, who though as yet not throughly known to one another, had notwithſtanding an high eſteem of each others Parts and Conduct; for the name of Annibal had been famous amongſt the Romans, even before the deſtruction of Saguntum; and Annibal could not but believe Scipio to be ſome excellent Perſon, if it were for no other reaſon but this, That he above all others, was choſen out to be Commander in Chief againſt him; and that which further encreaſed their mutual value of each other, was, That Scipio on the one ſide who was left behind in France, ſhould be here ready to encounter Annibal as ſoon as he came into Italy; and on the other ſide, That Annibal ſhould not only have the Courage to attempt, but the Fortune to accompliſh ſo daring an Expedition over the Alps. However, Scipio to prevent the Enemy from croſſing the Po before him, removed his Quarters to the River Ticinus, and to hearten on his Soldiers before he fought, made an Oration to them to this effect.

If I were now to lead the ſame Army into the Field which I had with me in France, I would ſpare my pains of ſpeaking to you. For what need would there be of encouraging Rhetorick, either to that Cavalry which ſo gallantly routed the Enemies Troops on the Banks of the Rhone? or to thoſe Legions with whom I purſued this very Enemy, whoſe Retreat and declining to come to a Battel, I took to be an acknowledgment of our Victory? But ſince that Army as it was levyed for Spain, does ſtill under my Command, but the immediate Conduct of my Brother Cn. Scipio, continue there, where the Senate and People of Rome have thought fit to employ them; That you might have a Conſul for your General againſt Annibal and his Carthaginians; I have of my own free will offered my ſelf to this Service. Being therefore a new Commander to you, and you new Soldiers to me, I think it not amiſs to expreſs my ſelf in a few words to you all, that ye may not be ignorant what kind of War you are engaged in, nor of the quality of the Enemy. You are, Gentlemen! to fight with a parcel of People, whom already in the former War you have Routed and Defeated both by Sea and Land; a People, that for theſe twenty Years have been your Tributaries, and from whom you conquered Sicily and Sardinia, and hold them to this day by the Law of Arms, as the juſt Rewards of your Valour, and Trophies of your Victories. Therefore I doubt not, but in this Diſpute both you and they will be no otherwiſe affected than as Conquerors, and Perſons cruſh'd and vanquiſh'd are wont to be, when they meet together; nor is it their Courage, but their Neceſſity that brings them on now to Fight, unleſs you can believe that thoſe who durſt not venture an Engagement whil'ſt their Army was ſound and entire, ſhould be ſo wonderfully encouraged by the loſs of two parts both of their Horſe and Foot in their paſſage through the Alps (for more are periſh'd there, than reman alive) as now to have greater confidence in themſelves than then? But ſome may ſay, Though indeed they are but few in number, yet they are valiant and brave, of couragious Minds and able Bodies, ſuch Men for ſtrength and ſtoutneſs, as ſcarce any force in the World can ſtand before them. Yes verily! the clean contrary way: For in truth, they are but mere ſhadows of Men, pinch'd with hunger, half ſtarv'd with cold, loſt for want of keeping, almoſt choak'd and eaten up with naſtineſs and Vermine, bruiſed and weakened between Clifts and Rocks; beſides, their Limbs are benum'd and uſeleſs, their Joints ſtiff with cold, all parts of their Bodies chilled with Froſt and Snow, their Arms battered, broken and ſpoil'd, their Horſes lame, and ſuch lamentable poor Jades as they can hardly riſe alone. Theſe are the Horſe-men, theſe the Foot you are to encounter with, not worthy to be called an Enemy, but only the Enemies laſt Relicks, the Skeleton of a Carthaginian Army: Nor is there any thing I am ſo much afraid of, as leſt the Alps ſhould rob you of the honor of the Victory, and the World aſcribe Annibal's overthrow to thoſe Mountains, as if they had utterly defeated him before ever you came up to Charge him: But perhaps it was moſt juſt and proper they ſhould not fall by Humane Hands, who had already proclaimed Wars againſt the Powers Divine; That the Gods themſelves ſhould chaſtiſe a General and People that had ſo impudently violated their Faith and solemn Leagues, and leave us (who were injured but in the ſecond place) only the glory of finiſhing what they have ſo fairly begun to our hands.

I cannot apprehend that any man here ſhould ſuſpect that I ſpeak thus magnificently only to encourage you, whil'ſt in my own Breaſt I have other Sentiments; for without the leaſt diſhonor I might have gone into Spain, my peculiar Province (where I was before with my Army) and where I might have had my Brother both an Aſſiſtant in Counſels, and ſharer in all Dangers, and Aſdrubal for an Enemy rather than Annibal, and the brunt of the War undoubtedly more eaſie than could be expected here; yet as I ſail'd by the Coaſts of France, upon the report of this Enemy I preſently Landed, diſpatch'd away my Cavalry to find them out, and advanc'd with my whole Army as far as the Rhone: 'Tis true, I had only an opportunity to engage them with a Body of Horſe, and therein I clearly defeated them: As for their Foot, they getting away in an hurry, more like a Flight than a March, not being able to overtake them by Land, returning to my Ships, with as much Expedition as was poſſible (conſidering what a compaſs I was to fetch by Sea and Land) I was again in the Teeth of him at the foot of the Alps. Can it then be thought that I declin'd fighting with this Enemy who is (forſooth) ſo formidable? and now ſtumbled upon them unawares? Or rather is it not moſt evident, that I have purſued him at the heels, and provok'd and dar'd him in a fair Field to decide the Controverſie? For the truth is, I have a mighty mind to try, Whether now of a ſudden within theſe laſt twenty Years, the Earth hath ſpawn'd Carthaginians of better mettle than their Anceſtors? Or whether they be not of the very ſame ſtamp with thoſe whom we cut to pieces at the Aegatian Iſles, and whom you ſold at Erix for eighteen Stivers an Head? Whether this Annibal be (as he pretends) a ſecond Hercules, and one that emulates the Glories of that mighty Champions Adventures? Or a Fellow left by his Father a Tributary Vaſſal of the People of Rome? A Perſon, who if the barbarous wickedneſs he has committed at Saguntum did not make him deſperate, would have ſome regard to his Native Country once already Conquered, or at leaſt to his own Houſe and Family, and that Treaty and League which remains written with his Father Amilcar's own hand, who at the Command of our Conſul was glad to abandon Eryx, and though fretting and vex'd at heart, durſt not refuſe thoſe ſevere Laws and Conditions of Peace impoſed upon his vanquiſh'd Carthaginians, and who tamely yielded both to quit Sicily, and pay Tribute to the People of Rome. Therefore would I have you, Gentlemen Soldiers! Fight with him not only with that Gallantry and Courage as you ſhew againſt other Enemies, but with as much Rage and Indignation as if you were to chaſtiſe your Slaves taking Arms in Rebellion againſt you. We might, had we been ſo minded, when they were ſhut up at Eryx, have deſtroyed them with the greateſt of all humane Tortures, Famine; we might have ſail'd with our Victorious Armado to Africk, and in few days ſpace, without any oppoſition conſiderable, have razed their proud Carthage, and levell'd her Walls with the duſt: But we pardon'd them upon their humble Submiſſions, and took them to mercy; we gave them Liberty, when we had them faſt and they had no way to eſcape; nay, when we could have treated them as conquered Slaves, we condeſcended to make a League with them, and accepted them as Allies whom we might have made our Subjects: And when afterwards they were diſtreſſed in the African War, we regarded them as under our care and protection. In requital for all theſe Kindneſſes, they come now under the Conduct of a raſh hair-brain'd young Man, to invade and ruine our Country. I wiſh we were to diſpute only for Honor and Glory, and not for our Safety and our Lives; but the truth is, we are not now to fight (as formerly) for the Poſſeſſion of Sicily and Sardinia, but for Italy it ſelf, and all that is dear to us: If we do not overcome the Enemy, we have no Army in reſerve to encounter or reſiſt them, nor are there any more Alps to obſtruct their March whil'ſt we raiſe new Forces. Here, Gentlemen! it concerns you to ſtand to't as ſtoutly as if you were to fight them under the very Walls of Rome: Let every one of you therefore conſider, That he is this day not only to defend himſelf, but his Wife and little Ones alſo by the Gallantry of his Arms; nay further, beſides all his private Domeſtical Intereſt and Concerns, let him continually call to mind, That the Eyes of all the Senate and whole People of Rome are at this inſtant fix'd upon us; and as our Behaviour and Courage ſhall be at this Juncture, ſuch for the future will be the State and Fortune of that City, and all the Roman Empire.

Thus did the Conſul Harangue his Romans. But Annibal ſuppoſing it beſt to raiſe his Mens Spirits by ſome martial Repreſentation and daring Deeds, before he began to encourage them with Words, drawing up his Army in a Ring, ſet in the middle the Mountaineers that he had taken Priſoners, bound as they were in Chains, and flinging before them ſuch Arms as they were wont to uſe, demanded of them by an Interpreter, Which of them, upon condition he might have his Liberty, and a good Horſe and Arms given him if he prov'd the Conqueror, would be willing to play a Prize at Sharps, and fight for his Life? whereupon they all cry'd out, They would wiſh no greater favor; and each of them, whil'ſt the Lots were drawing, prayed heartily, it might fall to his ſhare to be one of the Combatants: accordingly as every one happened to be drawn out by the Lot, he would leap for joy amongſt his Comrades (who congratulated, and at the ſame time envyed his good Fortune) and dancing after their Country faſhion, haſtily ſnatch'd up the Arms and prepared for the Conflict; and all the while they were fighting, ſuch an Heroick temper of mind appeared, not only amongſt thoſe poor Wretches that were the Actors of this Tragy-Comedy, but even in the Spectators, as cryed up and applauded thoſe that dyed gallantly, no leſs than thoſe that were Victorious.

After he had thus entertain'd them with ſeveral couples one ſlaughtering the other, he diſmiſs'd the reſt, and then drawing up his Soldiers to an Audience, is ſaid to have made the following Speech at the Head of them.

If you ſhall but retain anon the ſame generous Courage and greatneſs of Mind in the conſideration of your own Fortune, which but now you ſhew'd in beholding this Example of other Mens, I dare boldly, Fellow-Soldiers! affirm, That we have already got the Victory: For this was not meerly a dumb ſhew to divert you, but an emblem to admoniſh you, a clear mirror that repreſents your own preſent ſtate and condition; nay I know not, whether Fortune has not encompaſs'd us with worſe Chains, and greater neceſſities than our Priſoners: On both hands you are encloſed between two Seas, without ſo much as one Ship to render your Eſcape poſſible; juſt before you is the Po, a greater River and more violent than the Rhone; behind you are the Alps, which even when you were freſh and luſty you could ſcarce get over: So that in ſhort, Gentlemen! here you muſt reſolve, as ſoon as you look the Enemy in the face, either to Conquer or Dye, and the ſame Fortune which impoſes this neceſſity of Fighting, does propoſe to you, if you get the day, ſuch Rewards, as Men cannot wiſh any more great or glorious, from the Immortal Gods; If we were only to recover by our Valor Sicily and Sardinia, taken from our Anceſtors, it were a ſufficient Prize, and enough to encourage us to daring Endeavors; but now not only thoſe Iſlands, but whatever elſe the Romans in ſo many Triumphs have won and heaped up together, whatever they enjoy or poſſeſs, ſhall, together with the Owners, All be entirely ours. Go on then, o'th' Gods name, and take Arms in aſſured hope of ſo rich and ineſtimable a Booty: You have ſpent time enough in Forraging a few ſorry Cattel on the vaſt Mountains of Portugal and Arragon, yet have you met with no recompence ſuitable to your many toilſom Labors and deſperate Hazards. The time is now come that ſhall make you all amends, and abundantly ſatisfie your pains and tedious march over ſo many Mountains and Rivers, and through ſo many Warlike Nations, all ſtanding on their Guard; here is the place which Fortune deſigns to make the utmoſt limit of your wandering and toil; here will ſhe Crown all your paſt Services with ample Rewards.

Fancy not that becauſe this War looks big, and is much talk'd of, therefore it muſt needs be a difficult thing to get the Victory; for, alas, many times both a ſlighted contemptible Enemy has given a bloody blow, and Nations and Kings of mighty Renown, have with eaſe in a moment been vanquiſh'd: Set but aſide this glittering ſplendor of the Roman Name, and what is there wherein they may in any reſpect be comparable to you? To ſay nothing of your continual Warfare for Twenty years together, with ſuch wonderful Courage and equal Succeſs; it will be enough to remind you, That from Hercules's Pillars, from the Ocean, from the utmoſt bounds of the Earth, through ſo many fierce and moſt Warlike Nations, both of Spain and France, you are come thus far with a conſtant train of Victories, and now you are to engage with a raw new-raiſed Army, that this very Summer has been ſlaughtered, routed, and hemm'd in by the Gauls, a parcel of freſh-water Soldiers, as yet mere ſtrangers to their General, and he as little acquainted with them. Ought I, who was almoſt born, at leaſt altogether Educated in the Tent of my Father, the moſt renowned Warrior and ableſt Commander of his Age; I who have ſubdued both Spain and France, and overcome not only the Alpine Nations, but, which is much more, have maſtered the very Alps themſelves; ought I to be put in ballance with this upſtart Captain of half a years ſtanding, a Deſerter of his own proper Army, and who, if one ſhould this day ſhow him the Carthaginians and Romans without their reſpective Banners and Colours, would not, I am confident, be able to tell which Party he was Conſul of: But this is that, Fellow Soldiers! which I am not a little proud of, That there is not one of you, but has with your Eyes beheld me perform ſome brave Military Exploit or other, and of whoſe Valor I have not been a Spectator and Witneſs, and can my ſelf reckon up the very time and place where each of you atchieved ſome ſignal Honor, and thoſe whom I have a Thouſand times applauded and rewarded: In a word, I that have been the Pupil of you all, and train'd up by you in the Art of War, before ever I came to be your General, am Marching into the Field againſt an heap of Men that know not, and are unknown to one another.

Which way ſoever I caſt my Eyes, I behold you, methinks, all full of Gallantry, Courage and Strength; The Infantry, old experienced Soldiers; The Cavalry, Whether thoſe mounted on the brave ſtout manag'd Horſes of France and Spain, or the light Barbs of Africk, whom their nimble Riders can govern without a bridle, are all choice Men, and of the moſt Generous Nations; you, Gentlemen, that are our Allies and Copartners in Glory, I know to be moſt Faithful, and no leſs Valiant; and as for you, my ſtout Carthaginians, you are under a double Obligation to acquit your ſelves like Men, as well for the ſake of your dear Native Country, as out of juſt hatred and revenge: We have begun the War, and deſcended with Banners diſplayed into Italy; it becomes us therefore to fight ſo much the more reſolutely, and with greater Courage, as thoſe commonly who are Aſſailants come on with braver hopes and brisker ſpirits than the Defendants: Beſides, you have the reſentments of Grief, and Injury, and Indignation, to ſpur you on againſt this inſolent Enemy, who had the impudence to Demand, firſt me, your General, and afterwards all you that were at the Siege of Saguntum, to be delivered up (forſooth) into their hands as Slaves, and executed with the extreameſt Tortures. A Nation exceſſive Cruel, and ſo intolerably Proud and Ambitious, that they count all things their own, and the Affairs of the whole Earth to be managed as they liſt; They will preſcribe with whom we ſhall have War, and with whom we may make Peace, and the Terms and Conditions of Both; They will needs reſtrain us, and limit our Empire to ſuch and ſuch Hills and Rivers, beyond which we muſt not budge on pain of their high Diſpleaſure; but in the mean time they themſelves know no Bounds, nor will obſerve nor to hold any Capitulations. Preſume not (ſay they) to paſs the Iberus, meddle not with Saguntum at your peril; Saguntum ſtands on the River Iberus, ſtir not one ſtep forward we charge you. They are not content with the Injuſtice of taking away our Antient Provinces, Sicily and Sardinia, unleſs they may raviſh Spain too out of our hands: And ſhould I abandon that Realm, they would no doubt ſtraight paſs over and invade Africk, they would do, I ſay; nay, they have already conſtituted the two Conſuls of this preſent Year, one to be over Spain, and the other over Africk, ſo that nothing have they left us but what we can win and hold by the Swords point. They may be faint-hearted and think of running away, who have ſome place of refuge to retire to, who can when they fly, get ſafe by eaſie and peaceable Paſſages into their own Territories, and be ſheltered in their own Country: But as for you, there is a neceſſity you ſhould play the Men, having not the leaſt proſpect of ſecurity but in your own incomparable Valor, and therefore making no account of any Mediums between Victory and Death, on certain deſpair of all ſhifts beſides, muſt reſolve either to overcome, or if Fortune ſhould deny you that Honor, to fall bravely in the Battel, rather than baſely in the Rout, and to dye Fighting rather than be kill'd Flying: If this be but deeply imprinted and fix'd on all your Hearts, if this be your general Reſolution, I will repeat it once again, The day is yours. Never did the Immortal Gods give any Mortals a more poinant incitement to Victory.

The ſpirits of the Soldiers on both ſides being by theſe Orations enflam'd to fight, the Romans made a Bridge over the River Ticinus, and to ſecure the Bridge erected a Fort. Whil'ſt they were busie at that work, the Enemy ſent out Maharbal with a party of Five hundred Numidian Horſe to forrage the Territories of the Romans Allies, but with particular Orders to ſpare the Gauls as much as he could, and withal to ſolicit their Chiefs to a Revolt. The Bridge finiſh'd, the Roman Army march'd over into the Inſubrians Country, and Encamped within five miles of Dimoli, a Village where Annibal had his Head-Quarters, who diſpatch'd Orders inſtantly to recal Maharbal and his Horſe, perceiving there was a Battel towards; and thinking he could never enough hearten on and encourage his Men, aſſembled them again to an Audience, where he publikely propoſed to them the following Rewards if they would act gallantly and win the Day; viz. That he would endow every Man of them with fair Lands, either in Italy, Africk, or Spain, as each of them ſhould chuſe, to remain free to them and their Heirs; or if any would rather have a preſent ſum of mony, than Land, he would content him with Silver; ſuch of the Allies as deſired it, ſhould be made Free Denizons of Carthage, and for ſuch as ſhould rather chuſe to return home, he would be ſo kind to them, as they ſhould not wiſh to exchange Fortunes with the beſt of their Country-men. Furthermore, to all ſervants attending their Maſters, he promiſed to ſet them Free, and give their Maſters two ſlaves in lieu of each of them. And for their aſſurance that all this ſhould be accompliſh'd and made good, holding a Lamb in his Left hand, and a great Flint-ſtone in his Right, he ſolemnly wiſh'd and pray'd, That if he fail'd in any point, Jove and the reſt of the Gods might ſo deſtroy him, as he there kill'd that Lamb, and preſently with the Stone daſh'd out its brains: Then all fancying the Gods to be engaged on their ſide, full of hopes, and counting every moments delay to be but ſo much a deferring of their Victory, with unanimous Shouts and Acclamations they cryed out for a Battel.

The Romans for their part were nothing ſo jolly, for beſides other Diſcouragements, they were terrified with ſome late Prodigies; as that a Wolf had come into their Camp, and after it had worried thoſe that ſtood in its way, made its eſcape unhurt; and a ſwarm of Bees ſettled on a Tree that was juſt over the Generals Pavilion. Which ominous Tokens being expiated by Sacrifices, Scipio with his Cavalry and light Darters, advanc'd towards the Enemies Camp, where whil'ſt they were near hand viewing their Forces, how many, and of what condition they might be, Annibal being abroad on a like Deſign with his Horſe, happened to encounter them; at firſt they ſaw not each other, but the Clouds of Duſt raiſed by the March of ſo many Horſe and Men, gave each Party notice of the Enemies approach; whereupon both made an Halt and prepared for an Engagement. Scipio planted his Archers and French Horſe in the Fore-front, the Romans and ſtouteſt of the Allies for Reſerves. Annibals main Body conſiſted of great Barbed Horſe, and the fleet Numidians on either Wing: But on the firſt Charge the Roman Archers retired back unto the ſecond Battalions amongſt the Rere-guard, by means whereof the Horſe alone fought a good while ſharply, and with equal ſucceſs, but by and by their Horſes being diſordered by the Footmen, intermingled amongſt them, and many of the Troopers either thrown off, or forced to alight from their Horſes to aſſiſt ſuch of their Fellows as they ſaw environed and overmatch'd; the Conflict in moſt places ſeem'd very doubtful, until the Numidians that were on the Wings, having wheel'd about at ſome diſtance, appeared on the Rear: That ſight perfectly diſmayed the Romans, whoſe Conſternation was encreaſed by their Generals being wounded, who not without great difficulty was reſcued and carryed off by his Son, though then but a mere Lad, and in his firſt Apprentiſhip of Arms, but the very ſame for whom Fate had reſerv'd the Glory of finiſhing this War, and who was afterwards ſurnamed Africanus, for his ſignal and abſolute Victories over Annibal and the Carthaginians. However, the greateſt Defeat was of the Archers, whom the Numidians firſt attack'd: The reſt of the Horſe-men, in cloſe order, having receiv'd their Conſul into the midſt of their Squadron, protected him not only with their Arms, but their Bodies, and with a Retreat neither timerous nor diſorderly, conveyed him to the Camp. The Hiſtorian Coelius gives the Honor of the Conſuls preſervation, to a certain Bond-ſlave Native of Liguria: But I would rather attribute it to his own Son, which moſt Authors affirm, and the ſame has obtain'd the ſuffrage of Common Fame.

This was the firſt Encounter with Annibal, by which it eaſily appear'd, both that the Punicks were ſuperior in Cavalry, and alſo that for that reaſon the Champian Countries, ſuch as are thoſe between the Po and the Alps, were not a fit Seat for the Romans to manage this War in. The Night following therefore, Scipio, having ordered his Men ſilently to pack up their Baggage, diſlodg'd from the River Ticinus, and haſtened to the Po, that over the Bridge of Boats he had laid croſs that River, before it was broken down, he might without danger from the Enemies purſuit, re-convey his Army back again. They were got to Placentia before Annibal was certainly informed of their remove; however, he took Priſoners about Six hundred that ſtaid behind, and were too long on the hithermoſt Bank a breaking down the Bridge, which he was not able to paſs, becauſe being once looſned at both ends, 'twas carryed down and diſperſed by the violence of the Current. Coelius relates, That Mago with the Cavalry and Spaniſh Foot, preſently ſwam over the River, and that Annibal forded over the reſt of his Army at certain ſhallows above, having ſet his Elephants in the Water higher, to break the force of the Stream. But this they that are acquainted with the River will hardly believe, for though we grant the Spaniards, after their faſhion, could get over on their Bottles, yet 'tis not probable that the Cavalry in their Arms could with ſafety ſwim through ſo ſtrong a Current; and beſides for the reſt, it would have taken up too many days time to have march'd about to find out Fordable places in the Po, where ſo great an Army and all their Baggage could be got over: I rather agree with thoſe Authors who ſay, That they were two days before they could find a fit place to make a Bridge of Planks joyned together, on which Mago and the Spaniſh Light-Horſemen were ſent away in purſuit of the Enemy; and that whil'ſt Annibal ſtaid on that ſide buſie in getting over his Foot and Carriages, he gave Audience to the Gauls Ambaſſadors, and within few days Encamped within ſix miles of Placentia, where the next day he drew up into the Field and offered them Battel.

The Night following the Romans ſuſtained ſome loſs in their own Camp, but the hurry and tumult was greater than the real harm; about Two thouſand Foot, and two hundred Horſe of the Gallick Auxiliaries, cutting to pieces the Guard at the Ports, fled away to Annibal, by whom they were courteouſly entertain'd, and with promiſes of large Rewards, diſmiſſed every one to his own Town, to ſollicite and engage their Country-men in his Favor. Scipio ſuſpecting this to be but an earneſt of the Gauls revolt in general, and that they having hereby rendred themſelves obnoxious, would all madly take Arms, though his late Wounds were yet very ſore, did at the relief of the fourth Watch, the next Night Diſlodge with great ſilence, and drew his Army towards the River Trebia, upon higher ground, and amongſt Hills not ſo acceſſible for Horſe: But here he came not off ſo cleverly without the Enemies notice as he did at Ticinus; for Annibal ſending out firſt his Numidians, and afterwards the reſt of his Cavalry, had undoubtedly faln very foul upon their Rear, had not the Numidians, for lucre of Booty, turn'd out of their way to rifle the abandoned Camp; where, whil'ſt they ſpent time in rummaging every corner, without any Pillage that might make amends for that delay, the Romans got out of their reach, being already paſs'd the Trebia, and pitching their Tents on the other ſide; only ſome ſtraglers and loiterers they overtook and put to the Sword on the Rivers ſide. Scipio not able any longer to endure the pain of his wound, jolted with Travelling, and alſo thinking it prudential to wait the coming up of his Colleague (for he had advice, that he was recalled from Sicily) choſe out the ſafeſt place he could find by the River to Encamp on, and ſtrongly fortified it. Annibal having alſo ſat down with his Army not far from thence, was not more elevated with his ſucceſs in the late Horſe-conflict, than troubled with Scarcity, which began to preſs him more ſorely every day than other, as he march'd through an Enemies Country where no proviſion was to be had: Underſtanding therefore that the Romans had got together and laid up great ſtore of Grain, at a Town called Claſtidium, diſpatch'd a Party thither, who making ready to attack the place, had an Overture of a Surrender, and at no great price; for Daſius Brunduſinus the Governor, corrupted with Four hundred pieces of Gold, yielded up the Garriſon to Annibal, which ſerv'd the Carthaginians as a Granary all the while they Quartered at Trebia: The Priſoners taken there were very civilly treated, that in this beginning of the War he might ſpread the fame of his Clemency.

Whil'ſt the War by Land ſtood thus at a ſtay about Trebia, ſeveral conſiderable Actions happened both by Land and Sea on the Coaſts of Sicily, and other Iſlands that lye near Italy, as well before the Conſul Sempronius arriv'd there, as afterwards. The Carthaginians had ſent out twenty Gallies with five ranks of Oars apiece, and a Thouſand Soldiers well armed to plunder the Sea-coaſts of Italy; nine of them came to the Iſland Liparae, eight to Vulcans, and three by ſtreſs of weather were driven into the Streights of Sicily, and being there diſcovered from Meſſina, Hiero King of the Syracuſans, who by chance was there at that time attending the Roman Conſuls arrival, ſent forth twelve Ships againſt them; nor did they, being ſo over-powered, offer to make any reſiſtance, but ſuffered themſelves to be borded and carryed away into the Haven of Meſſina. The Priſoners gave an account, That beſides that Fleet of twenty Sail, whereof they were part, bound for Italy, there was another Navy of Five and thirty Gallies deſigned for Sicily, to ſolicite the old Allies there to revolt, and particularly to ſeize upon the City and Promontory of Lilybaeum; and that they believed the ſame Storm which diſſipated their own Fleet, had caſt theſe others upon the Iſland Aegates. All this Information the King, by an Expreſs from Meſſina, communicates to Aemilius the Praetor, who had charge of the Province of Sicily, and adviſes him to ſecure Lilybaeum with a ſtrong Garriſon. Whereupon the Lieutenants and Colonels that were with the Praetor, were preſently diſpatch'd to the ſeveral Cities of that Province to take care, that luſty Guards be kept, and above all that Lilybaeum be held in a good poſture of defence: He likewiſe iſſued a Proclamation, That the Allies bordering on the Sea-coaſts ſhould bring abord ten days Proviſion ready dreſs'd; and that all the Mariners and Soldiers be in readineſs to go on bord at an hours warning, and that the Inhabitants along the Coaſts ſhould keep watch, and from their Watch-Towers and Beacons, diſcover and give immediate notice if any Enemy appeared. So that although the Carthaginians purpoſely ſlackned their Courſe that they might come up to Lilybaeum but a little before break of Day, yet they were perceiv'd at a diſtance, both becauſe the Moon then ſhone all Night, and they came with Sails hoiſed up. Notice being given from the Watch-Towers, the Town immediatly took the Alarm, and all the Ships in the Port are mann'd, the Soldiers being divided, ſome to go abord, and others to guard the Walls and Gates. The Carthaginians perceiving their Deſign was ſmoak'd, and that they were not like to catch them napping, kept without the Haven until the Morning, ſpending the time in taking down their Sails and preparing for an Engagement: When it was now broad day-light, they ſtood out further to Sea, that they might have room to fight, and the Enemy have free egreſs with their Ships out of Port; nor did the Romans decline to follow them, encouraged both with the remembrance of the ſucceſs they had formerly in that very place, and confiding in the number and courage of their Soldiers.

No ſooner were they out at Sea, but it plainly appeared that the Romans were deſirous to grapple and come to a cloſe Fight; on the contrary the Carthaginians held off aloof, willing to manage their buſineſs by Art and ſleight rather then down-right Force, and to make trial of the goodneſs and agility of Ships, more than of the ſtrength of their Armor, or valor of their Men: For as their Fleet was ſufficiently ſupplyed and furniſh'd by their Allies with Mariners, ſo they were but thin of Soldiers, and whereſoever the Romans could get to grapple with and bord any of them, they had not Men at Arms enough to reſiſt them; which being once perceived, both the Romans gathered heart by reaſon of their advantage in numbers, and the others were no leſs diſcouraged by their paucity. In ſhort time ſeven Punic Ships were hemm'd in and taken, and in them One thouſand ſeven hundred Sea-men and Soldiers, amongſt whom were three Carthaginian Noblemen, the reſt of their Fleet made their eſcape: The Roman Navy returned ſafe and intire into the Haven, having only one Ship ſhattered, which yet they made ſhift to get home with the reſt. About the time of this Engagement, and before the ſame was known at Meſſina, the Conſul Sempronius arriv'd there, and as he entred within the Sound, King Hiero met him with a gallant Navy richly gilt and adorned; and paſſing out of his Royal Ship, went abord the Conſuls, and Complemented him upon his happy Voyage, bidding him welcome to Sicily, and wiſhing him good ſucceſs; then gave him an account of the preſent ſtate of the Iſland, and deſigns of the Carthaginians againſt it, withal aſſuring him, That as heretofore, when but a Youth, he aſſiſted the People of Rome in the former War, ſo with no leſs good will and reſolution would he ſerve them now in his Age, by accommodating the Conſuls Legions, and alſo the Mariners of the Allies imployed in the Fleet with ſufficient Cloaths and Proviſions of all ſorts gratis: telling him further, That Lilybaeum, and other Maritime Towns, were in very great danger, there being ſome ſeditious Spirits amongſt them that were hankering after alterations, and willing to change their Maſters. Therefore the Conſul reſolv'd to Sail to rights to Lilybaeum, and the King with his Navy Royal accompanied him; but in their Voyage received Intelligence of the afore-mentioned Engagement in thoſe parts, and how the Enemies Fleet was ſcattered, and all their Ships either put to flight or taken.

At Lilybaeum the Conſul diſmiſſed King Hiero and his Fleet, and leaving the Praetor to guard the Coaſt of Sicily, he himſelf croſſed the Sea to Malta, then in the hands of the Carthaginians. And upon his arrival, the Governor, Amilcar the Son of Giſco rendered up himſelf, and near upon Two thouſand Soldiers together, with the Town and whole Iſland; from whence, within few days, the Conſul returned to Lilybaeum, and ſold all the Priſoners (except thoſe that were of eminent Quality) for Bond-ſlaves. Having thus ſufficiently ſecured Sicily on that ſide, he ſail'd to the Iſle Vulcano, where part of the Enemies Fleet was reported to ride at Anchor, but could meet with none there; for it happened, they were already gone over to waſt the Coaſt of Italy, and having forraged as far as the Territories of Vibo, gave Rome it ſelf no ſmall Alarm: whereof the Conſul upon his return to Sicily, having notice, and withal Letters from the Senate of the deſcent of Annibal into Italy, commanding him therefore, with all expedition to repair to his Colleagues aſſiſtance; In great perplexity having ſo many Irons at once in the fire, he Embark'd his Army, and ſent them by the Adriatick Sea to Rimini, ordered his Lieutenant Sex. Pomponius, with Five and twenty long Ships, to ſecure the Lands of Vibo, and the reſt of the Sea-coaſts of Italy. With Aemilius the Praetor he left a Fleet of Fifty Sail to guard Sicily; and after he had ſettled the Affairs of that Iſland, he himſelf, with ten Ships, Coaſting along Italy, arrived at Rimini, whence marching his Army to the River Trebia, he joined his Colleague.

Now were both the Conſuls, and all the ſtrength the Romans could make, oppoſed againſt Annibal: The Roman Empire muſt be defended with theſe Forces, or elſe all their hopes were gone; yet one of the Conſuls diſcouraged with the late defeat of his Horſe, and his own wound, was deſirous to defer Engaging; but the other coming freſh, and ſo much the more fierce, would endure no delay. The Country between the Trebia and the Po, was then inhabited by the Gauls, who in the Conteſt between theſe two mighty Nations, contain'd themſelves in a kind of Neutral poſture, making full account of the good will of that Party which ſhould have the better; with this the Romans were well enough content as long as they attempted nothing againſt them; but Annibal reſented it very ill, often ſaying, That he was invited thither by the Gauls, to reſtore them to their Liberties. In this angry mood, and to relieve his Men with Plunder, he ſent out a Detachment of Two thouſand Foot and a thouſand Horſe, moſt of them Numidians, and ſome Gauls intermix'd, to Forrage all thoſe parts as far as the Banks of Po. The Gauls that before were wavering and indifferent, found themſelves obliged now wholly to turn from thoſe that offered them theſe Injuries, and join with thoſe that might protect them: Whereupon they ſent Agents to the Conſuls, imploring the Romans to aſſiſt a Region, which merely for its Inhabitants fidelity to them, was waſted and harraſſed. Cornelius liked neither the Cauſe, nor thought the preſent Juncture fit to enter into any ſuch Treaty, for he thought he had reaſon to ſuſpect the ſincerity of that Nation, as well for many other treacherous Pranks, as eſpecially (to paſs by former Diſloyalties) for the late perfidious Revolt of the Boii. Sempronius on the contrary, was of opinion, That there could not be a greater Obligation to retain the Friendſhip of the reſt of their Allies, than to ſee thoſe defended who firſt openly declared themſelves on their ſide. And whil'ſt his Colleague demurr'd upon the matter, ſent his Horſe, with near a Thouſand Archers croſs the Trebia, to defend the Gallick Territories, who falling upon the Enemy there as they were ſtraggling and diſordered, and beſides moſt of them over-loaded with Plunder and ſuſpecting no ſuch matter, put them into a terrible Conſternation, cut abundance of them to pieces, and purſued the reſt home to the Out-Guards of their Camp, whence being repulſed by multitudes that iſſued forth, they were again re-inforced with freſh Parties from their own Army, and renew'd the Battel, which though, upon the whole matter it was very dubious, and neither ſide had much to brag of; yet Fame attributed the Victory to the Romans, rather than to the Enemy.

But no Man made ſo great a matter on't as the Conſul Sempronius, who ſeem'd overjoy'd, and boaſted, That with the very ſame part of the Forces (to wit the Cavalry) which under the other Conſul loſt the day, he had been Victorious; That the Soldiers were now ſufficiently refreſh'd, nor was there any one that deſired to delay fighting, ſave only his Colleague, who (he thought) was more weak in his mind than his body, and with the thoughts of his late Wound, would henceforth, as long as he liv'd, never brook pitch'd Fields and the ſight of Weapons: but 'twas not fit to ſit ſtill and grow old in their Camp without action, merely to humor one crazy Perſon; for to what purpoſe was this lingering and ſpinning out of time? Was there any third Conſul coming up, any other Army to be expected? That they muſt remember the Carthaginians were now in Italy, almoſt within ſight of the City, and that they came not now to recover Sicily and Sardinia, heretofore taken from them when they were welfavourdly beaten, nor to poſſeſs themſelves of that part of Spain which lies on this ſide the River Iberus, but utterly to drive the Romans out of their Native Soil, and that dear Land wherein they were born and bred: How will (quoth he) our brave Fathers, that were wont to wage War round about the Walls of Carthage, ſigh and mourn if they ſhall ſee us their degenerate Off-ſpring, two Conſuls with our compleat Armies, lie trembling within our Trenches in the midſt of Italy? and the Carthaginians already to have added to their Dominions, all the whole Country between the Alps and the Appenine Hills. At this rate he continually talk'd when he came to viſit his wounded Colleague, and abroad in his own Pavilion, almoſt publickly to all the Soldiers. That which the more ſpurr'd him on, was, becauſe the Election-days drew nigh, and he was afraid leſt the War ſhould be devolv'd to the new Conſuls, and beſides, was greedy to lay hold of this opportunity whil'ſt his Colleague was indiſpoſed, to graſp the whole honor of the Victory to himſelf alone; therefore commands the Soldiers to prepare for a Battel, Cornelius in vain oppoſing it. Annibal was quick-ſighted enough to diſcern what was moſt for the Enemies advantage, and therefore could ſcarce hope that the Conſuls would attempt any thing raſhly or improvidently. But when firſt by Report, and afterwards by Experience, he found that one of them was naturally of a temper hot and furious, believing that he might be grown yet more fierce and ſelf-conceited, by being puft up with his late imaginary Victory over his Forragers, did not deſpair of a fit opportunity to do his buſineſs; and was very intent and ſolicitous to loſe no time, whil'ſt the Enemies Soldiers were yet but raw and unexperienced, the ableſt of their Generals diſabled by his hurt; and whil'ſt the ſpirits of his French Auxiliaries were up and brisk, of whom he had a great multitude, whom he knew would ſtill grow more faint and leſs ſerviceable, as they were drawn further off from home. For theſe and the like Reaſons, whil'ſt Annibal was wiſhing for a ſpeedy Battel, and deſirous to provoke them to it rather than fail, he had advice by his Gallick Scouts (who could with more ſafety perform that Office, becauſe thoſe of that Nation ſerv'd in both Armies) That the Romans had made ready for an Engagement: Whereupon, with all ſpeed, the crafty Carthaginian began to view the Ground all about for a fit place for an Ambuſcade.

The River ran in the middle between the two Armies, with very high Banks, and thereon abundance of Sedge and Weeds growing, as alſo Buſhes and Bruſh-wood, as ſuch uncultivated places are wont to be over-grown with, which Annibal himſelf in Perſon having taken a view of by riding round it, and finding the ſame was thick and high enough to cover Horſe as well as Foot: This, quoth he to his Brother Mago, is the Spot where you ſhall be poſted: Go chuſe you an hundred of the ſtouteſt Men you can find in all the Cavalry, and as many more out of the Infantry, and bring them to me at the firſt Watch in the Evening; in the interim let them refreſh themſelves: So the grand Officers that attended about the Generals Tent, were for the preſent diſmiſſed. At the time appointed, Mago brought his ſelected Men: I ſee (ſaith Annibal) you are all gallant Men, but that you may be as ſtrong in number as courage, let each of you chuſe out of the ſeveral Troops and Bands, nine more like himſelf: Mago will Conduct you to the place where you ſhall lie perdue, and I dare aſſure you, that you ſhall find the Enemy as blind as Beetles in theſe ſtratagems of War. Mago having taken charge of theſe thouſand Horſe and thouſand Foot, Annibal at break of day orders the Numidian Horſe to paſs the River Trebia, and to ride up and brave the Enemy at their Ports, and by Darting upon their Out-guards to provoke them to a Battel, but with directions, after ſome Skirmiſhing, to retreat leiſurely, and by degrees train them down towards the River. Theſe were his Orders to the Numidians. The reſt of the Officers, both Horſe and Foot, he commanded to let all their Men firſt take their Dinner, and then arm'd and mounted to expect the Signal. Sempronius upon the Alarm raiſed by the Numidians, drew out firſt all his Cavalry, being very confident on that part of his Forces, afterwards Six thouſand Foot, and in fine, all his whole Army to a place which he had before deſigned in his mind, being extreme eager of Fighting. It happened to be Winter time, and ſnowy weather in thoſe places between the Alps and Appenine Mountains, the ſharp cold of which was encreaſed by the neighboring Rivers, Lakes and Moors. His Horſe and Men being haſtily drawn out thither, having not firſt eaten any thing, nor been baited, nor any Proviſion made againſt the cold, had ſcarce any heat left in them; and as they approached nearer the vapors of the River, the more the chill Air pierced them. But when purſuing the retreating Numidians, they were forc'd to wade through the Water (and being ſwell'd with a ſhower over night, it was then Breaſt-high) as ſoon as they came out again, their whole Bodies ſeemed congealed, and ſo ſtiff, that they were ſcarce able to hold their Weapons, and alſo the day being now far ſpent, began to faint for hunger.

But Annibals Soldiers, who had rouzing Fires made before their Tents, and quantities of Oyl diſtributed amongſt every Company to annoint and ſupple their Limbs, and keep out the cold, and alſo had eat luſtily and at leiſure; as ſoon as notice came that the Enemy was paſs'd the River, chearfully, and with Bodies as vigorous as their Minds, betook them to their Arms and drew up in Battalia. The Slingers and light-arm'd Men, making up about Eight thouſand, he placed in the Front before the Standards, then the Foot that were better Arm'd, even the main ſtrength and flower of his Army. In the Wings he beſtowed Ten thouſand Horſe, and on the outſide of each Wing ſet the Elephants equally divided.

The Conſul finding his Horſe as they were in their full carier upon the purſuit, to be unexpectedly Charg'd by the Numidians, making head againſt them, ſounded a Retreat, and received them in amongſt the Body of his Foot. He had with him Eighteen thouſand Romans, Twenty thouſand of the Allies, and ſome Auxiliaries of the Cenomani, the only Gallick Clan that continued faithful and firm to the Roman Intereſt; with theſe Forces on both ſides they engaged. The Fight was began by the Slingers, but they not being able to ſuſtain the Charge of the Roman Legions, were with the reſt of the Light-arm'd Infantry ſoon drawn off to the Wings, whereby the Roman Horſe were much over-powered and diſtreſſed; for as they were but Four thouſand in number, and conſequently of themſelves ſcarce able to cope with Ten thouſand Horſe of the Enemy, ſo they were already tired out with Service in the former part of the day, whereas moſt of Annibal's were freſh; under which diſadvantages, and eſpecially being now over-whelm'd with a ſtorm of Stones and Darts caſt upon them by theſe Balearian Slingers and Archers, the Roman Horſe were not able to bear up; moreover, the Elephants that appeared on the Extremities of the Wings, wonderfully frighted their Horſes, not only with their ſtrange ſhape, but alſo with an uncouth ſmell, and made them, do what their Riders could, run away in diſorder. The Battel between the Infantry was carryed on with equal Courage and Stoutneſs of mind, but not with a like ſtrength of Body, which the Punicks brought with them into the Field, having juſt before refreſh'd themſelves; but on the other ſide, the Romans Bodies were faſting, and weary, and benumm'd with cold, yet merely by their natural Valour they would have made good the Field, if they had only been engaged with Foot: But the Slingers, after they had routed the Roman Horſe, charged the Infantry on both Flanks, and the Elephants broke into the very middle of them. And withal, Mago and his Party (as ſoon as the Roman Army was improvidently paſs'd by their place of Ambuſcade) fiercely Charged them in the Rear, and put them into great Conſternation. Yet amidſt all theſe fatal Circumſtances, their Main-Body ſtood a good while firm and immoveable, and eſpecially (beyond all expectation) againſt the Elephants; for certain Light-harneſs-men, appointed for that purpoſe, did ſo pelt them with their caſting-darts, as made them turn tail, and following hard after them gall'd them under the tails (where by reaſon of the tenderneſs of the skin in that place, they are ſooneſt wounded) and ſo made them run away.

Theſe Elephants, when Annibal ſaw them flying back, and ready to run upon his own Men from the Main-body to the Flanks and Rear, he commanded them to be driven up to the Left Wing, and to Charge the Gallick Auxiliaries of the Romans, whom they preſently diſordered, and made them run like mad: This was a new diſcouragement to the Romans to ſee their Auxiliaries routed, and therefore being now ſurrounded on all ſides, and fighting as it were in a Ring, near Ten thouſand of them ſeeing no other means to eſcape, broke clean through the African Main-body (which was corroborated with Gallick Auxiliaries) not without a mighty ſlaughter of the Enemy: And finding they could neither return to their Camp, the River being between; nor for the Rain, well diſcern how to ſuccor their Fellows, the took the way ſtrait to Placentia: After which, there were ſeveral Irruptions made on all ſides, but moſt of thoſe that went towards the River, were either drown'd before they got over, or whil'ſt they delayed to go into the Water, overtaken and cut off by the Enemy: Thoſe that fled, here and there ſcattered through the Fields, lighting upon the track of the firſt Battalion that eſcaped, followed them to Placentia, ſome whom the fear of the Enemy had made ſo bold as to take the River, got ſafe over to their Camp. The Rain and Snow together, and intolerable ſeverity of the cold deſtroyed many, both Men and Beaſts, and in a manner all the Elephants. The Carthaginians followed the purſuit no further than the River Trebia, and returned into their Camp ſo clumſie and half-frozen, that they were ſcarce ſenſible of their Victory. And for that reaſon, when the Guard of the Roman Camp, and what Soldiers were left, paſs'd the Trebia on Rafts the Night following, either they did not hear them for the noiſe of the tempeſtuous Rain, or elſe not being able to ſtir for wearineſs and wounds, made as if they knew nothing of it; ſo that without being moleſted by the Enemy, the Conſul Scipio with a ſilent march brought his Company to Placentia, and from thence croſſing the Po, paſs'd to Cremona, that one Colony might be over-burdened with Quartering two Armies all Winter.

The news of this Defeat cauſed ſuch Conſternation and Terror at Rome, that they already fancied the Enemy with diſplayed Banners was advancing up to rights to that City; nor had they any thing of hope or help to defend their Gates and Walls from the violence of his Aſſaults. One Conſul had been worſted but a while ago at Ticinus, the other recalled from Sicily: Now both Conſuls, and two compleat Conſulary Armies being overcome, and as good as deſtroyed, what other Generals, what other Legions had they to ſend for in this Extremity? Whil'ſt they were under theſe dreadful Apprehenſions, the Conſul Sempronius comes to Town, having made a very hazardous Journy, by reaſon the Enemies Horſe were continually ſcouring the Roads, ſo that he eſcap'd rather by good luck at a venture, than any hopes he could have either to avoid them, or to reſiſt them, if met with. After he had held the Elections (the only thing for which he was at preſent wanted) he returned again to the Winter-Quarters. The Conſuls choſen, were Cn. Servilius, and C. Flaminius.

But the Romans could not be at quiet even in their Winter-Quarters, being continually moleſted by ſtroleing Parties of Numidian Horſe, and, in Mountainous places which were troubleſom for them to paſs, by Troops of Celtiberians and Portugueze, as better acquainted with Hilly and ſteep Paſſages. Thus all Proviſions were cut off, except what was brought in Boats down the Po. The City Placentia ſtanding a mile and an half off that River, had a Mart, or place of ſtowage for Veſſels, Proviſions and Goods, on the River ſide, ſtrongly Fortified and Gariſoned. In hopes to ſtorm it, Annibal comes with his Horſe and Light-arm'd Foot, and the better to effect his purpoſe, march'd very privately in the Night to ſurprize them; but the Centinels took the Alarm in time, and ſet up ſuch an Out-cry, that it was heard to Placentia; whereupon, as ſoon as it was Day, the Conſul came up with his Horſe to their Relief, having ordered his Foot to follow in Battel Array: In the mean time the Fight was managed by Horſe, and Annibal happening to be wounded, the Enemy was therewith much daunted, and the place happily preſerv'd. Having reſted not many days, and before his Wound was throughly well, Annibal was abroad again, deſigning to take Victumviae, a Mart-Town which had been Fortified by the Romans during the War with the Gauls; after which it became well Inhabited, by a mix'd People out of ſeveral Nations, and at this time the fear of being Plundered, made all the Boors of the adjacent Country retire thither for ſhelter. This multitude (ſuch as they were) being buoy'd up with the report how bravely the Gariſon near Placentia defended themſelves, took Arms, and advanced forth to encounter Annibal, who met with them as they were upon their March diſorderly, and not in a poſture for Fighting; ſo that on one ſide there being only a raw undiſciplin'd Rabble; on the other, a Captain that could rely on his Soldiers, and the Soldiers on their Captain: He, with a handful of Men, routed all this tumultuous Multitude conſiſting of no leſs than Five and thirty thouſand. The next day having treated for a ſurrender upon Articles, they received a Garriſon within their Walls; and being required to deliver up all their Arms, after they had ſo done, a ſignal is given to fall on and plunder the Town as if it had been taken by Storm. Nor was there omitted any kind of Out-rage that is wont to be Recorded by Hiſtorians on ſuch occaſions, ſuch lamentable Examples of all manner of Cruelty and Luſt, and inhumane Inſolence, they practiſed upon theſe poor wretched People.

Theſe were Annibal's Winter-Expeditions, after which, the Froſts being intolerable, he allow'd his Soldiers ſome ſhort Repoſe; but upon the firſt approach of the Spring, quits his Winter-Quarters, and marches for Tuſcany, to reduce that Nation too, as he had done the Gauls and Ligurians, either voluntarily or by force, to his obedience. But as he paſs'd over the Appennine, ſo dreadful a Tempeſt happened, that it almoſt exceeded all the Calamities he met with on the Alps. The Rain, with a fierce Wind, drove full in their Teeth; at firſt they ſtood ſtone-ſtill, ſeeing they muſt either lay away their Armor, or ſtrive in vain to march with it againſt the Weather, whil'ſt the violent Guſts whirling them round were ready to fling them to the Ground; but then the violence of the Weather taking away (as it were) their Breath, they ſat down with their backs Wind-ward. When on a ſudden the Heavens rattled with horrible peals of Thunder, and flaſh'd with dreadful Lightenings, ſo that affrighted in two Senſes at once, and terrified both with their Ears and their Eyes, they became all aſtoniſh'd with fear. At length it Rain'd ſo faſt as if it had been poured down by Pail-fulls; and withal, the Wind blew higher than before, wherefore they thought it neceſſary to Encamp in the very place where they were thus caught by the Tempeſt: But this was to begin a new Labor and Difficulty; for neither could they ſpread any thing for a Covering, nor fix the poſts for their Tents ſecurely; nor could what was pitch'd down abide the fury of the Wind, which rent and tore, and hurried away all before it. After a while, the falling Rain being congealed aloft over the tops of thoſe bleak Mountains, turn'd into a ſtorm of Hail, and came upon them with ſuch a Force, that every one was glad to leave his Work, and clap themſelves flat on the Ground groveling on their Faces, rather ſmothered than covered with their Tilts and Hillings. After which enſued that Night, ſo bitter and exceſſive a Froſt, that there was not one of all that miſerable heap of Men and Beaſts, that was able for a great while the next Morning to raiſe himſelf and get up alone, for their Sinews were ſo benum'd with cold, as they could ſcarce bend their Joints; at length, by beſtirring and chafing their Limbs they got ſome warmth, recovered their Spirits, ſome few began to make Fires, and the reſt got thither to thaw and recruit themſelves. Thus for two days they remained there as if they had been Beſieged, unable to ſtir. Abundance of Men and Cattel periſh'd here, and ſeven of thoſe few Elephants that ſurviv'd the Battel at Trebia.

Hereupon Annibal quits the Apennine, and returns towards Placentia, within ten miles of which he Encamped, and the next day advanc'd with Twelve thouſand Foot and Five thouſand Horſe againſt the Enemy. Nor did Sempronius the Conſul (for he was now come back from Rome) decline the Combat. The two Armies were that day within three miles diſtance of each other, next morning they fought with mighty Reſolutions and various Succeſs. At the firſt On-ſet the Romans had ſo much the better of it, that they did not only worſt the Enemy in the Field, but purſue them home to their Entrenchments, and afterwards aſſaulted and endeavored to break in after them into their Camp. Annibal having Poſted a few ſtout Men to defend the Ports and Rampart, retired the reſt thick and cloſe together into the midſt of the Camp, ordering them to watch for the Signal when they ſhould ſally forth: It was now near three a clock in the After-noon, when the Romans having wearied themſelves in vain, ſeeing there was no hopes of making themſelves Maſters of the Camp, ſounded a Retreat: Which Annibal perceiving, and that they gave over the Aſſault and were marching back to their own Tents, immediately ſent out his Horſe on the right and left hand after them, and himſelf in Perſon with the whole ſtrength of his Infantry, ſallies out through the middle of the Camp. There has ſeldom been known a more bloody Fight, or wherein greater ſlaughter was made on both ſides, than this would certainly have been, if the Day would have permitted them to diſpute it longer, but Night parted the Conflict in the heat of their Courage; ſo that the number kill'd did not anſwer the fury of the Combatants, and as it was a drawn Battel, ſo the loſs on each ſide was much alike, about Six hundred Foot and Three hundred Horſe-men being kill'd of either Party; only the Romans loſs was greater in reſpect of Quality than number, becauſe ſome of the Order of Knights, five Colonels, and three Captains of the Allies, were that day ſlain. After this Bout, Annibal march'd into the Ligurians Country, and Sempronius to Luca: To welcome Annibal upon his coming amongſt the Ligurians, they delivered up to him Cn. Fulvius, and L. Lucretius, two Roman Queſtors [Treaſurers or Paymaſters] whom they had ſurprized by an Ambuſcade, together with two Colonels, and five others of the Equeſtrian Order, (whoſe Fathers were as good as Senators fellows) thereby the better to aſſure him, that they would keep the Peace and Allyance they had made with him firm and inviolable.

Whil'ſt theſe Tranſactions happened in Italy, Cn. Scipio is diſpatch'd with a Fleet and Army into Spain. Having ſet Sail from the Mouth of the Rhone, and compaſſed the Pyrenaean Mountains, he arriv'd at a place called Emporia; where landing his Army, partly by renewing the antient Alliances, and partly by contracting new, he reduced all the Sea-coaſts from the Lacetanians up as far as the River Iberus, to the Roman Obedience; whereby he acquired ſuch great Reputation for his Clemency, that it ſpread not only through thoſe Provinces which bordered on the Sea, but amongſt thoſe Mountainous and fiercer Nations which dwell'd up far within Land, ſo that not only Peace was concluded with them, but they took Arms to aſſiſt him, and liſted ſeveral ſtout and able Companies for his Service. Hanno, the Enemies Governor on this ſide the Iberus (whom Annibal had left there to guard thoſe Parts) was not ignorant of theſe Proceedings, and therefore before all was gone, and the Country wholly alienated, thought good to encounter him; and Encamping within view, drew out into the Field. Nor did the Roman judge it his Intereſt to defer the Diſpute, for well he knew he had to do both with Hanno and Aſdrubal, and were better fight them ſingle than conjoin'd. Nor did the Battel prove very hazardous, Six thouſand of the Enemy were kill'd, and Two thouſand taken Priſoners, with the Guard of the Camp; for both the Camp was over-run, and he that Commanded there in Chief taken, and alſo the Town Sciſſis which lay hard by, won by Aſſault, but the Plunder thereof not much worth, as being the Houſhold-ſtuff of poor barbarous mean people: The Camp afforded the Soldiers better Booty, for there they got the Baggage, not only of the Army now routed, but of that too which went with Annibal into Italy, who leſt their choiceſt Goods behind them on that ſide the Pyrenaean Mountains, that they might not be incommoded in their March.

Aſdrubal, who before he had any certain Intelligence of this Over-throw, had paſs'd the Iberus with Eight thouſand Foot and One thouſand Horſe, purpoſing to make head againſt the Romans at their firſt arrival, upon the news of the Field and Camps being both loſt, diverted his March towards the Sea. Not far from Tarragon, he found the Soldiers of the Armado, and Mariners wandring and ſtragling over the Country (ſo uſual it is for Succeſs to breed negligence) whereupon ſending out Parties of Horſe every way, with great ſlaughter he chaſed them to their Ships: Yet not daring to continue longer in thoſe parts, leſt Scipio ſhould ſurprize him, he got back to the other ſide of Iberus. For indeed, Scipio upon news of this new Enemy, march'd with all ſpeed to Tarragon, but came not up till they were gone, and having puniſh'd ſuch Captains as were the occaſion of the late loſs there, leaving a competent Gariſon in that Town, return'd with his Navy to Emporiae. He was no ſooner gone, but Aſdrubal was in his place, and having inveigled the Illergetes (who had given Hoſtages to Scipio) to a Revolt; he, with their aſſiſtance, waſted the Territories of all the Romans Allies thereabouts that continued faithful to them. This rouz'd Scipio out of his Wiinter-Quarters, at whoſe approach the Enemy again quitted all the Country on this ſide Iberus: Scipio with a terrible Army invades the Illergetes, who were now abandoned by thoſe who were the Authors of their Defection, and having driven them all into Athanagia, (the Metropolis of that Nation) beleaguered that Town; but within few days accepted of their ſubmiſſion, upon their giving him a greater number of Hoſtages than before, and paying down a conſiderable ſum of Mony. Thence he advanc'd againſt the Auſetanans, Allies of the Carthaginians, bordering on Iberus, and having Beſieg'd their City, ſurprized with an Ambuſcade, the Lacetans coming in the Night to relieve their Neighbors, juſt as they were ready to enter the City; of whom Twelve thouſand were kill'd, the reſt generally glad to fling away their Arms, fled ſcatteringly through the Fields to their own home. Nor did any thing protect the Beſieged ſo much as the Seaſon, it being Winter, and very prejudicial to the Aſſailants; for in all the thirty days they lay before the Town, there was ſcarce one, but the Snow lay at leaſt four foot deep, and ſo covered the Galleries and Engines of Battery that the Romans had provided, that when the Enemies often attempted to Fire them, that alone preſerved them. At laſt Amuſitus their Chief, having made his eſcape to Aſdrubal, they Articled to pay twenty Talents of Silver to avoid Plundering, and ſo ſurrendred. And Scipio carryed back his Army to their Winter-Quarters at Tarragon.

That Winter in and about Rome happened many Prodigies, or at leaſt (as commonly it happens when the Peoples minds are once tainted with Superſtition) many were reported and raſhly believed; amongſt the reſt, That an Infant but ſix months old, a Free-mans child in the Herb-Market, cryed out with a loud voice, Io Triumphe! as Soldiers were wont to do at a Triumph. Alſo in the Beaſt-Market, an Ox of his own accord went up three Stories high, and thence flung himſelf down, to the great amazement of thoſe that dwell'd in the Houſe. That the reſemblance of a Navy of Ships had been ſeen in the Air: The Temple of Hope in the Herb-Market burn'd with Lightning: That at Lanuvium a Spear ſhook and brandiſh'd it ſelf; and a Raven flying into Juno's Temple, and perch'd upon the very Shrine or High altar: That in the Territories of Amiternum, there were ſeen in many places the ſhapes of Men walking at a diſtance all in white Garments, but as Folks came nearer they vaniſh'd: That in Picenum it rain'd Stones; and at Caere the Lots were found to be, or at leaſt ſeem'd to be much leſs than they really were heretofore: And that in France a Wolf came up to a Centinel, ſnatch'd his Sword out of its ſcabbard, and ran away with it. As for diverting the Preſages of the reſt of theſe Prodigies, the Decemvirs were ordered to conſult the Sibylline Books: But for its raining Stones in Picenum, a Nine-days Solemn Feſtival was appointed; and for diverting the other ill Omens, the whole City was almoſt continually employed. Now above all other things, the City was ſolemnly purged, greater Sacrifices than ordinary Offered to the particular Gods, whom the Decemvirs reported were to be appeaſed; a Preſent of Forty Pounds weight in Gold (One thouſand four hundred and forty ſterling) ſent to Juno's Temple at Lanuvium; a Statue of Braſs dedicated to Juno in Aventinum: At Caere where the Lots were diminiſhed, a Lectiſtern, or grand Ptoceſſion appointed; and Supplications to the Goddeſs Fortune in Algidum: At Rome too, there was a Lectiſtern Solemnized in Honor of the Goddeſs of Youth, and publick Prayers at the Temple of Hercules: Expreſs commandment given to all People to frequent all ſorts of Shrines with their Devotions, and four Sacrifices of the greater kind, Offered to the God Genius; and beſides all this, C. Attilius Seranus the Praetor, was ordered to pronounce a Solemn Vow, if the Commonwealth ſhould for the ſpace of ten years continue in a good condition. By theſe Expiations deriv'd from the Books of the Sibyls, the minds of the Mobile were pretty well eaſed of their Superſtitious fears.

Flaminius, one of the Conſuls Elect, to whom the Command of thoſe Forces that Quartered at Placentia, fell by Lot, ſent an Edict and Command to the preſent Conſul, That the ſaid Army ſhould Rendezvous at Rimini on the fifteenth of March: His deſign being to enter upon his Conſulſhip in the Province, remembring the old Brangles he had had with the Nobles, both when he was Tribune of the Commons, and afterwards when he was Conſul; as well about the Conſulſhip of which they would have deprived him, as afterwards concerning his Triumph which they denyed him, but eſpecially the Senate regarded him with an ill Eye, for a late Law which Q. Claudius a Tribune of the Commons had unjuſtly carryed againſt them, only by the help of this Flaminius himſelf a Senator; viz. That no Senator, or Senators Father, ſhould have any Ship at Sea bearing above Three hundred Amphores, [or about eight Tuns Burthen] for ſuch were thought ſufficient to bring the Fruits and Commodities ariſing out of their Lands and Country Farms, up to Rome; and as for Gain by Traffick, 'twas look'd upon unbecoming Perſons of their Quality. The matter having long been bandied with great Contention, contracted not a little Envy from the Nobles on the Propoſer, but no leſs Favor from the Commons, and indeed it was upon that ſcore that they now choſe him the ſecond time Conſul. Therefore ſuſpecting the Senate would endeavor to keep him at home under colour of unlucky Auſpices, or for holding the Latine Holy-days, or ſome ſuch pretences, he giving out as if he would only take a Country Journy whil'ſt yet he was a private Perſon, departed ſecretly to his Province. When this was diſcovered, it exaſperated the Senate more than ever: 'Tis not (ſaid they) now with the Senate that C. Flaminius quarrels, but with the Immortal Gods; when he was before made Conſul without due Auſpices, and both the Gods and Men recalled him out of the Field, he would not obey; and now conſcious of his former Miſcarriages, has avoided going to the Capitol, and making the Solemn Vows, merely that he may not on the Day he ſhould enter on his Office viſit the Temple of Almighty Jupiter: That he may not ſee and conſult with the Senate, who juſtly are offended with him, and whom he alone cannot endure: That he may not proclaim the Latine Feſtivals, and perform the ſolemn Rites to Jupiter Latialis on the Albane Mount; nor would he, after he had luckily offered up his Oriſons in the Capitol, ſet forwards in his Robes of State towards his Province; but is gone away like ſome Scoundrel that follows the Camp, without any Enſigns of his Authority, or Lictors and Officers to attend him; crept away privately and by ſtealth, no otherwiſe than if he had been forc'd to leave his Country, and were ſent to Baniſhment rather than employed in an Office of Truſt and Honor; as if, forſooth, he thought it more for the Honor of the Commonwealth to enter into his Magiſtracy at Rimini than at Rome, and to put on his Conſular Robes in a paltry common Inn, than in his own Houſe and the preſence of his Domeſtick Gods. In ſhort, they all agreed, That he ſhould be recall'd, and compell'd, firſt to diſpatch all the Rites and Ceremonies due to the Gods and Civil State, before he ſhould take upon him the Command of the Army and depart into his Province. On this Ambaſſy (for under that Character they thought fit to ſend) were employed Q. Terentius and M. Antiſtius, but could no more prevail with him, than the Senates Letters did in his former Conſulſhip. For a few days after he entred upon his Office, and whil'ſt he was making his Oblations, a Calf, after he was ſtuck, got out of the Sacrificers hands, and not only ſprinkled many of the ſtanders by with his Blood, but cauſed thoſe that ſtood behind, and knew not what the matter was, to take their heels and run away as in a fright; which many People look'd upon as an ill Omen, preſaging ſome great Conſternation or Calamity. Having ſoon after received two Legions from Sempronius, laſt years Conſul, and two more from C. Attilius the Praetor, he began to march his Army croſs over the Appennine into Tuſcany.

DECADE III. BOOK II. EPITOME.

2, 3. ANnibal comes into Tuſcany, but in his way thither, marching for four days and three nights together through the Mariſhes or Fens without any ſleep, loſt one of his Eyes by a Defluxion of Rheume. 3, 4, &c. The Conſul C. Flaminius, a raſh inconſiderate Man, venturing to fight againſt ſeveral ill Auſpices (as, That the Field-Enſigns could not be pluck'd out of the Ground by the Standard-Bearers, which therefore he cauſed to be dug up; and a violent fall from his Horſe head-long as ſoon as he Mounted) ſoon after ſurrounded by Annibal in an Ambuſcade near the Lake called Thraſymenus, is kill'd, and his Army defeated. 6. Six thouſand Romans which there broke through, afterwards ſurrendring their Arms upon Maharbabs promiſe, They ſhould march away freely, are by Annibals perfidiouſneſs kept Priſoners. 7. In the general lamentation at Rome for this Overthrow, two Matrons dyed for very joy at the unexpected ſight of their Sons whom they ſuppoſed to have been kill'd. 10. In regard of the ſaid Defeat, by the directions of the Sibyls Books, there was Vowed a Sacred Spring, (viz. That all the Cattel then brought forth, ſhould be Dedicated to the Gods.) 12. After this, Q Fabius Maximus being ſent Dictator againſt Annibal, declines to fight, as loth to put the Soldiers, daunted with their late ill Fortune, ſo ſoon upon the hazard of a Battel againſt an Enemy fluſh'd with ſo many Victories, contenting himſelf only by lying always near, to hinder them from attempting any great Exploit. 14, 26. M. Minucius, General of the Horſe, (a Man of a proud ſpirit, and raſh in his undertakings) by reproaching the Dictator as negligent and a Coward, prevails ſo far upon the People, as by their Ordinance to be joyned in equal Commiſſion with him. 28. And having divided the Army, Fights in a place very diſadvantageous, where his Legions being diſtreſs'd and like to be cut off, 29. Are by the timely coming in of Fabius, relieved and reſcued from that imminent danger. 29. Minucius overcome with this favour, joyns again with Fabius in the ſame Camp, ſtiles him Father, and commands his Soldiers to do the like. 16. Annibal having over-run Campania, is between the Town Caſilinum, and the Mountain Callicula, hemm'd in by Fabius, but by a Stratagem of tying little Barms of dry ſticks unto Bullocks horns, and ſetting them on fire, frighted away the Roman Guard that kept the paſs at Callicula, and ſo eſcaped. 23. He alſo when he burn'd all the Neighboring Country, forbore to do any damage to the Dictators Lands, to render him ſuſpected at Rome of holding a ſecret Correſpondence with him. 47. After this, when Aemilius Paulus and Terentius Varro were Conſuls, and Generals of the Army, Annibal, near a Village called Cannae, gives them a mighty Overthrow. 49. There were ſlain in that Battel, Five and forty thouſand Romans, with Paulus the Conſul, and Fourſcore Senators, and Thirty other Perſons of Quality that had been either Conſuls, Praetors, or Aediles. 53. After which defeat, ſeveral young Noble-men in deſpair conſulting to leave Italy, P. Cornelius Scipio, a Colonel, who afterwards was ſurnamed Africanus, comes amo • gſt them with his Sword drawn over their Heads, ſwearing, He would preſently kill the firſt Man that ſhould refuſe the Oath that he ſhould tender, and ſo made them all oblige themſelves in an Oath not to abandon their Country. 7, 19, 20, &c. This Book alſo deſcribes the Conſternation, and general Mourning of the City, by reaſon of the ſaid defeat of their Army; and withal, ſome Actions in Spain atchieved with better ſucceſs. 57. Opimia and Floronia, two Veſtal Virgins condemned for Inceſt. By reaſon of the ſcarcity of Soldiers and ſerviceable Men for the Wars, Eight thouſand Slaves are put in Arms. 60, 61. The Senate refuſes to redeem their Men that had ſuffered themſelves to be taken Priſoners, though Annibal offered it; and go forth to meet the Conſul Varro, and welcome him home with thanks, becauſe after ſuch an amazing Blow, he had not given over the Cauſe of the Commonwealth as deſperate.

U. C. 536 THe Spring was now come on, when Annibal removed from his Winter-Quarters, and as before (when he attempted it) he was not able to get over the Apennine for the intolerable Cold, ſo he continued there thus long not without great fear and hazard; for the Gauls, whom he had drawn to his ſide by hopes of Prey and Plunder, ſeeing that inſtead of Forraging and getting Booties from others, their own Territories were made the Seat of War, and oppreſſed by the Armies of both Parties lying upon them all Winter, began to hate him, more than they did formerly the Romans: Several times had their Princes contrived to deſtroy and cut him off by Treachery, and it was only by their own perfidiouſneſs to each other (whil'ſt with the ſame levity wherewith they conſpired againſt them, they betray'd their Fellows, and detected their Conſpiracies) that he eſcaped their hands. As alſo by frequent changing ſometimes of his Clothes, and ſometimes of his Head-piece, and by being almoſt continually in motion, he endeavored to ſecure himſelf: However, the apprehenſions of theſe Dangers cauſe him to quit his Winter-Quarters ſo much the ſooner.

About the ſame time, viz. on the fifteenth of March, Cn. Servilius entred upon his Conſulſhip at Rome, and after he had propoſed the Affairs of the Commonwealth to the Senates conſideration, their envy and ſpight againſt C. Flaminius (his Colleague) was afreſh renewed, ſaying, That they Created two Conſuls but had but one: For what juſt and lawful Authority, what fortunate Succeſs can that other have that is gone? Since ſuch a Magiſtrate ought always to carry the ſame with him from the City, from the publick and his own private Altars, after he had Celebrated the Latine Feſtivals, perform'd the Sacrifice on the Alban Hill, and duly made his Vows in the Capitol. But ſince without diſcharging all theſe neceſſary Rites, he departed hence only in the Quality of a private Perſon; as the Auſpices of Government could not accompany or follow him; ſo neither being gone without them, can he in a foreign Soil receive them new and entire as they ought to be. The buſineſs look'd the worſe, becauſe at the ſame time People were terrified with ſtories of Prodigies related from ſeveral places: That in Sicily certain Soldiers Darts were on a ſudden on Fire; and in Sardinia, as a Trooper was going the Rounds under the Walls, his Staff burn'd in his hand; That ſtrange Fires had been frequently ſeen on the Sea-ſhore; That two Shields ſweat Blood, and ſome Soldiers were ſtruck dead with Lightning; That the Body of the Sun appear'd leſs to the ſight than it was wont to do; and that at Praeneſte red-hot burning Coals fell from the Skie; That at Arpi there were ſeen in the Air the ſhapes of Targets or Bucklers, and the Sun fighting with the Moon; That at Capena two Moons roſe and ſhone together in the day-time; That the Caeretan Waters ran mingled with Blood, and the very Fountain of Hercules caſt up Water with Bloody ſpots; and as People were reaping in the Antian Fields, certain Bloody ears of Corn fell into their Skeps; At Falerii the Heavens ſeem'd to open with a mighty Chaſm, whence ſhone forth a wonderful Sight; That the Sacred Lots of themſelves grew leſs and leſs, and one fell out of the Pitcher with this Inſcription, Mavors telum ſuum concutit. Behold! Mars brandiſhes his dreadful Spear. About the ſame time the Statue of Mars at Rome in the Appian way, near the Images of the Wolves, was obſerv'd to Sweat; and at Capua the Heavens ſeem'd all on fire, and ſomething like the Moon to fall down in a great ſhower. Hence men came to take notice of, and believe other Prodigies ſcarce worth mentioning; as that ſome Goats, inſtead of Hair bore Wool; that an Hen was turn'd into a Cock, and a Cock into an Hen. Theſe things as they were reported being inquired into, and the Authors brought before the Senate, the Conſul propoſed and deſired that Houſe to take into their conſideration the Affairs of Religion: who Decreed, That theſe threatning Tokens ſhould be expiated, ſome with the greater ſort of Sacrifices, others with young ſucking ones; That for three days ſpace there ſhould be Supplications at every Shrine: And as for the reſt, after the Decemvirs had inſpected their Books, ſuch Atonements ſhould be made, as the Gods in their Verſes ſhould fore-tell to ſtand with their pleaſure. Accordingly, by the directions of the Decemvirs it was Ordered, Firſt, That to Jupiter ſhould be made and conſecrated a Golden Thunder-bolt of fifty pound weight [worth about One thouſand eight hundred pound ſterling] and the like of Silver to Juno and Minerva; beſides, that to Juno the Queen on Mount Aventine, and Juno the Preſervereſs at Lanuvium, Sacrifices of the bigger ſort ſhould be offered: That the Ladies and Matrons ſhould make a Collection amongſt them, every one contributing as much as ſhe could, for a Gift to the ſaid Juno the Queen, and bring it to Mount Aventine, and there celebrate a Lectiſtern; nay, the very Libertine Laſſes, or Women that had been Slaves, but had got their Freedom, were all to bring in their Pence according to their reſpective Abilities for a Preſent to Dame Feronia the Goddeſs of the Woods. Theſe matters being diſpatch'd, the Decemvirs Sacrificed with great Bullocks in the Market-place of Ardea; and laſtly, by directions from the aforeſaid Books, in the Month of December, they made their Offerings in the Temple of Saturn at Rome, and a Lectiſtern was appointed (where the Senators themſelves officiated) and withal a publick Feaſt celebrated, and the Saturnalia [or Feaſts of five days continuance, where the Servants ſate at Table and Maſters waited, in memory of the Liberty men had in Saturns reign] were day and night Proclaimed throughout the City, and the People commanded to obſerve and keep that as an Holy-day for ever.

Whil'ſt the Conſul at Rome is thus buſie in appeaſing the Gods, and making his Levies, Annibal quitting his Winter-Quarters, and having advice that the Conſul Flaminius was already advanc'd to Arretium, would needs (though he were ſhewed a better Road, but ſomewhat further about) take the neareſt way through the Marſhes and Fens, which happened too at that time to be more than ordinarily overflow'd with the River Arno. In the Van he placed the Spaniards and Africans, and all his old beaten Soldiers (the Flower and Strength of his Army) together with their Baggage; That wherever they ſhould be forc'd to ſtay, they might not be to ſeek for neceſſaries. Next followed the Gauls or French, being deſirous to keep that ſort of People in the middle, and the Horſe made up the Reregard: Mago, with the Numidian Light-Horſe coming laſt of all, who had orders to keep the Army cloſe in their March and prevent ſtraglers, eſpecially the French, if any of them wearied with the toil or tediouſneſs of the March (as they are a People tender, and not able to endure much hardſhip) ſhould either offer to run from their Colours, or loiter behind. The Van-Guard, which way ſoever their Guides led them, paſs'd reſolutely through thick and thin, wading through great Rivers and deep kind of Pits and Quagmires, and though they were almoſt drowned, or buried in the mud, yet ſtill they followed their Colours. But the Gauls, if they chanc'd but to ſlip, down they came, and when they were down were not able to riſe again out of the dirty Sloughs and Holes; they had neither courage of mind to ſupport their Bodies, nor ſo much as hopes left to bouy up their Spirits; ſome made a ſorry ſhift to drail along their weak and fainting Limbs; others quite overcome with wearineſs, lay down and died amongſt the Beaſts, who alſo were every where ſprawling and ready to expire: But that which moſt of all undid and deſtroyed them, was want of Reſt, for they had now march'd four days and three nights continually without ſleep. At laſt, finding all the Country ſtill over-flow'd, and no dry ground where they might lie down, they piled up their Snapſacks and Baggage on heaps in the Water, and laid themſelves down thereon; and others, glad of any thing that appeared above Water, made the Bodies of their Horſes and Cattel that tumbled down in heaps one upon another, ſerve them a while inſtead of Beds to get a nap: As for Annibal himſelf (who was already troubled with his Eyes, occaſioned at firſt by the diſtemperature of the Spring, ſuddenly varying from great heats to exceſſive colds) he was mounted on an Elephant, the only one he had left alive, which carryed him high enough out of the Water; yet by reaſon of this overwatching himſelf, and the moiſt Nights and damps of the Fens ſtuffing his Head with Rhumes, and having no opportunity for remedy by Phyſick, he loſt the ſight of one of his Eyes irrecoverably.

Having at laſt, with the loſs of many of his Men and Horſes, got through the Marſhes, on the firſt dry ground he came at, he pitched his Tents, and received advice by his Scouts, that the Roman Army continued under the Walls of Arretium. Then with the utmoſt diligence he endeavored to find out the deſigns and temper of the Conſul; the ſituation of the Country; which way he march'd? what ſtore of Forces and Proviſions he had? from whence ſupplyed? and all other things neceſſary to be known. As for the Country, 'twas one of the moſt fertile in all Italy, as being the Champian Fields of Tuſcany, between Feſſulae and Arretium, abounding in Corn and Cattel, and Riches of all ſorts. The Conſul fierce and proud, valuing himſelf not a little becauſe he had once before born the ſame Office; a Man, that as he not much regarded either the Laws or Authority of the Senate, ſo he had paid no great Reverence to Religion, or the Gods themſelves. This raſhneſs of Mind implanted in him by Nature, Fortune had cheriſhed and augmented by ſeveral Succeſſes both in Civil and Military affairs; whence 'twas eaſie to collect, that ſuch a perſon that neither reſpected Gods nor Men, would be apt to act all things violently and hand over head: That he might the more be plunged into the ill effects of this complexional raſhneſs and indiſcretion, the ſubtle Punick reſolves to provoke and exaſperate him; leaving him therefore on the left hand, Annibal marches by Feſulae to Forrage Tuſcany, and gives him at a diſtance as dreadful a proſpect as poſſibly he could, of the havock and devaſtation he made by Fire and Sword. Flaminius, who would not have ſate ſtill though the Enemy had been quiet, when once he ſaw the Lands and Goods of his Allies thus haraſs'd and deſtroyed, as it were juſt under his Noſe, thinking it redounded much to his diſgrace, that the Carthaginians ſhould march thus at their pleaſure through the midſt of Italy, and at this rate might quickly advance even to attack the Walls of Rome, whil'ſt all the reſt in the Council of War adviſed for Safety rather than Bravery; That he ſhould wait till the coming up of his Colleague; that having joyn'd their Armies, they might with united hearts and Councils manage the War; and that in the mean time, by ſending out a Brigade of Horſe and Light-arm'd Foot, he would give a check to the Enemy, and reſtrain them from this licentious Plundering. He in a Paſſion flung out of the Council, and preſently gave the Signal both for a March and a Battel: Nay, quoth he, let us ſit ſtill eternally under the Walls of Arretium; this belike is our Habitation, and all the Native Country we regard; Let Annibal eſcape our hands, and lay all Italy deſolate as he liſts; Let him over-run and utterly deſtroy all before him with Fire and Sword up to the very Walls of Rome, and let us not budge till the affrighted Senate ſend for C. Flaminius, as of old they did for Camillus from Veii to their reſcue. As thus he reproach'd them, he at the ſame time commanded the Standards forthwith to advance, and in a Fury mounts himſelf, but his Horſe preſently happened to ſtumble, and threw him with his Head formoſt on the ground. Whil'ſt all that were about him were terrified with this Accident, looking upon it as an ill Omen at the beginning of his Enterprize, word was brought that one of the Enſigns could not be pluck'd out of the Ground by all the ſtrength and endeavors the Standard-bearer could uſe; whereupon turning to the Meſſenger, What? ſays he, haſt thou brought me Letters too from the Senate to forbid me ſerving the Publick? Go, tell them they muſt dig it out, if their hands are ſo benum'd with fear that they are not able to pluck it up; which being accordingly done, he began his March. The chief Officers which gave contrary advice, being now more diſheartened with this double Prodigy, but the common Soldiers over-joyed at the forwardneſs and animoſity of their General, were full of hopes, without conſidering what Grounds they had for ſuch their confidence.

Annibal had waſted the whole Country between the City Cortona and the Lake Thraſymenus, with all manner of Hoſtility, that he might the more provoke the Enemy to revenge theſe Injuries done to their Allies. He was now come to a place that ſeem'd framed by Nature merely for an Ambuſcade, juſt where the Lake Thraſymenus flows up neareſt to the foot of the Hills of Cortona; for there lies between only a very ſtrait and narrow Paſſage, as if there had been left that ſpace of Ground, for ſuch a purpoſe and nothing elſe; beyond it the Plains open wider, and ſo you come to the brow of the Hills. Annibal in the open ground pitch'd his Camp for himſelf, his Africans and Spaniards; but his Slingers, and other Light-arm'd Soldiers, he led round about behind the Mountains: His Horſe he Poſts near the Mouth of the Paſs, behind certain riſing Grounds that very conveniently ſheltered and kept them out of ſight, that ſo, as ſoon as the Romans were entred, the Cavalry clapping behind them, they ſhould all be ſhut up between the Lake and the Mountain. Flaminius being come to the Lake over-night, about Sun-ſetting, early the next Morning before it was full day-light, without ever ſending out according to the cuſtom of War any Scouts before, to diſcover the Coaſts and poſture of the Enemy, paſs'd the aforeſaid Streight; but no ſooner did he begin to ſpread his Army on the open Plain, but he might perceive the Enemy, I mean that part of them only which were before him, for thoſe behind and over his head did not yet ſhew themſelves. Annibal having now got the Enemy into the Toil, and every way ſurrounded, quickly gives the Signal for them all to fall on, who ruſhing down every Man the neareſt way he could; that which made the matter appear the more ſurprizing to the Romans, was, that a Fog riſing from the Lake was much thicker on the Plain where they were, than on the Hills, ſo that the Carthaginians could ſee one another from their ſeveral Poſts, and the better Charge them all at once: But the Romans perceived not themſelves entrapped, till they heard the ſhout quite round them, and were forced to fight both in the Front and on the Flank, before they could draw into Battalia, and indeed before they could fit their Arms, or almoſt draw their Swords.

In this general Conſternation the Conſul alone ſhewed himſelf nothing daunted, he ſet in order, as much as the time would give him leave, the Ranks which were apt to be confuſed by their turning themſelves every way as they heard the ſeveral clamors; and whereever he came, or could be heard, encouraged and commanded them to ſtand to it and fight ſtoutly, telling them, That 'twas not making of Vows, and lazily imploring the help of the Gods, but their own manly Courage, and Arms, that muſt bring them off; That they muſt cut their way with their Swords througb the midſt of their Enemies thickeſt Battalions, and that where there is leaſt fear, there is generally leaſt danger. But for the noiſe and tumult, neither his Advice nor his Commands could be heard; and ſo far were his Soldiers in this diſtraction from knowing their proper Colours, Ranks and Places, that they had ſcarce underſtanding and reſolution enough left to take their Arms, and put them on as they ſhould do for a Battel, ſo that ſome of them were ſurprized and beat down, rather oppreſſed and clogg'd with their Armor than defended by it, and ſo thick was the Miſt, that their Ears were of more uſe to them than their Eyes; yet at the groans of their wounded Fellows, and reſounding ſtrokes on their Bodies and Arms, and the ſhouts of the Valiant intermix'd with the ſhrieks of the timerous, they could not but be continually turning their Faces and caſting their Eyes every way about them: Some as they were flying, light into an heap of thoſe that were fighting, and forc'd to joyn with them becauſe they could get no further; ſome having recollected their ſpirits, returning to Charge the Enemy, were ſtop'd and driven backwards by heaps of their own Men that were running away. At laſt, having attempted every way in vain to get forth, and ſeeing plainly that as they were thus ſhut up on one ſide by the Lake, on the other by the Mountain, and both in the Front and Rear by the Enemy, there was no poſſible hopes or means to eſcape but by fighting their way through, then every one became a Captain, and encouraged himſelf to fight manfully: Thus was the Battel renewed, not in that order as they were wont; firſt by the Principes, then by the Haſtati, and at laſt by the Triarii; nor ſome before the Standards, others after, and every Soldier in his particular Regiment, Company and File, but hickle-de-pickledy, as Fortune jumbled them together; to it they went Pel-mel, and as every mans heart ſerv'd him, ſo he marſhal'd himſelf to fight, either before or behind; nay, ſo eager and intent they were, and all the faculties both of Body and Soul ſo intirely taken up with fighting, that although at that very inſtant there happened a moſt dreadful Earth-quake, which threw down a great part of many Cities in Italy, turn'd the Courſes of great Rivers out of their antient Channels, forced the Sea up a long way into freſh Rivers, overturned Mountains with mighty falls, and levell'd Vallies and Hills, yet there was not one Man in this Battel that in the leaſt perceived it.

The Conflict had now laſted near three hours, every where ſharp, but near the Conſul moſt fierce and cruel; for as he was attended with the ſtouteſt and braveſt Men, ſo for his own Perſonal Valor and Gallantry he came not behind the beſt of them, but in his rich Armor, wherever he ſaw his Men diſtreſſed or over-powered, thither preſently he flew to their aid, and ſhewed no leſs care and good nature in ſuccoring and defending his Friends, than courage in Charging furiouſly the Enemy; until at laſt a certain Knight of Milain, named Ducarius, knowing him by ſight as well as by his Arms, cries out to his Countrymen, Yonder is the Conſul, the ſame who cut to pieces our Legions, and plundered our City and Territories; now will I preſently offer him up a Sacrifice to the Ghoſts of our Fellow-Citizens, that by his means were piteouſly ſlain; ſaying this, he clapp'd ſpurs to his Horſe, and with an irreſiſtible violence Charged in amongſt the thickeſt of the Enemy, and having firſt cut off a Squires head that interpoſed himſelf, ſeeing him come ſo fierccly, he in the next place ran the Conſul himſelf quite through the Body with his Lance; and fain he would have diſarm'd and riffled him, but ſome of the Triarii ſtep'd over the Corps with their Targets, and kept him off. Thence many began to take their heels, and preſently neither the deep Lake nor the high Mountain could ſtop their fear; were the way never ſo ſtrait, or never ſo ſteep, like blind men they venture on't, in hopes to eſcape; and Horſe and Man, Man and Arms are tumbled head-long one upon another. A great number ſeeing no other means to get away, endeavored to wade through the Lake, finding it fordable on the edges, and went ſo far till nothing but their head and ſhoulders appeared above Water; and ſome (ſo inconſiderate was their fear) ſought to ſave themſelves by ſwimming, which being an endleſs and impoſſible work, they were either drowned, their breath and ſpirits failing, or elſe after they had made much haſt, and took exceſſive pains to no purpoſe, with much ado made back again to recover the Land, where the Enemies Horſe (that were now advanc'd a pretty way into the water) miſerably cut them to pieces. Six thouſand, or thereabouts, of the Van-Guard, charging deſperately through that Battalion of the Enemy which was right before them, got ſafe out of the Plain, and ſeized on the top of a little Hill, altogether ignorant of what became of their Fellows, for by reaſon of the Fog they could not ſee what paſs'd, nor learn the Fortune of the Battel, only could hear their ſhouts and cries and the clattering of Armor. But by this time that the Romans all gave ground, the Sun being got pretty high, diſpell'd the Miſt, and then they could clearly ſee that all was loſt; therefore for fear the Enemy (who had diſcovered them at a diſtance) ſhould ſend their Cavalry to fall upon them, they got up their Enſigns and haſtned away with all expedition; but Maharbal with all the Horſe he could make, purſued them all Night, and the next day being almoſt come up with them, who beſides other Calamities were almoſt ready to faint for hunger, they came to a Treaty with him, who promiſed, That if they would ſurrender their Arms, they ſhould be freely releaſed, and without being ſtrip'd go whether they liſt; which Annibal perform'd as Religiouſly as Carthaginians are wont to do; for no ſooner were they in his power, but he detained them every one Priſoners, and loaded them with Chains.

This is that noble Battel at the Thraſymenan Lake, one of the moſt memorable of thoſe few Over-throws which the People of Rome had hitherto ſuſtained: Fifteen thouſand of them ſlain in the Field, and Ten thouſand more diſperſed in their flight all over Tuſcany, by ſeveral by-ways got at laſt to Rome. Of the Enemy Fifteen hundred kill'd out-right; but on both ſides a great number dyed afterwards of their Wounds. The loſs is differently related by ſeveral hands; but for my part, as I love not to write vain Untruths, or any thing without good warrant (a trick moſt Authors are too much guilty of) I have herein chiefly followed Fabius, one that was living at the time of this War. Such of the Priſoners taken as were of the Romans Allies, Annibal ſet at liberty without Ranſome, but the Romans themſelves kept in ſtrict Cuſtody; the Bodies of his own Men cull'd out of the promiſcuous heaps of the Dead, he ordered to be buryed, and alſo cauſed diligent ſearch to be made for the Corps of Flaminius, to beſtow thereon the honor of a Funeral, but they could not find it.

Upon the firſt Intelligence brought to Rome of this Defeat, the People ran altogether in a fright and tumult into the Forum, and the good Wives wandered about the ſtreets, enquiring of all they met, What news from the Army? and what this diſaſter was that People talk'd of? At laſt the Multitude being aſſembled thick (as it were to a publick Audience) and turning to the Town-Hall and the Senate-Houſe, and calling frequently on the Magiſtrates to know the matter; a little before Sun-ſet, Marcus Pomponius the Praetor came forth, and ſaid, There has been a great Battel fought, and we are worſted; and though he ſpake no more words, nor told them the certainty of any particulars, yet filling one anothers heads with Rumors, they carryed home news, That the Conſul, and a great part of his Forces were ſlain; that very few were left alive, and thoſe either ſcattered by flight through Tuſcany, or elſe taken Priſoners by the Enemy. And look how many Caſualties can poſſibly befal a routed Army, into ſo many perplexities were all their minds diſtracted, who had any Relations that ſerv'd under C. Flaminius, all the while they were ignorant what was the true Fortune of each, nor did any Man certainly know what to hope or fear. On the morrow, and ſome days following, abundance of People, but moſt Women, ſtood at the Gates waiting to ſee their Friends come home, or ſome that could tell tidings of them, and flock'd about every one they met, asking a thouſand Queſtions, nor could they that were of their acquaintance get rid of their continual Enquiries: There might you have ſeen an Alphabet of Faces, and read in their looks whether the news each had received were good or ill, and Houſes fill'd with thoſe which at their firſt coming knew not whether their buſineſs would be to Congratulate or Condole. The Female Sex eſpecially, were extream as well in Joy as Grief; one ſtanding at the Gate, ſpying on a ſudden her Son returned ſafe, is reported to have expired whil'ſt ſhe embraced him; and another, who had received falſe news of her Sons being ſlain, as ſhe ſat mourning at home, he happened to come in, which ſo tranſported her with … ceſs of Joy, that ſhe immediately fell down dead. The Praetors cauſed the Senate for divers days to ſit cloſe, from Sun-riſing to Sun-ſetting, conſulting, With what Forces, and under what Conduct, they might be able to reſiſt and give ſome check to theſe Victorious Carthaginians?

Before they were come to any certain Reſolution, advice arrives of another late diſaſter, viz. That Four thouſand Horſe diſpatch'd away by Servilius the Conſul, under the Conduct of C. Centenius the Pro-Praetor, to the aſſiſtance of his Colleague, were hemm'd in by Annibal in Umbria, for thither, upon news of the Armies defeat at Thraſymenus, they had diverted their march. This Intelligence variouſly affected Mens minds, ſome taken up already with thoughts of a greater Calamity, counted the loſs of the Horſe would be but ſmall in regard of the former defeat; but others judged, That what happened, was not ſo much to be eſteemed by the importance of the thing it ſelf, as by their preſent Circumſtances: For as it happens in the Natural Body of Man, if it be weak and craſie, every diſorder or diſeaſe is more grievouſly felt and proves more dangerous, than a much greater injury or diſtemper to a perſon that is ſound and ſtrong; ſo when any Calamity comes upon the Body Politick of State, already enfeebled and languiſhing, we are to meaſure the ſame not ſo much by the greatneſs of the loſs, as by the tender and decayed ſtrength, unable to endure any thing whatſoever that does ſurcharge or agrieve it. Therefore at laſt, the City applyed themſelves to that ſoverain and oft-approved Remedy, long deſired, but not yet adminiſtred, viz. The appointing of a Dictator. But ſince the Conſul was abſent, who alone it was thought, had power to nominate that Magiſtrate, and Italy was ſo over-run by the Enemy, that it was not ſafe ſending Letters or Meſſengers unto him, nor any preſident could be ſhewn that ever the People at any time did create a Dictator; They therefore choſe Q. Fabius Maximus, with the title of Pro-Dictator, and M. Minuceus Rufus General of the Horſe, who had Commiſſion from the Senate, To fortifie the Walls and Towers of the City; To poſt neceſſary Guards where they ſaw cauſe; To break down what Bridges they thought fit; To impede the Enemies march, and if they could not clear Italy of the Carthaginians, yet at leaſt to defend the City againſt them.

Annibal in the mean time marches directly through Umbria as far as Spoleto; and having grievouſly waſted all the Neighboring Country, attacks that City; but being repulſed with great loſs of his Men, gueſſing by the ſtrength of that one Colony againſt which he had ſuch ſmall ſucceſs, how difficult a matter it would be to aſſault Rome it ſelf, he diverted his courſe into the Picene Territories, not only abounding in Fruits of all ſorts, but full of rich Plunder beſides, which his Soldiers equally covetous and poor, greedily pillaged and carryed away. There for ſome days he kept a ſtanding Camp, to refreſh his Soldiers wearyed out with their Winter Marches, and untoward Paſſage through the Fens, and eſpecially with the late Battel, which prov'd more fortunate in the Event, than ſlight or eaſie in the Conflict it ſelf. When he thought he had ſufficiently recruited his Men (who of themſelves were more inclinable to Forragings and Booties, than unprofitable eaſe and lying ſtill) he diſlodged and journyed forwards, ſpoiling firſt the Praetutian and Hadrian Fields, and afterwards the Marſians, Marrucins and Pelignians, as far as Arpi and Luceria, the next Province to Apulia.

Cn. Servilius the other Conſul, having had ſome ſmall Skirmiſhes with the Gauls, and taken one of their Towns of no great note, after he was advertiz'd of the defeat of his Colleague and his Army, apprehending the Mother City of his Country to be now in danger, that he might not be abſent in the laſt Extremity, haſtned towards Rome.

Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator, the ſame day he entred upon his Office, aſſembled the Senate, and beginning firſt with matters of Religion, telling the Fathers, That the late Conſul C. Flaminius had committed a greater fault by his neglecting the Ceremonies and Auſpices, than either by his raſhneſs or unskilfulneſs; and that the Gods themſelves were to be conſulted, what Atonements they would accept of to allay their diſpleaſure, prevailed ſo far, that, (what is rarely done but on the account of ſome direful Prodigies) the Decemvirs were commanded to Inſpect the Sibylline Books, who from thoſe fatal Leaves reported to the Fathers, That the cauſe of the preſent War, was a Vow made to Mars not rightly performed, which muſt be renewed and accompliſhed in a more ample manner: That the great Games muſt be Vowed to Jupiter, and Temples to Venus Erycina, and to Dame Mens, the Goddeſs of Underſtanding. Moreover, that a ſolemn Supplication and Lectiſtern ſhould be Celebrated, and a publick Vow made of a Sacred Spring [that is, to give the Gods all the young Cattel that ſhould be brought forth in one whole Spring] if they proſpered in the Wars, and the Commonwealth ſhould be continued in the ſame ſtate as before the War broke out. The Senate, becauſe Fabius was taken up with the management of Affairs Military, ordered M. Aemilius the Praetor, according to the directions of the Colledge of Pontiffs, to take care, That all theſe Religious matters be with all ſpeed performed.

Upon theſe Ordinances of the Senate, L. Cornelius Lentulus the chief Pontiff, when the Praetor came to conſult their Colledge, gave advice, That in the firſt place the buſineſs of a Sacred Spring ſhould be propoſed to the People, for without their conſent it could not be Vowed; whereupon the ſame was propounded to them in this form of Words following: Pleaſeth it you, and do you command that the thing be done in this manner? If the State of the People of Rome and Quirites ſhall (as I deſire it ſhould) for the ſpace of five years next enſuing, continue ſafely preſerved in theſe Wars between the Romans and Carthaginians, and with the Gauls on this ſide the Alps, Then the People of Rome will perform an Oblation and Gift given and vowed, viz. That all the Encreaſe whatſoever which the Spring ſhall yield and afford of Sheep and Swine, Goats and Kine, from the day that the Senate and People ſhall appoint, ſhall be Sacrificed to Jupiter, provided the ſaid Animals be not before dedicated to ſome other of the Gods? Provided, That he that Sacrifices may do it when he will, on what conditions he will, and in what manner ſoever he ſhall have done it, the ſame may ſtand for good and rightfully performed. If the Beaſt that ſhould be Sacrificed, happen to dye, let it not be accounted Sacred, nor be imputed as a fault to him who ought to have offered it. If any one unawares ſhall wound or kill any of theſe Animals thus Vowed, let it not be accounted Criminal in him. If any ſhall ſteal or hide any of them out of the way, let it not be imputed for wickedneſs unto the People, nor to him from whom it ſhall be ſo ſtol'n or hidden. If any ſhall Sacrifice it on an unlucky day, wherein Sacrifices are forbidden, let it be counted rightly Sacrificed. If the Senate and People ſhall Ordain theſe Sacrifices to be done, or ſhall Sacrifice ſooner than any private Man, let the People be thereby diſcharged and freed. To this purpoſe alſo were the Great Games before Vowed, performed, the Expences thereof amounting to Three hundred thirty three thouſand three hundred thirty and three pieces of Braſs-mony, called Aſſes, and one third part of an Aſs [ſome reckon it to be 1041 l. 14 s. 4 d. ſterling] beſides the Sacrificing of Three hundred Oxen to Jupiter, and many white Oxen to the reſt of the Gods, and other Oblations. After theſe Vows ſolemnly pronounced, and performed accordingly, a publick Supplication was Proclaimed, and in Proceſſion they went with their Wives and Children; not only the Citizens, but thoſe too of the Country, their private Eſtates depending upon the fate of the publick. The Lectiſtern was ſet out with great Magnificence, and continued three days, the Decemvirs having the ordering thereof; the Sacred Beds were openly expoſed to be ſeen, one for Jove and Juno, another for Neptune and Minerva, a third for Mars and Venus, a fourth for Apollo and Diana, a fifth for Vulcan and Veſta, and a ſixth for Mercury and Ceres. Then were Temples vowed, that to Venus Erycina, by Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator, for ſo 'twas required in the fatal Books, That he ſhould do it, who had the chief Office and Authority in the City. The other to the Goddeſs Mens, was Vowed by Otacilius the Praetor.

Matters of Religion being thus diſpatch'd, the Dictator deſired the judgment of the Senate touching the War, and important Affairs of the State; what Legions, and how many they thought fit to ſend againſt the Victorious Enemy? Their Lordſhips Decreed, That he ſhould receive the Army from Cn. Servilius the Conſul, and levy beſides, both of Citizens and Allies, ſo many Horſe and Foot as he pleaſed; and ſhould act and order all other tbings according to his own diſcretion, as he ſhould judge it moſt expedient for the Common-weal. Fabius declared, He would only add two new Legions to the Army under Servilius, which being accordingly raiſed and liſted by the General of the Horſe, he appointed a Rendezvous at Tibur ſuch a day; and ſet forth a Proclamation, Requiring all that dwelt in Towns or Caſtles unfortified, to repair into places of ſafety; and that all ſhould depart out of the Villages in thoſe parts through which Annibal was to march, but firſt to ſet fire on their Houſes and deſtroy their Corn, that he might find no Proviſions or Accommodations. Then he himſelf ſet forwards towards the Conſul and Army, along the Flaminian Road, and on the Banks of Tiber near Otricoli, ſaw the Conſul and his Horſe at a diſtance coming to meet him; whereupon he diſpatch'd an Officer to warn the Conſul, To come without his Lictors to the Dictator (for to him now belong'd thoſe ſupream Enſigns of Authority:) The Conſul readily obeyed, and their meeting repreſented the Dictatorſhip as a thing of great Awe and Majeſty, both to the Roman Citizens and their Allies, the Grandeur of that Office by its diſuſe for ſome years being almoſt forgot. Letters came from Rome, That certain Ships of Burden tranſporting Victuals and Proviſions from Hoſtia into Spain for the Army there, were ſet upon and taken by the Carthaginian Fleet near the Haven of Coſſa; therefore the Conſul was immediately diſpatch'd for Hoſtia, to Man out what Ships he could find there, or at Rome, with Soldiers and Mariners of the Allies, and therewith purſue the Enemies Navy, and ſecure the Coaſts of Italy. At Rome a power of Men were liſted, for even the Libertini, or Servants enfranchized, that had Children, and were of Age fit to bear Arms, were obliged to take the Military Oath; out of theſe City-Regiments ſuch as were under five and thirty years old, were drawn out and put abord the Ships, the reſt left at home as a Guard for the City.

The Dictator having received the Conſuls Army from the hands of Fulvius Flaccus his Lieutenant, march'd through the Sabines Country to Tibur, where he arriv'd the very ſame day on which he had appointed the new-rais'd Forces to meet him there. From whence by croſſing the Country into the High-Road called Via Latina, he returned unto Praeneſte, and ſo on towards the Enemy, ſending out his Scouts diligently before to give him Intelligence, and reſolv'd not to run the hazard of a Battel in any place, unleſs compell'd by neceſſity. The firſt day he came within ſight of the Enemy not far from Arpi, they inſtantly drew out and offered him Battel; but finding him to lie quiet, and no tumult in his Camp, Annibal began to upbraid them to his own Men, ſaying, That now at length they might perceive the Martial hearts of the Romans, were brought down and daunted; That by refuſing to fight, they did openly recede from their antient Valor and Glory, and acknowledge themſelves inferior both in Strength and Courage. Having ſaid thus, he retreated to his Camp, not a little vex'd inwardly (for all this vaporing,) that henceforwards he found he ſhould have to do, not with a raſh General, like Flaminius or Sempronius, but that at laſt the Romans grown wiſer by their late Errors and Calamities, had made choice of a Captain that was a Match for Annibal, who indeed was more apprehenſive of the Prudence and Conduct of the Dictator, than of his Force. However, having not made trial of his conſtancy, he ſtill endeavor'd to diſquiet, and tempt him if he could to a Battel, by oft removing of his Tents, and deſtroying the Lands of his Allies juſt under his noſe; one while he would ſeem as in fear to march away in an hurry clean out of ſight, and then on a ſudden he would ſtop, and lie cloſe in ſome by-corner, to ſee if he could take him at an advantage on the Plain. But Fabius marched above upon the higher Grounds, at ſuch a convenient diſtance, as neither to neglect him, nor yet to encounter him. He kept his Soldiers for the moſt part ſtrictly within their Camp, unleſs upon urgent and neceſſary occaſions; and when Parties were ſent out for Forrage or Wood, he would not ſuffer them to go in ſmall numbers, or ſtragling, but in ſuch order as might ſecure them from the Enemy. His Guards of Horſe and Light-armd Foot, were ſo formed and always ready againſt any ſudden Alarm, as both rendred all things ſafe for his own men, and eaſily check'd the Enemies plundering, cutting off their ſtragling Forragers if they ventured too far from their Camp. Thus he would never put the main Chance all at once to a venture, and by theſe ſmall Eſſays, and continual Skirmiſhes (ſafely attempted, becauſe he had always Reſerves and Relief at hand) he enured and heartned up his Soldiers, almoſt quite diſpirited with their late frequent Overthrows, and made them at length leſs diſtruſt their own Valor or Fortune. Yet all theſe ſober Counſels of the Dictator, and his prudent management of Affairs did not more vex Annibal, than they did his own General of the Horſe, who wanted nothing but the Soveraign Command to precipitate the Commonwealth; for being a Man naturally fierce, in all his Undertakings violent, and too full of Tongue; firſt among a few of his own Gang, but afterwards publickly throughout the Army, he would enveigh againſt and reproach the Dictators proceedings, calling him inſtead of a conſiderate, ſtaid and ſober Perſon, heavy and dull; and inſtead of wary, timerous and a Coward; attributing to his Virtues, the names of the next neighboring Vices; and having a ſingular knack at undervaluing his Superiors, did thereby extol and magnifie himſelf; a moſt baſe Art, which yet hath too often ſucceeded in the advancement of thoſe that uſe it.

Annibal marches from Arpi into Samnium, Forrages the Country of Beneventum, takes the City Teleſia, and by committing all kind of Outrages, endeavors on ſet purpoſe to provoke the Roman General, if he could incenſe him with ſo many Indignities and Calamities of his Allies, and ſo draw him to fight on even hand. Amongſt that multitude of the Italian Allies taken Priſoners by Annibal at the Lake Thraſymenus, and freely releaſed, there were three Gentlemen of Campania that ſerv'd on Horſeback, whom he had allured with Gifts and Promiſes, to bring over their Country-men to his Intereſt. Theſe Blades brought him word, That if he would but bring his Army into Campania, he ſhould be Lord of Capua. And though the thing it ſelf ſeem'd of too great moment for Perſons of their Quality to effect, and rendred Annibal doubtful, ſometimes apt to credit, and by and by diſtruſting their advice, yet at laſt it prevailed with him ſo far, as to reſolve to march out of Samnium into Campania, and therefore charging them to make good their words, and be ready to meet him with their Countrymen, and eſpecially ſome of their Chiefs, he diſmiſs'd them away before to prepare for his coming. Then he commands his Guide, to lead him into the Province of Caſinum, having been informed by thoſe that knew the Country well, That if he ſeized that Paſs, he would ſtop the Romans from being able to come up to the relief of their Allies: But the nearneſs of the names, and the vaſt difference there is between the Carthaginian Language and the Latine, cauſed the Guide to miſtake Caſilinum for Caſinum, and ſo turning from the Journy intended, brought him along through the Coaſts of Alifanum, Calatinum and Calenum, into the plain Champian Region of Stella, where Annibal ſeeing the Country environed round about with Hills and Rivers, calls for his Guide, and asks, Whereabouts in the World he was? Who anſwered, That he ſhould that night Quarter at Caſalinum. Then, and not before, the miſtake was diſcovered, and that Caſinum was a long way off in another Country. The Guide, for a terror to others, he ſcourged firſt with Rods, and then Crucified him; and having fortified his Camp, diſpatch'd Maharbal with the Cavalry into Falernum, who laid waſt all the Country as far as the Waters of Sinneſſa; the Numidian Horſe committing great ſlaughter wherever they came, but the flight and fright of the People was much greater than the real harm; and yet could not all this Terror, when their Country was round about on a Flame, and nothing but War and Calamities threatned on every ſide, ſtartle thoſe faithful Allies from their Allegiance to the Romans; and the reaſon was, becauſe they were Govern'd with a juſt and moderate hand, and thought not much to be ſubject unto their Betters: The only Bond of Loyal Fidelity.

Fabius lying encamped near the River Vulturnus, whil'ſt the moſt pleaſant part of Italy was all on fire, and the Villages far and near ſmoaking with Ruines and Deſolation; as he was leading his Forces over the top of the Mountain Maſſicus, the murmurs in his Army were renewed, and the Ring-leaders of the Mutiny enkindled it afreſh; for they had been for ſome days pretty quiet, becauſe marching faſter than ordinary, they imagined that haſt was made to prevent the Devaſtation of Campania: But when they were come to the farther edge of thoſe Hills, and had before their Eyes both the Enemy, and the flaming Houſes of Falernum, and their Colony at Sinueſſa, and yet heard no mention of coming to a Battel: What? Are we come thus far, quoth Minucius, only to feed our Eyes with the Miſeries of our faithful Confederates? To ſee our deareſt Friends deſtroyed with Fire and Sword? Or if we have no compaſſion for our Allies, are we not aſham'd to be idle Spectators of the ruine of our own Citizens? Thoſe whom our Anceſtors ſent as a Colony to ſecure theſe parts from the Samnites, 'tis not now the Neighboring Samnite that waſts and conſumes them: But Carthaginians, ſtrangers that come from the furtheſt parts of the World, are by our delays and cowardize advanc'd thus far into the Bowels of our Country. So much, alas! do we degenerate from our Fathers gallant Spirits, That the very Coaſts which they thought it a diſgrace to their Empire, to ſuffer the Punick Fleet to ſail near, we now can tamely behold full of Numidians, and under the Command of our Enemies the Moors: We, who but a while ago when they were going to attack Samnium, took it in ſuch indignation and diſdain, and called the Gods and Men to witneſs the violation of the League, ſtand ſtill and gaze upon Annibal now he is furiouſly battering the Walls of a Roman Colony. The ſmoke of the Villages and Fields all on fire is ready to put out our eyes, and our ears are every minute pierced with the woful cries of our Aſſociates, imploring our help as often as they do the Gods, and we fool away time in leading our Army (as if they were a company of Goats) through ſhady Woods, and over the tops of unpaſſable Hills, hid in Clouds and Thickets, as if we were afraid of the Sun as well as of the Enemy: If the brave Furius Camillus had been of the humor to relieve Rome from the Gauls by ranging over Hills and Foreſts, at the ſame rate as this new Camillus, forſooth, (the only Man ſought out to be Dictator in our diſtreſs) goes about to recover Italy from Annibal, Rome at this day had aſſuredly been French; and really I cannot conceal my juſt apprehenſions, that if we go thus coldly to work, our Anceſtors courage did only ſo often preſerve that City from others, that by our negligence it might fall into the hands of Annibal and his Carthaginians. But that brave Man, a Roman indeed, on the very day that word was brought him at Veii, That the Senate and People had choſen him Dictator, although Janiculum was high enough whereon he might have ſate and view'd the Enemy at his eaſe, choſe rather immediatly to deſcend into the Plain, and the very ſame day in the heart of the City (where now the Gallick Tombs remain as Monuments of his Courage) and the next day between Rome and Gabes fell upon and cut to pieces the Legions of the Enemy. What ſhall I ſay of that which happened many years after, when at the Streights of Caudium we were put under the Yoke by the Samnites? Tell me, I pray, did Lucius Papirius Curſor by ſcampering over the Samnian Hills, or not rather by attacking and preſſing hard upon Luceria, and daring the Victorious Enemy, take off the yoke from the Romans, and impoſe it on the proud necks of the Enemy? What was it but Expedition that gave the late Conſul Lutatius a Victory? For the very next day after he got fight of the Enemy, ſetting upon their Fleet overfraight with Proviſions, and encumbred with their own Munition, he compleatly deſtroyed them. 'Tis mere folly to think that by ſitting ſtill, or ſluggiſh Prayers, we ſhall vanquiſh our Foes; Our Forces muſt buckle on their Armor, deſcend into the Plain, and charge them luſtily man to man. 'Twas by daring and by doing, by bold Action and hardy Execution, that the Roman State hath arrived to this height of Empire and Glory, and not by thoſe faint dreaming Counſels which Cowards call the wary Policies of War. Whil'ſt Minucius made theſe Harangues, a multitude of the Roman Colonels and Gentlemen of the Cavalry flock about him; nor were the common Foot Soldiers unacquainted with his Rodomontado-Diſcourſes, ſo that if it had been put to moſt voices amongſt the Soldiers, 'tis not to be doubted but they would have preferred Minucius before Fabius their General.

Fabius having an Eye to his own Men, as well as on the Enemy, and reſolving firſt to ſhew that his mind was not by either of them to be conquered, though he well knew theſe his delays were not only condemned in his Camp, but had rendred him cenſured and ill ſpoken of at Rome, yet he ſpent the whole Summer perſiſting in the ſame method; ſo that Annibal fruſtrated of his chiefeſt hopes of a deſired Battel, was now to look out for Winter-Quarters, for that Country afforded preſent, but not laſting Plenty, as abounding in Fruits and Vineyards, and ſuch pleaſant accommodations, rather than in Corn and the ſtaple Neceſſaries of Life. Fabius by his Scouts was advertis'd of this, and knowing that the Enemy muſt return by the ſame Streights, as he came in, to Falernum, ſeizes on the Hill Callicula, and the City Caſilinum, and Poſts there ſufficient Gariſons; that City divided by the River Vulturnus, parting Falernum from Campania. Himſelf brings back his Forces through the ſame Hills, ſending L. Hoſtilius Mancinus with Four hundred Horſe of the Allies, to diſcover the poſture of the Enemy. This Gentleman being one of the young Gallants that were wont to hear and admire the General of the Horſe fiercely declaiming and ſpurring them on to Action, after he had advanc'd a pretty way, as only to gain Intelligence and view from ſome ſafe place the Enemy, lighting upon ſome few Numidians ſtragling through the Villages at an advantage, cut them off, and therewith his mind was ſo ſet upon Fighting, that he forgot the orders of the Dictator, who expreſly commanded him, To march very warily, and to be ſure to retreat before the Enemy got ſight of him. The Numidians, now one party, and then another, ſometimes charging and ſometimes retreating, trail'd him on almoſt to their very Camp, thereby wearying both his Horſes and Men. And then Cartalo, Commander in Chief of Annibals Cavalry, coming out with a full Body againſt him upon the Spur, before they came within Dart-ſhot put the Romans to flight, and had the purſuit of them for almoſt five miles together. At laſt, Mancinus ſeeing that neither the Enemy would give over the Chaſe, nor any hope was left to eſcape them, prevailed with his party to face about and Charge them; but being every way over-match'd, he himſelf, and the choiceſt of his Troops, were hemm'd in and ſlain, the reſt in a ſcattered flight got firſt to Cales, and thence through By-lanes and unknown ways to the Dictator. Minucius, as it happened, the ſame day joyned Fabius, having before been abroad to Gariſon a Paſs that lay between Tarracina and the Sea, leſt Annibal, if the Appian Way were left without defence, ſhould ſlip into the Roman Territories: The Dictator and General of the Horſe, with united Forces, pitch'd their Camp in the very road where Annibal was to march and not above two miles diſtance from the Enemy.

The next day the Carthaginians drawing out their Men, took up all the ſpace between the two Camps; and though the Romans were Poſted juſt under their own Rampire, a place no doubt of great advantage, yet the Punics with their Light-Horſe to provoke them to a Battel, came up and charg'd them ſometimes near hand, by and by retiring, and then rallying afreſh; yet ſtill the Romans kept their Ground, the Encounter being ſlow, and more to the liking of the Dictator than of Annibal, of whoſe ſide Eight hundred were ſlain, and but Two hundred of the Romans. Thenceforwards Annibal ſeem'd ſhut up, and as it were Beſieged within Caſſilinum, whil'ſt the Romans had Capua and Samnium, and other rich and powerful Nations, their Allies at their backs ready to bring them in Proviſion. On the contrary, the Punics were like to take up their Winter-Quarters between the Rocks of Formii, and the barren Sands of Linternum, and certain Lakes that yielded nothing but a proſpect of horror. Nor was Annibal inſenſible that he was now out-done in his own Arts of Policy; therefore ſeeing he could not get off through Caſſilinum, but muſt take the Mountains, and march over the top of Callicula, fearing leſt the Romans ſhould fall upon his Army encloſed in the Vallies between the Hills, he contrived a Stratagem terrible to look at, to beguil their Eyes and fruſtrate their Expectations, and therewith reſolv'd in the beginning of the Night to approach with all ſecreſie the Mountains; The parade of his device was thus; He cauſed to be gathered out of the adjoining Villages abundance of Fire-brands; then he took certain Bavins, or ſmall Faggots of Bruſh-wood and dry ſticks, all which he tyed faſt to the Horns of Oxen, whereof he had tame and wild a great number that he drove before him, amongſt other Booties gotten out of the Country, making in all near Two thouſand head of Cattel; ordering Aſdrubal, That as ſoon as it grew duskiſh be ſhould drive that Herd, with their Horns ſet on fire towards the Mountains, and as near as he could to thoſe Paſſes where the Enemy kept Guard.

No ſooner was it dark, but he diſlodg'd his Army with great ſilence, the Oxen being driven a little before, and when they came near to the foot of the Hills and narrow Streights, upon a Signal given, the Bavins are lighted, and the Cattel violently forc'd up the Mountains, who being frighted as well with the Flames on their Heads, as eſpecially by the heat and pain when they burnt down to the quick of their Horns, run every way about as if they had been mad, whereby as if all the Woods and Hills had been on a light Fire; the Coppices round about ſeem'd to blaze, and the toſſing of their heads encreaſing the Flame, look'd as if Men were running up and down with Torches and Flambeaus. The Guard appointed for thoſe Paſſes ſeeing ſo many Lights on the tops of the Hills, and as it were over their Heads, concluding themſelves circumvented, quitted their Poſts, making towards the higheſt ridges of the Mountains, where they ſaw feweſt Lights, as the ſafeſt places for their eſcape: There they lighted on ſome of the wandring Cattel, and firſt at a diſtance ſeeing them as breathing Flames, thought it a Miracle, and ſtood ſtill in aſtoniſhment; but when they perceived it to be only an humane Trick, reckoning themſelves betray'd and over-reach'd, with a ſad cry they betook themſelves to their heels, and ſtumbled upon ſome of the Enemies Van that were Light-arm'd; but on both ſides they were afraid to begin any skirmiſh in the Night, and ſo little Action happened until next Day: Annibal in the mean time with his whole Army getting through the Streights, having there ſlain ſome of the Enemy, Encamped next Morning in the Alifan Territories.

Fabius perceiv'd this Tumult, but imagining it might be ſome Trepan, and always hating Night-work, kept his Men within their Trenches. As ſoon as 'twas light there was a conflict on the top of the Hill, where the Romans being ſomewhat ſuperior in number, would eaſil • have vanquiſh'd the Enemies Light-arm'd Squadron, as having already hemm'd them in, had not Annibal ſent back a Spaniſh Regiment, who being more uſed to Mountainous places, and more apt and ready to clamber over Rocks and Precipices, both by the agility of their Bodies, and the ſlightneſs of their Harneſs, avoided, and were too hard in that kind of skirmiſh for their Enemies, who were heavy-arm'd, and wont to fight on the Plain and keep their Ground, ſo that in this unequal Diſpute almoſt all the Spaniards got off ſafe, and the Romans with ſome loſs retreated to their Camp: Which Fabius preſently removed, and paſſing the Streights ſat down above Alifas, in a place high-ſituate and well fortified. After this, Annibal making as if he would march through Samnium to-rights for Rome, returned back, waſting and ſpoiling the Country as far as to the Pelignians: And Fabius hovered ſtill on the Hill-tops between them and Rome, neither keeping far off from the Enemy, nor yet cloſely engaging them. At laſt Annibal departed from the Peligni, and retired into Apulia as far as Gerione, a City, which upon the falling down of part of their Wall, was for fear abandoned by its Inhabitants. The Dictator Entrench'd his Army in the Country of Larinum, and being ſent for home to Rome for diſpatching certain ſolemn Sacrifices, he not only laid his Commands upon the General of the Horſe to forbear fighting in his abſence, but by way of Advice and Intreaty, did as it were beg of him, That he would rather truſt Prudence than Fortune, and he guided by him, rather than follow the ruinous ſteps of Sempronius and Flaminius; That he would not think the time ſpent in vain, though there had been not much actual Fighting, for 'twas no contemptible ſervice that they had kept ſo powerful an Enemy almoſt all the Summer in play, and by dallying with him prevented his deſigns; That Phyſicians ſometimes by preſcribing Reſt, do as much good as with all their Purging and Bleeding; That it was no ſmall matter, that we have left off being overcome by this Enemy, which ſo oft has worſted us of late, and that we have got ſome breathing time to refreſh and recruit us after our loſſes. Having given theſe Admonitions (but all in vain) to the General of the Horſe, away he went to Rome.

In the beginning of the Summer wherein theſe Occurrences happened in Italy, War was alſo begun in Spain both by Sea and Land. Aſdrubal added ten new Ships to the number of thoſe left him ready rigg'd and fitted by his Brother; and ſetting out of New Carthage with his Army, as they march'd on the ſhore, Himilco (whom he had made Admiral) with a Fleet of forty Sail coaſted along by them; being thus prepared to fight the Romans, whether they ſhould meet them at Land or Sea. Cn. Scipio, upon advice that the Enemy had taken the Field, thought at firſt to have done ſo too, but afterwards not judging it fit to hazard a Battel at Land, by reaſon of the reports of the vaſt Aſſiſtance that was come in to the Enemy, putting his choiceſt Soldiers on bord, with a Fleet of Five and thirty Sail he ſet out to Sea, reſolving there to engage them. The ſecond day after he looſed from Tarracone, he caſt Anchor about three Leagues diſtant from the mouth of the River Iberus; and ſent out two Marſeillian Pinaces to diſcover the Enemy, who brought advice, That their Fleet rode in the Mouth of that River, and their Army lay Encamp'd juſt by upon the ſhore. Therefore that he might ſurprize them unprovided, and attack them with all the terror he could when they leaſt expected it, he preſently weighs Anchor and makes towards them. Along the Coaſts of Spain there are many Towers, built upon the higheſt Grounds, which ſerve both for Beacons to diſcover, and alſo as Forts to withſtand Thieves and Rovers. From thence the Fleet was firſt deſcryed, and notice by a Signal given thereof to Aſdrubal, ſo that the Alarm and Tumult began firſt at Land in the Camp, before it came to the Ships; for as yet there was no daſhing of Oars, or other ordinary noiſe of Mariners heard, and the Capes on either ſide hindred the Enemies Fleet from being ſeen there where the Punicks lay, ſo that they were in full ſecurity; when on a ſudden, certain Horſe-men came one after another from Aſdrubal, commanding the Soldiers (who were either wandring on the ſhoar, or aſleep in their Tents, expecting nothing leſs than an Enemy and fighting that day) to get on bord with all ſpeed, and betake themſelves to their Arms; for the Roman Navy was already not far from the Mouth of the Haven. Within a while, Aſdrubal in Perſon with his whole Army drew down to the Sea-ſide, and all things are in an hurry, the Mariners and Soldiers promiſcuouſly tumbling into their Ships in ſuch confuſion as if they had fled from ſhore, rather than were going to Sea to fight an Enemy. They were ſcarce all got on bord when ſome began to put off, either weighing their Anchors, or for expedition cutting Cables; all that they did was with more haſte than good ſpeed; with the Soldiers harneſſing themſelves to fight, the Sea-men were hindered in managing their Tackle; and the Sea-mens buſsle and running to and fro hindred the Soldiers in getting ready. By this time the Romans were not only come up with them, but had put their Fleet in a poſture to begin the Engagement. The Carthaginians were no leſs diſordered by the Tumult and hurly-burly of their own People, than by the attack of the Enemy; and having made a proffer of Fighting, rather than fought to any purpoſe, they tack'd about and fled, and the mouth of the River not being large enough to receive ſo many of them huddling in all together, they run their Veſſels on ground any where, and the Men ſome waded, others leap'd on ſhore; ſome with their Arms, and ſome without, fled to their own Army, which ſtood drawn up in Battalia on the Strand: However, in the firſt On-ſet, two Carthaginian Ships were taken, and four ſunk.

The Romans, though they ſaw the Enemy Maſters at Land, and ſtanding in Battel-array all along the Banks, yet they neglected not to purſue their trembling Fleet, and as many of the abandoned Ships as had not either broke their Stems on the ſhore, or ſtuck faſt in the Sands by the Keels, they tow'd off to Sea; and ſo out of thirty Sail, carryed away with them five and twenty: Nor was the taking of them ſo happy a fruit of their Victory, as that by this one ſlight Engagement they were Maſters at Sea, and had all thoſe Coaſts at their devotion; therefore they ſail'd to Honoſca, and making a deſcent upon the Land, took that City by ſtorm and plundered it; thence ſet forwards to New Carthage, plundered all the adjacent Country, and burn'd the Suburbs up to the very Walls and Gates. Well laden now with rich Pillage, the Fleet came before Loguntica, where Annibal had laid up abundance of Cordage for the uſe of his Navy, of which they took away as much as they needed, and burnt the reſt; nor were they content only to coaſt along the Continent, but ſtood over to the Iſle Ebuſus, and having for two days together aſſaulted the chief City of that Iſland; when they ſaw they did but ſpend time in vain, left it, pillaged the Country, burnt ſeveral Villages, and got better booty there than on the Main-land. Here arrived Ambaſſadors from the Balearean Iſles to Treat with Scipio for Peace. After this ſteering his Courſe back again to the hither parts of his Province, Agents reſorted to him on the ſame Errand from all the People that dwelt along the Iberus, and from many in the furthermoſt parts of Spain, ſo that no leſs than One hundred and twenty ſeveral States or petty Nations, did then become abſolute Subjects to the Roman Government, and gave Hoſtages for their faithful Obedience: By which means the Romans being reinforced at Land, made an Expedition as far as the Forreſt of Caſtulo, and Aſdrubal was glad to retire into Portugal near the Ocean Sea.

The reſt of the Summer was like to be quiet, and had proved ſo for any thing conſiderable that the Carthaginians did to the contrary: But beſides that, the natural temper of all Spaniards is reſtleſs, and deſirous of new Commotions, Mandonius and Indibilis, who before was a petty King of the Illergetes, after the Romans were retreated from that Forreſt towards the Sea-coaſts, raiſing their Country-men in Arms, fell upon the peaceable Territories of the Romans Allies, and plundered them; againſt whom Scipio ſent a Detachment of Three thouſand, with ſome Auxiliaries lightly arm'd, who eaſily routed them, as being but a tumultuary Rabble, kill'd many, took ſome, and the reſt generally fled away without their Arms. This Inſurrection drew back Aſdrubal, that before was marching towards the Ocean, to return on this ſide the Iberus to protect his Confederates. The Carthaginians lay encamped in the Lands of the Ilercaonians; the Romans near their new Armado, when ſudden News arriv'd, That the War was diverted another way; for the Celtiberians, who had ſent the principal Perſons of their Country Ambaſſadors and Hoſtages to the Romans, being privately excited by a Meſſage from Scipio, took Arms, and with a formidable Army invaded thoſe parts which remained under the Carthaginian Government, ſtormed three Towns, and afterwards bravely Engaging Aſdrubal himſelf in two ſet Battels, kill'd Fifteen thouſand of his Men, and took Four thouſand Priſoners, with many Military Standards and Colours.

The Affairs of Spain were in this poſture, when P. Scipio arriv'd there, being ſent by the Senate (who had continued his Command after his Conſulſhip expired) with thirty long Ships, and Eight thouſand Soldiers, and great ſtore of Proviſions, which at a diſtance ſeem'd a mighty Fleet by reaſon of the great number of Ships of Burthen that attended him, and with no ſmall joy both of the Romans and their Aſſociates, was welcom'd into the Port at Tarracon; where Scipio landing his Army, joined his Brother, and thenceforwards by united Councils and with one accord managed the War: Therefore whil'ſt the Carthaginians had their hands full of the Celtiberian War, without any delay they paſs'd the Iberus, and not finding any Enemy to oppoſe them, march'd directly for Saguntum, becauſe 'twas reported, that the Hoſtages of all Spain delivered into the cuſtody of Annibal, were kept there in the Caſtle, but with a ſmall Guard about them. That was the only Pledge which kept all the Cities of Spain in awe, for though they were inclinable enough to enter into League with the Romans, yet they durſt not do it, for fear it ſhould coſt them the Lives of their Children: But they were all eaſed of thoſe apprehenſions, by the crafty, rather than faithful Counſel of one Abelox, a Spaniſh Noble-man at Saguntum, that had hitherto join'd with, and been very truſty to the Carthaginians, but now (as 'tis the nature for the moſt part of theſe Barbarians) with this change of Fortune he reſolv'd to ſhift his Party; and conſidering, that if he ſhould fly to the Enemy without having done them ſome ſignal Service, they would not much eſteem the acceſſion of his Perſon, but look upon him as infamous and of no regard, and therefore applyed his mind to get theſe Hoſtages at liberty, as the greateſt favor he could poſſibly do his Country-men, and the readieſt means to bring over their chief Men to take part with the Romans. But well he knew, that without warrant from Boſtar Governor of the Caſtle, thoſe that had the cuſtody of the Hoſtages would do nothing; he begins therefore to wheedle with Boſtar himſelf, who at that time lay without the City by the Sea-ſide, to prevent the Romans from entring the Haven: After he had taken him aſide in private Diſcourſe, he repreſents to him the preſent ſtate of Affairs, That it was only fear that had hitherto kept the Spaniards quiet and in obedience, becauſe the Romans were too far off to aſſiſt or protect them; But now the Roman Army being advanced on this ſide the Iberus, will be a ſure refuge, and ready to back them on in any Inſurrection; and therefore ſeeing they could no longer be retained by fear, it would be the beſt way to ſecure their Affections by kindneſs, and ſome ſignal favor. Boſtar in ſome admiration demanding, What Obligation was it poſſible for him now all of a ſudden to lay upon them, that might be effectual for ſuch a purpoſe? Why, quoth the other, ſend home the Hoſtages to their reſpective Cities: This will be a moſt welcome Courteſie both to their particular Parents and Relations, who are Perſons of the firſt Quality and Intereſt in thoſe places where they dwell; as alſo to the ſeveral Nations in general. Every man (you know) is deſirous to be truſted, and for the moſt part Credit frankly given to any one, obliges him the more firmly to be faithful. The charge of conducting home the Hoſtages I deſire may be committed to me, that I may by my pains improve this my Counſel to the beſt advantage; and as the thing in it ſelf cannot but be very acceptable, ſo I may by Words repreſent the greatneſs of the Obligation in its faireſt colours. Having with ſuch Diſcourſes perſwaded the Man (who happened not to be ſo ſubtle and crafty as moſt Carthaginians were wont to be,) away ſteals he privatly in the Night to the Roman Guards, and meeting with ſome Spaniards that ſerved there as Auxiliaries, was by them carryed to Scipio, and acquainted him with the Affair. And after mutual promiſes of ſecreſie and performance, and a time and place agreed on for delivering the Hoſtages into his hands, returns as ſecretly back again to Saguntum, and ſpent the next day with Boſtar, in receiving his Orders, telling him, He would carry the Youths out in the Night, the better to avoid the Enemies Guards; ſo about the hour appointed, he called up thoſe that had them in their Cuſtody, and began his Journy; and as if he had been altogether ignorant of what happened, led them directly to the place where the Romans, by his own treachery, lay in Ambuſh to intercept them, being conducted into the Roman Camp. The Hoſtages were ſurrendred to their reſpective Relations by the Romans as their own act, but freely in all reſpects, as Boſtar had intended to deliver them, and as if it had been tranſacted in the name of the Carthaginians; yet the Romans got more good will and greater thanks, than the Carthaginians could have expected in doing the very ſame courteſie: For the Spaniards having experienc'd them to be Proud and Oppreſſive whil'ſt their Affairs were proſperous, would have concluded this Kindneſs to be an effect only of their preſent fear and weak condition: But Scipio, being before unknown, conciliated a great opinion of his Clemency and good Nature, by ſo liberal and generous an Action at his firſt coming amongſt them: And Abelox was look'd upon as a prudent Man, that had not without good Reaſon exchanged the Friendſhip of the former for that of the latter. Henceforwards the Spaniards, with one conſent, were ſtudying a Revolt, and they had preſently taken Arms, but that the Seaſon of the Year obliged both Romans and Carthaginians to break up the Campaign, and betake them to their Winter-Quarters.

Theſe were the Occurrences that paſs'd in Spain the ſecond Summer of the Punic War, whil'ſt in Italy the Politick delays, and warineſs of Fabius, gave the Romans ſome intermiſſion and breathing-time after their ſeveral Defeats; which, as it did not a little vex Annibal, and put him to his trumps, to ſee that now at laſt the Romans had made choice of a General that was reſolved to manage the War according to Reaſon and Judgment, and not hazard any thing upon the Capricio's of Fortune: So on the other ſide, this wiſe Conduct of his, was ſlighted and condemned amongſt his own Citizens, as well the Soldiery abroad, as the Gown-men at home, eſpecially after it happened, That in his abſence the General of the Horſe had raſhly fought the Enemy, with a Succeſs more joyful and applauded, than really great or advantagious. Beſides, there were two other things that contributed to make the Dictator the worſe thought of; one contrived by the deceitful Policy of Annibal, who being told by ſome Renegades, which were the Dictators particular Lands, when he utterly deſtroyed the Country round about, and laid all level with the Ground, gave a ſtrict charge to his Soldiers, to forbear all acts of Hoſtility there, and not to touch any of his Eſtate, Tenants or Poſſeſſions either with Fire or Sword, or do them the leaſt injury; on purpoſe to raiſe Jealouſies, as if the Dictator held ſecret Intelligence with him, and that this preſervation of his Lands were but a reward paid for his ſuffering him to go on ſo long plundering and waſting others without controul: The other, aroſe from an Action of his own, at the firſt indeed ſuſpicious (becauſe done without waiting for the Senates Commiſſion and Approbation) but in the up-ſhot redounding, no doubt, to his ſingular praiſe and honor: It was about Exchange of Priſoners; for having Capitulated with the Enemy (as had been formerly practiſed in the firſt Punick War) That Priſoners ſhould be mutually releaſed, and that ſide that received more than they gave, to pay the other Two pound and an half of Silver [between ſeven and eight pounds ſterling] for every Head. It happened, that Fabius received Two hundred and forty ſeven Priſoners more than he could ballance; and the Senate, after a long Debate of the matter, becauſe he had not Directions therein from them, delayed to raiſe the Silver which was by the aforeſaid Agreement to be paid for them [amounting to near Two thouſand pound of our mony.] Whereupon ſending his Son to Rome, he made ſale of his Eſtate which the Enemy had ſpared, and with the mony diſcharged the Debt to Annibal, chuſing rather to part with his private Fortune, than bring a ſcandal on the Publick-Faith of his Country, which he had engaged. Annibal lay encamped under the Walls of Gerion, a City which he had taken and burnt, all but a few Houſes reſerved for Granaries to lay his Corn in; and to repleniſh them therewith, ſent abroad two thirds of his Forces to bring in all the Grain they could find in the Neighboring Countries; with the reſt he remained in Perſon, and kept them almoſt always in Arms, both for ſecuring his Camp, and to be in readineſs to relieve thoſe that were abroad, if they ſhould happen to be attack'd.

The Roman Army was then in the Territories of Larinum, Commanded by Minucius General of the Cavalry, the Dictator being gone to Rome as aforeſaid: But the Camp which he left on an high Hill and place of ſafety, was now carryed down into the Plain, and according to the temper of the preſent chief Commander, it was agitated in the Council of War, either to ſet upon thoſe Detachments of the Enemy Forraging the Country, or elſe to ſtorm their Camp now left but with an inconſiderable Guard. Nor was Annibal inſenſible, that together with the Commander, the whole conduct of the War was chang'd, and that now they would act with more fury than diſcretion; therefore, though the Enemy were advanced nearer him, he continued ſtill (which a Man would ſcarce believe) to ſend out one third part of his Army to gather in Harveſt, and kept the other two at the Camp, which he alſo removed nearer to the Romans, almoſt two miles from Gerion, and Poſted himſelf on a ſmall Hill in view of the Enemy, to let them perceive that he was ready to reſcue and defend his Men that were getting in the Corn, if they were Charged. There he ſpyed another Hill nearer unto, and ſtanding as it were over the Roman Camp; for the gaining whereof (ſince if he ſhould have attempted it in the day, the Enemy would undoubtedly prevent him, and ſeize it firſt themſelves, as being next it) he ſent out in the Night a party of Numidians, who poſted themſelves thereon; but the next day, the Romans making nothing of ſo ſmall a number, drove them thence, and removed thither their Tents; ſo as then there was but a very ſmall diſtance between one Camp and the other, and that too almoſt taken up by the Romans, who out of a back Port diſpatch'd their Cavalry and Light-arm'd Foot to fall upon the Enemy that were at Harveſt-work, and as they were ſcattered through the Fields, cut off many, and put the reſt to flight: Nor durſt Annibal iſſue out to encounter the Enemy in the open Field, having ſcarce enough with him to defend his Works if aſſaulted; ſo that now, whil'ſt part of his Army was abſent, he was forced to imitate the Conduct of Fabius, by ſitting ſtill as it were, and keeping the Enemy at ſtaves-end, and retreating fairly to his former Camp, under the Walls of Gerion. Some Authors write, that they fought a pitch'd Battel, wherein at the firſt Charge the Punics were routed even to their Camp; but thence, ſallying out with greater violence, repulſed the Romans, and had defeated them, but they were re-inforced by the ſeaſonable coming in of Numerius Decimus a Samnite: A Perſon both for his Quality, Intereſt and Wealth, the moſt conſiderable, not only in Bovianum where he dwelt, but indeed throughout all Samnium, who by the Dictators order was marching at the Head of Eight thouſand Foot and Two hundred Horſe to the Roman Camp; and when he firſt appeared, both Parties flattered themſelves with hopes of freſh aſſiſtance, but by and by the noiſe went, That it was Fabius returning from Rome: whereupon Annibal fearing to be encloſed, began to retreat, and was hard purſued by the Romans, who alſo that day with the Samnites help, ſtorm'd and took two fortified Boroughs or Caſtles: There were ſlain Six thouſand of the Enemy, and very near Five thouſand of the Romans; but though there were no greater diſproportion in the loſs, the rumor ran to Rome of a mighty Victory which was encreaſed by the vain-boaſting Letters of the General of the Horſe, to the ſame perpoſe.

Upon which Intelligence, the maner of managing the War was frequently debated both in the Senate, and before the People in the Common-Hall: All the City being overjoy'd at the News, only the Dictator alone declared, That he knew not how to credit either Common Fame, or the Letters themſelves: And ſuppoſe all that they talk'd of were true, yet for his part he was always more afraid under the ſmiles, than frowns of Fortune. Whereupon M. Metilius, one of the Tribunes of the Commons, made the following Harangue. This above all (quoth he) is not to be ſuffer'd, That the Dictator ſhould not only, when he is preſent in the Camp, oppoſe and hinder all gallant Enterprizes againſt the Enemy, but reproach and diſgrace thoſe brave Actions which are atchieved now he is abſent; That he ſhould thus ſpin out the War on purpoſe to continue himſelf the longer in his Office, and be the only Man to govern all, both at home in the City, and abroad in the Field; ſince one of the Conſuls was ſlain, the other is pack'd out of the way far enough from Italy, on pretence of purſuing the Carthaginian Fleet; and as for the two Praetors, he has imployed them in Sicily and Sardinia, though there was at this time no need of their preſence in either of thoſe Provinces. M. Minucius, General of the Cavalry, he has all this while kept as it were a Priſoner, ſcarce letting him ſee the Enemy, much leſs ſuffering him to engage them. Thus verily not only Samnium (the poſſeſſion whereof was as freely abandon'd to the Punicks, as if it had lain on the other ſide the River Iberus in Spain) but all Campania, Calenum, and the Falernian Territories, are ſuffered to be miſerably waſted with Fire and Sword, whil'ſt the Dictator lay quietly at Caſilinum, and with the Legions of the People of Rome defended his own petty Farm and private Poſſeſſions; when both the Army and General of the Horſe were zealous to have fought the Enemy, they were prohibited, and confined, as it were, not to budge out of their Entrenchments, and their Arms taken from them, as if they had been Captive Enemies: But no ſooner were their hands at liberty by the Dictators abſence, but like Men delivered from a Siege, they bravely ſally out upon the Enemy, and routed and put them to flight. All which conſidered, if the Commons of Rome had the ſame mettle which they had in days of old, I would not ſcruple to prefer a Bill for depriving Q. Fabius of his Office: but at preſent I ſhall only propound a more moderate courſe, That the General of the Horſe be made equal with the Dictator in Authority, yet ſo, as that notwithſtanding Fabius be not ſent to the Army until he ſhall firſt have ordained another Conſul in the room of C. Flaminius.

The Dictator forbore to come into any of theſe Aſſemblies of the People, as being a Man not verſed in making Speeches, and far from aiming at Popularity; nor was he, even in the Senate, heard without ſufficient prejudice, when he either extoll'd the ſtrength and policy of the Enemy, or related the Overthrows that for two years paſt had been received by the raſhneſs and ignorance of their own Commanders, and told them, That the Maſter of the Horſe ought to be call'd to an account for preſuming to fight contrary to his expreſs Orders; adding, That if he might have the ſupream Command, and his Counſels obeyed, he doubted not but in a little time to convince Men, That a wiſe General ought not much to regard Fortune, but to be altogether ruled by Reaſon and ſound Judgment: And that for his own part, he ſhould always eſteem it a greater Honor to have, in ſo calamitous a Juncture, preſerved the Army without any loſs or diſgrace, than if he had ſlain many thouſands of the Enemy. But finding them deaf to all theſe Diſcourſes, having Created M. Attilius Regulus Conſul; that he might not ſo much as by his preſence ſeem to ſtickle in the Queſtion concerning his own Government, the day before the matter was to be determined by the Peoples ſuffrages, he departed in the Evening towards the Army. Next Morning, when the Commons were aſſembled, Men ſeem'd rather ſecretly in their hearts to envy the Dictator, and favor the General of the Horſe, than willing to be ſeen openly to ſet forward and perſwade a Buſineſs which was no leſs without precedent than againſt Reaſon, and therefore, though the Bill were exceedingly well liked of, yet there wanted ſome Perſon of Note to give it Credit and Authority: At length one ſtept up publickly to promote it, viz. C. Terentius Varro, who the Year before had been Praetor, a perſon not only of a mean but ſordid Extraction; for his Father, 'tis ſaid, was a Butcher, and kept a Stall, and train'd up this Son of his in the ſame ſervile Occupation.

This Varro being a young Man, and having a pretty Eſtate left by his Father, ſcrap'd together by the aforeſaid Trade, it raiſed his mind to hopes of a more liberal Fortune; and that he might live like a Gentleman, he became a kind of Solicitor, or Splitter of Cauſes, got him a Gown, and haunted the Publick Aſſemblies and Courts of Judicature, where by Declaiming for vile Perſons and worſe Cauſes, and beſpattering the good name of honeſt Citizens and Men of Repute, he ſoon became the Oracle of the Rabble, and mounted himſelf into Preferment: Having been Chamberlain of the City, and born both Aedileſhips, as well that of the Chair as that of the Commons; and at length gone through the Office of Praetor, he now began to aſpire to the Conſulſhip, and in order thereunto, did craftily endeavor to inſinuate himſelf into Popular favor by means of that ill-conceit which they generally had of the Dictator, and ſo was the only man in Vogue with the Mobile; for every Body, friends and foes, as well thoſe at Rome as the Army (except it were only the Dictator himſelf) concluded the paſſing that Bill, would redound to his diſgrace and reproach: But Fabius, with the ſame gravity and even temper of mind as he had received the Clamors of his Enemies bawling againſt him to the Crowd, entertain'd this Injuſtice of the Commons; and having on his Journey received Letters, importing the Decree of the Senate, for dividing his Authority equally with the General of the Cavalry, being ſatisfied, That though they had parted his Power, they could not diminiſh his skill and ſufficiency in Conduct, nor communicate any ſhare thereof to the other, returned to his Army with a Soul not to be conquered either by the Ingratitude of his own Citizens, or the Power of the Enemy.

But Minucius, who before was grown almoſt intolerable, what with his petty ſucceſs, and the favor of the Populace, began now to hector and rant beyond all bounds of modeſty, boaſting no leſs that he conquered Fabius, than that he had worſted Annibal; That very Fabius who in a time of diſtreſs (ſays he) was ſought out as the only fit match for Annibal, is now by an Ordinance of the People (a thing never before heard of in any Chronicle) equaliz'd with my ſelf, the greater with the leſſer, the Dictator with the Maſter of the Horſe, and this too in that City where Generals of the Horſe were wont to dread and tremble at the Dictators Rods and Axes; ſo Illuſtrious is my Valor and Succeſs become in all Mens eyes: I will therefore henceforwards follow the auſpicious conduct of my own Fortune, if the Dictator ſhall ſtill perſiſt in his wonted ſloth and cowardize, already condemned by the Verdict both of Gods and Men. Accordingly the firſt day that he and Fabius met together, he told him, That in the firſt place it would be neceſſary they ſhould agree after what manner they ſhould exerciſe this equal Authority and Command; For his part he thought it beſt, That every other day, or after what longer Interval ſhould be concluded on, each of them ſhould alternately one after the other, have the full, whole and ſole Command of all the Forces; That if any occaſion of Fighting were preſented, there might be one ready equal not only in Counſel, but alſo in numbers and ſtrength to engage the Enemy. This did not at all pleaſe Fabius, as fore-ſeeing that whatever his raſh Colleague ſhould have the diſpoſe of, would certainly be at the arbitrament of Fortune: Therefore he replyed, That he was indeed to impart unto him an equal Government and Command, but not wholly to depart from, or at any time exclude himſelf from the ſame: That he ſhould never be willing to fail in managing ſuch part of Affairs as was ſtill intruſted with him, according to the maximes of Prudence, and therefore would not divide days or times with him, but the Armies; and ſince he was not permitted to ſave all, would endeavor to preſerve as much as he could by thoſe wary Counſels which he had hitherto practiſed, and found no cauſe to repent of. Thus he prevailed, that they divided the Legions between them as Conſuls are wont to do: The firſt Legion and the fourth happened to Minucius's Lot, the ſecond and third to Fabius; after the ſame manner they ſhared by equal numbers the Horſe and Auxiliary Forces of the Allies. Moreover, Minucius would needs have them ſeparated in ſeveral diſtinct Camps.

As Annibal by Renegades and his own Spies had continual notice of all that paſs'd in the Enemies Army, ſo upon this Intelligence he hugg'd himſelf, as conceiving a two-fold occaſion of Joy; for firſt, he doubted not but he ſhould deal well enough with the laviſh temerity of Minucius, and fit him in his own kind: And as for the politick Fabius, he was now deprived of half his ſtrength. There happened to be an Hill between the Carthaginian and Minucius's Camp, and there was no doubt but he that could gain it firſt would have a notable advantage of the Ground; yet was not Annibal ſo deſirous only to ſeize it without reſiſtance (though that were well worth while) as thereby to draw on Minucius to a Battel, who he knew would be forward enough to encounter him. The Plain that lay betwixt that and Minucius, at firſt ſight ſeem'd altogether unfit for ſtratagems, ſo far from being Woody, that there was not a Buſh or a Bramble growing on it; but indeed it was naturally framed for an Ambuſcade, the rather becauſe in ſo naked and open a Valley no ſuch matter could be expected, yet there were in certain nooks and by-places, ſeveral hollow Rocks or Caves under ground, ſome of which would receive Two hundred Armed men apiece. In theſe Coverts he in the Night plants Five thouſand Horſe and Foot, as many as each hole would contain and hide out of ſight; and leſt any of them ſtarting out unadviſedly, or the glittering of their Armor ſhould in ſo open a Plain diſcover the trick, as ſoon as 'twas light he ſent out a ſmall Party to ſeize the aforeſaid Hill, and thereby diverted the Enemies eyes another way. The Romans no ſooner ſaw them, but contemning ſuch a ſmall ſorry company, every one was eager to be at them, and chaſe them thence; and their Ceneral Minucius was as hot as the fierceſt to call them to their Arms to regain the place, with no little vanity braving and threatning the Enemy. Firſt, he ſent out his Light-harneſs'd men to skirmiſh; then his Horſe in a cloſe Body; at laſt ſeeing continual Reliefs ſent to the Enemy, he marches forth with all his Legions in Battel array. Annibal too, as from time to time he ſaw his Men diſtreſſed, and one Conflict growing upon another, diſpatching forth continually Parties of Horſe and Foot, had brought the Main-body of his Army into the Field, ſo that now they tugg'd for it on either ſide with all the Forces they had. The Romans Forlorn-hope of Light-armed Men that endeavored to get up the Hill where the Enemy was Poſted, being beat back and thruſt down, affrighted and diſordered the Horſe that followed them, and fled for refuge to the Standards of the Infantry, who alone, when all the reſt were in confuſion, ſtood undaunted; and had the Fight been fair and upon equal terms, were like enough to have made their party good againſt the Enemy, ſo much had their late ſucceſs encouraged them; but when on a ſudden the Ambuſh ſtarted forth round about them, they cauſed ſuch a tumult and terror by Charging them all at once on both Flanks, and Rear, that they had neither hearts to fight, nor hopes to eſcape by flying.

Then it was when Fabius hearing firſt their out-cries of fear, and preſently ſeeing from afar off their Battel diſordered; I thought even as much (quoth he) and no ſooner than I feared, has misfortune overtaken inconſiderat raſhneſs; The man that would needs be equaliz'd in Command with Fabius, ſees now that Annibal is his Superior both in Valor and Fortune: But there will be a fitter time to chide and be angry in; at preſent haſten out with your Standards, and let us at once wreſt the Victory out of the hands of the Enemy, and a confeſſion from the mouths of our Fellow-Citizens of their Error. There were by this time abundance ſlain, and the reſt looking about which way they might moſt ſafely run, when Fabius's Army ſhew'd it ſelf on a ſudden, as ſent down from Heaven to their ſuccor, cauſing ſuch an alteration in the Scene of the Battel, that before he could come within reach of Dart, or near enough to ſtrike one ſtroke, he not only ſtopt his Fellow-Citizens from their tumultuous flight, but abated the fury of the Enemy. Thoſe that before were ſcattered, began to rally from all parts to the intire Body, and many that in heaps had taken their heels, face about, and wheeling to the Right or Left, whil'ſt ſome retire a little in good order, others advance; ſo that now both thoſe that had been routed, and thoſe that ſtood firm, became reduced into one orderly Battel, and began to Charge the Enemy: But Annibal immediately ſounded a Retreat, and openly acknowledged, That as he had defeated Minucius, ſo Fabius had been to hard for him. The greater part of the day being ſpent in theſe viciſſitudes of Fortune, and all retired again to their Camps, Minucius aſſembling his Soldiers, ſpake to them after this manner: I have often heard, Fellow Soldiers! that he is the ableſt Man that does of himſelf know what is beſt to do: and in the next place, he that hearkens to good counſel from others: But he that has neither the Wit to adviſe himſelf, nor the modeſty to be guided by thoſe that are Wiſer, is of a deplorable temper and good for nothing: Since therefore we have not had the happineſs to deſerve to be numbered in the firſt Rank, let us not neglect the ſecond; but whil'ſt we are learning to Command, reſolve to obey thoſe that are more prudent than our ſelves; let us forthwith go and join Camp with Fabius, and when we have brought our Standards up to his Pavilion, and when you ſhall hear me call him Father (which both the late benefit we have received from him, and the Majeſty of his Virtue well deſerves) do you all ſalute thoſe his Soldiers, by whoſe Arms and Hands you were juſt now preſerved, by the name of your Patrons, ſo ſhall this day yield us, if nothing elſe, yet at leaſt, the glory of having had grateful Hearts, though none of the moſt prudent Heads.

This ſaid, he gave orders to pack up Bag and Baggage, and away they March in good order towards the Dictators Tent, to his great wonder, and the aſtoniſhment of all that were with him: When they had ſtuck down their Enſigns before his Tribunal, the General of the Horſe advancing a little before the reſt, ſalutes Fabius, calling him Father; and preſently all his Army congratulate their Fellow-Soldiers that were under him, as their Patrons: After their ſhout was over, Minucius thus continued his Diſcourſe, To my Parents, Moſt Honored Dictator! (to whom as much as my Tongue can expreſs, I have juſt now equall'd you in Title) I owe only my Life, but to you both the preſervation of that Life of mine, and of the Lives of all theſe that were lately under my ſeparate Command; That Act of the Commons with which I was rather expoſed, than honor'd, I my ſelf do firſt of all repeal and diſclaim, and may it be proſperous to you and me, and both our Armies, as well the Conſervators as the Preſerved; I do again ſubmit my ſelf to your Command and auſpicious Conduct, and reſtore you theſe, theſe your Enſigns and Legions, intreating, that pardoning my paſt Follies, you will pleaſe to continue me in the ſame Quality of General of the Horſe, and all theſe, every one in his former rank and condition. Then did they lovingly ſhake hands, and the Soldiers diſmiſs'd from the Aſſembly, began to Treat and Careſs each other, as well thoſe that were Strangers, as thoſe who before were acquainted with one another, and ſo that became a joyful day, but even now was ſo ſad and like to prove fatal. When the rumor of this accident arrived at Rome, and was confirm'd by the Letters not only of the Commanders, but of the common Soldiers too unto their Relations, every one did praiſe and applaud Maximus up to the Skies; nor was his glory leſs with Annibal and the Carthaginians, who then at length began to perceive, That they had to deal with Romans, and were indeed waging a War in Italy; for ſo much had they for the laſt two years deſpiſed both the Roman Leaders and their Soldiers, that they could hardly believe they were engaged againſt the ſame Nation, of whoſe Conduct and Courage they had heard ſuch terrible Stories from their Fathers. Annibal himſelf, as he was retreating out of the Field, is reported to have ſaid: At laſt that Cloud which hover'd ſo long over our heads on the Mountain-tops, is broke down upon us in a Storm.

Whil'ſt Italy was the Scene of theſe Actions, Cn. Servilius Geminus the Conſul, with a Fleet of One hundred and twenty Ships, ſail'd round the Coaſts of Sardinia and Corſica, and having received Hoſtages of both Iſles, ſteered his Courſe for Africk; but before he made any deſcent upon the Continent, plundered the Iſland Meninx, and waſted it with Fire and Sword, and had ſerved Cercina the ſame ſauce, but that its Inhabitants compounded with him to ſpare them in conſideration of ten Talents of Silver [or One thouſand eight hundred ſeventy and five pounds ſterling] paid down upon the Nail. Then he brought up his Fleet to the African ſhore, landed his Forces, who preſently both Soldiers and Sea-men fell to Forraging the Country, as diſorderly, as if they had been rifling ſome Iſland that had ſcarce any People in it; by which raſhneſs they fell into Ambuſcades, as they were ſtragling abroad and ignorant of the Coaſt, being encloſed by vaſt numbers; and after a great ſlaughter made of them, the reſt were ſhamefully put to flight and beat back to their Ships, having loſt a thouſand Men, and amongſt them Sempronius Blaeſus the Quaeſtor; whereupon the Fleet in all haſt and conſternation put off from the Shore, which was all full of the Enemy, and ſtood away for Sicily: When they arriv'd at Lilybaeum, the Navy was committed to the charge of T. Otacilius the Praetor, to be convey'd home to Rome by P. Sura his Lieutenant. The Conſul himſelf croſſing Sicily by Land, haſtned over the Narrow Sea into Italy, for both he and his Colleague M. Atilius, were ſummon'd by Letters from Fabius, to receive from his hands the charge of the Army, the term of his ſix months ſupream Government being almoſt expired. All Hiſtorians almoſt relate, that theſe Exploits againſt Annibal were perform'd by Fabius as Dictator: And Coelius affirms further, that he was at firſt created Dictator by the People; but both he and the reſt do not conſider, that the power of creating a Dictator was ſolely in the only ſurviving Conſul Cn. Servilius, who was then remote in France his peculiar Province; and the City terrified with a late overthrow, not being able to wait ſo long till he ſhould return, were forc'd to this Expedient, That the People ſhould chuſe one in the room or ſtead of a Dictator: But by reaſon of the ſignal Services by him performed, and his deſerved Glory and Renown, and his Poſterity augmenting the Title on his Statue, it eaſily happened, that inſtead of Pro-Dictator, he was generally ſtiled Dictator.

The two new Conſuls, M. Atilius, and Geminus Servilius, having received the Forces; the former, thoſe that were under Fabius whil'ſt he acted ſeparately; and the latter, thoſe that had been under Minucius, ſettled and fortified their Winter-Quarters very early, for 'twas then but Autumn: They managing the War with the greateſt Concord imaginable between themſelves, and following the ſame politick Courſe as Fabius had done before them. When Annibal ſent out Parties to fetch in Corn, they met with them opportunely in ſeveral places, falling on their Rear and picking up ſtraglers; but ſtill would not run the hazard of a general Battel, which the Enemy by all kind of Arts, ſought to provoke and draw them unto: For being in a ſtrange Country, and not able to get in Proviſions, were ſo put to it for Neceſſaries, that Annibal, but for ſhame leſt his Retreat ſhould be counted a running away, would even then have gone back again into Gallia, finding it impoſſible for his Forces to ſubſiſt in thoſe parts, if the ſucceeding Conſuls ſhould manage the War after the ſame method. Whil'ſt by reaſon of the Winter the War was at a ſtand near Gerion, Ambaſſadors arrived at Rome from Naples, who being admitted to Audience, preſented the Senate with forty maſſy Boles or Goblets all of beaten Gold, of a very great weight, and one of them made a Speech to this effect: That they were not inſenſible that the Roman Exchequer muſt needs be much exhauſted by this War; and ſince the ſame is waged as well for and on the behalf of the Cities and Territories of their Allies, as for the City of Rome, the Metropolis and Bulwark of all Italy, and for the Soveraign Empire of this part of the World, The People of Naples thought it but juſt and reaſonable to aſſiſt them with what Gold their Anceſtors had left them either for Ornament, or to relieve them in a time of neceſſity, and if they could think of any other thing wherein they might be ſerviceable, they would frankly offer it with the ſame zealous affections; That they ſhould take it as a favor, if their Lordſhips and the People of Rome, would pleaſe to eſteem whatever the Neopolitans did poſſeſs, as their own; and in particular, if they would vouchſafe to accept this ſmall Preſent, infinitely more conſiderable, in reſpect of the good Will and hearty Intentions of thoſe who make it, than in regard of the thing it ſelf. The Senate returned thanks to the Ambaſſadors for this munificent offer and loving care of their Affairs, but would accept only one Bole, and that too of the leaſt weight of them all.

About the ſame time a Carthaginian Spy was taken at Rome, that had reſided there for two years ſpace unſuſpected, both his hands were cut off, and ſo he was diſmiſſed; alſo Five and twenty Slaves were Crucified for a Conſpiracy contrived in the Campius Martius, their companion that diſcovered them had his Freedom given him, and Twenty thouſand pieces of Braſs mony (about 60 l. 2 s. 6 d. ſterling) for a Reward. Ambaſſadors were diſpatch'd to Philip King of Macedonia, to demand Demetrius Pharius to be delivered up to them, who being vanquiſh'd in the Field, had fled to him for ſhelter: And others ſent to the Ligurians to expoſtulate with them for having aſſiſted the Carthaginians with Men and Mony; and alſo to take notice, when they were ſo near, how the Boii and People of Millain ſtood affected, and in what poſture they were. A third Ambaſſay was addreſſed as far as Sclavonia, to King Pineus, to demand the Tribute, the day of payment being paſt; or if he deſired longer time, then to take new Hoſtages of him for ſecurity. Thus provident were the Romans, that notwithſtanding that dreadful War which lay ſo near and heavily upon their ſhoulders, yet no one Affair, how remote ſoever, was neglected. Likewiſe in point of Religion, being conſcious, That the Temple which L. Manlius the Praetor had two years before, when the Soldiers were in a Mutiny in Gallia, Vowed to the Goddeſs Concord, was not as yet put out to Work-men to be built; therefore Aemilius the City Praetor, created Cn. Pupius and Caeſo Quintius Flaminius, Duumvirs to take care of that Affair, who ordered the Temple to be built upon the Capitol Hill. The ſame Praetor, by the Senators Order, wrote to the Conſuls, That if they thought fit, one of them ſhould repair to Rome for creating new Conſuls, and that he would appoint a Common-Hall to be held on ſuch a day as they ſhould appoint. Who returned Anſwer, That they could not without hazard and prejudice to the Commonwealth, depart from the Army, lying ſo near a dangerous Enemy; and therefore thought it would be better to hold the Elections by an Inter-regent, than to recal either of them from the War: But the Senate was rather of Opinion, To have a Dictator choſen by one of the Conſuls only for holding that Court, and accordingly L. Veturius Philo was nominated, who made Pomponius Matho Maſter of the Horſe. But theſe being not duly Created, were commanded at a Fortnights end to give over their Places, and ſo it came to an Inter-regency.

The Conſuls were continued in their Command over the Army for a Year longer. The Senators named for Inter-regents, firſt, Cn. Claudius Cento, the ſon of Appius, and after him P. Cornelius Aſina, in whoſe time the Aſſemblies for Election were held, with much debate and ſtruggling between the Nobles and the Commons: The vulgar People endeavoring to advance unto the Conſulſhip C. Terentius Varro, a Man of their own condition, and who had mightily inſinuated into their favor by oppoſing himſelf and conteſting with great Perſonages, and by other popular practices; as particularly by abaſing the Power of Fabius and the Majeſty of the Dictatorſhip, for indeed he had nothing elſe to recommend him, but an envious malicious mind, always induſtrious to bring others into diſgrace. The Nobles oppoſed this Choice with all the Intereſt they could make, leſt it ſhould become a Cuſtom for Men to hope to raiſe themſelves to be their Equals, merely by quarrelling with and aſperſing them. Q. Baebius Herennius, one of the Tribunes of the Commons, and a Relation of Varro's, clamored not only againſt the Senate, but blam'd the Augurs too, becauſe they did not ſuffer the late Dictator to go on with the Elections; and by drawing them into hatred, ſought to advance the Intereſt of his Kinſman, telling the People, That as Annibal was firſt brought into Italy by the means of the Nobility, who for many years had deſired nothing more than War, ſo the ſame Perſons, now he is come, uſe all Artifices to prolong and ſpin out the ſame, which might elſe have been ended long ago. For when 'twas apparent that the compleat Power of the four Legions all together, were a ſufficient match for the Enemy, by the ſucceſs that Minucius had whil'ſt Fabius was abſent; a Contrivance was ſet on foot, That two Legions only ſhould engage them, who being firſt expoſed as it were to be hewn in pieces, muſt afterwards (forſooth) be reſcued when they are half ſlain: and what was all this for? That Fabius might be ſtiled Father and Patron, even he that firſt hindred the Romans from vanquiſhing the Enemy, before he ſaved them from being vanquiſh'd. The Conſuls afterwards followed thoſe Arts of Fabius, and drill'd out the War, when they might eaſily have finiſh'd it with Victory: A Confederacy, no doubt, this is amongſt all the Noblemen, nor can we ever hope to ſee a good end put to the War, until you ſhall chuſe for a Conſul a mere Commoner indeed, that is to ſay, ſome new man • hat has nothing to boaſt of his Anceſtors, nor is yet tainted with theſe Patrician Arts: For thoſe who of Commoners are made Noble, are all alike, of the ſame Cabal, and driving on the ſame Deſign; and ever ſince they themſelves are grown great with the Patricians, do no leſs than they, diſdain the Commonalty. For who ſees not, that in ſeeking to have an Inter-regency, their only reach and deſign was, that the Election might be wholly in the power and management of the Senators? This was it which the Conſuls aim'd at in ſtaying both with the Army, and when a Dictator was choſen againſt their Wills to hold the Elections, they intrigu'd with the Augurs to ſet him aſide, upon frivolous pretences of his not being duly Created, and wanting ſome of the lucky Preſages; but let them enjoy their Inter-regency: 'Tis certain, one of the Conſulſhips does of right belong to the Commons of Rome, and certainly the People in their free Election will rather confer that Dignity on a Perſon that reſolves to vanquiſh the Enemy, and put a ſpeedy end to the War, than upon ſuch as only endeavor to perpetuate their own power of domineering.

The Commons were ſo enflamed with theſe Harangues, that though there were three Competitors of the antient Nobility, P. Cornelius Merenda, L. Manlius Volſo, and M. Aemilius Lepidus, and two Commoners that by their own, o • their Anceſtors bearing of Honorable Offices were become Noble; viz. C. Atilius Serranus, and Q. Aelius Paetus, of whom one was Pontiff, the other an Augur, yet C. Terentius was choſen Conſul, and alone by himſelf, that ſo he might have the power of holding the Aſſembly wherein the People were to chuſe another to be his Colleague. Then the Nobility perceiving, that none of their Candidates could prevail, put forward L. Aemilius Paulus, who had formerly been Conſul with M. Livius, and when he was condemn'd, narrowly eſcap'd, a man of all others moſt miſchievouſly bent againſt the Commons, him, I ſay, they urged to ſtand for the other Conſulſhip, though he refuſed a long time, and alledged many Reaſons againſt it; but at laſt he was prevailed with, and the next Court-day all the reſt of the Candidates that had oppoſed Varro, having quitted their Pretenſions, he was choſen, not ſo much to be a Colleague and Aſſiſtant to the ſaid Varro, as to be a fit match to thwart and croſs him. After which they proceeded to the choice of Praetors, and Elected Manius Pomponius Matho, and P. Furius Philus, the firſt by Lot was to have Juriſdiction over Free-men, and the other between Free-men and Foreigners: Two other Praetors were added, M. Claudius Marcellus to be ſent into Sicily, and L. Poſthumius Albinus into the Ciſalpine Gallia: All theſe were Created in their abſence, and except Terentius the Conſul, there was not one of them but had born the ſame Office before, ſeveral ſtout and able Men being paſs'd by, becauſe in ſuch a difficult time it was not thought fit to prefer any Man to an Office in which he was unexperienced.

The Armies alſo were augmented, but to what proportion either of Horſe or Foot, I cannot certainly affirm, Authors do ſo much vary in their Accounts, both of the number and kind of the new-rais'd Forces. Some ſay there was a ſupply of Ten thouſand Soldiers liſted; others, that were four new Legions added, and ſo eight Legions of Romans in all imployed. But the number as well of Horſe as Foot in each Legion, was likewiſe encreaſed, 1000 Foot and 100 Horſe being added, ſo that every Legion conſiſted of 5000 Foot and 300 Horſe. And that the Allies and Confederate Nations ſhould find as many Foot, and double the number of Horſe as were Enroll'd of Romans. Some Hiſtorians write, That at the Battel at Cannae, the Roman Camp was Eighty ſeven thouſand and two hundred ſtrong; but in this all agree, that there were greater Preparations made, and things carried on with more heat and vigor, becauſe the Dictator had put them in good hopes that the Enemy might at once be ſubdued. Before the new Levyed Troops advanc'd from Rome, the Decemvirs were commanded to repair to and inſpect the Sybilline Books, becauſe Peoples minds were terrified with ſeveral Prodigies of late; for it was reported, That both at Rome on the Aventine Hill, and alſo at a Town called Aricia, it had rain'd Stones much about the ſame time; and that in Sabinum, out of a certain Fountain, iſſued hot Waters intermingled with abundance of Blood, which was taken to be a ſign of ſome mighty Slaughter, and did the more affright People, becauſe the ſame had happened divers times one after another. And in the Street called Fornicata in Rome, ſeveral Perſons were ſtruck dead with Lightning, which ill Portents were all expiated according to the Preſcriptions of the aforeſaid Books. Agents from the City Paeſtum in Lucania, brought to Rome a Preſent of ſeveral Golden Boles, whom, as to thoſe of Naples, the Senate returned their Thanks, but would not receive any of their Gold.

At this time arriv'd at Oſtia a Fleet from King Hiero, with great ſtore of Proviſions: The Syracuſan Ambaſſadors, being introduced into the Senate-Houſe, declared, That their Maſter, King Hiero, as ſoon as he received the ſad Tidings of the death of the Conſul C. Flaminius and the defeat of his Army, was ſo much concern'd, that no misfortune of his own, or calamity happening to his Kingdom, could have afflicted him more ſenſibly; Therefore though he well knows ſuch is the magnanimity of the People of Rome, as to be more admirable under the moſt threatning ſhocks of adverſe Fortune, than in their Proſperity, yet he had taken care to ſend them all ſuch things as good Friends are wont to furniſh their Allies with, in time of War, and did heartily requeſt their Lordſhips acceptance thereof: And in the firſt place, for luck-ſake, and as an Omen of Succeſs, they had brought the Image of Victory in Gold, weighing 3 • 0 pounds, which they deſired them to receive, and hold and enjoy as their own for ever. Moreover, they had tranſported with them, Three hundred thouſand Modii of Wheat, and Two hundred thouſand Modii of Barley [a Modius is ſaid to conta • n almoſt half a Buſhel of our Meaſure] to the end they might not be in ſtraits for Proviſion; And that they were ready to bring in as much more as they ſhould have occaſion for, to any Port which they ſhould appoint. As for Footmen heavily Arm'd, and Cavalry, he knew the People of Rome were not wont to imploy any but either Natural Romans, or at leaſt of ſome of the Latine Nations; but having ſeen in their Camp ſome Light-harneſs'd men that were Foreigners, he had ſent them a Thouſand Archers and Slingers, a competent Force to mate the Baleareans, Moors, and other Nations, that uſed ſuch kind of Weapons as did Execution at a diſtance. To which Preſents they alſo added this Advice, That the Praetor that ſhould happen to have the charge of Sicily, would ſail with the Fleet over into Africk, to find the Enemy work at home, that they might feel the ſmart of War in their own Bowels, and be the leſs able to ſend Recruits to Annibal. The Senate return'd this Anſwer, That King Hiero had done the part of a right good Man and a moſt excellent Ally, who ever ſince he entred into Amity with the People of Rome, had kept the ſame conſtant tenor of Fidelity and Friendſhip, and never fail'd but at all times and places had aſſiſted and advanced the State of Rome with all bounteous Munificence, which good will of his, the People of Rome took in very kind part, and moſt thankfully, as they had reaſon. As for Gold, ſome other Cities had offered them conſiderable Quantities, but accepting only their kindneſs, they had declined to receive it: However, the Image of Victory, and the good Omen thereof, they did gladly accept, and reſolv'd to place that Goddeſs in the Capitol, the Temple of Almighty Jupiter, that being Enſhrin'd in the chiefeſt Fortreſs of their City, ſhe might always remain propitious, and firmly conſtant to the People of Rome. The Slingers and Archers, together with the Corn, were delivered to the Conſuls, 25 Gallies, of five ranks of Oars on a ſide, were added to the Fleet which were with T. Otacilius the Pro-Praetor at Sicily, to whom leave was given to waft over into Africk, if he ſhould think it expedient for the Commonwealth ſo to do.

The Levies being finiſh'd, the Conſuls waited a few days till the Aſſociate Forces came up; the Soldiers had an Oath adminiſtred to them by their Colonels, That they ſhould appear at the Conſuls Command, and not depart without their leave, which had never before been practiſed; for until this time, there was nothing required but the general Military Oath, and when the Horſe or Foot were form'd into their reſpective Troops or Companies, then indeed they were wont of their own accord to engage one to another, That they would never part from each other for fear or flight, nor ſtep out of their Ranks, unleſs it were on one of theſe three occaſions; viz. To fetch ſome Weapon; To ſmite an Enemy; or to ſave a Fellow-Citizen. Which voluntary Covenant was now impoſed by the Officers as a Solemn Oath, and the Soldiers enforc'd to take it: Before the Army advanc'd from Rome, the Conſul Varro made divers hot and hectoring Orations to the People, telling them, That the War was invited and brought into Italy by the Noble-men, and was like to continue long enough in the Bowels of the Commonwealth, if they ſhould employ more ſuch Generals as Fabius was; but for his part, he was reſolv'd as ſoon as he could get ſight of the Enemy, on the very ſame day to fight them, and doubted not to rout them too, and make an end of the buſineſs at once. His Colleague Paulus made but one Speech, and that was the day before they march'd out of Town, which though not very acceptable to the People at preſent, proved much more true in the end; yet did not he uſe any bitter Reflections on Wars, but only ſaid, That he could not but wonder how any Commander before he was acquainted either with his own Army or the Enemies, or knew the ſituation of the Places, or nature of the Country, whil'ſt he was yet in the City in his Gown, could ſo certainly know what was to be done in the Field? or be able to foretel punctually the very day when he would fight the Enemy? For his own part he was of Opinion, That the circumſtances of things ought to adminiſter apt Counſels to Men, rather than that Men could govern things at their pleaſure by their Reſolutions, and therefore he would not flatter himſelf or them with any ſuch rude and immature conceits, which might poſſibly prove only pleaſant Dreams. He only wiſh'd, That Enterprizes cautiouſly and prudently undertaken, might proſperouſly ſucceed; for raſhneſs, beſides that 'tis always fooliſh, had hitherto been alſo unfortunate. 'Twas plain, he was of his own accord enclinable to prefer ſafe, before heady Courſes, and that he might perſevere in that mind, Q. Fabius, juſt as he was marching out, is reported to have talk'd to him, as follows.

If either, O L. Aemilius! you had a Colleague of your own temper (which I rather wiſh) or if you your ſelf were of the ſame humor with your Colleague, my Diſcourſe would be altogether ſuperfluous; for as being both good and wiſe Conſuls, you would without my ſpeaking, act all things faithfully for the good of the Common-wealth; and if both bad and head-ſtrong, you would neither hearken to my words, nor regard my advice: But now conſidering both what your Partner is, and how worthy and diſcreet a Perſon you your ſelf are, I ſhall only make my Addreſs to you; Though yet, methinks already, I foreſee your being both a wiſe Man, and a good Citizen, is like little to avail us, as long as the Conduct of publick Affairs halts on the other ſide, for ill Counſels will have as much ſway and authority as good: And you are miſtaken, My Friend Paulus! if you expect not to be as much peſtred with C. Terentius your Fellow-Conſul, as with Annibal your Enemy. Nay, I know not but the former may prove the more troubleſom Adverſary of the two, for the other you are only to engage in the Field, but with him you muſt contend at all times, and every where: Beſides, you have your Horſe and Foot to ſight Annibal and his Forces, but General Varro ſhall attack you with your own Soldiers. I deſire not to put you in mind of C. Flaminius, leſt it ſhould be an ill Omen; but certain it is, that even he did not begin his wild Freaks till he was Conſul, till he was in his Province and at the Head of his Army: But this Man was mad even before he put in for the Conſulſhip, and all the while he was bandying for it; and ſince he is got to be Conſul, before ever he has ſeen either the Camp or the Enemy, continues to talk like one beſides himſelf: Now he that already amongſt the peaceable Gown-men ſwaggers thus, and ſpeaks of nothing but Blood and Wounds, Fire and Sword: What extravagant work (think you) will he make in the Army amongſt the hot-blooded Youths, where there is no more but a Word and a Blow, and ill Directions are immediatly followed with worſe Execution? But if this Gentleman ſhall (as he ſays he will) preſently venture a Battel, either I underſtand nothing of the Art Military, nor the manner of the preſent War, nor the nature of this Enemy, or elſe we ſhall have ſome other place more renowned for our overthrow than the Thraſymenan Lake. This is not a time to boaſt my ſelf, nor is it my cuſtom, who have rather ran into an Exceſs by contemning Glory, than by ſeeking it: But this I muſt needs ſay, and ſo it will prove in the end, That the only way to deal with Annibal, is, that which I took; nor is the ſame only taught by the Event, which is the Maſter of Fools, but even by Reaſon it ſelf, which has been and will ſtill be the ſame, as long as the ſame Circumſtances remain. The War on our part is manag'd at home in our own Country, all Quarters round about full of our own Men or our Allies, ready to aſſiſt us with Arms, Men, Horſes and Proviſions, having already in our diſtreſs given us ſufficient proof of their Fidelity: Time betters us, and every day renders us more prudent and reſolute. On the other ſide, Annibal is in a Forein Land, an Enemies Country, all things adverſe to him, far from his own Country, having Peace or Security no where either by Sea or Land, no Cities to Befriend him, no Walls that will entertain him, wherever he Marches he ſees nothing that he can call his own, and lives merely by Plunder from hand to mouth; he has now ſcarce a third part of that Army which paſs'd the Iberus, more being deſtroy'd by Hunger than the Sword, nor has he Victuals for thoſe few that are yet left alive. Can you doubt therefore, but we may eaſily Conquer him by ſitting ſtill, who every day grows weaker and weaker? and who has neither Victuals, nor Recruits, nor Mony? How long was he fain to fight for Gerion, a poor little Borough in Apulia, as if it had been for the Walls of Carthage it ſelf? Nor will I magnifie my own Conduct to you: Do but conſider how Cn. Servilius and Attilius, the two laſt Conſuls ſtrangely baffled him. This, O Paulus! is the only way of Safety, which our own People alone do make difficult and unpracticable, for you ſhall have your own Soldiers and the Enemy both of a mind; and Varro the Roman Conſul will deſire the very ſame thing that Annibal the Punic General aims at. Theſe two Captains you alone muſt reſiſt, and reſiſt you ſhall and overcome them too, if you ſhall but ſtand firm enough againſt the noiſe of Fame and rumors of the People: If neither the vain Applauſes given to your Colleague, nor falſe reports blown abroad to your own diſgrace, ſhall at all move you. Truth, they ſay, is too often oppreſs'd, but can never be extinguiſh'd; he only enjoys ſolid Glory, that deſpiſes it; let them call you a Coward for being cautious, ſlow inſtead of conſiderate, and an ill Soldier inſtead of an experienc'd Captain: I had rather a wiſe Enemy ſhould fear you, than fooliſh Citizens applaud you; 'tis certain, if you venture boldly on all things, Annibal ſhall contemn you, but when once he finds you will undertake nothing raſhly, he ſhall dread you. Nor do I adviſe you to lie idle, and act nothing at all, but that in all your Actions you ſhould let Reaſon be your Guide, and not Fortune, and to keep things always in your own compaſs and at your diſpoſe. Be continually upon your Guard, and neither neglect any advantage that preſents it ſelf, nor give any to the Enemy; take time and leiſure, and you ſhall find all things plain and certain, but haſt makes waſt, and raſhneſs is improvident and blind.

The Conſul anſwered very heavily, as confeſſing what Fabius had ſaid was true, rather than eaſie to be performed: For if (quoth he) the General of the Cavalry were ſo violent, and not to be reſtrained by you, who were Dictator and his ſupream Commander: What courſe can I take, or what Authority am I like to have with my ſeditious, quarrelſom, and head-ſtrong Colleague? For my own part, in my former Conſulſhip I narrowly ſcap'd a ſcouring, and was well ſing'd with thoſe Flames of popular Fury wherewith my Partner was conſumed. I wiſh all things may go well; however, if it ſhall fall out otherwiſe, I am reſolv'd rather to expoſe my Head to the Enemies Weapons, than to the Votes of angry and teſty Citizens. Paulus had no ſooner expreſs'd himſelf thus, but he began his March, being waited upon out of Town by the Principal Senators: The Plebeian Conſul was alſo attended by a Train of the Commons, making a great ſhew with their Numbers, though not much to be regarded for their Quality. When they were arrived at the Camp, and that the new-rais'd Forces were intermingled with the old, they divided the whole Army into two Bodies, and ordered the buſineſs ſo, That that Body which chiefly conſiſted of raw Soldiers, and was the leaſt in number, ſhould lie next to Annibal, whil'ſt the greater part and main Strength continued in their old Leaguer: Then they diſmiſs'd M. Attilius the laſt Years Conſul (who deſired to be excuſed by reaſon of his Age) that he might return to Rome; and gave Cn. Servilius the Charge and Command of one Roman Legion, and Two thouſand Horſe and Foot of the Allies in the leſſer Camp. Annibal, though he perceiv'd the Enemy ſo reinforced, and half as ſtrong again as before, yet was glad at the coming of theſe new Conſuls. For not only all his Proviſions which he plundered every day from hand to mouth were ſpent, but there was no poſſibility of getting more: For after the Country found themſelves plagued with his continual Incurſions, they carried all their Corn into Cities and Walled Towns, ſo that (as was known afterwards) he had not Bread enough left for ten days, and the Spaniards for want of Victuals were ready to deſert him, and only waited for a fit opportunity.

As the Conſul Varro was naturally raſh and over-haſty, ſo Fortune adminiſtred apt Fewel to put him into a greater Flame; for in a tumultuary Skirmiſh with a Party of Annibals Forragers (began rather by a caſual Rancounter of the Soldiers, than by any conſiderate Counſel before-hand, or directions from the Generals) the Carthaginians happened to be worſted, there being a matter of Seventeen hundred of them kill'd, and not above One hundred of the Romans and their Allies. But as the Victors were with full ſpeed purſuing the Chace, the Conſul Paulus who had the Command that day (for they took it by turns) reſtrained them, for fear leſt they ſhould fall into ſome Ambuſcade; which Varro took in great indignation, and bawl'd out wherever he came againſt his Colleague, That he had wilfully let the Enemy eſcape out of his hands, and if he had not thus given over the Purſuit, the War might have been ended at once. Annibal did not lay this loſs much to heart, but rather made full reckoning that he ſhould thereby, as with a Bait, draw on the Fool-hardy Conſul and his new-rais'd Soldiers; for he knew all that paſs'd in their Camp as certainly as in his own, viz. That the Generals were of diſagreeing Tempers, always jarring and thwarting one another, and that their Army conſiſted two parts in three of raw untrain'd Soldiers: Therefore ſuppoſing he had now a fit time and place for putting ſome Stratagem in execution; the next night he marches away all his Men, carrying nothing with them but their Arms out of his Camp, leaving the ſame full of all things, as well private Goods and Furniture, as publick Ammunition and Proviſions, and behind the next Mountains privately plants his Foot, ready drawn up in good order, on the left hand, and his Horſe on the right, and his Carriages in the middle; that whil'ſt the Enemy ſhould be buſie in rifling the abandon'd Tents, and encumbred with Pillage, he might fall upon them and cut them to pieces. He alſo left abundance of Fires burning in his Camp, to make them believe, that he had a mind to amuſe the Conſuls with a falſe ſhew of his continuing there, and ſo get the further off before they purſued him, as he cheated Fabius the other Year with the like policy.

As ſoon as 'twas day, the Romans ſeeing the Enemies Out-guards drawn off, and afterwards upon a nearer approach perceiving nothing but an unwonted ſilence and ſolitude, wondred much what the meaning on't might be; but after they certainly diſcovered that the Camp was abandoned, old running there was to the Conſuls Pavilions with the news, That the Enemy was run away in ſo much haſt and diſorder, that they had left all their Tents ſtanding, and that their flight might not be perceived, left abundance of light-fires all over their Camp. The Soldiers began to bawl out and deſire. That the Enſigns might preſently advance, that they might purſue the Enemy and rifle their Camp. And indeed, one of the Conſuls was no leſs eager than the common Soldiers; but Paulus told them, and frequently repeated it, That they muſt look before they leap'd, and proceed cautiouſly for fear of ſome trick: And at laſt, ſeeing he could not ſtop the mutiny, nor otherwiſe appeaſe his Partner the Ring-leader thereof, he ſent out M. Statilius a Captain, with a Troop of Lucan Horſe to diſcover how matters ſtood; who advancing up to the Ports, commanding the reſt to ſtay without the Works, himſelf with two Troopers entred within the Rampire, and having taken a careful view, brings back word, That undoubtedly it was a Deſign, for the Fires were only left in that part of the Camp next the Romans; The Tents ſtood open, and all things of value expoſed; beſides in ſeveral places they ſaw mony careleſly ſcattered as a Bait to train them on in hopes of a Booty. But all this which was related to check their minds from the over-greedy and dangerous deſire of Pillage, did but the more enflame them to be at it, ſo that the Soldiers ſet up a general Cry, That if the Signal were not given, they would go on without their Officers: Nor need they want a Leader, for Varro forthwith ſounded a March, and as he was juſt going out at the Ports, Paulus (who made no ſuch haſt) finding that the Auſpices were not favorable, cauſed notice thereof to be given him; and though Varro could ſcarce be held back, yet the remembrance of the late Misfortunes of Flaminius, and the overthrow of Claudius the Conſul at Sea in the firſt Punic War, cauſed ſome awe of Religion in his mind; but indeed, it was the Gods themſelves who that day deferred for a time, rather than quite remov'd the ſore Judgment that was impending on the Romans; for when the Conſul commanded the Enſigns to be carried back into the Camp, and the Soldiers were ſo ſet upon Plunder, that they refuſed to obey; juſt upon the nick of the Mutiny, two Servants that waited, the one upon a Formian, the other on a Sidicin Cavalier, and had laſt Year been taken Priſoners amongſt the Forragers by ſome Numidian Horſe, having made their eſcape, return'd to their Maſters, and being brought before the Conſuls, aſſured them, That Annibal's whole Army lay in Ambuſh behind the Hills: This ſeaſonable Intelligence cauſed the Conſuls to be obeyed, when one of them by his Ambition in ſeeking, and ill compliance with Popular humors in managing his Office, had quite loſt that Majeſty and Reverence that belong'd to it.

Annibal perceiving that the Romans, though they at firſt began to ſtir and make a tumult, yet did not proceed to come out according to his expectation, concluding that his Plot was diſcovered, returned again into his Camp, where he was not able to remain many days for want of Proviſions; and not only his Soldiers (being a mixture of ſeveral Nations) began to entertain new deſigns in their Heads, but he himſelf was almoſt at his Wits end: For firſt they grumbled, and after with open mouth call'd for their Arrears, and complain'd of the ſcarcity of their Allowance of Victuals, and at laſt grew afraid of being ſtarv'd in good earneſt; ſo that the Report went, That moſt of the Mercinary Troops, eſpecially thoſe of the Spaniſh Nation, were upon the point of deſerting and going over to the Enemy, Annibal is ſaid to have had ſometimes thoughts of flying away with his Horſe into Gallia, and leave his Infantry to ſhift for themſelves. His Affairs being in this untoward poſture, he reſolv'd to diſlodge and march into the warmer Region of Apulia, where the Harveſt was more forward; as alſo, that being farther off from the Enemy, ſuch of his Men as were fickle and inconſtant, might not be able ſo eaſily to run away to them. He march'd off therefore in the Night, making Fires as before, and ſome few Tents left for a ſhew, that the fear of a like Stratagem as before, might keep the Romans from purſuing. But after the before-mentioned Lucanus Statilius had diligently ſearch'd all places beyond their Camp, and on the other ſide of the Mountains, and brought advice, that he had a ſight of their Rear at a great diſtance, a Council of War was next day held by the Romans, and the matter debated, whether or no they ſhould follow and urge him to a Battel?

The two Conſuls were ſtill of the ſame different Opinions as always they had been, but almoſt all the reſt of the Officers concurred with Varro, and none but Servilius that was Conſul laſt year, join'd with Paulus; ſo by the majority of Votes away they went, blinded by Deſtiny, to render the little obſcure Town Cannae illuſtrious to all Poſterity for the Romans over-throw. Near that Village Annibal had pitch'd his Camp, having the Southernly Wind call'd Vulturnus, at his back, which in the Fields, parch'd with drought, is wont to raiſe vaſt Clouds of duſt: This was not only very convenient for his Men as they lay intrench'd, but like to prove of good advantage to them when they ſhould be drawn up in Battalia, for having the Wind behind to cool them, they ſhould attack the Enemy, who muſt needs be almoſt blinded with the duſt driven full in their faces ſo abundantly. The Conſuls ſending out Scouts before, diligently to diſcover the Paſſages, purſued the Carthaginians until they came to Cannae, where having a ſight of the Enemy, they intrench'd themſelves in two diſtinct Camps, about the ſame diſtance from each other as they lay at Gerion: The River Aufidus ran near each Parties Camp, and gave both opportunities to ſupply themſelves with Water from thence, but not without skirmiſhing with each other. But the Romans that were poſted in the leſſer Camp, beyond the Aufidus, could fetch Water with more freedom, becauſe the Enemy kept no Guards on the farther Bank of the River.

Annibal having now got a place of advantage for his Cavalry to engage in, as being an open Champian Country, and knowing his chief ſtrength and hopes to conſiſt in that part of his Forces, offers the Conſuls Battel, draws up his Army to upbraid them, and ſends ſome of his Numidian Troops to skirmiſh with and provoke them. This occaſion'd the Roman Camp to be again fill'd with the murmurs of the Common Soldiers, and diſcord between the two Conſuls; Paulus objecting to Varro the fatal raſhneſs of Sempronius and Flaminius, and Varro declaiming as faſt at the Conduct of Fabius, as commended by none but dull and cowardly Captains; the latter, call'd Gods and Men to witneſs, that it was none of his fault that Annibal was ſuffered to demean himſelf as if he were Soveraign Lord of Italy, or had taken poſſeſſion thereof for his own uſe for ever, but the ſame was wholly to be attributed to his Colleague who tyed up his hands, and ſuffered not the Soldiers to take their Arms. though their ſpirits were up, and they deſired nothing ſo much as a Battel: On the other ſide Paulus proteſted, That if any diſaſter ſhould happen to the Roman Legions by their being expoſed, or rather betrayed to the hazards of a doubtful Battel, he would never be guilty of the blame of the Advice, though he was ready to take his ſhare (whatever it ſhould be) in the event; and only wiſh'd, That thoſe who were now ſo nimble and forward with their Tongues, might in the Fight prove as brisk with their Hands.

Whil'ſt thus they ſpent time in ſcolding rather than conſulting, Annibal, who had ſtood a great part of the day in Battalia, retreated with moſt of his Troops into his Camp, but ſent over a Party of his Numidians croſs the River, to fall upon ſuch as went for Water from the Romans leſſer Camp; whom (being but a diſorderly Rabble) they preſently put to flight, with the noiſe and ſhout they made as ſoon as they gain'd the oppoſite Bank, and purſued them up to the Out-guards, and thence ventured further, even almoſt to the very Ports: This the Romans took in mighty dudgeon, to ſee themſelves thus affronted by a raskally crew of Moors in their very Camp; and the only reaſon why they did not preſently croſs the River, and fight the Enemy, was becauſe Paulus happened that day to have the Soveraign Command. But that Power being next day devolved to Varro, he without conſulting his Colleague, diſplayed the Signal, and in Battel-array paſs'd the River, Paulus following him; for though he could not approve the Enterprize, yet he was bound to aſſiſt him in it. Beyond the River they join'd with the Forces of the ſmaller Camp, and drew up in this order: On the right Wing (which was next the River) were placed the Roman Horſe, and next to them a Body of Foot; on the Extremity of the left Wing, the Aſſociate Cavalry, and within a Body of Foot, but the Main-Battel conſiſted of Roman Legions intermixed with Archers; and of the reſt of the Light-harneſs'd Troops was compoſed the Van-guard: The Conſuls took charge of the Wings, Terentius of the left, Aemilius of the right, and Cn. Servilius of the Main-Body.

Annibal, as ſoon as 'twas day-light, ſending before his Slingers, and others lightly-armed, paſs'd the River, and as his Forces came over, rang'd them in order: The French and Spaniſh Horſe in the left Wing, near the Bank of the River over againſt the Roman Cavalry; the Numidians had the right Wing, and the Main-Body was fortified with Foot ſo placed, as the Africans were on each ſide, and the French and Spaniards between them in the middle: You would have fanſied the Africans, for the moſt part, to have been a Roman Army, they were ſo generally Arm'd with what they had taken, either at Trebia, or at Thraſymenus: The French and Spaniſh had Targets much alike, but their Swords were very different; thoſe of the French very long and without points; the Spaniard (uſed to puſh and make Paſſes at their Enemies, rather than hack and ſlaſh them with down-right ſtroaks) had ſhorter ones, better to be wielded, and with ſharp points. Thoſe Nations above the reſt were terrible, as well by the greatneſs of their Stature and bulk of Body, as for their ſtrange habit; the French all naked above the Navel; the Spaniards very gay, in pure white Jackets embroidered with Purple. The number of all his Forces that day in the Field, is ſaid to be Forty thouſand Foot, and Ten thouſand Horſe: The left Wing was led by Aſdrubal, the right by Maharbal, and in the Main-Battel was Annibal himſelf with his Brother Mago. The Sun ſhone very indifferently on both their Flanks, whether they drew up ſo on purpoſe, or by chance; the Romans fronted the South, and the Carthaginians towards the North: But the South-Eaſt Wind, which the Inhabitants of thoſe parts call Vulturnus, riſing very high, drove mighty heaps of duſt full in the Romans faces, and almoſt choak'd and blinded them.

After the ſhout ſet up on both ſides, the Auxiliaries began to skirmiſh with their Darts and light Weapons, then the left Wing of French and Spaniſh Horſe, charg'd the Roman Cavalry in the right, but not after the uſual method of Horſe-Service; for here they were forc'd to confront one another ſtrait forwards, having no room for wheeling about, being ſhut up on the one ſide by the River, and on the other by the Battalions of Foot; ſo that ſtanding all thick together, as ſoon as their Horſes began to be diſordered, the Riders grappled together, and each Man laying hold on his oppoſite, pull'd him down, and ſo for the moſt part fought on foot; yet was this Conflict rather ſharp for a ſpurt, than of long continuance, for the Roman Cavalry were beat back and fled: Then began the Foot to engage, the French and Spaniards with equal ſtrength and courage for a good while kept their Ranks, but after ſeveral vigorous Efforts, the Romans being as thick in the Front as in the Main-Body, broke into that pointed Squadron of the Enemy, which was thinner rang'd, and ſwelling out at ſome diſtance from their main Battel, and thereby the leſs able to reſiſt their Impreſſion; and having once made them give ground, followed their Blows ſo cloſe, that all at once with the ſame violence they pierc'd through them, as they fled headlong, until they got into the midſt of their Main-Body, and thence without reſiſtance came up with their African Reſerves, who having drawn in their Wings on both ſides, the Gauls and Spaniards ſtood to it for a while ſtoutly, ſomewhat advanc'd before the reſt; but they too being ſo far beat back, as to range even with the reſt of the Front, after ſome further enforcement, ſhrunk away, leaving a Lane in the middle, into which the Romans unwarily preſſing after them, the Africans charg'd them on the Flanks, and ſpreading out their Wings encompaſs'd them on the Rear. Henceforwards the Romans having in vain perform'd this firſt Encounter, were forc'd to give over the Chaſe of the French and Spaniards, and renew the Fight with the Africans, upon a double diſadvantage, as being both ſurrounded, and to deal with a freſh Enemy, when they themſelves were already almoſt tired out.

In the mean time there was hot Service in the Romans left Wing, where their Aſſociate Troops oppoſed the Numidian Horſe, yet it began but faintly at firſt, and was manag'd with Punick Treachery; for near upon Five hundred Numidians, having beſides the reſt of their Arms and Javelins, got ſhort Skeins hidden under their Harneſs, came riding full ſpeed from their Army as Deſerters, with their Bucklers at their backs, and all on a ſudden diſmounting, caſt both their Bucklers and Javelins at their Enemies Feet, whereupon the Romans opening to the right and left, received them into their Main-Body, conducted them up to their Reſerves, and ordered them to abide in the Rear; where they continued quiet until ſuch time as they ſaw them fiercely engaged in all parts, and that every Mans eye and mind was intent and altogether taken up therewith, then ſnatching up Bucklers from amongſt the heaps of the dead, they fell upon the Romans behind, and wounding their backs, and cutting their ham-ſtrings, committed great ſlaughter, but raiſed a far greater Terror and Tumult; whil'ſt thus the Romans in ſome places were frighted and fled, and in others fought ſtoutly, though with little hopes, Aſdrubal who commanded that Wing, detach'd the Numidians from the main Battel where they did little Service, to purſue ſuch as fled, and ſeeing the Africans almoſt wearyed out, rather with Killing than Fighting, he reinforc'd them with the French and Spaniards.

INSTRVCTORUM AD PVGNAM CANNENSEM EXERCITVUM DELINEATIO diagram of the battle of Cannae

Thus was the Battel at Cannae no leſs famous for the Romans defeat, than that at the River Allia: For though this prov'd not ſo fatal in the event, becauſe the Enemy did not make haſt enough to improve his Victory, yet here the ſlaughter was greater, and the flight more diſhonorable. For as their running away at Allia betrayed the City, ſo it ſaved the Army, whereas at Cannae there were not above fifty followed the Conſul that fled; and as for the other Conſul that was ſlain, almoſt his whole Army took them to their heels. The multitude in the two Camps being without any Commanders in chief, and ſcarce half arm'd, thoſe that were in the bigger Camp ſent meſſengers to the others, That whil'ſt the Enemy wearied both with the Fight, and with frollicking afterwards for their Victory, took their repoſe and ſlept ſoundly, they ſhould come over to them, and ſo in a joint Body march away for Canuſium. This advice ſome did altogether diſdain: For why (quoth they) do they ſend for us, and not come hither themſelves, ſince ſo we had as ſoon be joyn'd? But here's the buſineſs, they ſee all the Paſſage betwixt is full of the Enemy, and they would willingly expoſe other mens Bodies to the danger rather than their own. Others would not budge, not ſo much for any diſlike of the motion, as for that their hearts failed them to attempt it. Whereupon P. Sempronius Tuditanus, a Colonel, thus rounded them up: What then? Will you chuſe rather to be taken by an Enemy, whoſe Cruelty nothing can equal but his Covetouſneſs? Will you ſuffer your ſelves to be ſold at ſo much an head, and hear them when they enquire the price, ask whether you are a Roman Citizen, or a Latine Allie? That ſo the proud Victor may encreaſe his Glory by your Miſery and Reproach? Certainly none of you will endure this, if at leaſt you are Fellow-Citizens with the brave Aemilius, and ſo many other gallant and moſt valiant Men, whoſe Bodies lie round about him, who rather reſolv'd to die in the Bed of Honor, than live with Infamy. Let us therefore forthwith, before 'tis light, and more numerous Troops block up our Paſſage, break through thoſe few who in diſorder make a noiſe before our Portals; a good Heart and a good Sword will make way though they were never ſo thick, with a pointed Battalion, like a wedge, we • l pierce through the midſt of theſe ſtraglers, as eaſily as if none were to oppoſe us. Come along then with me as many of you as are willing, to ſave either your ſelves or the Commonwealth. With theſe words, he draws his Sword, and caſting thoſe that were willing to accompany him into ſuch a Wedge-like Figure, march'd through the Enemy; and when the Numidians charg'd them on the right Flank, ſhifted their Targets to that Arm, and ſo 600 of them got to the greater Camp, and joyning the others there, went ſafe to Caniſium. This was done by the Vanquiſh'd on a preſent heat of Courage, which their natural Wit or good Fortune prompted them to, rather than upon any ſerious Conſultation amongſt themſelves, or Command from others.

Whil'ſt moſt of Annibals great Officers flock'd about him, congratulating his Victory, and perſwaded him after ſo great a Fight, to ſpend the reſt of the day and the night following, in refreſhing himſelf and his weary Soldiers: Maharbal, General of the Horſe was of Opinion, not to make the leaſt delay: Nay rather, quoth he, that you may know the conſequence of this Battel, reſolve within theſe five days to ſup in the Capitol; Do you follow as faſt as you can, I will immediately advance with the Horſe, and be upon them, before ever they ſhall know we are coming. Annibal told him, He commended his Spirit and good Will, That what he ſaid was very ſpecious and inviting, but of too great moment to be ſo ſuddenly reſolv'd, and therefore he would take time to conſider on't: Nay then, ſays Maharbal, I ſee the Gods do not confer all their Gifts upon one Man; you, Annibal, know how to gain a Victory, but not how to uſe and improve it: That one days delay, 'tis believed, ſav'd the City of Rome and its Empire. Next morning, as ſoon as 'twas light, they applyed themſelves to take the pillage of the Field, and to view that mighty ſlaughter, a doleful ſight even to the Enemy themſelves who made it; ſo many thouſand Romans there lay Foot and Horſe all hicklede-picklede together, as chance, or fighting, or flight had joyn'd them; ſome were ſeen crawling up all bloody amongſt the heaps of Carcaſſes, the froſty morning cauſing their Wounds to ſmart with exquiſite pain, and theſe the Enemy knock'd o'th' head; ſome they found yet alive, but cut ſhorter by the Thighs or Haunches, who offered their bare Necks and Throats, begging to be put out of their pain; divers had their Heads pretty deep in the ground, having made thoſe holes, and run their faces therein, on purpoſe to ſuffocate themſelves: But above all the reſt remarkable, was the ſight of a Numidian, with his Noſe and Ears piteouſly torn and mangled, but yet alive, lying under a dead Roman, who it ſeems when he was no longer able to hold his Weapon in his hand, had in a rage torn his Enemy with his Teeth, and ſo continued till he expired.

Having ſpent a great part of the Day in gathering the Pillage, Annibal advanced to attack the leſſer Camp, and in the firſt place diverted that Arm of the River that flank'd them, and ſo cut them off from any Water: But thoſe within being all wearyed out with toil, and watching, and wounds, ſubmitted to a ſurrender ſooner than he could hope for, upon Articles, To part with their Arms and Horſes, and for every Roman to pay Three hundred pieces of that ſort of Mony as had the Picture of a Chariot and four Horſes on it; for each of the Allies 200, and for Servants an hundred per head: which mony being paid, they ſhould be releaſed, and ſuffered to go whither they liſt in ſingle Apparel. Then they were taken into the Enemies Camp, and kept in cuſtody, but Citizens and Allies by themſelves apart, and not one amongſt another. In the mean time, out of the greater Camp, of ſuch as had ſtrength and courage enough, there were a matter of 4000 Foot and 200 Horſe, ſome in a Body, and others ſtragling through the Fields, which was ſafe enough, gone away to Caniſium; and the reſt that were left behind being either wounded Men, or Cowards, yielded up themſelves on the ſame terms as thoſe of the other Camp had done. Here was got a mighty booty, and all of it divided amongſt the Soldiers, except the Horſes and Men, and ſome Silver, which for the moſt part was about their Horſes-harneſs, for being in the Field they had not much Table-plate with them. Then Annibal ordered the Bodies of his own Men to be gathered together and buryed, which, 'tis ſaid, were in number 8000, and the ſtouteſt Soldiers he had. Some Authors ſay, the Roman Conſul was alſo ſought out and buryed. The Romans that fled to Caniſium, were by the Inhabitants only admitted within their Walls to have lodging: But a certain Lady of Apulia, named Buſa, a Perſon of an eminent Birth and great Eſtate, relieved them very bountifully, with Victuals, and Cloaths, and Mony in their Pockets: For which Munificence, the Senate after the War was ended, conferr'd ſignal Honors on her.

Amongſt theſe Relicks of the Army there were four Colonels, Fabius Maximus of the firſt Legion (whoſe Father but the Year before was Dictator;) of the ſecond Legion, L. Publicius Bibulus, and P. Cornelius Scipio; and of the third Legion, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, who lately was Aedile; but by general conſent, the chief Command was conferred upon P. Scipio (being yet but a very young Man) and Appius Claudius: Who being in Conſult with ſome few others how to manage their main Affairs, P. Furius Philus, whoſe Father had been Conſul, came and told them, That in vain they conſulted together, and hoped to buoy up the ſinking State, whoſe Caſe was already deſperate, and given over as loſt; For ſeveral young Noblemen, of whom L. Caecilius Metellus was chief, were juſt now contriving to get Ships and put out to Sea, and utterly abandoning Italy to the pleaſure of the Conquerors, ſeek ſhelter for themſelves with ſome Forrein Prince. This ill news, as it was in it ſelf a matter of great Conſequence, ſo falling out as it did upon the nick of other Diſaſters, ſo unlook'd for, did with its Novelty, like ſome Wonder, aſtoniſh thoſe that heard it, and moſt preſent were for calling a General Council of War about it: But young Scipio (whom the Deſtinies even then deſign'd ſhould be the fatal General that muſt period this War) told them, There was no time nor room for advice in ſuch an Extremity, but the miſchief was immediately to be ſuppreſs'd and prevented by ſome reſolute and daring Action; therefore (quoth he) as many of you as wiſh the preſervation of the Commonwealth, arm your ſelves and come along with me: No where have we more dangerous Enemies encamp'd, than where ſuch Deſignments are hatching. Away he goes with a few following him, directly to Metellus's Lodging, and finding there the Cabal of Youngſters, according to the Intelligence he had receiv'd, he drew his Sword, and brandiſhing it over their Heads as they ſat: I ſwear before you all (ſays he) and I ſwear it willingly and from my heart, That neither I my ſelf will forſake my Country and the Commonwealth, nor ſuffer any other Roman Citizen to abandon her; If I fail herein wittingly or willingly, then do thou, O mighty Jupiter! confound me, my Houſe and Family, and bring me and all that I have to deſtruction and a moſt ſhameful end: And you, Metellus! I require to ſwear after me as I have done, and all the reſt of you to take the ſame Oath; for whoever ſhall refuſe, let him be aſſured 'tis againſt him I have drawn this Sword. Terrified no leſs than if it had been the Conqueror Annibal himſelf, they all took the Oath, and yielded themſelves up to Scipio's Conduct.

Whil'ſt theſe things were doing at Canuſium, about 4000 Horſe and Foot who were diſperſed over the Country in the Rout, were rallyed together, and came up to the Conſul at Venuſia, whom the Inhabitants received very courteouſly, and having Quartered them from Houſe to Houſe, beſtowed upon the Horſe to every one a Veſt and Tunick, and 25 Quadri-gates [or pieces of mony with Chariots and four Horſes engraven on them, the whole ſum amounts to about 15 s. 7 d. ob. a Man] and to the Foot ten ſuch pieces, and what Arms they wanted; and in all other reſpects publick and private, treated them moſt Hoſpitably, as if they had ſtrove that it ſhould not be ſaid, All the People of Venuſia were out-done by the kind Offices of one ſingle Gentlewoman of Canuſium. But indeed by this time the Multitude at the later place were grown very burthenſom to Madam Buſa, for they were now near Ten thouſand in number: Therefore as ſoon as Appius and Scipio underſtood that the other Conſul was ſafe, they ſent an Expreſs to acquaint him what Forces, Horſe and Foot, they had with them, and to know his pleaſure, Whether they ſhould continue there, or march to him at Venuſia? Varro thought beſt to go himſelf with what ſtrength he had to Canuſium; ſo as now they made a pretty good ſhew of a Conſular Army, and ſeemed able to defend themſelves, if not by force of Arms in the Field, yet at leaſt by the ſtrength of the Walls within the Town. But at Rome the news went currant, That not ſo much as any remnant of Citizens and Allies was left, but that both the Conſuls, with their two Armies, were all put to the Sword, and hew'n to pieces to the laſt Man. Never was there known, whil'ſt the City was yet ſafe, ſo much terror and tumult within the Walls of Rome. I will therefore, even at firſt, ſink under ſo great a Burthen, and ſay nothing at all, rather than undertake to ſet forth that, which after I have uſed all the words I can, will be repreſented far ſhort of Truth. After the Conſul Flaminius and his Army deſtroy'd but laſt year at Thraſymenus, this was not only a new wound added to that, before it was heal'd, but a Defeat that was as bad as many Overthrows altogether, for every body ſaid, That with the two Conſuls, two whole Conſular Armies were cut off; That there was no longer any ſuch thing in the World as a Roman Camp, a Roman General, or a Roman Soldier; That Annibal was already Lord of Apulia, of Samnium, and as good as all Italy: Nor was there, certainly, any other Nation under Heaven, but would have fainted, and ſuffered themſelves to have been utterly over-whelm'd and cruſh'd with the weight of ſo mighty a Diſaſter. Shall I compare hereunto the Defeat with the Carthaginians received at Sea, near the Iſle Aegates, wherewith their Spirits were ſo broken, that at once they were content to part both with Sicily and Sardinia, and alſo to make themſelves Subjects and Tributaries to the Romans? Or their other Overthrow afterwards in Africk, which utterly broke the back of this very Annibal, and made him confeſs himſelf vanquiſh'd? Neither of them are in any reſpect comparable to this, ſave only that they were born and ſupported with leſs Courage and Reſolution.

P. Furius and M. Pomponius the Praetors, ſummon'd the Senate to ſit in the Hoſtilian Court, and conſult for the ſafeguard of the City; for they could not doubt, but the Enemy having defeated their Armies, would advance to aſſault Rome, the only work that was behind to compleat the War. But as the Fathers were much to ſeek what Remedies to apply to Calamities ſo great, and yet not known to the full, ſo their Debates were diſturb'd with the loud Out-cries of the Women, who almoſt in every Houſe fill'd the Air with Lamentations, and promiſeuouſly mourn'd for the Quick as well as the Dead, it not yet being certainly known who was ſlain: Whereupon Fabius adviſed, That Parties of Light-Horſe ſhould be ſent out both on the Appian and Latine Road, to enquire of ſuch as they met that came from the Fight, and were ſtraggling home, if any of them could give a true account of the Conſuls and Armies misfortune; and if the Immortal Gods had in compaſſion ſuffered any of the Roman name to ſurvive, where thoſe Forces were? Whither Annibal march'd next after his Victory? What Preparations he makes? What he is doing at preſent? and what he probably deſigns for the future? That in this Affair the nimbleſt and moſt active Young Men ſhould be employed, and in the mean time, the Senators, (becauſe there were few inferior Magiſtrates in Towns, or at leaſt the People would not ſo much reverence their Authority) ſhould themſelves in Perſon appeaſe this Hurly-burly and fearful tumult in the City, by debarring the Dames, and all ſorts of Women, from coming abroad into the ſtreets, but every one to keep in their own Houſe, by reſtraining the mournful Exclamations of whole Families, and making ſilence through the Town; To take order that all Poſts and Meſſengers of News ſhould to rights be brought before the Praetors, without prattling to the Rabble by the way, and that every body ſhould patiently at home wait for ſuch Tidings as particularly concern'd them; Likewiſe to ſet Guards at the Gates to keep all Perſons from going out of the City, and make all Men ſee, That they can have no hopes to preſerve themſelves, but in defending the City and its Walls: And when by theſe means the Hurry was over, then might the Fathers fitly be called again together, and take further Meaſures for the Publick Safety.

This Advice being generally approved, and the Magiſtrates having cleared the Forum of the multitude that were thronging together, the Senators divided themſelves into ſeveral parts of the City to ſtill the Uproars. Then at laſt arriv'd Letters from Terentius the Conſul, giving an account, That L. Aemilius the Conſul was ſlain, and the greateſt part of the Army; That himſelf was at Canuſium, rallying thoſe that eſcaped this mighty Over-throw, as ſcattered Planks after a Ship-wreek; That the Forces he had got with him were about Ten thouſand ſtrong, but diſordered, and of ſeveral Regiments and Bands intermixt; That Annibal ſtill continued at Cannae, buſie in taxing what Ranſoms the Priſoners ſhall pay, and intent upon the reſt of the Pillage; and neither meaſuring his late Victory with that Grandieur of Mind uſual to Conquerors, nor making that advantage of it which might be expected from ſo great a Commander. Then the private Loſſes were communicated to every Family, and the City was filled with ſuch an univerſal Mourning and Lamentation, that the Anniverſary Feſtival of the Goddeſs Ceres could not be kept, becauſe it was not lawful for any Mourners to celebrate the ſame, and there was not a Matron in the City but was then bewailing the death of ſome Relation or other: Leſt therefore other Sacred Rites, publick and private, ſhould be neglected on the ſame account, the Senate made an Order, That all Perſons ſhould give over their Mourning at the end of Thirty days. But no ſooner were the Senators met again in the Council-Houſe, after they had qualified the confuſions in the City, but other bad News arriv'd, by Letters out of Sicily from T. Otacilius the Pro-Praetor, acquainting them, That a Fleet of Carthaginians were waſting the Territories of their good Friend, King Hiero, whom he was willing to have aſſiſted at his requeſt, but had intelligence, that there lay another Navy ready fitted and Man'd at the Iſles Aegates, which as ſoon as they ſhould find the Roman Forces drawn to defend the Syracuſans, would preſently fall upon Lilybaeum, and other parts of the Roman Dominions: And therefore there was an abſolute neceſſity to equip another Fleet if they would aid the King their Ally, and ſecure Sicily.

The Letters both of the Conſul and of the Pro-Praetor being read, it was Reſolv'd, That M. Claudius, Admiral of the Fleet that lay in the Harbor at Oſtia, ſhould be ſent to the Army, and withal, Letters to the Conſul, that delivering the charge of the Forces to the Praetor, He ſhould come with as much Expedition as the publick Safety would permit, to Rome. Beſides theſe ſad Calamities abroad, People were frighted with ſeveral Prodigies; and amongſt the reſt, becauſe that year there were Two Veſtal Nuns, Opimia and Floronia, convicted of Whoredom; of whom, one was according to the Cuſtom buried alive at the Gate Collina, the other made away her ſelf. L. Cantilius (Secretary to the Pontiffs, whom now they call Petty-Pontiffs) the Man that committed Inceſt with Floronia, was ſo ſeverely ſcourged by the Arch-Pontiff in the Common-Hall, that he died under the blows. This Villany happening amongſt ſo many other Diſaſters, as uſually it happens, was look'd upon as a Prodigy, and the Decemvirs were commanded to reſort to their Books. And moreover, Q. Fabius Pictor was ſent as far as Delphos to inquire of the Oracle, With what Prayers and Supplications they might pacifie the Gods? and what would be the end of all theſe Miſeries? In the mean time, by directions from the Sybilline Books ſome extraordinary Sacrifices were made; and amongſt the reſt Two Couples, a French-man and a French-woman, a Grecian-man and a Greek-woman were buried alive, in the Beaſt-market, in a place all vaulted in with Stone, and which had before been defiled with Humane Victimes, though the ſame were not common in the Religious Ceremonies of the Romans. The Gods being thus, as they thought, ſufficiently appeaſed, M. Claudius Marcellus ſends Fifteen hundred Soldiers levyed for the Service of the Navy of Oſtia, to Rome, as a Guard for the City; and having ſent before the Legion that belong'd to the Armado (which was the Third) under the Command of Teanus Sidicinus a Colonel, and committed the Fleet to P. Furius his Colleague, he himſelf, a few days after taking long Journies, haſtned to Canuſium. By authority of the Senate, M. Junius was created Dictator, and T. Sempronius Maſter of the Horſe, who in their Levy muſter'd all the Youth above ſeventeen Years of age, and ſome that were not ſo much, and thereby raiſed four Legions, and a Thouſand Horſe: Likewiſe they ſent to their Allies of the Latine Nations, to raiſe Forces according to the Form of their reſpective Leagues, ordering, that Armor, Weapons, and all Habiliments of War ſhould be provided; and the better to furniſh them, cauſed the old Armor and Spoils of their Enemies to be taken down from the Temples, Galleries, and Publick places where they hung up as Trophies. Moreover, neceſſity and want of Free-men enforced them to a new faſhion of levying Soldiers, for they publickly Arm'd 8000 luſty young Bond-men, buying their Freedoms, and having firſt demanded of each, If he were willing to ſerve in the Wars? For they thought it better to take up Soldiers thus, than to redeem their own Men that had ſuffered themſelves to be taken Priſoners, though they might have Ranſom'd them at a cheaper rate, than they bought theſe Slaves.

For Annibal, after this ſo fortunate Field fought at Cannae, acting rather as one that had compleated a Conqueſt, than mindful of carrying on the War, having firſt ſelected from amongſt the Priſoners thoſe that were of the Allies, with very kind words, as he had done before at Trebia and Thraſymenus, releaſed them gratis; and calling alſo the Romans before him (which formerly he had never done) he ſpake to them fairly enough, telling them, That in this War with the Romans he aim'd not at their deſtruction, but the Quarrel was only for Glory and Empire; That as his Anceſtors were forc'd heretofore to truckle to the Roman Valor, ſo he was now endeavoring to make them again in their turn ſubmit to his Courage and Fortune; therefore would admit them to redeem thoſe whoſe luck it was to become his Priſoners, at the rate of 500 Quadrigates an Head for Horſemen, 300 for Foot, and 100 for Servants. Now though the Horſe-mens ranſom was ſomewhat enhanc'd above what they agreed for, when they ſurrendred themſelves, yet they gladly received any Conditions of Liberty: And therefore thought fit to chuſe from amongſt themſelves, ten Perſons to go to Rome and move the Senate for the Mony; nor did he inſiſt on any other Security for their return, than their own Oaths: with them was ſent Carthalo a Carthaginian Noble-man, who if he found the Romans inclinable to Peace, had Inſtructions to propoſe Terms. When theſe Agents were ſet forwards, and got a little way out of the Camp, one of them, a Perſon far from the natural plain-hearted Generoſity of a true Roman, pretending to have forgot ſomewhat, returns back again to the Camp (thereby to evade his Oath) and before Night overtook his Companions; when Intelligence arriv'd that they were coming towards Rome, an Officer was diſpatch'd to meet Carthalo, and charge him in the Dictators name, To be gone before Night at his peril out of the Roman Confines.

The Senate having vouchſafed theſe Agents of the Priſoners Audience, M. Junius the chief of them ſpake to this effect: Venerable Fathers! There is none of us ignorant, That never any City or State is wont to have leſs value for their Subjects, when taken Priſoners, or at leſs charge for them, than ours: But unleſs we are too partial to our ſelves in our own Caſe, we think we may avow, That never any fell into an Enemies hands, who could more juſtly lay claim to your compaſſionate Regards, than we, who yielded not up our Arms baſely in the Field for fear, but when we had reſolutely ſtood well near till Night over heaps of dead Bodies, we retreated to our Camp, and all the reſt of that Day and the Night following, weary as we were with Toil, and weakned with Wounds, we defended our Rampire: Next Day, being beſieged by the Victorious Enemy, and cut off from all Water, and without any hope or poſſibility of breaking through thoſe multitudes ſo thick and cloſe ranged round about us, we could not think it any Crime or Reproach, after Fifty thouſand of our Army cut to pieces, for ſome few Roman Soldiers to ſurvive the Battel at Cannae; and therefore then, and not before, we Capitulated to be Ranſom'd upon payment of ſo much mony, and ſo delivered up our Arms which were no longer able to defend or help us. We had heard, that even our Anceſtors long ago thought it no diſhonor to redeem themſelves from the Gauls with their Gold. And our Fathers, though moſt averſe to terms of Peace, yet made no ſcruple to ſend Ambaſſadors to Tarentum to redeem Priſoners; although in truth thoſe two Battels, both that at Allia with the Gauls, and the other at Heraclea with Pyrrhus, were not ſo notable for the numbers kill'd, as ignominious for the Soldiers fears and ſhameful running away. But the Plains of Cannae are yet covered over with heaps of Roman Bodies; nor had we eſcap'd the fury of that day, but that the Enemies Swords were blunted, and their ſtrength ſo ſpent, that they could kill no more. Some too there are of our Men that fled not at all in Battel, but being left to guard the Camp, when that was yielded, fell into the Enemies Power. I can aſſure you, I envy not any Citizens or Fellow Soldiers good Fortune and better preſent condition; nor would I, by degrading another, ſeem to magnifie my ſelf, but ſure thoſe who for the moſt part having flung away their Arms, fled out of the Field, and never ſtopt till they were got either to Venuſia or Canuſium, cannot (unleſs good Footmanſhip be regarded) juſtly prefer themſelves before us, nor glory that they ſtand the Commonwealth in better ſtead than we; but you make uſe of them as good Men and valiant Soldiers, and ſuch too ſhall you find us; nay, ſo much the more ready to ſerve our Country, ſince 'tis by your bounty we are reſtored thereunto. You make Muſters of all Ages and Conditions, Eight thouſand Bondmen, I hear, are to be put into Arms, our number is not leſs, nor will our Redemption coſt more, than to buy them; with whom to compare our ſelves, were to put an Affront upon the Roman Name.

Moreover, Conſcript Fathers! there is another thing to be regarded in this Debate, and that is, if you ſhould be enclinable to deal ſeverely with us (which I hope none of us have deſerv'd at your hands) that you would be pleaſed to conſider what a kind of Enemy it is in whoſe hands you will leave us: Not ſuch an one as Pyrrhus, who entertain'd his Priſoners as if they had been his Gueſts; but a barbarous Carthaginian, in whom 'tis hard to ſay, whether Covetouſneſs or Cruelty does moſt predominate: Could you but ſee the Chains, the naſty filthineſs and ſad uſage of your Citizens, I am confident that rueful Spectacle would move you no leſs, than if on the other part you ſhould behold your Legions lie ſlaughtered in the Fields of Cannae: However, you may near hand view the perplexed looks and tears of our Relations ſtanding in the Lobby and waiting for your anſwer; and ſince they are thus ſolicitous, and in ſuch an agonous ſuſpence for us and thoſe that are abſent: What ſtrange agitations do you think thoſe poor hearts themſelves endure, whoſe proper concern it is, and whoſe lives and liberties depend ſolely on the hinge of your Vote? And in good Faith, if Annibal himſelf would contrary to his Nature, be merciful and kind to us, we ſhall not eſteem Life any favor, after you ſhall have adjudged us unworthy of Redemption. Priſoners heretofore return'd to Rome, diſmiſs'd by King Pyrrhus without any Ranſom, but they return'd with Ambaſſadors, principal Perſons of this City, ſent to redeem them: And ſhall I return unto my Country again (if Annibal would let me) a Citizen reckoned by our own Senate not worth 300 pence? Every Man, My Lords! has his peculiar fanſie, and for my own part, though I know my Life and Liberty is in jeopardy, yet the danger of my Honor affects me more than either, leſt we ſhould be thought condemned and rejected by you: For the World will never believe, that you will loſe ſo many thouſand Citizens to ſave your Purſe and ſpare ſo much Mony.

When he ended his Speech, immediately the Multitude who were got together in the Common-Hall, ſet up a lamentable Cry, holding up their Hands towards the Council-houſe, and begging the Fathers, To let them have their Children, their Brethren, and their Kinsfolks again. The very Women alſo for fear and neceſſity, thruſt themſelves amongſt this Crowd of Men, and encreaſed the Out-cry. After they were all put out, and the Place cleared, the Senate fell to Debate the matter, and great variance there was in their Opinion: Some were for ranſoming them at the publick Charge; others oppoſed that, and inſiſted That the City ought not to bear the expences of their Redemption, but it ſhould be left free for every one to deliver himſelf at his own coſt; and in caſe any had not mony at preſent to lay down, the Chamber of the City ſhould lend it him, upon ſecurity given either Perſonal by ſufficient Sureties, or by a Mortgage of his Lands for repayment. But when T. Manlius Torquatus (a Man of the old ſtrict Severity, and as moſt People thought too too rigid in this Point) was demanded his Opinion, he ſpake ('tis reported) as follows.

If theſe Agents had only made it their requeſt, That thoſe that are in the Enemies hands might be redeemed, and had not reflected upon others, I ſhould in very few words have delivered my Judgment: For what had I more to do, but adviſe you, that you would maintain the wholeſom Cuſtom you have received in ſuch caſes from your Anceſtors, and aſſert the ſame by an Example ſone ceſſary for your Service in War? But now ſince they have not only juſtified, but in a manner boaſted of their yielding themſelves up to the Enemy, and think they ought to be preferr'd, not only before thoſe that were taken in the Field, but thoſe too who march'd ſafe to Venuſia and Canuſium, and even before C. Terentius the Conſul himſelf; I will not ſuffer you, Conſcript Fathers! to be thus led away in the dark, but truly ſtate every thing as it paſs'd there; and I wiſh what I am about to ſay before you, were to be delivered at Canuſium in the head of the Army, the beſt witneſs of every mans Cowardize or Valour; or at leaſt that P. Sempronius alone were preſent there, whom if theſe Fellows would have followed when he offered to be their Leader, they had at this day been Soldiers in the Roman Camp, not Captives at the devotion of their Enemies. For whilſt the Enemy was weary with fighting, and making merry for their Victory, and moſt of them retir'd into their Tents, they had the night before them, to ſave themſelves at their pleaſure; or however being ſeven thouſand ſtrong, they were able to have broke through the Enemy, had they been never ſo thick: But this they would neither attempt of themſelves, nor follow another when he urg'd them to it. All night long almoſt P. Sempronius Tuditanus ceaſed not to exhort and importune them, whilſt yet there were but few of the Enemy about their Camp, whilſt all things were huſht and quiet, and night favour'd their retreat, to lay hold of theſe opportunities and follow his conduct, not doubting but before day-light they might reach unto places of ſecurity, and arrive ſafely at ſome Cities of their Allies: As in our Grandſires days Colonel Decius did in Samnium; or as of late when I was a young Man, in the former Punic War, Calphurnius Flamma ſaid to the three hundred Voluntiers, whom he led to gain a little Hill ſituate in the very midſt of the Enemies, Let us dye bravely my fellow Soldiers, and by our death ſet at liberty the Roman Legions, who are now circumvented and beſieged. Had Sempronius ſaid thus to you, who could judg you to be either Men or Romans, if none of you had accompanied him? But the truth is he pointed you a way not only to Glory, but to Safety too; offered himſelf to lead you to your Parents, to your Wives, to your Children. You that had not the Courage to ſave your ſelves, what would you have done if it had been neceſſary you ſhould have dyed for your Country? Fifty thouſand of your fellow-Citizens and Allies lay round about you ſlain that day; if ſo many examples of gallantry could not raiſe you to a generous diſdain of being Captives, nothing in the World can ever move you? If ſo great a ſlaughter could not make you deſpiſe your Lives, no Arguments will ever prevail with you to hazard them. Deſire home o'th' Gods name, and long after your Native Country whil'ſt you are free and ſafe; nay, deſire if you pleaſe to be in your Country, whil'ſt it is your Country; but your deſires now come too late, having disfranchiſed your ſelves, loſt your former ſtate and right of Citizens, and are now become Carthaginian Bond-ſlaves: Would you have us purchaſe you with mony to the ſame condition which you forfeited by your own default and cowardize? You would not hearken to P. Sempronius your Fellow-Citizen, when he bid you take Arms and follow him, but you could liſten to Annibal preſently afterwards, when he commanded you to betray your Camp, and baſely ſurrender up your Arms and your Perſons. But why blame I only their faint-heartedneſs and fears, when I may juſtly charge them with wilful wickedneſs and actual Villany? For they not only refuſed to follow Sempronius, when he adviſed them to what was both their Intereſt and their Duty, but endeavored all they could to ſtop and detain him, and others amongſt them, had not the brave Men with their Swords in their hands ſet the Cowards further off. Thus Sempronius was forc'd to make his way through a vile heap of his own Country-men, before he broke through the Battalions of the Enemy: And ſhall our Country deſire ſuch Citizens, by whoſe means, if the reſt had been as baſe as they, ſhe would not this day have had one Citizen left of all that were in the Battel of Cannae? But by good luck, amongſt 7000 Armed-men, there happened to be 600 that had the Courage to break through, and came ſafe with their Freedom and their Arms, home to their Country, notwithſtanding there were 40000 of the Enemy to reſiſt them; judge you then how eaſie and ſafe the Paſſage might have been for a Body of almoſt two Legions, and ſo ſhould you, Conſcript Fathers! have had now at Canuſium an Army of ſtout and Faithful men, Twenty thouſand ſtrong. But now, in what reſpect can theſe People be good and faithful Citizens (for ſure themſelves have not the face to pretend to the Title of ſtout and valiant) I cannot imagine, unleſs we ſhall think them ſo, who would have hindred the reſt from forcing their way, even when they were at the point to open a paſſage, and ſince, do both envy at their ſafety and honor obtain'd by Valor, being conſcious that their own fear and cowardize was the occaſion of their preſent ſervitude? Whil'ſt they had an opportunity to get away in the ſilent Night, they choſe rather lurking in their Tents, to wait for the approach of Day and their Enemies: But perhaps, though they had not the Courage to break through the Enemy, they had the hearts ſtoutly to maintain their Camp, and being Beleaguer'd ſeveral days and nights, defended their Works with their Arms, and themſelves with their Works; and at laſt, having ventured all hazards and ſuffered all extremities, wanting the neceſſary ſupports of Life, pin'd with hunger, and ſo feeble, that they could wield their Weapons no longer, were overcome rather by Humane Neceſſities, than the Arms of their Enemies: No, forſooth, there was nothing of of all this in the caſe, but the Enemy coming before their Rampire the very next Morning at Sun-riſing, within two after, without making any defence, or ſtanding out one Bruſh, they tamely yielded up both their Arms and their Perſons. This you ſee was their good Service for two days together; when they ſhould have maintain'd their ground in the Field, they ſneak'd into the Camp; and when they ſhould have made good their Camp, they ſurrendred it; good for nothing, either abroad in the Battel, or at home in their Entrenchments: Shall we conſent to ranſom ſuch fellows, as when they ought to have ſallyed out of their Camp, delay'd and ſtaid in it; when they ſhould have continued there and defended their Tents with their Arms, parted both with the Camp and their Arms and themſelves? Nay verily, 'tis my opinion, Worthy Senators! that theſe no more deſerve to be Ranſomed, than thoſe do to be delivered up to Annibal, who cut their way through the midſt of the Enemy, and moſt valiantly reſtor'd themſelves to their Country.

After this Speech of Manlius, though moſt of the Senators were related to ſome of the Priſoners, yet beſides the cuſtom of the City, from all Antiquity, little indulgent to thoſe that ſuffered themſelves to be taken Priſoners, the Ranſom it ſelf, which amounted to a conſiderable ſum, had no ſmall influence upon them, as being loth to exhauſt the Exchequer, (having lately disburſed a great deal in buying up Bond-ſlaves, and arming them for the Wars) and eſpecially unwilling to furniſh Annibal with ſo much mony, the main thing which (as the report went) he ſtood in need of. But when this their ſad Reſolve was made publick, viz. That no Priſoners ſhould be Ranſom'd, there was a new fit of Weeping and Lamentation amongſt the People, for the loſs of ſo many Citizens, and with abundance of Tears and Complaints, they followed the Agents to the Gates; of whom one, (he that thought by his ſham-return into Annibals Camp, he had diſcharg'd his Oath) went privately home and ſtaid at his own Houſe; but no ſooner was that known, and the Senate made acquainted with it, but they unanimouſly Decreed, That he ſhould be apprehended, and under a Guard ſent back to Annibal.

There goes another report touching theſe Priſoners, That ten of them came at firſt, and the Senate being divided, Whether or no they ſhould be admitted into the City? It was carryed in the Affirmative, but with a Proviſo, That they ſhould not be admitted to Audience, and that thereupon ſtaying longer than was expected, Three more followed them, viz. L. Scribonius, and C. Calphurnius, and L. Manlius; and that then a Relation of Scribonius that was one of the Tribunes of the Commons, moved the matter in the Senate, which not being granted, the three laſt returned to Annibal, but the former ten ſtaid behind, becauſe after they had been onwards ſome part of their Journy, they had gone back again under pretence of getting a Liſt of the Priſoners names, and ſo had diſcharg'd themſelves of their Oath. And that there was great debate in the Senate about delivering them up, but at laſt it was carryed in the Negative by ſome few Voices: However, that thoſe Perſons were ſo branded by the next Cenſors, that ſome of them preſently made away themſelves, and the reſt were ſo aſhamed and hated, that all their Lives after they durſt never appear in publick, nor ſcarce ſtir out of their own doors: Touching which we may rather admire how Authors come thus to differ, than how from amongſt them to eſtabliſh the Truth.

That this loſs at Cannae was much greater than any others that happen'd before, may from hence be gathered, becauſe thoſe of the Romans Allies, who till that very time had continued firm to their Intereſt, then began to fall off, meerly deſpairing of their Condition; for ſoon after, all theſe Nations revolted to the Carthaginians; the Attellans, the Calatines, the Hirpines, part of the Apulians, all the Samnites except the Pentrians; the Bruttians and the Lucanians, together with the Surrentines, and almoſt all the Greeks; the Tarentines, Metapontines, Crotonians, Locrians, and all the Gauls on that ſide the Alps: Yet could not all theſe Loſſes, all theſe Defections of their Allies prevail ſo far, as to cauſe the Romans ſo much as to make mention of a Peace, either before the Conſuls arrival, or after he was come and renew'd the Memory of the Over-throw, by giving an account of the Particulars. But on the contrary, the City carryed ſuch a Greatneſs of mind, That at the ſame time when he return'd from ſo great a Defeat of which he had been the principal Cauſe, the People of all Ranks went out in Multitudes to meet and welcome him home; And by the Senate Thanks were return'd him, for that he had not deſpair'd of the Commonwealth, whereas had he been a General amongſt the Carthaginians, he muſt certainly have undergone the greateſt of Puniſhments.

DECADE III. BOOK III. The EPITOME.

1, 3, &c. The Campanians revolt to Annibal. 11, 12. Mago ſent to Carthage to carry Intelligence of the Victory at Cannae, pours the Gold-Rings taken off the Fingers of the Roman Gentlemen ſlain there, out upon the Floor in the Lobby of their Senate-Houſe, which are ſaid to have been above half a Buſhel. 12, 13. Ʋpon theſe tydings, Hanno (one of their chief Noblemen) advis'd the Carthaginian Senate to make Peace with the Romans, but could not prevail, the Barchine Faction ſo ſtrenuouſly oppoſed it. 16. Cl Marcellus the Praetor has good ſucceſs in a ſally he made upon Annibal out of the City Nola. 18. Annibals Army by taking up Winter-Quarters at Capua, are ſtrangely debauch'd and enfe • bled, both in their Bodies and Spirits. 19. Caſilinum beſieg'd by the Punicks is ſo ſtraitned for Proviſions, that they pull off Leather from their Targets and eat it, as alſo Mice, and are ſuſtain'd a while by Nuts ſent them down the River Vulturnus by the Romans. 23. The Senate of Rome is fill'd up with a new choice of a hundred ninety ſeven perſons out of the Equeſtrian Order. 24. L. Poſtumius the Praetor is cut off, together with his Army, by the Gauls. 26, &c. The two Scipio's in Spain over-come Aſdrubal, and become Maſters of that whole Realm. 31. The Souldiers that eſcap'd at Cannae, are ſent away into Sicily, not to depart thence till the War be finiſht. 33. A League made between Philip King of Macedon and Annibal. 35. Sempronius Gracchus the Conſul, deſtroys the Campanians. 40, &c. This Book likewiſe contains the ſucceſſes of T. Manlius the Praetor, in Sardinia, by whom the General Aſdrubal himſelf is taken, and alſo thoſe other great Commanders Mago and Hanno. 45, &c. Cl. Marcellus the Praetor, in a pitcht Field near Nola, defeats Annibals Army, and was the firſt that put the Romans in hopes of better ſucceſs, after ſo many loſſes and diſaſters.

ANnibal after the Battel at Cannae, and the taking and ranſacking both the Roman Camps, haſtned out of Apulia into Samnium, being invited to come into the Hirpins Country by one Statius, who promiſed to deliver the City Compſa into his hands. This Statius was of that Town, and a Gentleman of good quality, but kept under by the Faction of the Mopſians, a Family by the favour of the Romans very potent; but after the noiſe of the Victory at Cannae, and a report of the advance of Annibal that way induſtriouſly ſpread by Statius, all thoſe Mopſians of their own accord left the City, which without any reſiſtance ſurrendred to the Carthaginians, and receiv'd a Gariſon. Annibal leaving there all his plunder and Baggage, divides his Army, ſending one part under Mago to receive into protection all the Cities of thoſe parts that would voluntarily deſert the Romans, or otherwiſe to ſubdue them by force; whilſt with the reſt of the Forces, he himſelf march'd through Campania, towards the lower Sea, deſigning to attack Naples, that he might have the conveniency of a Sea Port. As ſoon as he entred the Neapolitan Confines, he diſpos'd ſome of his Numidians in Ambuſh as cunningly as he could (and thereabouts the wayes for the moſt part are hollow and full of blind holes and corners) others he order'd to drive away the Cattel out of the Fields, and ride braving with them by the Gates of the City, upon whom, becauſe they were but few, and ſeem'd out of Order too, a Party of Horſe making a Sally out of the City, were by their retreating on purpoſe decoy'd into the Emboſcade, and there hem'd in, nor had one of them eſcap'd but that being near the Sea, ſome Fiſher-Boats happen'd to be within ſight of the ſhore, on which thoſe that could ſwim got aboard; but ſeveral young Noblemen were ſlain, and amongſt the reſt Hegeas that commanded that Squadron, charging too far upon thoſe that ſeem'd to fly, was cut off. However when Annibal came to view the Walls of the Town, how ſtrong and impregnable they were, he was diſcouraged from ſitting down before it.

From thence he turn'd his march towards Capua, a City grown luxurious with a long proſperity and indulgence of Fortune, but amongſt all corruptions that there raigned, it was moſt of all infected with the licentiouſneſs of the Commons, who beyond all meaſure abuſed their Liberty; Pacuvius Calavius, a man of noble deſcent, and popular in his Carriage, but by ill Courſes grown Rich, had both the Senate and the Commons very much at his Devotion. He happen'd to be their Chief Magiſtrate that year, the Romans were over-thrown at Thraſymenus, and having ſome inkling that the Commons who a long time had mortally hated the Senate, might, if Annibal came that way, attempt ſuch a deſperate Villany, as to murder all the Senators, and ſurrender the City to the Carthaginians, though he were an ill man, yet he was not ſo profligately wicked, but he rather deſired to domineer over the Common-wealth in being, than utterly to ſubvert it, and knowing no State could ſubſiſt, if once depriv'd of publick Council, he bethinks himſelf of a courſe whereby he might both preſerve the Senate, and oblige them as well to the Commons as himſelf. Aſſembling therefore one day the Senate together; after a ſolemn Preface, proteſting, That in no caſe he could approve of any deſign of revolting from the Romans (unleſs it were upon neceſſity), as having himſelf Children by the Daughter of Appius Claudius, and his own Daughter married to Livius at Rome; but he told them, there was a thing in agitation of greater importance and far more dreadful conſequence than that; For the Commons had a deſign, not only by way of Revolt and Rebellion, to rid the City of the Senate's Authority, but even to Maſſacre the Senators, and ſo to yield up to Annibal and the Carthaginians, the City void of all Governours and Magiſtracy; That he knew how to free them from this imminent danger, if they would truſt him with the management of it, and forget former jars and differences which had happen'd between them and himſelf, concerning publick affairs. All of them preſent conſenting for meer fear to what he propounded, I will (ſays he) ſhut you up here in the Council Chamber, and by ſeeming to approve and be a Confederate in thoſe Councils which I ſhould not otherwiſe be able to oppoſe, I will work a way for your ſafety, and for performance hereof, I will give you any ſecurity that you your ſelves ſhall demand. Thus having paſs'd his ſolemn Promiſe to be true to them, away he goes, ſhuts up the Senate-Houſe, and ſets a Guard in the Lobby, and all the Avenues, charging them to let no body paſs in or out without his Order.

Then he calls all the people together to the Town-Hall, and makes this Speech to them. That which ſo often you have wiſht for (Fellow Citizens of Capua!) even an opportunity to puniſh and revenge your ſelves of your naughty and accurſed Senate, is now fairly preſented, and may with equal eaſe and ſafety be perform'd; for you need not in a tumultuous way, aſſault their ſeveral Houſes, which by reaſon of the ſtrong Guards they keep of their Clients and Bond-ſlaves, was not to be done without great hazard, but you may ſet upon them altogether in the Council-Chamber, where they are faſt ſhut up, alone, and without Armour, Friends, or dependants to reſcue them. Yet ſhall you do nothing raſhly, but I will bring every one of them ſeverally before you to receive your impartial Doom, that each according to his deſert, may be puniſht; However in the firſt place, you muſt not ſo far indulge your juſt reſentments, as to ſuffer a preſent heat or deſire of revenge to betray your future ſafety. For (as I conceive) it is only theſe wicked Senators, whoſe perſons and ill practices you hate; not that you mean wholly to aboliſh and live without a Senate; For either you must have a King (which I know you abhor to think of) or elſe that, which is the only Council of a Free City, a Senate; Therefore we have two things before us, To Caſhier the old Senate, and furniſh our ſelves with a new one. In order thereunto, I will cauſe the ſeveral Senators to be cited, and demand your Sentence upon them, and what you Decree ſhall be done; but before any be Executed, you ſhall firſt chuſe ſome good ſubſtantial perſon of Wiſdom and Courage, worthy to ſucceed in his place.

Then down he ſits, and Orders the Senators names to be drawn by Lot, and the man that it firſt fell upon, to be brought thither from the Council Chamber; As ſoon as his name was mentioned, every one cryed out, That he was a wicked Wretch, and a Villain, and well deſerv'd to be hang'd; Then ſays Pacuvius, Well, Gentlemen, I ſee what your Judgment is of him; Let him turn out like a baſe Fellow as he is, and now go on to chuſe a good, juſt and worthy Senator in his room. At firſt they were all huſht, and ſilent, for want of a better man to ſupply his place, by and by ſome bold Fellow of the Crowd, laying aſide modeſty, names one that he had a fancy for, but then preſently the Clamour was louder againſt him than the other, ſome crying out, they did not know him, others laid vile Crimes to his Charge, another ſaid he was a Beggar, or elſe they objected his baſe deſcent, or ſcandalous ſordid imployment; and when a ſecond or third was named, the more impetuous they were, and muſter'd up againſt every one a thouſand Exceptions: ſo that 'twas plain the people were weary of the Senator in being, but wanted a better to put in his place. For to what purpoſe was it to put up the ſame men again whom they had already nominated, unleſs to hear them reproach'd afreſh? and if they went on to others, ſtill they appear'd more baſe and unfit than ſuch as firſt occurr'd to their thoughts; ſo that at laſt the people began to whiſper one to another, Better truſt a Knave we know, than a Knave we do not know, and deſired that the old Senators might be ſet at liberty.

By this Policy Pacuvius having ſaved the Senators Lives, oblig'd them to himſelf much more than to the Commons, and without Arms govern'd all things at his pleaſure, none controuling him. Thence-forwards the Senators forgetting their Dignity, began to court and Complement the Rabble, to invite and treat them ſumptuouſly at their Houſes, to Eſpouſe their Quarrels, were always ready to ſtand by them, and appoint Judges favourable to that party that was moſt in credit with the Mobile; ſo even in the Senate it ſelf all things were tranſacted juſt as if it were an Aſſembly of the Populace. That City had always been too much given to Luxury, as well by the natural diſpoſition of the Inhabitants, as by that over-flowing plenty of delights, and the alluring enticements of all delicacies that either Sea or Land could afford: but now, ſuch was the obſequious fawning of the Grandees, ſuch the inſolence and licentious living of the vulgar, that they grew wanton beyond all meaſure, and ſet no bounds either to their outragious Luſts, or extravagant Expences. Beſides their contempt of their own Laws, Magiſtrates, and Senate, after the overthrow at Cannae they began to deſpiſe the Romans Government, which before they had in ſome kind of reverence; and that which kept them from a preſent revolt, was that by antient Inter-marriages ſeveral of their beſt Families were Allied to the Romans, and eſpecially becauſe when they ſerv'd the Romans in their Wars, three hundred Horſemen of the nobleſt Birth in all Campania, had been drawn out and ſent to reſide in ſeveral Gariſons of Sicily.

Thoſe Gentlemens Parents and Relations with much ado obtain'd, that Embaſſadours ſhould be ſent to the Roman Conſul, who found him (before he marcht to Canuſium) at Venuſia, accompanied with but a few Souldiers, and thoſe ſcarce half-arm'd, in a condition that would moſt of all have moved pity in the Breaſts of well-affected Allies, but to thoſe that were unfaithful and proud, (as theſe Campanians,) apt to render him contemptible; and indeed the Conſul made himſelf and the ſtate of his affairs to be the more deſpiſed, by diſcovering too much his diſtreſs, and laying it too open: For when the Embaſſadours acquainted him, That the Senate and people of Capua, were extreamly ſorry, that any diſaſter had happen'd to the Romans, and offer'd to ſupply him with all things neceſſary for War; he replyed at this rate, You have, O Campanians! rather obſerv'd the common phraſe and civilities uſed amongſt Allies, when you bid us require of you what Warlike aſſiſtances we ſtand in need of, than ſpoken home to the preſent ſtate of our affairs; For what after this defeat at Cannae, have we left? Or how can we, as if we had ſomething of our own, deſire our Confederates to ſupply what we are wanting in? Shall we requeſt Foot of you? Where is our Horſe? Shall we tell you we lack money? as if that were all? No, No, Fortune hath dealt ſo ſeverely, that ſhe hath left us no Fund, nothing that can be made up or ſupplied by others; Our Legions of Infantry, our Cavalry, our Arms, our Standards, our Horſes and our Men, our money and our proviſions; All are loſt either in the Field, or in thoſe two Camps which next day the Enemy made themſelves Maſters of. Your buſineſs therefore, O Campanians! is not ſo much to aſſiſt us, as for us and your ſelves to undertake the War with the Carthaginians; Be pleaſed to remember, when your trembling Anceſtors heretofore were beat into and coop'd up within your Walls, and dreaded not only the Samnites but the Sidicins too, we took them into protection, and bravely defended them at Satricula, and for your ſakes engag'd our ſelves in a War with the Samnites, which laſted with various ſucceſs for an hundred years; Add to this, that when you ſubmitted your ſelves to our Government, we concluded an indifferent and equal League with you, allow'd you your own ancient Laws, and at laſt beſtow'd upon many of you (that which before this diſaſter at Cannae, was always counted no ſmall Honour and Priviledge) the Freedom of our City, and to participate in all rights and immunities equally with our ſelves. Therefore in all reaſon you ought to eſteem the late loſs as much your own as ours; and count it the common Country to us both, which you are to defend. You have not to do with the Samnite or the Etrurian, ſo as that the Empire taken from us, ſhould ſtill remain in Italy; but 'tis the Carthaginian that is your Enemy, drawing with him a barbarous Train of Souldiers from the Worlds end, from as far as the Streights of the Ocean, and the Pillars of Hercules, nay ſome of them not born in Africk it ſelf, but come no body knows from whence, void of all ſenſe of Law or Juſtice, and almoſt uncapable of humane Speech. This brutiſh rabble, wild and cruel both by nature and cuſtom, their General hath rendred yet more ſavage, by making Bridges and Cawſeys of dead Carcaſſes, and teaching them (which I abhor to mention) to feed on Mans fleſh. What mortal born in ſo civil a Country as Italy, can poſſibly endure to ſee and have for his Lords, theſe Monſters, fed with ſuch execrable diet? and run as far as Africk and Carthage for Laws and Juſtice, and ſuffer Italy to be a Province truckling under the Tyranny of Numidians and Moors? How glorious and honourable will it be O worthy Campanians! for you, by your fidelity and proweſs to buoy up, and recover the Roman Empire proſtrated by this overthrow! You can, I believe, in Campania, levy thirty thouſand Foot, and four thouſand Horſe: you have money enough, and enough proviſion; If your Faith be but equal to your Fortune, neither ſhall Annibal have any cauſe to boaſt his Victory, nor will the Romans much feel their loſs.

The Conſul having with this Speech diſmiſs'd the Embaſſadours, as they were going home, one of them, Vibius Virius by name, thus diſcours'd his Companions; The lucky hour (ſays he) is come, wherein the Campanians may not only regain their Lands which the Romans have heretofore unjuſtly taken from them, but may moreover ſecure to themſelves, and enjoy the Empire of all Italy; For they may now make a League with Annibal on what terms they themſelves pleaſe; nor is it to be doubted but Annibal when he has finiſht the War, will go home to Africk, ſo ſhall the command of Italy be left to the Campanians. The reſt all ſubſcrib'd to Virius's notions, and accordingly they gave in a report of their Embaſſy, That in all mens judgment the Roman ſtate was utterly defunct, and loſt beyond any poſſibility of recovery. Whereupon preſently the rabble, and the greateſt part of the Senate, were for a Revolt, but by the authority of ſome perſons of age and gravity, the buſineſs was ſtopt for a few days; however at laſt moſt Voices carried it, That the ſame Embaſſadours that had been with the Roman Conſul, ſhould be ſent to Annibal. In ſome Annals I find, that before they went, or were fully reſolv'd to revolt, Embaſſadours were ſent to Rome, requiring, That if the Romans expected their aſſiſtance, they ſhould admit a Campanian to be always one of their Conſuls, which the Romans took in ſuch indignation, that they forthwith commanded them out of the Senate-Houſe; ſent a Lictor to carry them out of the City, and charge them at their peril not to remain that night within the Roman Territories; but becauſe this demand jumps too near with that of the Latines long before, and ſince Coelius and other Writers have (not without reaſon) paſs'd it over and ſaid nothing thereof, I dare not recommend it for a truth.

'Tis certain their Embaſſadours went to Annibal, and concluded a Peace with him on the Conditions following: That no Carthaginian General or Magiſtrate ſhould have juriſdiction over any Campanian Citizen; nor ſhould any Campanian be compell'd to take Arms, or ſerve any Office without his conſent. That Capua ſhould enjoy its old Laws and Magistrates; that Annibal ſhould beſtow on them three hundred of the Roman Priſoners, ſuch as they ſhould chuſe, to the end they might exchange them for the three hundred Campanian Horſe that were in the Romans Service in Sicily. Theſe were the terms agreed on, but the Campanians beyond their Agreement committed ſeveral Outrages, particularly, the rabble ſeiz'd upon the Captains of ſeveral aſſociate Troops, and other Roman Citizens, reſiding there either in ſome military imployment, or concern'd in other private affairs of their own, and under pretence of ſecuring them, clapt them into the Hot-Houſes, where with the heat and noxious vapours they were ſtiſted to death in an inhumane manner. To prevent both this Cruelty, and their making any Overtures at all to Annibal, one Decius Magius uſed his utmoſt endeavours, a man that well deſerv'd the higheſt Authority, and would have had it too, if he had liv'd amongſt people of judgment and diſcretion; but when notwithſtanding all his Remonſtrances, he heard a Gariſon was to be ſent thither from Annibal, he laid before them the inſolent Tyranny of Pyrrhus, and the wretched condition of the Tarentines, as Precedents ſufficient to give them warning; He ceaſed not to cry out aloud in all places and Companies. Firſt, That they ſhould not admit any ſuch Gariſon within their Walls; and afterwards when they had received them, was as urgent to have them turn'd out again, or rather (he told them) if they would by a brave and memorable exploit, at one for the baſeneſs of revolting from their moſt ancient Allies and Kinsfolks, they ſhould fall upon theſe Carthaginian Troops, and cut every man of them off, and ſo reſtore themſelves to the Romans protection. Theſe Diſcourſes of his being related to Annibal (for they were not ſpoken in hugger mugger) he firſt ſummon'd Magius to appear before him in the Camp; but when he ſtoutly denied to go, alledging that even by their late Articles it was expreſly capitulated, That Annibal ſhould have no juriſdiction over any Citizen of Capua, the Punick was ſo enrag'd, that he commanded him to be ſeiz'd and dragg'd unto him in Chains; but upon cooler thoughts, leſt by offering ſuch violence a tumult ſhould ariſe, and in heat of blood ſome miſchief happen, he reſolv'd to be preſent in perſon, and ſending notice to Marius Bloſius the Praetor of Capua, that he would be there next day, ſets forwards from his Camp with a ſmall guard; Marius having aſſembled the people made Proclamation, that they ſhould be all ready with their Wives and Children in a full body, and ſolemn Order, to meet Annibal upon the way, and welcome him to their City; which was not only obediently, but zealouſly perform'd by them all, both for the fancy the common people always love to be buſy, and eſpecially for the deſire they had to ſee that famous Warriour of whom they had heard ſo much; only Marius for his part would not ſtir a foot to meet him, nor on the other ſide would he keep himſelf private, leſt he might ſeem to be afraid, or conſcious of guilt, but with his Son and a few of his Friends and Dependents, walkt up and down the Market place as unconcern'd; whilſt the whole Town was in an hurry to entertain and gaze at this ſtrange Gueſt; Annibal as ſoon as he came into the City, deſired the Senate might forthwith be Aſſembled, but the principal Capuans beſeeching his Excellency, not to trouble himſelf that day with any ſerious affairs, but that as by his preſence he had made it an Holy Day, ſo he would be pleaſed to celebrate it as ſuch, and partake with them in their univerſal Joys; he was prevail'd with, contrary to his natural haſty temper, to defer it, becauſe he would not at his firſt coming ſeem to deny them any thing; and accordingly ſpent moſt of that day in viewing the City.

He and his whole Train were entertain'd and lodged by the Manii Celeres, and at the Houſe of Stenius Pacuvius, two of the moſt eminent Families both for Nobility and Riches in the City. Pacuvius Calavius whom we mentioned of late, (being the chief of that Faction which brought over the people to the Carthaginian Intereſt) going to the Generals Quarters, carried with him his Son, a young Gentleman, whom he was forc'd almoſt by violence to pluck away from Decius's Company, for he was always of his Party, and moſt ſtifly oppoſed the League with Annibal, nor could the inclinations of the whole City running the other way, or the reverence he had for his Father, alter his reſolutions therein. The Father by begging pardon for this youth rather than by excuſing him, endeavour'd to reconcile him to Annibal's favour, and with his intreaties and tears prevail'd ſo far, that he order'd him to be invited together with his Father to Supper, at which he admitted none but they, and his Landlord, that gave the Entertainment, and one Jubellius Jaurea, a man renowned for his ſervices in War. They began their Banquet by Day-light, and were treated not after the niggardly Punick mode, or with the ſtrict diet of a Camp, but as magnificently regal'd as could be expected in a City and a Family long inur'd to the choiceſt varieties of dainty Diſhes, and abundance of voluptuous ſuperfluity. Only Perolla Pacuvius's Son, alone was melancholly, and could not be prevail'd with to be brisk and jocund; though the Maſters of the Feaſt, and ſometimes Annibal himſelf invited him to be merry; and when his Father inquir'd the cauſe of theſe ſtrange dumps and trouble of mind, he excus'd it, by alledging he was not well; but about Sun-ſet Calavius going out of the room where they ſupp'd, his Son followed him, and when they were come to a place of privacy (a Garden it was on the backſide of the Houſe) I have (ſays he) a contrivance in my head, whereby we may not only obtain the Romans Pardon for our offence in revolting to Annibal, but the ſame will render us Campanians in greater honour and favour with them than ever we were. The Father with Admiration demanding what this contrivance might be? the young man ſlinging back his Gown, ſhows him a Sword by his ſide; This (quoth he) is it; I will ſeal and ratify our League with the Romans with Annibals Blood; But I was willing to let you know it firſt, that if you had rather be abſent whilſt the brave act is doing, you may take your opportunity.

The old man, as if he had already been preſent at the Tragedy, was almoſt out of his Wits; For Heavens ſake, my Son! and by all thoſe ſacred Tyes that oblige Children to their Parents, I beg and conjure you, That you will not, before your Fathers Eyes, do or ſuffer ſuch an execrable piece of Villany, and violate all Law Divine and Humane. There have not many hours paſs'd ſince we ſwore by all the Gods, and join'd our right hands with ſolemn Promiſes of Faith and Amity, and was all this for nothing elſe, but that as ſoon as we had eaten together, and talk'd a while, we ſhould preſently arm our ſelves againſt him? Doſt thou but now riſe from that hoſpitable Board, where thy ſelf was't the third man of all Capua invited by Annibal, and wilt thou now ſtain and pollute that Board with his Blood? Was I thy Father able but now to reconcile Annibal to my Son, and ſhall I not be able to reconcile my Son to Annibal? But if thou doſt indeed think nothing Holy, and haſt no regard to Faith, Religion, or Piety, then boldly go on in thy horrid deſign, if it will not involve us in inevitable deſtruction, as well as ſhameful wickedneſs. What? wilt thou alone ſet upon Annibal? what muſt the multitude of his Guards do the mean while? ſo many brave Officers, and ſo many Servants as conſtantly attend him? Are not all their Eyes, all their hands employ'd to ſecure him from danger? Doſt thou think they will all be blind, or ſtupified at the time of this frantick Enterprize of thine? Thoſe fierce looks of Annibal, which Armed Legions tremble at, and the whole people of Rome cannot ſtand before, canst thou alone undaunted encounter? If other aſſiſtance fail, canſt thou endure to wound me thy Father, when I ſhall interpoſe my Body for the ſafeguard of his? yet ſtab me thou muſt, and ſhalt to the heart, before thou ſhalt be able to reach him; and through my Breaſt muſt aim at Annibal's? Suffer thy ſelf to be deterr'd now from ſuch an abominable undertaking, rather than be deſtroyed in attempting it; And let my intreaties prevail with Thee, which once to day prevail'd for Thee. At theſe words perceiving his Son to weep, he embrac'd and kiſs'd him, and left not off his importunities, till he made him lay away his Sword, and promiſe to deſiſt. Whereupon the young man burſt out into theſe Expreſſions, I will for once be content to pay to my natural Father that Piety which I owe to my Country; but muſt, Sir! bewail your condition, who lie under the guilt of having thrice betray'd her, once when you cauſed our revolt from the Romans; Again, when you were the chief Promoter of the League with Annibal, and now in the third place, by being the only obſtacle and hinderance that Capua is not reſtored to the Romans, and her antient Liberties. Here, my dear Country! take this Sword of mine, with which I had reſolv'd to defend thee, and cut off thy moſt mortal Enemy; take it, I ſay, ſince my own Father hath wreſted it out of my hands; with which words, he flung the Sword over the Garden Wall into the open ſtreet, and to prevent ſuſpition, returned to the Banquet.

The next day a full Senate was call'd in the preſence of Annibal; The beginning of his Speech was very kind and coakſing, Giving the Campanians thanks for preferring his Friendſhip, before their Alliance with the people of Rome, and amongſt other magnificent promiſes, aſſur'd them, That Capua e're long ſhould be the Metropolis of all Italy, whereunto the Romans themſelves, as well as other Nations, ſhould reſort for Law and Juſtice. But withal told them, he underſtood there was a certain perſon amongſt them, that had no ſhare in the League made with the Carthaginians, and who neither was a true Citizen of Capua, nor ought ſo to be accounted; This was one Magius Decius by name, whom he did demand to be delivered up into his hands, and that in his preſence the Senate would paſs Judgment upon him. To this they all conſented, though the greater part knew well enough the Gentleman was far from deſerving any ſuch Calamity, and withal perceiv'd that this Invaſion of their Liberties in the beginning threatned no leſs than a total ſubverſion of them in the end. The chief Magiſtrate went out of the Council Chamber, and ſat in the Temple, where they were wont to hold their Courts of Judicature; and Decius Magius being apprehended, and brought before him, was Ordered to Anſwer for himſelf, but he perſiſting in his former ſtoutneſs of ſpirit, Told them he was not bound ſo to do by the Articles of the League, whereupon he was clapt in Irons, and an Officer commanded to convey him to Annibal's Camp; All the way as he was led, whilſt he was open-fac'd, he went preaching to the multitude, and crying out, Now, O Capuans! you have I hope that liberty that you ſo much long'd for. In the open Market-place, at Noon-day before you all, I, a perſon inferiour to none in Capua, am drag'd along in Chains to be unjuſtly put to death; What greater outrage could have been committed, if Capua had been ſtorm'd by an Enemy? Go out in pomp to meet Annibal, adorn your City, and Regiſter this day of his Entrance as an Holy Day, that in the end you may behold this goodly triumph over one of your own Citizens. The people ſeeming to be moved with ſuch his Exclamations, he was order'd to be muffled, and haſtned out of the Gates; being brought to the Camp, he was immediately put on board a Ship bound for Carthage, leſt by any tumult happening at Capua upon ſo unuſual a proceeding, the Senate ſhould repent themſelves of delivering up ſuch a principal Member, and ſend to deſire his Releaſe; by denying of which Annibal muſt offend his new Allies, and by granting it, have always an Enemy at Capua ready to ſtir them up againſt his Intereſt; The Ship that was to tranſport him happen'd to be driven by ſtreſs of weather into Cyrenae, a Port-Town at that time under the Kings of Egypt, and Magius getting aſhore, fled for Sanctuary to the Statue of King Ptolemy, and thereupon was carried by certain Officers to that Prince at Alexandria. To whom having related how he was put in Chains by Annibal againſt all right, and contrary to his own League, the King cauſed his Shackles to be knockt off, and gave him leave to return to Capua, or go to Rome, which he pleaſed; But he reckoning Capua not ſafe, and that at Rome in ſuch a Juncture he ſhould be lookt upon rather as a Fugitive than a Friend, declared, he would ſpend the reſt of his days no where more willingly than in his Majeſtie's Territories, who had given him his Life and Liberty.

During theſe Occurrents, Q. Fabius Pictor comes back to Rome from Delphos; and read the Anſwer of the Oracle out of a writing which he brought, containing the names of the Gods they were to addreſs themſelves unto, and in what manner; concluding thus. If theſe things, O Romans, you ſhall do, then ſhall your affairs ſucceed better and more fortunately, and your Commonwealth ſhall thrive according to your deſires, and the people of Rome ſhall be Victorious over their Enemies; but remember when all things go well on your ſide, and that your State is preſerved, That ye ſend to Pythian Apollo a Preſent anſwerable to your Succeſſes, and honour him with part of the ſpoils and booty, and keep your ſelves from laſciviouſneſs. After he had repeated this tranſlated out of Greek Verſe; he added, That ſo ſoon as he departed from the Oracle; he ſacrificed to all thoſe Gods with Wine and Frankincenſe, and that being commanded by the Prieſt, that as he approached the Oracle, having on a Laurel Crown, and in the ſame had ſacrificed, ſo he ſhould go on board with it, and not leave it off till he arriv'd at Rome; all which with the higheſt diligence and devotion he had performed accordingly, and depoſited the Crown on the Altar of Apollo in Rome. And the Senate decreed, That all thoſe Sacrifices and ſupplications enjoin'd, ſhould with care and ſpeed be celebrated. Whilſt theſe things were a doing in Italy, Mago the Son of Amilcar arriv'd at Carthage, ſent as an Expreſs to give an account of the Victory at Cannae, yet not directly from his Brother out of the Field, but ſtaid ſome dayes by the way to receive the ſubmiſſions of ſeveral Cities of the Bruttii revolting from the Romans. This Gentleman being brought to his Audience, ſet forth at large the Atchievements of his Brother Annibal in Italy. That he had given Battel to ſix Generals, whereof four were Conſuls, the other two a Dictator, and a General of the Horſe; That he had engag'd in pitcht Fields with ſix intire Conſular Armies, and ſlain above two hundred thouſand of the Enemy, taken above fifty thouſand. That of four Conſuls he had cut off two, and of the other two, one was wounded, and the other having loſt his whole Army, forc'd to fly with not above fifty men to accompany him. That the General of the Cavalry, created with full Conſular Authority, was routed and put to fl • ght, and the Dictator (forſooth) that never durſt hazard the Fortune of a Battel, was now counted the only worthy General. That the Bruttii, the Apulians, and part of the Samnites and Lucanians, were already revolted to the Carthaginians; And Capua the head City, not only of Campania, but (ſince the Roman State thus brought down at Cannae) of all Italy, had freely ſet open their Gates to Annibal; For all which great and ſignal Victories, he deſired (as was moſt due) That there ſhould a Thanksgiving day be kept, with Sacrifices to the Immortal Gods.

Then to confirm their Belief of theſe joyful news, he cauſed the golden Rings taken from thoſe of the Enemy that were ſlain, to be pour'd down upon the Floor in the Lobby before the Senate-Houſe; which made ſo great an heap, that ſome Authors ſay, they fill'd three and an half of thoſe meaſures call'd Modii [in all almoſt two Buſhels of our meaſure.] But the common report and moſt probable is, That it was but one Modius-full; After which, to ſhew the greatneſs of the overthrow, he acquainted them, That none of the Romans but Knights and perſons of Quality were allow'd to wear that Ornament. The drift and concluſion of his Speech was this, That the greater their hopes were of putting in a ſhort time a period to the War, the more vigorous they ought to be in ſupplying Annibal with all neceſſaries, conſidering that he mannaged a War far from home, in the midſt of the Enemies Country; That abundance of Corn and Money was neceſſarily ſpent, and as ſo many Battels had utterly deſtroy'd the Enemies Armies, ſo they could not but have diminiſht the Conquerors Forces; Therefore new Recruits muſt be ſent over, and money to pay off the Souldiers Arrears, with ſtore of Proviſions for thoſe brave Souldiers, who had ſo well deſerv'd of the Carthaginian Nation. All being overjoy'd at this news, Himilco a Senator of the Barchine Faction, ſuppoſing he had now a fit opportunity to rally and upbraid Hanno the chief of thoſe that oppos'd them. How now Hanno? (quoth he) do you ſtill repent of undertaking this War againſt the Romans? Now bid us ſurrender up Annibal into their hands; oppoſe the returning of thanks to the Gods for all theſe proſperous ſucceſſes; Let us hear a Roman Senator now Harangue it in the Council of Carthage: Then ſtood up Hanno, ſaying, I intended, my Lords! to have been ſilent to day, leſt in this common Jollity, I ſhould ſay any thing that might not be ſo pleaſing as I could wiſh; but ſince a Senator hath been pleas'd to Catechize me, and demands directly, whether I ſtill miſlike our undertaking this War with the Romans? If I ſhould ſay nothing, I may be cenſur'd either as proud or culpable; forgetful of other mens Liberty, or not enough remembring my own. I will therefore Anſwer Himilco, and frankly tell him, That I have not yet left off to diſlike this War; nor ſhall ceaſe to blame our Invincible General, until I ſee the ſame ended upon ſome equal and tolerable Conditions; For nothing can ſati • fy my longing after the old Peace, but the making of a new one. Thoſe particulars which Mago but now recounted ſo magnificently, as they are at preſent moſt joyful to Himilco, and the reſt of Annibal's Favourites, ſo they may prove welcome to me, in this reſpect, That ſucceſs in War, if we make a right uſe of our Fortune, will be a means to procure us an eaſy and honourable Peace. For if we overſlip this Juncture, wherein we ſeem able to give, rather than accept a Peace, I am afraid even this very Joy of ours, will but tickle our fancies for a while, and prove vain in the end. But let us conſider of what kind it is even at preſent, and how grounded; The ſumm and ſubſtance of Annibals Meſſage is this. I have routed the Enemy and destroy'd their Armies. Therefore ſend me more Forces. What could he demand more, if he had been overthrown? I have taken two Camps of the Enemies, full (we muſt think) of Victuals and all good things; allow me therefore ſpeedily Proviſions, Corn and Money; what could he have deſired elſe, if he h • d been plunder'd and turn'd out of his own Camp? But that I may not wonder alone at theſe ſtrange Concluſions (ſince now I have anſwer'd Himilco, I may ſure be free to ask a queſtion or two) I would deſire either Himilco, or Mago, to ſatisfy us in the following particulars, ſince you ſay that in the Battel at Cannae the Roman Empire was wholly ruin'd beyond reſource, and that all Italy is upon the Revolt; I demand firſt, whether any one Nation of the Latine People be come over to us? And in the next place, whether any one perſon of all the five and thirty Tribes of Romans is fled to Annibal?

Mago anſwering in the Negative to both theſe Interrogatories, the other continued, Then I perceive there yet remain a multitude of Enemies; but now I would fain know in what heart they are, and whether or no they yet keep up their ſpirits and their hopes! Mago ſaying he could give no account of that: There is nothing (quoth Hanno) more eaſie to be known: Have the Romans yet ſent any Embaſſadors to Annibal to intreat for Peace? or are you certainly inform'd that at Rome they talk of Peace? When that too was denyed, Nay then (ſays Hanno) by this account we have ſtill as freſh and intire a War as we had that very day that Annibal firſt ſet foot in Italy; there are many of us yet alive that remember how various the ſucceſs was in the former War; nothing could be more proſperous or in a better condition, both at Land and Sea, than our affairs before C. Luctatius and Aulus Poſtumius came to be Conſuls; and yet before they were out of their Conſulſhip, we were vanquiſh'd and utterly overthrown at the Iſland Aegates. And if (may the Gods divert the Omen) any change of fortune ſhould now alſo happen, can you hope for a Peace when we are worſted, when no man ſo much as offers or ſeeks after it now we are all Conquerors? For my part if my opinion were ask'd, touching a Peace, either upon Terms to be tendered to the Enemy, or propoſed by them, I know well what to ſay, but as for theſe demands which Mago makes on Annibals behalf, my judgment is, That there is no occaſion to ſend ſuch ſupplies to thoſe that already are Conquerours; and if they do but abuſe us with an empty noiſe of Victory, much leſs ought we to ſend them. But this Speech of Hanno's did not much ſway with the Senate, for his known animoſity againſt the Barchine Family made his Authority in this matter of little weight, and beſides, their minds were ſo taken up with the preſent Joy, that they could not endure to hear any thing that might leſſen that ſatisfaction, and did fully perſwade themſelves, that the War would ſoon be at an end, if they did but now ſtrain a little to help it forward, Therefore with great conſent, there paſs'd an Act of the Senate, That forty thouſand Numidians ſhould be ſent Annibal for recruits, and forty Elephants, and many Talents of Silver; Alſo a Dictator was diſpatcht away with Mago, into Spain, to raiſe twenty thouſand Foot, and four thouſand Horſe to reinforce the Armies that were there and in Italy.

But theſe things though briskly voted, were yet (as oft it happens when people are in proſperity) but ſlowly accompliſhed. Whereas on the other ſide, neither the Romans natural diligence, nor preſent Fortune, would permit them to make any delays; For as the Conſul was not wanting in any affairs that he was concern'd in, ſo the Dictator, as ſoon as he had diſpatcht the neceſſary Ceremonies of Religion, and obtain'd the peoples order for his advance; beſides the two City Legions, which in the beginning of the year had been levyed by the Conſuls, and the Bondſlaves that were before muſtered, and ſome Regiments gather'd out of the Picenes and Gauls Country; For a further help at a dead lift, conſidering that in caſes of Extremity, courſes may be lawful, or at leaſt excuſable, which at other times are not to be allow'd, he deſcended ſo far as to make Proclamation, That all Priſoners for Capital Crimes, or in Execution for Debt, who would liſt themſelves Souldiers, ſhould be diſcharged and freed from their Creditors; and of ſuch he Armed ſix thouſand, with the ſpoils of the Gauls, which were carryed about for ſhew in the Triumph of C. Flaminius, and ſo march'd from Rome five and twenty thouſand ſtrong. Annibal having poſſeſs'd himſelf of Capua, and once more ſolicited the Neapolitans, tempting their minds ſometimes with hopes, ſometimes with fears, but all in vain, leads his Army into the Territories of Nola, deſigning not at firſt to go roughly to work with them, becauſe he was in ſome hopes they might voluntarily comply; but if they anſwer'd not his expectations in ſome reaſonable time, reſolv'd to put them to all the Extremities they could either ſuffer or fear. The Senate of that City, and eſpecially the principal of them, continued firm to their Alliance with the Romans, but the Commons (as their manner is) greedy of alterations, were all for Annibal, alledging their fears of having the Country plunder'd, and the Calamities of a Siege; nor were there wanting ſome people of Quality to puſh them on to a Revolt. Whereupon the Senate, fearing they might not be able to reſiſt the popular Torrent, if they ſhould openly thwart their inclinations, by temporizing and ſeeming to comply, gain'd their point, and prevented the miſchief; pretending that they approved of a Revolt to Annibal, but were not yet agreed on what terms they ſhould enter into this new Alliance. So having gain'd time, they ſend Poſt an Expreſs, to Marcellus Claudius the Roman Praetor, who lay then with his Army at Caſilinum, acquainting him, in what danger the ſtate of Nola ſtood, That Annibal was already master of the Country, and would quickly be ſo of the Town, if they were not aſſiſted; That the Senate were already driven to this ſhift to promiſe the Commons to revolt whenever they would have them, or elſe they had in Rebellion before this time. Marcellus praiſing the Senates prudence and fidelity, deſires them to ſpin out time by the ſame Artifice, until he could come up, and in the interim to conceal this correſpondence, and ſeem to have no hopes of aſſiſtance from the Romans. And himſelf with all Expedition march'd from Caſilinum to Calatia, and thence having paſs'd the River Vulturnus, through the Territories of Saticula and Trebia, came by Sueſſula over the Mountains to Nola.

Before he got thither, Annibal was gone out of that Country, towards the Sea near Naples, for his teeth water'd at that fine Sea-Port Town, to which Ships at any time might ſafely arrive from Africk; but finding that City under a Roman Governour (which was M. Junius Syllanus, call'd in, by the Inhabitants themſelves) not being able to get into either Naples or Nola, he went to Nuceria. Having lain before that Town a good while, and endeavour'd in vain to take it by force, or get it ſurrendred by trinkling ſometimes with the people, and ſometimes with the Nobles, meer Famine at laſt oblig'd them to yield to him, upon condition to march clear away in ſingle Garments, leaving their Arms behind them. And (as he always would ſeem kind to all Italians, but the Romans) he offer'd them good pay and preferments, if they would take up Arms under him; But not a man would ſtay, but got away, ſome to their Friends, and others at a venture as their minds ſtood, to divers Cities of Campania, but moſt to Nola and Naples. Amongſt the reſt almoſt thirty Senators, and thoſe too generally of the firſt rank, came to Capua; but being not admitted there, (becauſe they had ſhut their Gates againſt Annibal,) they took up their Reſidence at Cumes. The ſpoil of Nuceria was given to the Souldiers, and then the City burnt. Marcellus in the mean time held Nola, confiding no leſs in the good will of the chief Inhabitants, than in the ſtrength of his own Gariſon; but was in jealouſy of the Commons, and above all the reſt there was one L. Bantius, who having before been in the Conſpiracy, and conſequently fearing the Roman Praetor, was always contriving either to betray the Town, or elſe to run away to the Enemy; A ſtout young man he was, and one of the braveſt Cavaliers of all the Romans Confederates, who being found half dead amongſt the heaps of the ſlain, at Cannae, Annibal not only took care to have his wounds cured, but alſo ſent him home with very bountiful gifts, in gratitude for which favours, he was willing to yield up Nola into his hands, and the Praetor having an Eye upon him, plainly perceiv'd that his head was at work by all means to compaſs that alteration. Now there were but two ways to deal with him, either to cut him off by rigour, or win him by Courteſy, and he thought it a better courſe to gain unto himſelf ſo brave and valiant a Friend, than only to deprive the Enemy of him, Therefore ſending for him, he thus kindly accoſts him; I cannot but judge that you have many amongſt your Fellow Citizens that envy you, ſince no one man of your Town hath all this while given me an account of your Character, and thoſe gallant military Exploits you have done, but 'tis not poſſible any mans merit, that ſerves under the Romans, ſhould long lye obſcure or unrewarded; ſeveral that were your Fellow Souldiers have of late inform'd me what a ſtout Gentleman you are; how often and how bravely you have hazarded your Life for the honour and ſafety of the people of Rome; and particularly how in the Battel of Cannae, you gave not over fighting, till having ſcarce any blood left, you were beat down by the heaps of Men, Horſes and Arms tumbling upon you; Therefore I applaud and wiſh all ſucceſs to your valour, which from me ſhall never want either Honour or Reward; and the oftner you viſit me, you ſhall find it ſhall be the more for your dignity and profit; and withal, beſides theſe fair promiſes, gave him an excellent Horſe, and ordered the Treaſurer to tell him out five hundred Bigats of Silver [between fifteen and ſixteen pound ſterling] and likewiſe commanded the Lictors to admit him to his preſence, without any waiting, whenever he came to ſpeak with him.

Theſe Civilities of Marcellus did ſo charm the mind of this haughty young Gentleman, that thence forwards of all their Aſſociates, no one did more ſtrenuouſly or faithfully promote the Roman Intereſt. Annibal having again removed his Camp from Nuceria to Nola, Marcellus upon their approach withdrew his Army into the Town, not that he was afraid to keep the Field, but to prevent any opportunity of betraying the City, ſeeing too many of the Inhabitants inclinable thereunto. After this they began on both ſides to arrange their Forces and face each other; the Romans under the Walls of Nola, the Carthaginians before their own Entrenchments; thus there happen'd ſeveral Skirmiſhes between the City and the Camp, with various ſucceſs; For the Generals neither hindred ſmall parties that were eager to fight, nor yet would give the ſignal for a general Battel; whilſt thus the two Armies were continually upon their Guard, Marcellus was advertiz'd by the chief Nobles of Nola, That there were ſecret correſpondencies held by night between ſome of the inferiour Townſmen and the Carthaginians, who had agreed, That when the Romans were march'd out of the Gates, they ſhould ſeize their Baggage and Carriages, and ſhut the Gates upon them, and ſecure the Walls; that being Maſters both of their Goods, and of the City, they would let in the Carthaginians inſtead of the Romans. Upon this advice, Marcellus (having thankt the Senators that gave it) reſolv'd before any mutiny ſhould happen in the City, to hazard the Fortune of a Battel. At the three Gates that fronted the Enemy, he drew up his Army in three diſtinct Bodies, giving order that the Carriages ſhould follow, and the Lackies, Snapſack Boys, and weak or ſick Souldiers to carry Palizado's for the Rampire. At the middle Gate he placed the choiceſt of the Roman Legions and Horſe, at the other two, the new-raiz'd men, and thoſe lightly arm'd, together with the Auxiliary Horſe. The Townſmen were commanded not to come near the Walls or Gates, and ſufficient Guards appointed to the Carriages and Baggage to prevent any ſurprize; thus prepared, they ſtood within the Gates. Annibal who ſtood in Battalia moſt part of the day (as he had done ſeveral dayes before) wondred greatly at firſt, that neither the Roman Army came out, nor any one in Arms appeared on the Walls, but at laſt concluding his correſpondence was diſcovered, and that for meer fear, they were thus ſtill and quiet, ſends back part of his Forces into their Camp, with order to bring out all the Artillery neceſſary for the ſtorming the Town, not doubting, but if he aſſaulted them briskly, the people within would quickly raiſe ſome tumult. But, anon, when his Souldiers were all in a hurry, every man about his charge, in the Front, and he was juſt advancing to ſtorm the Walls, on a ſudden, one of the Gates flew open, Marcellus ſounds a charge, his men ſet up a ſhout, and firſt the Foot, and after them the Horſe, iſſue, and charge the Enemy with all the violence imaginable; By that time they had ſufficiently terrified and diſorder'd their main Body; P. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Aurelius, two Lieutenant Generals, iſſued forth at the other two Gates, upon their Flanks and Wings; The Snapſack-Boys, Attendants and other multitude ſet to Guard the Baggage, ſhouted and hallow'd as faſt as the beſt of them, ſo that whereas the Carthaginians before deſpiſed them, eſpecially for the ſmallneſs of their numbers, they now fancied them to be a mighty Army; I dare not indeed affirm, what ſome Authors write, That of the Enemy there were two thouſand three hundred ſlain, and but one man loſt on the Romans ſide; but be the Victory greater or leſs, it was an excellent piece of ſervice at this Juncture; and I think I may ſay of the greateſt conſequence of any thing acted in all that War; For at that time of day, it was a more difficult matter for the Romans (that had been of late ſo often baffled) not to be overcome by Annibal, than afterwards to overcome him.

Annibal ſeeing no hopes of making himſelf Maſter of Nola, retreated to Acerrae; Marcellus in the mean time cauſing the Gates of Nola to be ſhut, and Guards ſet that none ſhould paſs forth, ſat judicially in the Market place to examine thoſe that had held private Conference with the Enemy, of whom above ſeventy being found guilty, were Beheaded, their Goods ſold, and the Money delivered to the Senate; then marching away with his Army, above Sueſſula, he Encamp'd himſelf. The Punick endeavour'd firſt to draw the Acerrans to a voluntary Surrender, but finding them obſtinate, begins to beſiege and ſtorm the Town, whoſe Inhabitants had more Stomach than Courage, and therefore deſpairing to defend themſelves, as ſoon as they ſaw a Circumvallation was making before their Walls, before the Line was finiſht, in the dead of the night, ſtole away as well as they could by the Guards, and fled (every one as his Wits guided, or his fear carryed him) into ſuch Cities of Campania as continued firm to the Romans; Annibal after he had plunderd and burnt Acerrae, having intelligence, that the Roman Dictator and Legions were come up towards Caſilinum, fearing leſt being ſo near they ſhould have ſome deſign upon Capua, leads his Army to Caſilinum. There were then in that Town, five hundred Praeneſtines with a few Romans and Lat • nes, which the news of the defeat at Cannae had brought thither; For the levy at Praeneſte not being finiſht by the day appointed, they ſetting out late from home, being come to Caſilinum, join'd with certain Romans, and others of the Allies, and ſet forwards from thence in a pretty handſome Body, but the noiſe of the overthrow at Cannae, turn'd them back again to Caſilinum, where having ſpent ſome days, ſuſpecting and being no leſs ſuſpected of the Campanians (for they were mutually counter-plotting upon each other) hearing at laſt for certain, that Capua was revolted, and had entertain'd Annibal; they one night maſſacred the Townſmen, and ſeiz'd on that part of the City which ſtood on this ſide Vultu • nus (for that River ran through and divided it) where they ſtill kept Gariſon, being reinforc'd with a Company of Peruſines, conſiſting of four hundred and ſixty men, driven to Caſilinum by the ſame ſad tidings that brought the Praeneſtines thither; and as they ſeem'd enow to defend that place (conſidering the Walls were of ſo ſmall a ſpace, and that they were flankt on one ſide by the River) ſo for the proportion of Corn, (whereof they had but little) they were indeed too many.

Annibal being come pretty near, ſent a Party of Getulians, under the Conduct of one Iſalca, with Orders firſt, if he could come to a Parley, to perſwade them with fair words to open their Gates and receive a Gariſon, but if they continued obſtinate, to attack them briskly, and try if in any part he could ſtorm the Town. When they came up to the Walls, this Barbarian Captain finding nothing but ſtillneſs and ſolitude, concluded they had abandon'd it for fear; and ſet his men to break open the Gates, and force the Locks and Bars; but on a ſudden the Gates flew open, and two compleat Companies drawn up within, ſally out with a mighty ſhout, and cut to pieces abundance of the Enemy. The firſt, being thus repuls'd, Maharbal was ſent with a greater force, yet neither could he endure the charge of theſe Companies ſallying out upon him. At laſt Annibal Encamping juſt before the Walls, prepares with all his Forces and utmoſt ſtrength to aſſault this little City and petty Gariſon, and whilſt he preſſed hard upon them, inveſting it round with his Souldiers, he loſt a great many men, and eſpecially ſuch as were moſt active and forwards; once upon a ſally planting his Elephants between them and home, he had like to have int • rcepted them, and forc'd them to run for their lives into the City, not a few (conſidering their ſmall number) being left dead behind them, and more had been cut off, if the approach of night had not favour'd them. The next day the Aſſailants were all ſharp ſet to give a freſh and hot charge, and the more to enflame them, a golden Coronet was propoſed to whatever ſhould firſt ſcale the Wall; and the General himſelf upbraided them, that they who ſtorm'd Saguntum ſhould ſtand ſo long trifling about a paltry Borough ſituate too upon a Plain; and at the ſame time put them all in general, and each man by himſelf in mind of the gallant ſervice they had done at Cannae, Thraſymenus and Trebia; then began they to play their Engines, and undermine; nor omitted any thing that could be attempted either by Force or Art. The Defendants raiſed Mounts within to oppoſe their Fabricks without, and prevented their Mines with Countermines and croſs Trenches, ſo as both above ground and beneath they fruſtrated all their deſigns, till at laſt Annibal for very ſhame gave over the Enterprize; And having fortified his ſtanding Camp, and left a competent Guard to defend it (becauſe he would not ſeem wholly to quit the Siege) withdrew into Capua for his Winter Quarters. There he kept his Army moſt part of the Winter, in cloſe Houſes and wa • m Beds, who always before had been enur'd to all the hardſhips that men could endure, and not acquainted with good keeping, much leſs with the delights of the World. Thus thoſe very men that had triumph over the horrours of the Alps, and were not to be broken by any Extremity, were ſpoil'd and undone by too good uſage, and exceſs of pleaſures; to which they ſo much the more greedily abandon'd themſelves, as they were unaccuſtomed thereunto. Sleep and drunkenneſs, and delicate Fare, and Wenching, the Stews and the Hot Houſes, Eaſe and Idleneſs, which every day g • ew more pleaſant and habitual, had ſo weakned their Bodies and debauch'd their minds, that henceforwards they ſubſiſted rather by the reputation of their paſt Victories, than any preſent ſtrength or manhood; Inſomuch that thoſe well skill'd in affairs of War, reckon this Wintering at Capua to be no leſs an over ſight in Annibal, than his not marching to rights to Rome from the Battel of Cannae; For that delay did only ſeem to defer, but this errour deſtroy'd the hopes of Victory for ever. Moſt certain it is, he march'd out of Capua, as it were with a new Army, for they had nothing of their old Diſcipline, or hardy Courage; For not only they parted thence, intangled or encumbred with Harlots, but when they came to lie abroad in the Field, and to endure hard marches and other military toils, their Bodies and Spirits fainted, juſt as if they had been raw freſh-water Souldiers: ſo that all that Summer, abundance of them fled from their Colours, and the chief place of reſort where they lurk'd and ſhelter'd themſelves, was Capua.

The Winter being pretty well over, Annibal again took the Field, and return'd to Caſilinum, where though there had not been much Battery, yet the Blockade continuing, had reduced the Townſmen and Gariſon to the extremity of want. Marcellus with all his heart would have relieved them, but he was hindred, both by the overflow of the River Vulturnus, and the intreaties of the people of Nola and Acerrae, fearing to be over-run by the Capuans, if once the Roman Gariſons were withdrawn. As for T. Sempronius Gracchus, who at that time commanded in chief the Roman Army in thoſe parts, the Dictator being gone to Rome to repeat the Auſpices, had given expreſs Orders, not to attempt any thing in his abſence, ſo that though he lay Encamp'd near Caſilinum, yet he could not ſtir a foot to help them; and yet there came to him daily ſuch tidings as might have provok'd the greateſt patience in the World; for 'twas certain, that ſome not able to endure the Famine any longer, had flung themſelves down headlong; and others expos'd their naked Breaſts upon the Walls as Buts for the Darts and Arrows of the Enemy. Sadly griev'd was Gracchus at this news: fight the Enemy he durſt not, becauſe that was contrary to the Dictators Commands; without fighting he ſaw he could not ſend them in any Proviſions openly; nor had he any hopes to do it privately; at laſt having got what meal he could out of the adjacent Country, therewith he fills ſeveral Barrels, and got an opportunity to adviſe them in the Town to take them up as they ſhould come ſwimming down the River, which the night following they received and equally divided among them. The next night, and the third, they uſed the ſame ſtratagem, for being put into the water in the night, and coming down before day, they eſcaped the Enemies Centinels. But afterwards by continual Rains, the River ſwelling higher than ordinary, ſome of theſe Veſſels were driven by the Current, croſs the Channel, and lodg'd on the Bankſide amongſt the Oſiers, near the Enemies Guard, wherewith Annibal being made acquainted, he cauſed a more ſtrict watch to be kept, that nothing ſent down the River might eſcape them. After this there were great ſtore of Nuts poured into the water from the Roman Camp, which floating along unperceiv'd in the middle of the ſtream, were taken up by thoſe of the Town in Wicker-Baskets. In fine, they were reduc'd to ſuch extremity, as to take the Thongs and Leather from their Shields and Bucklers, and making them ſoft in ſcalding Water, tryed to eat them; Nay, they fed on Mice and all other Vermine and Carrion, nor was there a Weed or Root they could come at on the Banks and Terraces under the Wall, but they devoured it, and when the Enemy had turn'd up with a Plow all the Green ſod at the foot of the Counterſcarp, they caſt Turnip-Seed upon the Mould, which made Annibal cry out, What a Devil muſt we lie before Caſilinum until thoſe Rapes are grown and ripe? And then, he that before would never hear of any Compoſition, conſented to a Parley for ranſoming all that were Freemen in the Town. It being agreed, they ſhould pay ſeven Ounces of gold a Head; and ſo ſecurity being given for performance of Articles, they ſurrendred, and were kept Priſoners till the gold was paid, and then, ſent with a Safe-Conduct to Cumes, for that's more credible than the report that they were cut off by his Cavalry, ſent after them on the way thither. Moſt of them were Praeneſtines, and of five hundred and ſeventy there in Gariſon, on half well near were deſtroy'd, either by the Sword or Famine: the reſt return'd ſafe to Praeneſte with their Commander Manicius (one who formerly had been a Scrivener) in memorial of whom a Statue was erected in the Market place of Praeneſte, arm'd at all points, in a long Robe, and his Head cover'd; and three other Figures with this Inſcription engraven on a Braſs plate. That they were vow'd by Manicius for the Souldiers that were under him in the Gariſon at Caſilinum. And the ſame Inſcription was under three other Images ſet up in the Temple of Fortune.

The Town of Caſilinum was reſtor'd to the Campanians, ſtrengthned with a Gariſon of ſeven hundred men out of Annibals Army, l • ſt when he was gone, the Romans ſhould attack it; The Senate of Rome beſtow'd on theſe Praeneſtine Souldiers double pay, and five years vacancy from ſerving in any War, they alſo offer'd to make them free Burgeſſes of Rome, but they declined it, and choſe rather to live in their own Country; what was done for the Peruſians is not ſo plainly recorded, it not appearing by any Monuments of their own, or Records of the Romans. At this time the Petellines, who alone of all the Bruttii ſtood faſt to the Romans, were attacqu'd, not only by the Carthaginians, who were Maſters of moſt of the Country round them, but alſo by the reſt of the Bruttii, becauſe they would not join with them; In this diſtreſs the Petellines ſent to the Romans for a Garriſon; whoſe intreaties and tears (for when they were bid defend themſelves as well as they could, they flung themſelves down at the Door of the Senate, and wept abundantly) did very much move the compaſſion both of the Senators and Commons, yet being again conſulted about it, and having ſurvey'd all the ſtrength of the Empire, they were at laſt forc'd to confeſs, that it lay not in their power at preſent to aſſiſt and defend their Allies ſo remote, but wiſh'd them to go home, and ſince they had continued their fidelity to the utmoſt, henceforth they gave leave for them to uſe any Expedients as might be moſt for their own preſervation. This Anſwer being reported by the Embaſſadours to the Petellines, their Senate was ſo ſurpriz'd, that moſt of them were for deſerting the City, and ſhifting every one for himſelf; others ſeeing they were abandon'd by their own Allies, were for ſiding with the reſt of the Bruttii, and by their mediation to be reconcil'd to Annibal: but at laſt that Party prevail'd who were for reſolving upon nothing raſhly. So the buſineſs being adjourn'd, at the next Aſſembly, the fright being ſomewhat over, the chief Noblemen carryed it, That all their people ſhould bring in their Goods out of the Country, and the City be fortified.

About this time Letters came to Rome, both out of Sicily and Sardinia; Thoſe from Otacilius the Pro-Praetor of Sicily were firſt read in the Senate, purporting, That L. Furius the Praetor was come back to Lilybaeum from Africk with the Fleet, dangerouſly wounded and like to die; That neither the Souldiers nor Seamen had their pay, nor their allowance of Proviſions at the times appointed, therefore he earneſtly entreated that the ſame might be ſent with all Expedition, and withal, if their Lordſhips thought fit, to diſpatch one of the new elected Praetors to ſucceed him in his Government; Much to the ſame effect, as for Money and Corn, did A. Cornelius Mammula the Pro-Praetor of Sicily, write; And a ſhort Anſwer was return'd to them both, That there was none to ſend; but they muſt provide for their Armies and Fleets as well as they could. Whereupon Otacilius ſending to King Hiero (the Romans only help at a dead lift) procur'd from him money enough to pay off his Souldiers Arrears, and alſo ſix Months Proviſions. And the aſſociate Cities furniſht Cornelius in Sardinia very bountifully. At Rome they were in ſuch want of money, that they were forc'd at the inſtance of Minucius Tribune of the Commons, to create three Bankers who were call'd Triumviri Menſarii, viz. L. Aemilius, who had been Conſul and Cenſor, and M. Atilius Regulus who had twice been Conſul, and L. Scribonius Libo who at that that time was one of the Tribunes of the Commons. The two Atilii, M. and C. were alſo Created Duumviri, and Conſecrated the Temple of Concord, which L. Manlius the Praetor had vow'd. Three Pontiffs were alſo made, Q. Caecilius Metellus, Q. Fabius Maximus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in the room of P. Scantinius late deceaſed, and of L. Aemilius Paulus, and Q. Aelius Paetus, both ſlain at Cannae.

The Fathers having with all the induſtry, and as much prudence as was poſſible, ſupplyed what was wanting abroad, to repair the Breaches which ill fortune had made in their State, had at laſt reſpect to themſelves, the ſolitude and thinneſs of their own Houſe, and the ſmall number of thoſe left to manage publick Councils, for there had been no new Election of Senators ſince the Cenſorſhip of L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius, in which five Years time, a great number of them, what with private Caſualties, and eſpecially by the publick Loſſes in ſo many Battels, had been taken off. M. Aemilius the Praetor, in the abſence of the Dictator (for ſince the loſs of Caſilinum he was gone to the Army) did, upon the requeſt of them all, propoſe this matter, and Sp. Carvilius having in a long ſpeech, bewail'd not only the penury of the City in general, but alſo the ſmall number that was leſt of thoſe Citizens out of whom Senators were wont to be choſen, told them, That he thought it adviſable both for filling up the Body of the Senate, and to oblige the Latine Nation in a ſtricter bond of unity, two Senators of each Latine State (if the Houſe ſhould ſo thinks fit) be naturaliz'd, and then taken into the Senate in the room of thoſe deceaſed. This motion was generally as ill reſented as the Latines demand to the ſame purpoſe heretofore, and there being throughout the whole Houſe a great muttering and indignation, Manlius ſtarts up, There is yet (quoth he) one man left yet alive of that Family, and his Lineage who formerly ſwore in the Capitol, That whatſoever Latine he ſaw ſitting in the Roman Senate he would kill him with his own hand. Q. Fabius Maximus added, That there never was ſo unſeaſonable a motion made between thoſe Walls, for the affections of their Allies being already wavering, and their Faith ſo uncertain and doubtful, the very mention of ſuch a matter were enough to alienate them quite; Therefore by all means he deſired this raſh Speech of one inconſiderate perſon, might become extinct by the ſilence of them all. For if ever there were utter'd in that Council any thing which 'twas fit to keep conceal'd, this very buſineſs above all others ought to be buried in oblivion, and reputed as never ſpoken at all. So that project was daſht, and they reſolv'd, that a Dictator ſhould be choſen to ſupply the Vacancies in the Senate, one that had been Cenſor, and the eldeſt of thoſe that had born that Office; and that C. Terentius the Conſul ſhould be ſent for to nominate ſuch Dictator, who being come to Rome by long Journeys out of Apulia (where he left a ſufficient Guard) the night following did by vertue of an Act of the Senate, create M. Fabius Buteo, Dictator for ſix Months, but without any General of the Horſe.

This Gentleman aſcending up to the Roſtra (or place of publick Audience) with all his Lictors about him, declar'd to the people. That he could neither allow of two Dictators at a time (a thing without Precedent) nor of himſelf being a Dictator without a General of the Horſe, nor yet that the authority and intire power of the Cenſors ſhould under any varied Title, be put twice into the ſame mans hands; or that a Dictator unleſs Created to mannage the Wars, ſhould have ſix months Government allotted him. Therefore he would moderate all theſe Extravagancies which chance, or time, or neceſſity had introduc'd. Not that he would turn any one out of the Senate that C. Flaminius and L. Aemilius the Cenſors had elected to that dignity, he only would cauſe their names to be call'd over, that it might not lie in any one mans power to judge of and arbitrate at his pleaſure touching the reputation and manners of a Senator; and in ſubſtituting new Senators in the room of thoſe deceaſed, he would take ſuch a courſe, that all the World ſhould ſee one rank or degree only had the precedence, not that this or that man was preferr'd before another. Thus after the names of the old Senators were recited, he made up the Vacancies; Firſt with thoſe that after the time of the Cenſors, L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius, had officiated any Curule Magiſtracy, and were not yet choſen into the Senate, in courſe as each had born his Office; next he choſe ſuch as had been Aediles, Tribunes, Praetors, or Quaeſtors; and laſt, of ſuch as had not yet obtain'd thoſe great Offices, but yet had done ſignal ſervices for the Commonwealth, as thoſe who had Trophies hanging up in their Houſes taken from the Enemy, or had been rewarded with a Civic Garland for ſaving the Life of a Citizen. Thus there being one hundred and ſeventy perſons choſen into the Senate with the good liking of all ranks, the Dictator immediately threw up his Office, diſcharg'd his Lictors, and came down from the Roſtra as a private man; mixing himſelf amongſt the croud that attended their private affairs, lingering out the time on purpoſe becauſe he would not have the multitude accompany him out of the Forum; but yet they were ſo zealouſly affectionated to him, that they would notwithſtanding attend his leiſure and waited upon him home. The Conſul the next night returned towards the Army, without taking leave of the Senate, for fear he ſhould be detained ſtill in Town for holding the Elections.

On the morrow, the Senate upon a motion made by M. Pomponius the Praetor, wrote to the Dictator, That if it might conſiſt with the publick ſafety, he would come to Town to chaſe new Conſuls, and that the Maſter of the Horſe, and the Praetor M. Marcellus, ſhould come along with him, that from their own mouths the Fathers might underſtand in what condition the Commonwealth was, and take meaſures ſuitable to the circumſtances of affairs. Accordingly they all appear'd, leaving their Lieutenants to take charge of the Forces. The Dictator ſpoke little relating to himſelf, and that very modeſtly, referring the greateſt part of the honour of what had been done, to his Maſter of the Horſe T. Sempronius Gracchus. He appointed the Election-Days, where L. Poſthumius in his abſence (being then Governour of Gallia) was created the third time Conſul; together with T. Sempronius Gracchus, then Maſter of the Horſe; The Praetors were M. Valerius Laevinus, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, and Q. Mucius Scaevola; The Dictator having ſetled the Magiſtrates, return'd to his Winter-Quarters at Theamum, leaving behind him his General of the Horſe, to the end that being ſhortly to enter upon his Conſulſhip, he might adviſe with the Senate what Forces ſhould be levyed for the year following. But whilſt thoſe matters were debated, intelligence arrives of a new diſaſter (Fortune ſeeming that year to pride her ſelf in heaping up one Calamity on the neck of another; viz. That L. Poſthumius the Conſul Elect, was ſlain, and his Army defeated in Gallia. The manner thus; There was a vaſt Forreſt (the Gauls call'd it Litana) through which he was to march, the Trees whereof on the right and left hand of the paſs, the Gauls had more than half ſaw'd through, near the Root on the inſide, ſo that though they ſtood upright, with a little ſhog they would fall down. Poſthumius had only two Legions of Romans, but had levied ſo many of the aſſociates near the upper Sea as made him five and twenty thouſand ſtrong; The Gauls lay lurking about the edges of this Forreſt, and when he with his Army was got into the narrow way, threw down the Trees that ſtood next, which topling down one another on either ſide, fell upon the Romans, and knockt o'th' head both Horſe and Men, that ſcarce ten eſcap'd. For as moſt of them were ſtruck ſtark dead, either with the Bodies of the Trees, or with the broken Boughs and Branches, ſo the reſt, affrighted with this unexpected accident, were kill'd by the Enemy, who in Arms had beſet all the paſſes, ſome few of all that multitude being taken alive, who making towards a Bridge that the Enemy had before poſſeſs'd themſelves of, were there intercepted, amongſt whom the Conſul Poſthumius reſolving not to be made a Priſoner, was ſlain. Whoſe Armour and Head (after they had cut it off) the Boii carried in triumph to one of their moſt eminent Temples, and having cleanſed the skull (according to their mode) gilded it with gold, which ſerv'd them both for a Chalice in their ſolemn Sacrifices, and an ordinary drinking Cup for their chief Prieſt and his Aſſiſtants; nor was the booty of leſs importance to the Gauls than their Victory; for though the Horſe were generally kill'd by the fall of the Timber, yet the reſt of the Goods and Baggage (nothing being carried off was found all along ſcatter'd on the ground amongſt the dead in the ſame order as they march'd.

Theſe ſad tidings having put the City into ſuch conſternation, that for ſeveral dayes together all Shops were ſhut up, and no more ſtirring about ſtreets than if it had been perpetually night, the Senate order'd, the Aediles to walk about and cauſe the Shops to be open'd, and remove this ſhow of publick grief. Then T. Sempronius having aſſembled the Senate purpoſely on this occaſion, comforted the Fathers as well as he could, and deſired, That as they were not diſmaid or caſt down at the mighty loſs at Cannae, ſo they would not now ſuffer their ſpirits to ſhrink for leſſer Calamities; That if (as he hop'd) they had but good ſucceſs againſt Annibal and his Carthaginians, the War with the Gauls might without any danger or inconveniency be laid aſide at preſent, and deferr'd to a better opportunity; The revenge of this treacherous trick remaining ſtill in the power of the Gods and People of Rome, to take it when they thought fit; but the main buſineſs now before them was to conſult and take meaſures for mannaging the War againſt Annibal their grand Enemy; in order to which, he himſelf in the firſt place gave their Lordſhips an Account what Foot and Horſe there were in the Dictators Army, either of natural Romans, or Auxiliaries from their Allies; Then Marcellus ſtated the Forces under his Command; and the numbers of thoſe in Apulia with C. Terentius the Conſul, were alſo given in by ſuch as were well acquainted therewith; after which they proceeded to Debate, whether two Conſular Armies well appointed, would be ſufficient for carrying on ſo great a War? Thus for the preſent they let the Gauls alone, though their Fingers itcht to be at them, in revenge of the late defeat; the Dictators Army was aſſign'd to the Conſul; and thoſe in Marcellus's Army that eſcap'd at Cannae, were ſent into Sicily to remain in ſervice there as long as the War ſhould continue in Italy; and thither likewiſe were drawn out of the Dictators Army ſuch as were able to do the leaſt ſervice, without aſſigning them any certain time of abiding there, otherwiſe than as the Law, at the end of their ten years ſervice ſhould diſcharge them. The two City Legions were decreed to the Conſul that ſhould be choſen in the room of L. Poſtumius, who 'twas Order'd ſhould be Elected as ſoon as ever the lucky Auſpices would permit. Likewiſe two Legions with all Expedition were to be brought out of Sicily, out of which the ſaid Conſul that was to command the City-Legions, might take what recruits he thought fit. the Command of the Conſul C. Terentius was continued over the Army for another year; nor were any of the Forces he had with him for the Guard of Apulia, to be withdrawn from thence.

Whilſt theſe Preparations were making in Italy, the War went on briskly in Spain, and hitherto to the advantage of the Romans; the two Scipio's having divided the Forces between them, Cneus being General at Land, and Publius Admiral at Sea. Aſdrubal the Punick General miſtruſting he was not able to deal with either of them, kept off at a great diſtance, and in places of ſecurity, and after much intreaty and long ſollicitation had four thouſand Foot and five hundred Horſe ſent from Annibal to reinforce him; with which new help, having gather'd new hopes, he advanc'd ſomewhat nearer, and began to Equip out a Fleet for the defence of the Coaſts: but whilſt he was in the heat of that work, all was ſpoil'd by the revolt of moſt of his Sea-Commanders, who having been ſharply treated and reproacht for running from their Ships on the River Iberus, and ſuffering them to be taken by the Enemy, could never after endure Aſdrubal, nor much valued in their hearts the Carthaginian Intereſt. Theſe Renegades cauſed an Inſurrection amongſt the Carpeſians, and by their means, ſeveral Cities revolted, and one was taken by ſtorm. Aſdrubal therefore being forc'd to divert his War from the Romans, and endeavour to ſubdue theſe Mutineers, marcht with a ſtout Army into thoſe parts, to fall upon Galbus the General of the Carpeſians, who lay Encamp'd with a ſtrong Army under the Walls of the late taken City; and ſending before, ſome of his light-arm'd men to draw on the Enemy to a Battel, ſent part of his Foot to Forage the Country, and take up what Straglers they could meet with. Thus at one and the ſame time there was a Skirmiſh before the Camp, and in the Fields, where they were either ſlain or put to flight, but having by running ſeveral ways from all parts recovered again their Camp, their fears were diſpell'd, and on a ſudden they grew ſo couragious as not only to defend their own Works, but alſo to attacque the Enemy; ſo out they ſallied in a Body, leaping and Skipping as their manner was, and with their confidence daunted the Enemy, who but juſt before challeng'd them into the Field; therefore both Aſdrubal himſelf retired with his Forces to an Hill of good height, and ſituate for his advantage, having a River between him and the Enemy, and cauſed his Forlorn Hope and Horſe that were ſcouring the Fields, to retreat thither alſo for their better ſecurity, and not thinking fit to truſt either to the Hill or River, fortified his Camp with a Rampire: in this interchangeable fear on both ſides, there paſs'd ſome Skirmiſhes, but neither the Numidian Horſe were ſo good as the Spaniſh, nor were the Mooriſh Archers able to deal with the Carpeſian Targeteers, who for agility were their equals, and in courage and ſtrength of body their Superiours. At laſt, ſeeing they could neither provoke Aſdrubal to a Battel, with all their braving him juſt under his Camp, nor yet could eaſily ſtorm his Works, they went and took the City Aſena, where Aſdrubal at his firſt coming upon their Frontiers had laid up his ſtores of Corn and other Proviſions; and thenceforwards grew ſo inſolent that they would be under no Command either in the Field or the Camp, which diſorders Aſdrubal perceiving to be occaſion'd (as uſually it happens) by their late ſucceſs, having encouraged his men to fall upon them as they were roving about without their Colours, and in no Order; deſcending from the Hill, he marches in Battalia towards their Camp. Of whoſe approach notice being given by ſome Meſſengers running in haſt from the Sentinels and Out guards, they cry'd out, To Arms, To Arms! and as every one could get ready without Command or Enſigns, they hurried confuſedly to oppoſe him, and ſome were already engaged whilſt others were but coming up in heaps, and ſome not yet got out of their Camp. At firſt their boldneſs rendred them formidable, but the Carthaginians being rang'd cloſe and thick together, the others ſoon found they were too few to deal with them, and therefore began to look about for the reſt of their Fellows, and being every where worſted caſt themſelves in a Ring, and made as good a defence as they could, but being then thruſt up ſo cloſe, had not room enough to wield their Arms, and ſo being environ'd by the Enemy, were for a good part of the day cut to pieces by degrees; only a ſmall Party broke through by dint of Sword and eſcap'd to the Woods and Mountains; with the ſame fright they abandon'd their Camp; and next day the whole Nation made their ſubmiſſion to the Carthaginians, but did not long continue quiet; for within a while after, Aſdrubal receiv'd Orders from Carthage to march away with all Expedition into Italy; which being nois'd through Spain, turn'd in a manner all their hearts to the Romans, whereupon Aſdrubal diſpatcht an Expreſs to Carthage with Letters to acquaint them how prejudicial the bare report of his going was to their affairs. That if he ſhould ſet forwards and go out of thoſe parts before he could be paſs'd the Iberus, the Romans would be Maſters of all Spain; For beſides that he had no ſufficient Guard nor Commander to leave behind in his ſtead; the Roman Generals there were ſuch, that it would be hard to make head againſt them with equal Forces. Therefore if they had any regard of Spain, it would be requiſite to ſend ſome body to ſucceed him with a ſtrong Army, who would find his hands full enough of buſineſs, let things ſucceed never ſo proſperouſly.

Theſe Letters at firſt ſtartled the Senate, yet becauſe all their aim was at Italy, they would not reverſe their orders touching Aſdrubal's march thither, only ſent Himilco with a compleat Army, and a Navy newly augmented, to hold Spain in Obedience, and defend it by Sea and Land. Who having croſs'd the Sea, landed his Men, and fortifyed them in a Camp, drew his Ships alſo on Shore, and caſt up Works to ſecure them, and then with a ſelect party of Horſe made what haſt he could poſſibly through Nations, ſome profeſſed Enemies, and others wavering in their inclinations, and did not ſtop or ſtay at any place, but always upon his Guard, until he came to Aſdrubal; to whom having communicated the Senates command, and from him received an account of the preſent ſtate of Affairs, and how the War in Spain was to be manag'd, with like expedition return'd back to his Camp, the celerity of his march being his only ſecurity; for he was always gone from a place before the People could agree get together to ſurpriſe him. Before Aſdrubal began his march, he levyed what Money he could in all the Cities and States in his Juriſdiction; for well he knew that Annibal was forc'd to pay for his paſſage through certain Countries, and that the aſſiſtance he had from the Gauls was hired, and if he had undertaken that Journey empty-handed, would ſcarce ever have penetrated ſo far as the Alps; therefore having in great haſt collected his Money, away he marches towards Iberus. Upon intelligence of theſe reſolutions of the Carthaginians and Aſdrubal's march, both the Roman Generals, laying aſide all other Affairs, prepared to join all their Forces together, and go meet and oppoſe him; for ſince Annibal himſelf was ſo formidable an Enemy, that all Italy could ſcarce make head againſt him, they concluded if Aſdrubal and the Spaniſh Army ſhould once join him, there would preſently be an end of the Roman Empire; intent on theſe conſiderations they draw their Forces towards the Iberus, and having paſs'd the River, call'd a Council of War to debate, whether they ſhould encamp themſelves and wait the coming up of the Enemy to fight them, or by falling upon ſome of the Carthaginians Allies, retard their march? And the latter being reſolv'd on, down they ſat before Ibera, a City not far from the River, and the richeſt at that time in thoſe parts. Whereof Aſdrubal having notice (to help his Friends by diverting the Romans) went and beſieg'd a City that had lately ſubmitted to the Romans, whereupon they rais'd their Siege, and advanc'd to engage Aſdrubal himſelf.

For ſome Days both Armies lay but at five Miles diſtance, not without ſome skirmiſhes, and at laſt on one and the ſame day, as if it had been by agreement, each Party put forth the ſignal of Battel, and with all the Forces they could make, came into the Field. The Romans drew up in three Battalions, part of the Foot before the Standards as a Van guard, the reſt behind the Standards as a Rereguard, and the Horſe on both Wings. Aſdrubal plac'd his Spaniards in the Main Battel, on the right Wing his Carthaginians, and his Moors on the Left; and as for his Auxiliary Horſe, the Numidians he clapt before the Carthaginian Foot to Guard them, and diſpoſed of the reſt of the African Troops about the Skirts and edges of the ſeveral Batallions. Nor were all the Numidians poſted in the Right Wing, but only thoſe, who after the manner of Vaulters, led two Horſes a piece, and uſed oft-times in the hotteſt of the conflict to leap armed as they were, from their wearied Horſe, upon the freſh one, ſo nimble they were themſ • lves, and ſo tractable their Horſes, ſtanding thus in Battalia, the Generals of each ſide, having equal hopes of ſucceſs, for no great difference there was, either in numbers or kinds of the Souldiers, but in their Courage and Reſolution, there was abundance of odds; for the Romans, though they fought far from their Country, yet were eaſily perſwaded by their Officers, That it was for no leſs a prize than Italy, and the City of Rome it ſelf, that they were that day to contend, therefore as if all their hopes of ever ſeeing their Country again depended on this one Battel, they had fix'd their minds either to conquer or die. Nothing ſo reſolute were the Souldiers of the other ſide, being for the moſt part Spaniards, willing rather to be overcome at home, than with Victory to be drawn into Italy: therefore at the very firſt puſh almoſt, before there was a Dart thrown; their main Battel retreated, and being then ſo much the more fiercely preſs'd upon by the Romans, plainly ran away; however in both Wings the ſervice was hot enough, the Carthaginians on the one ſide, and the Africans on the other, charg'd the Romans briskly, and had them in a manner encloſed, but the Roman Army being rallied altogether in the middle of them, was ſtrong enough to keep off both Wings; for facing ſeveral ways they maintain'd the fight in two places at once, but both in one and the other (having before routed the Enemies main body) were ſuperiour in numbers as well as Courage; a power of men were kill'd that day, and if the Spaniards had not fled ſo faſt before the Battle was well begun, there had very few of the whole Army eſcap'd. The Horſe were not at all engag'd to ſpeak of, for as ſoon as the Numidians ſaw their main Battel ſhrink, they preſently fled as faſt as they could, driving the Elephants before them, and left the Flanks naked; Aſdrubal himſelf maintain'd the Fight till he plainly ſaw all was loſt, and then accompanied with a very few, got away out of the midſt of the ſlaughter; his Camp the Romans took and plunder'd; and if any people of Spain ſtood Neuters before, the ſucceſs of this day turn'd the Scale, and brought them over to the Romans, and ſo far was Aſdrubal from purſuing his march to Italy, that he had no hopes to continue long with ſafety in Spain. The two Scipio's ſending Intelligence of this action to Rome, the whole City was overjoy'd, not ſo much for the Victory it ſelf, though very conſiderable, but becauſe Aſdrubal was prevented from coming into Italy.

Whilſt this was doing in Spain, Petelia a City of the Bruttii, after ſeveral months Siege, was taken by Himilco, one of Annibals Captains; yet it coſt him dear, many of his men being kill'd or wounded, nor was it his Force abroad ſo much as Famine within, that ſubdued the Town; for having eaten up all their Proviſions of Corn, and fleſh, of what Creatures ſoever, they liv'd at laſt upon Shoomakers-Leather, Weeds, Roots, the Inward Barks of Trees, tops of Briars and Brambles, and the like; nor did they ſubmit as long as they were able to ſtand on their Legs, or wield their Swords. After the taking of this Town, the ſame Party of Carthaginians marcht to Conſentia, which made nothing ſo brave a Defence, but ſurrendred in few days. About the ſame time an Army of the Bruttii ſat down before Croton, a City built and inhabited by the Greeks, heretofore rich and potent; but now ſo weakned by ſeveral loſſes and diſaſters, that there were not in it twenty thouſand Souls of all ſorts, ſo that for want of men to defend it, the Enemy eaſily got poſſeſſion of the City, but ſome that fled to the Caſtle held out ſtill. The Locrians alſo by the treachery of ſome of their Grandees, revolted to the Bruttii and Carthaginians; and only the Rhegines of all that Country continued true to the Romans, and had the good luck to preſerve all along their own liberty; nay this deſerting humour like an infection ſpread into Sicily, nor was the Family of King Hiero free from the Contagion; for his eldeſt Son Gelo, contemning both the old Age of his Father, and alſo (after the defeat at Cannae) the Friendſhip of the Romans turned unto the Carthaginians, and had no doubt made a great alteration in Sicily, had he not been taken off by Death, ſo very opportunely, juſt in the nick, when he was arming the multitude, and ſoliciting the Allies to Rebellion, that his own Father did not eſcape ſome Cenſures as if he had haſtned his end. Theſe were the remarkable Actions that happen'd in Italy, Afric, Sicily, and Spain that year; towards the end of which, Q. Fabius Maximus, deſired leave of the Senate to dedicate that Temple which he had vow'd to Venus Erycina when he was Dictator; Accordingly it was decreed, that T. Sempronius the Conſul Elect, as ſoon as he came into his Office, ſhould move the people to create Duumvirs for that affair. In honour of Aemilius Lepidus lately deceaſed, who had twice been both Conſul and Augur, his three Sons Lucius, Marcus, and Quintus, exhibited certain Funeral Games, and cauſed two and twenty couple of Fencers to play at ſharps for three dayes ſpace, in the publick Market place. The Aediles of the Chair, C. Laetorius, and Tib Sempronius Gracchus, Conſul Elect (who during his Aedileſhip had been General of the Horſe) celebrated for three dayes together the Roman Games, and the like was done for the Commons, by M. Aurelius Cotta, and M. Claudius Marcellus. At the end of the third year of the Punick War, Tib. Sempronius the Conſul entred upon his Magiſtracy on the fifteenth of March. The Praetors were Q Fulvius Flaccus for the City, and M. Valerius Laevinus for the Foreigners; Ap. Claudius Pulcher for Sicily, and Q. Mucius Scaevola for Sardinia. M. Marcellus was by the people continued in his Command as Vice-Conſul, as being the only General that ſince the loſs at Cannae, had fought the Enemy with ſucceſs.

The firſt day the Senate met in the Capitol, it was reſolv'd, That a double Tax ſhould this year be levied, the firſt to be immediately collected for paying all Arrears to the Souldiers, except thoſe that were at Cannae. Then concerning the A • mies it was ordered, That the Conſul Sempronius ſhould appoint a day for the two City Legions to Rendevous at Cales; That ſix Legions ſhould be conducted to the Camp of Claudius above Sueſſula, and the Legions that were at preſent there (being for the moſt part the Cannian Army) ſhould be carried over into Sicily by Ap. Claudius the Praetor; and thoſe that were now in Sicily brought home to Rome. To the Army appointed to Muſter at Cales, M. Claudius Marcellus was ſent, and commanded to lead the Detachment of the City Legions from thence, to the Camp of Claudius, and laſtly, to receive the charge of the old Army, and conduct it into Sicily, T Metilius Croto was diſpatcht by Ap. Claudius. People ſilently expected when the Conſul ſhould appoint the Elections for chuſing him a Partner, and when they ſaw Marcellus (whom they pitcht upon for that place in reward of his great ſervices whilſt he was Praetor) to be ſent out of the way, as it were on purpoſe, they began to mutter and grumble aloud, which the Conſul perceiving, told the Senate, That it was for the good of the publick both that M. Claudius ſhould go into Campania to exchange the Armies, and that the Elections ſhould not be held till he had diſpatcht that affair, to the end they might have ſuch a Conſul as the preſent Juncture needed, and as themſelves did moſt deſire. So there was no more talk of the El • ctions till he return'd; but in the mean time, the Duumvirs were Created, Q. Fabius Maximus for dedicating the Temple of Venus Erycina, and J. Otacilius for that to the Goddeſs Mens, both thoſe Fabricks being in the Capitol, only divided with a ſmall Canal, or Water-ſtream. A propoſal was made to the people, that the three hundred Campanian Horſe who had faithfully ſerv'd out their ten years time of Warfare in Sicily, might be admitted Free Deniſons of Rome; and alſo be declared Free of Cumes, from the time before the Campanians revolted from the Romans; the chief ground of which motion was, becauſe thoſe Gentlemen alledged, that they did not know to what place they did rightfully belong, having abandon'd their old native Country, and not being incorporate into that whereto they had retired. Marcellus being come back from the Army, is with great applauſe choſen Conſul in the room • f L. Poſtumius, and preſently aſſumes the Office. But it happening to thunder at his firſt entrance upon that charge, the Augurs were conſulted about it, who reported, That he was not rightfully Created; and the Senators buzz'd it abroad, That this being the firſt time that ever two Commoners were choſen Conſuls together, the Gods were diſpleas'd. Whereupon he flung up his Office, and in his ſtead was choſen Fabius Maximus the third time. That year the Sea ſeem'd to be all on fire; at Sinueſſa a Cow brought forth a Colt; certain Statues in the Temple of Juno Soſpita in Lanuvium, ſweat blood, and near the ſame place it rain'd ſtones; for which ſhower there were Sacrifices offer'd for nine dayes together, and the other Prodigies carefully expiated.

The Conſuls divided the Armies between them, Fabius took charge of the Forces that were under M. Junius the Dictator. Sempronius Commanded the Volunteers, and five and twenty thouſand of the aſſociate Troops; M. Valerius the Praetor had thoſe Legions that came out of Sicily, M. Claudius as Pro-Conſul was ſent to the Army that lay to guard Nola above Sueſſala. The other Praetors went to their reſpective Charges Sicily and Sardinia; The Conſuls made an Order, that whenever the Senators met, they and all others that had right to ſpeak in that Court, ſhould aſſemble at the Gate Capena. And the Praetors held their Tribunals at the publick Fiſhpool, and all that had any Suits at Law repaired thither all this year for Juſtice. In the mean time Mago, Annibals Brother, was ſetting out from Carthage for Italy with twelve hundred Foot, and fifteen hundred Horſe, twenty Elephants, and a thouſand Talents of Silver, with a Guard of ſixty long Ships; but juſt as he was ready to depart, advice came of their Forces being defeated in Spain, and that almoſt all the people of that Country were join'd with the Romans. Hereupon ſome were for having Mago wave his Voyage into Italy, and go with the Fleet and Forces aforeſaid for Spain; eſpecially becauſe there were ſome hopes of recovering Sardinia, a private Meſſage being ſent from the principal perſons of that Iſland, and eſpecially Hampſicoras, a man that both for riches and power excell'd all the reſt, That the Romans had but very few Forces there; That Cornelius the old Governour was upon his departure, and a new one expected, That the Sardinians were generally weary of the Romans Government which they had ſo long endured, and who had laſt year uſed them very harſhly by impoſing a very heavy Tribute, and forcing them to pay a moſt unjuſt Contribution of Corn, ſo that in fine they were ripe for a Rebellion, and only wanted ſomebody to head them. The Carthaginians with this different Intelligence being at the ſame time partly troubled and partly encouraged, ſend Mago with his Navy and Forces into Spain, and choſe one Aſdrubal ſurnam'd the Bald, to go General into Sardinia, and allow him near upon as great a ſtrength as Mago. And now the Roman Conſuls having diſpatcht what they had to do in the City, began to take the Field: T. Sempronius met his Army at Sinueſſa on the day appointed; but before Q. Fabius advanc'd from the City, he with the Senates conſent, ſet out a Proclamation; That all Corn ſhould before the firſt of June be convey'd out of the Country into ſome fortified Town; and whoever ſhould not do ſo, he would not only lay waſt their Fields, but ſell their Servants, and burn their Houſes and Villages. The Praetors themſelves created for civil Juriſdiction and deciding of Law-Controverſies, were not now exempted from Military Service; for Valerius was ſent into Apulia, to receive the Army from Terentius, and when the Legions were arriv'd out of Sicily, to uſe them chiefly for the Guard of that Country, and ſend away the old Forces that before belong'd to Terentius, under the Command of ſome of his Lieutenant Generals; he had alſo the charge of twenty five Ships, that with them he might ſecure the Sea-Coaſts between Brunduſium and Tarentum; the like number of Ships was allotted to Q. Fulvius the City Praetor to guard the ſhore near the Town. C. Terentius the Pro-Conſul, was enjoin'd to raiſe Souldiers in the Picene Territories, and therewith guard the ſame; and T. Otacilius Craſſus after he had dedicated the Temple of the Goddeſs Mens in the Capitol, was diſpatcht into Sicily as Admiral of the Navy there.

The Eyes of all Princes and States were fix'd upon this mighty War between the two moſt potent Nations of the World; and amongſt the reſt Philip King of Macedon, was ſo much the more concern'd as being nearer to Italy, and only parted with the Ionian Sea. Upon the firſt intelligence that Annibal was got over the Alps, as he was well enough pleas'd that the Romans and Carthaginians ſhould worry one another in War; ſo he could not well tell to which of the two he ſhould wiſh ſucceſs, but when he heard that the Carthaginians had in three ſeveral Battels got the Victory, he reſolving to follow fortune, and join with the ſtrongeſt ſide, ſent Embaſſadors to Annibal, who avoiding the Ports of Brunduſium and Tarentum, becauſe there the Romans had guards of Ships, landed at the Temple of Juno Lacinia, and thence paſſing through Apulia towards Capua, chanc'd to light upon part of the Roman out-guards, and were brought before M. Valerius Levinus the Praetor, who lay encamped by Nuceria. Where Zenophanes the chief of the Embaſſadors, readily, and without bluſhing affirm'd, That he was ſent from King Philip to treat about and conclude a League and Alliance with the People of Rome, and had Commiſſion to repair to the Conſuls as well as the Senate. After ſo many defections of old Friends, Valerius was not a little pleas'd at this overture from ſo great a Prince, and courteouſly entertain'd the Enemy in the diſguiſe of a Friend; allowing them Guides, and acquainting them what paſſes were held both by the Romans and the Carthaginians. So Xenophanes having paſs'd the Roman Guards into Campania, went thence to rights to Annibal, and concluded an Alliance with him on the Terms following. That King Philip with the greateſt Fleet he could Equip (and he was thought able to ſet out two hundred Sail,) ſhould paſs over to Italy, and ſpoil all the Sea-Coaſts, and to his power promote the War both by Sea and Land. That upon the concluſion of the War, all Italy and the City Rome ſhould be enjoy'd by the Carthaginians, together with all the Pillage and Booty. But in lieu thereof, after Italy was thus reduc'd, they ſhould tranſport their Forces into Greece, and wage War with ſuch Princes as it ſhould be found convenient, and that all thoſe Cities on the main Continent or Iſlands bordering on Macedonia, ſhould be annext to the Dominions of King Philip.

To this purport was the League between the Punick General, and theſe Macedonians; with whom, to ſee the ſame Articles ratified by the King, he ſent back three Embaſſadours, Giſgo, Boſtar, and Mago; and all together they came to the aforeſaid Temple of Juno Lacinia, where a Veſſel lay privately at Anchor to receive them; but no ſooner were they put out to Sea, but the Roman Navy that lay to guard the ſhore of Calabria diſcover'd them, and Fulvius made out certain Corcyreans to fetch them in; at firſt the Macedonians endeavour'd to fly, but finding themſelves over-reacht in ſailing, yielded and were brought up to the Admiral, who demanding who they were? whence they came? and whither bound? Xenophanes who had ſped ſo well by making a Lye before, made no great ſcruple of Conſcience to frame another now, and told him, That being ſent from King Philip to the Romans, he came to M. Valerius becauſe to him only he could paſs in ſafety, but could not get through Campania, that Region being ſo much beſet by the Enemy. But afterwards upon ſight of ſome in Carthaginian Habit, they were ſuſpected to be Annibals Agents, which was more confirm'd by their Speech when they were Examined; Then their Attendants being queſtioned apart, and threatned, diſcover'd the whole intrigue, and Annibals Letters were taken containing the ſubſtance of the terms agreed upon between him and the King of Macedonia; whereupon it was thought ſit to ſend the Embaſſadors and their Train to Rome, or to the Conſuls whereever they ſhould happen to be; To which purpoſe five of the nimbleſt Gallies were ſelected under the Conduct of L. Valerius Antias, commanding him to put the Embaſſadours in ſeveral Veſſels, and not ſuffer them to have any Communication one with the other. About the ſame time, A. Cornelius Mammula departing from his Province of Sardinia, gave an account at Rome of the condition of that Iſland, That all the Inhabitants were inclinable to Sedition, and that Q. Mucius his Succeſſor, on his firſt Arrival, what with his paſſage by Sea, and the ill Air of the Country, was faln into a ſickneſs, not ſo dangerous as tedious, and therefore for a long time would not be able to manage the War; That the Army there, though ſufficient to keep the place whilſt it remain'd in Peace, would be too weak, if once they broke out into an open Rebellion, which ſeem'd to be threatned; Upon which the Senate decreed, That Q. Fulvius Flaccus ſhould levy five thouſand Foot and four hundred Horſe, and with all Expedition tranſport them into Sardinia, under ſuch Commander as he ſhould think fit, until ſuch time as Mucius ſhould recover his health. The perſon pitcht upon was T. Manlius Torquatus, who had twice been both Conſul and Cenſor, and in his Conſulſhip, had ſubdued theſe very Sardinians. Near the ſame time a Fleet from Carthage, Aſdrubal the Bald, Admiral, bound for Sardinia, happen'd to be caſt by a Tempeſt on the Balearean Iſles, whereby their tackling was not only deſtroy'd, but their Hulks ſo much damag'd, that they were forc'd to hale their Ships on ſhore, and ſpent a great deal of time in reſitting them.

The War in Italy ſince the Battel at Cannae, was ſlow and languiſhing, the ſtrength of the one party being broken, and the ſpirits of the other effeminated; therefore in this dead Vacation, the Campanians of their own heads began to contrive how to reduce the State of Cumes to their Obedience, firſt ſoliciting them to a revolt from the Romans, and when they ſaw that would not take, thought to catch them by a ſtratagem. All the Campanians were wont every year to ſolemnize a certain ſet Feaſt and Sacrifice at a place call'd Hannae; now they gave notice unto the Cumans, that the whole Senate of Capua would reſort thither, requeſting the Senate of Cumes to meet there alſo, to take meaſures for their common ſafety, and enter into a League Offenſive and Defenſive, withal ſignifying, That they intended to have a Guard of Armed men there, to prevent any ſurprize or danger, either from the Romans or Carthaginians; The Cumans though they ſuſpected ſome Treachery, yet ſeem'd very well pleas'd at the Propoſal, thereby the better to colour their own deſign. The Roman Conſul T. Sempronius, having took a view of his Forces at Sinueſſa, where he appointed their Rendezvous, paſſing the River Vulturnus, Encamp'd near Liternum, where whilſt they lay without Action with the Enemy, he daily Exercis'd his Men, that the raw Souldiers (for ſuch for the moſt part were the Voluntiers and Bondmen that had been liſted) might learn to know their Ranks and their Poſtures, but the main thing the General aim'd at in theſe Trainings, was to bring them to Love, and agree with one another, and therefore Order'd the Lieutenant Generals and Colonels, That they ſhould not by upbraiding any man with his paſt Condition, occaſion diſcord in the Army, but that the old Souldiers ſhould deſcend and be content to be equaliz'd with the young beginners, and theſe that were Freeborn not think it any diſgrace to be Comrades with the Volunteirs that had been Slaves, but rather that all ſhould count thoſe to be well deſcended and noble enough, whoever they be, whom the people of Rome hath intruſted with their Arms and their Enſigns, ſince the ſame neceſſity which had forced them ſo to do, ought to oblige them to make the beſt on't now 'twas done. Nor were theſe good Documents more diligently preach'd by the Commanders, than practiz'd by the Souldiers; ſo that in ſhort time they were all ſo united in their Affections, that they ſeem'd altogether to have forgot what each mans degree or condition was before he entred into the ſervice, and now lookt upon themſelves all as Brothers. Whilſt Gracchus was thus buſy in diſciplining his Army, Meſſengers from the Cumans acquaint him, what a kind of overture was made to them the other day from the Capuans, and what Anſwer they had return'd. That three dayes hence the Feaſt was to be, and that not only all the Capuan Senate was to be there but their Army too. Gracchus Orders the Cumans to convey all that they had abroad in the Fields into the City, and to ſtay within their Walls; on the Evening before the Feaſt marches to Cumes, from which Hannae was but three miles diſtant, whither the Campanians, according to appointment, flockt in great multitudes, and not far from thence Marcus Alfius the Chief Magiſtrate at that time of Capua, lay cloſely Encamp'd with fourteen thouſand men; but more buſy in preparing the Sacrifices, and contriving the intended ſurprize of the Cumans, than intent upon fortifying his Camp, or any other military action; for three days ſpace this Feſtival Sacrifice continued at Hannae, celebrated always in the Evening, and ending before Midnight, which therefore Gracchus thought the beſt time to ſurprize them, and having ſet a Guard at the Gates that none ſhould give them notice, the Souldiers being order'd to refreſh themſelves, and ſleep from Noon till four a Clock, that they might as ſoon as it grew dark be ready to repair to their Colours a little before the firſt Watch, cauſes them to advance, and with a ſilent march came to Hannae in the middle of the Night, ſeiz'd the Capuans Camp, entring at all the Ports at once, being negligently Guarded, Cutting to pieces many as they lay aſleep, and others unarm'd as they came from the Sacrifice; In all there were ſlain that night above two thouſand, together with their General Marius Alfius, and four and thirty Colours taken.

Gracchus having without loſing full an hundred men, made himſelf Maſter of the Enemies Camp, haſtned back to Cumes, for fear of Annibal, who lay above Capua at Tifata; nor did his foreſight deceive him, for as ſoon as the news of this defeat came to Capua, Annibal conſidering that this Army of the Romans conſiſted moſt of raw Souldiers and Bondſlaves, concluded he ſhould find them at Hannae, inſolently over-joy'd with their ſucceſs, and buſy in ſpoiling the dead, and loading themſelves with Pillage, and therefore with a flying Army came in all haſte on this ſide Capua, and ſuch of that City as he met flying, he ſent home with a Guard, and if they were wounded, in Waggons; but when he came to Cumes, he found the Enemy gone, and nothing but marks of the ſlaughter and dead Bodies of his Allies lying all about upon the ground. Some advis'd him immediately to go on from thence to aſſault Cumes, which Annibal was willing enough to do, as being deſirous ſince he could not gain Naples, to make himſelf Maſter of Cumes, being a Sea-Port Town as well as the other, yet becauſe his Souldiers came out in ſuch an hurry, that they brought nothing with them but their Arms, he thought it beſt at preſent to retreat to his Camp at Tifata; but the next day overcome with the intreaties of the Campanians, taking with him all neceſſary preparations for carrying on a Siege, he return'd towards Cumes, and having plunder'd all the adjacent Country, Encamps within a mile of that City; where Gracchus ſtill continued, more for ſhame that he might not ſeem to abandon his Allies in their neceſſity, who craved protection, and depended on his Aid, than for any confidence he had in his own Army as able to withſtand the whole Force of Annibal; eſpecially ſince ſo it happen'd, that Fabius the other Conſul who lay at Cales, could not tranſport his Army over the River Vulturnus, being buſied firſt with going to Rome to repeat the Auſpices, and afterwards troubled with ſeveral Prodigies reported one after another, which when he went about to expiate, the Soothſayers declared was not like eaſily to be accompliſht.

Theſe occaſions hindring Fabius from coming up to his relief, Sempronius continued Beſiedg'd; and by this time ſeveral Engines of Battery were rais'd againſt him; one mighty wooden Tower being erected againſt the Town, he ran up another to oppoſe it ſomewhat higher, uſing the Wall which of it ſelf was a good height, for its Platform or Foundation, having ſtrengthned it with ſtrong Poſts and Piles of Timber to hear up the ſaid Frame. From whence at firſt they defended the Town with Stones, and lancing of Darts at the Aſſailants, but at length ſeeing the other Turret brought up cloſe to the Wall, they flung Fire and abundance of combuſtible matter thereon, which forc'd thoſe that were in it to ſhift for their Lives, and at the ſame time the Beſieged ſallied out at two ſeveral Gates, routed the Enemies Guards, and beat them into their Camp; ſo as that day Annibal was more like one Beſieg'd himſelf, than laying Siege unto others; There were fifteen hundred Carthaginians ſlain, and ſixty wanting but one taken Priſoners, as they were careleſly ſtanding under the Walls and upon the Out-guards, ſuſpecting nothing leſs than a Sally out o' th' Town. Before the Enemy could recollect themſelves, Gracchus ſounded a Retreat, and ſecured his men within the Walls. The next day Annibal ſuppoſing the Conſul fluſht with this ſucceſs might be drawn to venture a pitcht Field, drew up his Army in Battalia, between his Camp and the City, but when he ſaw no ſtirring from the uſual Guards, and that the Enemy was not for raſh attempts, he retreated without having effected any thing, back to his old Poſt at Tifata. The ſame day the Siege was raiſed from before Cumes, T. Sempronius Surnamed The Long, overcome Hanno the Carthaginian before Grumentum in Lucania, kill'd above two thouſand, and took one and forty Colours, and loſt but two hundred and eighty of his own men; Hanno being thus beat out of the Lucans Country, retired unto the Bruttians. M. Valerius the Praetor retook by force of Arms three Towns of the Hirpins that had revolted from the Romans, and Beheaded Vercellius and Sicilius the Authors of that Defection; above a thouſand Priſoners he ſold for Slaves, gave the reſt of the plunder to the Souldiers, and brought his Army back to Cumes.

By this time the five Ships that had on Board the Embaſſadours of Macedonia, and of Annibal taken Priſoners, as was before mentioned, being got about from the Adriatick to the Juſcan Sea, almoſt round the whole Coaſt of Italy, as they ſail'd by Cumes, Gracchus not knowing whether they were Friends or Enemies, ſent out part of his Fleet to meet them, and when they had Hal'd and knew one another, underſtanding the Conſul was at Cumes, they put into that Port, and gave both the Priſoners and their Letters into his hands, who having read their Papers, ſent them ſealed up to Rome by an Expreſs by Land, but Order'd the Embaſſadours to be carried by Sea, who arriv'd there almoſt as ſoon as the Poſt, and upon their Examination confirm'd the truth of that which their Writings purported. The Senate was not a little ſtartled to think of being plung'd into a Macedonian War, when they were ſcarce able to weather out that with the Carthaginians, yet ſo far were they from deſpairing, that immediately they began to conſult how they ſhould firſt invade the Enemy at home, and ſo divert them from coming into Italy. And to that purpoſe, having ſecured the Embaſſadours in Chains, and ſold their Attendants for Slaves, they decreed that twenty Ships ready fitted up ſhould be added to theſe five and twenty that Valerius had, which, with the five Ships that brought in the Ambaſſadours, making in all a Navy of fifty Sail, looſed from Oſtia, and arrived at Tarentum; where Q Fulvius was appointed Admiral, and having taken on Board thoſe Souldiers which lay there under the Command of L. Apuſtius, Varro's Lieutenant General, was with that Fleet and thoſe Forces, order'd not only to Cruiſe up and down for the ſecurity of Italy, but to inquire what poſture the Macedonians were in? and if they found them preparing for War, then to give immediate notice to M. Valerius, who in that caſe was to leave his Army to the Command of Apuſtius, and go in perſon to the Fleet, and by making a deſcent into Macedonia, hold Philip in play at home; to maintain this Navy, and carry on the Macedonian War, that money was imployed, which before was to have been repaid to King Hiero, who alſo of his own generoſity furniſht them with two hundred thouſand Modii of Wheat, and one hundred thouſand of Barly.

Whilſt theſe preparations were making, one of thoſe Ships that had been taken and ſent to Rome, made her eſcape, and got home to King Philip, by which he underſtood that his Embaſſadours and Letters were taken; but being ſtill ignorant what terms they had made with Annibal, diſpatches another Embaſſy, viz. Heraclitus Surnam'd Scotius, Crito Berraeus, and Soſitheus Magnes, who got thither and return'd in ſafety, but in the mean time the Summer was ſpent, and ſo the King could do nothing this Year, of ſo great importance was the taking of that ſmall Bark where the Embaſſadours were, that it diverted for the preſent an imminent War. Fabius having at length expiated the before-mentioned Prodigies, paſſes the River Vulturnus, and thence forwards, the two Conſuls act in Conjunction, and retake Combulteria, and Trebula, and Saticula, Cities that had revolted to Annibal, whoſe Garriſons and abundance of Campanians were there made Priſoners. At Nola the Senate was for the Romans (as in the year before) but the Commons for Annibal, and Cabals held for cutting off their principal Citizens, and ſurrendring the Town to him; to prevent which, Fabius drew his Forces between Capua and Annibal (who lay Encamp'd at Tifata) and fortified himſelf on Mount Veſuvius where Claudius lay before, and ſent M. Marcellus the Pro-Conſul, with what Forces he had, to keep Garriſon at Nola.

In Sardinia, T. Manlius apply'd himſelf to manage publick Affairs which had been neglected ever ſince Q. Mucius the Praetor had been taken very ill; for after he had drawn the Gallies on ſhore, and arm'd all the Mariners for Land Service, and receiv'd the Army into his charge from the Praetor, he having then in all two and twenty thouſand Foot, and twelve hundred Horſe, march'd with them into the Enemies Country, and Encamp'd not far from the place where Hampſicoras's Army lay, but he himſelf at that time was gone amongſt the Pellidians (a people of Sardinia) to muſter their youth for recruiting his Forces, and his Son Hioſtus was then left Commander in Chief, who being a raſh young man, inconſiderately ventur'd upon a Battel, and was routed, three thouſand of his men kill'd, and near three hundred taken alive, the reſt of the Army fled ſcatter'd through the Fields, and at laſt gather'd up towards a City named Cornus, the Metropolis of that Region, whither 'twas reported their General was fled before them. This Victory had put an end to the War in Sardinia, had not the Punick Fleet under Aſdrubal, which the Tempeſt drove upon the Balearean Iſlands, now arriv'd ſeaſonably to buoy up the Iſlanders to freſh Rebellion; upon the news of their Arrival, Manlius betook himſelf to Caraleis, whereby Hampſicora had an opportunity of joining with Aſdrubal, who having landed his Souldiers, and ſent back his Fleet to Carthage, march'd under the Guidance of Hampſicora, to Forage the Territories of thoſe that continued in obedience to the Romans, and was like to have come up as far as Caraleis, if Manlius going out with his Army againſt him, had not reſtrain'd their extravagant plundering. Firſt they Encamp'd near each other, then Picqueerings and ſome ſmall Skirmiſhes followed, at laſt they drew into the Field and fought a pitcht Battel for four hours together. As for the Sardinians they ſignified little, being always uſed to be beaten, but the Carthaginians ſtood to't ſtoutly, but at laſt ſeeing the Sardinians all about them either lie dead, or running away, they alſo gave ground, and the Romans wheeling about that Wing which had routed ihe Sardinians, hem'd them in, and then it was rather a ſlaughter than a fight; twelve thouſand of the Enemy were kill'd, and of Sardinians and Punicks together, three thouſand and ſix hundred taken, with ſeven and twenty Colours.

That which moſt ſignaliz'd the Victory, was the taking of General Aſdrubal, and Mago and Hanno, two Noblemen of Carthage; Mago was of the Barchine Family, and near related to Annibal, Hanno the perſon that ſtirr'd up the Sardinians to Rebellion, and the undoubted Author of that War; no • was the Field leſs famous for the loſs of the Sardinian Generals, for both Hampſicora's Son Hioſtus was kill'd upon the ſpot, and Hampſicora himſelf flying with a few Horſe, hearing (after all the reſt of the ſad Tydings) of the Death of his Son, in the Night, that no body might prevent him, made away himſelf. The reſt took ſhelter as they had done formerly, in the City Cornus, but Manlius inveſting it with his Victorious Army, ſoon made himſelf Maſter thereof; after which other Towns that had join'd with Hampſicora and the Carthaginians, ſent Hoſtages, and ſurrendred themſelves; upon whom Manlius ſet a Fine of ſo much money for his Souldiers pay, and ſo much Corn, according to every ones ability and offence, and then return'd with his Army to Caraleis, and from thence to Rome, giving the Senate an account that Sardinia was wholly ſubdued, and delivering the money raiz'd, to the Quaeſtors, the Corn to the Aediles, and the Priſoners to Fulvius the Praetor. Much about this time the other Praetor T. Otacilius ſailing from Lilybeum into Africk, and having waſted the Carthaginian Territories, upon news of Aſdrubals being gone from the Balearean Iſles, haſtned back for Sardinia, and by the way met with the Enemies Fleet going home; of whom (after a ſlight Engagement) he took ſeven, with all the Seamen thereunto belonging, and the reſt for fear were ſcatter'd as if it had been a Tempeſt all over the Sea. Now alſo Bomilcar with certain Bands of Souldiers for recruits, and forty Elephants, and good ſtore of Proviſions, arriv'd at Locris from Carthage; App. Claudius had a mind to ſurprize him, and in Order thereunto, making a ſpeedy march to Meſſina, under pretence of viſiting the Province, puts over to Locris with the Tide, but Bomilcar was gone before into the Bruttians Country to Hanno, and the Inhabitants of Locris ſhut their Gates againſt the Romans, ſo that Claudius after all his preparation and toil, return'd to Meſſina without having • ffected any thing. This Summer Marcellus from his Garriſon at Nola, made frequent Incurſions upon the Hirpins and Candine Samnites, and made ſuch havock there with Fire and Sword, as renew'd the remembrance of the Samnites old loſſes and devaſtations.

Whereupon they ſent Embaſſadours to Annibal, who thus accoſted him. We have been Enemies, May it pleaſe your Excellency! to the people of Rome; firſt by our ſelves as long as our own Arms and Forces were able to defend us; and when we found thoſe too weak, we join'd with King Pyrrhus, and being by him abandon'd, were forc'd to ſubmit to a Peace on pure neceſſity, wherein we have continued almoſt fifty years, until your coming into Italy; whoſe valour and ſucceſs were not more prevalent with us, than your ſingular humanity and kindneſs, in reſtoring our people when taken Priſoners, and altogether hath rendred us ſo firm to your Intereſt, that we believ'd, as long as you were ſafe, and our Friend, we needed not to ſtand in dread of the people of Rome, no, nor of the Gods themſelves (were it lawful ſo to ſpeak) though they had been never ſo angry againſt us; yet moſt certain it is, That whilſt you are not only ſafe and victorious, but preſent too, and almoſt near enough to hear the Cries of our Wives and Children, and ſee our Houſes all on a flame; we have this Summer been ſo lamentably haraſs'd as if it had been Marcellus, and not our Friend the mighty Annibal, that won that glorious Victory at Cannae; and the Romans already boaſt, that you are only good at the firſt puſh, and ever after, like a Bee that hath ſpent its ſting, grow dull and droniſh, and can do no more Execution. For well nigh an hundred years have we waged War with theſe Romans, without the aid of any Foreign Commander or Army, except only two years time, when Pyrrhus rather reinforc'd himſelf with our Souldiers, than defended us with his: We ſhall not therefore boaſt our ſucceſſes, how we vanquiſht two Conſuls and two Conſular Armies, and made them paſs under the ignominious yoke; nor any thing elſe that happen'd to us joyful or honourable, but even our greateſt diſaſters and calamities in thoſe dayes, we can repeat with leſs indignation, than the miſeries which at preſent we ſuffer. Then famous Dictators with their Generals of Horſe, two Conſuls with their compleat Armies and Banners diſplaid entred our Territories, and when they ſent out to Forage our Fields, 'twas in ſtrong Parties not without their Scouts before, to diſcover dangers, and good reſerves to aſſiſt them on any occaſion, but now we are expoſed as a prey to one only Garriſon, and that but a ſmall one, left for the Guard of Nola; now they do not come in Regimental Order, or form of War, to deſtroy us, but like Thieves and Robbers they over-run all our Borders as boldly and negligently, as if they were wandering in their own Roman Territories; and the reaſon of ſuch their confidence is becauſe your Excellency does not protect us, and our luſty youth, which if they were at home would ſecure us, are drawn out into your Service; But we muſt be altogether ignorant of you and your Army, if we ſhould not be fully perſwaded, that you, who we know have routed and cut to pieces ſo many Roman Armies, are eaſily able to ſuppreſs theſe vagrant Pilferers who ſtraggle about without their Colours, whither ſoever the vain hope of booty draws them; they themſelves would ſoon become a prey to a Party of your Numidians; and thereby at once you might ſecure us with a Garriſon, and deſtroy that of the Enemies at Nola, in caſe you judge not us (whom you have thought worthy to be your Confederates) ſince we have caſt our ſelves under your protection, unworthy to be defended.

Hereto Annibal made Anſwer. That the Hirpins and Samnites were too quick, and hudled up things altogether, which ought to have preceeded each other; for at one and the ſame time they ſhew their grievances, and deſire a Guard, and complain of being left undefended and neglected; but they ſhould firſt have remonſtrated their damage or danger, then requeſted a Guard, and when that was denied, and not before, they would have had grounds to ſay they had in vain implored his aſſiſtance. However he promiſed them, that though he would not draw his Enemies into their Countries, meerly becauſe he would not be burthenſome to his Allies, yet he would march into the next Quarters belonging to the Romans Confederates, and by plundering them both enrich his own men, and with the terrour of his advance ſet their Enemies far enough from them. And as to the Roman War in general, as the Battel of Thraſymenus was more noble than that of Trebia, and the Field of Cannae more memorable than that of Thraſymenus, ſo he doubted not but to obſcure the Renown of Cannae, by a yet greater and more glorious Victory. With which Anſwer, and honourable rewards he diſmiſs'd the Embaſſadours. Leaving a Garriſon at Tiſata, he advanc'd with the reſt of the Army towards Nola, and in his march, Hanno with the Recruits ſent from Carthage, and the Elephants, join'd him, having paſs'd through the Brutian Country. But after he had pitcht his Tents not far from Nola, upon Enquiry. he found all things much different from what the Embaſſadours had related; for Marcellus was ſo prudent, that he had left nothing to Fortune, nor by raſh Conduct gave the leaſt advantage to the Enemy; He never us'd to ſend abroad Parties to Forage, but Scouts were before them, and good Reſerves to ſecure their Retreat, and indeed had manag'd all his Affairs as cautiouſly as if Annibal were actually preſent; but now he had notice he was indeed approaching, he kept all his Forces cloſe within the Walls, and ordered the Senators of Nola to walk up and down upon the Works, and obſerve the Enemies motion. Hanno coming up very cloſe to view the Town, call'd to two of them, Herennius Baſſus, and Hierius Petrius, and invited them to a Parley; and they (with leave from Marcellus) going forth, ſpoke to them by an Interpreter, Magnifying the Valour and Fortune of Annibal, and undervaluing the majesty of the people of Rome, as being now in its Wane, and declining equally with their ſtrength; but if both ſides were in thoſe reſpects ſtill equal, as heretofore they had been, yet any that had felt how grievous the Roman Government was to their Allies, and on the contrary, how kind and indulgent Annibal had been even to all the Priſoners he took of the Latine Nations, must needs deſire and prefer the Carthaginians Friendſhip, before that of the Romans. That if both Conſuls with their Armies were at Nola, they would be no more a match for Annibal, than they were at Cannae; and how vain was it then to think, that one Praetor, with but a few raw Souldiers, could ſecure them? That it would more concern them, than Annibal, whether the Town were his by Surrender or by Storm; for his it would certainly be as well as Capua and Nuceria, but what odds there was between the Fortune of the former and latter of thoſe places, they, who lay almoſt in the middle between them both, could not be ignorant: That he not for Omens-ſake, mention the conſequences, if they were ſubdued by aſſault; but this he could promiſe them, that if they would yield up the Town and Garriſon, no other ſhould preſcribe the terms of the League between them and Annibal but themſelves.

To this Herennius Baſſus anſwer'd, That there had now for many years been an Alliance and firm Friendſhip between the people of Rome and the Nolans, of which neither of them to this very day had any cauſe to repent; and that for their own part, if they had been inclinable to change ſides, and make their Faith follow the meaſures of Fortune, yet the ſame was now too late; for had they intended to yield to Annibal, it ſhould have been before they had call'd in a Roman Garriſon; with whom now they communicated all Councils, and lookt upon them to have as much intereſt in the City as themſelves, and therefore reſolv'd to run all hazards with thoſe who were come thither for their protection. This Conference daſht Annibals hopes of gaining Nola by Treachery, therefore encompaſſes it round with his Forces, that he might at once ſtorm it in all parts. But Marcellus having drawn up his Forces within the Gate, when he ſaw they came up near the Wall, ſallies out with a mighty ſhout. At the firſt Charge ſome of the Enemy were beat back and cut off, but afterwards drawing together from all parts, a moſt fierce Fight began with equal Forces, and undoubtedly it might have prov'd memorable at the firſt rate, had not a violent ſtorm of rain parted them; ſo that after a ſhort bout, ſerving only to whet their Courage on both ſides, they were forced to retreat, the Romans into the City, and the Punicks to their Camp; of the latter there were not above thirty ſlain, and moſt of them at the firſt irruption. The Romans loſt not a man. The rain continuing all that night, and part of the next day, kept them, though eager on both ſides to decide the matter within their Works. On the day following Annibal ſent part of his Forces to Forage the adjacent Country belonging to the Town; which as ſoon as Marcellus underſtood, he drew out of the City, and offer'd Battel, nor did Annibal refuſe it; There was about a Mile between the City and the Camp, on which they fought, for all the Country round about Nola conſiſts of open Champain Ground. The ſhout ſet up by both ſides, cauſed the neareſt of theſe Troops that were ſent a plundering, to return and ſhare in the Battel; The Nolans offer'd themſelves to augment the Roman Army, but Marcellus applauding their forwardneſs, order'd them to remain for a Reſerve, and carry off the wounded men, but forbear Engaging, unleſs he gave them a Signal.

The Fight was doubtful, the Generals Encouraging their men, as much as 'twas poſſible; and the Souldiers came on as reſolutely; Marcellus bids his Troops Charge home the Enemy, the very ſame Enemy whom they worſted but the other day, and but a while ago made run at Cumes, and who he himſelf, though then General of another Army, had laſt year beaten from before this City Nola, that at preſent, part of them were abſent a plundering in the Country, and for thoſe that were here, they were effeminated by Campanian Luxury, having been rioting a whole Winter together with Wine and Wenches, and all kind of Debauchery; That their former ſtrength and vigour was gone, thoſe ſtout able Bodies and couragious minds decay'd, with which they paſs'd the Pyrenaean Hills, and overcame the ſteep Cliffs of the Alps; Theſe are but the Reliques, the outward Images of thoſe brave Fellows, ſo degenerate, ſo enfeebled, that they can ſcarce ſupport their Arms, or with fainting Limbs wield their Weapons; That Capua had been no leſs fatal to Annibal than Cannae to the Romans; There his Warlike Courage was ſmother'd, there his Military Diſcipline loſt; there the glory of his paſt actions buried, and all his hopes blaſted for the future. Whilſt Marcellus to raiſe his own mens Courage, upbraided thus the Enemy, Annibal himſelf reproach'd them with yet more bitter reflections; I acknowledge (ſays he) the ſame Arms, and the ſame Standards which I ſaw and had with me at Trebia, at Thraſymenus, and laſt of all at Cannae, but I muſt avow that I brought not the ſame Souldiers out of Capua, that I carried in to Winter there. What? Do you now make a great buſineſs on't to Encounter a Roman Lieutenant, and hardly ſuſtain the Charge of one Legion and petty Squadron, when two whole Conſulary Armies were never wont to ſtand before you? Can you with any patience endure, that Marcellus with a few raw new-rais'd Forces, and Nolan Auxiliaries, ſhould thus a ſecond time brave and challenge us to a Battel? Where is that Souldier of mine, who unhors'd the Conſul Flaminius, and cut off his Head? Where's that brave Fellow that nail'd their other Conſul L. Paulus to the ground at Cannae? Are your Swords blunted? Or are your ſtrong Nerves cramp'd, and your right hands benum'd or Palſy ſtruck? Or what other Prodigy hath befaln you? You, that though much inferiour in numbers, have always been wont to cut to pieces multitudes, will you now yo • are much the more numerous, ſuffer your ſelves to be baffled by a few? You bounc'd and talk'd high, how you would ſtorm the Walls of Rome it ſelf, if any would but lead you on; ſee now a leſſer piece of ſervice before you; here would I firſt make trial of your ſtrength and Courage; Go on, make your ſelves Maſters of this Nola, a Town ſituate in an open Plain, defended neither by Sea nor River; and when you have loaded your ſelves with the ſpoils of that opulent City, I will from thence lead you whitherſoever you pleaſe, or elſe follow you.

But neither his Reproaches nor his Encouragements could raiſe their Spirits, for being every where beat back, and giving ground, and the Romans therewith the more animated, as well as with the Exhortations of their General, and the ſhouts of their Friends the Nolans, the Carthaginians in fine betook them to their Heels, and were beat into their Camp. Which the Roman Souldiers would fain have preſently attacqu'd, but Marcellus thought it more fit to ſound a Retreat, and brought them back to Nola, where they were receiv'd with great Joy, and the Congratulations even of the Commons, who before were more inclinable to the Carthaginians. There were ſlain that day above five thouſand of the Enemy, ſix hundred taken, with nineteen Standards, and two Elephants, beſides four that were kill'd in the Fight. The Romans loſt not full a thouſand men. The next day was ſpent (as it were by conſent) in burying their dead; Marcellus cauſed all the ſpoils of the Enemy to be burnt in a mighty Pile as a Sacrifice to Vulcan; The day following one thouſand two hundred ſeventy and two Horſe, part Numidians and part Spaniards (upon ſome diſguſt I believe, or in hopes of better pay) deſerted Annibal and fled to Marcellus; and did the Romans very faithful and ſtout ſervice afterwards in that War, and after the ſame was over, had for their reward large quantities of Lands in their own reſpective Countries given them. Annibal having ſent back Hanno amongſt the Bruttii, marches with his own Forces to take up Winter-Quarters in Apulia, and Encamp'd near Arpi. Of which Q. Fabius having advice, cauſed Proviſions to be carried from Nola and Naples to the Camp above Sueſſula, and having ſtrengthned the Works, and left a ſufficient Force to defend it all Winter, he himſelf, with the groſs of his Army, advanc'd nearer Capua, and waſted all the Territories thereunto belonging with Fire and Sword, ſo much, that the Capuans, though with no great Conſidence of their ſtrength, were enforc'd to come out of the City, and Encamp before it in the open Plain; They were in all ſix thouſand ſtrong, but the Foot not conſiderable for ſervice, their Cavalry was better, and therefore they endeavour'd to provoke the Enemy to Horſe-Skirmiſhes.

Amongſt many noble Campanians that ſerv'd on Horſeback, there was one Cerrinus Jubellius, Surnam'd Taurea, a very ſtout man, ſo that when he ſerv'd in the Roman Army, there was never a Cavalier counted his match but Claudius Aſellus. This Gallant therefore having a good while rode picqueering and ſurveying the Enemies Troops, at laſt having made ſilence, inquired where Claudius Aſellus was? For (quoth he) ſince he was wont to contend with me in words which was the beſt man, let him now come out and decide it with his Arms; and either give the ſpoils of Honour if he be vanquiſht, or bear them away if he prove Victor? This being told Aſellus, he only ſtaid to ask the Conſuls leave to go out to fight this Challenger; which being granted, he preſently Arms and Mounts, and being advanc'd up to the Enemies Out-guards, calls upon Taurea by name, and bids him come forth when he durſt to the Encounter. To be Spectators of this Combate, the Romans were come out of their Camp in great numbers, and the Capuans fill'd both the Rampire and the Wall of the City. After the Champions had interchang'd a few daring Speeches to ſet off the Action, they clapt Spurs to their Horſes, directing at each other the deadly points of their Spears; but having open ground enough, they avoided each other, and ſeem'd like to protract the Combate a good while without giving or receiving any wound. Whereupon the Capuan told the Roman, This would be but a trial of Skill between their Horſes, which was the moſt nimble and best manag'd; not a deciſion which of the Riders was the ſtouteſt and moſt valiant, unleſs they rode off that plain ground into the hollow way that was hard by, where having no liberty to ſhuffle or evade, they muſt of neceſſity come to handy gripes and cloſe together. He had ſcarce ſo ſoon utter'd the words, but Claudius turn'd his Horſe head, and rode into the narrow way, but Taurea fiercer with his Tongue than his hands, cry'd out, Of all things in the World, I care not to meddle with an Aſs (alluding to his Antagoniſts name) in a Ditch, and ſo rode away, which ſaying thence forwards became a by word amongſt Country people; Claudius having rid a pretty while up and down the hollow Lane without meeting his Enemy, comes back into the Plain, and loading his Adverſary with a thouſand Reproaches for his Cowardize, return'd victorious with great Joy and Congratulation to the Camp. Some Annals add to this Horſe-Combat a ſtrange Circumſtance, and indeed wonderful if true (as by the common opinion it is counted no leſs) viz. That Claudius purſuing after Taurea when he fled to the City, entred with him at one Gate ſtanding open, and rode out clear at another, unhurt; to the great aſtoniſhment of the Enemy.

After this the Camps were quiet, and the Conſul remov'd ſomewhat further off the Town, that the Capuans might have liberty to ſow their Fields, nor did he ſpoil their Corn, till it was grown up in the Blade fit for his Horſe; and then he cut it down and carried it away to the Camp at Sueſſula; he gave Order to M. Claudius the Pro-Conſul, that retaining at Nola a Garriſon ſufficient to ſecure the place, he ſhould diſmiſs the reſt of his Forces, and ſend them home to Rome, that they might no longer be a burthen to their Allies, and a Charge to the Common-wealth. T. Gracchus having drawn the Legions that were at Cumes unto Luceria in Apulia, diſpatcht them from thence for Brunduſium, under the Conduct of M. Valerius the Praetor, commanding him to ſecure the Salentine Coaſt, and provide all things neceſſary againſt Philip and the Macedonian War. Towards the end of this Summer, arriv'd Letters from the two Scipio's, giving an account what great and fortunate Exploits they had perform'd in Spain, But that their Souldiers Arrears were very great, and Cloths and Corn, and indeed all things wanting both for the Army and the Fleet; as for their pay, if the Exchequer were low, they would find ſome courſe to raiſe it from the Spaniards, but the other neceſſaries muſt be ſent from Rome, for otherwiſe they would neither ſupport the Army, nor retain the Province in Obedience. Theſe Letters read, there was not one of the Senators but acknowledg'd, that both what they wrote was true, and that they deſired no more than was fit and reaſonable; but then again they conſidered, what great Forces they already had to maintain both at Land and Sea, and how a new Fleet muſt preſently be fitted out, if the Macedonian War went on; That as for Sicily and Sardinia, which before the War brought in conſiderable Taxes to the Treaſury, they were now ſcarce able to maintain thoſe Souldiers that 'twas neceſſary to keep there in Garriſon; That therefore the only way they had at preſent to ſupply the publick Charge, was by the Tribute laid upon their own Citizens and Subjects; but as the number of thoſe that were to pay the ſame, was extreamly diminiſht by the late mighty ſlaughters at Thraſymenus and Cannae, ſo thoſe few that were leſt, if burthen'd by too many Exactions and payments, would periſh and be undone another way; ſo that if the Commonwealth could not be ſupported by Credit, and borrowing of money, ſhe was not like to bear up by her own Revenue; The Reſult was, That Fabius the Praetor ſhould Aſſemble all the people together, and remonstrate to them the publick neceſſities, and earneſtly preſs all ſuch as were grown rich by farming the City-Revenues, that they would for a while lend part of their Eſtates to the publick from whence they had rais'd them, and furniſh the Spaniſh Army with neceſſaries out of their private Pockets, upon condition to be repaid as ſoon as there was Caſh in the Exchequer, before any other publick Creditors. The Praetor accordingly ſtated the matter in the Common-Hall, and alſo appointed a day when he would ſit to receive Propoſals and Subſcriptions for Cloths and Corn for the Spaniſh Souldiers, and other neceſſaries for the Fleet.

When the day came, three Societies, of nineteen perſons a piece, preſented themſelves as Undertakers, if they might be granted theſe two requeſts; The firſt, That for three years next there might be no other Farmers of the publick Revenues but themſelves; The other, That whatſoever they ſhipped, if taken by the Enemy, or caſt away by ſtorm, the Commonwealth ſhould bear the loſs and allow for it; both which being condeſcended unto, they undertook the Affair, and thus were the common concerns adminiſtred by the private moneys of particular Citizens, ſuch were the manners of that Age, and ſo great the affection of all ranks of men to their Country; what they generouſly undertook, they faithfully provided, nor was any thing wanting, more than if the Exchequer had been as full as ever it was. When theſe ſupplies arriv'd in Spain, the Town of Illiturgum, becauſe it had revolted to the Romans, was Beleaguer'd by Aſdrubal, and Mago, and Amilcar the Son of Bomilcar; but between their three Camps the two Scipio's forc'd a paſſage, not without a ſtout oppoſition and great ſlaughter, and reliev'd the City with Corn which they much wanted, bidding the Townſmen defend their own Walls with the ſame Courage as they ſhould ſee the Romans on their behalf attacque the Enemy; who accordingly prepared chiefly to aſſault that Leaguer where Aſdrubal commanded, but the other two Carthaginian Generals perceiving their drift, drew thither likewiſe; and ſo altogether ſallied out of their Works to Battel. They were in all ſixty thouſand ſtrong, and the Romans not above ſixteen thouſand. Yet the latter obtain'd ſo clear a Victory, that they ſlew more of the Enemy than themſelves were in number, took above three thouſand men, and near a thouſand Horſes, together with fifty nine Standards, and kill'd five Elephants in the Fight. The ſame day they made themſelves Maſters of all the three Camps. The Siege of Illiturgi being thus raiſed, the Punick Armies march'd to Aſſault the Town Incibili, having recruited their Companies out of that Province (as being a Nation of all others moſt eager of War, where there is good pay or hopes of Pillage, and at that time abounding with luſty young men.) There a ſecond Field was fought, with like Fortune as before on either ſide; For of the Carthaginians there were ſlain above thirteen thouſand, more than three thouſand taken Priſoners, with forty two Colours and nine Elephants. Then almoſt all the ſeveral Nations of Spain revolted to the Romans; and the Actions perform'd that Summer in Spain were far more great and glorious than thoſe in Italy.

DECADE III. BOOK IV. The EPITOME.

4, 5, &c. Hieronymus King of the Syracuſians (whoſe Grandfather Hiero had been a ſpecial Friend to the Romans) revolts to the Carthaginians, and for his Pride and Cruelty is murther'd by his own Subjects. 14, &c. T. Sempronius the Pro-Conſul fights Hanno and the Carthaginians, and overcomes them, chiefly by the good ſervice of the Bondmen, whom thereupon he Enfranchiſed. 33, &c. Claudius Marcellus beſieges Syracuſe in Sicily, that Iſland being almoſt wholly revolted to the Carthaginians. 40. War Proclaim'd againſt the King of Macedonia, who being in a Battel by night near Apollonia, routed and put to flight, returns into his own Country, half his Army having loſt their Arms, and Valerius the Praetor is ſent to proſecute that War. 41, &c. The Actions of the two Scipio's in Spain againſt the Carthaginians related. 48. Syphax King of the Numidians is taken into Alliance with the Romans, but being overcome by Maſſaniſſa King of the Maſſylians (who took part with the Carthaginians) he paſſed over into Spain to the Scipio's, with conſiderable Forces, landing amongst the Mauruſii, over againſt Cadiz, where the narrow Sea parts Africk and Spain. 49. A League is alſo made with the Celtiberians, and the Romans ſend to them for Auxiliaries, the firſt Mercenary Forces that ever appeared in a Roman Camp.

HAnno being return'd out of Campania to the Bruttii, and making uſe of them for his U. C. 539 Aſſiſtants and Guides, attempts the Grecian Colonies in thoſe parts, who continued the more firm to their Alliance with the Romans, becauſe they ſaw the Bruttii (whom they both hated and feared) had already taken part with the Carthaginians. He began with Rhegium, where he ſpent ſeveral days to little purpoſe. In the mean time the Inhabitants of Locri, were getting in their Corn, Fewel, and all other neceſſaries out of the Fields into their City, that there might be nothing left abroad to ſupply the Enemy; Thus daily more and more going out on that occaſion, there were at laſt no more left within than were imploy'd in repairing the Walls and Gates, and carrying Darts and all ſorts of Artillery to be ſtor'd up in the Towers and Bullwarks. Whereupon Amilcar ſent forth a Party of Horſe againſt that mixt multitude of all Ranks and Ages, which were ranging about the Country for the moſt part unarm'd, but gave expreſs Orders not to hurt any perſon, but only ſtop them from flying back to the City; he himſelf for the preſent Encamp'd on an high Ground, whence he could view the City and all the Country round about, and thence Commanded a Regiment of the Bruttii to go near the Walls, and call out ſome of the principal Inhabitants to a Parley, and by promiſing them Annibal's Friendſhip, perſwade them to ſurrender the City. At firſt they would give no Credit to any thing the Bruttii ſaid, but when they diſcover'd the Punick Army on the Hills, and underſtood by ſome few that got back, that all the reſt of the multitude abroad, were in the Enemies power; then overcome with fear, they promis'd to conſult their people about the overture; who being preſently Aſſembled, the Rabble were all deſirous of a Change and a new Alliance, thoſe who had Relations abroad intercepted, had their minds bias'd as much as if they had given Hoſtages, ſome few that ſilently were for a conſtant maintaining their Fidelity, durſt rather wiſh, than publickly plead for it, ſo as they all agreed in outward appearance to yield up the place to the Carthaginians, having firſt privately Embarqu'd L. Atilius the Captain of the Garriſon, and what Roman Souldiers he had, on Veſſels that lay in the Haven, to the end they might be tranſported to Rhegium. Then they admitted Amilcar and his Forces into the Town, upon Condition That there ſhould preſently be a League concluded on terms indifferent for both Parties. But that promiſe was not very well perform'd, becauſe Amilcar charg'd them with having fraudulently diſmiſs'd and ſuffer'd the Romans to eſcape; which the Locrians endeavour'd to excuſe, by alledging that they ran away, and they could not help it. And a Party of Horſe was ſent to purſue them, if by chance either the Tide might cauſe any of the Veſſels to ſtay in the Current of the ſtreight, or drive them on ſhore; but though they did not overtake them, yet they had ſight of other Ships croſſing from Meſſina to Rhegium, being Roman Forces ſent by Claudius the Praetor to ſecure that City with a Garriſon; whereupon the Enemy preſently withdrew from before Rhegium.

The Terms allow'd the Locrians by Annibal's Command were theſe, That they ſhould live under their own Laws and Customs, That the City ſhould be free for the Carthaginians to come into, but the Locrians ſhould have the Command of the Port; and on either ſide they ſhould mutually aſſiſt each other both in Peace and War. So the Carthaginians retired from the Streights, the Bruttians being much diſcontented, that they had left untoucht Rhegium and Locri, both which Cities they deſign'd to have had the plunder of. Therefore ſoon after they by themſelves arm fifteen thouſand of their own men, and march to aſſault Croton, which was alſo a City inhabited by Greeks, and a Sea-Port, imagining they ſhould not a little encreaſe their wealth and power by being Maſters of a well-fortified City, ſo conveniently ſituate on the Sea-ſide. But ſtill they were pinch'd with a ſhrewd Dilemma, if they did not invite the Carthaginians to join with them in this Expedition, it might be counted an affront and breach of the ſocial League between them; If they did, and they ſhould again act the part rather of Arbitrators of Peace, than Aſſiſtants in the War, then they ſhould fight againſt the Liberty of the Crotonians, as they had done againſt the Locrians to no purpoſe, and get nothing for their pains; Therefore the beſt expedient they thought was to ſend Agents to Annibal, and obtain his promiſe, that Croton when taken, ſhould belong to the Bruttii. But Annibal told them, That thoſe preſent on the place could beſt adviſe of that matter, and referr'd them to Hanno, who never would give them any poſitive Anſwer, for neither were they willing that ſo noble and rich a City ſhould be plunder'd, and on the other ſide thought that the Crotonians when attacqu'd by the Bruttians, ſeeing that the Carthaginians neither approv'd nor aſſiſted the ſame, might ſo much the ſooner of their own accord, revolt to them and deſire the Punick aſſiſtance. Nor were the people of Croton all of a mind, for one and the ſame Diſeaſe had infected almoſt all the Cities of Italy, and ſet the Nobles and the Commons at variance, the Senate favouring the Romans, and the Populace the Carthaginians. This diſſention within the City, the Bruttians were made acquainted with by a Renegade; That Ariſtomachus was the head of the popular Faction, and a great ſtickler for yielding the City to Annibal; That the City being ſo very vaſt, and the Walls in ſeveral places ruinous, the Guards and Watches of the Senators, and thoſe of the Commons were ſet at the reſpective breaches many times a great diſtance from each other; and whereever the Commoners were upon duty, they might enter without reſiſtance. Upon this Intelligence, and with the guidance of this Fugitive, the Bruttii environ'd the City round about, and being let in by the Commons, at the firſt aſſault became Maſters of the whole City, except the Caſtle, which the Nobles held in their own hands, and had well-ſtor'd it with all Proviſions for a refuge for themſelves in any ſuch ſurprize; Ariſtomachus fled thither as well as the reſt, as having been the Adviſer to ſurrender the Town to the Carthaginians, not to the Bruttians.

The Wall of this City Croton, before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy, contain'd twelve Miles in compaſs, but after the deſolation made by that War, ſcarce one half part of it was inhabited; the River that formerly ran through the middle of the Town, flow'd now at a great diſtance from any of the Streets, and the Caſtle ſtood far from any Houſes. Six Miles from this City was a noble Temple, more famous than the City it ſelf, dedicated to Juno Lacinia, frequented with great Devotion by all the neighbouring Nations; There was a ſacred Grove encloſed with a thick under-Wood and loſty Fir-Trees, in the midſt of it were gallant delicate Paſtures, wherein were fed Beaſts conſecrated to the Goddeſs of all ſorts without any Keeper, for as they went out to feed each kind by themſelves, ſo at night they came home every one to his Stall or Pinfold, ſecure from any harm, either by the way-layings of wild Beaſts, or being ſtoln by men, great encreaſe therefore and profit was made by theſe Cattel, inſomuch that out of that Income, a ſolid Pillar of gold was made and conſecrated, and the Temple renowned for its riches as well as its ſanctity. And (as generally to ſuch notable places are aſcrib'd ſome Miracles or other) the ſtory goes, That in the very Threſhold of this Temple there was an Altar, the aſhes on which, no Wind, though ever ſo high or boisterous, could blow away, or ſo much as ſtir. As for the Caſtle of Croton, on the one ſide it ſtands on the Sea, on the other it looks towards the Fields, in old time defended only by the natural advantages of its ſcituation, afterwards fortified with a Wall on that part where Dionyſius the Tyrant of Sicily, having gain'd the Cliffs behind, ſurpriz'd and took it; This Fortreſs (ſtrong enough as they thought to ſecure them) was held by the Nobles as aforeſaid, beſieg'd not only by the Bruttians, but their own people too. Who at laſt finding the ſame impregnable againſt their Forces, were forc'd by neceſſity to deſire Hanno's aſſiſtance; but he endeavouring to draw them to a ſurrender upon Terms, offers them a Colony of the Bruttii to be planted amongſt them, and ſo fill up their City again to its antient frequency of Inhabitants, to which not a man would in the leaſt hearken, except it were only Ariſtomachus, all the reſt affirming, That they would ſooner die, than being mixt with the Bruttians, degenerate into Foreign Rites, Manners and Laws, and in time into a ſtrange barbarous Language. Ariſtomachus alone, ſeeing he could neither prevail with them to ſurrender, nor yet had any opportunity to betray the Caſtle, as he had done the City, fled away to Hanno. Soon after this, Embaſſadours from Locri by Hanno's permiſſion, came up to the Caſtle, and were admitted in, who perſwaded the Gentlemen there to tranſport themſelves to Locri, rather than hazard the laſt Extremities; to which purpoſe, if they pleas'd to accept it, they had already obtained for them Annibals paſs, by Embaſſadours ſent to him on that very Errand. So all the perſons of note of Croton quitted that place, went on Board and ſail'd to Locri. In Apulia the Romans could not be quiet for Annibal, though it were in the depth of Winter; Sempronius the Conſul Quarter'd at Luceria, Annibal near Arpi; between them happen'd frequent Skirmiſhes, as each party ſpy'd an opportunity, or could find an advantage; but generally the Romans had the better on't, and daily were rendred more wary and ſafer from Surprizes and Ambuſcades.

The Death of King Hiero, and that Kingdom falling into the hands of his Grandſon Hieronymus, had quite turn'd the Scale as to the Romans Intereſt in Sicily. This new King was but a Youth, ſcarce like to uſe his own Liberty with moderation, much leſs to govern the whole Realm with diſcretion; His Guardians and Friends were glad of ſuch an opportunity to attain their own ends by complying with his humours, and precipitating him into all kind of Vices, which Hiero foreſeeing, would ('tis ſaid) in his old Age, have left the Syracuſans a Free State, leſt by being under the Government of a Child, that Realm rais'd and ſo well ſtrengthned by Policy and Vertue, ſhould ſuddenly come to ruine by Folly and Extravagance. But his Daughters with all their Intereſt diſſwaded him from this Courſe, conceiving that though the Lad had the Title of King, yet the Dominion and ſway of all Affairs would be in the hands of themſelves and their Husbands, Andronodorus and Zoippus, for they were left his prime Tutors. Nor was it an eaſy matter for one that was now ninety years of Age, and continually beſieg'd by theſe Womens Flatteries and Importunities to keep his mind ſo free as to abandon the Conſideration of his proper Family, meerly in regard to the publick State; however he appointed him no leſs than fifteen Tutors, whom he intreated as he lay a dying, That they would religiouſly obſerve that Fidelity and ſtrict Alliance with the Romans which he had maintain'd full fifty years; and that they would always adviſe their young Prince to inſiſt in his ſteps, and that Diſcipline under which he had been Educated. With theſe commands he ſpent his laſt breath, the Tutors take upon their truſt, publiſh the Will, and ſhew the young King (who was then not full fifteen) in the general Aſſembly of the people; where ſome few that were diſpoſed on purpoſe amongſt the Crowd to make a ſhew of Joy, applauded the Will with ſhouts and clamours, but the reſt as having loſt their Father, ſtood ſilent for grief, and dreaded what the conſequences might prove to the Orphan Kingdom; The old Kings Funeral was rendred more ſolemn and ſtately by the love and good will of his Subjects, than any care or charge of his Deſcendents and Relations. Soon after Andronodorus diſplaces the reſt of the Tutors, alledging the King was no longer a Child, but of an Age capable to take upon him the Governance of the Kingdom, and ſo by renouncing that Tutorſhip which he had in common with divers others; got the power of them all into his own hands.

The truth is, Let a King have been never ſo good and moderate, he would not eaſily have had the favour of the Syracuſians, ſucceeding Hiero, whom they ſo extreamly lov'd and honour'd; but Hieronymus, as if he deſign'd on purpoſe by his Vices to make his Grandfather deſirable, at the very firſt began to ſhow how ſad a change they were to expect. For thoſe who for ſo many years never ſaw Hiero, or his Son Gelo, either in habit of Apparel, or in any other Ornaments, Train or Port, different from the reſt of the Citizens, beheld him now in Purple Robes, a Royal Crown on his Head, and a Guard of Armed Penſioners attending him, and ſometimes riding out from his Court in a Chariot drawn with four white Steeds, after the mode of Dionyſius the Tyrant. This proud habit and ſtately Equippage, was accompanied with ſuitable qualities and conditions. He contemn'd and ſlighted all men; ſcorn'd to give Audience to humble Suppliants, or hearken to any ſound Counſel, but ſent them away that made their Addreſſes, with reproachful Language and ill Names. Difficult of acceſs, not only to Strangers, but even his Tutors durſt not come at him. The delights and Luſts he addicted himſelf to were new and ſtrange, his Cruelty outragious and inhumane; whereby he became ſo terrible that ſome of his Guardians made away themſelves, others fled out of the Country for fear of his outrages. There were but three of them that were familiarly admitted to Court; Andronodorus and Zoippus (Hiero's Sons-in-Law) and one Thraſo, nor were theſe ſo much conſulted about any other affairs, as touching the Roman Alliance; for the two firſt being altogether for the Carthaginians, the latter as hot for the Romans, the King took a delight many times to hear them wrangle and ſquabble on that ſubject, and knew not very well which ſide to encline to; But it happen'd, that a Conſpiracy againſt the Life of the King was diſcovered by one Calo, a young man much about the Kings Age, his Play-Fellow and intimate with him from his Childhood; but he could nominate no more of the Conſpirators than Theodotus, by whom he himſelf was made privy to the Treaſon, and ſollicited to be a Complice therein. Theodotus being apprehended, and committed to Andronodorus to be put to the Queſtion, preſently confeſs'd himſelf Guilty, but would not reveal the reſt concern'd; at laſt being torn and mangled with all kind of Tortures intollerable, beyond humane patience, pretending he could no longer endure the pains, but would make an ingenuous Confeſſion, he turns the Crime from the Guilty upon the Innocent, and falſly declares, That Thraſo was the Contriver of the Plot, and that they durſt not have attempted ſo grand an Enterprize, if they had not been encouraged by his power and intereſt at Court who put them upon't. He alſo impeached ſome others of the Kings menial Servants, as their names came into his head during his Tortures, and whoſe Lives he imagined might be beſt ſpared, and their Deaths leaſt lamented. His naming of Thraſo was the greateſt Argument with the King to credit the ſtory, who was therefore immediately ſeiz'd and Executed, as were alſo all the reſt accuſed, though equally innocent; As for the real Conſpirators, not one of them, though their Confederate was ſo long under Torture, either abſconded, or offer'd to run away, ſuch confidence had they in his Vertue and Fidelity, and ſuch a wonderful reſolution and ſtrength had he to conceal them.

Thraſo who was the only means hitherto of the Syracuſians holding to their Alliance with the Romans, being thus diſpatcht out of the way, preſently the face of Affairs tended, openly to a Revolt, Embaſſadours being not only ſent to Annibal, but two Agents received and entertained that came from him, viz. Hippocrates and Epicides, both deſcended from Syracuſe by their Grandfather who was baniſht thence, but born at Carthage, and Punicks by their Mothers ſide, who alſo brought with them a young Carthaginian Nobleman, whoſe name was Annibal; by whoſe Negotiation a League was clapt up between the Great Annibal and the Tyrant of Syracuſe, and for continuing a good correſpondence between them, Annibal was content his ſaid Agents ſhould continue at the Syracuſian Court. Appius Claudius the Praetor, who had then the Government of Sicily, being advertiz'd of theſe Overtures, immediately diſpatcht Embaſſadours to Hieronymus, who acquainting him, That they came to renew that ancient Society and Friendſhip which they had with the King his Grandfather; were not heard without making ſport at them, and askt in an upbraiding kind of Joque by Hieronymus, What luck they had at the Battel of Cannae? for Annibals Embaſſadours related incredible ſtories, and he would fain know the truth, that he might take his meaſures accordingly. The Romans only anſwer'd, That when he had learnt to give a ſerious Audience to Embaſſadours, they would come to him again, and ſo having rather admoniſht than requeſted him, not raſhly to violate the League, they departed. Hieronymus ſends Embaſſadours to Carthage to confirm the Treaty made with Annibal; Wherein it was capitulated, That as ſoon as he had driven the Romans out of Sicily (which would preſently be done, if they would but ſend ſome Forces and a Fleet) the River Himera, which divides the Iſland very near into equal parts, ſhould limit both the Carthaginian and Syracuſians Dominion. But afterwards being puſt up with ſome peoples flatteries who told him 'twas fit he ſhould remember that he was not only the Grandchild of King Hiero, but of King Pyrrhus too, by the Mothers ſide, he ſent another Embaſſy declaring, That he thought it but reaſonable, That they ſhould quit the whole Iſland of Sicily, and leave it to him; and that the Empire of Italy only, belonged properly to the Carthaginians to acquire and conquer, he having already a right to all Sicily. Which Levity and vain-glorious humour they did neither wonder at in an unbridled young man, nor would they at preſent ſtand to diſpute it with him, ſo long as they could on any terms alienate him utterly from the Romans.

But all theſe Courſes were but Precipices haſtning his deſtruction; for having ſent before Hippocrates and Epicides with two thouſand men to ſollicite thoſe Cities to a Revolt wherein the Romans had Garriſons, he himſelf in perſon entred the Country of the Leontines, with all the reſt of his Army conſiſting of about fifteen thouſand Foot and Horſe; the before-mentioned Conſpirators (who chanc'd to be all then in Arms under him) poſſeſs'd themſelves of an empty Houſe, adjoining to a narrow Lane, through which the King uſed to go down to the Market place and publick Hall of the City. Where whilſt the reſt ſtood ready arm'd waiting his coming, one of them whoſe name was Dinomeni, becauſe he waited immediately on the Kings Perſon, had his Cue given him, that when his Maſter came near the Gate, he ſhould on ſome pretence ſtop the reſt of his Attendants in that narrow paſſage, which was done accordingly, by holding up his Foot, and fidling about his Shoe as if he would unty it, being too ſtrait, whereby, keeping back the Croud, the King was ſtabb'd, and receiv'd ſeveral wounds before any body could come to his Reſcue; but upon the Out-cry and Tumult, they fell upon Dinomeni, who then openly appear'd to ſtop them, however with two ſlight wounds he eſcap'd their hands; and the Guards ſeeing the King lie dead, betook themſelves to their heels, the Aſſaſſinates went ſome of them into the Town-Hall, gladly received by the Rabble as Authors of their Liberty, and others haſtned to Syracuſe, to prevent Andronodorus and others of the Kings Favourites from taking any meaſures to puniſh them. But before this, whilſt Affairs there ſtood in a doubtful poſture, App. Claudius perceiving a War at hand, had advertiz'd the Senate of Rome, That Sicily was join'd with the Carthaginians, and uſed all the diligence he could to bring his Forces to the Frontiers to obviate their deſigns. Towards the end of the year Q. Fabius, by Authority from the Senate, fortified and placed a Garriſon at Puteoli, a Mart-Town that began much to be frequented ſince theſe Wars. From whence being to come for Rome to chuſe Conſuls, he Ordered the Elections to be held the very next day after his Arrival, and was ſo intent thereupon, that he came from his Journey directly into Mars's Field, before he went into the City. Where the youngeſt Century of the Anien Tribe, happening by Lot, to have the Prerogative of giving their Suffrages firſt, they nominated T. Otacilius and M. Aemilius Regillus for Conſuls; Then Q. Fabius commanding ſilence, made the following Oration.

If we had either Peace in Italy, or War with ſuch an Enemy, as failures of negligence or errour might be of no great importance, or eaſily retriev'd, I ſhould think, that whoever offer'd to delay or oppoſe the favours and free affections of this ſolemn Aſſembly, in conferring Offices and Honours upon whom you pleaſe, were juſtly to be blam'd as intrenching upon your Liberties and Freedom of Choice. But ſince in this War, and with this Enemy, never any General of ours took one falſe ſtep in his Conduct, but it coſt us ſome vaſt overthrow, and prov'd almoſt fatal to our Common-wealth: It is abſolutely neceſſary that you ſhould come hither to Elect Conſuls, with no leſs care and caution, than you would uſe, if you were now juſt marching into the Field to Engage the Enemy, and every one lay his hand upon his heart and ſay to himſelf, I am this day to nominate a Conſul that may be a match for General Annibal. This year, before Capua, when Jubellius Taurea, the braveſt Cavalier of that City, defied the Romans and Challeng'd to fight Man to Man, Aſellus Claudius the ſtouteſt Horſeman amongſt the Romans was choſen to Encounter him; Heretofore againſt a Gaul that offer'd Combat upon the Bridge over Anio, our Anceſtors ſent out Manlius a reſolute Champion of equal Courage and ſtrength; For the ſame reaſon many years after, upon ſuch another occaſion, the like truſt was repoſed in M. Valerius, and he had leave to fight with another braving Gaul; Therefore ſince we deſire to have Footmen and Horſemen, ſuperiour or at leaſt equal to any the Enemy can boaſt of, and are ſo wary to match them even in ſingle Rancounters, much more ought we to ſeek out a Commander in Chief no way inferiour to the Enemies General, ſince thereon the ſafety of the whole Army, nay of the whole Commonwealth depends. And even when we have choſen the ableſt Leader we can, he will ſtill be under great diſadvantages, for as ſoon as he is Elected, and that too but for one years ſpace, he must deal with an old and perpetual General, bound up by no limits of time, or formalities of Laws and ſuperiour Orders, but free to manage all things to the utmost advantage, as opportunities ſhall occur. Whereas whilſt we are preparing and diſpoſing of things, and have ſcarce begun to put our well laid deſigns in Execution, the year is wheel'd about, our Commiſſions expired, and our Armies fall under new Conduct. But ſince I have ſaid enough to admoniſh you what kind of men you ought to create Conſuls, it remains that I ſpeak briefly of thoſe Gentlemen on whom the Prerogative Century have beſtow'd their favour. As for Aemilius Regillus he is already the Flamen or High Prieſt to Quirinus, whom we can neither ſpare from his ſacred Miniſtry, nor yet keep him at home to follow it, without neglecting either the ſervice of the Gods, or the due care of the War. I confeſs Otacilius married my Siſters Daughter, and hath Children by her, but you have merited better, both at my Anceſtors hands and mine, than that I ſhould prefer my private Relations, before the regards I have to the publick utility; Any common Sailer or Paſſenger can ſteer in fair weather, but when a bluſtering Tempeſt is up, and the Ship toſs'd, and every moment ready to be ſwallow'd by the raging Sea, a ſkillful hand is requir'd at Helm. We ſail not now in a Calm, but have been already almost caſt away, and on the very brink of deſtruction by ſeveral unlucky ſtorms, and therefore are concern'd to take the greateſt care and caution imaginable, whom we imploy to be our Steerſman. In a matter of leſs importance we have made trial O T. Otacilius! of your knowledge and diligence, nor have you yet given us any ſuch proof thereof, as ſhould encourage us to entruſt greater affairs to your management: The Fleet whereof you were this year Admiral, we fitted out for three purpoſes. That it ſhould waſt the Sea Coaſts of Africk, ſecure our own Italian ſhores, and eſpecially to prevent any ſupplies of Men, Money, or Proviſions being ſent from Carthage to Annibal. Now with all my heart, create T. Otacilius if he perform'd all theſe particulars, or even any one of them, for the Commonwealth. But if whilſt you were Admiral, all things paſs'd to Annibal as free and ſecure as if we had had never a Ship out at Sea; If the Coasts of Italy have this year been much more infeſted with Depredations than thoſe of Africk, why of all men living ſhould we make choice of you as the only General to cope with Annibal? Nay rather, if you were already Conſul, we ſhould judge it neceſſary forthwith to appoint a Dictator, according to the uſage of our Anceſtors. Nor ought you to reſent it ill, that in the whole City of Rome there is ſome one perſon eſteem'd an abler Warriour than you. The truth is, 'tis no particular mans Intereſt more than yours, not to overload your ſhoulders with a burthen under which you needs muſt ſink. I therefore repeat my advice, and earneſtly intreat you, my Fellow Citizens! That you would in Electing Conſuls this day, exerciſe that Judgment and careful Providence, as if you were ſtanding arm'd in Battalia, and were there to chuſe two Generals, under whoſe Conduct you were preſently to venture your Lives; for 'tis to them our Children muſt take the Oath of Obedience, 'tis at their Edict they muſt Rendezvous, and to their Care and Prudence are our Armies entruſted, and all we have in the World; The Lake Thraſymenus, and the Plains before Cannae, are ſad Examples to remember, I wiſh they may he as uſeful precedents to teach us to avoid the like for the future. Come, Cryer, call the Prerogative Tribe to a new Scrutiny.

T. Otacilius bawling out very fiercely, That Fabius's only drift was to continue himſelf in the Conſulſhip, and growing troubleſome to the Aſſembly by his Clamours, the Conſul commanded his Lictors to ſeize him; and becauſe he himſelf came directly out of the Country into the Field, gave Order that the Axes ſhould be openly born before him in the Field as well as the Rods, to ſhew his Authority; In the mean time the Prerogative Century gave new Suffrages, and choſe Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time, and M. Marcellus the third, wherein the reſt of the Centuries agreed with them without any heſitation; One Praetor was alſo continued Q. Fulvius Flaccus, the three others new created, viz. T. Otacilius Craſſus the ſecond time, Q. Fabius the Conſuls Son who was then Curule Aedile, and P. Cornelius Lentulus. The Election of Praetors being over, the Senate paſs'd a Decree, That the City Province ſhould belong to Q Fulvius without putting it to the Lot, and that whilſt the Conſuls were abroad in the Wars, he ſhould have the principal charge of the City; This Year happen'd great Rains, and abundance of Snow, deſtroying many Houſes, Cattel and Men. In the fifth year of the Punick War, Q. Fabius Maximus entring upon the Conſulſhip the fourth time, and M. Claudius Marcellus the third, rais'd the minds of the City to an unuſual expectation, there not having been ſuch a famous couple of Conſuls for divers years paſt; but thoſe that were antient, compar'd them with Maximus Rullus, and P. Decius againſt the Gallick War; Or as afterwards Papirius and Carvilius were declared Conſuls againſt the conjoin'd Arms of the Samnites, Bruttians, Lucans and Tarentines. Marcellus was created now in his abſence, being with the Army, but Fabius preſent, and himſelf holding the Election; but the preſent Juncture, neceſſity of the War, and extream danger of the Commonwealth, ſuffer'd none to cavil at this precedent, nor to cenſure Fabius of Ambition, or deſire of Command, but rather applauded the greatneſs of his mind, who ſeeing there was a neceſſity of having the ableſt Commander Rome could yield, and knowing himſelf to be the perſon, could ſo nobly ſlight the envy which he himſelf might contract, and undervalue it, in compariſon of the ſervice he hop'd to do for the publick.

The ſame day the Conſuls entred upon their Office, they aſſembled the Senate in the Capitol, and the firſt thing they paſs'd was a Decree, That the Conſuls ſhould either caſt Lots, or agree between themſelves which of them ſhould ſtay to hold the Aſſemblies for chuſing of Cenſors before he went to the Army. Then all that were employ'd abroad with any Forces were continued in their reſpective Commands, and Order'd to remain in their ſeveral Provinces, Ti. Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with the Army of Volunteer Slaves; C. Terentius Varro in the Picene Country, and Manius Pomponius in the Ciſalpine Gaul; That of the laſt years Praetors, Q. Mucius in the Character of Pro-Praetor, ſhould govern Sardinia; M. Valerius preſide over Brunduſium, and the adjacent Sea Coaſt, to obſerve the Motions of King Philip of Macedon; The Province of Sicily was decreed to P. Cornelius Lentulus the Praetor, and T. Otacilius to be Admiral of the ſame Fleet as he had laſt year, againſt the Carthaginians. This Year many Prodigies were talkt of, and as ſimple ſuperſtitious people grew more apt to credit them, there were daily more and more reported, As that at Lanuvium Ravens had built Neſts within the Chappel of Juno Soſpita; That in Apulia a green Palm-Tree was on a light fire of its own accord; At Mantua a Pool or Lake, ſed by the overflowing of the River Mincius, appear'd all Blood. That at Cales it rain'd Chalk, and Blood at Rome in the Beaſt-market. That in the ſtreet call'd Iſtricus a Spring under ground broke forth with ſo much violence, that as if it had been the Torrent of a great River, it carried away ſeveral Pipes and Hogſheads that were in the place. That the roof of the Capitol, the Temple of Vulcan in Mars's Field, a Nut-Tree in the Sabines Country, the high ſtreet, the Wall, and a Gate at Gabii were all blaſted with Lightning and Fire from Heaven: And by and by other ſtrange wonders were buzz'd abroad, as that the ſpear of Mars at Preneſte moved it ſelf of its own accord; That a Bullock ſpoke in Sicily, and a Child in its Mother Belly in the Marrucines Country was heard to Cry Io Triumphe! That at Spoleto a Woman was turn'd into a Man; At Hadria there appear'd an Altar in the Sky, and the ſhapes of men in white Garments round about it; And at Rome it ſelf there was a ſwarm of Bees ſeen the ſecond time in the Market-place; ſome people affirming, that they diſcovered armed Legions on the Hill Janiculum, put all the City into an Alarm, but when they came thither, there was no body to be ſeen but the uſual Inhabitants. Theſe Prodigies by directions from the Soothſayers were expiated with the greater Sacrifices, and ſolemn ſupplications were enjoin'd to be made to all the Gods that had Shrines at Rome.

After all Complements perform'd that were requiſite to appeaſe and pacify the anger of the Gods, the Conſuls conſulted the Senate touching affairs of State, and the management of the War, and with what Forces, and where to be employed. The reſult was, That there ſhould be in all eighteen Legions, whereof each Conſul was to have two, the Provinces of Gaul, Sicily, and Sardinia were to be guarded with two more apiece. Q. Fabius the Praetor Lord Deputy of Apulia, was to have two for the ſecurity of that Province, and T. Gracchus to command two more at Luceria; That C. Terentius the Proconſul ſhould have one Legion in the Picene Country, and M Valerius another for the Navy about Brunduſium, and the other two to remain at Rome for the Guard of the City. To compleat this number, ſix intire Legions were to be new raiſed, and the Conſuls were order'd to muſter them with all Expedition, and to get ready the Fleet, that with thoſe Ships that lay on the Coaſts of Calabria, there might this year be ſet forth in all a hundred and fifty Sail. The Levies being compleated, and the Navy Equip'd, Q. Fabius held the Election of Cenſors, and thoſe Created were M. Atilius Regulus, and P. Furius Philus. The rumour ſtill encreaſing that Sicily was in Rebellion, T. Otacilius was Order'd thither with the Fleet, and Seamen being wanting, the Conſuls by a Decree of the Senate, publiſht an Edict, That all ſuch as in the time of the Cenſorſhip of L. Aemilius and C. Flaminius, were themſelves or their Fathers rated to be worth fifty thouſand Aſſes or upwards to an hundred thouſand, or who afterwards was grown to that Eſtate, ſhould find one Mariner and ſix months pay. Thoſe that were worth above a hundred thouſand Aſſes unto three hundred thouſand, three Mariners and a years pay; Whoever were valued in the Cenſors Book between three hundred thouſand and a Million, five Mariners; thoſe above a Million, ſeven; and every Senator eight Seamen and a years wages; By this Proclamation Seamen were ſupplied, arm'd and every way provided for by their Maſters, and ſo were put on Board, having thirty days Victuals prepared before hand. This was the firſt time the Roman Navy was man'd at the charge of particular perſons.

Theſe preparations greater than uſual, ſtartled the Neighbour Nations, eſpecially the people of Capua, leſt the Romans ſhould begin that years Campagn, with the Siege of that City; Therefore they ſent Agents to Annibal, requeſting, That he would advance nearer to Capua, for new Forces were rais'd at Rome to attacque that place, the Romans being much more enrag'd at their Revolt, than at the defection of any other people. And foraſmuch as this Meſſage was delivered in ſuch fear, Annibal thought it neceſſary to uſe all Expedition, leſt the Romans ſhould get thither before him, therefore diſlodg'd from Arpi, and Encamp'd at his old Quarters at Tifata above Capua, where leaving the Numidians and Spaniards both to Guard their own Camp and that City, he went down with the reſt of his Army to the Lake Avernus, on pretence of a ſolemn Sacrifice he had vowed to celebrate there, but in truth to tamper with and ſollicite the Town of Puteoli and the Garriſon there to Revolt to him. Maximus upon advice that Annibal was gone from Arpi back into Campania, rode day and night till he came to his Army, and order'd Ti. Gracchus to advance with the Forces under his Command from Luceria to Beneventum, and that Q Fabius the Praetor (who was the Conſuls Son) ſhould ſucceed him at Luceria. Two Praetors were at once diſpatcht into Sicily, P. Cornelius to Command the Army, and Otacilius as Admiral at Sea; All others haſtned to their ſeveral Charges, and thoſe that were continued in Commands, kept the ſame Provinces as laſt year.

Whilſt Annibal was at the Avern Lake, five young Noblemen came to him from Tarentum, who had been formerly his Priſoners, ſome taken at Thraſymenus, others at Cannae, and being releas'd with that uſual Clemency wherewith he treated all the Romans Allies; they to requite his Civilities bring him word, That they had ſo influenc'd moſt of the youth of Tarentum, that they were much more for joining with him than with the Romans; and that they were ſent on purpoſe to deſire him to draw his Forces that way; That as ſoon as his Standards ſhould appear, as ſoon as his Camp ſhould be ſeen from the Walls of Tarentum, that City would immediately be ſurrendred into his hands; For the young Fry could do what they liſt with the Commons, and the Commons rul'd all at Tarentum. Annibal return'd them thanks and abundance of large Promiſes, and wiſht them to go home, and promote and prepare this deſign, for in convenient time he would be with them; and ſo they were diſmiſs'd. He was mighty deſirous to make himſelf Maſter of Tarentum, for he ſaw that it was not only a noble and rich City, but alſo ſituate on the Seaſide, and a moſt convenient Port over againſt Macedonia, for his Confederate King Philip to land at, (if he came over into Italy) ſince the Romans were in poſſeſſion of Brunduſium. As ſoon as he had perform'd his Sacrifice, and during his ſtay there forrag'd all the Cumane Territories, as far as Cape Miſenum, on a ſudden he turn'd his Army upon Puteoli to ſurprize that Garriſon; which conſiſting of ſix thouſand men, and the place ſtrong by Nature, and much improv'd by Art, after three days aſſault on all ſides, in vain he quitted the ſame, and ſet his Army to plunder the Territories of Naples, more for madneſs and revenge, than out of any hopes to gain that City; upon his advance ſo near, the Commons of Nola, who had long been Enemies to the Romans, and at difference on that account with their own Senate, began to be very tumultuous, and ſent Meſſengers to Annibal with Aſſurances that they would yield the Town, if he pleaſed to come to receive it: But Marcellus the Conſul upon Advice from the Nobles of that City, prevented their deſign, for in one day he marched from Cales to Sueſſula, although part of the time was ſpent in ferrying over the River Vulturnus; and next night ſent into Nola ſix thouſand Foot and three hundred Horſe for a Guard for the Senate; and as Marcellus uſed all celerity to ſecure Nola, ſo Annibal having already been twice deceived, linger'd out the time, not much crediting the Nolans promiſes.

About this time the Conſul Fabius came before Caſilinum where was a Punick Garriſon; and to Beneventum, at one and the ſame time (as if they had been agreed) came Hanno out of the Bruttians Country with a ſtrong Party of Foot and Horſe on one ſide, and Ti. Gracchus from Luceria on the other ſide, who got firſt into the Town, and being advertiz'd that Hanno lay about three miles off on the River Calores, and plunder'd the Country, he iſſued out of the Gates on that ſide, and drew up within a mile of the Enemy, where he made a Speech to his Souldiers, who conſiſted chiefly of the Volunteer-Bondmen, who were willing rather to deſerve their liberty by another years ſervice ſilently, than to claim it with publick Clamours; yet when he parted from his Winter-Quarters, he perceived ſome of them murmured and complained to one another; What, ſhall we never ſerve in the Quality of Free-men? And he had wrote to the Senate, not ſo much what they deſired, as what they deſerved, aſſuring their Lordſhips, That they had performed good and faithfu • ſerv •• all along to that very day, and wanted nothing but their freedom to paſs for as good and lawf •• Souldiers as any in their Army; whereupon they left it to him to do as he ſhould think beſt for the Commonwealth: Therefore before they went now to fight, he told them; That the h • ppy moment they ſo long had wiſht for, the time of enjoying their liberty was now arrived For next morning they ſhould engage the Enemy in a pitch'd Battel in a free and open Field, where without any tricks or ſtratagems, the matter muſt be decided by pure Valour and the dint of Sword; That whoever ſhould bring thence the Head of an Enemy, he would immediately make him free; and on the other ſide, whoever ſhould fly or give ground, ſhould, as a Bond-ſlave, be ſcourged. So that now every man had his Fortune in his own hands; and that they might be aſſured of their freedom, acquainted them that it was not only he himſelf that promiſed it them, but the Conſul Marcellus and the whole Senate whom he had conſulted therein. And ſo cauſed the Conſuls Letter and S • nates Order to be publickly read before them. Which they entertain'd with a mighty ſhout, and earneſtly begg'd that he would preſently give them have to fall upon the Enemy; but Gracchus told them, next morning would be time enough, and ſo diſmiſſed them, who all were exceeding joyful, eſpecially thoſe that hoped on the morrow to earn their liberty, and ſpent the reſt of that day in making ready their Arms.

Next day aſſoon as the Trumpets began to ſound, they firſt preſented themſelves before any of the reſt of the Troops, at the Generals Pavilion, arm'd compleatly and ready to fight; at Sun-riſing Gracchus drew up in Battalia; nor was the Enemy behind hand, but altogether as ready for the Encounter, they were ſeventeen thouſand Foot, for the moſt part Bruttians and Lucanians, and twelve hundred Horſe, of whom a very few were Italians, the reſt almoſt all Numidians and Moors. The Fight was both ſharp and tedious, for four long hours together none could ſay which had the better on't. Nor did any thing hinder the Romans more, than the Enemies Heads being made the price of their Liberty; for as any one ſtoutly ſlew an Enemy, he muſt firſt ſpend time in cutting off his Head, which was difficult to do in the crowd and tumult, and then their right hands being employ'd to hold the Heads, the moſt valiant were able to do no further ſervice, and ſo the whole brunt lay upon the weakeſt and moſt timorous; ſo that the Marſhals of the Field inform'd Gracchus, That none of his men now wounded a ſtanding Enemy, but buſied themſelves in butchering the dead, and carried in their right hands mens Heads inſtead of Arms. He gave Orders, That they ſhould all at once fling away the Heads, and preſs on upon the Enemy: That they had already given ſufficient proofs of their Valour, and behaving themſelves ſo gallantly, they need not doubt of their Liberty. Then was the Fight renew'd, and alſo the Horſe charg'd the Enemy, whom the Numidians as ſtoutly receiv'd, and between them the Encounter was no leſs furious than amongſt the Foot, and now again it was an even Lay to which the Victory would incline. The Generals on both ſides heartned on their men. The Roman minding his Souldiers how oft theſe Bruttians and Lucanians had been ſubdued by their Anceſtors, and the Carthaginian cryed out, They had to do only with a few Roman Bond-ſlaves and Varlets. And at laſt ſeeing things in an extremity, Gracchus declared, That not a man ſhould hope for freedom, unleſs the Enemy were diſcomfited and put to flight.

That word ſet their Spirits all on fire, and as if it had transform'd them into other men, with a new ſhout they charg'd the Enemy ſo fiercely, that there was no ſtanding before them: Firſt, the Punick Van-Guard gave ground, then their Standards, and at laſt their main Body took their heels towards their Camp in ſuch diſorder and conſternation, that they did not ſo much as face about at the Ports, nor endeavour to defend their Rampier; but the Romans following them pell-mell, continued the Fight even within the Enemies Works, where, as the Conflict was more troubleſom for want of room, ſo the Slaughter was more dreadful, the ſame being augmented by the Priſoners that were there before in cuſtody, who ſnatching up Weapons in that tumult, fell upon the Rear of the Carthaginians, and ſtopt their ſlight, ſo that of all that great Army not full two thouſand, and thoſe for the moſt part Horſe, eſcaped with their General, the reſt being either ſlain, or taken, together with eight and thirty Colours. The Conquerors loſt near two thouſand men. All the Booty was given to the Souldiers, except the Priſoners, and ſuch of the Cattel as the Owners ſhould come in and claim within thirty days. Being return'd loaded with Plunder to the Camp, about four thouſand of the Volunteer-Bondmen, (who did not fight ſo well as the reſt, nor broke in ſo ſoon into the Enemies Camp) for fear of being puniſht, withdrew themſelves to a little Hill hard by; but next day being ſent for by the Colonels, repaired to the Camp, where Gracchus at the Head of the whole Army, made a Speech. And after he had rewarded ſuch of the old Souldiers as had ſignalized themſelves, with particular marks of Military Honour: As to the Bondmen he told them, That he had rather commend them altogether in general, both worthy and unworthy, than to ſully the Glory of that day with puniſhing of any; and therefore wiſhing it might be for the good and prosperity of the Commonwealth and themſelves, he did pronounce them all Free-men. At which word they ſhouted with mighty alacrity, and embraced and congratulated each other, and with hands lifted up to Heaven, begg'd for a thouſand Bleſſings on the People of Rome, and eſpecially to their Noble General Gracchus, who then continued his Speech thus: Till I had made you all equal in the Priviledge of Freedom, I was unwilling to make any difference between you for any mans ſtoutneſs or misbehaviour; but now having diſcharg'd the Truſt committed to me by the Commonwealth, that Valour and Cowardiſe may not ſeem to be altogether equalized, I will command a Catalogue of their Names to be brought in, who conſcious of their own failure, did lately withdraw themſelves, and calling them over one by one, will oblige them to take a Corporal Oath, That (unleſs in caſe of ſickneſs) as long as they continue Souldiers, they ſhall not ſit down as others do to eat or drink, but take their refection ſtanding on their feet; which puniſhment I am ſure you will be content to undergo, when you conſider what you have deſerv'd, and that it was not poſſible I ſhould more gently chaſtiſe your offence. Then he gave Order to truſs up their Baggage and m • rch, and the Souldiers carrying or driving before them their Booties, return'd to Beneventum, joquing and frollicking all the way, as if they had come from a Banquet or ſome great Feſtival, rather than from ſighting a ſharp and bloody Battel: The Inhabitants of Beneventum ran out in multitudes to meet and welcome them, and invited them to their Houſes to give them Entertainment and Lodging; They had provided Collations for them in their Cou • t-yards, and askt leave of Gracchus to treat his Souldiers, who granted it on condition, that they ſhould all dine in the open ſtreet, which was done accordingly; the Volunteers having got Caps on or Fillets of Wool about their heads in token of Liberty, and whilſt thoſe that had behaved themſelves couragiouſly ſat at their Victuals, the others, according to their Oaths, waited on them and eat their meat ſtanding. So pleaſant a ſight, that Gracchus, after he came to Rome, cauſed the Repreſentation thereof to be curiouſly drawn, and the Picture put up in the Temple of the Goddeſs Liberty, which his Father had built and dedicated in Mount Aventine, with the Monies levied for certain Fines, whilſt he was in Office.

Whilſt theſe Actions paſſed at Beneventum, Annibal having haraſſed all the Territories of Naples, came before Nola. On advice of whoſe Advance, the Conſul having ſent for Pomponius the Propraetor with the Army that lay at Sueſſula, prepares to meet and fight him without delay. In the dead of the night he ſent out Claudius Nero with the ſtrength of his Cavalry at a back Port, with Orders to fetch a compaſs and get behind the Enemy, and when he perceived them engaged, to fall upon their Rear; but whether by miſtaking the way, or for want of time, I know not, he failed therein. And during his abſence the two Armies encountred, wherein though the Romans had apparently the better, yet they miſſed of their main end, becauſe the Horſe came not up in time; nor durſt Marcellus purſue the Enemy when they gave ground, but ſounded a Retreat to his men in the midſt of their Victory; two thouſand of the Enemy and upwards are reckon'd to have been ſlain that day, and of the Romans not four hundred. About Sun-ſet Nero came back, having wearied out his Horſes and Men with marching all night and day, and not ſo much as ſeen the Enemy; to whom the Conſul gave a ſharp Reprimand, ſaying, 'Twas long of him and no body elſe that they had not that day been fully revenged on the Enemy for the loſs at Cannae. The next morning the Romans drew out again into the Field, but the Punicks tacitely yielding themſelves beaten, kept within their Works, and the third day in the dead of the night, quitting all hopes of gaining Nola, an Enterprize that never had ſucceeded, marched away for Tarentum on better aſſurance of being let in there by Treachery.

At home at Rome the Civil Affairs were managed with no leſs Courage, than the Wars abroad in the Field. The Cenſors, by reaſon the Exchequer was empty, being at leiſure from letting out and looking after publick Buildings, employed themſelves to reform mens manners, and chaſtiſe thoſe vices which in this time of War were grown up, as bodies languiſhing under Chronick diſtempers, are apt daily to breed new diſeaſes. Firſt, they cited thoſe that after the Battel at Cannae, would have abandoned the Commonwealth, and conſulted to go out of Italy, the chief of whom L. Caecilius Metellus happened now to be Queſtor, who with the reſt being commanded to plead what they could for themſelves, and able to alledge nothing material, they were Convicted, of having uſed words and diſcourſes tending to ſedition and the deſtruction of the Commonwealth. In the next place, thoſe two ſubtle Expounders of diſcharging a ſolemn Oath, were ſummon'd, who when ſome of the Priſoners that had ſworn to return to Annibal, went privately on a feigned Errand back to his Camp, had Voted them thereby to be releaſed from the obligation of their Oath; both theſe and the others before-mention'd, as many as ſerv'd on the City Horſes, had their Horſes taken from them, were degraded, and condemn'd to forfeit their Votes, and ſerve without pay. Nor did the Cenſors Care extend only to reform and puniſh the Crimes of Senators, and thoſe of the Equeſtrian Order; but cauſed a Roll to be brought in of all thoſe young men, who without being ſick, or other lawful Plea, had not for four years laſt paſt ſerv'd in the Army, of whom above two thouſand were found guilty, removed out of their Tribe, and numbred amongſt the Aerarii, to which was added a ſevere Decree of the Senate, That all thoſe whom the Cenſors had ſo branded, ſhould ſerve on Foot, and be ſent into Sicily to the reliques of the Army defeated at Cannae, who were not to be diſcharg'd from ſervice until the Enemy was beaten out of Italy. The Cenſors for want of Treaſure forbearing to let out the repairs of the Temples, and providing Chariot Horſes for the State and other publick works, many perſons that were wont to undertake the ſame by the great, made Addreſſes to them, deſiring, That they would proceed therein as formerly when the Exchequer was full, declaring, that they would not expect a penny till the War was ended. Likewiſe the Maſters of thoſe Slaves whom T. Sempronius had Enfranchiz'd at Beneventum, acquainted the Senate, that they were ſent to by the Triumvirs in the Office of Bankers call'd Menſarii, to receive the price of their Servants, but they were content to let it alone till the War was over. So great was the inclination of the Commons to ſupply the publick ſtock, that the moneys of Orphans, and afterwards of Widows began now to be brought into the Exchequer, as believing they could no where depoſite it more ſafely than in the publick Faith and Security; and whatſoever was disburs'd to provide any thing the Orphans or Widows needed, an account was kept thereof in the Regiſtry; Nay, this benevolence of private perſons towards their Country, extended it ſelf from the City as far as the Camp, where not an Horſeman or Centurion would receive their pay, but branded them with the reproach of mercenary Fellows, that would take a penny during the preſent Exigency.

Q. Fabius the Conſul lay before Caſilinum, defended by a Garriſon of two thouſand Campanians, and ſeven hundred of Annibal's Souldiers. The Governour was Statius Metius, ſent thither by Magius Atellanus, who that year was Medixtuticus of Capua, (ſo they call'd their Chief Magiſtrate) and had promiſcuouſly arm'd both Commons and Servants to fall upon the Romans Camp, whilſt they were buſy in attacquing Caſilinum. But Fabius had advice of all their deſigns, and therefore ſent to his Collegue at Nola, That there was need of another Army to curb the Campanians whilſt he aſſaulted Caſilinum, and that he ſhould come away, leaving Nola with a competent Garriſon, or if he thought that not ſafe from Annibal, then be ſhould ſend for T. Gracchus the Proconſul from Beneventum. Upon this Intelligence Marcellus left two thouſand men to ſecure Nola, and with the reſt of his Forces haſtned to Caſilinum, upon whoſe approach the Campanians withdrew and were quiet. Then began Caſilinum to be aſſaulted by both Conſuls, and abundance of Romans offering to ſcale the Walls, being wounded and beaten off without ſucceſs; Fabius ſeeing it was a place in it ſelf inconſiderable, and yet as difficult as any to be won, was for raiſing the Siege, and attempting ſome action of greater importance; but Marcellus perſwaded him to continue it; alledging, That as there are many things which great Warriors ought not to begin, ſo being once undertaken, they were not lightly to be given over, becauſe it might either way prove of mighty conſequence as to their Fame and Reputation. So the Engines of Battery of all ſorts being employ'd againſt the Walls, thoſe Campanians that were in the Town made Overtures to Fabius for leave to march to Capua, and before many of them were got forth, Marcellus ſeiz'd the Gate they came out at, and then cut to pieces firſt all that were near the Gate, and afterwards making an irruption into the City, kill'd the Enemy as faſt there; Fifty Campanians that got out firſt, flying to Fabius were by him ſent with a Convoy to Capua; and Caſilinum, whilſt they were parlying and inſiſting upon terms was occaſionally taken; The Priſoners both Campanians and thoſe belonging to Annibal, were ſent to Rome, and there ſhut up in Priſon, the Inhabitants were divided amongſt the Neighbouring Nations to be kept in Cuſtody.

At the ſame time that the Conſuls with this ſucceſs retired from Caſilinum, Gracchus ſent ſome new-rais'd Troops out of the Lucanes Country, under the Command of one of their own Officers, to Forage in the Enemies Quarters, who being ſtragling negligently, and out of Order, Hanno fell upon them, and gave the Romans well nigh as great an overthrow there, as his own Party had receiv'd at Caſilinum, and ſo retreated in an hurry into the Bruttians Country, leſt Gracchus ſhould have purſued him. The Conſul Marcellus went back to Nola whence he came; and Fabius advanc'd into Samnium both to Forage their Fields and reduce thoſe Cities that had revolted; above all, the Samnites about Caudium were grievouſly harraſs'd, their Villages all burnt, their Lands all deſtroyed, and both Cattel and people carried away Captive; The Towns Compulteria, Theleſia, Compſa, Melae, Fulfulae, and Orbitanium, all taken by ſtorm, as alſo Blandae a City belonging to the Lucanians, and Aecae a Town in Apulia. In theſe places were kill'd and taken Priſoners five and twenty thouſand of the Enemy, and three hundred and ſeventy Deſerters recovered, who being ſent to Rome, were firſt publickly whipt, and then thrown down headlong from the Rock Tarpeia; Theſe were the Atchievements of Fabius in a few days ſpace; but Marcellus was taken ill at Nola and diſabled for action; The Praetor Fabius who Commanded about Luceria, took the Town call'd Accua by ſtorm, and fortified a ſtanding Camp at Ardoneae. And in the mean time Annibal was come to Tarentum, making wonderful havock and devaſtation whereever he came; but within the Lands belonging to Tarentum, kept in his Souldiers from all plunder and violence, not out of good Nature, but only to wheadle with the Tarentines and inſinuate into their Affections; but when he came before their Walls, there was no commotion within as he expected, and ſo he Encamp'd about a mile off; For indeed T. Valerius the Lieutenant General diſpatcht from M. Valerius the Propraetor, was arriv'd there two days before Annibal appear'd, who having muſter'd all the youth, and beſtow'd them at the ſeveral Gates, and on the Walls where need was, being always night and day very vigilant, gave no opportunity either to the Enemy without, or the treacherous Inhabitants within, to effect any thing to the prejudice of the Garriſon. So Annibal having ſpent ſeveral days before it in vain, ſeeing none that had been with him at the Lake Avernus, now appear, or any tidings from them, but finding plainly, that he had raſhly follow'd vain Promiſes, remov'd from thence; but then too, left the Lands of Tarentum untoucht, hoping that diſſembled kindneſs might in time work upon them, though it had not yet prevail'd, and went to Salapia; where he ſtor'd up all ſorts of Grain from Metapontum and Heraclia (for now Summer was pretty well over, and he lik'd that place for Winter Quarters.) Thence he ſent abroad his Numidians and Moors to Forage the Country of Salentinum, and the bordering Foreſts of Apulia, whence they brought no great Booty, except it were Horſes, of which they got great numbers, and no leſs than four thouſand were put out to the Troopers to be back'd and manag'd againſt the Spring.

The Romans, obſerving the proſpect of a War not to be ſlighted, ariſing in Sicily, and that the murther of the late King, had rather given the Syracuſians the advantage of better Generals, than any way alter'd either the Cauſe or their Inclinations, order'd M. Marcellus one of the Conſuls to take charge of that Province. Upon the firſt noiſe of the Aſſaſſination of Hieronymus, the Souldiers made a Tumult at Leontinum, and bawl'd out fiercely. That they would Sacrifice the Blood of the Conſpirators to the Ghoſt of the King. But hearing often the ſweet ſound of their Liberties reſtored, being in hopes a Largeſs would be beſtow'd on them out of the Royal Treaſury, and that they ſhould have better Commanders, and withal amuſed with prodigious ſtories of the Tyrants lewd actions, and lewder Luſts, their minds were ſo far chang'd, that they let the Corpſe of their King whom but now they ſeem'd ſo fond of, to lye unburied. Whilſt others of the Conſpirators ſtaid behind to ſecure the Army, Theodotus and Soſis ride Poſt to Syracuſe on the Kings Horſes, to ſurprize the Royaliſts before they ſhould know any thing of the matter, but not only Fame (the ſwifteſt thing in the World in ſuch Caſes) but a Currier one of the Kings Servants was got before them; whereupon Andronodorus had ſet Guards, both in the Iſle, and the Caſtle, and all other advantagious Poſts. Theodotus and Soſis in the Dusk of the Evening came riding into that Q • arter of the City call'd Hexapylum, and expoſing the Kings bloody Veſt and his Crown, paſs'd through the ſtreet Tycha, calling out to the people to take Arms, and for recovery of their Liberties, to Aſſemble in the Acradine. The Rabble, ſome ran out into the ſtreets, others ſtood at their Doors, others looking out from the tops of their Houſes and Windows, inquir'd what the matter was? The Town was full of Lights, Flambeaus and Clamour; Thoſe that had Arms got together in open places, and thoſe that wanted pull'd down the Weapons that were hung up in the Temple of Jupiter Olympius, taken from the Gauls and Illyrians, and beſtow'd as a Preſent on King Hiero by the Romans, beſeeching Jupiter, that he would willingly and propitiouſly afford his ſacred Arms to thoſe that were to uſe them only for their Country, for the Temples of the Gods and their own Liberties. This multitude join'd themſelves with the Guards placed in the principal places of the City; and whereas in the Iſles, Andronodorus had amongſt other things ſecured the publick Granaries, a place encloſed round with four-ſquare ſtone like a Fortreſs, thoſe that were appointed to keep guard there, ſent Meſſengers into the Acradine, that themſelves and all the Corn there ſhould be at the diſpoſal of the Senate.

By break of day all the people arm'd and unarm'd, were Conven'd in the Acradine before the Altar of Concord, there ſituate, where one of the chief men of the City, named Polyaenus, made a Speech to them free enough, and yet temper'd with a diſcreet moderation as follows, Thoſe that have endur'd ſervitude and ſuffer'd indignities, 'tis no wonder if they riſe up in fury againſt the Authors thereof as known Evils, but what the miſchiefs are which attend civil diſcords, you can only know by hearſay from your Anceſtors, having not hitherto been ſo unhappy as to have ſmarted under them your ſelves. I applaud your Courage in taking up Arms ſo valiantly, but ſhall more commend you, if you will not make uſe of them, till inforc'd thereunto by the laſt neceſſity. At preſent my Advice is, that we ſend to Andronodorus, requiring him to ſubmit himſelf to the Senate and People, to open the Gates of the Iſle and diſmiſs his Guards, and to let him know, that if under pretence of ſecuring the Kingdom for another, he ſhall go about to uſurp it for himſelf, we are reſolv'd much more ſharply to vindicate our Liberties againſt him, than againſt Hieronymus. Accordingly Meſſengers were ſent, and then the Senate met, which as in Hiero's time it was the publick Council of the Kingdom, ſo from the time of his Death till that very day, it had ſcarce ever been convened or conſulted with. Andronodorus was not a little ſtartled both with the unanimous Conſent of the People againſt him, and ſeveral parts of the City already ſeized, and eſpecially becauſe the moſt fortified part of the Iſle and of greateſt importance, was revolted; but when the Meſſengers called him forth, his Wife Demarata, the Daughter of Hiero, retaining ſtill the Spirit of a Princeſs and the Ambition of a Woman, diſſwaded him, putting him often in mind of that common Saying of Dionyſius the Tyrant, That a man ought to be led leiſurely on foot, and not gallop on Horſe-back, when he is to quit his Dignity and be depoſed from Power; That it was an eaſie matter for a man when he liſt, to relinquiſh the poſſeſſion of a mighty Fortune, but to gain ſuch a point was rare and difficult, therefore he would do well to require time to conſider in a matter of ſuch importance, and in the mean time might ſend for the Souldiers from Leontinum, to whom if he would but promiſe the late Kings Treaſure, he might rule and order all things at his pleaſure. Theſe feminine Counſels Andronodorus did neither wholly ſlight, nor for the preſent follow, thinking it more eaſie to attain his Ends, if he gave place a while to the humours of the people; therefore he order'd the Meſſengers to carry back word, That he would entirely ſubmit to the Senate and People. Accordingly next morning by break of day, he cauſed the Gates of the Iſle to be flung open, and came into the Market-place of the Acradine, and getting up on the Altar of Concord, whence Polyneus the day before made his Speech, he began an Oration, wherein firſt he excuſed his not coming ſooner, telling them, That he had hitherto kept the Gates ſhut, not that he meant ever to ſet up any Intereſt of his own different from that of the whole City, but when once Swords were drawn, he was apprehenſive where they would hold their hands, or when put a ſtop to Execution and Slaughters? Whether they would be ſatisfied with the Death of the Tyrant, which was ſufficient for regaining their Liberties, or might not in a wild fury knock all thoſe o'th head that were any way related to him by Blood or Affinity, or enjoy'd any Office in the Court, whereby the innocent might loſe their lives for anothers Crimes. But ſince I now perceive, that thoſe who have deliver'd their Country, are willing alſo to preſerve its Liberty, and manage things by publick Council and Advice, I no longer doubted to yield up my perſon, and reſtore to my Country all that I had in Charge, ſince he that committed the ſame to me, is by his own folly and madneſs brought to deſtruction. Then turning to thoſe that kill'd the late King, and calling unto Theodotus and Soſis by name, You have done (ſays he) a gallant Action and worthy to be recorded, but believe me, your Glory is yet but begun, not perfected, and there is yet mighty danger behind, unleſs by conſulting the common Peace and Concord, you prevent the Commonwealth, now it has obtain'd its liberty, from falling into licentiouſneſs and unruly inſolence.

With which words he laid the Keys both of the Gates and of the Kings Treaſure at their feet; and ſo the multitude was for that day diſmiſs'd very joyful, and went with their Wives and Children in Proceſſion to the Shrines of all their Gods. The next day they choſe Praetors, of whom Andronodorus was the firſt Created, the reſt for the moſt part were the Kings Murderers, and two of them, viz. Sopater and Dinomenes, though they were abſent: Who being advertiz'd how matters paſs'd at Syracuſe, deliver'd what Treaſure of the King's was at Leontinum to the Queſtors created for that purpoſe, to carry it back to Syracuſe, as alſo that which in the Iſle and in the Acradine was committed to their cuſtody. That part of the Wall which divided the Iſle from the reſt of the City with too ſtrong a Fortification, was order'd to be diſmantled and thrown down by common Conſent, and every thing was tranſacted ſuitable to thoſe inclinations they had to maintain their liberty. Hippocrates and Epicides, upon news of the Kings Death, (which Hippocrates endeavour'd to conceal ſo far, that he kill'd the Meſſenger that brought the firſt tidings) being deſerted by the Souldiers, return'd to Syracuſe, thinking that for the preſent to be their ſafeſt courſe; where to prevent all ſuſpicions of their ſeeking any occaſion to raiſe diſturbances, they firſt addreſs'd themſelves to the Praetors, and by their means had Audience of the whole Senate; To whom they remonſtrated, That they were ſent by Annibal to Hieronymus as his Friend and Ally, and had yielded Obedience unto him according to the Inſtructions and Orders receiv'd from their aforeſaid Commander. That they now were deſirous to return again to Annibal; but ſince their Journey was not like to be with ſafety to their perſons, the Roman Forces being ſo frequent up and down all Sicily, they requeſted they might be allow'd a Convoy as far as Locri in Italy, which ſmall Courteſie Annibal would take very kindly, and be ready to reward the ſame with great thanks and favours whenever there ſhould be an opportunity. Their Suit was eaſily obtain'd, for the Senate were very willing to be rid of ſeveral of the Kings Commanders, men skilful in Arms, but of deſperate Fortunes, and withal extremely bold and ready to engage in any Villany; yet they did not haſten to put ſuch their deſires in execution ſo ſoon as they ought to have done: For theſe Embaſſadours delaying their departure, being themſelves Martial young men, and very intimate with the Souldiery, ſometimes to them, and ſometimes amongſt the Renegades (who for the moſt part were Roman Sea-men) and now and then to the Rabble and meaneſt ſort of people, whiſper'd lies and calumnies againſt the Senate and Noblemen, accuſing them, That they ſecretly carried on a deſign, under colour of renewing the League to betray Syracuſe into the hands of the Romans, that ſo their own Faction might be Lords, and tyrannize over the reſt.

By this means there flocked multitudes every day more than other to Syracuſe, whoſe ears were tickled with theſe ſtories, and apt enough to give credit thereunto, and conſequently gave not only Hippocrates and Epicides, but alſo Andronodorus too, good hopes of changing the Government, and effecting their ſeveral Deſigns. Andronodorus's Wife was perpetually baiting him, That now was the time to take upon him the Government whilſt all things were in an hurry and kind of confuſion by their new and yet unſetled Liberty, whilst the Souldiers were at hand to aſſist him, daily maintain'd and fed out of the Kings Exchequer, and whilſt theſe Captains ſent from Annibal were here, who by their acquaintance with the Souldiers, might not a little aſſiſt and promote his Intereſt. Overcome with her importunities, what had hitherto been concerted only between him and Themiſtius (that married Gelo's Daughter) he ſoon after unadviſedly communicated to one Ariſto an Actor of Tragedies, whom he was wont to intruſt with other Secrets. This Ariſto was both well deſcended, and a man of a good Eſtate, nor did his Profeſſion ſcandalize him, (for amongſt the Greeks no ſuch thing is matter of diſhonour) who preferring his Duty to his Country before private Friendſhip, diſcovers the buſineſs to the Praetors; who finding by ſeveral good Evidences, that the matter was no forged Information, having conſulted ſome of the moſt ancient Senators, by their Authority planted a Guard at the door, and aſſoon as Themiſtius and Andronodorus came into the Court, ſlew them; and when there began ſome uproar upon this Fact, which ſeemed horrible to thoſe that were ignorant of the Cauſe, they commanded ſilence, and brought forth the Diſcoverer into the open Court, where before them all he related in order the whole Conſpiracy, That it took its riſe from the Marriage of Harmonia, Gelo's Daughter, with Themiſtius. That divers Auxiliary Souldiers, both Africans and Spaniards, were prepared to murder the Praetors and other principal Citizens, whoſe Goods were promis'd as a reward to the Aſſaſſinates. That there was a Band of mercenary Souldiers that had long been at the devotion of Andronodorus, appointed once more to ſeize the Iſle, and ſo proceeded to ſet before their eyes all the whole Plot, by whom to be managed, what Forces to be employ'd, and all other Circumſtances. On hearing of which the Senate was ſatisfied, That theſe men were no leſs juſtly put to death than Hieronymus: But abroad before the Senate-houſe door there was a mighty Clamour of the Multitude, not certainly knowing what the matter was; and though they ſwagger'd and threatned, yet at the ſight of the dead Bodies of the Conſpirators, when thrown out into the Lobby, they were affrighted and ſo huſht, that in great ſilence they followed the whole Body of the Commons to the Common Hall, where Sopater by Order of the Senate and his Fellow-Praetors made a Speech unto them.

He began with Invectives againſt Andronodorus and Themiſtius, as if he had been accuſing them at the Bar; and ripp'd up all their paſt life, charging them with all the Injuſtice, Oppreſſions, Impieties and Villanies that had been acted ever ſince the Deceaſe of King Hiero: For alas! (quoth he) what did Hieronymus do of his own accord? Or indeed what could he do, being but yet a Child? It was his Officers, and theſe his Tutors that ruled all, and managed the Kingdom at their pleaſure, but laid all the envy and the blame upon him; and therefore they well deſerved to have periſh'd either before Hieronymus, or at leaſt together with him: But though themſelves then well deſerved to have been cut to pieces, yet nothing deterr'd with his puniſhment, they afterwards became more active to hatch and contrive new miſchiefs, firſt openly, whilſt Andronodorus ſhut up the Gates of the Iſland, and pretended to uſurp the Kingdom, as if it were his Inheritance, and what he was intruſted with during the Princes Nonage, would have held in his own Right; but being deſerted by thoſe in the Iſle, and beſieged by the whole City, who had poſſeſſion of the Acradine, ſeeing he could not get the Kingdom by open Force, endeavours to obtain it by Addreſs and Treachery: Nor could he by any obligations of Honour or Advantage be diverted from this horrid Deſign, even although he was nominated a Praetor amongst the Reſtorers of our Liberties, at the ſame time when he plotting to ſubvert and betray them; but no wonder theſe men had ſuch haughty Spirits and longed to be Kings, ſince they had married into the Royal Stock a couple of Princely Dames, one the Daughter of King Hiero, and the other of his Son Gelo, and own Siſter to the late Tyrant. At this word the whole Multitude on every ſide ſet up an out-cry, That neither of them ought to live, nor one of the Kings Lineage be left on the face of the Earth. Behold! the right natural diſpoſition of the Rabble, they either ſervilely truckle, or inſolently domineer; and as for Liberty which is the mean between thoſe extreams, they can neither endure to be without it with patience, nor enjoy it with diſcretion; and commonly there want not ſome who for private ends of their own, add fewel to ſuch popular Combuſtions, and irritate people to blood and ſlaughter when they ſee them already too much ſet upon ſuch diſorders; As here the Praetors put it to the Vote, and it was carried almoſt ſooner than it could be heard, That all that were of the Royal Family ſhould be put to death. In purſuance of which, certain Officers were ſent by the Praetors, who immediately diſpatcht Demarata and Harmonia, Daughters of Hiero and Gelo, and Wives of Andronodorus and Themiſtius.

There was another Daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, the Wife of Zoippus, who having been ſent as Embaſſadour by Hieronymus to King Ptolomy, choſe to continue there in voluntary Exile; This Lady underſtanding that the Murtherers were coming to her, fled with two young Virgins her Daughters into a private Oratory to their Houſhold Gods, with their hair about their Ears, and in wretched habit, the more to move compaſſion; To which, when they came within ſight, ſhe added the moſt affecting Entreaties that could be uſed; Beſeeching them by the dear memory of her Father Hiero, and Brother Gelo, that ſhe altogether innocent might not ſuffer for the hatred that Hieronymus had juſtly contracted; As for me (quoth ſhe) I got nothing by his Reign, but the baniſhment of my Husband, and as during the life of Hieronymus my Fortune was not like my Siſters, ſo ſince his Death is not my Cauſe the ſame; If Andronodorus had ſucceeded in his deſigns, ſhe was to have been a Queen, but I ſtill a Subject and Servant with the reſt. Should any one tell Zoippus that Hieronymus was ſlain, and Syracuſe ſet free, there is no doubt but he would preſently get on board to return into his Country, but how ſtrangely do mens hopes deceive them! Little does he think, whilſt his Country is ſet free, his own Wife and Children are in danger of their Lives; wherein do we hinder the common Liberty, or the Courſe of the Laws? What danger can any perſon imagine to himſelf from me living alone as a Widow, or from two poor Girls little better than Orphans? If it be ſaid 'tis not for any harm they apprehend we can do them, but becauſe all the late Kings Kindred are odious to the people, Let us then be baniſht far enough from Syracuſe and Sicily, and ſent to Alexandria, I to my Husband, my Children to their Father. But finding them deaf to her Prayers, and averſe to all compaſſion, that ſhe might not ſpend time in vain (for already ſhe ſaw ſome of them drawing their Swords) ſhe gave over all Entreaties for her ſelf, and only begg'd them to ſpare her Daughters, whoſe Age and Sex, even Enemies in the heat of War were wont to pitty and forbear, and that whilſt they were taking vengeance on Tyrants, they would not commit the greateſt Tyranny in the World, and imitate thoſe Cruelties which they pretended to puniſh. Whilſt ſhe was thus ſpeaking they pull'd her out from the inner part of the Chappel and cut her Throat, and then fell upon the Girls beſprinkled with their Mothers blood, who being out of their ſenſes, what with grief, and what with fear, like people quite diſtracted, ran out of the Room, and if they could have got into the ſtreet had undoubtedly ſet all the City in an uproar; and though the Houſe was not large, yet for a good while they ſhifted for themſelves, and eſcaped the hands of ſo many armed men, until at laſt having received abundance of Wounds, and fill'd every place with Blood, they fainted and expired; which murther, though of it ſelf very ſad and pitteous to behold, was rendred yet more lamentable by an accident, for immediately came an Expreſs from the Magiſtrates, whoſe minds on ſecond thoughts were enclin'd to more merciful proceedings, to ſpare theſe Ladies and not kill them. But when the people found they had ſo precipitated the Execution, that there was no room for Repentance and milder thoughts, their pitty turn'd into rage and fury, and the multitude began to murmur and mutter, and call for an Election of Praetors in the room of Andronodorus and Themeſtius (for they were both Praetors) which new choice was not like to be to the content of thoſe already in being.

At the day appointed for that purpoſe, it happen'd, that beyond all mens expectations, ſome body at the farther end of the Croud, nominated Epicides, and another by and by Hippocrates, and ſtraight the Votes came thick and threefold for theſe two, ſo that it plainly appear'd they would carry it; For indeed it was a confuſed kind of Aſſembly, conſiſting not only of Citizens, but Souldiers and Fugitives mingled amongſt them, who were all for an alteration; the Praetors at firſt ſeem'd to take no notice on't, and then would have adjourn'd the Choice to another day, but at laſt over-born with the conſent and common cry of the people, were forc'd to declare the two Gentlemen beforenamed to be Praetors. Nor did they preſently diſcover what they would be at, although they were vext, both that Agents were ſent to App. Claudius to deſire ten days Truce; and when that was granted, other Embaſſadours to treat about renewing the antient League. The ſaid Claudius the Roman Admiral at that time lay at Murgantia, with a Fleet of an hundred Sail, waiting what the event might be of theſe new ſtirs in Sicily, upon their killing the Tyrant, and what meaſures they would take in this unwonted Liberty; and to gain time he had order'd their Embaſſadours to attend Marcellus the Conſul, who was now coming into Sicily, who having heard the terms by them propoſed, hoping the matter in time might be brought to an accommodation, diſpatcht Embaſſadours of his own to Syracuſe to treat with the Praetors in perſon; but there they found all things in an hurly-burly, for upon the news of the Carthaginian Navy's being arriv'd in the Bay of Pachynus, Hippocrates and Epicides, confidently and without all fear, buzz'd into the Ears of the mercenary Souldiers and Renegades, that Syracuſe was betray'd to the Romans, but when Appius brought his Ships to an Anchor in the mouth of the Haven, liſtning to know what heart the contrary Faction were in that favour'd the Romans, thoſe vain but ſpecious rumours were much more credited than before, inſomuch that at firſt the multitude ran down tumultuouſly to keep them off from Landing.

In this diſturbance it was thought fit to ſummon the People to a general Aſſembly, where one being for one ſide, and another for the contrary, they were like to fall together by the ears amongſt themſelves, till Apollonides a Perſon of the firſt Quality, made a very wholeſom and ſeaſonable Speech to this purpoſe; That never was there any City ſo near beſet with hopes of Safety, and fears of undoubted Ruine; whereas if they would but be all of a mind, and join either with the Romans or with the Carthaginians, no City could be more fortunate and ſecure; but if they continued thus diſtracted, ſome for one, ſome for another, the Wars between the Punicks and Romans would not be more fierce, than the feuds ſhortly between the Syracuſians themſelves, where within the ſame Walls each Party are like to have their Forces and their Arms and their diſtinct Leaders and Captains; Therefore the great buſineſs was to bring all to be of the ſame mind, and unanimouſly cloſe with one of theſe potent Nations, for which of them it was beſt to accept of, was a conſideration nothing ſo important, though yet he did conceive in making choice of Allies, it would be better to follow the Authority of Hiero than of Hieronymus, and ſafer to prefer a Friendſhip, which they had happily tryed for fifty years, before that which at preſent was unknown, and heretofore had proved unfaithful: That moreover it was a thing not a little to be regarded in this Debate, That they might with fair words ſo decline, making a Peace with the Carthaginians, that yet they need not preſently be at Wars with them, whereas they muſt immediately conclude a Peace with the Romans, or make ready to fight them. This Sp • ech carried with it the more authority, in that it ſeemed not at all to proceed from ſelf-In • ereſt or Faction. Beſides the Advice of the Praetors and Senate, the Martial men and chief Commanders were conſulted with upon this Affair; and after it had been long bandied to and fro with great heats and earneſtneſs, finding themſelves not in a poſture able to wage War with the Romans, they thought it beſt to make Peace with them, and ſent Embaſſadours to ratifie the ſame.

Not many days after, the Leontines ſent to deſire a Garriſon, which ſeemed a good opportunity to diſcharge Syracuſe of her tumultuous Souldiery, and diſpatch their factious Leaders thither out of the way; Hippocrates the Praetor was commanded to march thither with the Renegades, and ſo many of the mercenary Auxiliaries followed him, as made up four thouſand men. This Expedition was very pleaſing both to the Senders and thoſe ſent; for hereby the latter thought they ſhould have the opportunity which they had long deſired, to make ſome Inſurrection, and the former reckon'd they had purged their City of a dangerous maſs of ill humours: But, like Empericks, they had only given eaſe for the preſent to the ſick body of the State, which ſoon after relapſed into a more dangerous diſtemper; for Hippocrates firſt began to make Inroads by ſtealth into the Borders of the Roman Province, and afterwards when Appius had ſent a Garriſon to ſecure his Allies, fell upon that Guard with all his Forces, and kill'd many of them. Of which Marcellus having Advice, preſently diſpatch'd Envoys to Syracuſe to expoſtulate upon this violation of the League, and roundly to tell them, That there would never be wanting ſome occaſions or other of quarrel, until Hippocrates and Epicides were not only remov'd from Syracuſe, but baniſh'd Sicily. Epicides alſo fearing, leſt if he ſtaid, he might be queſtion'd for his Brothers Crime; or that he might not be wanting for his own part in ſtirring up a new War, got away into the Leontines Country, and finding them forward enough againſt the Romans, blew the coals, and alienated their affections from the Syracuſians, by ſuggeſting, That they had capitulated in their League with the Romans, That all thoſe Nations and People that had been under the Kings, ſhou • d ſtill remain under the Dominion of their State; ſo that they were not now content with their own liberty, but would needs be domineering over others; Therefore it was but fit to ſend them word that the Leontines thought it reaſonable to enjoy their own freedoms, both in regard the Tyrant was cut off within their City, and that the firſt Cry for Liberty began there, and thence proceeded to Syracuſe; Therefore that Clauſe ought to be expunged the League, or a Peace not at all to be accepted on ſuch Conditions. The Mobile was eaſily perſwaded, ſo that when Commiſſioners from Syracuſe complain'd to them of the killing the Roman Guard, and alſo commanded Hippocrates and Epicides to be gone either to Locri, or where elſe they pleas'd, ſo they left Sicily: A ſtout Anſwer was return'd, That they neither gave the Syracuſians Commiſſion to treat with the Romans in their Names, nor did they think themſelves oblig'd by Leagues of other peoples making. The Syracuſians gave the Romans an Account hereof, and diſown'd the Leontines to be their Subjects; therefore notwithſtanding the League, the Romans might carve out their own ſatisfaction upon them, and they would aſſiſt them in the War, provided when they were reduc'd, they might be under their Government, according to the Articles of the Peace.

Marcellus advanc'd with his whole Army againſt the Leontines, ſending alſo for Appius to fall upon them on the other ſide, and ſo enrag'd were the Souldiers for their Comrades being baſely kill'd on the Guard whilſt they were on Terms of Peace, that at the firſt Attacque they made themſelves Maſters of the City. Hippocrates and Epicides ſeeing the Walls mounted and the Gates broke open, betook themſelves with ſome few others to the Fort, and from thence in the night eſcap'd to Herbeſus. The Syracuſians who march'd out from home eight thouſand ſtrong, being come as far as the River Myla, met a Meſſenger who acquainted them, That the City was taken; but mixing ſeveral Lyes with that Truth, added, That Souldiers and Inhabitants were promiſcuouſly put to the Sword, and he believ'd there was not one of any competent years left alive, That the City was plunder'd and the Eſtates of all the Rich men given away. At this grievous News the Army made an Halt, and being much troubled, the Generals (who were Soſis and Dinomenes) call'd a Council of War to conſider what was to be done: That which gave this falſe ſtory ſome colour, was the Execution of Renegades, for there were ſcourged and beheaded near two thouſand Fugitives retaken in that City, but none either of the Inhabitants or Souldiers had any violence offer'd them after once the City was taken, but had all their Goods reſtored, except what were deſtroy'd in the firſt Aſſault; However upon this bare report the Syracuſian Army loudly exclaiming, that their Fellow-Souldiers were betray'd to ſlaughter and deſtruction, could neither be induced to go forwards to the Leontines, nor ſtay there where they were, till more certain Intelligence ſhould arrive. The Praetors ſeeing them ready to mutiny, yet hoping the fit would not hold long, if once the Ring-Leaders of their fury were remov'd, march'd the Army to Megara; Themſelves with a ſmall Party of Horſe went to Herbeſus, hoping to have ſurpriz'd that Town whilſt they were yet in a Conſternation, but miſſing their Expectations therein, reſolv'd to attacque it by force, and therefore next day brought their whole Army towards it; Hippocrates and Epicides thought it not ſo much the ſafeſt, as the only way they had left at preſent to caſt themſelves upon the Souldiers, as being both their old Acquaintance, and now diſcontented on the news of the ſlaughter of their Comrades, ſo out they go to meet them, there happen'd to be ſix hundred Cretans in the Van, who had ſerv'd under Hieronymus, and being formerly taken amongſt other Roman Auxiliaries at Thaſymenus, were by Annibals kindneſs releas'd; Hippocrates and Epicides knowing them both by their Colours and Armour, held out Olive-Branches and other tokens of Suppliants, entreating them, to entertain and protect them, and not to betray them to the Syracuſians, who would preſently deliver them up to be butcher'd by the Romans; The Cretans with one accord cry'd out, That they ſhould be of good chear, for they ſhould fare no worſe than themſelves.

Whilſt theſe Conferences paſs'd, the Standards ſtood ſtill, and thereby the Army behind was ſtopt in their march, but the Generals did not yet know the reaſon of it; by and by, it being reported that Hippocrates and Epicides were come, and a buſle through the whole Army, plainly ſhewing that they were not unwelcome, the Praetors gallop'd up to the formoſt Standards, crying out, What faſhion's this? How dare theſe Cretans be ſo bold as to parley with Enemies, and entertain them without the Praetors leave? and withal commanded Hippocrates to be ſeiz'd and put in Chains; but at that word, there was ſuch a Clamour begun, firſt by the Cretans, but taken from them and continued by others, that it plainly appear'd the Praetors themſelves would be in danger, if they perſiſted therein, therefore in great perplexity, and ſcarce knowing what to do, they commanded the Standards to be turn'd and march back to Megara from whence they came, and thence diſpatcht Meſſengers to Syracuſe to ſignify in what terms they ſtood. Hippocrates finding the Souldiers given to ſuſpitions, and apt to believe any thing, that he might the more enflame them, after he had ſent out ſome to beſet the road between them and Syracuſe, pretended they had intercepted certain Letters, which he publickly read, being indeed forg'd by himſelf; in the terms following. The Praetors of Syracuſe to their Friend Marcellus the Conſul greeting, &c. You have done well, and purſuant to our Order, in ſparing none of the Leontines. But all other mercenary Souldiers are equally dangerous to our ſtate, nor will Syracuſe ever enjoy a ſetled Peace, as long as we have any Foreign Auxiliaries either in our City or Army, therefore our advice and deſire is that you would uſe your endeavours to get into your power thoſe who are now Encamp'd with the Praetors at Megara, and by cutting them off compleat the freedom of Syracuſe; Upon reading of this, there was ſuch an Outcry, and every one catching up his Arms, that the Praetors were glad to ride away with all the ſpeed they could to Syracuſe, nor was the Mutiny appeas'd by their abſence, but they had faln upon the Syracuſian Souldiers, and not left one of them alive, if Epicides and Hippocrates had not ſtopt the fury of the multitude, not ſo much out of their own merciful inclinations, or regard to common humanity, but becauſe they would not cut themſelves off from all hopes of return, and thereby might both oblige the Souldiers to be faithful to them, and keep them as Hoſtages, and beſides gain the favour of all their Relations and Friends. The Experience they had, how eaſily the Rabble were to be turn'd any way, made them fear leſt their heats ſhould be abated, if the falſe news from Leontinum were not kept up, and therefore they ſuborn a Souldier of that Garriſon, to go to Syracuſe and ſecond the ſtory juſt as it was told at Myla, and to aver the ſame confidently upon his own knowledge, as being what he himſelf had ſeen, and thereby excite the people to further indignation.

This ſtratagem prevail'd not only upon the common people, but being brought into Court he told his Tale with that aſſurance, that ſome perſons of good Quality believ'd it, and ſaid, 'Twas well the Avarice and Cruelty of the Romans was thus timely diſcovered amongſt the Leontines; for had they got into Syracuſe they would have committed the like outrages, or rather much worſe, ſince there was a greater booty for their rapine; Therefore they reſolv'd to ſhut up all the Gates, and ſtand upon their Guard; But neither did all their fears proceed from the ſame grounds, nor was their hatred bent againſt the ſame perſons; The Souldiers of Fortune, and a great part of the Commons could not endure the very name of the Romans; but the Praetors and ſome few of the Nobles, though terrified with this falſe Intelligence, yet were moſt intent to obviate a miſchief more near and imminent; for by this time Hippocrates and Epicides were come before that Quarter of the City call'd Hexapylos, and within the Town the Kindred of thoſe that were in the Army, began to hold Conferences about opening the Gates to them, and ſuffer their common Country to be defended with their joint Forces againſt the Romans; but juſt as the Wicket was open'd and they were ready to enter, the Praetors came thither, and firſt commanded and threatned, then endeavour'd by their Authority to terrify them, but ſeeing it was all in vain, at laſt laying aſide the majeſty of their places, they deſcended ſo far as to pray and beſeech them, not to betray their Country to thoſe who formerly were the Inſtruments and upholders of the late Tyrant, and now made it their buſineſs to ſeduce and debauch the Army; but ſo deaf was the Mobile to all remonſtrances of reaſon, That they within were as violent to break open the Gates as thoſe without, and ſo the whole Army, without any oppoſition, was admitted within the Hexapylos; whilſt the Praetors with the principal youth fled for refuge into the Acradine; the mercenary Souldiers, Fugitives and what Forces of the late Kings, were left in Syracuſe, join'd with this new Enemy, and ſo by main force broke into the Acradine, and ſlew all the Praetors except ſome few that in the tumult made their eſcape, nor did the Maſſacre ceaſe till night put a period to it; next day all Bondſlaves were made free, the Gaols broke open, and Priſoners and Malefactors ſet at large, and by this confus'd Rabble Hippocrates and Epicides were declared Praetors: Thus Syracuſe after a ſhort Glimpſe of Liberty, precipitated it ſelf into a worſe ſlavery than before.

The Romans upon advice of theſe tranſactions, marcht preſently towards Syracuſe; To which City Appius had much about the ſame time ſent Embaſſadours by Sea in a Galley of five Rows of Oars, but another ſmaller Galley that attended them, was no ſooner entred the mouth of the Haven, but it was aſſaulted and taken, and the Embaſſadours themſelves had much ado to eſcape; ſo that now not only the Civilities of Peace, but even the Laws of War were violated; The Roman Army Encamp'd at Olympium the Temple of Jupiter about a Mile and an half from the City; and from thence too, it was thought meet to ſend ſome Embaſſadours before they proceeded to Hoſtility, but to prevent their coming into the City, Hippocrates and Epicides went forth to meet them without the Gate; The Roman Agents told them, They came not to aſſault the Syracuſians, but to aſſiſt and ſuccour as well thoſe, who having eſcap'd out of the midſt of the ſlaughter, were repair'd to the Roman Camp for ſhelter; as the rest, who being yet kept under by fear, endure a thraldom more miſerable than baniſhment, or even death it ſelf; Nor could the Romans tamely ſuffer theſe Butcheries to be committed on their Allies; Therefore if thoſe perſons that had fled to them for Sanctuary, might with ſafety return to their Country, and the Murtherers be delivered up to Juſtice, and the Syracuſians Laws and Liberties reſtored, there would be no need of Arms; but otherwiſe they would proſecute with the higheſt ſeverity all that ſhould go about to hinder theſe just demands; Epicides replyed, That if they had any Meſſage to himſelf and his Brother, they ſhould have given them ſuch Anſwer as they thought fit, but in the mean time they were beſt be gone, and return again when the Government of Syracuſe ſhould be in their hands, to whom they were ſent; And as for War, if the Romans were reſolv'd to take that courſe they would find a vaſt difference between the ſubduing of Leontinum, and the Maſtering of Syracuſe. And ſo left the Embaſſadours, ſhutting the Gates againſt them. Thenceforwards the City Syracuſe was Beleaguer'd and aſſaulted, both on the Landſide at Hexapylos, and by Sea towards the Acradine, whoſe Walls are waſht with the Tide; and not doubting but as they ſtorm'd Leontium at the firſt approach, ſo this being a City ſo vaſt and ſcatteringly built, they ſhould on one part or other, force their Entrance, they brought up all their Engines of Battery againſt the Walls.

Which fierce Attacque had probably ſucceeded had it not been for one man that was then in Syracuſe; This was Archimedes an excellent Aſtronomer, but more famous for framing of wonderful Engines of War, whereby he eaſily fruſtrated all the tedious preparations of the Enemy; for on the Curteen of the Wall, which ſtood on ſeveral unequal Hills, in ſome places high and difficult of acceſs, and elſewhere lower and eaſy to come at, he had planted Engines of all ſorts, as for each was moſt proper and neceſſary. The Wall of the Acradine ſtanding as aforeſaid juſt by the Sea ſide, was batter'd from Marcellus's Gallies, and from the reſt of his Ships the Archers, Slingers, and light-arm'd Darters, (whoſe Javelins were of that faſhion, that they could not eaſily by Lanc'd back again by ſuch as were not us'd to them) plaid ſo thick and faſt that ſcarce a man could appear upon the Wall but he was either kill'd or wounded; Theſe Veſſels lay at ſome diſtance that they might have convenient room to Dart their Weapons, but to every great Galley there were two ſmaller ones join'd, with their Oars within taken away, that they might cloſe Larbord to Starbord, and ſo coupled together and row'd as one intire Veſſel by the outermoſt Oars, they carried lofty Piles of Timber built with Bords ſeveral ſtories high, and divers other Fabricks to ſhock the Walls; againſt which Naval preparations Archimedes planted Counter-Engines of ſeveral ſizes all along the Wall; From which he could hurl vaſt great ſtones at the Veſſels that lay fartheſt off, and pelted thoſe nearer hand with ſmaller but more frequent ſhowres of ſuch like Artillery; And at laſt that his people might incommode the Enemy without expoſing themſelves to danger, he cauſed Loop-holes to be made through the Wall, almoſt from the bottom to the top, out at which holes ſome ſhot Arrows, and others flung ſmall Scorpions: As for the Gallies that came nearer, to get under the Wall, and conſequently out of the reach of that kind of ſhot, he contrived a kind of a Crane to be planted aloft upon the Wall, having at the one end, that hung over the Sea, a ſharp Drag or Grappling-hook of Iron like an hand or Crows bill faſtned thereunto with a ſtrong Chain, which would take hold of the Prow of a Galley, and then with an heavy Counterpoiſe of Lead at the other end, lift it up in the Air, ſo that the Veſſel ſhould ſtand as it were an-end on the Poop, and then letting the Machine go again with a mighty ſwing, it would daſh it down into the Sea (to the unſpeakable conſternation of the Mariners) as if the Galley had faln from the top of the Wall, and though it deſcended not ſide-long, but ſhould happen to come down with a direct Keel, yet 'twas ſure to be fill'd with water and ſunk. Thus their attempts by Sea were defeated, and now they turn'd their whole Force to attacque it by Land, but on that part too it was extraordinarily fortified with Machines of all ſorts, provided for many years together by the care and charges of Hiero, but framed by the ſingular Art of Archimedes. Beſides, the natural ſituation of the ground was a great help; the Rock on which the Wall was built, being in moſt places ſo ſteep, that not only the ſhot level'd out of an Engine, but any thing only tumbled down with its own very poiſe, came with great force upon the Enemy, who had difficult climbing up, and no certain foot-hold. At laſt a Council of War being call'd, finding all their attempts thus eluded by the Enemy, they reſolv'd to deſiſt from ſtorming and battering, and only continue a Blockade upon the City both by Sea and Land, and ſo ſtarve them out.

In the mean time Marcellus went with part of the Forces to reduce thoſe Cities, which during theſe diſturbances had faln off to the Carthaginians. Pelorus and Herbeſus ſurrendred of their own accord; Megara he took by ſtorm, plunder'd and utterly deſtroy'd it for a terrour to the reſt, eſpecially thoſe of Syracuſe. About the ſame time Himilco, who had long lain at the Cape Pachynus with a Fleet, landed twenty five thouſand Foot, three thouſand Horſe, and twelve Elephants at Heraclea, which they call Minoa. Not that he had ſo many on Board before at Pachynus, but after Hippocrates had ſeiz'd Syracuſe, he went to Carthage, where being ſeconded both with Meſſengers from Hippocrates and Letters from Annibal, affirming, That now was the only time to recover Sicily with the greateſt Honour imaginable, and being himſelf preſent in perſon, no ill Orator to promote the buſineſs, he got them to tranſport theſe Forces in all ſpeed to Sicliy; ſoon after his Arrival he took Agrigentum, and the other Cities that took part with the Carthaginians, were ſo fluſht with hopes of expelling the Romans out of the Iſland, that even the beſieged Syracuſians took heart, and thought they could defend the Town well enough with part of their Forces, and ſo divided themſelves, Epicides to guard the City, and Hippocrates to join Himilco, and carry on the War againſt the Roman Conſul; In order thereto one night he march'd out with ten thouſand Foot and five hundred Horſe, and paſs'd unperceiv'd between the Roman Guards at places where no Sentinels were ſet, and encamp'd near the Town Acerrae. Marcellus had march'd in great haſte, hoping to have got to Agrigentum before the Enemy; but ſailing therein, was now coming back that way, not in the leaſt dreaming to meet an Army of Syracuſians, however for fear of Himilco and his Carthaginians (who were ſuperiour to him in numbers) he march'd very warily and in good order to encounter any ſudden accident.

This care and diligence againſt the Punicks turn'd to good account againſt theſe Syracuſians: For coming upon them as they were pitching their Tents and out of Array and for the moſt part unarm'd, the Foot were hemm'd in and cut to pieces, the Horſe after a ſmall Skirmiſh fled with Hippocrates to Acrae. This Defeat having ſomewhat reſtrain'd the Sicilians that before were all for revolting from the Romans, Marcellus return'd to Syracuſe, and within few days Himilco having join'd Hippocrates, encamp'd about eight miles from thence upon the River Anatis. About the ſame time there arriv'd in the great Port of Syracuſe Admiral Bomilcar with a Fleet of fifty five Sail from Carthage, and the Roman Navy conſiſting of thirty Sail, put on ſhore the firſt Legion at Panormus, ſo that now the War ſeem'd diverted from Italy, and both Nations intent only upon the gaining of Sicily. This Roman Legion Himilco doubted not but to intercept in their paſſage to Syracuſe, but he miſtook the way, marching high up in the Land, whilſt they went along the ſhore, the Navy ſailing by them all the way, and ſo came to Pachynus where App. Claudius met them with part of his Souldiers. Nor did the Carthaginian Fleet continue at Syracuſe; for Bomilcar neither thought himſelf able to engage the Romans at Sea, not could do his Friends any good, but rather impoveriſh them and waſte their Proviſions, therefore he hoiſed Sail back again for Africk. And Hamilco having dogg'd Marcellus as far as Syracuſe, hoping to have met with ſome advantage to have fought him before he had join'd the reſt of his Forces, finding no ſuch opportunity, and that before Syracuſe the Enemy was too ſtrong both by their Works and their Numbers, that he might not vainly ſpend time in looking upon his beſieged Friends whom he could not help, he march'd thence to ſee what places he could by his preſence or Force, withdraw from the Roman Obedience, and firſt of all he was receiv'd at Marguntia, whoſe Inhabitants betray'd the Roman Garriſon, there he got abundance of Proviſions of all ſorts ſtor'd up by the Romans.

This encourag'd other Towns to the like Revolt, and the Roman Garriſons were every where driven out by Force, or circumvented and cut off by Fraud. The City Enna ſituate on a Hill every way very ſteep, was not only impregnable by Nature, but ſecur'd by a ſtrong Garriſon under a Captain not eaſie to be wheadled, viz. L. Pinarius a ſharp man, and one who confided more in his own caution, than the Sicilians fidelity, eſpecially ſince he was now every day alarm'd with ſo many treacherous pranks play'd round about him. Therefore night and day he kept ſtrict Guards and Watches, his Souldiers were always in Arms, nor durſt any depart from his Poſt, which the chief Burghers perceiving, (who already had bargain'd with Himilco to betray the Garriſon) they thought it beſt to play above board, and by open means effect their deſign; they therefore tell the Governour, That both the City and Caſtle ought to be in their own hands and diſpoſal, ſince they entred into League with the Romans as Freemen, and yielded up themſelves not as Slaves and Vaſſals to be kept under, per dureſs, and as it were in a priſon; therefore they thought it but juſt and fit, that the Keys of the Gates ſhould be reſtor'd unto them. Amongst good Allies there is no greater obligation than their own fidelity, and the People and Senate of Rome would no doubt have the greater kindneſs for them when they ſhould ſee them continue firm and ſtedfaſt to their Friendſhip, not by conſtraint, but of their own free inclinations. The Governour anſwers, That he was placed there in Garriſon by his General, and from him receiv'd both the Keys of the Gates and the Cuſtody of the Caſtle, and held the ſame neither at his own diſpoſal, nor at the pleaſure of the Enneans, but of his who committed them unto him. That for a Captain to quit his Poſt, was amongst the Romans puniſh'd with certain death, wherein their Anceſtors had been ſo ſtrict, as even Parents had not ſpared their own Children when guilty therein. And ſeeing the Conſul Marcellus was but hard by, they might if they pleas'd ſend to him about it, who only had the proper Right and Authority to gratifie them in this matter. They flatly told him, That they would not ſtand ſending after Marcellus, but if fair words would not prevail, were reſolv'd to take other meaſures to redeem their Liberties. Pinarius replied, If you think much to addreſs your Meſſengers to the Conſul, yet do me this favour as to call a Common Hall for my ſatiſfaction, that I may know whether theſe Demands proceed only from ſome few mens humours, or be the ſentiments of the whole body of the City. Which they granted, and appointed a general Aſſembly on the morrow.

Aſſoon as he parted from them, and was got into the Caſtle, he calls a Council of War, and thus harangues them; I believe, Fellow-Souldiers, you have heard in how miſerable a manner the Roman Garriſons abroad are of late betray'd and deſtroy'd by theſe Sicilians; which Treachery you have hitherto avoided, firſt and principally through the goodneſs of the Gods, and in the next place by your own Valour and vigilance in ſtanding night and day to your Arms; and I wiſh we might as well paſs the time that is to come, without either ſuffering or acting any horrible violence. We muſt ſtill exerciſe the ſame Caution as we have done hitherto, againſt their ſecret fraud, which becauſe it has not yet ſuccceded, they now openly and publickly demand the Keys of the Gates, which we ſhall no ſooner ſurrender, but the Carthaginians will be Maſters of Enna, and we ſhall be more baſely butcher'd than the Garriſon at Murguntia. 'Twas not without difficulty that I obtained this one nights respit to conſider on't, that I might advertize you of this imminent danger. To morrow morning they purpoſe to hold a ſolemn Aſſembly, where no doubt there will be Speeches to render me odious, and heat the people againſt you. To morrow is the day that the ſtreets of Enna will be overflown either with your blood or that of the Inhabitants. And as you ſhall certainly loſe all you have, if they ſurprize you; ſo if you prevent them and ſtrike firſt, you avoid all danger: That Party that firſt draw their Swords will be ſure of the Victory. Therefore be all ready in your Arms, and watch for the ſignal; I will be amongst them in the Town-Hall, and ſpin out time with arguing and debating till all things are ripe, and when I give you ſuch a ſign with my Gown, then do you all round about me ſet up a ſhout and fall upon the Crowd, kill all you meet, and be ſure let not one eſcape, from whom you may fear any harm either by fraud or force. And you, O Goddeſſes, Dame Ceres and your Daughter Proſerpina, and all other ſuperiour and Infernal Deities, that inhabit this City, theſe holy Lakes and conſecrated Groves, vouchſafe to be ſo and not otherwiſe propitious to us and favour us in this Enterprize, as we enter into it enforced, and meerly to avoid being betray'd our ſelves, and not with any premeditated deſign to betray others. I would uſe more words to encourage you, Fellow-Souldiers, if you were to deal with men in Arms, but ſince they will be both unwarn'd and unarm'd, you may without any hazard kill them till you are weary: Nor need you fear any thing from Himilco and his Carthaginians, ſince your own Conſul lies encamp'd ſo near to protect you. Then were they diſmiſs'd to refreſh and reſt themſelves, that they might be ready for the Deſign.

The next day they were planted in ſeveral parts of the City, ſome to beſet the chief ſtreets, others to ſtop the ways and avenues, that the Townſmen might not eſcape; but moſt of them ſtood upon and about the Theatre, and were not at all ſuſpected, becauſe they were wont ſo to do. The Roman Captain was by the Magiſtrates preſented to the People, to whom he alledg'd, That the matter lay not in his power, but was altogether at the pleaſure of the Council, and uſed the ſame Arguments as he had done the day before. At firſt they began gently here and there to demand the Keys, one, by and by more, and at laſt all together with one Voice they commanded him to deliver them, and when he delay'd to do it, threatned him fiercely, and were juſt ready to proceed to the extremity of violence, when he gave the ſignal with his Gown according to agreement, upon which, the Souldiers who had a good while watcht for it, immediately ſet up a ſhout, and with their drawn Swords ran down upon the multitude that ſtood before them, others ſeize the paſſages and ſtop them from getting out. Thus the men of Enna, ſhut up as it were in a Pound, were cut to pieces, and lay tumbled one upon another, not only with the ſlaughter but alſo by endeavouring to fly, ſome running over others heads, and the ſound falling upon the wounded, and the quick upon the dead, all in heaps one amongſt the other. Then was there running to and fro every way, juſt as if the Town had been taken by ſtorm, and nothing but murthering and flying away in all places, the Souldiers being no leſs furious in the Execution of this unarm'd multitude (whom they thought they had juſt provocation to ſlay) than if they had been engaged in the heat of a Battel. By this exploit whether we ſhall call it evil or neceſſary, the City Aenna was retain'd in the Romans poſſeſſion; and ſo far was Marcellus from diſallowing the Act, that he beſtow'd the Goods of the Inhabitants amongſt the Souldiers, thinking by this Example to terrify the Sicilians from betraying any more Roman Garriſons. But it fell out quite contrary, for as the noiſe hereof was almoſt in one days time ſpread throughout all Sicily, as being a City not only ſituate near the middle of the Iſle, but renowned for the ſtrength of its ſituation, and alſo accounted as it were ſacred, in reverence to Proſerpina, who there in days of old had left the prints of her Divine Feet when ſhe was ſtoln away and raviſht by Pluto, ſo it being therefore generally thought that this deteſtable Maſſacre had polluted the Seat of the Gods, as well as the Habitations of men, even thoſe of the Sicilians that ſtood Neuters before, now turn'd from the Romans and ſided with the Carthaginians. After this Hippocrates retreated to Murgantia, and Himilco to Agrigentum, having both before drawn their Forces towards Enna, upon the Invitation of thoſe that ſhould have betray'd it. Marcellus alſo drew back into the Leontines Country, and having furniſht his Camp with Corn and other neceſſaries, and left there a competent Guard, return'd to the Siege of Syracuſe, whence he diſpatcht App. Claudius to Rome, he being one of the Candidates for the Conſulſhip; and in his room made T. Quintius Criſponus Admiral of the Fleet, and Commander in Chief of the old Leaguer, whilſt he himſelf built and fortified Winter-Quarters five miles from Hexapylus, at a place they call Leon. Thus went affairs of Sicily till the beginning of Winter.

The ſame Summer the War which before was ſuſpected broke out with King Philip; For M. Valerius the Praetor Admiral of the Fleet that lay at Brunduſium for defence of the Coaſts of Calabria, receiv'd intelligence by an Expreſs from Oric, That Philip having firſt attempted the City Apollonia, and to that purpoſe tow'd up one hundred and twenty Gallies againſt the ſtream, finding that would take up too much time, marcht away privately by night to Oric, which being a City ſituate on a Plain, and nothing ſtrong either in Walls, or Forces, or Arms, at the firſt onſet he made himſelf Maſter thereof; and therefore the Inhabitants deſir'd Valerius to aſſiſt them, and make head againſt this undoubted Enemy of the Romans, either by Land, or Forces at Sea, and to drive him away from them, who for no other reaſon were aſſaulted, but becauſe they were near Neighbours to Italy, and lay in his way thither. M. Valerius, leaving the Guard of Brunduſium to T. Valerius his Lieutenant, puts to Sea with a ſtout Fleet, thoſe Souldiers that could not conveniently be beſtow'd in the men of War, being put aboard ſome Merchant Ships of Burthen, and on the ſecond day arriv'd at Oric, and eaſily recover'd that City from a ſmall Garriſon which Philip had left there. Thither repair'd to him Agents from Apollonia, ſhewing, How they were under a Siege becauſe they would not revolt from the Romans, nor were they able much longer to bear up againſt the Macedonian Force, unleſs a Roman Garriſon were ſent them. Which he promiſed them, and in order thereunto diſpatcht two thouſand choice men to the mouth of the River that runs from thence, under the Command of Q. Naevius Criſta, a diligent man and excellent Souldier, who having Landed his men, and ſent back his Ships to Oric, march'd at a great diſtance from the River, by a way not at all guarded by the Kings Forces, and ſo in the night got into the City without being perceiv'd; The next day he reſted his men, and ſpent his own time in muſtering the youth of the City, and ſurveying their Arms and the ſtrength of the place; with which being well ſatisfied and encouraged, and withal inform'd by his Scouts how ſecure and negligent the Enemy was, he makes a Sally in the dead of the night, and with a ſtill march entred the Enemies Camp, who lay ſo naked and horrible careleſs, that 'tis certain above a thouſand of his men were got over their Rampier, before one of them took the Alarm, and if they had forborn falling upon them, they might have gone up to the Kings Tent before any notice taken; but the killing of ſome near the Ports awaken'd the Enemy, who were all in ſuch a fright and conſternation, that not a man took Arms to oppoſe them, nay the King himſelf as he ſtarted out of ſleep, half naked, and in an habit ſcarce fit for a common Souldier, much leſs a Prince, fled to the River and got on board his Fleet; whither his people follow'd after him in heaps. There were well near three thouſand in all taken and ſlain, but the greater number taken. The Camp was plundred, the Apollonians got all his Capults, Baliſts, and other Battering Engines, which they carried home to ſecure their own Walls whenever there ſhould happen the like occaſion; all the reſt of the Booty fell to the ſhare of the Roman Souldiers. As ſoon as news of this defeat came to Oric, Valerius preſently ſet Sail with his Fleet to the mouth of the River to prevent the Kings Eſcape by Sea; whereupon Philip diſtruſting his power on Sea as well as on ſhore to be too weak to cope with the Romans, ſunk and burnt his Ships, and ſo march'd by Land to Macedonia, his Forces having loſt all their Baggage and moſt part of their Arms; the Roman Navy continued all Winter with Valerius at Oric.

Variety of Action happen'd this year in Spain; for before the Romans could get over the River Iberus, Mago and Aſdrubal had routed a mighty Hoſt of Spaniards, ſo as all the further part of Spain had revolted, if P. Cornelius had not with great Expedition tranſported his Army, and ſeaſonably come up to aſſure the minds of his wavering Allies. He firſt encamp'd at a place call'd High Caſtle, famous for the death of the great Amilcar. It was a place well fortified, and they had already ſtor'd up their Corn there; yet becauſe it was in the midſt of the Enemies Quarters, whoſe Cavalry had ſeveral times faln upon the Roman Fort, and got off again clear. In which Incurſions they had ſlain at leaſt two thouſand men, either loitering behind the reſt, or careleſly ſtraggling about the Country, it was thought fit to remove from thence into places more quiet and ſecure, and ſo encamped on Mount Victoria; thither came Cn. Scipio with all his Forces, and alſo Aſdrubal the Son of Giſco, (the third in renown and quality of all the Punick Generals) with a compleat Army; and both theſe ſat down on the other ſide the River, over againſt the firſt mentioned Camp of the Romans. P. Scipio riding out with a few light Horſe to take a view of the ground, the Enemy diſcover'd him, and in that open Champain Country had undoubtely cut him off, but that he got to an Hill of advantage hard by, where he was encompaſs'd for ſome time, but by the coming up of his Brother with a Party to his Reſcue, got off without much loſs. Caſtulo a ſtrong and noble City of Spain, and ſo ſtrictly allied to the Carthaginians, that Annibal married his Wife from thence, did yet notwithſtanding now quit their Party, and join with the Romans. The Carthaginians began to aſſault Illiturgis, where there lay a Roman Garriſon, whom they hoped to maſter the ſooner, becauſe they underſtood they were already in great want of Proviſions. Cn. Scipio to relieve his Confederates and his own Souldiers that were there, march'd with a Legion of Souldiers lightly arm'd, between the Enemies two Camps, skirmiſhing with them all the way not without great ſlaughter, and ſo entred the City, and the next day made a Sally no leſs fortunate: For in thoſe two Conflicts he kill'd above twelve thouſand of the Enemy, took more than ten thouſand Priſoners with ſix and thirty Colours. Thus was the Siege of Illiturgis raiſed, and in the next place the Carthaginians laid Siege to Bigerra, which was alſo in Amity with the Romans; but Cn. Scipio advancing thither, they quitted the ſame without fighting.

After which the Punick Camp lying at Munda, the Romans followed hard at their heels, where they fought a pitch'd Battel for four hours ſpace; but the Romans having much the better of the day, were on a ſudden call'd off by a Retreat ſounded, becauſe Cn. Scipio was hurt in the Thigh with a barbed Javelin, and the Souldiers about him were in ſome diſorder, fearing the wound was mortal. If that accident had not ſtopt them, 'tis certain they had that day taken the Enemies Camp; for they had already driven not only the Souldiers, but the Elephants too up to the French, and as they ſtood there as it were at Bay, no leſs than thirty nine Elephants were kill'd and wounded with Darts and Javelins. In this Battel likewiſe were kill'd by report twelve thouſand, almoſt three thouſand taken Priſoners, and fifty ſeven Colours won. The Enemy retreated from thence to the City Aurinx, and the Romans, to give them no breathing time after their late Overthrows, purſued hard after them. There again Scipio, though carried into the Field in an Horſe-litter, fought them, and had the Victory clear, though not half ſo many of the Enemy kill'd as before, becauſe there were not now ſo many left to fight. But being amongſt a people naturally addicted to Wars, Mago ſent forth by his Brother Aſdrubal to make new Levies, ſoon recruited the Army, and then they had the heart to venture another Battel. As moſt of their men were thus new-rais'd, and the reſt ſuch as had been ſo often cow'd before, ſo their ſucceſs was according, eight thouſand kill'd, not leſs than two thouſand taken Priſoners, and fifty eight Colours, together with abundance of Gallick Spoils, Gold Rings, Chains and Bracelets, likewiſe two Princes of the Gauls, whoſe names were Menicapto and Civiſmaro, loſt their lives in this Battel, eight Elephants taken and three kill'd. And now after all theſe ſucceſſes in Spain, the Romans began to be aſham'd, that they had ſuffer'd the City of Saguntum (the original Cauſe of the whole War) to remain now eight years in the Enemies hands; therefore having by Force beat out the Punick Garriſon that was there, they recover'd the Town, and reſtor'd it to ſuch of the Inhabitants as yet ſurviv'd the fury of the War: Alſo they reduc'd the Turdetanes who had revolted to the Carthaginians, and for Example ſake, ſold them for Slaves, and utterly deſtroy'd their City. Theſe were the occurrences in Spain whilſt Q Fabius and M. Claudius were Conſuls.

At Rome no ſooner were the new Tribunes of the Commous entred into their Office, but L. Metellus who was one of them, ſummon'd the Cenſors, P. Furius and M Atilius, to anſwer before the People, for having the laſt year, when he was Treaſurer, taken away his Horſe of ſervice allow'd by the State, degraded him of his Tribe, and depriv'd him of his Vote, for the Conſpiracy he and others entred into at Cannae about abandoning Italy: But the other nine Tribunes ſtopt the proſecution, would not allow the Cenſors to be ſued whilſt they were in their Office, and ſo they were diſmiſs'd; ſoon after P. Furius died, by means whereof they could not compleat the aſſeſſing and numbering of the people which they had began, and the other M. Atilius flung up his place. Q. Fabius Maximus the Conſul held the Elections, and his Son of the ſame name, together with T. Sempronius Gracchus, the ſecond time (both abſent) were Created Conſuls for the year enſuing. The Praetors were M. Atilius and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, and M. Aemilius Lepidus, which three laſt were at the ſame time Aediles of State, and that year exhibited firſt of all the ſolemn Stage-Plays, which continued for four days together. This Tuditanus the Aedile was he, who after the Defeat at Cannae, when all the reſt were aſtoniſht with fear, bravely broke through the midſt of the Enemy. The Elections being finiſht Q. Fabius the Father ſent for the Conſuls Elect to Rome to take upon them their Office, and conſult the Senate touching the War, and where each of them and the Praetors ſhould act, and what Forces they ſhould have to Command; Accordingly the Provinces and Armies were divided amongſt them.

The War with Annibal in all places was committed to the Conſuls with one Army which Sempronius himſelf had already under his Command, and another that then belong'd to old Fabius, conſiſting of two Legions apiece. M. Aemilius the Praetor whoſe Lot it was to have Juriſdiction over the Foreigners, aſſign'd over that civil Charge to his Brother Atilius the City Praetor, that he might the better attend his Province of Luceria, where he was to have the Conduct of thoſe two Legions that ſerv'd under the now Conſul Q. Fabius when he was Praetor. To T. Sempronius the Praetor was appointed the Government of Ariminum; to Cn. Fulvius that of Sueſſula, each with two Legions, viz. the latter to have thoſe of the City, and the former to receive thoſe that had been under M. Pomponius; the Foreign Provinces were continued in the ſame hands. M. Claudius over ſo much of Sicily as had been under King Hiero, and Lentulus the Pro-Praetor over the reſt, and T. Otacilius to remain Admiral without any new recruits; M. Valerius was to look after Greece and Macedonia with the ſame Legion and Fleet that he had; Q. Mucius with the old Army (who were two Legions) was to ſecure Sardinia, and G. Terentius the Country of Picenum, with that one Legion that had long been under his Conduct; alſo Order was given that there ſhould be two more Legions rais'd in the City, and twenty thouſand amongſt the Allies. With theſe Generals and theſe Forces they provided for the defence of the Empire of Rome againſt the many ſeveral Wars which at once they were either already involved in, or ſhortly apprehended. The Conſuls having levied two new City-Legions, and compleated the old ones, before they marcht into the Field, expiated thoſe Prodigies that were reported; for not only part of the Wall and Gates of Rome, and the Temple of Jupiter at Aricia, were blaſted with Lightning, but many vain illuſions which people fanſied they ſaw or heard, were believ'd for certain truths, as that there appeared the reſemblance of divers Gallies in the River of Tarracina, where indeed there was none; That in the Temple of Jupiter Vicilinus which ſtands in the Territories of Compſa, there was heard the Clattering of Armour, and the River of Amiternus ſeem'd to be turn'd into Blood; ſatisfaction being made for theſe ſtrange Tokens, and the Gods well-appeas'd according to the Orders of the Pontiffs, the Conſuls began their march, Sempronius to Lucania, Fabius into Apulia; At Sueſſula Fabius the Father came to the Camp to be Lieutenant and aſſiſtant to his Son; who going out to meet him, the Lictors marching before him had ſuch a reverence for the old man, that they did not as was uſual ſtop him, but turn'd aſide without ſaying any thing, and ſo eleven of them paſs'd by him and let him ride on, but then the young man ſpoke to the Lictor that went next him to mind his duty, who preſently cry'd out to the Father and bid him alight, who diſmounting ſaid, I did it, Son! to try whether you would not forget you were a Conſul, and knew how to require the honour due to that high dignity.

As they lay there Encamp'd, Daſius Altinius a great and rich Citizen of Arpi, came ſecretly with three Servants in the Night, and offer'd the Conſul, That if he might have a good reward for his pains, he would betray that City into his hands; which overture being debated in a Council of War, ſome were of opinion, That he ought to be ſeverely ſcourg'd and then Executed as a Renegade and common Enemy, a Fellow true to no ſide, nor by any to be truſted, who after the Defeat at Cannae, as if his Fidelity were to wait on Fortune, revolted to Annibal, and drew over the City Arpos with him, and now ſince the Roman Affairs, contrary to his hopes and wiſhes ſeem ſomewhat to revive; he comes to offer a new treachery to thoſe whom he hath already betray'd; a deceitful Villain that is never of that ſide which he pretends to own, a Friend not to be truſted, and and an Enemy contemptible and vain, and therefore ought to have the ſame reward as the Traitor of the Falerii, or that other of King Pyrrhus, and be made a third Example to all treacherous Runnagates. On the other ſide, old Fabius (the Conſuls Father) ſaid, That men ſhould not forget to diſtinguiſh times and ſeaſons, nor give their opinions of things or perſons in the heat and confuſions of a War, as they would do during a calm and open Peace; They ſhould rather conſider and endeavour how to keep all our Friends from falling off from us, than talk of making Examples of thoſe that repent of their defection, and deſire to return to their antient Amity; But if we cannot help but ſome or other will always be revolting, and ſhall make it unlawfu • for any to return again to us, who ſees not but in a little time we ſhall be without any Allies at all, and all the States of Italy will be aſſociated with the Carthaginians; not that he thought fit to repoſe any truſt in this Altinius, but rather to take a middle courſe with him, and treat him at preſent neither as a Friend, nor yet as an abſolute Enemy, that is, to keep him as a Priſoner at large in ſome faithful City not far from the Camp during the War, and afterwards they would have leiſure to determine, whether his former Revolt deſerved puniſhment more than this his Return did pardon. This Advice was well approved of, ſo they bound Altinius and his Servants in Chains, and a great Summ of Gold which he brought with him, was order'd to be laid up and ſecured for him; he continued at Cales where Keepers walked with him abroad in the day time, and in the nights he was lock'd up. In the mean time, when he was firſt miſs'd at home, and could not be heard of, all Arpos was in an hurly-burly for the loſs of ſo principal a Man, and for fear of ſome miſchief that might follow, ſent an Account thereof to Annibal; who was not much diſpleaſed in his heart, both becauſe he had a good while been ſuſpicious of him as a Turn-Coat, and beſides had by this means a fair occaſion to ſeize his Eſtate, which was very great; yet that he might ſeem to act more out of reſentments of Anger than Covetouſneſs, he added a Gravity of Judicial proceedings to the moſt barbarous Cruelty in the world; for having apprehended his Wife and Children, he firſt ſtrictly examined them touching his Flight, and alſo what Gold and Silver he had left behind him at home, and having fully diſcovered all particulars, he cauſed them to be burnt alive.

Fabius marching from Sueſſula, deſigned in the firſt place to beſiege Arpos, and having encamped almoſt a mile off, and taken a view at a diſtance of the ſituation of the Town and its Walls; where he ſaw the Works were ſtrongeſt, and therefore the leaſt Guards, there he reſolved to ſtorm it. After he had prepared all things requiſite for ſuch an Enterprize, he choſe out the braveſt of all his Centurions and the ſtouteſt Colonels for their Leaders, to whom he added 600 ſelect Souldiers, (which was thought enow for the work) his Orders were, that in the night when the Trumpet ſounded to the third Watch, they ſhould carry their ſcaling Ladders to that place. The Gate there was low and narrow, the ſtreet little frequented, being the moſt deſert part of the City, that thoſe who firſt got up with their Ladders, ſhould go along the Wall, and on the inſide break open the ſaid Gate, and when they were in poſſeſſion of that part of the City, to wind a Horn as a Signal for the reſt of the Forces to advance, and he would have all things in readineſs to ſecond them. All this was gallantly performed, and that which ſeemed an impediment proved a great advantage to their deſign, I mean a violent ſhowre that began at midnight, and cauſed the Guards and Watchmen to retire from their Poſts into the Houſes for ſhelter, and with the noiſe of the Rain daſhing on the ſtones, hindred them from hearing the Gate broke open, and afterwards the more gentle droppings like Muſick charmed many of them to ſleep. After this Party was got in, they began to wind their Horns placed at fit diſtances to give notice from one to another to the Conſul, who preſently cauſed the Standards to advance, and a little before day entred the City at the Gate broke open, as aforeſaid.

Then at laſt the Enemy took the Alarm, the ſhowre being over, and day-light appearing, Annibals Garriſon in the Town conſiſted of almoſt five thouſand men, and there were beſides three thouſand of the Burghers in Arms, whom the Carthaginians put in the Van for fear of Treachery, if they ſhould have been behind them. They fought at firſt before it was full light and in narrow ſtreets, and the Romans had not only ſecured the ſtreets, but the Houſes too that were next the Gate, that they might not be pelted and wounded from above. The Arpins and the Romans knew one another, and began to parley, the Romans asking them what they meant? What injury had the Romans done them? Or what mighty obligations had they to the Punicks, that they being natural Italians) ſhould wage War for a parcel of Strangers and Barbarians againſt their old Neighbours and Friends? and help to bring Italy into ſlavery, and make it Tributary to Africk? The Arpins excuſed themſelves as being ignorant and innocent of theſe matters, betray'd and ſold by ſome of their Grandees to the Carthaginians, and ſo over-reach'd and oppreſs'd by a few. Upon this beginning more and more of them began to confer together, and at laſt the Praetor of Arpos went up to the Conſul, and having agreed and paſſed their promiſes one to another amongſt the Standards and Forces drawn up ready to charge each other, the Arpines on a ſudden turned o'th Romans ſide againſt the Carthaginians; likewiſe very near a thouſand Spaniards came over to the Conſul, making no other Terms than only this, That the Punick Garriſon ſhould march away with ſafety, and accordingly the Gates were open'd for them, and they went without any violence offer'd them to Annibal at Salapia. Thus was Arpos reſtor'd to the Romans without any loſs, except of one old Traitor and new Fugitive. Theſe Spaniards that came in were order'd to have double Proviſions allow'd, and afterwards did brave and faithful Service. One of the Conſuls being in Apulia, the other in Lucania, an hundred and twelve young Noblemen of Campania having got leave of the Magiſtrates of Capua to go forth to forrage the Enemies Country, came to-rights to the Roman Camp at Sueſſula, and told the Sentinels they would ſpeak with the Praetor, for Cn. Fulvius was there Commander in Chief, who being made acquainted, order'd ten of them unarm'd to be brought before him; They only deſired, that when Capua ſhould be retaken, they might be reſtored to their Eſtates, which was promiſed, and ſo all of them taken into protection. The other Praetor Sempronius Juditanus took the Town Aternum, and in it above ſeven thouſand people, and a pretty quantity of ready Money. At Rome happen'd a ſad Fire, that continued two nights and one day, and laid all in aſhes from the Salt-Market to the Gate called Carmenta, with the ſtreets, Aequimelius and Jugarius, the Fire ſpreading it ſelf even into the Temples of Fortune, and Mother Matuta, and Hope, without the Gate, and conſumed all things ſacred and profane.

In Spain the two Brothers, P. and Cn. Cornelius, having had great ſucceſs, recovered many of their old Allies, and made not a few new ones, began to extend their hopes even into Africk; for underſtanding that Syphax, one of the Numidian Kings, was lately faln out with the Carthaginians, they ſent three Captains to make an Alliance with him, aſſuring him, That if he would perſiſt in the War againſt them, he would do a very acceptable kindneſs to the Romans, who would in due time amply requite him for the ſame. The Barbarian was very glad of this Overture; and having talk'd with the Embaſſadours touching the Art of War, underſtood from the Diſcourſes of thoſe old Souldiers, how ignorant he was of many things in compariſon of that more regular Diſcipline which they deſcribed. Therefore the firſt thing he requeſted was, That as they were good and faithful Friends, two of them would go back to their Generals, and the other remain with him to inſtruct his people in the Art Military. For the Numidians were hitherto altogether unacquainted with Foot-ſervice, and uſeful only on Horſe-back; their Forefathers having ever ſince they were a Nation managed their Wars that way, to which only they were accuſtomed from their youth; but their preſent Enemy was ſtrong in Infantry, and he ſhould never be able to match them, unleſs he had ſtore of Foot-Souldiers, and though his Kingdom afforded men enow for that purpoſe, yet they had not the Art to arm and train them, but did all things raſhly and in diſorder as the multitude happen'd to come together. The Embaſſadours conſented, upon Security given, that their Companion ſhould preſently be ſent after them, if their Generals ſhould not approve of his ſtaying there. His name that ſtay'd with the King was Q. Statorius, and with the other two went back Numidian Embaſſadours to receive the Ratification of the League from the Roman Generals, who had Inſtructions to wheadle away all the Numidians they could that were in Annibals Army or Garriſons. Statorius out of the multitude of young men wherewith that Country abounded, levied and muſter'd Foot for the King, and exerciſing them after the Roman mode, caſt them into Regiments and Bands, taught them to follow their proper Colours, and to keep in their Ranks and Files, and all other kinds of Military Diſcipline, ſo that in a little time the King confided as much in his Infantry as Cavalry, and in a pitch'd Battel on even hand defeated the Carthaginians: Nor were his Embaſſadours of ſmall advantage to the Romans in Spain; for upon the News of their Arrival, abundance of the Numidians daily deſerted the Enemy. Thus a firm League of Friendſhip was ſetled between the Romans and Syphax, which when the Carthaginians underſtood, preſently they diſpatch'd away Envoys to Gala, a Prince of the other part of Numidia, over the people called Maſſilians.

This Gala had a Son named Maſaniſſa, but ſeventeen years of Age, yet of ſuch hopes as fairly promiſed that he would render his Kingdom much more large and powerful than he found it. To him theſe Envoys remonſtrated, That ſince Syphax to render himſelf more powerful againſt the reſt of the Kings of Africk, had Confederated with the Romans, it would be the intereſt of Gala to join as ſoon as he could with the Carthaginians, before Syphax went over into Spain, or the Romans invaded Africk; and as for Syphax he might now eaſily be ſubdued whilſt he had yet gain'd nothing by the Roman League but a bare name of having ſuch remote Friends. The Son being altogether for War, Gala was eaſily perſuaded to ſend forth an Army, who, with the Carthaginian Auxiliaries defeated Syphax in a mighty Battel, wherein 'tis ſaid there were thirty thouſand ſlain. Syphax himſelf with a few Horſe fled to the Mauruſians, a ſort of Numidians that border'd upon the Ocean over againſt Cadiz, and having by his great renown drawn many of the Barbarians to him, arm'd in a little time vaſt Forces, but before he could carry them over the ſtreight into Spain: Maſaniſſa came into thoſe parts with his Victorious Army, and alone with his own Troops, and no help of the Carthaginians, gave Syphax Battel, to his great Honour. In Spain nothing memorable happen'd, ſave that the Roman Generals drew all the Celtiberians that were fit to bear Arms into their ſervice for the ſame ſtipend that they had bargain'd for with the Carthaginians; and ſent above three hundred Spaniſh Gentlemen into Italy to ſolicite their Countrymen that were under Annibal to deſert him and ſerve the Romans. This only touching the Affairs of Spain. In this Year may be noted, That the Romans had never any Mercenaries in their Army till now they hired the aforeſaid Celtiberians.

DECADE III. BOOK V. The EPITOME.

2. P. Cornelius Scipio, afterwards ſirnamed Africanus, made Aedile, though under Age. 8. Annibal takes the City Tarentum (all but the Caſtle) by the Treachery of ſome young men of that City, who pretended to go out a Hunting. 12. The ſolemn Games in Honour of Apollo, were now firſt inſtituted upon occaſion of certain Prophetical Verſes of Martius, wherein the Overthrow at Cannae had been foretold. 13. Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Conſuls, fight Hanno the Carthaginian General with ſucceſs. 16. T. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconſul, was by a Lucanian, at whoſe Houſe he Quarter'd, train'd into an Ambuſcade and ſlain by Mago. 19. Centenius Penula, who had ſerved in the Wars but in quality of a Centurion, importuning the Senate to have the Conduct of an Army, aſſuring them, that if they would grant him that Honour, he would certainly beat Annibal out of Italy, obtains the Command of eight thouſand men, and with them fights Annibal, but both himſelf and his Army are cut to pieces. 21. Cn. Fulvius the Praetor engaging with Annibal, loſt the Field and ſixteen thouſand men, and himſelf eſcaped but with two hundred Horſe. 22. The two Conſuls, Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius, beſiege Capua. 23, &c. Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the Siege takes Syracuſe, having moſt gallantly and prudently behaved himſelf in all that Service. In the Tumult at ſtorming the City, Archimedes, buſie about Geometrical Figures which he had drawn in the duſt, is by a common Souldier knockt o'th head. 32, &c. The two Scipio's, Publius and Cornelius, after ſo many brave Actions and great ſucceſſes in Spain, come to a diſaſtrous end, being kill'd with the loſs of almoſt both their whole Armies in the eighth year after their going into Spain. 37. That Province had utterly been loſt, had it not been for the Courage and Induſtry of L. Marcius a Roman Knight, who rallied together the ſcatter'd Reliques of the ſaid Armies, and by his Conduct and Encouragement, routed the Enemy, drove them out of two ſeveral places where they were encamped, ſlew ſeven and thirty thouſand of them, took eighteen hundred and thirty Priſoners, and a mighty Booty, whereupon he was called General Marcius.

WHilſt theſe things were a doing in Africk and Spain, Annibal had ſpent the Summer U. C. 540 in the Tarentine Territories, in hopes of gaining that City by Treachery; during which time ſeveral obſcure Towns of the Salentines revolted to him; but of the twelve Clans of the Bruttians, two of them called the Conſentines and the Thurines return'd to their old Alliance with the Romans, and more had followed their Example, had it not been for L Pomponius Veientanus, a Captain of the Allies, who having made ſome lucky Incurſions into the Bruttians Country, would needs take upon him as a General, and having raiſed a tumultuary Army, fought with Hanno, and loſt abundance of men, either killed or taken Priſoners, but they were for the moſt part a Rabble of Country Clowns and Bond-ſlaves, and the leaſt loſs of all was the Captain himſelf, being a Fellow that as he was the Cauſe of this Loſs by his raſhneſs, ſo he had been a Publican (or Farmer of the Publick Revenues) guilty of ſeveral Miſdeneanours and ill Arts, whereby he had wrong'd both the State, and thoſe private perſons he happen'd to be concerned with. Sempronius the Conſul lying in the Lucans Country, made divers ſmall Skirmiſhes, but nothing memorable, and alſo took ſome ſmall Towns belonging to thoſe people. The long continuance of the War ſometimes with ſucceſs, and by and by with great diſaſters, had not only changed the Fortunes, but alſo the Minds of men, and the City was ſo ſtrangely poſſeſt with Superſtitions and Ceremonies, for the moſt part introduced from Foreign Countries, as if either its Inhabitants or its Gods were not the ſame as formerly: Nor were the ancient Roman Rites out of requeſt only in private Devotions, but even in the ſtreets, the Market place and Capitol it ſelf; you ſhould ſee multitudes of Women praying and ſacrificing after quite different modes from thoſe of their native Country. Abundance of old Prieſts and blind Wizards having inveigled peoples Conſciences, whoſe number was the greater, by reaſon of ſo many flocking out of the Country, either for fear or poverty, not being able to till their Lands, or at leaſt not to enjoy any benefit by the Crops; whereupon they reſorted to the City, where finding it eaſie to advantage themſelves by others Superſtitions, they followed the trick of abuſing their zealous Credulity, as if it had been a lawful occupation. At theſe Innovations, good men being grieved and ſcandalized, firſt ſigh'd out their complaints in private, but at laſt it growing a publick Grievance, was brought before the Senate, who gave a ſevere Reprimand to the Aediles and Capital Triumvirs, becauſe they had not prohibited theſe diſorders. But when they came to turn this Crowd of Devoto's out of the Forum, and fling away their Sacred Implements and Oblations which they had prepared, they went in danger of their lives from the Rabble; ſo that the miſchief appearing too far gone to be ſuppreſs'd by inferiour Magiſtrates, the Senate left it to the care of M. Aemilius the City-Praetor to rid the Town of theſe Superſtitions, who having in a general Aſſembly recited that Act of the Senate, ſet forth a Proclamation, That whoever had any Books of Divination or Prayers or Treatiſes of the Art of Sacrificing, ſhould bring them all in to him before the firſt day of April; and that no perſon ſhould preſume to ſacrifice in any place publick or ſacred, with any new or outlandiſh Rites or Ceremonies.

This Year died ſeveral publick Prieſts, viz. L. Cornelius Lentulus the ſupream Pontiff, and C. Papirius Maſſo, the Son of Caius of that name, an ordinary Pontiff, and P. Furius Philus an Augur, and C. Papirius Maſſo the Son of Lucius, one of the Decemvirs for looking after the Holy Myſteries; In the room of Lentulus was choſen Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, and Cn. Servilius Coepio in the ſtead of Papirius the Pontiff; The new Augur was L. Quintius Flaminius, and the Decemvir, another L. Cornelius Lentulus. The time of Electing Conſuls coming on, becauſe both the preſent Conſuls were buſy abroad in the War, and could not well be call'd home, C. Claudius Cento was nominated Dictator for that purpoſe, whoſe Maſter of the Horſe Q. Fulvius Flaccus, was Created one of the Conſuls, and Appius Claudius Pulcher (who was Governour of Sicily whilſt he was Praetor) the other. Then Praetors were choſen, Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, C. Claudius Nero, M. Junius Silanus, and P. Cornelius Sulla. The Elections being concluded, the Dictator quitted his Office. The Aedile of State with M. Cornelius Cethegus, was P. Cornelius Scipio, afterwards ſurnam'd Africanus, whom, when he put in for that Office, the Tribunes of the Commons oppos'd him, alledging, That he ought not to be put in nomination, becauſe he was not yet arrived to the Age By the Annal Law none were to be Aediles but ſuch as were at leaſt 37. years of Age; As Praetors were to be 40. and Conſuls 43. or upwards. required by Law. To which he anſwer'd, If all the Quirites and people of Rome have a mind to make me Aedile, then I hope I am old enough. And indeed all the Tribes ran ſo faſt to give their Votes in his favour, that the Tribunes preſently ceaſed their endeavours of hindering him. The Largeſs beſtow'd by theſe Aediles, was to exhibite the Roman Games (very magnificently for thoſe times) and continued a day longer than ordinary; and alſo they gave to every ſtreet in the City a Congius (about a Wine Gallon) of Oyl. L. Villius Tapulus, and M. Fundanius Fundulus, accuſed ſeveral Matrons before the people of diſhoneſt and incontinent living, of whom ſome were condemn'd and baniſht; The Plebeian Games were celebrated, and by reaſon thereof a great Feaſt in honour of Jupiter.

Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third time, and App. Claudius, enter upon their Conſulſhip; and the Praetors choſe their Provinces by Lot; P. Cornelius Sulla had both the Juriſdiction over Citizens and over Foreigners, which before were two mens Offices. To Cn. Fulvius Flaccus fell Apulia, to C. Claudius Nero, Sueſſula, and Marcus Junius Silanus happen'd to have the Government of Tuſcany; both Conſuls were appointed by an expreſs Decree of the Senate to manage the War with Annibal, and to have under their Command two Legions apiece, which one of them ſhould receive from Q. Fabius laſt years Conſul, and the other from Fulvius Centumalus; As for the Praetors, F. Flaccus was to have the Conduct of the Forces that were at Luceria under Aemilius the late Praetor, and Nero Claudius thoſe under C. Terentius in Picenum, each of them to levy what recruits they thought fit. To Marcus Junius were aſſign'd the City Legions of the former year. T. Sempronius Gracchus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, had their Commands continued over their reſpective Armies and Provinces of Lucania and Gallia; The like to Publius Lentulus over the old Province of Sicily, and to M. Marcellus for Syracuſe, and ſo much as had been the Dominion of Hiero; T. Otacilius remain'd Admiral; M. Valerius had charge of Greece, Q. Mutius Scaevola of Sardinia, and the two Cornelii of Spain; Beſides the old Forces the Conſuls were to raiſe two more City Legions, ſo that in all the Armies that year conſiſted of three and twenty Legions. The Conſuls Leavies were much hindred by means of one M. Poſthumius Pyrgenſis, who was like to have cauſed a dangerous diſturbance; He was a Publican by profeſſion, and for many years for Covetouſneſs and Cheating had not his Fellow in the whole City, except L. Pomponius Veientanus, taken Priſoner laſt year by Hanno in the Lucans Country as aforeſaid. Theſe two and ſome of their Confederates of the ſame Trade, becauſe the State was to anſwer all Caſualties of the Seas, as for any Proviſions ſent to the Armies, feigned abundance of Shipwracks, and thoſe which they brought to account that were really caſt away, were occaſioned by their own Fraud and Knavery, not by any Accident; for their Courſe was to lade old Weather-beaten Veſſels with a few Goods of little value, and when the ſame were ſunk in the Sea, having Boats in readineſs to ſave the Mariners, they would falſly pretend and crave allowance for abundance of Goods of great value as loſt thereby. This Fraud of theirs was diſcovered laſt year to M. Aemilius the Praetor, who acquainted the Senate therewith, but it was not then taken notice of or puniſh'd, becauſe the Fathers at that Juncture were not willing to diſoblige the Publicans, whom they then ſtood ſo much in need of; but when 'twas brought before the people, they were reſolved ſeverely to chaſtiſe this horrid Cheat: And the Carvilii, two Praetors of the Commons, juſtly moved with the indignity and ſcandalouſneſs of the thing, lay a Fine of two hundred thouſand Aſſes (about ſix hundred twenty five pounds ſterling) upon his Head. And when the day came, that the ſame ſhould be confirmed by the people, or elſe either increaſed or mitigated, the Aſſembly of the Commons was ſo full, that all the Court of the Capitol could ſcarce contain the multitude. The Defendent pleaded largely for himſelf, but his only hope ſeemed to be, that a Kinſman of his, C. Servilius Caſca, one of the Tribunes of the Commons, would interpoſe in his behalf, before the Tribes were called forth to give their Suffrages. The Witneſſes being heard, the Tribunes commanded the Crowd to withdraw to a convenient diſtance, and the Lottery-Box was brought out to determine in which Tribe the Free Latines that were in Town ſhould give their Votes; In the mean time the Publicans baited Caſca, that he would diſſolve the Court, and the people cry'd out as faſt on the contrary to proceed; and as it fell out, Caſca ſat full in view, the formoſt man on the Tribunes Bench, and though he would fain have done his Relation a kindneſs, yet he knew not how for fear and ſhame to appear in ſuch a dirty buſineſs, ſeeing no likelyhood of aſſiſtance from him, the Publicans to make a diſturbance, and hinder the proceedings, came in a forceable manner through the void ſpace that was between the people and the Court, and thruſt in rudely amongſt them, till they got upon an high place, where they fell a quarrelling and brawling with the Tribunes on one ſide, and the people on the other, inſomuch that they were like to go together by the Ears, whereupon Fulvius ſaid to the Tribunes, Do not you ſee that your Authority is contemn'd? and that there is danger of a Riot and Mutiny, unleſs you preſently adjourn the Aſſembly?

Which being done, a Senate is call'd to whom the Conſuls repreſent how the common Hall was diſturb'd by the impudence and violence of the Publicans. That Court (quoth they) wherein the great M. Furius Camillus (on whoſe baniſhment enſued the ruine of the City) calmly ſuffer'd himſelf to be condemn'd by ungrateful Citizens; wherein before him, the Decemvirs (by whoſe Laws we live to this day) and many other perſons of the firſt quality in all Ages, have ſubmitted to the Judgment of the People; But now comes this Poſthumius Pyrgenſis, and by force does wreſt from the Commons the Liberty of their Votes, hath ſubverted the Commons Judicature, affronted and contemn'd the Tribunes, came as in a Warlike manner againſt the people of Rome, ſeiz'd a place by violence to keep the Tribunes from coming to the Commons, or the Commons to their Tribunes, and hinder the Tribes from being call'd to their Suffrages; nor was there any thing that prevented blows and murther but the patience of the Magiſtrates giving way for the preſent to the inſolence and fury of theſe few ſeditious Mutineers, and ſuffering themſelves and the people of Rome to be overcome ſo far, That ſeeing the Criminals went about with Force and Arms to hinder their proceedings, they diſſolv'd the Court by their own Authority, that there might be no occaſion given to thoſe who ſought nothing ſo much as ſome colour for a combuſtion. All good men reſenting this as a very heinous offence, and the Senate having declared, That this violence and breach of the Peace tended to the hazard of the State, and would be a precedent of moſt pernicious conſequence, if not ſeverely puniſht, preſently the two Carvilii, the Tribunes, laying aſide the Debate about their Fine, Indited Poſthumius of Treaſon, and commanded one of the principal Serjeants to attack him, and carry him to Gaol, unleſs he found very good Bail; he did accordingly give Sureties, but left them in the lurch, and appear'd not at the day; whereupon the Tribunes preferr'd a Bill to the people, who ratified the ſame, That if M. Poſthumius ſhould not ſurrender himſelf before the firſt day of May, and when he was call'd on that day, did not appear and anſwer, nor any lawful excuſe be alledged for his abſence, they adjudg'd him to be baniſht, his Eſtate to be forfeited and ſold, and they did forbid him fire and water, or that he ſhould loſe the benefit of his Country for ever. After which all the reſt concern'd in ſtirring up the Riot and Tumult, were capitally proſecuted and required to give Sureties; firſt only thoſe that could not get Bail were Impriſon'd, but afterwards thoſe that offer'd pledges were notwithſtanding ſecured; To avoid which danger divers went voluntarily into baniſhment; This was the upſhot of theſe Publicans fraudulent dealings, and of their impudence in defending the ſame.

After this, the Aſſembly was held for Creation of an High Prieſt by M. Cornelius Cethegus a Pontiff lately Elected; Three Competitors there were who vy'd all their Intereſts for the place, viz. Q. Fulvius Flaccus the Conſul, who had twice before been Conſul and Cenſor; and T. Manlius Torquatus dignified alſo with two Conſulſhips and a Cenſorſhip beſides, and P. Licinius Craſſus who as yet had not ſerv'd Aedile, yet this young man carried it from both the ſaid antient and honourable Candidates; nor had there in a hundred and twenty years before been any one (except P. Cornelius Caluſſa) made ſupream Pontiff till after he had been Aedile of State. The Conſuls finding much difficulty to compleat their Levies, becauſe there were not able men enough to be found in the Town both to furniſh out the two new Legions of Citizens that were order'd, and at the ſame time to recruit the old; The Senate Order'd them to ceaſe their trouble, and commanded two Committees of Triumvirs ſhould be Created, one for places within fifty miles of the City, the other beyond, whoſe buſineſs ſhould be to ſurvey all Villages, thorough Fares, Market-Towns and places of reſort, and take notice what numbers there were of men of free condition, and ſuch as they found able to bear Arms, though not of lawful Age, they were to preſs for Souldiers. Alſo that the Tribunes of the Commons, if they thought fit, ſhould preſent a Bill to the People, That thoſe who ſhould Liſt themſelves under ſeventeen years of Age, ſhould have as good pay as if they were above; In purſuance of which Decree the ſaid Triumvirs made diligent Inquiſition all over the Countreys for Free-born perſons fit to ſerve the State, and ſo compleated the Levies. At the ſame time arriv'd Letters out of Sicily, which were read in the Senate, from M. Marcellus, containing the requeſts of the Souldiers that ſerv'd under P. Lentulus; This Army was the remnant of the overthrow at Cannae, ſent into Sicily as is before-mentioned, with Orders to be confin'd to that Iſland, and not return into Italy, whilſt the Carthaginians continued there.

Theſe having obtained leave of Lentulus, ſent ſome of their Horſemen and Centurions of the beſt Quality, as alſo certain ſelect Foot-Souldiers as Agitators, to M. Marcellus at his Winter-Quarters; where being admitted to Audience, one of them ſpake as follows: We had addreſſed our ſelves to you, Noble Marcellus, in Italy whilſt you were Conſul, immediately after that (though not unjuſt, certainly) ſad and rigorous Decree was paſs'd againſt us in the Senate, but that being order'd for this Province, all in confuſion by the Death of the King, we well hoped we had been ſent to be employed in a ſmart War both againſt the Sicilians and Punicks, where with our blood and wounds we might have ſatisfied and appeaſed the displeaſure which the Fathers had conceived againſt us: As but in the laſt Age, thoſe who were taken by Pyrrhus at Heraclea, made amends for their fault by their good ſervice againſt the ſame Pyrrhus; yet are we ſtill ignorant, O Conſcript Fathers, wherein we have offended or deſerved your diſpleaſure? Suffer us ſo to speak as if they were all preſent; for methinks I ſee both the Conſuls and the whole Senate, when I behold your face, O Marcellus, whom if we had had for our Conſul at Cannae, both the Fortune of the Commonwealth had been much better, and our own. Give us leave, we beſeech you, before we ſigh out our complaints for our preſent miſerable condition, to clear our ſelves of the Crime which we are charged with; if it were neither by the ſpecial Vengeance of the Gods, nor by the Decrees of Deſtiny, (on whoſe Laws the unavoidable Courſe of Humane Affairs depends) but by ſome default, that we were at Cannae overthrown: Then, I beſeech you, by whoſe was it? the Souldiers, or the Generals? For my own part I remember I am a Souldier, and will never speak any thing but well of my General, of him eſpecially to whom I know the Senate rendred thanks, becauſe he deſpaired not of the Commonwealth, and who every year, ſince his flight from Cannae, has been continued in Command; as alſo we hear the Colonels that there eſcaped, do daily put in for, and obtain Honours and Offices, and even the Government of whole Provinces. And can you, my Lords of the Senate, ſo eaſily forgive thoſe of your own Rank and their Children? and yet at the ſame time be ſo very ſevere againſt us poor Wretches of the Commonalty? Or was it no diſhonour for the Conſul and other Chief Commanders to fly when the Caſe was grown deſperate? And were the wretched Souldiers ſent into the Field on purpoſe, that come what would, they muſt needs die, and not offer to eſcape? At Allia almoſt the whole Army ran away; at the Streights of Caudium without ſo much as venturing a Battel, they ſurrendred their Arms to the Enemy (not to mention other ſhameful Defeats of our Armies) yet ſo far were thoſe Armies from being branded with any mark of reproach, that the City of Rome it ſelf was recovered by the Forces who had fled from Allia to Veii. And the Caudine Legions, though they return'd home without Arms, yet being arm'd and ſent back, ſubdu'd the very ſame Enemy, and made them paſs under the like ſhameful yoke, which before they had inſultingly impoſed on them: Nor need we theſe Examples; for indeed who can juſtly tax the Army before Cannae either with Flight or Cowardiſe, where there were above fifty thouſand men ſlain upon the spot? From whence the Conſul retreated but with ſeventy Horſe? Where none ſurvived but ſuch as the Enemy for meer wearineſs could not kill? When the Priſoners there taken were denied to be ranſom'd, we were every where cry'd up and commended for reſerving our ſelves againſt another day to ſerve our Country, for returning into Venuſia to the Conſul, and thereby keeping up ſtill the ſhew of a competent Army. But now are we in a worſe condition, than thoſe who in our Forefathers days ſuffer'd themſelves to be taken Priſoners; for they only had their Armour and Weapons changed for worſe, and were put in a more diſhonourable place both on a March and in the Camp, and even all this diſgrace they could wipe off with one brave Service for their Country, or proſperous Battel, none of them was baniſh'd, none put out of hopes of being diſcharged from bearing Arms after he had ſerved his full Term by Law appointed, and beſides they were ſet to fight with ſome Enemy where they might once for all either put a period to their lives, or their diſhonour. But we, againſt whom nothing can be objected (unleſs we be guilty in being a means that ſome few Roman Souldiers are yet alive after the ſlaughter at Cannae) are not only ſent like baniſh'd perſons far from our Country and from Italy, but alſo from all Enemies, where we may grow old in Exile, where we have neither hope nor opportunity of cancelling our diſgrace, no means to mitigate the reſentments of our Fellow-Citizens againſt us, no, nor ſo much as any poſſibility left of dying with Honour; 'tis neither a period of our ſhame that we requeſt, nor a reward of our Valour, all we deſire is, that we may have leave to make proof of our Courage, and give ſome Specimen of our Mettle; 'tis toil and dangers we petition for, that we may ſhew our ſelves Men and Souldiers. There has all laſt year been War in Sicily ſharply managed, ſome Cities the Punicks, ſome the Romans have taken by pure force; both Foot and Horſe have been engaged in pitch'd Battels, Syracuſe is attacqued as well by Sea as Land, and we hear the ſhouts of thoſe that are fighting, and the clattering of their Arms, and yet all the while are our ſelves kept idle and do nothing, as if we had neither hands nor weapons. The Legions of Bond-ſlaves under T. Sempronius have often already fought the Enemy with Banners diſplay'd, and for their reward have obtained firſt their Liberty, and next their Freedom of the City: Let us too, if it be but in quality of Slaves redeem'd for theſe Wars, have leave to cope with the Enemy, as they have done, and endeavour by our manhood to regain our liberty as well as they: Will you be pleaſed to make an Experiment of our Courage by Sea or by Land, in a pitch'd Battel, in ſtorming a Town, or entring a Breach? We challenge and ſue for ſome Services of the greateſt difficulty and danger, that we may the ſooner make up whatever we were wanting in at Cannae, ſeeing all the time we have lived ſince has but ſerved to augment our diſgrace.

Saying this, they flung themſelves down at Marcellus's feet, who told them, That he had neither Power of himſelf, nor Commiſſion otherwiſe to relieve them, but he would repreſent their deſires to the Senate, and readily do for them whatever the Fathers ſhould order. Theſe Letters being brought to the new Conſuls, and by them communicated to the Senate: Their Lordſhips after ſome Debate thereupon, declar'd, That they ſaw no reaſon why the Affairs of the Commonwealth ſhould be intruſted to thoſe who deſerted their Fellow-Souldiers fighting before Cannae; however if M. Claudius the Proconſul ſhould judge otherwiſe, they left it to him to do therein what he thought might ſtand with the ſafety of the State and his own Honour; provided that no one of them ſhould be diſcharged from the Service, nor rewarded with any Military token of Honour for his Valour, nor ſuffer'd to come home as long as the Enemy continued within Italy. After this, by Authority of the Senate confirm'd by an Act of the Commons, the City-Praetor held a Common Hall, where there was a Committee of Five choſen to look after the repairing of the Walls and Forts; and two Committees of Triumvirs, the one to ſurvey and inventory all Sacred things and Oblations; the other to rebuild the Temples of Fortune, and Dame Matuta within the Gate Carmentalis, as alſo that of the Goddeſs Spes without the Gate, which had all been demoliſh'd by the Fire laſt year. At this time happen'd great Tempeſts that did much harm. At Mount Alban it rain'd ſtones two days one after another; many places were blaſted with Lightning, viz. two Chappels in the Capitol, the Rampier in the Camp at Sueſſula in ſeveral places, and two Sentinels ſtruck dead, the Wall and ſome Towers at Cumes not only ſtruck with Thunderbolts, but quite thrown down. At Reate a mighty Stone or Rock ſeen to fly in the Air; the Sun redder than ordinary, and almoſt like Blood. To expiate theſe Prodigies ſolemn Supplications were held one whole day, and the Conſuls ſpent divers days in attending the Affairs of Religion, and during that time Sacrifices were offer'd for nine days together. Whereas Annibal had long been in hopes, and the Romans in doubt, of the Tarentines Revolt, there happen'd now an Accident abroad, which not a little accelerated the ſame. There was one Phileas a Tarentine that had long remain'd at Rome as a Lieger Embaſſadours, who being a buſie-headed man, and quite weary with lying ſo long at quiet, found means to get acceſs to the Hoſtages, which his Country had given to the Romans for their fidelity; who were kept in an Apartment belonging to the Temple of Liberty, and the leſs ſtrictly guarded, becauſe 'twas neither their own nor their Cities intereſt that they ſhould offer to eſcape; but this Embaſſadour with his frequent diſcourſes inveigled them, and having brib'd two Sextons or Wardens of the ſaid Temple, at the beginning of the Evening got them out of Cuſtody, and ſo away both he and they fled ſecretly out of Town homewards. Next Morning early the News was all about Town, and Meſſengers diſpatch'd to purſue them, who ſeized them on this ſide Tarracina, and brought them all back, and being led into the Common Hall, they were by the Votes of the People firſt ſcourged, and then thrown headlong from the Cliff of the Rock Tarpeia.

The ſeverity of this puniſhment enraged two of the nobleſt Cities of the Grecians in Italy, as being not only generally toucht in Honour, but fill'd with particular reſentments of Grief and Indignation, as every one was related by Blood or Friendſhip to thoſe that were thus baſely put to death; amongſt the reſt there were about thirteen Tarentine Noblemen, of whom Nico and Philemenus were the principal, that entred into a Conſpiracy to revenge it; but before they entred into any Action, thought fit in the firſt place to have ſome Conference with Annibal, and under pretence of going out a Hunting a nights, go to him; when they were got near his Camp, the reſt hid themſelves in the Woods, Nico and Philemenus advanced to the Out-guards, offer'd themſelves to be taken, and deſired to be brought before Annibal, to whom they relate their deſign, the grounds thereof, and what progreſs they had made in it; He thanked them, and gave them large promiſes of reward, enjoining them, That the better to bubble the reſt of their Country-men, and avoid ſuſpicion of Correſpondence, that when they came abroad to hunt, they ſhould drive away ſome of the Carthaginians Cattel which were abroad at paſture, promiſing they ſhould do it ſafely and without oppoſition. The Booty brought in by theſe young Gentlemen was much taken notice of, but when they had done ſo ſeveral times, their Courage in attempting it was the leſs wondred at, and nothing ſuſpected. At another Meeting with Annibal they concluded, That the Inhabitants of Tarentum ſhould remain free, enjoy their own Laws and Cuſtoms and all things belonging to them, and neither pay Tribute to the Punicks, nor receive a Garriſon without their own conſent, but the ſpoil of the Roman Garriſon, whom they were to deliver up and betray, ſhould belong to the Carthaginians. Theſe Articles being concluded, Philomenus uſed much oftner to go out and come in a nights, and as he was known to be a great Hunter, ſo he had always his Hounds with him, and other Furniture for the Sport; and generally ſomething that he brought home either caught by his Dogs, or got from the Enemy, being ready offered to his hands, he would beſtow upon the Captain of the Guard or the Sentinels. He was believed to chuſe to go out in the night for fear of being met with by the Enemy, and the thing was now grown ſo cuſtomary, that at any time of night, if he did but whiſtle, the Gate was preſently open'd; therefore Annibal thought it high time to proceed to Execution: he was three days march off, where that it might not be wondred at that he lay ſo long at one place, he gave out that he was ſick, and the Roman Garriſon in Tarentum were now out of all apprehenſions of danger from his ſtaying there.

But after he reſolv'd to go for Tarentum, chuſing ten thouſand Horſe and Foot, ſuch as were fitteſt for Expedition, both by the nimbleneſs of their Bodies and lightneſs of their Arms; about the fourth Watch of the Night, he began to advance; ſending before about fourſcore Numidian Horſe to ſcour the Roads, and have their Eyes about them that no Countrymen ſhould ſpy the Army on their march, or be able to give notice of it; therefore thoſe they overtook they were to carry back, and thoſe they met to kill, that the people might think they were a Gang of Thieves and Highway-men, rather than part of an Army. He himſelf made a long march, and Encampt next Night not above fifteen miles from Tarentum, and even there would not diſcover where his deſign lay, only calling his Souldiers together charg'd them, That not a man ſhould ſtraggle out of the Road, or quit his rank, That they ſhould diligently wait for the words of Command, but attempt nothing without Orders, and in due time he would acquaint them what was to be done. About the ſame inſtant news came to Tarentum, That the Numidian Horſe were abroad a plundering, and put the Countrymen far and near into great fright and conſternation; yet upon this Intelligence the Roman Governour concern'd himſelf no further than to Order a Party of Horſe to go at break of day next Morning to beat them back from Forraging, but as to any preparations for his Security, was altogether remiſs, and took this Excurſion of the Numidians as an Argument that Annibal with his Army was not diſlodg'd but ſtill continued at their old Leaguer. Annibal as ſoon as it was dark ſet forwards again, Philemenus went before and led them, loaded with his Hunting Game as he uſed to be, the reſt of the Conſpirators waited their time to execute their ſeveral Charges, as was before agreed amongſt them; which was, that Philemenus carrying in his Veniſon at the Wicket, ſhould get in a parcel of armed men, and Annibal on the other part ſhould march up to the Gate call'd Temenis, which ſituate on the Landſide was towards the Eaſt, a little within the Wall as it were in a nook; when Annibal approach'd pretty near that Gate, he gave a ſignal by a blaze of Fire, which was anſwer'd in like manner by Nico that Commanded a Forlorn Hope, and preſently both extinguiſht again that the City might take no notice on't. Annibal march'd up ſilently towards the Gate, whilſt Nico ſeizing the Watchmen unawares, and killing them as they lay half aſleep, opens the Port, Annibal enters with the Foot, but Orders his Horſe to ſtay without, that on open ground they might be ready where there ſhould be moſt occaſion. Philemenus by this time was come near the Wicket on the other ſide which he was wont to go in at, and raiſing the Watchman with his uſual Whiſtle and Voice well known, bidding him make haſt, for they had got ſuch a prize as they could hardly ſtand under it; the Portal was flung open, two luſty Fellows carrying in a vaſt Wild Boar between them, himſelf follow'd with one of the Huntſmen lightly-arm'd, and whilſt the Fellow was ſtaring upon and admiring the greatneſs of the Beaſt, thruſt him through with an Hunting Spear; preſently thirty more armed get in, and cut to pieces the reſt of the Watch, fling open the great Gate, and the whole Party enter with Banners diſplay'd, and ſo being ſilently led to the Market place, join Annibal, who then dividing two thouſand Gauls into three Squadrons ſent them to ſecure ſeveral parts of the City, and the Tarentines and Africans to ſeize thoſe ſtreets that were moſt populous, with Orders to kill all the Romans they met, but ſpare the Inhabitants; and that the ſame might be obſerv'd, directed ſome of the Tarentines to go in the head of each Party, to bid each of their Townſmen they ſhould ſee at a diſtance, be quiet, keep out of the way, and fear nothing.

By this time all places were full of tumult and clamour, as is wont to be in a City taken, but what the matter was, no body certainly underſtood; The Tarentines ſuſpected the Romans were going to plunder their City; the Romans imagin'd the Townſmen were up to cut their Throats by Treachery. The Governour awaken'd at the firſt hubbub, fled to the Haven, and thence in a Skiff to the Caſtle. That which added to the terrour was a Trumpet heard from the Theatre, for it was a Roman Trumpet provided by the Conſpirators for this purpoſe, and being unskilfully ſounded by a Graecian not at all uſed to ſuch Inſtruments, it was doubtful whoſe ſide it was of, or what ſignal was thereby meant to be given: but when it grew ſomewhat light, and the Romans ſaw the Punick and Gallick Arms, there was no more doubting in the Caſe, and the Grecians ſeeing the Romans every where lie kill'd were ſatisfied the City was taken by Annibal. After 'twas grown perfect day, and thoſe Romans that ſurviv'd were fled into the Caſtle, and the hurry was pretty well over; Annibal Commanded the Tarentines to aſſemble at the Common Hall without Weapons, which they did accordingly (except thoſe that accompanied the Romans to the Caſtle reſolv'd to run the ſame Fortune with them.) Annibal made a winning Speech to the Tarentines, putting them in mind how courteous he had been to their Citizens taken either at Thraſymenus or Cannae, withal inveighing againſt the proud domineering humour and oppreſſions of the Romans; and then required them all to depart every one to his own dwelling, and write his name upon his door, and that thoſe Houſes which ſhould not be ſo written upon he would forthwith give his Souldiers a ſignal to plunder; and if any ſhould preſume to write a name on any Houſe wherein the Romans were Quarter'd (which were all empty Houſes) he would puniſh them as Enemies. The Aſſembly being diſmiſs'd and the Houſes by that token diſtinguiſht which were to be treated as Friends, and which as Enemies, the Signal was given and the Souldiers fell to plundering as faſt as they could, and got ſome parcel of Pillage.

Next day he march'd to attacque the Caſtle, but ſeeing it ſo advantagiouſly ſituate, defended by the Sea, (which waſhes the greateſt part of it as a Peninſula,) and with vaſt high and ſteep Rocks, and towards the City fortified with a gallant Wall and mighty Ditch, and that it was neither to be won by Scalado nor Battery, that he might not by ſecuring the Tarentines, loſe opportunities for greater affairs, nor yet leave them expoſed to the Excurſions of the Romans at their pleaſure from the Caſtle, he appointed a Rampier to be raiſed between the City and the Caſtle, not without hopes, That the Romans to hinder the ſame would come out, and ſo he might have an opportunity to fight them, and if they raſhly adventur'd too far, might by a notable ſlaughter ſo weaken the Garriſon, that the Tarentines themſelves might thenceforwards eaſily defend their City againſt them. His hopes prov'd prophetical, for no ſooner was the work began, but out came the Romans falling full drive upon the Pioneers, and the Guard ſet for their defence retreated on purpoſe, that ſeeming ſucceſs might encreaſe their confidence, and they might follow them in greater numbers and further; but upon a ſignal given, the Punicks ſtart up on every ſide of them, being before planted for that purpoſe; nor were the Romans able to ſtand before them, and yet could not well run away, the ſtreightneſs of the ſtreet, and the work begun, and materials provided for it, being in their way and hindering them, ſo that many tumbled headlong into the Trench, and more were kill'd flying than fighting. Thenceforwards the work went on without oppoſition. A very deep and large Trench, and a Rampier within it, and at a little diſtance behind that, he gave Order to build a Wall, ſo that even without a Garriſon they might well enough keep off the Romans; however he left a ſmall Garriſon, not only to ſecure them, but help to build the Wall. Himſelf with the reſt of his Forces march'd to the River Geleſus five miles off the City, and there Encamp'd. Whence after ſome time he return'd to view the Work, and finding that it went forward better than he look'd for, he began to entertain hopes that the Citadel alſo might be won by Aſſault; for though ſtrong in other reſpects, yet it did not ſtand high, but upon plain even ground divided from the City only by a Wall and a Trench; now when 'twas aſſaulted with all ſorts of Engines of Battery and undermining recruits happening to arrive from Metapont, ſo rais'd the Courage of the Beſieg'd Romans, that in the night on a ſudden they ſallied unexpectedly and ſeiz'd the Enemies works, ſome they flung down and the reſt they burnt, and ſo put an end to Annibal's attacquing the Fort that way; and now all his hopes were to weary them out with a lingering Siege, but that too was unlikely, for thoſe in the Caſtle had the Sea open, and on the contrary the City was by them cut off from any proviſions by water, ſo that the Beſiegers were like ſooner to be reduc'd to want than the Beſieged. Annibal having ſummon'd the principal Citizens of Tarentum, lays before them all the preſent difficulties, that he could ſee no way how to win the Caſtle by force, ſo ſtrong and fortified as it was; nor had any hopes to reduce it by a Siege as long as they were Maſters of the Sea; but if once there were Ships before them to hinder relief from being carried in, they would ſoon be obliged either to quit the place, or ſurrender both it and themſelves. The Tarentines were all of the ſame opinion, and added, That he only that gave the Counſel was able to find means to execute it; For a few Carthaginian Ships ſent for from Sicily would do the work, for as for their own they lay ſhut up in a little Creek, and conſidering the Enemy commands the mouth of the Haven, how was it poſſible they ſhould get out into the open Sea? Yes, yes (replies Annibal) they ſhall get out well enough I'll warrant you, many things that in their own nature are cumberſome, and ſeem almoſt impoſſible, yet by policy are brought to paſs, and diſpatch'd with a ſleight; your City is ſituate upon a plain Champian ground, the ways on every ſide even and broad enough, I will chuſe the high ſtreet that leads from the Haven quite croſs the City to the Sea, and carry the Ships upon Wains with no great trouble; Then ſhall the Sea be ours, and we will attacque them on that ſide by water as well as on this by Land, and doubt not but in a little time we ſhall either take the Fort, or make them abandon it. This Diſcourſe not only gave them hopes of effecting the buſineſs, but alſo ſet them in great admiration of Annibals prudence and parts; ſo out of hand all the Wains and Carts that could be got, were brought together and coupled one with another, Cranes and other Engines employ'd to hoiſt up the Veſſels out of the Dock, and the way all levell'd, that they might paſs with leſs difficulty, Cattel for Draught, and Labourers were hired, and all hands at work ſo induſtriouſly, that within few dayes, the Fleet was brought about over Land, and well rigg'd and man'd came and rode at Anchor on the other ſide the Caſtle before the mouth of the Haven; In theſe terms ſtood Tarentum when Annibal left it, and went to his Winter Quarters. Authors do not altogether agree whether this revolt of Tarentum happen'd in this year, or the year before, but the moſt and thoſe that lived neareſt thoſe times aſſign it to this year.

The Conſuls and Praetors remain'd at Rome till the ſeven and twentieth of April, on Account of ſolemnizing the Latine Holy-Days, and then having performed the Religious Ceremonies on the Alban Hill, ſet forwards every one towards his Province. About this time a new fit of Religion invaded the peoples minds, occaſion'd by certain Verſes of one Marcianus. This Marcian whilſt he liv'd, was counted a notable Prophet, and when laſt year Inquiſition was made after ſuch Books by Decree of the Senate, this happen'd to fall into the hands of M. Atilius the City-Praetor who had charge of that affair; and he deliver'd it to the new Praetor Sulla. There were two paſſages in this Marcians Verſes much taken notice of, of which one being not made publick till the Event was paſt, and found exactly verified, gave credit to the other which related to what was to come. In the firſt, the Romans Overthrow at Cannae was predicted in theſe words, You Romans ſprang from Troy, forbear River of Cannae to come near, Leſt a ſtrange Foe enforce your rage In Diomed's Field to engage. But I forewarn, I know, in vain, Your Blood ſhall dye that fatal Plain, And thouſand Carcaſſes of ſlain From fruitful ground, ſhall floating be Along that ſtream to the vaſt Sea. Your Men to Fiſh and Fowls and Beaſts of prey, Believe this true; Jove dictates what I ſay. Now all that had ſerved in thoſe Wars knew and remembred Diomedes's Field and the River of Cannae as perfectly as they did the Defeat it ſelf. Then was the other Prophecy likewiſe read, the obſcurer of the two, both as being yet to be fulfilled, (and future things are always moſt dark) as alſo becauſe it was delivered in a more intricate Stile and perplexed Phraſe, thus If you Invaders would expel by War, And 'ſcape the Plague-ſore threatned from afar, To great Apollo, Romans, I adviſe That you vow annual Plays in ſolemn wiſe From publick Stock part of the Charge defray, The reſt for him and his, let each man pay. The Sovereign Praetor muſt theſe Games perform, Who ſits in Judgment, and does wrongs reform, And let the Decemvirs take ſpecial heed The Offerings do with Grecian Rites proceed. If this be duly done, baniſh your fears, Your State ſhall thenceforth thrive for many years, Phoebus will ſave you, and your Foes ſubdue, Who now do waſte your Fields, and ſlaughter you. The Senate took one days time to conſider of the Explanation of this Prophecy, and next day paſs'd an Act, That the Decemvirs ſhould inſpect the Sibylline Books touching Games to be inſtituted to the Honour of Apollo, and the manner of Celebrating the neceſſary Sacrifices: Who having viewed the ſame, and made Report, the Fathers Order'd, That ſolemn Games and Paſtimes in Honour of Apollo ſhould be Celebrated; and that when the ſame were held, twelve thouſand Aſſes [37 l. 10 s. ſterling] ſhould be allow'd the Praetor towards the Expences thereof, and of two greater Beaſts for Sacrifices. And by another Ordinance the Decemvirs were required in all their Sacrifices and Divine Service of that day to obſerve the Grecian Rites and Ceremonies, and to offer up theſe Beaſts following, viz. an Ox and two white ſhe-Goats, all having their Horns gilt with Gold, to Apollo, and to Madam Latona his Siſter, a Cow with like gilded Horns. The Praetor, before he exhibited the Show in the great Circus, made Proclamation, That the people during thoſe Solemnities ſhould contribute money for an Offering to Apollo, every one according to his ability. This was the Original of theſe Apollinarian Games inſtituted for obtaining Victory, and not for recovering of Health, as moſt people imagine. When they were celebrated, the people ſtood to behold them crown'd with Garlands, the Matrons went in Proceſſion; every bodies door was ſet open, and they feaſted throughout the City in the open ſtreet, and an high Holyday it was obſerved with all kind of ſacred Ceremonies ſuitable to the occaſion.

In the mean time Annibal continued about Tarentum, and both the Conſuls for the preſent quarter'd in Samnium, but 'tis thought had a deſign to inveſt Capua, the rather for that the ſame Calamity which uſually attends long Sieges, did already pinch that City, viz. ſcarcity of Corn, becauſe the Roman Troops had either hindred their ſeaſon, or eat up their Crop. The Capuans therefore diſpatch'd Meſſengers to Annibal, intreating, That before the Conſuls advanced into their Territories, and all ways were beſet by the Enemy, he would cauſe ſtore of Corn to be convey'd to them out of the adjacent Countries. Accordingly Annibal gave Orders to Hanno to march from amongſt the Bruttians into Campania, and ſupply Capua with Grain; Hanno, to avoid the Romans that lay in Samnium, march'd by the way of Beneventum, and encamp'd on an Aſcent three miles from that City, whither he order'd Corn ſhould be brought out of all the aſſociate Cities thereabouts, in which it had been laid up laſt Harveſt, and ſent out ſtrong Parties to convoy the ſame. After which he ſent an Expreſs to Capua, appointing a certain day when they ſhould come and receive their Corn, and againſt that time to provide all the Carts, Pack horſes, and Beaſts of burden they could get together out of the Country. But the Capuans managed this important Affair with the ſame ſloth and negligence as they were wont to uſe in all their other Concerns, and ſent not above four hundred Carts and very few Beaſts of Carriage beſides; for which Hanno gave them a ſevere Reprimand, ſaying, He ſaw that even hunger it ſelf which cauſes brute beaſts to look out ſharp, was not able to excite them to a due care and diligence for their own preſervation. So another day was prefixt when they ſhould come better provided for the reſt of the Grain. But the people of Beneventum having notice of all theſe Tranſactions as they happen'd, ſent with all ſpeed ten Meſſengers to the Roman Conſuls (who lay encamp'd near Bovianum) to advertize them thereof. Who after due conſideration, reſolved that one of them ſhould advance preſently into Campania, and accordingly Fulvius, who undertook that Charge, marched by night to Beneventum, and put himſelf within the Walls of the Town; where he was inform'd by thoſe that dwelt nigh, That Hanno with part of his Army was gone abroad to get in more Corn; And the Treaſurer was left behind to deliver out to the Capuans the Corn appointed for them; of whom there was now come to the Camp about two thouſand Carriages, with a rude diſorderly multitude of people beſides, but unarm'd; That they did all things in an hurry and afright; That the Camp was quite out of order, and all Military Diſcipline overthrown by this Rabble of ſo many Country-Clowns intermingled amongst them. All which being well aſſured of, the Conſul gave notice to make ready againſt the next night nothing but their Enſigns and Arms, for they ſhould attacque the Punick Camp. At the Relief of the fourth Watch, they marched forth, leaving all their Baggage and Artillery at Beneventum, and coming up to the Camp a little before day, ſtruck ſuch a terrour into the Enemy, that had it been ſituate upon plain ground, it had undoubtedly been won at the very firſt Aſſault. But the heighth of the ground no way acceſſible, but up a very ſteep Aſcent, together with their Works, ſecured them for the preſent. Aſſoon as 'twas light an hot Skirmiſh began, and the Carthaginians not only defend their Rampier, but having the advantage of the ground, tumble the Aſſailants headlong down the Hill.

But ſo obſtinate was the Romans Courage, that it ſurmounted all difficulties, and in ſeveral places they were got up to the Banks and Trenches, but it not being without a great ſlaughter of his men and abundance wounded, the Conſul acquainted the Field-Officers, That he thought it ſafer to retire for that day back to Beneventum, and on the morrow encamp before the Enemy, and ſo prevent both the Capuans from getting out, and Hanno from returning; which the eaſier to effect, he would ſend for his Collegue and his Army, and turn the whole brunt of the War this way: But theſe Counſels of the General the fury of the Souldiers diſappointed; for when he cauſed a Retreat to be ſounded, they ſet up a ſhout as in diſdain of ſuch a lazy Command, and put the Conſul beſides his meaſures. Next the Enemies Gate, there was a Regiment of the Peligni, whoſe Commander Vibius ſnatching up the Standard, flung it over the Enemies Rampier, curſing and devoting himſelf and all that Regiment to the Infernal Gods, if they ſuffer'd the Enemies to enjoy that Enſign, and therewith himſelf formoſt leaped after it into their Camp, whilſt the Pelignians were following him, and already fought upon the Rampier; at another place Valerius Flaccus, a Colonel of the third Legion, upbraiding the Romans with Cowardiſe for ſuffering a Company of their Allies to go away with the Honour of ſtorming the Enemies Camp, T. Pedantius, the Prime Centurion of that Squadron, took likewiſe an Enſign from him that carried it; Now preſently (quoth he) ſhall this Enſign and this Centurion (meaning himſelf) be in the Enemies Camp, and thoſe that would not have it to be taken, let them follow it. His own Band followed him firſt, clambering over the Rampier, and afterwards the whole Legion, which the Conſul ſeeing, changed his reſolution, and now was as earneſt to encourage them to go on, as before he was for having them retreat, ſhewing them what extreme hazard a moſt valiant Regiment of their Allies, and a whole Legion of their Fellow-Citizens, were in, if not ſpeedily ſeconded; therefore they all, every one for himſelf, ſtrain'd to the utmoſt, and though ſhowres of Darts and Javelins were darted at them, and the Enemy oppoſed both their Arms and their bodies to oppoſe their paſſage; yet they preſſed on with undaunted reſolution, and failed not to attempt every place, high or low, eaſie or difficult, till they had broke through and got in. In which Service great numbers were wounded, but even they that bled till they fainted, were ambitious of dying within the Enemies Trenches, ſo that the Camp was taken in a moment, as if it had been ſituate on plain ground, and nothing fortified. Thenceforwards 'twas not a Fight, but a Slaughter pell-mell throughout the Camp, above ſix thouſand of the Enemy ſlain, and more than that number taken Priſoners, together with all the Capuans that came for Corn, and their Carts and Cattel; beſides a very rich Booty, which Hanno had plunder'd from all the Romans Allies. The Works being diſmantled, the victorious Romans return to Beneventum, and there both Conſuls (for App. Claudius came thither within few days) ſold and divided the Spoil, giving rewards to thoſe who firſt mounted the Enemies Rampier, eſpecially to Vibius the Pelignian, and T. Pedantius eldeſt Captain of the third Legion. Hanno being at Cominium Ceritum when he received Intelligence of the loſs of his Camp, haſtned thence with ſome few Forragers whom he had with him, into the Bruttians Country, more like one that fled in a Rout, than with an orderly Retreat.

The Campanians upon advice of this utter overthrow, both of their Confederates and loſs of their own people, ſent Agents to inform Annibal, That the two Conſuls lay at Beneventum, but one days march from Capua, ſo that the War was but a ſtep from the very Walls and Gates of their City, and if he made not Expedition to relieve them, Capua would ſooner fall into the Enemies hands than Arpos did; that certainly they hop'd he would not think the whole City of Tarentum, much leſs the Caſtle only, of ſuch importance, that he ſhould for the ſake thereof ſuffer Capua, forſaken and undefended, to be expoſed to the Romans, even that Capua which he was wont to compare with Carthage it ſelf. Annibal promiſing that the would take their ſafety into his care, ſends back with the Meſſengers two thouſand Horſe at preſent to prevent the plundering of the Country. The Romans in the mean time, amongſt their other affairs, neglected not the preſervation of the Caſtle of Tarentum, and the Garriſon there Beleaguer'd. The Praetor P. Cornelius, by the Senates Order, ſent C. Servilius his Lieutenant General into Tuſcany to buy up Corn, who with ſeveral Ships laden therewith, arriv'd at Tarentum, paſſing through all the Guards of the Enemy. Whoſe Arrival ſo heartned the Souldiers, that whereas before, being well near hopeleſs, the Enemy would often, by way of Parley, tempt them to deſert the ſervice, and come over to them, now on the contrary, they were as buſy to induce the Townſmen to revolt to them. And indeed the Garriſon was pretty ſtrong, the Souldiers that Quarter'd at Metapont being brought to their aſſiſtance, and the Metapontines were no ſooner rid of them, but they fell off to Annibal; as did alſo the Thurines who inhabited not far off on the ſame Sea-Coaſt, being inſtigated thereunto, as well by the Example of the Metapontines to whom they were related, being all deſcended from Achaia, as out of ſpight and revenge againſt the Romans for having lately put to Death the Hoſtages, of whom ſome were of their City. Whoſe Friends and Kindred ſent Letters to Hanno and Mago, who Quarter'd not far off in the Bruttians Country, That if they would but bring their Forces before the Walls, they would ſurrender the City into their hands. The Governour there was M. Atinius with a ſmall Garriſon, but 'twas thought he might be drawn raſhly to hazard a Battel, not ſo much on confidence of his own Souldiers, who were but few, as relying upon the Thurine Youth, whom he had cauſed to be all Muſter'd and Train'd to Arms againſt ſuch an Exigency; The Punick Generals divided their Forces, and ſo came into the Thurines Country, Hanno with a Squadron of Foot advanc'd with Banners diſplay'd directly towards the City; Mago ſtaid with the Cavalry behind the Hills which lay between him and the Town, very convenient to conceal an Ambuſcade. Atinius being inform'd by his Scouts, that there was only a Body of Foot and no Horſe amongſt them, draws out his Forces into the Field to fight them, being equally ignorant of the Treachery within, and the Enemies ſtratagem abroad; The Foot Skirmiſh was but faint and ſlow, for on one ſide only a few Romans in the Vanguard charg'd the Enemy, for the Thurines ſtood rather waiting the event, than willing to hazard themſelves; and on the other ſide the Carthaginians did purpoſe by giving ground to drill the Romans ſo far, that the Horſe from behind the Hills might conveniently fall upon their Rear; who when they ſaw a conveniency with a great ſhout charg'd on full drive behind them, and the Thurines as ſoon as they ſaw them, betook themſelves to their heels, being but a raw undiſciplin'd rabble, and beſides not hearty to the ſide they were engag'd in; The Romans though encompaſs'd and charg'd behind with the Cavalry and before with the Infantry, yet for ſome time maintain'd the Conflict, but at laſt being over-power'd, they too began to fly to the City, where the Conſpirators being gather'd together in heaps, after by opening the Gates they had receiv'd in their own Townſmen, when they ſaw the Romans come running apace in diſarray, cry'd out, The Carthaginians were at their heels, and intermixt with them, would ſeize the City, unleſs immediately the Gates were clapt to; ſo the Romans were ſhut out and expos'd to be cut to pieces by the Enemy; only Atinius and ſome few more got in; after this there was Debate for a while amongſt the Townſmen themſelves, ſome being for ſtanding on their Guard and defending the place, others for a preſent yielding to the Conquerors, but in the end Fortune and deſign together prevail'd, and having brought Atinius and his Souldiers to the Haven, and put them on Board (more out of affection to his perſon for his civil and gentle Government, than out of reſpect to the Romans) they admitted the Carthaginians into the City. The Conſuls march their Legions from Beneventum into Campania, not only to deſtroy their Granaries of Corn laid up for Winter, but to aſſault Capua it ſelf, thinking they ſhould illuſtrate their Conſulſhip by the deſtruction of ſo rich a City, and beſides wipe off that diſhonour and ſcandal from the Roman Empire, in ſuffering a place ſo near, to continue now the third year in Rebellion, without chaſtizing them for their perfidiouſneſs. But that Beneventum might not be without a Guard, nor expos'd to ſudden accidents of War, if Annibal ſhould come that way to relieve his Confederates (which they doubted not but he would endeavour.) That there might be a ſufficient Body of Horſe to oppoſe him, T. Gracchus was Commanded to march with the Cavalry and light-arm'd Foot, out of Lucania to Beneventum, deputing ſome other to command in Chief during his abſence, and govern the Legions and ſtanding Camp left there for the Lucans Defence.

But before Gracchus could remove out of Lucania, one day as he was ſacrificing, a terrible Prodigy happen'd; for after the Sacrifice was perform'd, two Snakes creeping out of ſome private hole, got to the Entrails, and eat part of the Liver, and as ſoon as they were eſpied, ſcrabled away immediately out of ſight; and when by the Aruſpices Advice, a new Sacrifice was kill'd, and the Bowels more narrowly watcht, yet they came again, and ſo the third time, and having bitten a piece of the Liver, vaniſht. And though the Soothſayers declar'd that this was an Ill omen to the General, and forewarn'd him to take heed of treacherous perſons and private Conſpiracies, yet the imminent danger could by no foreſight be prevented. There was one Flavius a Lucan, the Head of that Party, which when ſome of their Countrymen revolted to Annibal, continued firm to the Romans, and being by them Created Praetor, had continued a year in that Office; but now of a ſudden, having chang'd his mind, and Courting Annibal's Favour, thought it not enough to deſert the Romans himſelf, and draw the reſt of the Lucans to the ſame defection, unleſs he ratified his Alliance with the Enemy with the Blood of the Roman General, who was alſo his Gueſt, and Quarter'd in his Houſe; In order to which he found means to hold a private Conference with Mago, who then preſided over the Bruttians, and having receiv'd aſſurances, That if he would betray the Roman General, and deliver him into his hands, the Lucanians ſhould be received into Friendſhip upon even Terms, and enjoy all their old Laws as before; He leads the Carthaginian to a place, to which he would bring Gracchus under colour of a Treaty of Peace with others, and adviſes Mago to plant Horſe and Foot there in Ambuſcade, there being room enough to hide as many as he pleas'd. The place being throughly view'd and ſearch'd, a day was agreed upon for putting the deſign in Execution. Then comes Flavius to the Roman General, tells him; That he had begun an Enterprize of great conſequence, but to compleat it, ſhould need his Excellencies helping hand; That he had prevailed with all the Praetors and Governours of the ſeveral Nations, who in that general conturbation of Italy, had revolted to Annibal, to abandon his Intereſt, and return to their old Friendſhip with the Romans, ſeeing the Roman State and power which by the blow at Cannae ſeem'd to be at the loweſt ebb, had of late began to flouriſh again, and every day grew more ſtrong and formidable; whereas Annibal's dwindled away, and was like to come to nothing. That there was no reaſon, they ſhould apprehend the Romans would prove implacable for their former offence, ſince there was not on the face of the Earth a Nation better-natur'd, more ready to be reconcil'd, and paſs by Injuries; for how oft (to go no further for Examples) have they forgiven the open Rebellions of your own Forefathers; Theſe Arguments (ſays he) I have uſed to them, but they were deſirous to have the ſame confirm'd from Gracchus's own mouth, and that he would be pleas'd to ratify the Agreement with them in perſon with his own right hand, than which they deſired no better pledge. That he had aſſign'd them a place for this congreſs, not far from the Roman Camp, but out of ſight, where the Treaty might be dſpatcht in very few words, which would reduce all the ſeveral Nations of the Lucans to the obedience and alliance of the people of Rome. Gracchus not in the leaſt ſuſpecting any Treachery either in his Diſcourſe, or the matter it ſelf propoſed, both the one and the other being highly probable, and proceeding from an old try'd friend as he thought, ſuffers himſelf, only attended with his Lictors and one Troop of Horſe, to be plunged headlong by the Villany of his Hoſt into the prepared Snares of the Enemy; who on a ſudden ſtart out upon them, and to put him out of doubt that it was not accident but deſign, Flavius joins himſelf to their Party, who let fly Arrows, Darts and Javelyns againſt Gracchus and his Troop on every ſide; whereupon Gracchus alights, and commands the reſt to do ſo too, exhorting them. That they would by their valour render honourable the only courſe which fortune had left; for what can we few circumvented here by a multitude in a Valley, encompaſs'd with Woods and Hills, expect but certain Death? This only is left to our choice whether in a ſtupid amazement we ſhall cheaply part with our Lives, and like Beaſts ſuffer our Throats to be cut without oppoſition and revenge; or whether turning wholly our timorous expectations of death into a gallant fury, we ſhall acquit our ſelves like men, and bathing our hands in the blood of our Enemies, fall dead upon heaps of their Bodies lying gaſping under us; But eſpecially aim all of you at the heart of that Traiterous Renegado Lucanian; whoever ſhall ſend his Soul to the Devil before he is kill'd himſelf, ſhall certainly have his own death attended both with Comfort and Honour; Saying this he wrapt his Robe of State about his left Arm (for they had not ſo much as brought their Shields along with them) and charged with admirable Gallantry upon the Enemy. The Fight was much fiercer on their part than could be expected from ſuch an handful of men; but as the Romans being naked without their Armour were the more liable to the Enemies Darts, ſo they were under the diſadvantage of receiving them from the higher ground, whereby they were ſoon pierc'd through and deſtroy'd. Gracchus ſurviving now as it were alone, and his Guard dead at his Feet, the Punicks endeavour to take him alive, but he diſcovering his Lucan Hoſt amongſt them, flew in through the thickeſt of them, with ſuch fury, that they could not ſpare his Life, without many of them loſing their own. He was no ſooner dead, but Mago ſent his Corpſe to Annibal, and order'd the ſame together with the Rods (Enſigns of his Magiſtracy) taken with him, to be preſented before the Generals Tribunal; This is the moſt certain Relation of the end of Gracchus, and that he loſt his Life in Lucania about the Plains which are call'd, The old Downs.

Not but there are ſome report it otherwiſe, viz. That going out of the Camp with his Lictors and three Servants to waſh himſelf in the River Calôre, a Party of the Enemies lurking amongſt the Willows that grew on the Banks, ſeiz'd him naked and unarm'd, and that having nothing to defend himſelf with but the ſtones which the River afforded, he was ſlain. Others ſay, That by advice of the Aruspices he went half a mile from the Camp, into a void ſolitary place, to expiate the aforeſaid Prodigies, and there was accidentally ſurpriz'd by two Troops of Numidian Horſe. Such different ſtories there go both of the place and manner of this Illuſtrious Hero's death; nay, his Funeral is not agreed upon; ſome ſay he was buried in the Roman Camp by his own men; others (which is the moſt received Tradition) aſſert that Annibal cauſed at the entrance of his Camp a ſtately Funeral Pile to be raiſed whilſt the whole Army in compleat Armour perform'd Military Exerciſes, that the Spaniards uſed their Martial Dances, and each Nation according to their mode paid Honours to his Obſequies both by the motion of their Arms and their Bodies, and particularly that Annibal himſelf was no ways, either in words or deeds, wanting to expreſs his high Eſteem for his Memory. This they deliver who make Lucania the Scene of his Tragedy; but if you credit thoſe that ſay he was kill'd at the River Calôre, the Enemy got nothing but his Head, which being carried to Annibal, he ſent it preſently to Carthalo, who cauſed it to be return'd to C. Cornelius the Quaeſtor, and that he celebrated his Funeral Rites in the Roman Camp, the Inhabitants of Beneventum joining with the Army therein.

The Conſuls having entred the Fields of Capua, as they were careleſly forraging, a ſudden Sally of the Citizens and Mago's Horſe put them into a fright; ſo that in an hurry they were glad to recal their wandring Souldiers to their Colours, and having ſcarce well drawn them up in Battalia, were routed and loſt above fifteen hundred men. This ſet the Enemy Cock-a-hoop, being a Nation naturally proud, and now they daily challenge the Romans with Bravado's and Skirmiſhes, but one Engagement raſhly and unadviſedly entred upon, had made the Conſuls more intent to avoid the like for the future. And a certain occurrence happen'd which both animated them, and daunted the Enemy, a ſmall accident I would call it, but that in War there is nothing ſo ſmall or light, but ſometimes it happens to be of great moment in the conſequence. There was one Badius a Campanian, heretofore an intimate Friend to T. Quintius Criſpinus, and their familiarity increaſed; for that being ſick at Rome, he was very liberally entertain'd Gueſt-wiſe by Crispinus before the Revolt of Capua, and courteouſly taken care of till he was cured. This Badius coming up to the outward Guard before the Port of the Camp, deſir'd Criſpinus to be call'd out, who imagining it was for ſome kind and familiar Conference, as not having forgot their private friendſhip, though engaged on oppoſite ſides by National Feuds, went forwards ſomewhat before the reſt of his Fellows to meet him; but no ſooner were they within ſight of each other, but Badius cryes out, I challenge thee O Criſpinus to fight, let us mount our Horſes, and try it out between us two, which is the ſtouteſt man at Arms; Criſpinus anſwer'd, That neither of them both need want Enemies againſt whom they might experiment their proweſs; but for his own part he was ſo far from entring into a Duel with him, that if he had unluckily encounter'd him in a pitch'd Field, he ſhould have declin'd him, leſt he ſhould ſtain his hand with the blood and ſlaughter of his Gueſt and Friend. This made the Capuan more inſolently upbraid him with Effeminacy and Cowardiſe, and all thoſe reproaches which himſelf better deſerv'd, telling him, That he call'd his Enemy his Gueſt, and pretended to ſpare him on that account, when the true reaſon was, becauſe he was not able to cope with him. But leſt he ſhould think that private obligations were not cancell'd by the publick Breach of Friendſhip between their Countries, he deſired all the World to take notice, That Badius a Capuan did there publickly in the preſence of the two Armies, renounce all Hoſpitality with Criſpinus a Roman; That he would have no friendſhip, no ſociety, no rights of Hoſpitality with one that was come in hoſtile manner to invade his native Country, and violate all things ſacred and profane, publick and private therein; therefore if he were a man, he ſhould prepare for the Combate. Criſpinus was loth to chaſtize his folly, but at laſt his Comrades of the ſame Troop prevail'd with him not to ſuffer the Capuan to inſult thus with impunity; ſo having ask'd and obtained the Conſuls leave, he arm'd himſelf, mounted, and ſummon'd Badius out by name to make good his Challenge; nor did he delay to anſwer him, and fiercely they charged each other, Criſpinus with his Lance pierced Badius (above his Shield) through the ſhoulder, and therewith diſmounted him, and as he lay tumbled on the ground, leap'd off his own Horſe to diſpatch him. But before he could come at him, Badius got upon his feet, and leaving his Horſe and Target behind, ran away to his own Party; Criſpinus carrying back his Enemies Horſe and Arms, ſufficient Trophies of Victory, was with great Applauſe and Congratulations of the Souldiers preſented to the Conſuls, who highly commended his Valour, and honourably rewarded him.

Annibal having diſlodged out of the Territories of Beneventum, and advanced near Capua, within three days after he came thither, drew up in Battalia, not doubting, ſince the Capuans of themſelves in his abſence, had lately fought the Romans with ſucceſs, but they would be much leſs able to ſtand before him and his Army, to whom Victory was almoſt become habitual. And indeed when the Conflict was begun, the Roman Battalions of Infantry were hard put to't, eſpecially by the Incurſions of the Horſe who pelted them mightily with their Darts and Javelins, until Order was given to bring up their own Cavalry to encounter thoſe of the Enemy, who being ſmartly engaged one againſt the other, it happen'd that the Troops of Sempronius Gracchus lately ſlain, were deſcried at a diſtance, under the Conduct of Cn. Cornelius the Queſtor, which put both Parties in ſuch fear that they were freſh Forces advancing againſt them, that at once they founded a Retreat on either ſide, as if it had been by mutual conſent, and making a drawn Game on't, retired to their ſeveral Camps; yet the Romans loſt the moſt men by reaſon of the firſt furious Charge of the Horſe upon them. Next Night the Conſuls to divert Annibal from Capua divided their Armies, and march'd ſeveral ways; Fulvius into the Territories of Cumes, and Claudius into Lucania, which Annibal on the Morning having notice of, was at firſt in a Quandary which of them he ſhould follow, but at laſt reſolv'd to march after the latter, who having led the Enemy about as far as he pleaſed, on a ſudden return'd another way to Capua. But in the mean time Annibal had a new occaſion offer'd him of ſucceſs in thoſe parts; There was one M. Centenius ſirnam'd Penula, one of the Chief Centurions of the Forces call'd Pilani, and eminent, as well for Stature and ſtrength of Body, as for Courage and Gallantry of mind, who having ſerv'd out his ten years time preſcrib'd by Law, in the Wars, was by P. Cornelius Sulla the Praetor introduced into the Senate-Houſe, where he requeſted the Fathers, That they would be pleaſed to allow him the Command but of five thouſand men, with whom he did not doubt but within a few days to do eminent ſervice. For as he was well acquainted both with the Enemy and all thoſe parts where the War is manag'd, ſo he no leſs underſtood by what Arts and ſtratagems both our Generals and Armies to this day had been over-reach'd and trepan'd, and would turn thoſe very Policies upon the Enemy to their deſtruction. I know not whether he were more conceitedly fooliſh in promiſing this, or their Lordſhips more raſhly indiſcreet in crediting him, as if to be a ſtout Souldier, and a judicious Commander were the ſame thing, and one required no more brains than the other; but ſo it was, that inſtead of five, they committed eight thouſand men to his Conduct, one half Romans, the reſt Auxiliaries; and he himſelf in his march in the Country, levied a good many Voluntiers, ſo that he came into Lucania near ſixteen thouſand ſtrong, where Annibal having followed Claudius to no purpoſe, was at that time Quarter'd; A man with half an Eye might have foreſeen the ſucceſs which ſhould overcome Annibal or a Centurion? one Army old experienc'd Souldiers, the other all raw and new rais'd, and a great part of them both undiſciplin'd and ſcarce half arm'd? yet as ſoon as they got ſight of each other, neither ſide avoiding the Combate, they both drew up in Battalia, and though there was ſuch mighty odds, the Romans maintain'd the Fight for above two hours, and did not ſlinch as long as their General was alive to encourage them, but when he (conſidering the former reputation he had gain'd, and aſham'd to ſurvive the preſent defeat) hurling himſelf amongſt the thickeſt of the Enemy, was ſlain, immediately all his Army was routed, but ſo beſet were all the paſſages with Horſe, that there was ſcarce any flying away, inſomuch that of all that multitude ſcarce a thouſand eſcaped, the reſt ſome one by one means, and ſome by another, were all deſtroyed.

Capua in the interim is vigorouſly attacq'd by the Conſuls, and all neceſſaries provided for carrying on the Siege. Corn was convey'd to Caſilinum, and there laid up in ſtore; at the mouth of the River Vulturnus, where now the City ſtands, the Caſtle which Fabius Maximus built, was ſtrongly Garriſon'd, to Command both the Sea and the River. And into theſe two Fortreſſes, both ſtanding on the Sea ſide, as well the Corn lately ſent from Sicily, as what Mucius the Praetor had bought up in Etruria, was tranſported from Oſtia, that the Leaguer might not want proviſion all the Winter. Upon the late loſs ſuſtain'd in Lucania, the Army of Voluntiers who as long as Gracchus liv'd, had done moſt faithful ſervice, as if they had been disbanded by their Generals Death, ran from their Colours, and diſperſed themſelves. Annibal had Capua ſtill in his thoughts, and was not willing to abandon his Aſſociates that were in ſo much danger, but from the ſucceſs he had had over one Roman Captains raſhneſs, he was encouraged to be dealing with another, and ſought occaſion to ruine both the General and his Army. For ſome Apulians brought him word, That Cn. Fulvius the Praetor, when he came firſt into thoſe parts, and attacqu'd the revolted Cities, was very diligent in his buſineſs, but afterwards, what with too much ſucceſs elevating him, and too much plunder debauching his Souldiers, both they and he were fallen into ſo much negligence and licentiouſneſs, that there remained no good Government or Diſcipline amongſt them.

Hereupon Annibal, who often before, as well as but the other day, had experience how inſignificant any Army was under an unskilful Commander, remov'd his Forces into Apulia. The Roman Legions and the Praetor Fulvius lay encamp'd near Herdonia; and upon advice of the Enemies approach, they were all ready without any Orders to run out to fight them; nor did any conſideration ſo much retain them, as an undoubted hope, that the • might do it at their own pleaſure whenever they liſt. Annibal having notice what a buſtle was in their Camp, and that moſt of the Souldiers were mad for the Signal of Battel, concluded he had an opportunity to do their buſineſs; and therefore the night following plants three thouſand light-arm'd Souldiers in ſome Villages adjacent, and amongſt the Woods and Thickets thereabouts, who at a certain Watch-word were all to ſtart out of their Coverts; and alſo diſpatch'd Mago with almoſt two thouſand Horſe to beſet all the ways, by which he thought they would endeavour to eſcape when put to flight. Matters thus prepared, by break of day he draws his Forces into the Field; nor did Fulvius delay to meet him, not ſo much out of any hope himſelf had of ſucceſs, as enforced to it by the importunity of his Souldiers. As they went out to fight inconſiderately, ſo they were drawn up as diſorderly, juſt as the Souldiers liſt, they took their ground, and as any Capricio or fear induc'd them, left it again, and poſted themſelves elſewhere. The firſt Legion was marſhall'd in the Front, and its Horſe on the left Wing, being ſpread out in a vaſt length, though the Field-Marſhals oppoſed it, remonſtrating, That behind there was no force at all, but ſo ſhallow, that the leaſt impreſſion of the Enemy would break through them; but ſo far were they from conſidering any wholeſom counſel, that they would not ſo much as give it the hearing. On the other ſide Annibal a General, of parts vaſtly ſuperiour, came on with an Army like himſelf, ſo that the Romans ſtood not their very firſt Charge; and their Commander, though for folly and raſhneſs he equalled Centenius, yet for Courage no way comparable, when he ſaw the Field like to be loſt, and his men in a conſternation, gets on Horſe-back and fled away, attended with leſs than two hundred Troopers. The reſt of his Army being routed in the Front, and charged by thoſe in Ambuſcade both on the Rear and either Flank, were ſo miſerably cut to pieces, that of two and twenty thouſand men ſcarce two thouſand eſcaped; ſo the Enemy eaſily poſſeſſed themſelves of his Camp and what there was to be had.

When Intelligence of theſe Overthrows, one upon the neck of another, arriv'd at Rome, it fill'd the City with fear and lamentation, but ſomewhat alleviated when they conſidered, that the Conſuls on whom the main Chance lay, had hitherto gone on with ſucceſs; to whom C. Laetorius and M. Metellius were diſpatch'd with Orders, That they ſhould diligently rally the reliques of thoſe ſcatter'd Armies, and endeavour that they ſhould not through deſpair yield themſelves to the Enemy, as happen'd after the defeat at Cannae; as alſo to make ſtrict ſearch after thoſe Volunteers that had abandon'd their Colours. The ſame Commands were iſſued to P. Cornelius, and likewiſe that he ſhould make new Levies, who ſet forth Proclamation in all Market-Towns and places of reſort, That Enquiry ſhould be made after the ſaid Volunteers, requiring them forthwith to repair to their Enſigns. All which directions were executed with the greateſt care imaginable. Appius Claudius the Conſul, after he had conſtituted D. Junius Captain of the Sconce erected at the mouth of the River Vulturnus, and M. Aurelius Cotta Governour of Puteoli, with Orders to them both, That as faſt as any Ships arrived with Corn from Etruria or Sardinia, they ſhould convey the ſame to the Camp, went back himſelf to Capua, where he found his Collegue Q. Fulvius buſie in carrying Proviſions thither from Caſilinum, and making all poſſible Preparations for aſſaulting that City; which thenceforwards was inveſted by both Conſuls, who beſides ſent for Claudius Nero the Praetor with his Army from Sueſſula, who leaving there a ſmall Guard to ſecure the place, march'd with the reſt of his Forces to join them; ſo that now Capua was ſurrounded with three diſtinct Armies, who falling to work in ſeveral places, endeavour'd to draw a Line of Circumvallation about it, and in divers Quarters at once they skirmiſh'd with the men of Capua, whenever they ſallied out to hinder their Fortifications, with ſuch ſucceſs, that at laſt the Townſmen were glad to keep within their Walls; but before the Line was fully finiſh'd, the Capuans ſent Meſſengers to Annibal, complaining, That he had abandon'd their City, and as bad as yielded it up to the fury of the Romans, withal beſeeching him, That now at leaſt he would relieve them, being not only beſieg'd, but ſhut up by Retrenchments on every ſide. P. Cornelius adviſed the Conſuls by Letters, That before they had fully inveſted Capua with their Works, they ſhould offer as many of them as thought fit, liberty to come out, and carry their Goods with them; That all ſhould paſs free until the fifteenth of March, but whoever ſtay'd longer, muſt expect to be treated as Enemies. Theſe Overtures were made to the Capuans, but entertain'd only with ſcorn, revilings and menaces; Annibal by this time had advanced from Herdonia to Tarentum, as hoping by force or fraud to gain the Caſtle there, but meeting with a diſappointment, turned his March to Brunduſium, ſuppoſing that Town would be betray'd into his hands. Whilſt there he ſpent his time in vain, the before-mentioned Meſſengers from Capua accoſted him both with Complaints and Entreaties; to whom he magnificently anſwer'd,. That he had once already raiſed that Siege, and was ſure the Conſuls would never abide his ſecond coming. Thus fed with hopes, thoſe Meſſengers return'd, but could ſcarce get into Capua, it was ſo incloſed round by this time with a double Trench and Rampier.

Whilſt Capua was thus cloſely beleaguer'd, an end was put to the tedious Siege of Syracuſe, promoted not only by the Skill of the General and Valour of the Army that aſſailed it, but alſo by Inteſtine Treachery: For Marcellus at the beginning of the Spring not knowing whether he were beſt bend all his Forces towards Agrigentum againſt Himilco and Hippocrates, or continue before Syracuſe, which he found could not be taken by Storm, being impregnable both by Sea and Land, nor yet ſtarved out, ſince the paſſage in a manner lay open, for Carthage to ſend them in all kinds of Proviſions; yet to leave no ſtone unturn'd, he order'd ſome Deſerters (for there were ſeveral of the Syracuſian Nobles with the Romans, being expell'd from home, becauſe they would not conſent to the Revolt) to ſound the minds of thoſe that had been of their Faction, and to aſſure them, That if Syracuſe were deliver'd into his poſſeſſion by their means, they ſhould remain free, and live at their own diſcretion; but they could get no opportunity of Conference: For many in the Town being ſuſpected to be that way inclined, all eyes were fix'd upon them, that they ſhould hold no Correſpondence with the Enemy. At laſt a Servant of one of the Exiles being admitted into the City as a Deſerter, to a few confiding men propoſed ſomewhat of the buſineſs, who thereupon in a Fiſher-boat cover'd with Nets got to the Roman Camp, and diſcourſed with their Country-men that were there. In the ſame manner others, one after another, to the number of eighty in all, conſulted them. But when all things were adjuſted for betraying the City, one Attalus taking ſnuff that he was not ſooner intruſted with the Intrigue, diſcover'd it to Epicides, and ſo they were every one put to death with cruel Tortures. This deſign thus blaſted, a while after another probable one was offer'd: One Damippus a Lacedemonian ſent from Syracuſe to King Philip, being intercepted by the Romans, Epicides was wonderful ſolicitous to ranſom him, nor was Marcellus unwilling to grant the ſame, the Romans for ſome time having courted the Friendſhip of the Aetolians, with whom the Lacedemonians were allied. The fitteſt place for the Commiſſioners on both ſides to meet for ſetling that Affair, was at the Wharf Trogili hard by the Tower which they call Galeatra. It happen'd as they repaired thither ſeveral times about this buſineſs, one of the Roman Commiſſioners, viewing ſeriouſly the Wall, counting the ſtones that appeared in Front, and reckoning with himſelf their proportion, whereby he was pretty well able to give a good gueſs at its whole height, and found it not ſo high as he and others heretofore had imagined it, ſo that now he made no doubt but ordinary ſcaling Ladders might reach it. This he communicates to Marcellus, who look'd upon it as a thing not to be ſlighted; but foraſmuch as there was no coming at that place at preſent, becauſe by reaſon of its lowneſs, it was kept with a ſtronger Guard than any other part of the Wall, it was thought fit to wait ſome opportunity; which, as Luck would have it, ſoon offer'd it ſelf by means of a Fugitive, who gave Intelligence, That there was a ſolemn Feaſt held within the City in Honour of Diana for three days together, and what good Chear they wanted by reaſon of the Siege, was abundantly ſupplied with plenty of Wine, of which not only Epicides had beſtow'd a great quantity on the Commons, but the great men in every Ward allow'd a proportion beſides at their own Charges for their poorer Neighbours to make merry with. Upon this Intimation Marcellus calls a Council of War, and cauſed his Chief Officers to chuſe out fit Captains and Souldiers for ſuch a difficult piece of Service, and privately provided their ſcaling Ladders, ordering them to refreſh themſelves and go to ſleep, for at night they were to be employ'd in an Expedition. Then when he thought the Enemy after their Feaſting and Carouzing were got into their firſt ſleep, he commanded one Company of Souldiers to carry Ladders, and near a thouſand well-arm'd, to follow them with a ſilent March to the place, where the formoſt mounting the Wall without any noiſe or oppoſition, encourag'd the reſt to follow them.

By this time the thouſand ſelect Souldiers had made themſelves Maſters of one part of the City, and the reſt of the Forces advanced, and with a multitude of Ladders ſcaled the Wall, a Sign being given them for that purpoſe by thoſe within from the Gate Hexapylos, for ſo far they march'd without any oppoſition, moſt of the Garriſon being either feaſting in the Forts, and already drunk and aſleep, or elſe drinking on ſtill, and ſo drowſie, that they minded nothing; and ſome few found in their Hutts, were kill'd. The Wicket at Hexapylos they began to break open with great violence, and the Trumpet according to agreement founded from the Wall, to let them know they were there ready to ſecond them. No longer was the matter carried cloſely, but with open force, and they made it their buſineſs to daunt and terrifie the Enemy, rather than ſteal upon them unawares, being come as far as Epipolae, a place full of Watchmen and Guards; and indeed terrified they were, for aſſoon as they heard the Trumpets ſounding, and the ſhouts of thoſe that had got poſſeſſion of part of the Wall and City, the Guards imagining all loſt, fled as hard as they could drive along the Wall, or endeavour'd to leap down from it, and in that fright precipitated one another. But ſtill the greater part wholly ignorant of any danger, lay drown'd in wine and ſleep, and beſides the City was of ſo vaſt an extent and ſcatteringly built, that thoſe in one part were not ſenſible of what was a doing in the other. But when Marcellus came in with all his Forces, he rouzed them all, and every one was in an hurry to take Arms and defend if they could the City, which was almoſt taken already; Epicides made haſte (from the Iſland which they call Naſos) at the Head of a Company of Souldiers, making full account to drive the Enemy out again with eaſe, as ſuppoſing they were but ſome few, who by the negligence of the Sentinels, were got over the Wall, and therefore thoſe of the Town, whom he met running away in a fright, he ſeverely chid, telling them, They themſelves increaſed the tumult, by being afraid of Bugbears, making the matter worſe and more terrible than it was. But when he ſaw all that part of the City called Epipolae was ſeized and full of armed men, after a ſmall Skirmiſh with Darts at a diſtance, whereby he only provok'd the Enemy, rather than much hurt them, he march'd back into the Acradine, not ſo much for fear of the Enemies force or numbers, as leſt ſome Treachery ſhould happen within by occaſion of his abſence, and in that confuſion he might find the Gates of the Acradine and Iſland ſhut againſt him. Marcellus after he was come within the Walls, from the higheſt places took a view of the whole City, one of the faireſt at that time in the World; at which ſight, 'tis ſaid that Great Conquerour could not refrain weeping, whether they were tears of Joy at his having atchiev'd ſo mighty a Service, or rather of pity condoling the uncertainty of all humane Grandeur, when he call'd to mind the antient Glories of this Town, how they deſtroyed the Athenian Fleets, and cut to pieces two vaſt Armies of theirs together with their Generals, how gallantly they waged War a long time with the Carthaginians; How many rich and potent Princes had there held their Royal Courts, amongſt whom he could not but with a more peculiar paſſion remember the late King Hiero, a Prince Illuſtrious for abundance of excellent Endowments which Fortune conferr'd upon him, or his own Vertue acquir'd, but for nothing more famous than his conſtant inviolable Friendſhip, and repeated good Offices towards the people of Rome; when all theſe things at once occurr'd to his mind, and withal he conſider'd, That all that Beauty and Glory within one hours ſpace was like to be on a light Fire, and reduc'd to rubbiſh and aſhes, it could not but make ſtrange Emotions in ſo generous a Breaſt, therefore to make the overthrow as gentle as he could, before he advanc'd his Enſigns againſt the Acradine, he ſent before ſuch Syracuſians as were in his Camp to perſwade their Countrymen to ſurrender, and not puſh on things to the laſt Extremity.

But the Gates and Walls of the Acradine were guarded for the moſt part by Renegades, who having no hopes of ſaving themſelves by a Treaty, would not ſuffer any others to come near the Walls, or hold any Parley; therefore Marcellus ſeeing that overture had not ſucceſs, marcht back unto Euryalus, which was a ſmall Fort on the farther part of the City remote from the Sea, and commanding the Highway that leads into the Fields, and the very heart of the whole Iſland, a place very convenient for the taking up of proviſions; The Governour of this Sconce was one Philodemus an Argive, placed there by Epicides, to whom Marcellus ſent Soſis, (one of the Killers of the late Tyrant) to capitulate with him touching yielding up the ſaid place, but after a long Conference could bring him to nothing, but return'd word to Marcellus, That he would take time to conſider of it, and ſo drill'd out the time from day to day whilſt Hippocrates and Himilco were advancing with their Troops, not doubting but after their Arrival, they might be able to cut off the whole Roman Army being encloſed on each ſide within the Walls; Marcellus perceiving that Eurialus was neither like to be ſurrendred nor eaſily taken, Encamp'd between Neapolis and Tyche (two parts of the City ſo named, which for their bigneſs might paſs for intire Cities of themſelves) fearing that if he ſhould go into ſtreets well inhabited, his Souldiers greedy of Booty, would not be kept together, but be apt to ſtraggle abroad for plunder; thither came to him, both from Neapolis and Tyche, Agents, with Olive-Branches and ſacred Fillets about their Heads and Veils, after the manner of Suppliants, beſeeching him, To forbear putting the Inhabitants to the Sword, or firing the City; which entreaties (for ſo they were rather than Propoſitions or demands) being conſidered, Proclamation was made throughout the Camp, That no Souldiers ſhould preſume to offer the leaſt violence to the perſons of any people of Free born condition, but for all goods whatſoever, they ſhould take them for booty. Marcellus's Camp was defended on both ſides with Houſing, as with a Wall, and he beſtow'd a ſtrong Guard at the Gates thereof facing the ends of the ſtreets, leſt it ſhould be attacqu'd, whilſt his Souldiers were a pillaging; For as ſoon as the Signal was given, they every where broke open the Doors and fell a rummaging in every Corner, filling all places with tumult and terrour, but refrain'd from bloodſhed, nor was there any end of their rifling and ranſacking, till they had ſeiz'd and carried away every thing of value, and utterly emptied the place of all thoſe riches which the Inhabitants had ſo long in their proſperity been heaping together. Amidſt theſe ſtirs, Philodemus ſeeing no hopes of being reliev'd, upon Articles that he ſhould march away ſafely to Epicides, drew out his Garriſon and yielded the Fort to the Romans; whoſe Souldiers being generally buſy in that part of the City which they had already taken, Bomilcar taking the advantage thereof, and of a tempeſtuous night, wherein the Roman Fleet, by reaſon of the rough weather, could not ride at Anchor in the main Sea, got out of the Haven of Syracuſe with thirty five Ships, and ſet Sail for Carthage, leaving fifty five Sail ſtill behind with Epicides and the Syracuſians, and having inform'd the Carthaginians in what extream danger the affairs of Syracuſe were at that Juncture, return'd again thither reinforc'd with an hundred Sail, for which ('tis reported) he was richly rewarded with Preſents made him by Epicides out of King Hiero's Treaſury.

Marcellus having gain'd Euryalus, and planted there a Garriſon, was rid of one of his former fears, viz. Leſt ſome new Forces of the Enemy abroad ſhould get into that Fortreſs behind him, where they might greatly have annoy'd his men, being then as it were encloſed within the Walls. Thence-forwards he began to beſiege the Acradine, having poſted his Forces at convenient places in three diſtinct Camps, and was in good hopes in ſhort time to reduce thoſe within to extream want and ſcarcity; The Guards on either ſide had for ſome days been pretty quiet, when on a ſudden the Arrival of Hippocrates and Himilco, ſo incourag'd the Enemy, that on all parts they of themſelves began to attacque the Romans; for both Hippocrates having Encampt and ſtrongly fortified himſelf by the great Key, and given a Signal to thoſe in Acradine, fell upon the old Quarters of the Romans where Criſpinus Commanded in Chief, and at the ſame time Epicides ſallied out upon Marcellus's Guards, and the Carthaginian Fleet came and lay cloſe by the ſhore that was between the City and the Roman Camp, to hinder Criſpinus's having any ſuccour ſent him from Marcellus; and yet after all this ado, the noiſe and tumultuous Alarm was greater than the Execution; For Criſpinus did not only repulſe Hippocrates from his Works, but purſued him as he fled, and Marcellus as eaſily beat back Epicides into the City; ſo as they ſeem'd now ſufficiently provided againſt the like ſudden Sallies or Irruptions for the future. Beſides there happen'd a Calamity common to them both, viz. a grievous Plague, which much took off their minds on either ſide from proſecuting the War. It being now Autumn, the place it ſelf naturally unwholſome and a bad Air, and the weather intolerable hot, mightily diſtemper'd their Bodies in each Camp, but much more without the City than within: As firſt they fell ſick and died by the diſtemperature of the Seaſon, and noiſomneſs of the place; ſo afterwards by viſiting and tending one another when ſick, the Diſeaſe was ſpread and became infectious; ſo that thoſe that were taken ill, either periſht for want of help and looking to, or elſe they that went to aſſiſt and tend them, were ſeiz'd with the ſame violence of the diſtemper; ſo that continually there were Coarſes carrying to their Graves, nothing to be met with but Spectacles of Mortality, and night and day there were heard in all places lamentation and dying groans. But at laſt being continually uſed to this miſery, their hearts were ſo hardned, that they not only gave over to mourn for the dead, but even ſo much as to carry them forth or inter them, ſo that the dead Bodies lay ſcatter'd all about on the ground, in the ſight of thoſe, who every moment look'd for the like miſerable death themſelves; Thus the dead kill'd the ſick, and the ſick infected the ſound, partly with fear, and partly with corruption and peſtiferous ſtench; Inſomuch that ſome chuſing rather to die on the Swords point, would venture alone to invade the Enemies Guards, on purpoſe that they might be kill'd out of the way. However the Plague was hotter by far in the Carthaginian Camp than in the Romans, by reaſon of bad water, the tedious Siege they had endured, and the great ſlaughter there committed; Therefore the Sicilians when once they ſaw the ſickneſs ſpread ſo faſt, got away, and ſtole every man home to the Cities near adjoining; but the Carthaginians having no place to retire to, were generally ſwept away by the raging Peſtilence, together with both their Generals, Hippocrates and Himilco, and indeed there was ſcarce a man of them eſcaped. Marcellus when he found the Mortality encreaſed ſo ſorely, drew his men into the City where the Houſes and ſhadowy places yielded ſome refreſhment to the ſick, yet ſtill a great many of the Roman Army were by this Peſtilence deſtroy'd.

The Carthaginian Land-Army being thus totally conſumed, thoſe Sicilians who had ſerved under Hippocrates withdrew themſelves into two Towns which were not great but ſtrong and well fortified, one but three Miles from Syracuſe, the other fifteen Miles; and thithey they convey'd all manner of Victuals from their own Cities adjoining, and ſent abroad for recruits of men. In the mean time Bomilcar was return'd (as we told you, with a greater Fleet) from Carthage, for he gave account of the Syracuſians condition in ſuch terms, as gave hopes, not only that he might come time enough to relieve them, but alſo, that the Romans, notwithſtanding they had in a manner taken the City, might be ſurprized and taken therein themſelves, by which ſuggeſtions he prevail'd ſo with the Senate, That they granted him abundance of Ships of Burthen, laden with all ſorts of neceſſary Proviſions, but alſo encreas'd the number of his Men of War, ſo that with one hundred and thirty Sail of tall Ships, and ſeventy Merchant-men, he put out to Sea, with a Gale fair enough to waſt him over to Sicily, but the ſame Wind did not ſerve him to double the point of the Cape Pachymus. The Report of Bomilcars arrival firſt, and then his delay beyond expectation, wrought diverſly in the minds of the Romans and Syracuſians, adminiſtring matter ſometimes of fear and ſometimes of joy unto them both. At laſt Epicides apprehending, That if the ſame Eaſterly Winds ſhould long continue, the Navy might poſſibly ſail back for Carthage, he, leaving the Guard of the Acridine to the Commanders of the hired Souldiers, goes down by water to Bomilcar, riding ſtill with his Fleet in the Road that looks towards Africk, and fearing to venture an Engagement at Sea, not that he was inferiour in ſtrength or number of Ships (for he had conſiderably more than the Enemy) but becauſe that Wind ſat more favourably for the Romans Fleet than for his; However Epicides was ſo importunate, that he in Fine prevail'd with him to hazard the Fortune of a Sea-fight. On the other ſide Marcellus ſeeing the Sicilian Forces gathering together againſt him from all parts of the Iſland, and underſtanding that this Punick Fleet brought vaſt quantities of proviſions, that he might not be blockt up by Sea and Land in an Enemies City, reſolv'd to hinder Bomilcar from coming into the Bay of Syracuſe. Thus rid the two Armado's affronting each other about the head of Pachynus, ready to Engage as ſoon as calm weather would give them leave to get out into the open Sea. When the Eaſt-Wind which had blown ſtrong for ſeveral days, was pretty well down, Bomilcar firſt weigh'd Anchor, and his headmoſt Ships ſeem'd to put out to Sea, only as it was thought that they might more eaſily gain the Cape and Promontory before-mentioned; but ſo it was, that as ſoon as he ſaw the Roman Fleet make towards him, affrighted by I know not what ſudden accident, he made all the Sail he could poſſible out to Sea in earneſt, and ſending Orders to Heraclea that the Ships of Burthen ſhould return for Africk, himſelf Coaſted all along Sicily, and ſhaped his Courſe for Tarentum. And Epicides thus ſtrangely diſappointed of his hopes, reſolv'd not to go back to be coop'd up in a City for the moſt part already loſt, and therefore Sail'd to Agrigentum, rather there to expect the Iſſue, than troubling himſelf how to furniſh them with any aſſiſtance from thence.

When theſe Tidings were brought to the Sicilian Forces, That Epicides was gone from Syracuſe, that the Carthaginians had abandon'd the Iſle, and in effect yielded it again to the Romans, they, having firſt conſulted the minds of thoſe that were in Syracuſe, thought it high time to ſend Commiſſioners to Marcellus to treat of Terms for ſurrendring the City: Who being in a manner come to an Agreement, That the Romans ſhould have the Seigniory and all that properly belonged to the Kings; but for private perſons Rights, Eſtates and Liberties, the Sicilians ſhould enjoy the ſame, and their ancient Laws as before. The ſaid Commiſſioners ſent to thoſe who were intruſted by Epicides to come to a Parley, and pretended to them, That they were ſent from him as well to the Sicilian Army as to Marcellus, That all in general, as well thoſe beſieged, as thoſe that were abroad, ſhould be comprized in the Treaty, and none capitulate or enter into any Agreement apart for themſelves without all the reſt.

Hereupon theſe Commiſſioners were admitted into that part of the City to viſit their Relations and Friends, and did privately acquaint them what Terms they had made with Marcellus, and by giving them good hopes of ſafety, prevailed with them to join in cutting off Polycletus, Philiſtion and Sydon, who were Epicides's Deputies there; and accordingly they being aſſaſſinated, the people were ſummon'd to a Common Hall, where, as they were wont before privately to grumble for the want and ſcarcity of all things, ſo now they made publick Complaints on that account, till one of the wiſeſt ſtood up and ſpoke to this purpoſe: Although we are beſet with ſo many miſeries, yet we have no reaſon to blame Fortune, ſince it is in our power to put an end to them when we our ſelves pleaſe. 'Tis well known, the Cauſe that induced the Romans to beſiege Syracuſe, was not any ſpight or ill will, but they did it purely out of kindneſs to the Inhabitants; for underſtanding that the Government was uſurped by thoſe two Creatures, firſt of Annibal, and afterwards of Hieronymus, I mean Hippocrates and Epicides, they then and not before began the War, and prepar'd to beſiege the City, not intending any harm to the City it ſelf, but only to ſuppreſs thoſe haughty Tyrants, and reſcue it from ſlavery; and now ſince Hippocrates is dead, Epicides departed, and his Deputies diſpatch'd out of the way. As alſo the Carthaginians both by Sea and Land beat out of all poſſeſſion in Sicily, what reaſon can the Romans have, why they ſhould not deſire Syracuſe to be as ſafe and happy as in good King Hiero's days, their ſpecial Friend and Ally? There is therefore no danger at all to be feared either to our City or its Inhabitants, but from our ſelves, that is, if we ſlip this opportunity of reconciling our ſelves to the Romans. For never ſhall we have the like again, as at this moment, if we now embrace it, aſſoon as we appear delivered from thoſe inſolent Tyrants.

This Speech was entertain'd with general Applauſe; however 'twas thought fit to create Praetors before they ſent Commiſſioners, and then out of the Praetors ſome were choſen to go Commiſſioners to Marcellus, of whom the Chief when admitted to Audience, ſpake as follows; Neither did we the Inhabitants of Syracuſe at firſt revolt from you. But Hieronymus, a Perſon no leſs injurious to us than unfaithful to you; nor after when the Peace was re-eſtabliſh'd after the death of that Tyrant, was it any Syracuſian that violated it, but the infractions thereof were made by theſe Royal Minions, Hippocrates and Epicides, whilſt we were oppreſſed and kept under what with Fraud on one ſide, and Force on the other; nor can any one truly ſay, That we were ever at our own liberty, and did not faithfully maintain our Alliance with you. At this inſtant, aſſoon as by the Execution of thoſe who held Syracuſe in Bondage, we came to be at our own free dispoſe, immediately behold, we come to deliver up our Arms, ſurrender our ſelves, our City and all its Walls and Works, ready to refuſe no Conditions that you ſhall think fit to impoſe upon us. The Gods have given you, moſt Noble Marcellus, the Glory of ſubduing the moſt illuſtrious and faireſt City of the Greeks; whatever brave Exploits we have heretofore atchieved either at Sea, all makes to the advancement of your Honour, and ſerve but as ſo many Labels to adorn your Triumph. Deſire not therefore by our deſtruction to have it known only by Report and the Teſtimony of Fame, what a brave and mighty place it was which you have maſter'd, but let it remain to Poſterity a glorious Monument at once both of your Valour and your Clemency; That whoever henceforwards ſhall come hither by Land, or arrive here from Sea, it may preſent to their memories both the Trophies of our former Victories over the Athenians and Carthaginians, and alſo thoſe of yours over us, the braveſt Conqueſt of all the reſt; ſuffer the City Syracuſe undemoliſh'd to do Homage for ever hereafter to your Family, and remain under the Protection of the Marcelline Name. Let not your reſentments againſt Hieronymus have more influence upon you, than your kind respects to the memory of King Hiero, who was abundance longer your Friend than the other your Enemy; his good Offices you were often ſenſible of, but the folly and madneſs of his Grandſon could not reach you, it only centred in his own deſtruction. There was nothing but they might have obtain'd of the Romans, all was ſafe there; They were more at Daggers-drawing amongſt themſelves, and at home was all the danger. For the Renegade's fearing they ſhould be delivered back to the Romans, and not comprized in the Compoſition, poſſeſt the Auxiliaries that were hired Souldiers, that they too would be left in the ſame predicament; What do they therefore but joining together, ſnatch up their Arms, and firſt cut off the heads of the Praetors, and afterwards ran all about to Maſſacre the Syracuſians, whoever came next in this rage they butcher'd, and rifled all that they could lay their hands on. And becauſe theſe Raſcallions would not be without Commanders, they choſe from amongſt themſelves ſix Provoſts or Captains, three to govern the Acradine, and the other three, Naſos, or that quarter of the City call'd The Iſle. But after the uproar was ſomewhat appeaſed, the mercenary Auxiliaries, inquiring more ſtrictly what the Articles agreed with the Romans really were? found themſelves abus'd with miſ-information, and that their condition, and that of the Fugitives, was very different.

To confirm which, the Commiſſioners ſeaſonably return'd from Marcellus, aſſuring them, that they were carried away with a falſe ſurmiſe, and that the Romans did not pretend any cauſe they had to puniſh them. One of the three Provoſts of Acradine was a Spaniard named Meric, to whom amongſt the Commiſſioners Attendants there was purpoſely ſent one of the Spaniſh Auxiliaries, who having got Meric to a private Conference, Firſt acquainted him in what condition he left Spain (for he was newly come from thence.) That the Roman Arms there carried all before them, That he had an opportunity, if he would do a piece of good ſervice, to make himſelf a great man, chuſe whether he liſt either to ſerve under the Romans, or return into his own Country: on the other ſide if he perſiſted in that courſe he was in, and would ſtill be beſieg'd, what hopes could he have being ſhut up both by Land and Sea? Meric influenc'd with theſe reaſons, when 'twas agreed that new Embaſſadours ſhould be addreſs'd to Marcellus, ſent his own Brother for one, who by the before mentioned Spaniard was introduc'd by himſelf, unknown to all the reſt, unto Marcellus, and after aſſurance of Protection given, and the manner adjuſted how the Intriegue ſhould be mannag'd, return'd to the Acradine. Meric to prevent all ſuſpition of foul play, declares, That he did not like this perpetual trotting to and fro of Embaſſadours, he thought it ſafer neither to ſend or receive any for fear of ſome ſurprize, and to the end the Guards might be more ſtrictly kept, he adviſed, that the ſeveral Quarters of the City ſhould be conveniently divided amongſt the Provoſts, That each might anſwer for the Poſt committed to his Charge. This the reſt of the Provoſts readily aſſented unto, and he happen'd to have that part which extended from the Fountain call'd Arethuſa, to the mouth of the great Haven; Of which he gave the Romans notice. Therefore in the night Marcellus cauſed a Merchant Ship fill'd with armed men, to be towed with a Galley to the Acradine, and landed the Souldiers over againſt the Gate that was hard by the ſaid Fountain, about the relief of the fourth Watch, and Meric according to Agreement receiv'd them in at the Gate. Marcellus at the very dawning of the day brings up all his Forces before the Walls of Acradine as if he would preſently ſtorm, whereby he not only held thoſe in play who were particularly order'd to guard that place; but alſo drew the Souldiers out of the other part call'd Naſos; who leaving their Guards haſtned in Troops to relieve their Fellows and repulſe the Romans. During this Tumult ſeveral Barges prepared and man'd before, were brought about to Naſos, and there ſet other Souldiers aſhore, who coming unawares upon the Corps du-Guards left weak and thin, and finding the Gates left open by thoſe who were juſt before gone through them to the Acradine, eaſily made themſelves Maſters of Naſos, deſerted by the fear and flight of thoſe that ſhould have ſecured it; nor did any of them uſe leſs means to defend themſelves, or more eagerneſs to be gone, than the Fugitives, who durſt not well truſt their own Fellows, and therefore in the hotteſt of the Skirmiſh made their eſcape. Marcellus being advertiz'd that Naſos was wholly taken, and ſome part of Acradine, ſounded a Retreat to his men, leſt the Kings Treaſure (which was noiſed to be much greater than it was) ſhould if the reſt of the place were taken by ſtorm, happen to be rifled and embezel'd.

The fury of the Souldiers being a little allay'd, and time and opportunity given to thoſe Fugitives that were in Acradine, to run away, The Syracuſians eaſed of their fears ſet open their Gates, and ſend Agents to Marcellus, begging nothing elſe but their own and their Childrens Lives. Marcellus having call'd a Council, where thoſe Syracuſians who during theſe civil diſſentions had been forc'd to forſake their dwellings, and take ſhelter amongſt the Roman Garriſons, were likewiſe admitted to be preſent, return'd Anſwer to the ſaid Agents in theſe words. There were not more good Offices for the ſpace of fifty years received at the hands of King Hiero by the people of Rome, than injuries offered and miſchiefs intended againſt them within theſe few years paſt by thoſe that have had the Government of Syracuſe; but moſt of thoſe miſchiefs have in the end deſervedly lighted upon their own heads, and the breakers of the League have brought upon themſelves more grievous puniſhments than the Romans would ever be willing to inflict; For my own part this is now the third year ſince I have lain before Syracuſe, not with any deſign to enſlave that City to the Romans, but to reſcue it from the Tyranny and Oppreſſions of Rebels and Fugitives; What fair Quarter the Syracuſians might have had from me, appears by the Example of thoſe of that City, who were amongſt the Roman Garriſons; by the uſage of the Spaniſh Captain Meric, who delivered up his Garriſon; yea by the free reſolute ſurrender of the Syracuſians at laſt, though ſomewhat at the lateſt, and their Treatment ſhall teſtify the ſame mild inclinations, for after all my toils and hazards which I have thus long undergone both by Land and Sea before the Walls of Syracuſe, I ſhall count no advantage that might be made of its ſpoils ſo ſweet and deſirable a reward for all my ſervices, as the glory of being able at laſt to conquer it. Th • n was the Treaſurer ſent with a Guard to Naſos to receive and ſecure the Kings Treaſure, and the Souldiers had leave to plunder the City, except only their Houſes, who had been amongſt the Roman Garriſons, at whoſe Doors Centinels were ſet to ſecure them. Amongſt many lewd inſtances of rage and avarice then acted; 'Tis recorded that the great Archimedes, in ſuch a mighty tumult as muſt be ſuppoſed in a City taken by an incenſed Enemy, and Souldiers every where running to and fro to rifle it, was ſo unconcern'd, as to be buſy in beholding certain Schemes and Mathematical Figures which he had drawn in the duſt, and in that poſture was knockt o' th' Head by a rude Souldier not knowing who he was; whereat Marcellus being much griev'd and offended, took care to have him honourably buried; and inquiring out his Relations, not only preſerv'd them from all violence, but made very much of them, meerly in reſpect to his Name and Memory. Thus have you heard by what means Syracuſe was won; In which there was as much or more rich Booty got, as if Carthage it ſelf had at that time been taken, with whom it had long vy'd for Wealth and Power. A few dayes before Syracuſe was taken, T. Otacilius with eighty Gallies croſs'd over from Lilybaeum to Ʋtica, and entring the Port before day, ſurpriz'd a great Fleet of Merchant-men laden with Corn, and Landing forrag'd all the Country thereabouts, carrying a mighty booty of all ſorts aboard, ſo that he return'd to Lilybaeum the third day after he ſail'd from thence with no leſs than one hundred and thirty Ships of Burthen fraighted with Corn and Pillage, which Corn he forthwith ſent to Syracuſe; where if the ſame had not ſo ſeaſonably arriv'd, as well the Victors as the Conquered had ſmarted under a grievous Famine.

In Spain for theſe laſt two years no memorable action had happen'd, and the War was carried on more by Treaties and ſtrengthning Alliances, than by Arms, but this Summer the Roman Generals quitting their Winter Quarters join'd all their Forces, where a Council of War being held, it was unanimouſly concluded, That whereas hitherto they had only ſtopt Aſdrubal's intended Expedition into Italy, 'twas now high time to endeavour that an end might be put to the War in Spain; To effect which, they thought they were ſtrong enough, thirty thouſand Celtiberians having that Winter been rais'd and put in Arms. The Enemy had three Armies, Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo, and Mago, lay Encamp'd together about five dayes march from the Romans; But Aſdrubal the Son of Amilcar, (that old Commander in Spain) was with his Army nearer, at a City call'd Anatorgis; Him the Roman Generals were deſirous to attacque firſt, and hop'd they had ſtrength more than enough to defeat him, and therefore all their care was leſt after he was routed, the other two ſhould for fear retreat into the Woods and Mountains where they could not become at, and ſo ſpin out the War; Therefore it was thought beſt to divide their Forces into two diſtinct Bodies, and ſo at once to compaſs the whole War of Spain. And thus they parted them, That P. Cornelius with two thirds of the Roman Army and Allies ſhould go againſt Mago and Giſgo-Aſdrubal; Cn. Cornelius with the other third part of the old Army, and all the new-raiſed Celtiberians to engage the other Aſdrubal of the Barchine Family. Both Generals and Armies advancing together, the Celtiberians leading the Van came to the City Anitorgis in ſight of the Enemy, but having a River between, where they encampt. And Cn. Scipio with the Forces before-mentioned continued there, but P. Scipio marcht on to manage that part of the War aſſign'd unto him.

Aſdrubal after he underſtood, That there were but a few Romans (comparatively) in the Camp, but that their main hopes muſt depend on the Celtiberian Auxiliaries, knowing well the natural falſeneſs of all barbarous people, and eſpecially of thoſe Nations amongſt whom he had ſo many years been a Souldier, he found means, by the eaſy Commerce of the ſame Language (his Camp as well as the Romans abounding in Spaniards) to have ſecret Conferences, wherein he made a Bargain with the Chiefs of the Celtiberians, for a conſiderable ſumm of money, that they ſhould withdraw their Forces and give the Romans the ſlip. Nor did this to them ſeem any heinous buſineſs, or very ill practice, as long as it was not required, That they ſhould turn their Arms againſt the Romans; and they had as much pay for being quiet, as they ſhould have had for fighting; And as Peace it ſelf, ſo to return home, and ſee their goods and Lands, being very grateful and pleaſing inducements to every body; that the multitude were as eaſily perſwaded as their Leaders; nor was there any fear of the Romans, for they were ſo few, that they were not able to retain them by force. Which ought to be a Caveat for all future Roman Generals, and theſe bad Examples to be uſed as good Leſſons, So far only to truſt Foreign Auxiliaries as always to have a greater number of their own natural Souldiers Encamp'd with them. The Celtiberians all on a ſudden pluck up their Standards and march off, and when the Romans inquir'd the reaſon and intreated them to ſtay; would give no other Anſwer but that they were call'd away by a War at home; Scipio ſeeing that he was neither able to retain them by requeſt nor force, nor without them to fight the Enemy, nor yet could now join his Brother, knowing not what to do, nor ſeeing any proſpect of ſafety, reſolv'd to retreat as far as he could, taking the greateſt care in the World not to engage the Enemy in plain Field, or without ſome advantage, who now was paſſed the River, and traced him hard at heels in his diſmarch.

About the ſame time his Brother P. Scipio was in no leſs fear, and greater danger by means of the approach of a new Enemy; This was Maſiniſſa at that time confederated with the Carthaginians, but afterwards mighty and renowned for his amity with the Romans; He with his Numidian Horſe encounter'd P. Scipio in his march, and afterwards continually day and night did ſo infeſt them, that he did not ſeize Straglers, and ſuch as went forth for Wood and Forage remote from the Camp, but would often in a braving manner ride to and fro in view of the Romans Works, and by night alarm'd them with ſudden Incurſions up to their very Ports and Ramparts, nor would he at any time or place ſuffer them to be quiet or free from the fear of his charging in upon them; Thus being compell'd to keep within their Trenches, and cut off from the benefit of all things abroad, they lay in a manner as bad as Beſieged, and 'twas plain, That they would be much more ſtraitned, if once Indibilis (who was reported to be upon his march with ſeven thouſand five hundred Sueſſetanes) ſhould join the Carthaginians; whereupon Scipio, otherwiſe a wary and prudent Captain, overcome with the neceſſities he labour'd under, entred into an inconſiderate reſolution, to advance in the night to meet Indibilis and give him Battel whereever he ſhould find him. Leaving therefore a competent Guard under the Conduct of Lieutenant General T. Fonteius to ſecure his Camp, himſelf in perſon about midnight drew out his Forces, met the Enemy and engag'd them, but the conflict was rather by looſe Companies in their march, than with their whole Forces drawn up in Battalia; wherein the Romans had as much the better on't, as could be expected in ſuch a tumultuary fight, until ſuch time as the Numidian Horſe (whom Scipio thought he was ſecure of, and that they had known nothing of his march that way) all on a ſudden flanked them, which put them into great Conſternation; and to encreaſe their terrour, they had no ſooner put themſelves in a poſture to entertain theſe Numidians, but a third Enemy appears; viz. The Carthaginian Forces, who by this time whilſt the others were in Fight, haſtening to aſſiſt their Allies, were got up thither, and charg'd the Romans in the Rear, who being every way beſet, knew not againſt which firſt to make head, or on which ſide they were beſt with a cloſe pointed Battalion endeavour to break through. The General in this extremity was not wanting either in Valour, or to encourage his men both with his words and Example, but expoſing himſelf whereever he ſaw moſt danger, happen'd to be ran through the right ſide of his Body with a Lance, and that ſtout Troop of the Enemy that charg'd him, ſeeing him fall from his Horſe, ſet up a ſhout and cry'd out, The Roman General was ſlain! This Voice once ſpread, cauſed the Enemy to take themſelves undoubtedly for Victors, and the Romans to make no other account but they were vanquiſhed; Therefore having loſt their Leader they began forthwith to fly out of the Field; but as it was no hard matter to force their paſſage through the Numidians and other Auxiliaries lightly-arm'd, ſo to get clear away from ſo many Horſe, and Foot almoſt as ſwift as the Horſe themſelves, was almoſt impoſſible, more being kill'd in the purſuit than in the Field, nor had ſcarce any ſurviv'd, but that it drawing towards Evening the night ſhelter'd their eſcape.

The Punick Generals were not wanting to improve this good Fortune, for as ſoon as the Battel was over, ſcarce allowing their Souldiers neceſſary reſt, they marcht with all Expedition to Aſdrubal the Son of Amilcar, not doubting but when they had join'd their Forces, to put an end to the War. There was mighty Joy and Congratulation at their meeting between the Generals and Armies for the late Victory, and the cutting off ſo great a Commander with his whole Army, nor did they in the like doubt but ſhortly to obtain another Conqueſt no leſs conſiderable. The Romans had yet no tidings of this overthrow, yet were ſtrucken into a ſad dumpiſh ſilence, or ſecret preſaging of bad news, as commonly mens minds are wont to fore-give them when ſome ſad diſaſter is at hand. The General himſelf ſeeing not only that he was abandon'd by his Mercenary Allies, but alſo the Enemy ſo mightily reinforc'd, by good Conjectures, and reaſon, was rather inclin'd to ſuſpect ſome misfortune had already happen'd, than to hope for any good ſucceſs to himſelf: for how was it poſſible that Aſdrubal and Mago ſhould come hither with their Armies without fighting, if his Brother were yet alive? why had not his Brother either ſtopt their march, or at leaſt purſued them in the Rear? Or if he could not hinder the Enemies Generals and Forces from uniting, he would certainly have made haſt to join his Brother likewiſe to withſtand them. Diſtracted with theſe thoughts he thought the only ſafe courſe he could take at preſent was to get away as far from them as he could, and therefore one night, unknown to the Enemy, and ſo without any interruption, he diſlodg'd and got a pretty deal of ground of them. But as ſoon as they found him gone in the Morning they diſpatcht the Numidian Horſe after, who purſued him ſo violently, that before night they came up with him, and ſometimes charg'd him in the Rear, and ſometimes on the Flank; obliging them to an halt to defend themſelves, though Scipio encouraged them (as the ſafeſt courſe they could take) to continue their march, and yet maintain their Skirmiſhes with the Enemy, as long as their Foot was not yet come up.

But ſometimes fighting and ſometimes ſtanding ſtill, they rid but little ground in their March, and night approaching, Scipio drew his men off from fighting, and poſted himſelf on a riſing Bank, a place not able to ſecure an Army, eſpecially already diſheartned, but the beſt and higheſt he could meet with thereabouts. Here incloſing his Baggage and Horſe in the middle, and drawing his Foot about them in a Ring, they made no difficult matter of repulſing the Numidians Incurſions; but when all the three Generals with their compleat Armies were come up, 'twas plain they could never maintain the place againſt them without fortifying it, and therefore Scipio ſearched every way how he might ſtrengthen it with a Trench and Rampart; but the Hill was ſo naked of wood, and the Soil ſo hard and ſtony, that he could neither find Stakes for Paliſado's, nor Turffs for a Bank, nor was able to dig a Trench, nothing being there fit for his purpoſe; neither was any part ſo high or ſteep, but the Enemy might eaſily aſcend and mount it, the Hill on every ſide having a gentle and equal riſing up to the top. However to make ſome ſhew of a Rampart, they took their Pack-Saddles with their Luggage faſtned to them, and piled them up round about to the heighth of a Mure; and where they wanted Pack-Saddles, they heaped together all ſorts of Fardles and Baggage. The Punick Armies eaſily advanced up the Hill, but the ſight of ſuch a ſtrange new-faſhion'd Fortification put them to a ſtand, as wondring what it ſhould be. But their Captains on all ſides cry'd out, and ask'd them, what they ſtood ſtill for? and why they did not advance and pull to pieces that pitiful Bauble, which even Women and Children would be aſham'd to be kept off by? Did they not know that the Enemy already taken as in a Pin-fold, lay lurking behind thoſe Fardles? Thus the Officers ſwagger'd, but in truth it was no ſuch eaſie matter either to get over that Barricado of Packs, or to remove them as they lay ſo cloſe piled up, however after a great deal of pains they did rid them out of the way, and made room for the armed men to enter at ſeveral places at once, then with no difficulty did they make themſelves Maſters of the Camp; for what elſe could be expected when an handful of men, and thoſe already diſcouraged and terrified, were to deal with vaſt multitudes, and thoſe too fluſht with late ſucceſs? Yet a great part of the Souldiers flying into the next Woods, eſcaped thence to P. Scipio's Camp, where T. Fonteius his Lieutenant commanded in Chief. As for Cn. Scipio the Roman General in this Battel, ſome Authors write, That he was kill'd on the Hill in the firſt Charge; others, that he with a few others fled into a certain Fort hard by, and that the Enemy not being able to break open its Gates, ſet fire to them, and ſo burnt them down and got in, and put both him and all that were with him to the Sword. Thus fell Cn. Scipio in the ſeventh year after he went into Spain, and the nine and twentieth day after his Brother loſt his life; nor was the Mourning leſs for their Deaths throughout all Spain, than at Rome it ſelf: For the ſorrow here was aggravated in part both for the loſs of their Armies, and of that Province and the publick Overthrow; but the Spaniards lamented only for their Governours themſelves, eſpecially for Cneus, as having been longer amongſt them, and was both the firſt that gained their Affections, and gave them a Specimen of the Roman Juſtice and Moderation.

Whilſt thus the Armies ſeemed utterly routed, and both Spains loſt, one man recovered all again. There happen'd to be in the Army one L. Marcius the Son of Septimus, a Roman Knight, a forward young Man, and both for Courage and Diſcretion beyond the Quality he was born in; this excellent natural Diſpoſition was mightily promoted by the Diſcipline of Cn. Scipio, under whom he had ſo many years been educated in all ſorts of Military Skill. This Gentleman rallying the ſcatter'd Souldiers that fled, and drawing out ſome from ſeveral Garriſons, had formed no contemptible Army, and join'd with T. Fonteius, P. Scipo's Lieutenant, and ſo much Authority and Eſteem had he gain'd, though in Quality only a Knight, that when they had fortified a Camp within the River Iberus, and reſolved out of themſelves to chuſe a General, going by turns to keep Guard at the Rampier till all had given their Suffrages, they unanimouſly conferr'd the chief Command on him: That little time he had was employ'd in ſtrengthening their Fortifications, and bringing in neceſſary Proviſions; and the Souldiers not only diligently executed all his Commands, but with great chearfulneſs, and ſeem'd no longer dejected with their paſt misfortunes. But after News came that Aſdrubal the Son of Giſco had paſſed the Iberus to exterminate all the reliques of the War, and was advanced very near them, and that they ſaw the Signal of Battel given by this new Captain, calling to mind what famous Generals they had but the other day, and under what experienced Leaders and with what numerous Forces they were wont to go into the Field, they all on a ſudden fell a weeping and ſhaking their heads, and ſome lifting up their hands to Heaven, ſeem'd to accuſe the Gods, others flinging themſelves on the ground, every one invoking his own late General by name. Nor could this Lamentation be ſtopt, though each Captain endeavour'd what they could to encourage their reſpective Companies, and Marcius both threatned and reproached them all, for giving themſelves up, like women, to ſuch a vain puleing humour, at a time when they ought rather to rouze up their Spirits to defend both themſelves and the Commonwealth, and not to ſuffer their brave Commanders to lye dead unrevenged, till ſuddenly the Enemies ſhout and their Trumpets were heard, being got near the Rampier; then grief turning into fury, they all ran to their Arms, and like mad-men flew to the Ports, and ſallied out upon the Enemy who came on negligently and out of Order; this amazed the Punicks, whence ſo many new Enemies ſhould ariſe, when both their Armies were but the other day cut to pieces? How they that were ſo lately defeated and put to flight, came to have ſo much Courage and Confidence? What Commander in Chief they could have now the two Scipio's were ſlain? Who ſhould be the General, or give the Signal of Battel? Marvelling at theſe ſo many unexpected Occurrences, they at firſt gave ground, and being then briskly charged betook them to their heels, and a foul ſlaughter had been made of them as they ran; or elſe the fury of the Purſuers might by their raſhneſs have prov'd of dangerous conſequence, if Marcius had not preſently ſounded a Retreat, and himſelf in perſon ſtopping the foremoſt Enſigns, and forced to hold back ſome of his men with his hands, had not reſtrained the eagerneſs of the Army, whom he led back into their Camp, greedy ſtill of more blood and ſlaughter. The Carthaginians as at firſt they fled trembling from the Rampier, ſeeing none purſue them, imagining that fear made them forbear, with a ſlow March as it were in contempt retreated to their own Works, where they were altogether as negligent; for though they ſaw the Enemy near, yet they looked upon them but as the inconſiderable reliques of two late defeated Armies, of which Marcius having notice, reſolv'd upon an Enterprize, which at firſt ſeem'd not only couragious, but Fool-hardy, viz. to attacque them even in their Camp; but he well conſider'd both that it would be eaſier to maſter Aſdrubal's Camp whilſt he was yet alone, than to defend his own againſt three ſeveral Armies, when all their Generals ſhould be join'd; as alſo, That if it ſucceeded, he ſhould reſtore the afflicted ſtate of the Roman Affairs in thoſe parts, or at worſt, if he were repulſed, he ſhould however, by ſo daring an Attempt, vindicate his Forces from contempt and reproach.

But leſt ſo ſudden a Deſign, and the terrour of Night-ſervice, ſhould hinder an Undertaking, the ſucceſs whereof depended on Fortune, he thought it beſt in the firſt place to make a Speech to his Souldiers, and encourage them; therefore having called them together, he thus diſcourſed them: Either the Reverence and affectionate Love which I had for our late Noble Generals, both whilſt living and after their death, or that preſent hazardous condition wherein we all ſtand, may eaſily (my Follow-Souldiers) perſwade any one to believe, that this Command wherein you have placed me, as from you it was a very great mark of Honour, ſo in it ſelf is an uneaſie task, and full of care and trouble: For at a time when (but that fear took away the ſenſe of ſorrow) I was not ſo much Maſter of my own Reaſon, as to be able to find out any comfort for my own penſive and dejected Soul, I am forced all alone (which is a moſt difficult thing to do under ſuch mournful circumſtances) to ſeek out means to alleviate the common Calamity of you all. And yet even then when I am to conſider by what means I may be able to preſerve theſe poor remainders of two Armies, for the ſervice of our Country, cannot I divert my mind from continual grief? The bitter remembrance of our loſſes perpetually diſquiets me, and both the Scipio's ſeem to haunt me day and night, and fill my head with cares and terrible dreams, they make me often ſtart out of my ſleep, charging me, that I will neither ſuffer them, nor their Souldiers (who for eight years were your Companions in Arms, and always victorious till now) nor the Commonwealth to be unrevenged, and withal warning me to purſue their Diſcipline and good Inſtructions; and as never any one paid a more ready and punctual obedience to their Commands whilſt living, ſo now they are dead; whatever we can moſt reaſonably conceive, they themſelves would eſpecially have done in any occurrences, the ſame I would have you, my Fellow Souldiers, to think the beſt courſe and approve, not with vain lamentations and womaniſh tears to bewail them, as if they were extinct and utterly loſt for ever (for they live ſtill, and ſhall always flouriſh in the Glory and Renown of their mighty Atchievements) but as often as you think of them, think alſo, that you ſee them encouraging and leading you on to Battel, and ſo go into the Field to avenge their blood. Nor was it any thing elſe but ſuch a kind of ſight that was yeſterday preſented to your eyes and minds, and effected ſo gallant a piece of ſervice, whereby you taught the Enemy, That the Roman Proweſs dyed not with the two Scipio's, and that the vigour and courage of that People, which the Overthrow at Cannae could not extinguiſh, will eaſily ſtruggle through all other ſtorms of adverſe Fortune. Since therefore you have ſhew'd ſuch Valour and daring forwardneſs of your own accord, I would gladly ſee how bravely you will behave your ſelves in an Exploit which your General puts you upon; for yeſterday when I ſounded the Retreat, when you purſued ſo freely the diſorder'd Enemy, I was far from intending to baulk your generous Courage, but only to defer it to a better opportunity and greater harveſt of Glory, that a while after, you being prepar'd and arm'd, might fall upon them unprovided, unarm'd, and alſo aſleep. Nor have I, Gentlemen, raſhly entertain'd the hope of ſuch an opportunity, but grounded on good Reaſon and Experience; for certainly if any one ſhall demand of you, by what means you that were ſo few, and lately defeated too, could defend your Camp againſt ſvch a multitude, and thoſe likewiſe rampant with their Victories? You can only anſwer, That it was becauſe you expecting and fearing their Aſſault, had both ſtrongly entrenched your ſelves, and were all prepared and ready in Arms to receive them. Turn the Tables, and the Caſe will be the ſame here: men are never leſs ſecure than when flattering Fortune ſeems to have left them nothing to fear; for then growing negligent, they lye expoſed to all dangers. Now certain it is, That the Enemy at this inſtant apprehends nothing leſs, than that we, whom they come to beſiege and aſſault, ſhould venture to be the Aggreſſors, and attacque them in their Works? Let us therefore but dare attempt that, which it cannot be believ'd we durſt enterprize, and that ſelf ſame cauſe which ſeems to make it moſt difficult, ſhall render it moſt eaſie and ſooneſt effected. About the third Watch of the night I will lead you on with a ſilent march. I have a certain account that their Centinels obſerve no Order, nor have they any Corps du-Guard abroad, a ſhout ſet up at their Ports, and your firſt Charge, ſhall make you Maſters of their Camp. Then let me ſee you perform that ſlaughter and execution amongſt them heavy and dead with ſleep, trembling at an unexpected Alarm, and taken napping, from which yeſterday you thought much that you were call'd away and reclaimed. I know, this ſeems a very daring undertaking, but let me tell you, when people are in extremity, and their condition next to deſperate, the moſt reſolute Counſels are always the ſafeſt; for if when the lucky nick is offer'd, you delay never ſo little, the opportunity will be paſt, and never to be retriev'd. One Army is here juſt by us, two others not far off; now if we venture preſently upon the firſt, our opportunity and advantage is as good as theirs, and you have already made trial of their Forces, and your own. But if we linger till another day, and leave off, contented with the honour of our Yeſterdays ſally, 'tis forty to one but all the Enemies Generals and united Forces will by that time be upon our Jackets, and will you be able to ſtand before thoſe three Generals, and three Armies, whom Cn. Scipio when his Troops were freſh and in good plight, was nothing able to cope with? As our Captains by dividing their Forces were overthrown, ſo the Enemy whilſt they are ſeparated may be routed; This and no other is the way to manage at preſent the War. Therefore let's wait no longer than the opportunity of this very night. Go then a Gods bleſſing, make much of your ſelves, take your repaſt and repoſe, that being freſh and luſty you may with the ſame undaunted Courage, break into the Enemies Camp, wherewith you defended your own.

The Souldiers joyfully entertain'd this new Counſel from their new General, and the more daring it was, the more it pleaſed them. The reſt of the day was ſpent in furbiſhing up their Armour and Weapons, and cheriſhing their Bodies, and the moſt part of the night they ſlept quietly. But at the beginning of the fourth Watch they advanc'd. Beyond this next Camp of the Enemy, at ſix Miles diſtance, lay other Carthaginians Forces; and between them was an hollow Valley full of Trees; about the middle of which Wood, Marcius imitating Punick ſubtlety, had privately drawn round and poſted a Regiment of Foot, and ſome Troops of Horſe; ſo having cut off all Retreat, he march'd very ſtill to the formoſt Enemy, where he found no Out-guards at the Ports, nor Centinels on the Rampier, but entred the ſame without any reſiſtance as quietly as if it had been his own. Then they found their Trumpets, and ſet up a ſhout, ſome cut to pieces the Enemy half aſleep, ſome fling fire and dry ſtraw upon their Tents and Huts, ſome ſeize the Ports to prevent their Flight; who being thus terrified all at once with Clamour, Fire and Sword, were like men deprived of their Wits, and were neither capable of h • aring any Orders, nor to provide in the leaſt for their own defence, ſo they ſtumbled by heaps unarm'd, upon Troops of the Armed Aſſailants, and were hewn to pieces, ſome run headlong to the Ports, others finding all paſſages ſhut, leap over the Rampier, and as many as got away fled with full ſpeed towards the other Camp, where falling into the hands of the aforeſaid Ambuſcade, not a man eſcap'd. Yet had any one got clear away, the Romans after they had taken the firſt, ſlew with ſuch Expedition to the other Camp, that no tidings of the ſlaughter could have got thither before them. There they found all things in a more negligent and diſſolute poſture than in the former, as being further from any Enemy, and beſides divers of them juſt at break of day, were rambled abroad to get Corn, and Wood, and other Booty; Their Weapons only ſtood rear'd up in their Corps-du-Guard, but the Souldiers unarm'd were either lying and ſitting on the ground, or careleſly walking before their Trenches. With theſe thus ſecure and diſorderly, the Romans yet reaking with the Blood of their Comrades, and on the Train of a freſh Victory, began to Skirmiſh, but the Carthaginians were not able to keep them out of the Gates; but within, upon the firſt Alarm, the Souldiers flocking together that way from all parts of the Camp, made a very ſtout reſiſtance; and as the fight was fierce, ſo 'tis like, much longer it had continued, but that the Blood on the Romans Targets gave notice to the Carthaginians of the former Execution, and the Defeat of their Companions, which daunted them quite, and made them take their heels, and ſo as many of them as eſcaped killing, got away as well as they could, and were all turn'd out of their Camp. So. that in one night and days time, by the Conduct of Marcius, two fortified Camps were won from the Enemy, and thirty ſeven thouſand of them ſlain (as Claudius affirms, who tranſlated the Annals of Acilius out of Greek into Latine) eighteen hundred and thirty taken Priſoners, a mighty Booty got, and amongſt the reſt a ſilver Shield weighing a hundred thirty eight pound, with the Figure of Aſdrubal the Barchine thereon. Valerius Antias mentions only Mago's Camp to have been taken, and there ſeven thouſand kill'd, and that in another Battel with Aſdrubal upon a Sally there were ſlain ten thouſand, and four thouſand three hundred and thirty taken, and Piſo writes that whilſt Mago was purſuing our men who gave ground, he fell into an Ambuſcade, and ſo loſt five thouſand men; but all Authors agree in applauding and celebrating the Courage and Conduct of General Marcius, and to his true glory they alſo add Miracles, viz. That as he was making the Speech to his Souldiers, there was ſeen a flame of fire about his head, to the great terrour of all that ſtood round him, though he himſelf perceiv'd it not. For a memorial of this Victory over the Punicks there remain'd until the Capitol was burnt, the aforeſaid Shield with the Picture of Aſdrubal, and it was commonly call'd Marcius's Shield. Hence-forwards things were quiet a good while in Spain, after ſuch mighty overthrows mutu • lly given, either ſide declining further hazards.

Whilſt theſe Tragedies were acting in Spain, Marcellus having taken Syracuſe, and ſetled all the affairs of Sicily with ſuch faithfulneſs and integrity as not only encreas'd his own glory, but alſo the majeſty and honour of the people of Rome; he brought away the Ornaments of the City, as rare Statues and curious pieces of Painting (wherein Syracuſe abounded) to Rome. And well might he do ſo, being the ſpoils of the Enemy, and gallantly gotten by right of Conqueſt, yet it muſt be confeſs'd, That this firſt ſet us to admire and dote ſo much upon the rare Workmanſhip of Grecian Artiſts, and from hence came afterwards that common licentiouſneſs and outrage of robbing and ſpoiling all places ſacred or profane where thoſe Curioſities were to be had; which proceeded ſo far that at length it turn'd to the ſpoiling of the Roman Gods themſelves, and defacing of that very Temple which by Marcellus himſelf was firſt of all ſo richly beautified with theſe Ornaments, that Strangers were wont to viſit the ſame out of curioſity, meerly to have a ſight of thoſe excellent rarities of all kinds, of which at this day there is ſcarce any thing left to be ſeen. To Marcellus came Agents from almoſt all the ſeveral Cities of Sicily to make their Peace; but as their circumſtances were not all one, ſo neither were they all allowed the ſame terms and conditions; Thoſe who either had not at all revolted, or before the taking of Syracuſe had reconciled themſelves, were treated and reſpected as faithful Friends and Allies, but ſuch as ſubmitted afterwards for fear, were regarded no better than vanquiſht Enemies, and to receive Laws from the Conqueror. The Romans had ſtill no ſmall reliques of the War to diſpatch about Agrigentum, for there were yet Epicides and Hanno the ſurviving Captains of the former War, to whom Annibal had diſpatcht a third in the room of Hippocrates, viz. a certain Citizen of Hippo, deſcended from the Libyphoenicians, called by his Countrymen Mutines, a man of action, and educated under Annibal in all the Arts of War. Unto whoſe Charge Epicides and Hanno committed the charge of the Numidian Auxiliaries, with whom he ſo forraged the Enemies Territories, and ſo nimbly reſorted unto all the Confederates to engage them to continue their Fidelity, and to aſſiſt them on any occaſion, that in a ſhort time all Sicily rang with his Fame, and thoſe that favour'd the Carthaginian Faction began to make him the chief Anchor of their Hopes. And therefore both Captains, as well Hanno the Carthaginian, as Epicides the Syracuſian, who for a time had been pent up within the Walls of Agrigentum, now not ſo much by the advice of Mutines, as on the confidence they repos'd in him, came forth and pitcht their Tents at the River Himera. Of which Marcellus being advis'd, preſently advanc'd, and ſat down but four miles diſtant from them, waiting to ſee what they would do; but Mutines gave him neither place to reſt in, nor time to conſult, but paſſing the River, with mighty violence fell upon their Outguards, and the next day gave them a fair Battel, and forc'd them to retire within their Trenches. But being called from thence by occaſion of a Mutiny of Numidians (who to the number of almoſt three hundred were departed to Heraclea Minoa) whilſt he went to pacify and reclaim them, 'tis ſaid, he was very importunate with the other Captains not to fight in his abſence; which they both took in dudgeon, eſpecially Hanno, who now began to be jealous of his own Honour; What, ſays he, ſhall Mutines preſcribe Laws to us? and a degenerate African over-rule a Carthaginian General, commiſſionated by the Senate and People? He therefore perſwaded Epicides (who was ſomewhat backward) to paſs the River, for if they ſhould wait for Mutines, and win the Field, he would undoubtedly go away with the glory of it.

Marcellus thinking it a foul indignity, If he who repuls'd Annibal himſelf from Nola, even when he was in his higheſt Pride for the Victory, ſhould now retreat from theſe Fellows whom he had already routed both at Sea and Land, gave Orders in all haſt for his Souldiers to arm, and advance their Enſigns; whilſt he was drawing up in Battalia, ten Numidians came riding to him full ſpeed from the Enemies Hoſt, who inform'd him, That their Countrymen who were firſt diſguſted in that Mutiny which occaſion'd three hundred of them to retreat to Heraclea, being now further affronted by ſeeing their own Commander, by the ſubtlety of the other two Captains, envying his glory, ſent out of the way, juſt on the day when they were to engage, were reſolv'd not to ſtrike a ſtroke. Though that people be naturally deceitful, yet here they kept their words; nor was this a ſmall Encouragement to the Romans, ſpecial Meſſengers being diſpatcht through the whole Army to aſſure them the Enemy was deſtitute of Horſe, which moſt of all they ſtood in fear of; nor were the Enemy leſs diſheartned as not only ſeeing themſelves deſerted by their main ſtrength, but fearing they ſhould alſo be charg'd by their own Horſe. So that the Conflict was not difficult, the firſt puſh determined the fate of the day, the Numidians ſtanding quietly on the Wings when they ſaw their men ran, accompanied them but a little, for perceiving they all made for Agrigentum, fearing they ſhould there be ſhut up with a Siege, ſlipt away into ſeveral Neighbouring Cities. Many thouſands were here ſlain, and eight Elephants taken. This was the laſt Battel Marcellus fought in Sicily, who return'd victorious to Syracuſe. By this time, the year was almoſt expired. Therefore the Roman Senate decreed, That P. Cornelius the Praetor ſhould write to the Conſuls at Capua, That whilſt now Annibal was remote, and no great matter of conſequence like in the interim to be perform'd at their Leaguer, one of them, if they thought fit, ſhould repair to Rome, for chuſing new Magiſtrates. Upon the receit of which Letters the Conſuls agreed between themſelves, That Claudius ſhould manage the Elections, and Fulvius remain before Capua; The new Conſuls created by Claudius were Cn. Fulvius Centimalus, and P. Sulpicius Galba the Son of Servius, a man that had never born any Curule Office of State before. The Praetors were L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Cornelius Cethegus, C. Sulpitius, and C. Calpurnius Piſo. This laſt had the City-Juriſdiction, Sulpitius the Government of Sicily, Cethegus of Apulia, and Lentulus of Sardinia. The Conſuls had their Commands over the Armies continued for another year.

DECADE III. BOOK VI. The EPITOME.

10. Annibal Encamps on the River Anio, but three miles from Rome; himſelf in perſon with two thouſand Horſe rode up to the Gate Capena, to take a view of the Cities ſituation. 11. The Armies on both ſides two dayes together facing each other in Battalia, ſtormy weather each time hindred them from an Engagement, though as ſoon as ever they were retreated to their reſpective Camps, it prov'd fair. 14. Capua is taken by Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Conſuls, and the chief men of that City, haſten their own deaths by poiſon. 15. The Senators of Capua being tied up for Execution, Q. Fulvius the Conſul receiving Letters from the Senate, containing a Pardon as to their Lives, pockets them up unread, and proceeds to put them to Death. 18, 19. A Common-Hall being Aſſembled to chuſe a Governour for Spain, and none being willing to accept that Charge, P. Scipio, the Son of him of the ſame name that was lately ſlain there, offers himſelf; and with a general conſent is diſpatcht thither; who being but a young man not twenty four years old, in one day took the City call'd New Carthage; and was ſuppoſed to be of ſome Divine Deſcent, both becauſe always after he came to Mans Eſtate, he conſtantly frequented the Capitol, as alſo, becauſe a ſtrange Snake was wont to be ſeen in his Mothers Bed-Chamber. 21. This Book likewiſe contains the Actions perform'd in Sicily, the League with the Aetolians, and the Wars againſt the Acarnanians, and Philip King of Macedonia.

U. C. 542 CN. Fulvius Centumalus and P. Sulpicius Galba the Conſuls, entring upon their Office on the fifteenth of March, ſummon'd a Senate and conſulted the Fathers touching the management of the War and the diſpoſal of the Provinces and the Armies: Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius, laſt years Conſuls, were continued in their Commands over the ſame forces, and beſides had Orders, Not to depart from Capua, which they were then beſieging, until the ſame was taken: For above all other Affairs, the Romans at that time were moſt intent upon that; not ſo much out of anger and revenge, (though they had never juſter cauſe given them by any City) as out of intereſt; For being a City ſo rich and illuſtrious, as by its Revolt it drew away with it ſeveral of the Allies, ſo by its being again reduced to Obedience, it was like to incline many of their minds to the ſame awful reſpect as they had formerly for the Roman Empire. The laſt years Praetors alſo had their Commands continued, M. Junius in Etruria, and P. Sempronius in Gallia, with two Legions apiece; and ſo Marcellus remained as Proconſul in Sicily, to diſpatch what remained of the War there, with the ſame Army he had; and if he wanted any Recruits, was to be re-inforced out of thoſe Troops which were under the Conduct of P. Cornelius the Propraetor in the ſame Iſland, provided that he ſhould chuſe none of thoſe Souldiers that eſcaped at Cannae, whom the Senate had refuſed to diſmiſs or ſuffer to return home before the end of the War. Unto C. Sulpicius, whoſe Lot it was to have the Government of Sicily, were aſſign'd thoſe two Legions which P. Cornelius had before, with a freſh Supply out of the Army of Cn. Fulvius, which the laſt year was ſo ſhamefully routed in Apulia; which Souldiers, by a Decree of the Senate, were not to be diſmiſſed the Service ſooner than thoſe of Cannae; and for a further diſgrace to them both, it was Order'd, That they ſhould lye all the Winter abroad in the Field, and their Camp not to be within ten miles of any City. L. Cornelius in Sardinia had thoſe two Legions that Q. Mucius had commanded, and if they wanted any Recruits, the Conſuls were to make new Levies; T. Otacilius and M. Valerius with the ſame Forces and Ships which they had already, were appointed to ſecure the Sea-Coaſts of Sicily and Greece. The Greeks had fifty Sail in their Fleet man'd with one Legion: The Sicilians an hundred Ships and two Legions to furniſh them; ſo that the Romans this year maintain'd three and twenty Legions to carry on the War by Sea and Land.

In the beginning of the year Letters from the before-mentioned L. Marcius being taken into Conſideration by the Senate, the Contents thereof were very acceptable, and all agreed he had perform'd excellent Service; but moſt of their Lordſhips were offended, in that he had aſſumed to himſelf a Title of Honour, and wrote in this Stile [L. Marcius the Propraetor to the Senate, Greeting] when neither the People nor Senate had beſtow'd that Character upon him. 'Twas alledged, It would be a very ill Precedent to have Generals of the Field choſen by Armies and the Solemnity of Elections, always hitherto celebrated in the Name of the Gods and with Religious Auſpices, now transferr'd into Camps and Provinces, far from Laws and Magiſtrates, and committed to the Capricio's of the raſh inconſid • rate Souldiery. But when ſome urged to bring that matter preſently to a Judicial Hearing, it was thought better to defer it, until thoſe Gentlemen whom Marcius had ſent, were gone back: As touching the Corn and Cloaths which he deſired, it was Order'd to return Anſwer, That the Senate would take care to ſupply him. But they would by no means direct their Letter to him with the Title of Praetor, leſt they might ſeem to approve and confirm his Pretenſions, which were left to be determined of afterwards: And indeed after his Meſſengers were departed, the firſt thing the Conſuls did, was to propound that Affair, and it was unanimouſly agreed, That the Tribunes of the Commons ſhould with all expedition aſſemble them, and put it to the Vote, Who they would pleaſe to ſend into Spain to command that Army, which lately was under the Conduct of Cn. Scipio? The Tribunes were made acquainted herewith, and a Bill preferr'd to the Commons. But all mens minds were taken up with another more important Controverſie then on Foot; for C. Sempronius Blaeſus had commenc'd a Criminal Proceſs againſt Cn. Fulvius for the loſs of the Army in Apulia, and ceaſed not in all the Aſſemblies of the People to inveigh againſt him, That by ignorance and raſhneſs many Generals had precipitated their Forces into danger, but never any but Cn. Fulvius had ſo induſtriouſly debauch'd his Legions with all kind of vices before he betray'd them; ſo that it might truly be ſaid, they were undone before ever they ſaw the Enemy, and were not ſo much overcome and ſpoiled by Annibal as by their own Commander. Such ſmall care do people take, now a-days, in their Elections, who or what kind of perſon it is that they chuſe for a General, and to whom they commit that moſt important Charge of an Army. What a vaſt difference there is between this mans Conduct and that of T. Sempronius? The latter having the Leading of an Army of Bond-ſlaves, by Diſcipline and good Government in a little time brought them to that paſs, that none of them when they came into the Field ſeem'd to be of that blood and condition, but behaved themſelves ſo, as to be a ſure defence to their Friends, and a dread to their Enemies: having recovered Cumes, Beneventum, and other Cities as it were out of the very jaws of Annibal, and reſtor'd them to the People of Rome. Whereas on the contrary, Cn. Fulvius having receiv'd an Army of Roman Citizens, well-born and liberally educated, has taught them vices that Slaves would be aſhamed of, and ſo train'd them up, that amongst their Allies they were inſolent and unruly; to their Enemies Hen-hearted and meer Cowards: for ſo far were they from ſuſtaining the Carthaginians Charge, that they could not endure their ſight, but ran away for fear of their ſhout at a diſtance; nor indeed was it any wonder, that the Souldiers ſhould ſtand to't, when their General himſelf was the firſt man that took his heels; 'tis rather to be admir'd that any of them kept their ground and died in the Field, that they were not all as timorous as he, and did not accompany their Leader in his ſhameful Flight. C. Flaminius, L. Paulus, L. Poſthumius, and both the Scipio's choſe rather to die in the Bed of Honour bravely fighting, than to deſert their Armies, though environ'd round with their Enemies: But Cn. Fulvius thought it better to reſerve himſelf to be in a manner the only Meſſenger that ſhould carry the Tidings of his Armies being overthrown. How ſhamefully partial will our proceedings be accounted, if when thoſe Souldiers that fled out of the Field at Cannae, ſhould be ſentenc'd to be tranſported into Sicily without hopes of return till the Enemy be beat out of Italy, and the ſame puniſhment inflicted by a late Decree on the Legions under Cn. Fulvius; and yet this Cn. Fulvius their General, who ſet them the Example of Cowardiſe, and ran formoſt out of that Battel which his own raſhneſs had engaged them in, ſhall himſelf ſcape ſcot-free and without any publick Brand of Infamy? If he ſhall be ſuffered here at liberty to ſpend his old Age, as he did his Youth in Taverns and Brothel-houſes, whilſt his poor Souldiers guilty of no other Crime but being too like their General, are ſent away as into Exile, and condemn'd to an ignominious and unlimited Warfare; ſo unequally managed are our Liberties at Rome between the Rich and the Poor, the Nobles and the Commons. The Defendant ſhifted off all the blame from himſelf, and laid it on his Souldiers; That they with impatience bawl'd for the Signal of Battel, and he would not let them go on ſo ſoon as they required it, becauſe then it was late, but the next day at a convenient place and on equal ground, he orderly drew them up in Battalia, but when they came to engage, for all their eagerneſs before, they were not able to ſtand the ſhock of the Enemy, whether it were only their Fame that daunted them, or their Force that overpower'd them; That when they all confuſedly fled, he himſelf was carried away in the throng of the Rout, as Varro at the Battel of Cannae, and many other Generals have been; And what good could he have done the Commonwealth, if he had ſtay'd behind all alone? Ʋnleſs his death could have prevented ſuch publick Loſſes for the future? That he loſt not his Army for want of providing them Victuals and Neceſſaries; That he did not raſhly lead them into any places of diſadvantage; nor was circumvented by the Enemy for want of diligence in ſending out his Scouts before him, but was fairly beaten in the open Field by dint of Sword; and have not the braveſt Commanders in the World had the like misfortunes? The Courage of his own men, or of the Enemy, was a thing not in his power either to give or take away, ſince every one is ſtout or faint-hearted from his own Nature and Conſtitution.

Two ſeveral dayes he was judicially accus'd, and referr'd to the people to ſet a Fine on his head, the third day the Witneſſes were Examined, where after he had been loaded with all kind of reproaches, Evidence was given by many upon Oath, That the conſternation and flight took its beginning from the Prator himſelf, and that the Souldiers finding he had deſerted them, and concluding that their General had certainly ſome good grounds of fear, they thereupon turn'd their backs and fled. Upon this Teſtimony the whole Court was ſo incenſed, That they cry'd out he ought to be proceeded againſt Capitally. But about this a new conteſt aroſe, for whereas the Tribune had twice refer'd it to the people for a pecuniary mulct, and now ſeem'd to wave that, and willing to make it a matter of Life or Death, the Defendant appeal'd to the other Tribunes, but they refus'd to interpoſe, ſaying, they would not hinder but he might proceed, according to the antient manner uſed by their Forefathers, either at common Law, or upon the Statute; and bring him, being but a private perſon, to a Trial, either for his Life, or for a Miſdemeanour; Then Sempronius charg'd him point blank with High Treaſon, and deſired C Calpurnius the City Praetor to aſſign a day for a Common-Hall, to determine the matter. Then the Defendant endeavour'd to try another expedient to bring him off, which was to get his Brother Q. Fabius (a perſon for his ſervices and merits high in the affections of the people, and eſpecially for the near hopes he was in of taking Capua) to be preſent at the Trial, and make an Intereſt in his behalf; but when the ſaid Q. Fulvius had requeſted ſo much, by Letters indited as affectionately as he could deviſe to move Commiſeration towards his Brother, and the Fathers had denied it, and voted, That it was not for the ſervice of the Commonwealth that he ſhould ſtir from Capua; thereupon before the day appointed for the Common-Hall, C. Fulvius the Criminal, withdrew into the Country of the Tarquinians, and the Commons by an Act decreed, That the ſame ſhould be accounted a juſt and legal Baniſhment.

All this while the whole Force of the War was bent againſt Capua, and yet it was rather ſtraitly Beleaguer'd than violently aſſaulted. The Servants and common people could no longer endure the Famine, nor yet were able to ſend any Meſſengers to Annibal, all Avenues were ſo ſtrictly guarded. At laſt there was a Numidian that offer'd to get clear to him with Letters, and perform'd his word, eſcaping in the night through all the Roman Camp; which encouraged the Beſieged ſo far as to attempt a ſally on all ſides of the City whilſt yet they had ſome competent ſtrength left them. And in divers irruptions of their Horſe they had generally the better on't, but in Foot-Skirmiſhes were always worſted, but the Romans were not ſo glad of their Victories, as vex'd in any ſort to be overcome by a beſieged and in a manner vanquiſht Enemy; ſo at length they found out a device to ſupply by policy what they wanted in ſtrength; a draught was made out of all the Legions of young men that were of the moſt vigorous, light, and nimble Bodies, whom they arm'd with ſhorter Targets than Horſemen commonly uſe, and ſeven Javelins apiece, each about four Foot long, with Iron Spikes at one end, ſuch as are in the Javelins of thoſe light-arm'd Souldiers appointed to begin Skirmiſhes. Each Horſeman mounted one of theſe behind him, and us'd them both to ſit the Horſe and ride behind them, and on a ſignal given, to jump down with wonderful agility. After by daily practice they could readily, and without any fear, perform theſe Exerciſes, the Horſe advanc'd into the Plain between their Camp and the Town-Wall, to encounter the Capuan Cavalry, who there ſtood in a Body, and as ſoon as they were come within a Darts caſt of each other, theſe Javelineers, at a ſign given, all diſmount in an inſtant, and ſo form a Body of Foot, and charge the Enemies with their new-faſhion'd Weapons, wounding many both men and Horſes; yet the ſurprize and fright of ſuch an unexpected and novel Encounter, was worſe than the real damage, till the Roman Horſe finding the Enemy daunted and amaz'd, broke in amongſt them, put them to flight, and had the killing of them up to the Gates of the City. Hence forwards the Romans were too hard for them in Horſe-Service, and it was Order'd, That there ſhould be ſome of theſe light-arm'd Javelineers in every Legion. The firſt Inventer of this intermingling Foot amongſt the Horſe, is reported to have been Q. Navius a Centurion, and that he was highly honour'd by the General for the ſame.

Whilſt affairs at Capua were in this poſture, Annibal's thoughts were diſtracted, whether he ſhould preſently advance thither to preſerve that City, or ſtay to recover the Caſtle of Tarentum? but the regard of Capua prevail'd, as being a place on which he ſaw the Eyes of all his Allies were fixt, and like to give a Specimen what would be the Iſſue of all other Revolters from the Romans; Therefore leaving a great part of his Baggage and all his heavy-harneſs'd Souldiers amongſt the Bruttians, he haſtens into Campania, with a ſelect Body of Horſe and Foot; ſuch as were moſt fit for Expedition; yet as faſt as he march'd, there followed him thirty three Elephants; He ſat down in a Valley behind the Mountain Tifata, which overlooks Capua, and having at his firſt coming taken the Caſtle Galatia, and drove the Garriſon out of it by force, he turn'd his Forces againſt thoſe that were beſieging Capua; having firſt ſent private advice to that City, at what hour he would attacque the Roman Camp, that they being ready might at the ſame inſtant ſally out at all their Gates. The Romans having no notice by their Scouts of his advance, were ſo much the more terrified: for he ſet upon them in one place, and the Capuans at another, with all their Horſe and Foot, together with the Punick Garriſon commanded by Boſtar and Hanno: The Romans leſt in ſo doubtful Caſe running all to any one part, they ſhould leave another undefended, did thus divide their • orces, App. Claudius was to grapple with the Capuans; Fulvius to encounter Annibal; Cl • udius Nero the Pro-Praetor, with the Horſe of the ſixth Legion to ſecure the road which leads to Sueſſula; and C. Fulvius Flaccus the Lieutenant General, with the aſſociate Cavalry, was poſted along the Bank of the River Vulturnus; The Battel began not after the uſual manner, only with Shouts and Out cries, but beſides all other clamours of Souldiers, neighings of their Horſes, and ratlings of Armour, there was a multitude of Capuans unfit for military ſervice, placed upon the Walls, who with the tinkling of Baſons, and beating upon Brazen Veſſels (as the manner is in the dead time of night when the Moon is in Eclipſe) made ſuch an hideous noiſe as amus'd and diverted their minds who were engag'd. Appius eaſily repuls'd the Capuans from the Rampier; but Fulvius had a harder task, Annibal and the Carthaginians charging ſo fiercely upon him, that the ſixth Legion gave ground, who being beat back, a Regiment of Spaniards with three Elephants advanc'd as far as the Entrenchments, and had broke through the Main Battel of the Romans, but that they were afraid of being hemm'd in, and excluded f • om the reſt of their Companies. Fulvius perceiving this conſternation of that Legion, and the danger his Camp was in, encourag'd Q. Navius and other prime Centurions, to attacque and cut to pieces that Regiment of the Enemy who were now fighting under the Rampier, telling them, That now all was at ſtake, and they muſt either give way to the Enemies, who would then more eaſily enter the Camp than they had already pierc'd through the thick Squadrons of the main body, or elſe they muſt diſpatch them, before they got further; which would be no difficult ſervice, conſidering they were but an handful of men, ſeparated and ſhut out from any ſuccours from their Fellows, and the ſame Roman Battalions, which now whilſt they are affrighted, ſeem open and interrupted, if they would but make head, and turn on both ſides upon the Enemy, were able to environ and cut them off in the midſt; Navius upon theſe words of the General ſnatcht the Standard of the ſecond Band of the Haſtati out of the hands of the Enſign-Bearer, diſplay'd it in the face of the Enemy, threatning to fling it into the midſt of them unleſs his Souldiers made better haſt to follow him, and take their ſhare in the Conflict; He was a man of an huge bulk and promiſing preſence, ſet off the more with his gallant Armour, and withal his advancing the Enſign aloft, attracted the Eyes both of his own Party and of the Enemy, but after he was come up as far as the Spaniards Standard, their barbed Javelins were lanced at him on every ſide, and the whole ſhock of the Battel ſeem'd turn'd upon one ſingle man, yet neither their multitude, nor all that ſtorm of Darts, was able to reſiſt his fury.

At the ſame time M. Atilius, a Lieutenant General, cauſed the Standard of the firſt Band of the Principes to charge this Spaniſh Regiment. And L. Porcius Licinus and T. Popilius, who had the Guard of the Camp, fought deſperately from the Works, and killed the Elephants on the very Rampier, juſt as they were getting over; whoſe bodies falling back into the Trench, ſerved as a Bridge for the Enemy to get over upon; ſo as there upon the Carcaſſes of the Elephants happen'd a very great ſlaughter of men. On the other ſide of the Camp the Capuans and Punick Garriſon were long ſince beat back, and in the purſuit the Conflict was hot at the very Gate of Capua which opens to the River Vulturnus; nor was it ſo much the Valour of the Defendants that hindred the Romans from breaking into the City, as the Baliſts and Scorpions and other Engines placed there, which gaul'd them at a diſtance; but eſpecially that brave Attacque of the Romans was daſht by the hurt of their General Appius Claudius, who as he was encouraging his men at the head of them, happen'd to be wounded with a Dart above his breaſt in the left ſhoulder. However a great number of the Enemy were ſlain before the Gate, and the reſt in confuſion beat into the City. And Annibal perceiving the ſlaughter that was made of the Spaniſh Regiment, and how valiantly the Camp was defended, deſpairing of ſucceſs, gave over the Aſſault, ſounded a Retreat to his Foot, and to ſecure them, placed his Horſe in the Rear, leſt the Enemy ſhould fall upon them as they march'd off; which the Roman Legions were wondrous eager to have done, but Flaccus thought it better to forbear, judging they had done well enough already in effecting two ſuch ſignal Services in one day, viz. to let both the Capuans, and Annibal himſelf ſee how little he was able to contribute to their Relief. Thoſe that write the ſtory of this Battel relate, that there were kill'd eight thouſand of Annibals Army, and three thouſand Capuans, fifteen Colours taken from the former, and eighteen from the latter. But in others I do not find the Fight ſo conſiderable, but that the Fright was far greater than the Conflict; for they ſay, That the Numidians and Spaniards unexpectedly broke into the Roman Camp, and that their Elephants paſſing through the midſt thereof, overthrew abundance of their Tents with an horrid noiſe, which made the Sumpter-Horſes break their bridles and run ſtraggling to and fro, bearing down all before them; and that beſides this Confu • ion, Annibal added a Stratagem, by ſending in certain perſons that could ſpeak the Latine Tongue very well (for ſome ſuch he had with him) who in the Conſuls Names commanded the Souldiers, That ſince the Camp was loſt, every one ſhould ſhift for himſelf to the adjacent Mountains. But this fraud was ſoon diſcovered, and revenged by a great ſlaughter of his men; and that the Elephants were driven out of the Camp with fire. 'Tis certain, this (however it began or ended) was the laſt that was fought before the Surrender of Capua, whoſe chief Magiſtrate (whom they call, Medixtutichus) for that year, was one Seppius Leſius, a perſon of mean obſcure Birth; 'Tis reported that his Mother upon a time being to expiate ſome domeſtical ill Omen that happen'd in her Houſe, on his behalf being (then an Orphan) the Southſayer told her, That Boy ſhould one day arrive to the chief place of dignity in Capua; who not believing any ſuch matter, replyed, Truly, Sir, Capua muſt be in a ſad condition when my Child comes to be the moſt honourable perſon there; which words ſpoken in jeſt, prov'd true in ſad earneſt. For the City being ſtraitned with Sword and Famine, and its caſe deſperate, all perſons of Q • ality declining Offices, Leſius by complaining, That Capua was abandon'd and betray'd by the great men, prevail'd with the people to Elect him, and was the laſt of the Capuans that there bore Rule.

Annibal finding that he could neither tempt the Romans to venture a pitcht Field, nor was able to break through their Leaguer to relieve the Town, was forc'd, without effecting his deſign, to diſlodge from thence, leſt the new Conſuls ſhould blockade him up and intercept his proviſions. As he was ſtudying what courſe to take next, a freak took him in the head, to march to rights to Rome, and ſtrike at the very Root of the War, which as he had always deſired, ſo both others commonly grumbled, and himſelf could not deny, That he had ſlipt a fair opportunity for that purpoſe after the Victory at Cannae; nor did he deſpair, but that by ſurprize and the unexpected terrour of an aſſault, he might make himſelf Maſter at leaſt of ſome part of the City; Beſides if Rome were once in danger, he believ'd one or both the Roman Generals would quit Capua, and haſten to its reſcue, whoſe Forces being divided, and conſequently weakned, might give either him or the Capuans an opportunity of ſome good Fortune againſt them. The only thing that troubled him, was the fear, leſt upon notice of his retreat, the Capuans in deſpair ſhould yield to a ſurrender; To prevent which he hires a Numidian (a bold Fellow fit for any deſperate undertaking) for a large reward to fly unto the Roman Camp as a Deſerter, and thence to get into the City, with Letters, privately beſtow'd about him, the tenour of which was full of encouragement. That his marching from thence was for their good and ſafety, whereby he doubted not but to draw the Roman Forces from aſſaulting Capua, to defend their own City of Rome; and therefore they ſhould not deſpond, but hold out a few days longer, and he would warrant them the Siege ſhould be raiſed. Then he cauſed all the Veſſels taken in the River Vulturnus, to be brought up to the Fort, which he had before erected there for his ſecurity, and underſtanding there were enow of them to tranſport his whole Army in one night, he drew down his Legions thither in the dark, and before Morning had ferried them all over.

Before this was accompliſht, Fulvius Flaccus by ſome Renegado's got an inkling of the deſign, and ſent an Expreſs to Rome to advertize the Senate; which news variouſly affected mens minds according to their ſeveral fancies and diſpoſitions, and as ſo important an occurrence required, the Senate was immediately Aſſembled to conſult what was to be done? P. Cornelius ſirnamed Aſina, was of Opinion, That without regard of Capua, or any thing elſe, all the Generals and Forces throughout Italy ſhould be forthwith ſent for to ſecure the City; But Fabius Maximus thought it the moſt diſhonourable thing in the World to raiſe the Siege of Capua, and be terrified, and hurry to and fro at every beck and vain Menace of Annibal; He that when he was Victorious at Cannae, durſt not yet approach the City, is it likely he can have any hopes of taking Rome, when he was ſoundly beat but the other day from Capua? If he were marching that way, it was not to beſiege Rome, but only to raiſe the Siege of Capua, which otherwiſe he knew not how to relieve; That there was no doubt but Jove the witneſs to thoſe Leagues which Annibal had violated, and the other Gods, would with that Army which was at preſent in and about the City, ſufficiently defend them againſt his violence and outrages; Between theſe differing Opinions, P. Valerius Flaccus propoſed a middle Expedient, approved of by the Body of the Senate, for having a due regard to the importance of both Affairs, he advis'd, That an Expreſs ſhould be ſent to the Commanders that lay before Capua, to acquaint them, what Guards the City had already, and as for the ſtrength of Annibals Army, or how many Forces would be neceſſary to continue the Siege of Capua, they themſelves could beſt judge; and therefore if one of the Generals, and part of the Army could be ſpared, without any hazard of interrupting the Siege, then Claudius and Fulvius ſhould agree between themſelves, which ſhould continue there, and which ſhould come with all Expedition to Rome to keep their Native City from being inveſted by the Enemy. A Decree of the Senate to this purpoſe being brought to the Leaguer at Capua, Q. Fulvius the Pro-Conſul undertook the Expedition for Rome, (becauſe his Collegue was not yet able to march by reaſon of the wound he lately received;) out of the three Armies he made a Draught of fifteen thouſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, and with them paſs'd the River Vulturnus. And having intelligence, That Annibal would march along the road call'd, The Latine Street; he took the other way call'd Via Appia, and ſent Curriers before unto Setia, Sora, and Lavinium, which are ſituate near thereunto, not only to provide and lay up Neceſſaries for him in their Towns, but to cauſe the Country to bring in their proviſions to the ſaid road, and to aſſemble what Forces they could into their Towns for their defence, and all to be in Arms and ſtand upon their Guard.

Annibal that day he paſſed Vulturnus, encamped not far from the River. The next day arrived near Cales in the Sidicines Country, where he ſpent one day in forraging, and ſo led his Army along the Latine Way by Sueſſula, Allifanum, and the Territories of Caſinum, where he remain'd two days encamped, and made great ſpoil in the neighbouring Country. From thence, leaving Interramna and Aquinum, he came near Fregellae, as far as the River Liris; where he found the Bridge beat down by the Fregellanes, to interrupt his March. Fulvius was likewiſe ſtay'd at the River Vulturnus (for Annibal having burnt all the Barges and Lighters) he was forc'd to make Rafts and Punts to ſet over his men, and found not a little difficulty therein, by reaſon of the great ſcarcity of Wood in thoſe parts. But when he was once got over there, met with no obſtruction in the reſt of his March, but was plentifully furniſh'd with all ſorts of Proviſions not only in the Towns, but on the Road, and the Souldiers were very chearful, and to encourage one another would cry, Come let's mend our pace, remembring that we go to defend our Country. A Poſt from Fregellae that rode night and day, arriving at Rome with the News of Annibals advance to that Town, put the City into great conſternation; and the concourſe of people, adding vain fictions of their own to the News they heard, made a greater hurry than the Meſſenger, and ſet the whole City in an uproar. The Women fill'd not only their private houſes with their lamentations, but you ſhould ſee multitudes of Matrons running about ſtreets with their hair about their Ears, and ſweeping the Altars of the Gods with their lovely Locks, kneeling on the bare ground, and with hands lifted up to Heaven, beſeeching the Divine Powers, That they would vouchſafe to keep the City of Rome out of the hands of the Enemy, and preſerve the Roman Matrons and their Children and little ones from all violence and abuſe. The Body of the Senate were ready in the Common Hall to give their Advice whenever the Magiſtrates deſired it, ſome having receiv'd their neceſſary Orders, depart every one to his Charge: Others offer themſelves to be employ'd in any Service where-ever there was occaſion; Guards are ſet in the Caſtle, in the Capitol, and upon the Walls; all places about the City were well man'd, the Alban Mount and Caſtle of Tuſculum furniſh'd with ſtrong Garriſons. But during this Alarm News came, that Fulvius the Proconſul was upon his March with an Army from Capua; and becauſe he ſhould not (according to the common courſe) be abridg'd of his Authority when he came into the City, the Senate paſſed a ſpecial Vote, That he ſhould have equal Command with the Conſuls themſelves. Annibal having moſt ſeverely plunder'd and waſted the Fregellanes Country, in revenge for their breaking down the Bridges, march'd through the Fruſinat, Ferentinate and Anaguine Territories unto thoſe of the Labici, and ſo by Algidum, advanc'd towards Tuſculum; but being there denied Entrance within their Walls, he went a little below it on the right hand to Gabii, and ſo into Pupinia, and encamp'd within eight miles of Rome. The nearer the Enemy approach'd, the more dreadful havock they made, and the greater ſlaughter of the Peaſants that fled before them, abundance of all Conditions and Ages being taken by his Numidian Horſe who ſcour'd the Country before his Army.

In this diſtreſs and tumult Fulvius Flaccus entred Rome with his Army at the Gate Capena, and march'd through the midſt of the City along the ſtreet Carinae unto Port Eſquiline, and going forth thereat, encamp'd between that and the other Gate called Collina: The Aediles of the Commons conveying Proviſions, and the Conſuls and whole body of the Senate likewiſe repairing thither, where they ſat in Council about the State of the Commonwealth. And agreed it was, That the Conſuls ſhould alſo lye encamped not far from the ſame Gates; That C. Calpurnius Praetor of the City ſhould be Governour of the Caſtle and the Capitol, and the Senators be always ready in the Forum to be adviſed with upon any ſudden Accidents. In the mean time Annibal was come forwards as far as the River Anio, and kept a ſtanding Leaguer but three miles off the City, whence he himſelf in perſon with two thouſand Horſe advanc'd up towards the Gate Collina, as far as Hercules's Temple, and rode all about as near as he could to take a view of the Walls and Situation of the City. Flaccus could not without indignation behold him take this liberty to brave them at his pleaſure, and therefore ſent out a body of Horſe to beat off the Enemy, and ſend them back to their Camp. Whilſt they were skirmiſhing, the Conſuls gave Order, That a Squadron of Numidian Horſe to the number of twelve hundred, who ſome time before revolted from the Enemy, and at that time lay upon the Aventine Hill, ſhould haſten through the City and out at the Eſquiline to engage the Enemy, as knowing that none were ſo fit for that Service, ſeeing the ground where they fought was very uneven, full of Banks and Vallies, Garden-Houſes, Sepulchres and hollow Ways; but when the people at a diſtance ſaw them riding from the Caſtle and Capitol down the open brow of the Hill, an Out-cry was ſet up, That the Aventine was taken, which cauſed ſuch a general terrour and running, that if the Carthaginian Tents had not been without the other ſide of the City, the timorous multitude had undoubtedly fled clear away and abandon'd the Town; but inſtead thereof they now betook them to their Houſes, and thence with weapons and ſtones pelted their Friends as they march'd through the ſtreets inſtead of their Enemies; nor was there any means to ſuppreſs the Tumult, or make them ſenſible of their miſtake, the ſtreets were ſo crowded with Troops of Country-people and Cattel, which the ſudden fright, occaſion'd by Annibals approach, had driven into the City. In the Skirmiſh between the Horſe, the Romans had the better on't, and repulſed the Enemy. And becauſe there was continual need to appeaſe Diſorders and Tumults that were apt to ariſe upon ſmall occaſions in ſeveral places at once, it was decreed, That all that had been Dictators, Conſuls, or Cenſors, ſhould have as much power as if they were ſtill in thoſe Offices, till ſuch time as the Enemy was gone from before the Walls. By which means divers vain and raſh Tumults occaſion'd by falſe Alarms in the remaining part of that day and the night following, were happily pacified.

Next morning, Annibal paſſing the River Anio, drew up all his Forces in Battalia, nor did Flaccus and the Conſuls decline the Field, but when both Armies were ready for an Engagement (on the iſſue whereof depended no leſs than the whole Fortunes of Rome) there happen'd a mighty ſhowre of Rain intermingled with Hail, which ſo incommoded both Hoſts, that they could ſcarce hold their Weapons, but were forc'd to retreat into their reſpective Camps, though on each ſide fearing nothing leſs than the Enemy: The morrow after likewiſe, when they ſtood in the ſame place in Battel-array, a like Tempeſt ſeparated them; and yet each time, they were no ſooner retired into their Camps, but the weather preſently prov'd fair and calm. Theſe odd accidents the Carthaginians look'd upon as an ominous Prefage to them of ill Luck, and Annibal is reported to have ſaid, That one while his mind, and another while his Fortune, would not give him leave to make himſelf Maſter of Rome. There were other occurrences beſides as well ſmall as great, which diſcouraged him. That of moſt importance was, That whilſt he lay with his Hoſt before the Walls of Rome, he underſtood, there were ſeveral Regiments with Banners display'd ſent away to reinforce the Armies in Spain. Of leſs reckoning and yet conſiderable was this, that he was advertiz'd by certain Priſoners, That the very ſame plot of ground whereon his Army lay encamp'd, happening in that juncture to be ſold, was bought at the full rate, and nothing abated. This he counted ſuch a preſumptuous and ſcornful affront, that Rome ſhould afford a Chapman for that piece of Land which he was poſſeſſed of; That to retaliate the Bravado, he cauſed a publick Cryer by ſound of Trumpet to offer to Sale all the Goldſmiths Shops about the Market-place in Rome, [but met with none that would purchaſe them.] Not a little affected with theſe diſcouragements, he diſlodg'd and retreated to the River Tutia, ſix miles from the City, and from thence to the Grove of Feronia, where ſtood a Temple in thoſe days famous for its Riches; for the Capenates inhabiting thereabouts, paying their Firſt-fruits and other Gifts there in great abundance, had adorn'd it with great ſtore of Gold and Silver. All which they rifled and took away, only great heaps of Braſs there were found there after Annibal was gone, becauſe his Souldiers ſmote with a kind of remorſe of Conſcience, thinking, it ſeems, Exchange no Robbery, had for the Gold and Silver left their Braſs-money in the ſtead of it. The ſacking of this Temple all Writers agree in. But Caelius ſaith, That Annibal as he went towards Rome from Eretum turned thither, and ſets down his Geſts, or Marches thus, firſt from Reate, Cutiliae, and Amiternum, and that out of Campania he came into Samnium, then amongſt the Pelignians, by the Town Sulmo, to the Marrucines, thence by Alba to the Marſians, ſo to the Village Foruli: nor is there any doubt but he paſſed that way, for the footſteps of ſo great an Army could not in ſo ſmall a time be worn out. The only Controverſie is, Whether he came that way to the City, or returned back by thoſe places into Campania?

Nor was Annibal ſo reſolutely bent to raiſe the Siege of Capua, as the Romans to continue and re-inforce it; for he in his return haſtened another way, firſt out of the Lucans Country to the Bruttians, and thence to the Streights towards Sicily, ſo that he was got to Rhegium before they were aware, and had almoſt taken them napping. Though Capua during Flaccus's abſence was not dully attacqu'd, yet it was more ſenſible of his return, and much they wondred why Annibal came not back thither as well as he? But afterwards by ſome Intelligence from abroad they perceiv'd, that they were abandon'd and forſaken, and that the Carthaginians deſpair'd of retaining that City. Beſides, the Proconſul by Order of the Senate, ſet forth a Proclamation which was ſpread in the Town, That all Citizens of Capua who ſhould ſurrender themſelves to him by a certain day, ſhould be receiv'd and have Quarter. But none laid hold of that Overture, being kept in rather by Fear than Loyalty, as apprehending that by their Revolt they had offended beyond all hopes of Pardon. But as none by private diſcretion came over to the Enemy, ſo neither was there by publick Council, any good courſe taken for their preſervation; the Nobility had quitted all Care of the Commonwealth, nor could they be got to appear in the Senate. He that held the chief place in their Government was one who thereby gain'd himſelf no Honour, but by the baſeneſs of his Quality, loſt that Dignity and Reverence which was due to his Office. Not one of the chief Citizens would appear in the Common Hall or any publick Meeting, but hugging themſelves up in their private Houſes, expected daily their own ruine with that of the State. The whole weight and care of Affairs lay upon Boſtar and Hanno, Commanders of the Punick Garriſon, who were ſolicitous not ſo much for the Cities preſervation, as their own ſafety. They wrote Letters to Annibal with expreſſions not only free, but ſharp and upbraiding, taxing him, That he had not only relinquiſh'd Capua to the Enemy, but betray'd them and the Garriſon to the Roman Cruelty to be butcher'd with all kind of Tortures; That he was ſlunk away amongst the Bruttians, as one that turn'd his face on purpoſe that he might not with his own eyes behold Capua taken; whereas on the contrary, the Romans could not be withdrawn from thence, even when their Metropolis Rome it ſelf was in danger, ſo much more conſtant were they in their Enmity, than the Carthaginians in their Friendſhip. That if he would draw his Forces, and turn the War that way, both they and the Capuans were ready to make a reſolute ſally; That ſure he did not ſurmount the Alps meerly to quarrel with the little people of Rhegium and Tarentum; but where the Roman Legions were, there too ought the Carthaginian Armies to be; Thus were his former glories atchiev'd, thus at Cannae, thus at Thraſymenus were Victories won, by confronting the Enemy by joining Camp to Camp, and hazarding the Fortune of a Battel. Letters to this effect were given to certain Numidians, who for a good reward had offered their ſervice and promiſed ſafely to deliver them; and in order thereunto under colour of being Deſerters they came to Flaccus and were entertain'd in his Camp, waiting an opportunity to get thence upon their Errand, nor were they ſuſpected, ſince the grievous Famine in the City gave ſuch probable grounds for them to quit it, but it happen'd that one of theſe Renegado's Wenches came on a ſudden from Capua into the Roman Camp, and gave the General notice, That theſe Numidians were ſent out on purpoſe to carry Letters to Annibal, as ſhe was ready to juſtify againſt one of them, who had acquainted her with the intriegue; being brought Face to Face, the Fellow at firſt ſtoutly denied that he knew her; but by little and little he was convicted by the power of truth; when he ſaw himſelf like to be tortur'd, and that the Rack was making ready, he made an ingenuous Confeſſion, produc'd the Letters, and made ſome further diſcoveries of other Numidians that were lurking in the Camp under pretence of being Revolters; of whom above ſeventy were apprehended, and together with theſe new Run-aways, were firſt ſcourged, and then had their hands cut off, and ſo were driven back into Capua.

The ſight of this terrible Execution quite daunted the Capuans; The people ran in heaps to the Town-Hall, and forc'd Leſius to aſſemble the Senate, threatning the great men who for a long time had abſented themſelves from publick Conſultations, That unleſs they now made their appearance, they would go to their reſpective Houſes, and pull them out by the Ears, ſo that for fear the Senate was very full; where whilſt ſeveral of them propos'd the ſending of Embaſſadours to the Roman Generals, Vibius Virius (who had been the principal Author of their revolt at firſt from the Romans) being demanded his advice, ſpake as follows. Certainly thoſe that talk of Embaſſadours, and making of Peace, and ſurrendring our ſelves, do neither conſider what they themſelves would do, if they had the Romans at their mercy, nor what they muſt ſuffer ſince it falls out otherwiſe; Do you imagine that our ſurrender now will be as acceptable as that of old, when to get aſſiſtance againſt the Samnites, we yielded up our ſelves and all we had in the World? Have you already forgot in what a Juncture of time it was that we revolted from the Romans? and what condition both they and we were then in? How we did not barely turn to the Enemy, but alſo cruelly and ignominiouſly butcher'd their Garriſon which we had amongſt us, and whom we might as well have turn'd out as kill'd? How often have we with all the ſpight and fury imaginable ſallied out againſt them? How often attacqu'd their Camp? How frequently and earneſtly have we ſollicited Annibal to fall upon them? and (which ſure is too late for them to forget) did not we but the other day ſend him from hence to ſtorm Rome it ſelf? On the other ſide reflect a little what they have done againſt us, how fiercely and maliciouſly they have proſecuted us, and then you will eaſily perceive the vanity of your hopes, and what you have to truſt to; whilſt a Foreign Enemy was yet in Italy, when they had no leſs a Foe to deal with than Annibal himſelf, whilſt yet the War was ſo violent that all their Country ſeem'd in a blaze; they paſſed by all other Affairs, nay they let Annibal himſelf alone, and ſent both their Conſuls with two compleat Armies, to Aſſault Capua; This is now the ſecond year that they have blockt us up, and with Lines of Circumvallation endeavour'd to ſtarve us, during all which time, as well they as we, have endured the extremities of toil and dangers, oft-times cut them to pieces upon their Rampier and about their Trenches, and at laſt very near beaten them out of their Camp, and all their Fortifications. But to omit theſe ordinary matters, ſince 'tis uſual for Enemies when they beſiege a Town to take pains and run hazards, this I am ſure is extraordinary, and a manifeſt ſign of their deadly fewd and implacable hatred againſt us, That when Annibal with a formidable Army of Foot and Horſe attacqu'd their Camp, and had got poſſeſſion of ſome part of it, all that danger could not make them one jot withdraw from the Siege. He paſſes Vulturnus, and lays deſolate all the Territories of Cales with Fire and Sword, yet for all that Calamity and damage of their Allies they would not ſtir a Foot; He marches forwards with Banners display'd towards Rome it ſelf, but they make as little reckoning of that threatned tempeſt, as of all the reſt. Going over the River Anio, he ſits down but three miles from the City, nay advances up to the very Walls, and braves them at their Gates, threatning that he would make Rome too hot for them, if they would not abandon Capua, and yet they would not give over, but Beleaguer'd us ſtill; wild Beaſts and the Savages of the Deſert, be they never ſo much enraged and violent, yet if you go to their Dens, and offer to take away their Whelps, they will turn back from their prey to ſuccour their young ones; But theſe Romans are yet more fierce and eager, for though their City Rome was beſieged, neither their Wives nor Children (whoſe Cries and Lamentations were heard almoſt even hither) nor their Altars or private hearths, the publick Temples of their Gods, nor the Monuments of their Anceſtors, though all in danger to be violated, nor any other conſideration whatſoever could once divert them from the ruin of Capua; ſo greedy they are of Revenge, ſo thirſty of our Blood, ſo fond of glutting their Eyes with our deſtruction. Nor, perhaps, can we blame them, for undoubtedly we ſhould have treated them at the very ſame rate, had Fortune given us an opportunity; Therefore ſince the pleaſure of the Immortal Gods is otherwiſe, and that I ought not to refuſe to die, yet whilſt I am at liberty and Maſter of my ſelf, it is in my power to avoid thoſe tortures and reproaches which the Enemy hopes to inflict, by chuſing a death that ſhall be both honourable and gentle; never will I endure to ſee Ap. Claudius, and Q. Fulvius inſolently vapouring and pluming themſelves with our Conqueſt; never will I be haled along the ſtreets of Rome in Chains for a ſhow to ſet off the Pageantry of their Triumph, and then in a diſmal Dungeon, or tyed to a Stake, be firſt ſcourged as a Slave, and afterwards ſubmit my Neck to a Roman Hatchet? Th • ſe Eyes of mine ſhall not be Spectators of the ruins of my Country, nor look on, whilſt this Noble City is laid in Aſhes, our chaſt Matrons and modeſt Virgins, and ingenuous Youths, deflour'd and raviſht, and by force abuſed with unnatural Luſts. Theſe cruel Romans who heretofore raſed utterly to the very foundations, the City Alba, from whence themſelves were deſcended, that there might be no memorial left of their Original, ſhall we believe they will now ſpare Capua, which they hate no leſs mortally than they do Carthage it ſelf? Therefore as many of you as reſolve to quit the World before you ſee theſe ſo many and intolerable Calamities, go home with me, where I have a plentiful Supper provided for you all, and when with good Chear and ſtore of Wine you have ſolac'd your ſelves, I'll begin a Cup of deliverance to you, which going round, ſhall ſoon free our Bodies from tortures, our minds from anguiſh and the diſgraces of inſulting Infamy, and reſcue our Eyes from beholding, our Ears from hearing, thoſe Cruelties which muſt certainly attend the Conquered. And to put a full period to our unhappineſs, and prevent future indignities, ſome Servants ſhall be ready to ſet fire to a Funeral Pile in the open Yard, and caſt our Bodies thereinto; This is the only honeſt way left us now to death, and becoming Gentlemen; wherein both our Enemies ſhall with amazement applaud our Courage, and Annibal repent himſelf for having deſerted and betray'd ſuch ſtout and magnanimous Allies.

There were more preſent that could give this Oration of Virius's the hearing, and ſeem'd to applaud it, than could find in their hearts to put that in Execution which they ſo recommended. The greater part of the Senate, having in ſeveral Wars experienc'd the Roman Clemency, could not deſpair, but that they might be prevail'd with to extend mercy to them alſo, notwithſtanding all paſt provocations, and therefore Decreed, and ſent Embaſſadours with Commiſſion to yield up Capua into their hands. In the mean time about twenty ſeven Senators went home with Virius, and ſupp'd with him, and after they had done what they could by free-taking off their Cups to drown their ſorrows, and make themſelves inſenſible of the imminent miſeries, did all carouze to one anoth • r out of a poiſon'd Bowl; and then riſing from Table, ſhook hands, and took their laſt farewel with Embraces, bewailing their own misfortune and the miſerable ſtate of their own Country, ſome continued there to be burnt in the ſame Pile, others departed home to their reſpective Houſes. But by reaſon their Veins were ſo fill'd with good Chear and Wine, the operation of the Venome was very ſlow, ſo that moſt of them liv'd all that night, and part of next day before they expi • 'd, but all were dead before the Gates were ſet open to the Enemy; of whom next day one Legion of Foot and two Squadrons of Horſe under the Command of C. Fulvius the Lieutenant General entred at Jupiter's Gate. He firſt took care to have all the Arms and Ammunition that was in Capua brought in to him, and then planting Guards at all the Gates and Avenues, that none might eſcape out of the City, ſecured the Punick Garriſon, and Commanded all the Senators to be ſent into the Roman Camp, where they were loaded with Irons, and Order'd to deliver what Gold and Silver they had, into the Treaſure • s hands; the Gold amounted to ſeventy pounds weight, and three thouſand two hundred pounds weight of ſilver; of the Senators twenty five were ſent to Cales to be kept in ſafe Cuſtody, and twenty eight to Theanum, being all ſuch as were known to have had a principal hand in cauſing the Revolt from the Romans.

Touching the puniſhment of theſe Senators, Fulvius and Claudius could not agree, the latter being more inclined to ſavour them, the former rigorouſly bent to chaſtize them with the utmoſt ſeverity. Appius therefore referr'd the whole matter to the judgment of the Senate, alledging, that it would be fit their Lordſhips ſhould take their Examinations, whereby they would have an opportunity to inquire, whether they had held correſpondence with any of the Free-Towns of the Latine ſtate that were in alliance with the Romans? Or had from them received any aſſiſtance during the War? But Fulvius affirm'd, That was not to be ſuffer'd, That the minds of faithful Sociates ſhould be diſquieted with jealouſies and vain ſuſpitions of Crimes; or to be call'd in Queſtion upon the Information of a parcel of people, that made no Conſcience of any thing they either did or ſaid; and therefore he would for ever cruſh and ſuppreſs all ſuch kind of Inquiſitions. Upon this Diſcourſe they parted, and Appius, though he heard his Collegue talk high, did not doubt but he would wait till the Letters arriv'd from Rome to ſignify the Senates pleaſure in an affair of that moment; But Fulvius, fearing the ſame might hinder his purpoſe, as ſoon as the Council of War was diſmiſs'd, Commanded the Colonels and Captains of the Allies to get ready two thouſand ſelected Horſe to march at a third ſound of the T • umpet; with this Body of Cavalry he ſet forwards in the night towards Theanum, and by break of day came into that Town, riding forwards directly to the Market-place, the people running together from all parts, amaz'd at the ſight of ſuch a power of Horſe, then he order'd the Chief Magiſtrate, a Sedicine, to be call'd, and Commanded to bring forth thoſe Capuans he had in Cuſtody; who being all produc'd were firſt ſcourg'd with Rods, and then Beheaded. From thence with the ſame Party, he rode upon the Spur to Cales, where having ſeated himſelf on the Tribunal, as the Capuans there Priſoners, were brought before him, and ſtood bound to the Stakes; a Currier arriv'd from Rome, and delivered to him Letters from C. Calpurnius the Praetor, together with a Decree of the Senate, and preſently there ran a rumour through the whole Aſſembly, That the hearing and ſentence of the Capuans was reſerved intirely to the Fathers. But Fulvius, ſuſpecting no leſs, having receiv'd the Letters, clapt them up in his boſom without breaking them open, and bid the Cryer command the Lictor to proceed to Execution according to Law, and ſo the Priſoners were all put to Death. Then were the Letters and Decree of the Senate read, but too late to hinder what was already done. As Fulvius was riſing from the Bench, Taurea Jubellius a Capuan, walking along the City crouded through the multitude, and call'd upon him by Name, and when Fulvius wondring what he would have, was ſat down again. Command me too, quoth he, to be murther'd that thou maiſt boaſt another day of having kill'd a far better man and much more valiant than thy ſelf. Flaccus told him, That he was mad, and that if he had a mind to put him to Death, he had now no power, being reſtrain'd by the Senates Order; To which Jubellius replied, Since after my Country is over-run, my Relations and Friends deſtroyed, and that with my own hands I have diſpatcht my Wife and Children, becauſe they ſhould ſuffer no Villainous Indignities, I my ſelf cannot obtain ſo much as to die the ſame Death which my Country-men have here ſuffer'd before my face; Let me by my own Courage revenge my ſelf of this Life which is ſo odious to me; At which words, drawing forth a Sword which he had hid under his Veſt, he ran himſelf through the Breaſt, and fell down gaſping at the Generals Feet.

But foraſmuch as the Capuans Execution, and moſt other affairs there, were tranſacted by Flaccus alone, and without the conſent of his Collegue, ſome Authors write, that App. Claudius died about the time of that Cities ſurrender; as alſo that this Taurea neither came of his own accord to Cales, nor fell by his own hand, but that being with the reſt bound to a Stake, and the noiſe of the people hindring the hearing of what he ſaid, ſilence was commanded, and that then he ſpake the before-mention'd words, viz. That he was baſely put to death by a fellow nothing comparable to himſelf for Courage and Vertue; whereupon by the Pro-Conſuls Order, the Cryer ſaid to the Executioner; Go, Lictor, and ſee you let this valiant man have the preeminence; begin with him firſt, and let him have a greater ſhare of your pains than his fellows. Likewiſe there are ſome Authors that ſay, the Senates Ordinance was read before they were Beheaded, but becauſe the ſame run, That if he thought good he ſhould refer the whole matter to the Senate; he interpreted it, That he was notwithſtanding at liberty to act as he thought moſt for the Intereſt of the Commonwealth. From Cales he return'd to Capua, having by the way taken the Towns, Atella and Calatia, upon ſubmiſſion, where the principal perſons ſuffer'd the like puniſhment. Thus there were about fourſcore Senators of Capua put to death, and near three hundred Noblemen of Campania, ſhut up cloſe Priſoners; others committed to the Cuſtody of ſeveral aſſociate Cities of the Latines, came to ſundry unhappy ends; and as for the main multitude of the vulgar Inhabitants, they were ſold for Slaves. Touching the City it ſelf and Territories, there was great Debate, ſome were for having a City ſo ſtrong, ſo near, ſo dangerous and mortal an Enemy to Rome, to be utterly raſed and deſtroyed; but the conſideration of preſent advantage prevailed; For in regard of the Country lying round it, which is well known to be the moſt fertile in all Italy; the City was preſerv'd, to furniſh the Husbandmen both with convenient Dwellings and a Market; Therefore to inhabit it, a multitude of the meaner Inhabitants as enfranchiz'd Bondmen, ordinary Shop Keepers and Mechanicks, were ſuffer'd to continue there; but all the Land belonging to the City, and the publick Buildings, the Romans reſerv'd in their own hands as forfeited; Beſides, though Capua was inhabited like a City, yet it was Ordered, That there ſhould be no Corporation, no Senate, no Common-Hall nor Magiſtrates; without which the Rabble could never be able to combine together to recover their Liberties; and for giving them Laws and adminiſtring Juſtice amongſt them, a Provoſt was every year to be ſent from Rome. Thus were the affairs of Capua ſetled, by a courſe every way commendable; for as the guilty were ſeverely and ſpeedily puniſht, and the vaſt number of Citizens diſpers'd ſeveral ways, without any hopes of return, ſo the City it ſelf was ſpared, the innocent Houſes not deſtroy'd with fire, nor pull'd down with violence, whereby the Romans, beſides their own profit, gain'd the reputation of Clemency amongſt their Allies, in preſerving ſuch a moſt rich and antient City, whoſe ruins not only all Campania, but the neighbouring Nations round about, would very ſenſibly have bemoan'd and lamented; In the mean time, the ſame was a ſufficient Monument to all the World; both how able the Romans were to chaſtize their faithleſs Allies, and how vain Annibal's Protection was like to prove to any that he ſhould undertake to ſecure.

The Senate of Rome having diſpatcht what was neceſſary touching Capua, aſſign'd unto Claudius Nero ſix thouſand Foot out of thoſe Legions which he had at Capua, and three hundred Horſe which himſelf had levied; as alſo a like number of Foot, and eight hundred Horſe out of the aſſociate Latine Forces, which Army he Embarqu'd at Puteoli, and tranſported into Spain; landed them at Tarracon, and having laid up his Ships in the Dock, to augment his Forces, put all the Mariners in Arms, and ſo marching to the River Iberus, received the Army there, from the hands of T. Fonteius, and L. Marcius; and from thence advanc'd towards the Enemy. Aſdrubal the Son of Amilcar lay Encamp'd at a place call'd The Black Stones in Auſetania, between the Towns Illiturgis and Mentiſſa; and Nero had poſſeſs'd himſelf of the mouth of the paſſage into that Forreſt; whereupon Aſdrubal that he might not be ſo cloſely pent up, and at laſt reduc'd to ſome great extremity, ſent an Herald, offering, That if he might be permitted freely to march from thence, he would withdraw all his Forces out of Spain; The Roman General was overjoy'd at this overture, and Aſdrubal deſired there might be a Conference held the next day, where the Romans might ſet down Conditions and Articles in writing, touching the Surrender of the Fortreſſes in every City, and appointing the reſpective days when the Garriſons ſhould be drawn out, and that the Carthaginians might carry away all their Bag and Baggage without any fraud or interruption. Which being conſented to, as ſoon as 'twas dark, and all the night long afterwards, Aſdrubal cauſed the heavieſt part of his Army to be getting forth of the Straits by the beſt ways they could find; but gave ſpecial directions that no great number ſhould go that night, becauſe a few would better paſs undiſcover'd, and more eaſily get through thoſe Thickets and narrow By-paths. Next Morning the Parley was begun, but by long Conferences and drawing up Articles in writing, and making exceptions, and other deſigned delays, the whole day was ſpent, and adjourn'd till the morrow. That night gave the Carthaginians opportunity to ſend off more of their Forces; nor was the matter brought to a concluſion the day following, but ſeveral days waſted in adjuſting the Articles, and the nights in privately emptying the Enemies Camp; who having got away the greateſt part of their men, began now to wrangle, and would not ſtand to things which before they themſelves had voluntarily offer'd, ſo that they were ſtill further and further from agreement, for their fears being over, ſo was their Faith. By this time, almoſt all his Foot were got out of the pound, when at break of day happen'd a mighty thick Fog, that cover'd the whole Forreſt and Plains adjacent; which Aſdrubal perceiving, ſent a Meſſage to Nero, deſiring to put off the Conference till the morrow, becauſe that was an Holy-Day amongſt the Carthaginians, on which they made a ſcruple of Conſcience to do any ſerious buſineſs. The Cheat was not yet ſuſpected, the meeting is deferr'd by conſent, and immediately Aſdrubal with his Horſe and Elephants quitted their Camp, and without any noiſe or oppoſition eſcaped, and recovered a place of better ſecurity. About ten a Clock it clear'd up, and the Sun breaking out, both chac'd away the miſt, and diſcovered to the Romans that the Enemy had plaid them a Carthaginian Trick, for they ſaw their Camp empty and forſaken, whereupon Claudius vext to be thus bubbled, haſten'd after, and offer'd them Battel, but they were too wiſe to Engage, only ſome Skirmiſhes happen'd between their Rear, and the Romans Forlorn-Hope and Van-Courriers.

Amidſt theſe affairs, neither thoſe States of Spain, who fell off from the Romans upon their late Overthrows, made any application to be reconcil'd, nor were there any new ones that revolted; after the recovery of Capua the Senate and people of Rome were no leſs careful of Spain than of Italy it ſelf, and reſolv'd both to re-inforce the Army there, and to ſend over a Governour to command that Province in Chief; but who ſhould be the Man was the difficulty, for it ſeem'd to require an extraordinary caution into whoſe hands they intruſted a place where two moſt excellent Generals had been both cut off within thirty days ſpace; Or to find out one fit to ſucceed in the room of two ſuch grand Maſters in the Art of War. Whilſt one nominated one, and another, another, the matter at laſt was referred to the people, that they ſhould meet in Common-Hall for creating a Pro-Conſul to be ſent into Spain. The day being appointed it was at firſt expected, That ſeveral would have put in for ſo great a Command, but finding their expectations therein fruſtrated, it renew'd the lamentation for the loſs received, and they began more ſenſibly than ever to find the want of two ſuch gallant Commanders. However the ſad Citizens almoſt at their Wits end, and not knowing whom to propoſe, aſſembled at the time prefixt in Mars's Field; where every mans Eye was upon the Magiſtrates and great men, to ſee how they look'd one upon another, and much grumbling and repining there was, That the State ſhould be lookt upon as at ſo low an ebb, and in ſuch a forlorn deſperate Caſe, that no man durſt accept the Government of Spain. When on a ſudden P. Cornelius (the Son of the General of that name that was lately ſlain in Spain) a young Gentleman not full four and twenty years of Age, roſe up, and ſtepping into an higher place where he might be ſeen, declared, That he was ready to take that Charge upon him; The whole Aſſembly preſently had their Eyes fixt upon him, and with a general Shout, wiſht him an happy Government; being required to give their Suffrages, not only all the Centuries voted for him, but there was not ſo much as one man found that did not give his Voice to have him go General into Spain. Yet after the Choice was paſs'd, and the firſt heat of their minds ſomewhat cool'd, they began ſilently to reflect what an odd unpreſidented thing they had done, guided by Affection rather than Reaſon, or a due Conſideration of his unripe years, which moſt of all made them repent their Election; though ſome alſo dreaded the ill fortune of his Family, and lookt upon it as ominous for him to be ſent into the ſame Province which was already died with the Blood of two of the ſame Name, and where he muſt fight over the Tombs of his Father and his Uncle. Scipio perceived this trouble of their minds by the change of their Countenances, ſoon after the Choice; and therefore cauſing them to be again aſſembled, made an Oration, wherein he diſcours'd both of his own Youth, and of the Government committed unto him, and the future War he was to mannage, with ſuch a grandeur of Spirit, and ſolidity of Judgment, that he re-kindled in every Breaſt the former zeal they had for him, and ſill'd them with more aſſured hopes than the credit of other mens promiſes, or the confidence of former atchievements are wont uſually to create; For the truth is, This Scipio was not only a man rare and wonderful for thoſe many noble Vertues and accompliſhments which were really inherent in him, but from his youth he had by artificial means endeavour'd to ſet off thoſe good Qualities, making ſhew before the multitude as if moſt things he did, were either repreſented to him in nocturnal Viſions, or immediately ſuggeſted to his mind by divine inſpiration, whether it were that he himſelf was tainted with Superſtition, and fanſied thoſe Enthuſiaſms, or that he politickly pretended it to accompliſh the more eaſily his deſigns, and have all his Orders as readily obey'd as if they were Oracles; 'Tis certain, he had from the very beginning prepared mens minds to have extraordinary conceits of him, for from the time that he put on his Toga Virilis [a Garment aſſum'd by young-men when they came to the Age of diſcretion] there was not a day paſs'd over his head but before he undertook any private or publick affair, he retired into the Capitol, and when he was entred into the Temple, ſat him down in a cloſe Iſle or Corner, and ſpent ſome time in Contemplation alone by himſelf. This Cuſtom which he obſerv'd all his Life long, whether by chance or out of deſign, made many people believe that to be a real truth which was vulgarly reported of him, That he was a perſon of a Divine Deſcent, and renew'd a like report of him, as formerly had been ſpread of Alexander the Great (and one altogether as true as t'other) That he was begot by a mighty Serpent, ſuch a prodigious ſhape having frequently been ſeen in his Mothers Bed Chamber, but upon any Bodies coming in, it would ſcuttle away and diſappear. Nor would he ever diſavow theſe Miracles, but ſeem'd rather to incourage the belief of them, by neither denying nor openly affirming them. Many other devices of like ſort, ſome true, ſome counterfeit, had conciliated him a wonderful eſteem amongſt the Mobile, and upon thoſe ſtrong preſumptions, the City was eaſily induced to commit ſo great a Government, and the Conduct of the moſt important affairs to his management, though his years and experience ſeem'd altogether diſproportionate. To the old Army in Spain, and thoſe Forces which Cl. Nero had lately tranſported thither from Puteoli, there were added ten thouſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe; and M. Junius Silanus the Pro Praetor was order'd to go along with him as his Adjutant General. So with a Fleet of thirty Sail (all of five Banks of Oars a-piece) he ſet Sail from the mouth of Tiber, and coaſting along the Tuſcan Sea, under the Alps, and through the Gulph of Lyons doubled the point of Pyrene, and landed at Emporiae (a City of Greeks, for the Inhabitants were deſcended from Phocaea.) Thence ordering his Ships to Coaſt about after him, he march'd by land to Tarracon, appointing there a General Diet or Aſſembly of all the Allies; for upon the report of his Arrival, Ambaſſadours were diſpatcht to meet him from all parts of the Province. There he commanded his Ships to be laid up in Harbour, ſave only three Gallies that came in Complement to wait upon him from Marſeilles, whom he ſent home. To the ſeveral Embaſſies (doubtfully ſuſpended by the ſtrange variety of ſucceſſes that had lately happen'd) he gave Audience and return'd Anſwers, with ſuch a grandeur of Spirit, grounded upon the aſſurance of his own Vertues, that though he let not fall one word that ſavour'd of rigour or rhodomontade, yet all his Diſcourſes carried with them both an awful Majeſty and an undoubted Credit.

Marching from Tarracon, he viſited both the States of the Allies, and the ſtanding Camp of the Army, where he highly commended the Souldiers, That notwithſtanding two ſuch terrible Defeats one on the neck of the other, they yet kept the Field, nor ſuffer'd the Enemy to reap the fruit of their Victories, but had drove them beyond the River Iberus, and bravely defended their Allies according to the truſt repoſed in them; as for Marcius, he made ſo much of him, as eaſily ſhew'd he was not ſubject to ſo impotent a paſſion as Envy, nor in the leaſt feared any other perſons Merits ſhould eclipſe his own Glory. Silanus then ſucceeded Nero in his Command, and the new Souldiers took up their Winter Quarters with the reſt, whilſt Scipio having ſeaſonably given the neceſſary Orders in all parts, return'd to Tarracon; his reputation was no leſs amongſt the Enemy than with his own Citizens and Confederates, and it was lookt upon as a good Omen of future ſucceſs that they ſhould dread him ſo much, when no probable account could be given for their extraordinary fears. They had now in ſeveral places betaken themſelves to Winter Quarters, Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo as far as Cales on the Coaſt of the Ocean; Mago in the middle of the Land, about the Foreſt of Caſtulo, and Aſdrubal Amilcar upon the River Iberus not far from Saguntum.

Towards the end of this Summer wherein Capua was taken, and Scipio arriv'd in Spain, the Carthaginian Armado ſent for out of Sicily to Tarentum, to intercept all Proviſions that ſhould be ſent to the Roman Garriſon in the Cittadel there, had indeed ſhut up all intercourſe by Sea with the ſaid Caſtle, but by continuing there ſo long, made Corn more ſcarce amongſt their Friends than with the Enemy; for there was not ſo much brought in by the Ports being open to ſupply the Townſmen, as was conſumed by ſuch a Rabble of Seamen compoſed of ſeveral Nations, whilſt the Garriſon being but few, ſubſiſted well enough on their old ſtores. So that at length the Navy was diſmiſſed with as much joy, as it was entertain'd when it firſt arriv'd, and yet Victuals was never the cheaper, for after they were gone, no Proviſions at all could be brought in from parts abroad.

At the latter end of the ſame Summer M. Marcellus arriving at Rome from Sicily, C. Calpurnius the Praetor call'd a Senate for his ſake in the Temple of Bellona; where having given an Account of his Actions, and modeſtly expreſſed his grief for his own unhappineſs, as well as his Souldiers, That when he had reduc'd that Province, he could not have leave to bring home his Army with him, he deſired, That he might enter the City in Triumph; but the ſame was not granted: For the matter being long debated, Which was leſs convenient, either to refuſe him a Triumph being preſent, in whoſe name being abſent, publick Thanksgivings and Honours had been decreed to the Immortal Gods for the Succeſſes and gallant Actions atchieved by his Conduct? Or to admit him to Triumph, as if he had finiſh'd the War, whom they had order'd to reſign his Forces to a Succeſſour, (which was never decreed but when the War remained) and especially when the Army the beſt Witneſs, whether he deſerved the Honour of a Triumph or not, was abſent? A middle Courſe was at laſt agreed on, viz, That he ſhould come into the City with that leſſer ſort of victorious Solemnity call'd Ovation; and the Tribunes of the Commons by Authority from the Senate preferr'd a Bill to the People, qualifying the ſaid Marcellus to retain his Command and Authority that day he ſhould in Ovant manner enter into Rome: But he the day before celebrated a Triumph of his own head without the Walls, on the Alban Hill, and next morning in Ovant-wiſe came into Town with a rich Booty taken in the Wars carried before him; for in his Pomp he had the Draught of the City Syracuſe curiouſly painted, as alſo the Catapultae, the Baliſtae, and other wonderful Engines of War, with the Ornaments and Curioſities of a long Peace and Royal Opulency, a power of Plate, Silver and Braſs curiouſly wrought, and other Furniture, rich Tapiſtry-Hangings and ſumptuous Robes, and abundance of exquiſite Pictures and Statues with which Syracuſe was garniſh'd beyond moſt Cities of Greece; and for a token of his Victory over the Carthaginians, eight Elephants were led along; but one of the moſt taking parts of the Show, was to ſee Soſis the Syracuſian and Meric the Spaniard marching before him with Crowns of Gold on their Heads, of whom one was the Guide that led them into Syracuſe by night, and the other ſurrendred the Naſos. They were both made free Denizons of Rome, and had five hundred Acres of Land apiece beſtow'd on them and their Heirs for ever, which Soſis was to chuſe in the Syracuſian Territories out of the Lands formerly belonging to the Kings, or any other Enemies of the People of Rome, and alſo to take any one of their Houſes at Syracuſe that had been put to death for their Delinquency. Meric and the Spaniards that came in with him, were allotted Dwellings and Lands in Sicily forfeited by ſuch as had revolted; and M. Cornelius was appointed to ſet out and aſſign the ſame; and in the ſame Country Belligines (who brought over Meric to the Roman Intereſt) had four hundred Acres allow'd him. After Marcellus had left Sicily, the Carthaginian Navy landed there eight thouſand Foot and three thouſand Numidian Horſe, unto whom revolted the Inhabitants of Marguntum, Hibla, Macella, and ſome other Towns of ſmall note. The Numidians commanded by Mutines ranged all over Sicily, and deſtroy'd with fire the Fields and Villages of ſuch as adhered to the Romans, whilſt the Roman Army made but a ſlow defence, being much diſcontented, partly becauſe they had not leave to return home with their General, and partly vext becauſe they were forbidden to take up their Winter-Quarters in any Towns, but forc'd to lye in the Field, and had there been any to head them, they wanted not an heart to mutiny and rebel; but M. Cornelius the Praetor ſometimes with good words, and ſometimes with chaſtiſements, made ſhift both to keep them quiet, and recovered again all the revolted Towns, amongſt which that of Murgantia with all its Territories, he gave to the Spaniſh Souldiers, purſuant to the before-mentioned Decree of the Senate.

Both Conſuls holding hitherto the Government of Apulia between them, ſeeing now there was no great fear of Annibal and his Carthaginians were commanded to divide that Province and Macedonia between them by Lot, which latter happen'd to Sulpicius, and he ſucceeded Levinus therein. Fulvius being call'd home to hold the Election for Conſuls at the day appointed, the Century of the young men of the Tribe call'd Veturia, happening to have the Prerogative or firſt Vote, nominated T. Manlius Torquatus and T. Otacilius; Manlius being preſent, a multitude flockt about him to congratulate his new Honour, (for 'twas not doubted but the reſt of the people would conſent) but he follow'd with a great Troop, comes to the Conſuls Tribunal, deſiring to be heard a few words, and that the Century which had given their Suffrage, might be order'd to be recall'd; All people were full of expectation what it was he would demand? He deſired to be excuſed by reaſon of the weakneſs of his ſight. For ſure, quoth he, ſhameleſs muſt that Pilot of a Ship be counted, and as impudent a General of an Army, who when he must do all by other mens Eyes, ſhall yet deſire peoples Lives and Fortunes to be committed to his Conduct and Guidance, who is ſcarce able to guide himſelf; Therefore may it pleaſe you to Command this young Century to give their Voices anew; and in their chuſing of Conſuls to conſider the War that is at preſent in the Bowels of Italy, and the dangerous condition of the Commonwealth, our Ears ſtill in a manner reſounding with that dreadful noiſe and alarm which the Enemy rais'd but a few months ago under the very Walls of Rome; But the Century with unanimous Shouts declaring, that they would perſiſt in their former Choice? Torquatus again ſtands up and ſayes, If I were Conſul neither ſhould I bear with your inſolent manners, nor would you endure the ſtrictneſs of my Government; To the Scrutiny therefore once again, I bid you, and conſider there is a Punick War in Italy, and the Enemies General is no leſs a perſon than Annibal. Then the Century being moved, both by his Authority and the Reverence they had for him, as by the Applauſes of all the people, admiring his modeſty and other Vertues, deſired the Conſul, That the Century of Seniors of their Veturian Tribe might be call'd, for they had a mind to conſult with thoſe of more Age and Experience about this Affair, and by their ſage advice and directions nominate Conſuls. Who being called, and ſome time allow'd for them to conſult together privately in the Apartment call'd Ovile; Theſe Elders told them there were, as they conceiv'd, but three perſons fit to be put in nomination at this Juncture, of whom two already were full of all honourable Offices that could be born in the Commonwealth, viz. Q. Fabius and M. Marcellus, but if they had a mind to Create any new Conſul againſt the Carthaginians, there was M. Valerius Laevinus, who had perform'd moſt excellent ſervice againſt King Philip, both by Sea and Land. Accordingly after the Conſultation, and the old Century diſmiſs'd, the young ones went again to the Ballotting Box, and declared for Conſuls M. Claudius Marcellus (glittering then in the prime of his Glory for the late Conqueſt of Sicily) and M. Valerius, who was abſent, in which choice all the reſt of the Tribes did readily concur. Let who will laugh at thoſe that prefer and applaud antient times, for my own part, if there were any City to be found, all whoſe Inhabitants were Philoſophers and wiſe men (a thing ſome learned perſons have fancied rather than either found or expected) I cannot think we ſhould even there meet with a Nobility of greater Gravity and leſs Ambition, or a common people better manner'd and inſtructed. But ſuch is the depravity of this Age, wherein even Children think ſcorn to follow the directions and authority of their own Parents, that to us it ſeems incredible that a whole Precinct of young men ſhould have ſo much deference for their Elders, as not without their advice to make uſe of their free Liberties in giving their Votes for Election of Magiſtrates.

Then they proceeded to the Election of Praetors, and the perſons created to that Office were P. Manlius Volſo, and L. Manlius Acidinus, and C. Laetorius, and L. Cnicius Alimentus. No ſooner was this Choice over, but news arriv'd, that T. Otacilius (whom the people would have ſet up for Conſul with T. Manlius Torquatus as aforeſaid) was dead in Sicily. The Apollinarian Games exhibited laſt year, were again renew'd, and a Law made by the Intereſt of Calphurnius the Praetor, that the ſame ſhould from time to time be for ever continued. The ſame year ſeveral Prodigies were ſeen, or talk'd of, as that in the Temple of Concord, the Image Victory which ſtood on the top thereof, being ſmitten with lightning and beat down from its own place, fell upon thoſe other Statues of Victory that were fixt on the Front of the ſaid Temple, and there reſted without falling further; That at Anagniae and Fregellae the Walls and Gates were blaſted with fire from Heaven; That in the Market-place of Sudortum there ran ſtreams of Blood for a whole day together; That at Eretum it rain'd Stones, and at Reate a Mule brought forth a Foal; Theſe ill tokens were expiated by the bigger ſort of Sacrifices, and by a ſolemn day of Humiliation, and a nine dayes Sacrifice. Alſo this year died ſome publick Prieſts, and others choſen in their room, as inſtead of M. Aemilius Numida one of the ſacred Decemvirs, M. Aemilius Lepidus; In place of M. Pomponius Matho the Pontiff, C. Livius; For Sp. Carvilius the chief Augur, M. Servilius. As for T. Otacilius Craſſus the Pontiff, becauſe he died juſt as his year was out, there was no need of electing any other in his Room; C. Claudius the Flamen or chief Prieſt of Jupiter forfeited his Office, by committing an errour in his ſacrificing, and not dividing the Inwards of the Beaſts aright.

About this time M. Valerius Laevinus, having firſt ſounded the minds of the Aetolian Princes, came with a ſmall Fleet of Ships, nimble Sailers, to their General Diet, before ſummoned for that purpoſe; where having acquainted them how Syracuſe and Capua were both taken and ſubdued, and in what a proſperous condition the affairs of Italy were, he added, That it was always the Cuſtom of the Romans received from their Anceſtors, to treat their Allies with the higheſt reſpect and kindneſs, ſometimes making them Free Denizons of Rome, and equal ſharers in all thoſe Priviledges which they themſelves enjoy'd, and with others dealing ſo liberally, that they choſe to continue free Allies rather than Citizens; but above all the reſt, they had a peculiar Honour for the Aetolians, ſince they were the firſt of all foreign Tranſmarine Nations that entred into Amity with them. As for their bad Neighbours, King Philip and the Macedonians, he had ſo broken their Spirits and weakned their Forces, that they were not only glad to quit thoſe Cities they had formerly by force taken from the Aetolians, but found work enough to defend their own native Country Macedonia: And whereas the Aetolians were much diſcontented, becauſe the Acarnanians were diſmembred from the Body of their State, he did aſſure them, he would reduce and unite them again under their ancient Government and Juriſdiction. Theſe promiſes of the Roman General were confirmed and aſſured to the People by Scopas (at that time Head-Magiſtrate of that State) and Dorimachus a Prince of the Aetolians, who with leſs modeſty and greater aſſeverations magnified the Grandeur, Power and Majeſty of the People of Rome; but the main Motive was their hope of recovering Acarnania; therefore Articles were drawn and ſigned, containing the Conditions on which theſe entred into Alliance with the Romans, wherein a Clauſe was added, That if they pleaſed and ſhould like well thereof, the Eleans, Lacedemonians, together with Attalus, and Pleuratus, and Scerdiletus (Attalus was a King of Aſia, the other two Princes of Sclavonia) might be comprized and included. The Articles were theſe, That the Aetolians ſhould forthwith enter into a War with King Philip by Land, and the Romans aſſiſt them with a Fleet by Sea conſiſting of not leſs than twenty Sail of Gallies, each of five banks of Oars apiece; That all Cities and Towns that ſhould be conquer'd from Aetolia as far Corcyra, ſhould as to the Soil, Edifices, Walls and Lands thereto belonging, be for ever enjoy'd by the Aetolians; but all their moveable Goods and Plunder fall to the Romans ſhare; That the Romans ſhould uſe their endeavours that the Aetolians might again poſſeſs Acarnania; That if at any time the Aetolians made a Peace with Philip, they ſhould inſert a Clauſe, that the ſame ſhould be of no force until ſuch time as Philip ſhould have withdrawn his Forces and Arms employ'd againſt the Romans or any of their Allies and Territories. And in the ſame manner, if the Romans happen'd to treat with him, they ſhould make the like proviſion for the ſecurity of the Aetolians and their Allies. This Agreement being reduced into Writing, was two years afterwards publickly hung up by the Aetolians in Olympia, and by the Romans in the Capitol, to remain amongſt their other Records for a Memorial to Poſterity; and the reaſon why the ſame was not done ſooner, was becauſe of the Aetolian Embaſſadour's long ſtay at Rome, which yet was no hindrance at all to their proceedings in the Wars. For both the Aetolians preſently began to wage War with Philip, and Laevinus by force of Arms took Zant (a ſmall Iſle near Aetolia, having but one City of the ſame Name) all but the Caſtle, and alſo Oeniadae and Naſus, two Towns of the Acarnanians, which he reſtor'd to the Aetolians; and looking upon Philip to have his hands too full of fighting with his Neighbours at home, to be able to look after Italy, or perform his Covenants with Annibal, he retired himſelf to Co • cyra.

The News of the Aetolians Revolt was brought to King Philip as he lay in his Winter-Quarters at Pella; therefore becauſe he had reſolved in the beginning of the Spring to invade Greece, that Macedonia and its neighbouring Cities might not be moleſted by the Illyrians, to frighten them from ſtirring, by the deſolations he brought upon others, he made a ſudden Inrode upon the Oricinians and Apollonians, and with great terrour coopt them up within their Walls. And having thus ſpoiled the Illyrians Neighbours, he turn'd his Forces with the like celerity into Pelagonia, and took by ſtorm a City of the Dardanians lying on the Frontiers of Macedonia, and a convenient Paſs into that Country. Having in great haſte performed theſe Exploits, he forgot not the War he had with the Aetolians and Romans joining with them, but through Pelagonia, Lyncus and Bottiaea came down into Theſſaly, as verily believing that the people of thoſe Countries would be eaſily excited to aſſiſt him againſt the Aetolians. Leaving there Perſeus with a Body of four thouſand men to guard the Paſs into Theſſaly againſt the Enemy, himſelf in perſon, before he ſhould be more embarraſſed with greater Affairs, leads his Army into Macedonia, and ſo into Thrace againſt the Medes, a People that inhabited a ſmall Province there (not the Medes of Aſia) and were wont to make Incurſions upon the Macedonians as oft as they perceiv'd that King engaged in a foreign War, and the Realm to be left without a ſufficient Guard. To weaken them therefore he plunder'd and laid waſte all the Country about Phragrandae, and laid Siege to Jamphorina the principal City and chief ſtrength of the Medican Territories. Scopas having Advice that the King was gone into Thrace, and buſie there with his Arms, muſters all the Aetolians fit to bear Arms, and prepares to invade the Acarnanians, who, though too weak to cope with him, eſpecially ſince they had already loſt their beſt fortified Cities, Oeniades and Naſus, and moreover ſaw the Roman Forces ready alſo to fall upon them, did rather with rage and deſpair, than ſober Counſel reſolve to engage him; for ſending away their Wives and Children and all Old people above ſixty into Epirus for ſecurity, the reſt from fifteen to ſixty years of Age did all enter into a ſolemn Oath, That they would never return unleſs with Victory; and laid an heavy Curſe upon thoſe of their own Nation that ſhould entertain within their doors, or relieve with proviſions any of them that were vanquiſh'd and fled out of the Field, earneſtly intreating all other people alſo not to allow them any harbour or accommodations; withal they beſought their Neighbours the Epirots, that they would gather all together in an heap ſuch of their dead bodies as ſhould fall in the Battel, and interr them in one Grave, and erect a Tomb or Monument over them with this Epitaph.

Here lie the Acarnanians, who manfully fighting loſt their Lives to Defend their Country againſt the Violence and Injuries of the Aetolians.

Their Courages being heated by theſe reſolutions, they Encamp'd on the Frontiers, expecting the Enemy. But withal diſpatch'd Agents to Philip to acquaint him what imminent danger they were in, which cauſed him to give over that War he had in hand, having firſt made himſelf Maſter of Jamphorma, and proſper'd in ſeveral other undertakings in thoſe parts. The Aetolians upon the news of that ſolemn Oath the Acarnanians had taken, were grown ſomewhat cooler, but underſtanding that Philip was coming that way, were glad to wholly quit the Expedition, and keep within their own Confines. Philip took vaſt long Marches, as long as the Acarnanians were in Jeopardy, but before he was paſt the City Dius, being advertiz'd, that the Aetolians were gone back, he himſelf alſo returned unto Pella.

Laevinus early in the Spring put to Sea with the Fleet from Corcyra, and having doubled the Cape Leucates, ſailed as far as Naupactum, and thence for Anticyra, where he had appointed Scopas and the Aetolians to expect his Arrival. This Anticyra is ſituate in Locris on the left hand as you enter the Gulph of Corinth. 'Tis but a ſmall Journey by Land from Naupactum thither, and as ſhort a Cutt by Sea; ſo within three days after they began to Aſſault that City on both ſides; but the fierceſt Attacque was from the Water, being mannag'd by the Romans, whoſe Ships were full of all ſorts of Artillery and Engines of Battery. The Defendants in few days were forc'd to ſurrender, and the City delivered into the Aetolians hands, and the Pillage to the Romans, according to the before-mentioned Articles between them. Here Laevinus receiv'd Letters, That he was declared Conſul in his abſence, and that P. Sulpicius was coming to ſucceed him, but being long detained there by a tedious Diſeaſe, his return to Rome was much later than was expected. M. Marcellus entring on his Conſulſhip the fifteenth of March, holding a Senate that day according to Cuſtom, declared, That in his Collegues abſence he would meddle with no publick affairs, nor diſpoſe of any of the Provinces. That he knew full well there were many Sicilians that came to complain againſt him, lurking in the Country Farms of certain of his Enemies and detractors, whom for his own part he ſhould be ſo far from hindering to publiſh openly in Rome thoſe Crimes which were deviſed and charged againſt him by his Adverſaries, That were it not that they pretended to be afraid (forſooth) to bring in their accuſation in the abſence of the other Conſul, he would preſently deſire the Senate to give them Audience; but as ſoon as his Collegue arriv'd, he did aſſure them, this ſhould be the firſt matter debated, adding, That he was not inſenſible how induſtrious M. Cornelius had been, making as it were an Hue and Cry all over Sicily for perſons to come in and complain againſt him, and how the ſame Gentleman by his Letters full of untruths, endeavour'd to make the City believe, That the War yet continued in Sicily, which was, all out of envy to diminiſh his glory. Then did the Conſul diſmiſs the Senate, having won that day the reputation of being a perſon that could notably govern his Paſſions, and now it ſeem'd as if there would be a general Vacation, not only of proceedings at Law, but almoſt all other affairs until the other Conſul ſhould come home. This reſt and idleneſs (as commonly it happens) ſet the Commons (having nothing elſe to do) a talking, and rumours, murmurs and complaints are every where ſpread, That by this tedious War, not only all the Country about Rome (eſpecially where Annibal had march'd with his Barbarous Army) was ſpoil'd and waſted, but all Italy in a manner diſpeopled and laid deſolate by continual Levies and ſlaughters, as particularly at Cannae, where two whole Armies were cut to pieces at once; and now they had got two fierce Martial Men Created Conſuls, ſuch as in Peace would be apt enough to kindle a War on ſome pretences or other, ſo little was any accommodation of the preſent bloody differences to be expected at their hands, or that they would ſeek Peace, that the City might have ſome breathing time after theſe Calamities.

But this prattle was interrupted by a dreadful Fire that broke out in ſeveral places at once about the Market-place, on the Eve of Minerva's Feſtival called Quinquatrus. At one and the ſame time the ſeven Taverns (which were afterwards reduc'd to five) and the Goldſmiths-Row, (now call'd the new Shops) were all on a light Fire; which ſoon caught hold of private Houſes (for the publick Halls and Palaces were not built there in thoſe days;) as alſo of the common Gaol, the Fiſh-Market, and the Royal Gallery: The Temple of Veſta, with much difficulty was preſerved, chiefly by the pains of thirteen Bondmen, who for that ſervice were bought from their Maſters at the publick Charge, and made Free. The Fire continued all that night and the next day; nor was there any doubt but it was carried on by humane Treachery, for that the Fires began in ſeveral places at once, and thoſe far diſtant. Therefore the Conſul by Authority of the Senate made Proclamation, That whoever ſhould diſcover the Authors and Fomenters of this Conflagration, ſhould be rewarded; if he were a Freeman, with a good ſumm of money, or if a Bond-man, with his Freedom. Which prevail'd upon one Mannus a Slave belonging to the Calavii of Capua, to come in and declare, That his Maſters and five other young Capuan Noblemen, whoſe Parents Q. Fulvius had Beheaded, had kindled this Fire, and were reſolv'd frequently to cauſe the like if they were not apprehended. Being ſeiz'd, and all their Families, they firſt endeavour'd to blaſt the credit of the Witneſs and his Evidence, alledging, That being ſcourg'd by his Maſters the day before for his Rogueries, he ran away, and to be reveng'd took the advantage of this ſad accident to accuſe them. But he juſtifying his Information to their Faces, and ſome other of their Servants that had an hand in promoting the Fire, being put to the Rack in the middle of the Forum, they confeſs'd the whole matter, and both Maſters and Servants were Executed; The Diſcoverer had his Liberty given him, and twenty thouſand Aſſes [about ſixty two pounds ten ſhillings ſterling] for his pains. As the Conſul Laevinus paſs'd through Capua, the Inhabitants flockt about him, and with Tears begg'd leave to go to Rome, That they might implore the Senates Mercy, to take ſome Commiſeration, and not destroy them utterly, nor ſuffer the Campanian name to be wholly extinguiſht by the Cruelty of Q. Flaccus. On the other ſide Flaccus proteſted, he had no particular ſpleen againſt the Capuans, but only he hated them as publick Enemies to the State, and ſo he would always do as long as he knew them ſo ill affected as they were to the People of Rome, who had not more deſperate and mortal Enemies on the Face of the Earth than they. Therefore he thought it beſt to keep them up within the Walls, for if at any time they chanc'd to get out, they would range the Country like Savage Beaſts, and tear and worry all that come in their way. That ſome of them were already ran away to Annibal, others gone to Rome to burn that City, and treacherouſly lay it in aſhes; That the Conſul when he arriv'd there would behold the freſh prints of Capuan Villany in the ruins of the half-conſumed Market-place; Nay they aim'd at the Temple of Veſta, to have quench'd thoſe Eternal Fires, and utterly to have defac'd and deſtroy'd the Palladium, that ſacred pledge on which depends the Fate of the Roman Empire, there repoſited; and therefore he could not at all think it ſafe to admit any Campanians within the Walls of Rome. However Laevinus taking an Oath of the Capuans ſel • cted Agents, That within five days after they ſhould have received the Senates Anſwer, they would return home again, Order'd them to follow him to Rome; and when he was come pretty nigh the City, both the Sicilians and Aetolians went out to meet him, and attended with this multitude he entred the City at the Head of ſeveral vanquiſht Nations, who came to accuſe two moſt renowned Generals, Marcellus and Fulvius, of whom the former had lately taken Syracuſe, and the latter Capua, two of the braveſt Cities in the World.

Both Conſuls in the firſt place conſulted with the Senate about the State of the Commonwealth and the Government of the Provinces. Laevinus giving an account in what poſture he had left Macedonia, Greece, the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Locrians, and what actions he had perform'd both by Sea and Land, how he had beat back Philip when he offer'd to invade the Aetolians, and had ſent him packing to the further parts of his own Kingdom, ſo that the Legion that was there might very well be recall'd, for the Fleet would be enough to keep off that King from making any attempt on Italy. Thus much he ſpake particularly of himſelf and that Province he had preſided over; As to the other Provinces both Conſuls jointly propos'd the ſame to the Senates conſideration, who decreed, That one of the Conſuls ſhould have the charge of Italy, and the War with Annibal, the other to command the Fleet, whereof T. Otacilius was lately Admiral, and together with L. Cnicius the Praetor govern Sicily. They were Order'd to have two Armies to be kept on Foot in Tuſcany and the Ciſalpine Gaul, conſiſting of four Legions; and that the two City Legions rais'd laſt year, ſhould be ſent into Tuſcany; and the other two, commanded by Sulpicius the Conſul, into Gaul, which latter were to be commanded by ſuch perſon as the Conſul to whoſe Lot Italy fell, ſhould appoint; And into Tuſcany was ſent C. Calpurnius, being continued in his Command a year longer, after the expiration of his Praetorſhip. The main ſtanding Army, as well of Citizens as Allies, was to be reduc'd, ſo that of two Legions there ſhould be made but one, conſiſting of five thouſand Foot, and three hundred Horſe compleat; and thoſe that had ſerv'd longeſt to be diſcharg'd. That of the Allies there ſhould be continued ſeven thouſand Foot and three hundred Horſe, with the ſame reſpect and conſideration of paſt ſervice in diſmiſſing the oldeſt Souldiers. As for Cn. Fulvius laſt years Conſul, he ruled the ſame Province of Apulia, his Command being continued another year, without any alteration of his Forces. But P. Sulpicius his Collegue was commanded to ſend away all his Army, except Mariners; Likewiſe it was Ordered, That as ſoon as the new Conſul arriv'd in Sicily, the Army there under M. Cornelius, ſhould be ſent out of that Iſland, only the Souldiers that eſcap'd at Cannae, being as good as two Legions, were to be aſſign'd over to L. Cnicius the Praetor, to keep Sicily in Order. Two other Legions that ſerv'd under Cornelius the year before, were to go into Sardinia to P. Manlius Volſo the Praetor. The Conſuls were enjoin'd in their Levies to compleat the City Legions, not to preſs any that had ſerv'd in the Armies of M. Claudius, or M. Valerius, or Fulvius, nor in the whole that year to exceed the number of one and twenty Legions of Romans.

Theſe Acts of the Senate being paſs'd, the Conſuls proceeded to divide their Provinces by Lot, Sicily and the Fleet fell to Marcellus; Italy and the War with Annibal to Laevinus; which no leſs daunted the Sicilians that ſtood by, with great impatience expecting how the chance would fall, than if Syracuſe had again been taken; They ſet up ſuch a lamentable Cry, as for the preſent turn'd all mens Eyes upon them, and occaſion'd much Diſcourſe in the Town for a long time afterwards; for they went about to all the Senators, one by one, in vile deſpicable Garments, proteſting, That if Marcellus came again amongſt them, as Lord Deputy, they would not only quit their reſpective Habitations, but abandon the whole Iſland; for ſince without any ſhadow of offence given on their part, he was already their implacable Enemy, what but the higheſt Cruelties could they expect from him, now they had incenſed him by coming to Rome to complain of him for his former rigours? That it were better for that unfortunate Iſland to be ſet all on a light Fire by Aetna's Flames, or to be drown'd in the Sea, than thus to be expoſed as a Prey to a mortal Enemy. Theſe Complaints of the Sicilians firſt ſpread amongſt the Houſes of the Nobles and chief Citizens, by people that either pitied them, or envyed Marcellus, came at laſt to be matter of a publick Debate; and the Conſuls were moved to deſire the Senates leave to change their Provinces; whereupon Marcellus ſtood up and ſaid, That in caſe Audience had already been given to the Sicilians by the Senate, he ſhould, 'tis like, have been of another opinion, but now leſt any ſhould clamour that they were reſtrain'd by fear from making their Complaints freely againſt him, who was immediately to be their Governour, he was content, if his Collegue would conſent to exchange Provinces with him; only he requeſted their Lordſhips that the ſame may be no prejudice unto him; for if it had been unjuſt to give his Collegue the choice of what Province he pleas'd, without putting it to the Lot, a much greater injury and reproach it would be, to transfer what fell to his ſhare by the Lot unto another? So the Senate rather intimating what they would be pleas'd to have done, than making any Order in the Caſe, broke up, and the two Conſuls by conſent between themſelves, ſhifted their Provinces; for ſo deſtiny would have it, That the ſame Marcellus, who when affairs were at worſt, was the firſt that had the glory of beating of Annibal, ſhould now in the height of ſucceſs, (to make him amends) be the laſt of the Roman Generals, that fell by Annibal's Arms.

The Provinces thus chang'd, the Sicilians were admitted into the Senate, where in a long Harangue to ingratiate themſelves, They magnified the perpetual fidelity of King Hiero towards the Romans; And that as for Hieronymus, and afterwards Hippocrates and Epicides, one main reaſon why they were ſo much hated by the people of Syracuſe, was for their rebellion againſt the Romans; That for that cauſe Hieronymus was cut to pieces by divers of their principal young Noblemen, as it were by publick conſent and approbation; and that there was a Conſpiracy of no fewer than ſeventy like noble youths to cut off Epicides and Hippocrates, who being held in hand, and delay'd by Marcellus, that had not brought up his Army to Syracuſe at the time appointed, the buſineſs took wind, and they were all put to death by the Tyrants. Nay, that Marcellus had been the occaſion of ſetting up thoſe very Tyrants, by ſacking and plundering Leontinum ſo cruelly; That yet notwithſtanding the chief perſons of Syracuſe fail'd not daily afterwards to make applications to Marcellus, offering to deliver the City when he pleas'd into his hands, but he from the very beginning was rather willing to take it by ſtorm; and at laſt, when having in vain try'd all Efforts both by Sea and Land, he found he could not by force accompliſh his purpoſe, he rather choſe to accept of two mean Fellows, Soſis a Blackſmith, and Meric a Spaniard, to be Authors of betraying the Town, than of the chief men of Syracuſe, who had ſo often freely offered their ſervice therein, which he did on purpoſe that he might with the better colour of Juſtice, butcher, maſſacre and plunder the moſt antient and faithful Allies of the people of Rome. If it had been the people and Senate of Syracuſe that revolted to Annibal, and not Hieronymus a Tyrant; If the Syracuſians by common conſent, had ſhut their Gates againſt Marcellus, and the ſame had not been done (when they had no power to oppoſe) by their inſulting Oppreſſors Hippocrates and Epicides, if they had wag'd War with the Romans with as much ſpight and animoſity as the Carthaginians, what more could Marcellus have done? or wherein given greater inſtances of Hoſtile rage, than in utterly destroying (as he has done) the whole City of Syracuſe? For 'tis certain he hath left the Inhabitants nothing but the bare Walls and empty Houſes, and Temples of the Gods violated and ranſackt, the divine powers as well as the Citizens being robb'd of their Ornaments; and ſuch havock he hath every where made, that they have nothing to maintain themſelves, their Wives and Children, but hard ſtones and the bare ground; therefore they did humbly requeſt their Lordſhips, that reſtitution might be made, though not of all (which was impoſſible) yet at leaſt of ſuch things as could be found and rightfully claim'd by the Owners. Having thus made their Complaint, Laevinus order'd them to withdraw, that the Fathers might debate thereon; Nay rather let them ſtay, quoth Marcellus, that I may anſwer to their Faces, ſince, moſt worthy Fathers, We are reduc'd to that paſs, that whilſt we fight for you abroad, thoſe we ſubdue in the Field are admitted to be our Accuſers in the Senate-Houſe; and that the taking of two Cities hath made both my ſelf and Fulvius Criminals, the one only guilty of ſubduing Syracuſe, the other Capua.

The Syracuſians being brought again into the Senate-Houſe, the Conſul proceeded thus: I do not, Venerable Fathers, ſo far forget the Dignity of the People of Rome and my own Quality and preſent Command, as to think that I your Conſul am bound to plead for my ſelf, or anſwer the Accuſation of theſe Greeks, in caſe the Queſtion were of any default or miſdemeanour of my own; but the buſineſs is not, what I have done (for howſoever I have treated Enemies, the Law of War will juſtifie it) but what they ought to ſuffer: For if in truth they were not Enemies, 'tis all one as if I had invaded Syracuſe whilſt King Hiero was living, but if they had not only revolted, but attacqu'd our very Embaſſadours with their Arms, and put them to the Sword. If they had ſhut up their Gates, and fortified their City againſt us, and entertain'd a Garriſon of Carthaginians for their defence, who can complain that they ſuffer as Enemies, who committed all ſorts of Hoſtility? But they ſay, I refuſed to accept of the Offer of the principal Syracuſians to ſurrender the City, and choſe to make uſe of Soſis and Meric the Spaniard in ſo great an Affair? I ſuppoſe theſe Gentlemen preſent are none of the meaneſt of the Syracuſians, ſince they upbraid others with the poverty of their condition; tell us therefore which of you it was that promiſed me to open the Gates, or receive into the City my armed Souldiers? Nay on the contrary, you hate and revile thoſe that did it, and cannot even here forbear reproaching them, ſo far were you your ſelves from offering any ſuch matter. The meanneſs of thoſe perſons, O Conſcript Fathers, which they object, is a mighty Argument that I refuſed not the Overtures of any people whatſoever that were willing to ſerve our Commonwealth. Before ever I inveſted Syracuſe, I endeavoured all means of Peace, both by ſending Embaſſadours, and offering my ſelf to hold a perſonal Conference with them; but after I found them ſo impudent, as to offer violence to my Embaſſadours, and that when I my ſelf gave their Chiefs a Meeting at the Gates, they would vouchſafe me no Anſwer, having taking a world of pains, and run infinite hazards both by Sea and Land, I made you Maſters of Syracuſe. What hardſhips they met with after the City taken, they ought to complain of to Annibal, and his Carthaginians vanquiſht as well as themſelves, rather than before the Senate of the People of Rome who conquer'd them: For certainly, moſt Reverend Fathers, if I intended to deny that I plunder'd Syracuſe, or thought I could not juſtifie it, I would never have adorn'd the City of Rome with their Spoils. And what I have as Conquerour given or taken away from any particular perſons, I may juſtly avow both by the Law of Arms, or their reſpective Merits, which whether you will pleaſe to allow of and ratifie, concerns the Commonwealth much more than my ſelf; for I have diſcharged my Duty faithfully, and now it imports the State, that by reverſing my Actions you do not render your Generals for the future more remiſs in the like Employments. In fine, my Lords, ſince you have heard both the Sicilians Complaint and my Defence face to face, we will, with your good leave, all withdraw, that in my abſence your Honours may more freely debate the Point, and determine as you ſhall judge fit. So the Sicilians being diſmiſſed, he went away to the Capitol to muſter his Souldiers.

In the mean time the other Conſul put the matter to the Queſtion in the Senate, where for a long time with hard tugging, it was debated. Many of the Senators following the Opinion of T. Manlius Torquatus, the Head of that Faction, alledged; That the War was waged with the Tyrants equally Enemies to the Syracuſians and Romans, the City was to be recovered not taken, and being regain'd after it had ſo long been languiſhing under a domeſtick ſlavery, 'twas pity it ſhould be expoſed to all the Calamities of War. But between the Tyrants on one ſide, and the Roman Armies on the other, here was a moſt fair and Noble City (as if it had been the Prize of the Conquerour) ruin'd, a City that had been the Granary and Exchequer heretofore of the People of Rome, by whoſe Bounty and frequent Aſſiſtances in difficulty Exigencies heretofore, and even during the preſent Punick War this Commonwealth had been ſeaſonably aided and honoured. Should King Hiero ariſe from the dead, he that had been ſo true and faithful a Friend to the Romans, with what face could we ſhew him either Syracuſe or Rome? When he muſt on the one ſide behold his own dear native Country half razed and wholly ruinated by our hands, and on the other, could no ſooner enter Rome, but even at the very Gates, he muſt ſee it deckt and adorn'd with his own Spoils? But though theſe and the like Speeches were made to move Compaſſion towards the Sicilians, and Envy againſt the Conſul, yet the Majority of the Senate in favour of Marcellus paſſed an Act, That what he had done, either during the War, or after he had conquer'd the Town, ſhould be ratified, and for the future the Senate would take care for the good of the Syracuſians, and give particular Orders to the Conſul Laevinus to have regard to the welfare of that City, as far as it would conſiſt with the publick ſafety. Then ſending two Senators into the Capitol to the Conſul, to deſire him to return into the Senate, and the Sicilians being likewiſe called in, the aforeſaid Vote was openly read. The Embaſſadours had good words given them, and ſo were diſmiſſed, who flung themſelves at the feet of Marcellus, begging, That he would forget and forgive all they had ſaid, either by way of deploring, or in order to alleviate their miſery, and henceforwards receive both themſelves and their City into his favour and protection: who anſwer'd them very kindly, and ſo they went home.

In the next place the Campanians were call'd before the Senate, who as they told a more diſmal Tale, ſo their Cauſe was nothing ſo good or plauſible: for they could not deny but they had deſerv'd the uſage they had met with, nor had they any Tyrants on whom to caſt their Crimes, only they hop'd they had already ſuffer'd enough for their faults, ſince ſo many of their Senators, by Poiſon and the Hatchet were taken off; ſome few of their Nobility only remaining alive, who as they were not conſcious to themſelves of any ſuch delinquency as to run the ſame deſperate courſe with the reſt, ſo neither did the Conqueror in all his fury adjudge them worthy of death, in whoſe behalf they were humble Petitioners to the people of Rome to grant them liberty for themſelves, their Wives and Children, together with reſtitution of ſome part of their Eſtates, the rather, as being moſt of them either in blood or affinity long ſince allied to the Romans. They being order'd to withdraw, there aroſe for a while ſome diſpute, whether Q. Fulvius ſhould be ſent for from Capua (for the other General Claudius died quickly after the taking of the Town) that the matter might be argued in his preſence, as it was between Marcellus and the Syracuſians; but when it was obſerv'd that M. Atilius, and C. Fulvius the Brother of Flaccus (both his Lieutenants) and Q. Minucius and L. Veturius Philo, that were Lieutenants likewiſe to Claudius, who had been preſent in the whole action, were all now here in Court, it was reſolv'd neither to recal Fulvius, nor put off the Capuans to a further day. But M. Atilius Regulus, a perſon of the greateſt Authority of thoſe that had been concern'd in the Siege of Capua, being required to deliver what he had to ſay to the point, he ſpoke to this purpoſe: I was, as I remember, one of the Council of War that was call'd by the Conſuls upon the taking of Capua, and when enquiry was then made, whether any of the Campanians had deſerv'd well of our Common-wealth? there were only two Women ſound capable of that Character, viz. Veſta Oppia, born at Atellae, but dwelling then at Capua, and Fancula Cluvia, formerly an Hackney Strumpet; of whom the former daily ſaid Prayers, and offered Sacrifices for the Romans ſucceſs, the other did privately relieve ſuch of our men as were taken Priſoners; as for the reſt of the Capuans there was not one but was as maliciouſly bent againſt us, as the Carthaginians themſelves; and thoſe whom Q. Fulvius Beheaded, ſuffer'd death as being more eminent for their Quality, not but that the reſt were full as guilty, and deſerv'd the ſame puniſhment. Yet do I not underſtand how this Houſe can decide the cauſe of any Campanians that are Free Denizons of Rome, without conſulting the people; as was done by our Anceſtors in the Caſe of the Satricans when they rebell'd; for then M. Antiſtius, a Tribune of the Commons, prefer'd a Bill, and the Commons Voted, That the Lords of the Senate ſhould have juriſdiction of the matter to order therein as they ſhould think fit. Therefore I am of opinion, that we were beſt in like manner now to refer it to the Tribunes of the Commons, That one or more of them make a Rogation to the people, whereby we may be authoriz'd to proceed; Accordingly L. Atilius, a Tribune of the Commons, by Order from the Senate, did prefer a Bill in theſe words, Whereas all the Campanians, Atellanes, Calatines and Subatines, have ſurrendred themſelves, their Territories, Cities, Utenſils, and all other things whatſoever, ſacred or profane, unto Fulvius the Pro-Conſul, to be at the devotion and diſpoſe of the people of Rome, I demand, O Quirites, your will and pleaſure, what ſhall be done with the premiſſes? The Commons Voted, That what the major part of the Senate preſent in Council ſhould determine therein, they would hold good and firm.

By vertue of this Ordinance of the Commons, a Decree of the Senate was made, To reſtore in the firſt place to Oppia and Cluvia, all their Goods and Liberty, and if they expected any further reward, that they ſhould repair to Rome. For each Family of the Campanians particular Decrees were made too tedious to recite. Some had their Eſtates Confiſcated, and were themſelves to be ſold for Slaves, together with their Wives and Children, except ſuch of their Daughters as were married before they were reduced to the Roman Government; ſome were to be continued cloſe Priſoners till further conſideration: Others were diſtinguiſht by the value of their Eſtates, whether their Goods ſhould be forfeited, or not; All their Cattel taken (except Horſes) and all their Bond-ſlaves (except Males above fourteen years old) and all their goods not affixt to the Freehold, were to ſome to be reſtored. All the reſt of the Campanians, Calatines and Sabatines, but ſuch, who either themſelves or their Parents ſided with the Enemy, were to paſs as free people, provided none of them were a Free Denizon of Rome or Latium. It was alſo Enacted, That none of thoſe that were within Capua, after the Gates were ſhut, ſhould after a certain day prefixt, remain either in that City, or any of its Territories, but ſhould have a place allotted for them to dwell in on the other ſide of Tyberis, ſo that it were not too near the Bank of that River. Thoſe that during the War were neither in Capua, nor any other City of Campania, revolted from the Romans; ſhould inhabit on this ſide the River Lyris, viz. between it and Rome. Such as came over to the Romans before Annibal came to Capua, were to be removed on the hither ſide of Vulturnus, provided none of them ſhould poſſeſs either Houſe or Land within fifteen miles of the Sea. That ſuch of them as were removed beyond Tiberis, they nor their Poſterity ſhould ever purchaſe or hold any Lands, but either in the Territories of Veii, Sutrium, or Nepeſium, and withal none of them even there to exceed the ſtint of five hundred Acres of ground. That the Goods and Chattels of all thoſe that had been Senators, or born any publick Offices at Capua, Attellae, or Calatia, ſhould be expoſed to ſale at Capua; As for ſuch Free-born perſons whoſe Bodies were to be ſold, they ſhould be ſent to Rome. And finally, the Images and Statues of Braſs ſaid to be taken from the Enemy, whether ſacred or profane, the ſame were referr'd to the Colledge of Pontiffs, to diſpoſe thereof at their pleaſure. With theſe Decrees the Campanians were diſmiſs'd, more aggriev'd than when they came to Rome; no longer complaining of Fulvius's rigours, but blaming the ſeverities of the Gods, and curſing their own bad Fortune.

The Sicilians and Campanians thus diſpatcht, the Conſuls proceeded in their Levies, and having compleated their Armies, they were at ſome loſs to ſupply the Fleet with Mariners, for neither could they raiſe enow to Man the Ships, nor was there money in the Chamber of the City to pay them. Whereupon the Conſuls ſet out a Proclamation; That private men according to their Eſtates rated in the Subſidy-Book, and reſpective Qualities, ſhould, as heretofore provide Seamen at their own Charges, and furniſh them with proviſion and money for thirty dayes. This Edict cauſed a general murmur and diſcontent, to that degree, that there ſeem'd rather to want one to head them, than inclination to a publick Mutiny and Inſurrection, complaining, That the Conſuls took a courſe to ruine the Commons of Rome juſt as they had done the People of Sicily and Campania; That for ſo many years together they had been exhauſted with Taxes, that now they had nothing left but the bare ground, and that waſted and untilled; for as the Enemy had burnt their Houſes, ſo the State had drawn away all their Servants that ſhould manure their Land, partly by hiring them for ſome pitiful Pay to go for Souldiers, and at other times preſſing them for Gally-ſlaves. A man could no ſooner get a Braſs Farthing, but preſently it went for Ship-Money or yearly Tribute; but none of their Lordly Edicts could make them pay what they had not. They might, if they pleaſed, not only diſtrain their Goods, but ſeize their perſons too, for they had nothing left wherewith to redeem themſelves. Nor did they mutter thus in private only, but openly in the Forum, and multitudes together in the hearing of the Conſuls themſelves, who neither by foul means nor by fair were able to appeaſe them, but forced to declare, That they would take three days time longer to conſider of it; which they ſpent in contriving Expedients, and the next day called a Senate to debate the matter. Where after long arguing, how juſt the peoples refuſal was, the reſult of the Houſe ſeem'd to terminate in this, That whether right or wrong, private men muſt bear the burden, ſeeing there was no other remedy; for ſince there was no Money in the Exchequer, how elſe ſhould the Fleet be ſet forth? And without a ſtout Fleet at Sea, how ſhould Sicily be ſecured, or Philip be kept off, or indeed any of the Sea-Coaſts of Italy be preſerv'd from Invaſion and Spoil?

The whole Senate being perplext with theſe difficulties, and every mans wits almoſt loſt and unable to extricate themſelves, Laevinus the Conſul ſtood up, and made a Speech to this purpoſe: As Chief Magiſtrates precede Senators in Honour, and Senators the Commons in Dignity, ſo ought both the one and the other to be Examples to them in all caſes of Charge and difficulty. For if a man would enjoin his Inferiours to undertake ſome burthen, the beſt way is for himſelf to take as much as he can of it on his own ſhoulders, and then will they be the more ready to obey and bear a part with him. Nor will it be thought heavy or grievous when every one ſees his Superiours go more than equal ſhares with him; therefore that the People of Rome may have ſuch a gallant Fleet equipped as we deſire and have need of, and that private perſons may not think much to furniſh the ſame with Mariners, let us that are here in the firſt place begin the work: I mean let, all us Senators to morrow bring into the publick Treaſury all the Gold, Silver and Braſs Coin that we have in our poſſeſſion, reſerving only Rings for himſelf, his Wife and Children, and a ſmall Tablet for his Son to hang about his Neck, and ſuch as have a Wife and Daughters, for each, one ounce of Gold. And for ſuch as have paſſed the Curule Chair, let them retain the Trappings of their Horſe, and a pound weight of Silver apiece, that they may have a Salt of Plate and a Taſter to uſe in their Sacrifices; let the reſt of the Senators have only one pound of Silver left, and 5000 Aſſes (15 l. 12 s. 6 d. ſterling) in coined Braſs-money for every Family. All the reſt of our Gold, S lver, or Braſs-money let us preſently ſend in to the Triumvirs, that are the publick Bankers, without making any Ordinance of the Senate for it, that ſo our voluntary Contribution, and vying as it were one with another to help the Commonwealth, may firſt provoke thoſe that are of the Quality of Knights, and afterwards the reſt of the people to imitate us. This is the only Expedient that we the Conſuls, after long Conſideration and Conference between our ſelves, can propoſe, which we deſire you would take, and doubt not of the Bleſſing of Heaven on it; for when the Publick is ſafe, our private Fortunes may eaſily be made good, but by neglecting that, we are ſure to ruine each of our ſelves in the end. This Propoſal was ſo heartily embraced, that the Thanks of the Houſe were return'd to the Conſuls for offering it. And the Senate was no ſooner riſen, but every one ſent in his Plate and Treaſure to the publick Stock, ſo eagerly, that they might have their Names entred formoſt in the Roll, that the Treaſurers could not receive, nor the Clerks enter the Quantities faſt enough. The Equeſtrian Order, with no leſs zeal followed this Example of the Senate, and the Commons, them, as faſt, ſo that (without any Edict, or preſſing Oration of the Magiſtrates) in a trice they had both Seamen enow, and Money enough to pay them, and all the neceſſary Preparations being compleated, the Conſuls advanc'd to their reſpective Provinces.

Never was there any juncture, during all this War, wherein the ſtate of affairs ſeem'd more equally balanced between the Romans and Carthaginians, for the Romans both in the Provinces had intermingled joys and ſorrows by overthrows in Spain, and ſucceſs in Sicily; and in Italy, as the loſs of Tarentum was grievous, ſo the keeping ſtill of the Fort there, even beyond their hopes, was matter of comfort; and the late dreadful terrour of Rome's being beſieg'd, was ſoon blown over by the taking of Capua. The affairs alſo beyond Sea, were checquer'd with interchangeable Fortune; King Philip in a very ill time became their Enemy, but then the Aetolians, and Attalus King of the leſſer Aſia, did voluntarily offer to be their new Allies, Fate even then by that Overture ſeeming to promiſe them the Empire of the Eaſt. In like ſort the Carthaginians, as they loſt Capua, ſo they had won Tarentum; and as they gloried not a little, becauſe without any oppoſition they had come up to the very Walls of Rome, ſo they were pretty well mortified to find nothing at all gain'd in the end by that Expedition; and that they ſhould be ſo much ſlighted, as whilſt they ſat before one Gate of Rome, an Army of Romans was led forth at another, and ſent away into Spain. And even in Spain alſo, the greater hopes they had, were, that upon the death of two ſuch renowned Generals, and both their Armies routed, the War would be at an end, and the Romans driven from thence for ever, the greater was their vexation to ſee thoſe Victories rendred vain and of no uſe to them by the Valour of L. Marcius, an unexpected Captain choſen in haſte, and performing ſuch mighty Acts when they thought themſelves ſure enough that there was no body to make head againſt them. Thus Fortune poizing their affairs in equal Scales, all things were on both ſides in a kind of wavering ſuſpenſe, and as well their hopes as their fears ran as high as at the very firſt moment that the War began.

But that which moſt of all gaul'd Annibal, was that the ſeeing Capua more vigorouſly attacqu'd by the Romans, than by him defended, had quite alienated the affections of many of the States of Italy, neither could he ſecure them all with ſufficient Garriſons, unleſs he meant to Cantonize his whole Army into driblets, which would undo him in the Field; and on the other ſide he was not willing by withdrawing his Garriſons to truſt to his Allies Fidelity, who being once left at liberty, might eaſily be ſway'd any way by their hopes or fears. At laſt (as he was naturally addicted to Avarice and Cruelty) he reſolved upon this courſe, to plunder and make ſpoil of thoſe Cities which he was not able to keep, and ſo leave them waſt and empty for the Enemy; an Enterprize not more wicked and diſhonourable in its firſt attempt, than miſchievous to himſelf in its conſequences; for he thereby utterly loſt the hearts not only of thoſe who actually ſuffer'd under theſe unjuſt violences and rapines, but of all the reſt beſides: for though the preſent loſs and calamity reach'd but ſome few, yet every body thought himſelf concern'd in the Example. Nor was the Roman Conſul wanting, to ſolicite all ſuch Cities as yielded him any grounds of hope, that they might be brought over to the Roman Intereſt; There were in Salapia two Noblemen eminent above all the reſt, Daſius and Blaſius, the former a firm Adherent to Annibal, the latter as much as he durſt, favour'd the Romans, and by ſecret Overtures had given Marcellus ſome hopes of a Revolt, but the matter could not be brought about without the concurrence of Daſius; wherefore after much muſing and long delays, he at length reſolved (rather for want of better Counſel, than on any likelyhood of ſpeeding) to addreſs himſelf to Daſius, and acquaint him with the deſign. Who not only out of averſion to the thing it ſelf, but Envy to the propoſer, as being the only man in the Town that was his match, diſcovers the Plot to Annibal; whereupon they both were ſummon'd to appear, and as Annibal was ſitting on his Tribunal, diſpatching ſome other affairs, that he might anon the better attend unto the accuſation of Blaſius, whilſt the Plaintiff and Defendant ſtood apart by themſelves a pretty way from the reſt of the people; Blaſius briskly ſpeaks to Daſius, and again ſolicited him to deliver up the Town to the Romans; Upon which Daſius (as if now the matter were plain and manifeſt) cries out aloud, That even juſt now in the very preſence of Annibal he was again instigating him to practiſe Treaſon and betray the City. But this ſeem'd ſo extravagant a thing, that Annibal nor any preſent could believe it, but concluded rather that the accuſation proceeded from Emulation and Malice, and that therefore he choſe to charge him with ſuch a Crime, as was not capable of other Witneſſes, that he himſelf might more freely deviſe lies againſt him, and ſo they were both diſmiſs'd; yet did not Blaſius for all that give over this bold attempt, but continued baiting of him with perpetual remonſtrances, how advantagious it would be, both to themſelves in particular, and their Country in general, whereby he at laſt prevail'd with him to conſent, that the City Salapia and the Punick Garriſon there (which conſiſted of five hundred Numidians) ſhould be rendred unto Marcellus; but this could not be effected without much bloodſhed, for they were the ſtouteſt Squadron of Horſe in all the Carthaginian Army, wherefore, though they were ſurpriz'd, and their Horſes ſtood them ſcarce in any ſtead in the City, yet with ſuch Weapons as in that ſudden Alarm they could catch up, they firſt attempted to break their way through, but finding that impoſſible, they fought ſtill moſt deſperately to the laſt, nor were there above fifty of them taken alive, all the reſt being kill'd upon the ſpot; and the loſs of this Wing of Horſe was much more conſiderable to Annibal than of the City Salapia; for never from that day forwards had the Carthaginians the better of the Romans in Cavalry, which before was the only advantage they had over them, and by which they obtain'd all their Victories.

About this time the Caſtle of Tarentum was grievouſly ſtraitned for proviſions, and hardly able to hold out, the only hope that M. Livius the Governour, and the reſt of that Garriſon had, was that they ſhould be ſupplied from Sicily; and for the ſafe Convoy thereof along the Coaſt of Italy, there rod at Anchor a Fleet well near of twenty Sail before Rhegium. The Admiral of which Fleet, and of thoſe Veſſels appointed to tranſport Corn from time to time, was one D. Quintius a perſon of obſcure Birth, but with many brave ſervices he had ſignaliz'd himſelf, and won much honour in military affairs; at firſt he had the Command but of five Ships, whereof two of the greateſt, which were three-Banked Gallies, were allow'd him by Marcellus; afterwards for his ſucceſs in ſeveral Conflicts, three more were added of five Banks of Oars apiece, and at laſt he himſelf, by calling upon the Confederate Cities as Rhegium, Velia and Paſtum for their Quota's of Ships, which by their Treaties they were to furniſh the Romans with, made up a pretty Armado, conſiſting as aforeſaid of twenty Sail. As this Fleet put off from Rhegium, it happen'd in their Voyage, that Democrates Admiral of Tarentum, with much a like number of Ships, came up with them about five Leagues from Tarentum, in a Bay call'd The Holy Port. The Romans not dreaming of an Engagement, came out only with Sails, but by good luck at Crotone and Sibaris they had furniſht his Ships with Rowers alſo, and his Fleet for the bigneſs of the Veſſels was very well provided and man'd. Juſt as the Enemies came within Ken, the wind that before blew hard, was laid, and gave them time to ſit their Tackle, make ready their Rowers, and putting their Souldiers in a poſture: ſeldom hath it been known, that any two Royal Armado's encounter'd with greater fury or braver Courage, than theſe two petty Navies ſhew'd againſt each other, as ſenſible that the Battel was of greater importance than all their Ships came to; the Tarentines conſidering, that if by gaining the Victory they made themſelves Maſters of the Sea, they ſhould deprive the Roman Garriſon of all hopes of proviſions for the future, and ſo ſhould eaſily gain poſſeſſion of the Caſtle, as well as they had recovered their City to its antient liberty after almoſt an hundred years thraldome; on the other ſide, the Romans beſtirred themſelves as luſtily, that by keeping poſſeſſion of the Caſtle, all the World might ſee, Tarentum was not fairly won from them by main ſtrength or valour, but by ſtealth and treachery. The Signal was no ſooner given on either ſide, but they ran at one another with the Beaks and Stems of their Prows as hard as they could drive, and ſtill kept on rowing forwards, and as they lay together, mutually flung on their grapling Irons, ſo that they could not be ſeparated, but fought not only with Darts, and other miſſile Weapons, but with their Swords too, and as it were hand to hand; their Prows ſtuck faſt one in another, whilſt the Poops or Hinder-Decks were driven about with contrary Oars of the adverſe part; ſo near and withal ſo thick and Ships lay, and in ſuch a narrow compaſs, that there was ſcarce one Dart flung in vain, or that lighted into the Sea without doing Execution; with their Beak-heads they charg'd one another juſt as if it had been a Land fight, and ſo cloſe they were that the Souldiers could ſtep out of one Ship into another as they fought; but remarkable above all the reſt, was the Conflict of the two Admiral Galleys, engaging together in the Front of all the reſt; In the one was Quintius in perſon, in the other Nico a Tarentine that was ſirnam'd Perco, a man that both hated the Romans, and was hated by them, not only for the publick Quarrel, but particularly on his own Account, he being the Ringleader of that Faction which betray'd the City to Annibal. This Captain in the midſt of the buſſle, as Quintius was buſy and at once fighting and encouraging his men, without taking ſufficient heed to himſelf, ran him through with a Spear, who falling down dead in his Armour on the Foredeck, the Victorious Tarentine leaps fiercely on Board the Ship, already amaz'd and diſorder'd for the loſs of their Commander, eaſily beat them back, and got poſſeſſion of the Foredeck; but the hinder deck, the Romans thronging together, defended for a while, till another Galley of the Enemies of three Banks of Oars clapt upon their Stern, and then being attacqu'd on each ſide, they were vanquiſht, and the Ship taken; which ſo much diſcourag'd the reſt of the Romans, that they all began to fly, and ſeveral of them were ſunk, others got to ſhore with their Oars, and became a prey to the Thurines and Metapontines; but of the Veſſels of burthen laden with Corn, very few fell into the Enemies hands, the reſt veering their Sails every way as the Wind ſerv'd, got out to Sea and eſcaped. About the very ſame time at home at Tarentum they had quite different Fortune; for about four thouſand of them being gone into the Country to get in Corn, where they ſtragled and rambled up and down in diſorder, of which Livius the Governour of the Caſtle having notice, and neglecting no opportunities to do them a miſchief, ſends out C. Perſius a ſtout Captain with two thouſand Souldiers well-arm'd, who fell upon them as they were wandring in the Fields, and after he had for a great while had the Execution of them, purſued thoſe few that were leſt, home to the City, who were let in at the Gates but half open, for fear the Romans following them at heels, ſhould have entred with them Pell-mell, and ſo have ſurpriz'd the City; Thus were matters at Tarentum ſet even at the Foot of the Account. The Romans winners at Land, the Tarentines at Sea, and both of them alike diſappointed of their hopes of Corn, whereof they had only a ſight, which could ſcarce fill their Bellies.

By this time, when moſt of the year was ſpent, Laevinus the Conſul arriv'd in Sicily, having long been expected by the Allies both old and new; his firſt and moſt important work was to ſettle the Affairs of Syracuſe which had not yet (the Peace was ſo young) recovered a fit Regulation. Then he march'd his Legions to Agrigentum, where only remain'd the reliques of War, that City being held by a ſtrong Garriſon of Carthaginians; there Fortune was propitious to his firſt deſigns. Hanno was the Carthaginians Commander in Chief, but their chief hopes were in the Conduct and Valour of Mutines and his Numidians. This Mutines ranged all over Sicily at his pleaſure, and pillaged the Romans Aſſociates in all parts; nor could he by any Force or Stratagem be either intercepted in his return to Agrigentum, or kept in when he was there, but that he would iſſue forth whenſoever he liſt. So great Renown he had got by theſe Exploits, that the General thought his own Glory thereby eclipſed, and began ſo far to envy him, that whatever good Services he perform'd, the ſame were not very acceptable to Hanno, becauſe atchieved by him whom he had a private pique againſt. At laſt he took away Mutines's Commiſſion, and beſtow'd his Command on his own Son, imagining that with his place he ſhould loſe alſo his Authority and that Eſteem he had acquir'd amongſt the Numidians. But it fell out quite contrary; for this his apparent ſpight doubled their kindneſs and veneration towards Mutines, who likewiſe was reſolv'd not to put up this Affront without being reveng'd, and therefore privately entred into a Correſpondence with Laevinus to deliver Agrigentum into his hands. And after Security on both ſides given, and the manner of doing it agreed upon, the Numidians at an appointed time ſeized the Gate that leads towards the Sea, killing or driving away the Warders, and ſo let into the City, the Romans who waited hard by for that purpoſe; and marching now through the middle of the City up to the Market-place with a great noiſe and tumult, Hanno ſuppoſing it to be only an Inſurrection of the Numidians (as formerly had happen'd) came forth as to appeaſe the Mutiny, but perceiving at a diſtance a far greater Company than the Numidians, and withal hearing the Roman ſhouts, with which he was not unacquainted, without offering to ſtrike a ſtroke he betook him to his heels, and getting out at a Poſtern Gate accompanied with Epicides and ſome few more, came down to the Sea-ſide, where meeting very luckily with a ſmall Veſſel, they went aboard and ſtood away for Africk, leaving the peaceable poſſeſſion of all Sicily (which for ſo many years had been both the Seat and Prize of their Wars) unto the Enemy. The reſt of the multitude as well Punicks as Sicilians, without making any defence, running blindly away, and finding all paſſages ſtopt, were cut to pieces at the Gates. The Town being ſecured, Laevinus cauſed the chief Burghers concern'd in the Revolt to be firſt ſcourged and then beheaded, the reſt he ſold for Slaves, and all the Booty, and ſent the Money to Rome. The report of the Overthrow of Agrigentum being ſpread through Sicily, preſently turn'd all their affections to the Romans; in a little time twenty Towns were betray'd, ſix taken by ſtorm; forty came in and ſurrendred of their own accord. The principal perſons of all which Cities the Conſul either rewarded or puniſh'd according to every ones deſerts, and forced the Sicilians to lay aſide their Arms, and apply themſelves to Husbandry and Tillage, that the Iſland might not only yield Bread enough for its Inhabitants, but ſerve (as often heretofore it had done) Rome and all Italy with Proviſions in a time of ſcarcity. From Agatirna he carried back with him into Italy a lewd Crew of unruly people about four thouſand in number, being a Gallimauſry of all ſorts of Raſcals, baniſh'd Rogues, Bankrupts, and notorious Malefactors deſerving death by the Laws of thoſe ſeveral Cities wherein formerly they dwelt, and being run their Country, ſome for one Fact, ſome for another, they herded all together at Agatirna, and liv'd by Robberies and Rapine. Laevinus thought it no good Policy to leave behind him theſe Rake-hells in an Iſland ſcarce yet well ſetled in Peace, leſt they ſhould continually prove fuel for new Combuſtions, and therefore took them with him, as knowing they would be of ale to the Rhegines to forrage and rove about the Bruttians Country, for they had deſired a Company that were well acquainted with thieving and ſtealing, and theſe he thought would fit them. And ſo as for Sicily, this year put an end to the War.

In Spain P. Scipio early in the Spring ſet his Ships out to Sea, and ſummon'd all the Auxiliaries of the Allies to rendezvous at Tarracon, ordering all the Ships, both Men of War and Veſſels of Burden, to ſtand for the Mouth of the River Iberus, whither he alſo commanded the Legions to march aſſoon as they left their Winter-Quarters, and himſelf with five thouſand of the Aſſociate Auxiliaries from Tarracon repaired thither. Upon his firſt Arrival he thought good to make a Speech, eſpecially to the old Souldiers who had gone through ſo many Brunts and Diſaſters; and therefore having drawn them up in a Body, he in the Head of the whole Army ſpoke to this effect: There never perhaps was a new General beſides my ſelf that was obliged by Juſtice and Merit to applaud and return thanks to his Souldiers before ever he had employ'd them. But as for me, before ever I ſaw the Camp or this Province, Fortune had made me beholding to you; firſt for your Piety and thoſe kind regards you paid to my Father and Uncle, both when living and dead. And that when this Province was as it were wholly loſt by thoſe mighty Overthrows, yet you by your Valour recovered the entire poſſeſſion of it for the People of Rome, and me the next Succeſſour in Sovereign Command. And now ſince by the favour and aſſiſtance of the Gods, we deſign and reſolve not ſo much to ſecure our own Reſidence in Spain, as to diſpoſſeſs the Carthaginians, and not leave them any footing there; not to ſtand on the Banks of Iberus to obſtruct the Enemies paſſage, but to go over our ſelves and make their preſent Quarters the Seat of War; I am not without apprehenſions, that ſome of you may think it a more great and daring Enterprize than comports either with the freſh remembrance of thoſe late Defeats, or my own green and unexperienced Age. Certainly our diſaſters in Spain, no man breathing has reaſon more to reſent or longer to bear in mind than my ſelf, as having therein loſt both a Father and an Uncle, all in leſs than thirty days ſpace, whereby ſorrow upon ſorrow, and one Funeral after another was unfortunately heap'd upon our Family. But as this deſolate Eſtate of our private Name (where, in a manner, I alone am left alive of all our Race) as oft as I think thereof, pierces my heart, and wounds me in the tendereſt part of my Soul; ſo both the publick Vertue and Fortune of our Commonwealth do again revive my Spirits, and will not ſuffer me to deſpair, ſince it ſeems to have been always our Fate to thrive by Afflictions, and not to have compleated any Conqueſts until we firſt ſeem'd utterly overthrown and reduced to the laſt Extremities. I ſhall wave Examples of old times, as of Porſena, the Gauls or the Samnites, and begin only with theſe Punick Wars; How many brave Fleets, gallant Commanders and ſtout Armies did we loſe in the former War? And what ſhall I ſay of this which we are at preſent engaged in? In all our defeats I have been either perſonally preſent, or where I was abſent, none has reaſon to be more ſenſible of them than I. The River Trebia, the Lake Thraſimenus, and the Town Cannae, what are they elſe but ſo many Monuments, Sepulchres and Tombs of the Roman Armies there cut to pieces, and of their Conſuls ſlain? Add hereto the almoſt general Revolt of Italy, Sicily, and the greater part of Sardinia: Nay, add moreover this laſt affright and terrour when the Carthaginian Tents were pitch'd between the River Anio and the Walls of Rome, and from our very Gates we beheld Annibal vaunting himſelf as a Conquerour. In all theſe ruines and dreadful ſhocks of our State, the Vertue and Courage of the People of Rome held up its head above water upright and immoveable. You, Gentlemen Souldiers, were the firſt, that after the diſcomfiture at Cannae, under the Conduct and good Fortune of my Father, put a ſtop to Aſdrubal in his Expedition towards the Alps, deſign'd for Italy, who if once he had join'd his Brother Annibal, the Roman Name had undoubtedly by this time been extinct; which Succeſs balanced and ſupported all our former Loſſes. At preſent by the favour of the Immortal Gods, our Affairs are in a more ſmiling condition, and grow every day better and better both in Italy and Sicily. In the latter, Syracuſe and Agrigentum are taken, the Enemy clear beaten out, and the whole Iſland reduc'd to the Roman Devotion. In the former, the Town Arpi is recovered by Surrender, the City Capua taken by Storm, and Annibal himſelf having in a trembling flight meaſur'd all the way from Rome to the Bruttians Country in the upper Calabria, is coop'd up in the further Corner thereof, and deſires nothing more of the Gods, than that he may with a ſafe skin get out of his Enemies Land. How abſurd and unaccountable then, my valiant Souldiers, will it be, if you who here with my Parents (for both deſerve to be equally honour'd with that Name) ſupported the tottering Fortunes of Rome, at a time when one calamity came thick on the neck of another, and the Gods themſelves ſeem'd to declare in favour of Annibal, ſhould now in the ſelf-ſame Province let fall your invincible Courage, and grow faint-hearted in this promiſing Juncture, when all things go proſperouſly on our ſide? As for the late Misfortunes which have happen'd here, I wiſh they might have paſſed over without ſorrow as well on my part as yours. But this I will ſay, That the Immortal Gods, Guardians of the Roman Empire, who inſpired all the Wards and Precincts with an unanimous Vote to confer on me the Honour of this Sovereign Command, have not been wanting both by lucky Auguries and happy Auſpices, and nocturnal Viſions too, to ſignifie and portend us all the ſucceſs and proſperity we can wiſh. Moreover, my own mind (which always hitherto I have found the trueſt Prophet, and which never yet deceived me) does preſage and ſeem certainly to tell me, That all Spain ſhall be ours, and that in a ſhort time the whole Punick Name and Nation ſent packing thence, ſhall fill all the neighbouring Seas and Shores with Tokens and Relations of their ſhameful Flight. What my Spirit of it ſelf does thus divine, is confirmed by the infallible Dictates of Reaſon: For do you not ſee that the Carthaginians Allies, wearied with their Tyranny and Abuſes, ſend their Embaſſadours to Court our Friendſhip and Protection? Are not their three Generals at ſuch odds amongſt themſelves, as ready to fall foul on one another, they have ſeparated their Forces, and are now gone into different and remote Regions? And undoubtedly the ſame Fortune is hovering over their heads which was lately our undoing on the very ſame occaſion; for they are deſerted by their Confederates juſt as we were at firſt by the Celtiberians, and now they have divided their Armies, which was the Overthrow of my Father and my Uncle; neither will their inteſtine Feuds ſuffer them to unite, nor are any of them ſingle able to withſtand us. Do but you, my gallant Souldiers, favour the Name of the Scipio's, and me the true Off-ſpring of your late Generals, budding forth from that old Noble Stock, which ſeem'd cut down to the Roots; go on then, you try'd and ancient Warriours, ſet over the River Iberus a new Army and a new General, pierce into thoſe Territories which you have often already conquer'd, and where you ſhall meet every where with Monuments of your former Valour; and doubt not but for my part I ſhall endeavour ſo to behave my ſelf, that as you now behold in me the lively Countenance and reſembling Features of my Father and my Uncle, ſo in a little time you ſhall acknowledge the expreſs Effigies of their Spirits, Faith and Valour, and every one cry, That old Scipio is reviv'd or born again to be their General.

Wonderfully chear'd were the Souldiers with this Oration; and leaving for the ſecurity of thoſe parts three thouſand Foot, and three hundred Horſe, under the Command of M. Silanus, he tranſported croſs the Iberus the reſt of his Forces, conſiſting of five and twenty thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe; there he was adviſed by ſome about him, Since the Punick Armies were ſeparated into parts ſo far remote from each other, to attacque the neareſt; but he fearing leſt by that means he might draw them all together, againſt whom he ſhould not then be able to make head, choſe rather in the mean time to be doing with new Carthage, a City both rich in it ſelf, and much more conſiderable, as being the Enemies common Magazine, for there were their Arms and money laid up, and the Hoſtages of all Spain kept; beſides, as it was moſt conveniently ſituate to croſs over to and fro between that and Africk, ſo it had a bold and large Haven able to receive the greateſt Fleet that could ſpread Canvaſs that way, and the only Port (if I be not miſtaken) of all that Coaſt of Spain, which opens into our Sea. Yet he communicated his deſign to none but C. Laelius, who being ſent about with the Fleet, was ordered ſo to ſteer his courſe, that at the ſame time as Scipio fac'd that City by Land, he ſhould then, and not before, enter the Haven; where in ſeven days after they parted from the Mouth of Iberus, they both arriv'd, and inveſted Carthagene by Sea and Land. He Encamp'd on the Northſide of the City, and fortified himſelf behind, for as to his Front he was well enough defended by the natural ſituation of the ground. For thus Carthagene ſtands; There is a Creek of the Sea in the middle, well near of all that Coaſt of Spain, moſtly expoſed to the Southweſt Wind, and running up within the Land about half a Mile, and ſomewhat more in breadth, at the Mouth thereof there is a ſmall Iſland towards the open Sea, which ſhelters the Haven from all other Winds but the Southweſt; From the innermoſt nook of this Bay there bears out a Promontory, which is a Peninſula, and on that the City is built; on the Eaſt and South, waſht by the Sea; on the Weſt there is a Lake which alſo ſpreads ſomewhat to the North, but of uncertain depth, according as the Sea ebbs and flows, and the Iſthmus [or neck of Land] which joins the City to the main Continent, is not above a quarter of a mile over; Therefore on that ſide, being ſo ſmall a piece of work, the Roman General did not trouble himſelf to caſt up any Entrenchment; either out of a Bravado to ſhew the Enemy how much he confided in his own ſtrength; or becauſe, in his frequent attacques on the Walls, he might have an open paſſage to advance and retreat as he pleaſed.

Having finiſht what Fortifications he thought needful, he ſet his Ships in order within the Haven, as reſolving to attacque them by Sea; and having in perſon viſited the whole Fleet, and given a ſpecial Charge to the Commander of every Ship, to keep diligent watch by night (for the Enemy now at the beginning of the Siege, would be apt every where to take what advantages they could) he then return'd to the Camp, to give his men an account of the reaſon way he began the War with this Siege, and withal to confirm their hopes of gaining the place; To which purpoſe he ſpake as follows, Whoever thinks I have brought you hither to aſſault one City only, is much miſtaken, regarding only your preſent task without conſidering its conſequences; 'Tis true, you are now battering the Walls of but one City, but in that one City, if you take it, you make your ſelves Maſters of all Spain; Here are the Children of their Kings and principal perſons of Quality kept as Hoſtages; and as ſoon as they fall into our hands, all thoſe places which now are under the Carthaginians, will join with us; Here is all the Enemies Money and Treaſure, without which they cannot continue the War, their Army conſiſting for the moſt part of Mercenaries; and the ſame will be of mighty uſe to us amongſt the Barbarians, ſince therewith we may be ſure to purchaſe their Friendſhip. Here is their whole Magazine, their Arms, their Armour, their Artillery and Engines for Land-Service, and their Tackling and Stores for equipping Ships to Sea, with which we ſhall furniſh our ſelves, and leave them as it were naked; we ſhall likewiſe gain both a moſt fair and wealthy City, and a brave Haven lying moſt opportunely to ſtock us both by Land and Sea with all things that we ſhall have occaſion for; As theſe will be vaſt advantages to us, ſo the loſs will be far greater to the Enemy; This is their Caſtle for ſtrength, their Granary for Proviſion, their Treaſury for money, their Arſenal for Arms, and in a word their common Storehouſe for all things whatſoever; Hither is the moſt direct paſſage and ſhorteſt cut out of Africk; Here is the only Harbour for Shipping between Gebraltar and the Pyrenaean Mountains; from hence all Spain overlooks, and as it were commands Africk. But knowing that you cannot but be ſufficiently ſenſible of the importance of the ſervice, and well prepared for it: I will ſay no more but this, Let us forthwith for the Honour of the Roman Name, go on, and with all our might ſtorm New Carthage; Which all his Army joyfully conſenting to, by crying out unanimouſly, Let's do't, Let's to't; he led up nearer to the Town, and at once began the Aſſault both by Land and Sea.

Which Mago, the Carthaginian Governour, perceiving, he thus diſpos'd of his Forces; two thouſand of the Townſmen he Order'd to that part of the City that lay over againſt the Roman Camp; and five hundred more he poſted on a little Hill on the Eaſt-part of the City, all the reſt he commanded to be in a readineſs to make reſiſtance in any place where the Alarm ſhould be given, or danger requir'd. Then flinging open the Gate, thoſe two thouſand whom he had drawn up within the ſtreet leading to the Enemies Camp, iſſued forth; The Romans, by their Generals Order, retreated a little, that during the Conflict they might be nearer their Camp to be reinforced with freſh men as there ſhould be occaſion; At firſt they ſtood to't ſtoutly on both ſides, and little odds could be perceived between them; But new Parties coming up continually to the Romans, enable them after a little time, not only to beat back the Enemy from their Camp, but alſo to put them to the run, whom they purſued ſo fiercely, that if Scipio had not cauſed a Retreat to be ſounded, they ſeem'd like to have broke in along with them into the City, and preſently to have taken it; For indeed there was no leſs Conſternation within, than abroad, inſomuch that the Guards and Centinels quitted their Poſts, and thoſe that were appointed to defend the Walls, leap'd down and left them naked; which Scipio perceiving from an high Bank, which they call, Mercurius Tutates, he thought it not beſt to neglect ſuch an opportunity, but ſent for his whole Army to advance out of their Camp, and bring with them the Scaling Ladders and other neceſſaries, immediately to ſtorm the City. Himſelf in perſon ſhelter'd under the Shields of three tall luſty young men (for by this time they let fly from the Walls a mighty Volley of Artillery of all ſorts) approach'd the City; where he exhorted, encouraged, and gave all neceſſary Orders; nor did his preſence a little enflame the Courage of his men, being an Eye-witneſs of every ones gallantry or failure. So that ſlighting the wounds they received, they flung themſelves upon the Enemies Weapons, and neither the ſtrength of the Walls, nor the force of thoſe armed men that ſtood thereon, could keep them back, but reſolutely to Scaling they went, vying with one another who ſhould firſt mount the Walls. At the ſame time that part of the City which lay towards the Sea was aſſaulted by the Fleet, but on that ſide there was more noiſe and tumult made, than any effectual ſervice done; for what with bringing up their Ships cloſe to the Walls, landing their Souldiers, and mounting their Ladders, with their ſtriving to get foremoſt and overhaſt, they did but hinder one another.

In the mean time Mago had fill'd the Walls with armed men, who pepper'd the Aſſailants with ſhowres of Darts, Javelins, and all ſorts of Artillery; But it was neither the valour of his men, nor the violence of their Weapons that kept them off ſo much as the very Wall it ſelf; For very few Ladders they had, that could reach to the top of it, and the longer any of them were, ſo much they were the weaker, ſo that before they, who were climed up to the higheſt rounds, could get upon the Parapet, others clambering after them, with their weight over charg'd and broke the Ladders, and down they came all together; and ſome, though the Ladders held firm, yet the very height, if they chanc'd to look down, dazled their Eyes, and ſo turn'd their Heads, that they tumbled off and fell to the ground; Thus Ladders and men being every where over-thrown, and the Enemy encouraged with that ſucceſs, a Retreat was ſounded, which gave the Beſieged hopes, not only that the preſent attacque was over, but that for the future they might ſet their hearts at reſt, for their City was tenable againſt all Scalado's, and as for Batteries and Mounts, that would be a work of time, and their own Generals might come up early enough to relieve them. But ſcarce was the hurry of the firſt Aſſault allay'd, when Scipio commanded other freſh Souldiers to take the Ladders of them that were already weary or wounded, and with greater violence to renew the Attacque. For underſtanding that the Tide was going out, and being inform'd by certain Fiſhermen of Tarracon, that then, the Lake was Fordable, and that they might that way eaſily come at the Walls; he led a Party over there. It was now about noon, and beſides the natural ebb, a fierce Northern Wind happening to ariſe, drove the Water out ſo faſt after the Tide, that ſeveral ſhallows were diſcovered, no where above a mans middle, and for the moſt part ſcarce knee deep. Which accident (the more to encourage his Souldiers) he repreſented as a Prodigy or ſpecial Miracle ſhewn by the Gods in their favour; That to afford the Romans a paſſage over, they had turn'd back the Sea, and dry'd up the Lake, and open'd a way where never before any Mortals had trod; Let us therefore (quoth he) follow Neptune who here is our Guide, and propitiouſly will lead us through the middle of the Lake up to the Walls of the Enemy.

Thoſe that went on by Land had deſperate ſervice, for not only the height of the Wall kept them off, but alſo the ſame being built as it were indented all along, running ſometimes out, and preſently in again, whereſoever they approach'd, they were liable to be charg'd from thence on both Flanks as well as in the Front; But on the other part, through the Meer, they met with no oppoſition, for neither was the Wall there fortified with any Bullwarks, as ſuppoſing it defended ſufficiently by the Lake, nor were there (for the ſame reaſon) any Guards plac'd thereon, but all were buſy on the other ſide, where there ſeem'd to be the greater danger. Thus the Romans, without reſiſtance, unexpectedly entred the City, and march'd with all Expedition towards that Quarter where the Conflict was; and ſo taken up were the Defendants minds and Eyes, ſome fighting and the reſt looking on and encouraging their Fellows, that not one of them ever perceiv'd the Town taken behind their backs, until the Invaders Darts from thence lighted upon them; then finding themſelves beſet both ways, every one endeavour'd to ſhift for himſelf, the Walls having none left to defend them, were mounted; the Gate equally batter'd within and without, broke all to pieces, and the whole Army entred at their pleaſure; whilſt thoſe that were already got over the Wall, kill'd all thoſe of the Town they could meet with, but the main body march'd in good Order through the midſt of the City up to the Market place; and ſeeing the Enemy in their flight did chiefly make two ways, ſome to the Mount on the Eaſt-ſide of the City, where was a Guard of five hundred Souldiers, others towards the Caſtle, (to which Mago himſelf was retired with moſt of thoſe who were beat from the Walls) Scipio ſent a Party to win the Mount, who gain'd the ſame at the firſt Charge; the reſt of his Forces he himſelf led up to attacque the Caſtle, where after ſome defence, Mago finding reſiſtance vain, and no hopes left to retrieve ſo deſperate a Game, ſurrendred up the ſame, together with himſelf and all that were in it; Till this Fort was yielded, the Execution continued in the City, and all thoſe of years they could meet with were put to the Sword; but then Command was given that they ſhould forbear further ſlaughter. And the Conquerours generally betook them to ranſack and plunder, getting a vaſt Booty and very rich of all kinds.

There were taken of Free-born People of the Male Sex ten thouſand or upwards; but ſuch of them as were Natural Citizens of the place, Scipio diſcharged, reſtoring to them ſuch of their Goods as the fury of the Souldiers had left. The Handicrafts-men being about two thouſand in number, he obliged by an Edict to ſerve the People of Rome in their ſeveral Crafts, but with a promiſe, that they ſhould in ſhort time be ſet at liberty, if they made haſte with thoſe Military Preparations wherein they ſhould be employed. The reſt of the multitude of Inhabitants, ſuch as were young men, or ſtout robuſt Servants, he diſpoſed of in the Navy, which he increaſed with eight Ships now taken from the Enemy. But the Spaniſh Hoſtages he treated with a peculiar reſpect, and no leſs kindneſs than if they had been the Sons of Allies. The Warlike Artillery and Proviſions here ſeized on were almoſt incredible, of thoſe Engines called Catapults, of the greater ſort almoſt an hundred and twenty, and two hundred eighty one ſmaller ones; of Scorpions great and ſmall, and of all ſorts of Armour and Weapons a mighty quantity, together with ſeventy four Military Enſigns; likewiſe a power of Gold and Silver was carried in to the General, two hundred ſeventy ſix golden Bowls, almoſt all of them weighing at leaſt a pound a piece; of Coined Silver eighteen thouſand three hundred pound weight, beſides abundance of Silver Plate. Of all which an Account being taken, the ſame was committed to the Charge of C. Flaminius the Treaſurer, forty thouſand Buſhels of Wheat, two hundred and ſeventy thouſand of Barley; of Merchants Ships and Veſſels of Burthen there were one hundred and thirteen taken in the Haven, many of them laden with Corn, Armour, Braſs, Iron, Sail-Cloth, Cordage, and Timber for Shipping; ſo that the City it ſelf was to be eſteem'd as the leaſt part of what the Romans gain'd there.

The ſame Evening Scipio having committed the Guard of the City to C. Laelius and the Mariners, return'd himſelf with the Legions to their Camp; and order'd his Souldiers to refreſh themſelves, almoſt quite tired out with the various fatigues of that day, as having fought a Battel in the Field, and undergone ſo much toil and danger both in taking the City, and afterwards in aſſaulting the Caſtle upon great diſadvantages. The next day having call'd together his Army and the Seamen, He in the firſt place return'd thanks and praiſes to the Immortal Gods, who had been graciouſly pleaſed not only to deliver into his hands in one days space the moſt mighty and opulent City in all Spain, but had before heap'd up there almoſt all the Riches both of Spain and Africk; whereby, as the Enemies were now to ſeek of all things, and had nothing to help themſelves withal, ſo he and his had enough and to ſpare of whatſoever their hearts could deſire. Then he proceeded to commend the Courage and Bravery of his Souldiers, taking particular notice, That neither the Enemies fierce Sally, nor the mighty height of the Wall, nor the untry'd Fords of the Lake, nor the Fort advantageouſly ſituated on an Hill, nor laſt of all a moſt ſtrong and well fortified Caſtle was able in the leaſt to daunt their Spirits, nor hinder them from ſurmounting and breaking through all theſe difficulties, till they obtain'd compleat poſſeſſion of Victory. And therefore though all and every man of them deſerved Rewards at his hands, yet the principal Honour of a Mural Crown belonged properly to him that firſt mounted the Wall; and therefore let him that d • ſerves that Honour come in and claim his Due. Whereupon there were two that put in for't, Q. Trebellius a Centurion of the fourth Legion, and Sext. Digitius a Seaman; nor was the Contention ſo hot for the Prize between theſe two themſelves, as amongſt the whole Forces divided into two Factions, the Land-men taking the formers part, wherein they were headed by M. Sempronius Tuditanus, and the Seamen the latters, for whom alſo the Admiral C. Laelius himſelf appeared and made all the intereſt he could. The Debate growing ſo fierce, that it was like to come to a Mutiny, Scipio told them he would conſtitute three Delegates as Judges, who upon full hearing of the Cauſe and Witneſſes, ſhould determine which of the Pretenders had the Right. Theſe Commiſſioners were C. Laelius and M. Sempronius the Advocates of each Party, to whom he added P. Cornelius Caudinus as an indifferent Perſon between them both; but this cauſed a greater heat of Contention, becauſe theſe Gentlemen before endeavour'd to moderate each Party, but they now being taken off by their Quality of Judges, every one pleaded as violently as he liſt. C. Laelius, riſing out of the Court, repaired to Scipio at his Tribunal, acquainting him; That the matter was managed without all moderation or modeſty, inſomuch that 'twas fear'd they would fall together by the Ears; or however if the Peace were kept, yet it would be a deteſtable Example to future times, if the Reward of Vertue ſhould be obtain'd with Fraud, Lyes and Perjuries: For here ſtand the Legionary Souldiers on one ſide, and the Seamen on the other, all ready to ſwear by all the Gods, things as they would have them to be, though in truth they know nothing of the matter; and thus not only draw down the guilt of Perjury on their own heads, but pollute therewith our Enſigns and our Eagles on which they ſware, and utterly ſubvert that ſacred and religious reverence due to an Oath, and that he was both by P. Cornelius and M. Sempronius deſired to inform him hereof; Scipio kindly thank'd him, and preſently call'd all the Forces to an Audience; where he declared, That he was very well ſatisfied, that Q. Trebellius and Sext. Digitius, both mounted the Wall in ſeveral places at one and the ſame inſtant, and therefore as an acknowledgment of their Valour, he did on both of them beſtow mural Crowns; After which, he confer'd rewards on others according to every ones merit; and above all the reſt he applauded C. Laelius the Admiral, equalizing him with himſelf, and beſtowing on him a golden Crown, and thirty head of Cattel.

In the next place he cauſed the Spaniſh Hoſtages to be call'd before him; but how many there were of them I know not how to ſet down, ſince I find in ſome Chronicles their number not full three hundred, but in others ſeven hundred twenty five. The like diſagreement there is in other particulars, one Author ſayes the Punick Garriſon here conſiſted of ten thouſand men; another ſays ſeven thouſand, and a third affirms they were not above two thouſand. In ſome I read of ten thouſand taken, in others above five and twenty thouſand; If I ſhould follow Silenus a Greek Writer, I muſt have ſet down of Scorpions great and ſmall, ſixty taken; but if I go by Valerius Antias, I ſhould tell you a Tale of ſix thouſand of the greater ſort, and thirteen thouſand of the ſmaller, ſo inſufferably will people lie upon Record. Nay 'tis not fully agreed who were the Chief Commanders, for though moſt Authors name Laelius to be Admiral, yet there are ſome that aver it was M. Junius Sullanus. Antias Valerius writes, that one Armes was Governour of the City for the Carthaginians, and taken by the Romans, but other Hiſtorians ſay it was Mago. As little conſent there is about the number of Ships, the weight of the gold and ſilver Plate taken, or the ſumm of money that was rais'd by the ſpoils; If there were a neceſſity of believing any of them, thoſe that take the middle way are moſt likely to follow truth. But to return again to Scipio, when the Spaniſh Hoſtages appear'd, he bid them all have a good heart and fear nothing, for they were faln into the hands of Romans, a people that always delight to oblige people by kindneſs and Civilities, rather than to over awe them with fear and ſeverities, and to enjoy the Friendſhip and faithful Alliance of Foreign Nations, more than to hold them in ſubjection and ſlavery. Then after he had taken the Names of their Cities, he alſo call'd over the Priſoners, how many there were of each Nation, and ſent Meſſengers to their homes to come and receive them; ſuch Cities as happen'd to have Embaſſadours preſent, their Countrymen were reſtored immediately to them, and the reſt committed to the Cuſtody of C. Flaminius the Quaeſtor, to uſe them kindly till an opportunity was offer'd of ſending them away. Whilſt this was a doing, from the middle of the Crowd of Hoſtages, a very antient Lady, the Wife of Mandonius, Brother to Indibilis the Chief of the Ilergetes, flung her ſelf at the Generals Feet, beſeeching him moſt earneſtly, That he would give ſpecial Command, that ſuch of the Female Sex as were Priſoners, might be carefully kept and reſpected as they ought to be. Scipio told her, They ſhould want for nothing. We regard not that (quoth ſhe) ſo much, for a very little will be enough for us in our preſent wretched condition; My care is for another matter, when I behold the blooming youth of theſe Virgins here, for as for my own part, I am out of date, and paſt the fear of thoſe injuries which our Sex is moſt expos'd unto: Now there ſtood about her divers Virgins in the prime of their Age, and extreamly handſome, the Daughters of Indibilis, and ſome other fair young Ladies of like Quality, who all paid her as much reſpect as if ſhe had been their Mother. Scipio replies; Both my own ſtrict Diſcipline, as well as the general Civility of the people of Rome, may aſſure you, Madam! That nothing ſhall amongſt us ſuffer abuſe, which in any part of the World is held inviolable; ſuch outrages I am oblig'd to reſtrain for my own credit and the honour of Rome; but both your Quality and Vertues engage me to a particular care of your ſafeties, who in the midſt of theſe your Calamities forget not the honour of your Sex: Then he entruſted them to the charge of a perſon of approved Integrity, who was charg'd to treat them with as much modeſty and reſpect as if they were the Wives and Daughters of their neareſt Friends and Benefactors.

By and by the Souldiers brought before him a young Lady of Marriageable years, ſo lovely a Creature to look on, that whereever ſhe paſs'd ſhe attracted every Bodies Eyes and Admiration; Scipio inquiring her Country and Parents, amongſt the reſt came to underſtand, That ſhe was contracted to a young Gentleman call'd Allucius a Prince of the Celtiberians; Therefore cauſing her Parents and Sweet-heart to be ſent for, when they arriv'd, having underſtood how paſſionately the young man lov'd her, he entred into a more familiar Diſcourſe with him, than with either the Father or Mother of the Maid, and in theſe terms entertain'd him; I am a young man as well as your ſelf, and ſo neither of us need bluſh to ſpeak of the affairs of Love; when your Lady was brought Priſoner before me by my Souldiers, and I underſtood what a paſſion you had for her, (which her Beauty eaſily made me believe) I thought my ſelf oblig'd to do, as I would be done by, in the like Caſe; For if I were minded to enjoy the paſtimes of youth (eſpecially in an honeſt honourable way) as I might, if I had not wholly devoted my ſelf to the ſervice of the Publick, I ſhould not only think the higheſt tranſports of affection venial towards my Miſtreſs, but dread nothing ſo much as a Rival, or any violence offer'd to her perſon and honour; ſo in this reſpect, I have to the utmost favour'd your Amour; your Spouſe has been kept here with no leſs modeſty and reverence than if ſhe had been all this while with your Father and Mother-in-Law, her kind Parents; Reſerv'd ſhe has been and kept for you alone, that you might receive her untoucht, and as a Preſent worthy both of you and my ſelf; All the return I expect for this gift, is, That henceforth you will be a Friend and Well-willer to the State of Rome, and if indeed you take me to be an honeſt good man, ſuch as all theſe Nations have known both my Father and Ʋncle to have been before me, then be aſſur'd, That the City of Rome yields abundance more that are like us, and that there is not a Nation this day under Heaven, that is either a better Friend or a more formidable Enemy. The young Prince confounded between an exceſs of joy and baſhfulneſs, held Scipio by the hand, and invok'd all the Gods, beſeeching them to recompence him for this ſuperlative ſavour on his behalf, who ſhould never be able to make acknowledgments for the ſame, ſutable either to his own deſires, or the merits of the thing. Then the Maids Parents and Kindred were call'd, who ſince the Lady was reſtor'd gratis, for whoſe Redemption they had brought a great ſumm of gold, began to intreat Scipio, That he would be pleas'd to accept thereof, which they ſhould take as the next kindneſs to that he had done them in delivering their Daughter; Scipio ſeeing them ſo importunate, ſeems willing to take it, and bids them lay it at his Feet; Then calling Allucius, Here, ſays he, beſides the Portion you are to have from your Father-in-Law, Let me help to encreaſe your Marriage Fortune, take all this Gold and keep it for you and yours; So being ſent home over-joy'd with theſe Preſents and Civilities, he fill'd all the Country with Scipio's Praiſes, and how brave and worthy a perſon he was, telling them, There was come over into Spain a young man, in all reſpects, reſembling the Immortal Gods, and who equally vanquiſht all men with his Arms and his Courteſies. Amongſt his Dependents he ſoon raiſed fourteen hundred choice Horſe, and with them return'd to Scipio.

Laelius continued with Scipio, till the Priſoners Hoſtages, and Booty were by their mutual conſent diſpos'd of; and then in a Galley of five Banks of Oars was diſpatcht away for Rome with tidings of the Victory, withal carrying Mago and about fifteen Senators Priſoners thither; Scipio ſpent thoſe few dayes he deſign'd to remain at Carthage, in exerciſing his Sea and Land Forces; The firſt day he cauſed all the Legions to run in their Arms a four-miles-courſe; Next day he employ'd them in ſcouring and furbiſhing up their Armour before their Tents; The third day they drew up in Parties and charg'd one another as in Battalia, but arm'd only with wooden Swords, and blunt rebated Darts and Javelins. The fourth day they reſted; The fifth they ran again in their Armour as before, and ſo continued this courſe of Exerciſe all the while they quarter'd at Carthage. Whilſt the Seamen as often as the weather was calm, and would permit, uſed to row out into the open Sea, and vye one Galley with another for nimbleneſs, and ſometimes repreſenting ſhews of a Sea-fight; Thus without the City they were buſy in hardening their Bodies and enuring their minds for ſervice both at Sea and Land; and within the Town nothing was heard but the clatter of Artificers and Workmen preparing all ſorts of military Furniture, ſhut up in divers Shops and Workhouſes for that purpoſe. The General had his Eye every where; now he was aboard the Fleet, by and by exerciſing himſelf with the reſt of the Legions, ſometimes he took a view how the Works went on, in the Armory, and amongſt the Shipwrights, where every one endeavour'd to out work the other, hoping ſo much the ſooner to gain their Liberty. Having thus ſet them to work, and repair'd the Walls where there were any breaches or decays, leaving a ſufficient Garriſon, he march'd back to Tarracon, being met by the way by ſeveral Embaſſies, of whom ſome he preſently diſpatcht, and appointed others to attend him there, where he had ordered a General Diet or Aſſembly to be held by the Deputies of all the Allies, old and new; and almoſt all thoſe Nations on this ſide of Iberus, and many of the further Spain appear'd accordingly. The Carthaginian Generals induſtriouſly ſuppreſs'd the report of New Carthage's being taken, but when it grew too notorious to be any longer denied or concealed, they uſed all their Art to undervalue it and make it ſeem as a thing of no great moment; That there was indeed one ſingle City of Spain taken by ſurprize, and as it were by ſtealth in one dayes time; which ſmall exploit had ſo puft up the young man, that he fancied it a mighty Victory; but when their three Generals, and their Victorious Armies ſhould approach him, the Ghoſts of his Father and his Ʋncle would begin to haunt him. Such like Speeches they gave out amongſt the people, though in themſelves they were ſadly ſenſible, how great a blow it was, and how much their ſtrength in all reſpects was decay'd by this loſs of New Carthage.

DECADE III. BOOK VII. The EPITOME.

1. Cn. Fulvius the Proconſul with his Army is ſlain at Herdonea by Annibal. 2. But Cl. Marcellus the Conſul has better Fortune againſt the ſame Enemy at Numeſtrio, and obliges Annibal to retreat by night. 14, &c. Marcellus purſues him, and urged him ſtill as he retired, until he obliged him to another Engagement. 16. Wherein at first Annibal had the better on't, but in the next Fight Marcellus worſted him. 17, 18. Fabius Maximus the Father being Conſul, recovers Tarentum by the Treachery of ſome in that City. 20, 21. Scipio ſights with Aſdrubal the Son of Amilcar at Betula in Spain, and defeats him, where amongst others having taken a Royal Youth of wondrous Beauty, he ſent him home to his Ʋncle Maſſaniſſa with ſeveral Preſents. 29. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius Criſpinus the Conſuls going out to take a view of the Country, are ſurprized by Annibal with a Stratagem, Marcellus being killed, and Criſpinus eſcaping by Flight. 32, &c This Book alſo contains the Actions of P. Sulpicius the Praetor againſt Philip and the Achaeans. 38. The Cenſors take a ſolemn Survey of the City, and purged it by Sacrifices, where there were enrolled an hundred thirty ſeven thouſand one hundred and eight perſons. By which Account it appeared how many Romans were loſt by the late unfortunate Wars. 41, &c. Aſdrubal having with a freſh Army paſſed the Alps to join his Brother Annibal, is cut off with ſix and fifty thouſand of his men, by the Conduct of M. Livius, but eſpecially by the good Service of Claudius Nero the other Conſul: 45. Who being appointed to make head againſt Annibal, left the Camp ſo privately, as the Enemy was not aware of it, and with a choice Body of Souldiers, ſurrounded Aſdrubal, and ſo defeated him.

U. C. 543 THE Affairs of Spain ſtanding thus, as we have related. In Italy the Conſul Marcellus, after the Recovery of Salapia by Treachery, took by Force Maronea and Sales, two Towns of the Samnites, not leſs than three thouſand of Annibals Souldiers left there in Garriſon, being cut to pieces. A great part of the Spoil was divided amongſt the Souldiers, and amongſt other things there were got two hundred and forty thouſand Buſhels of Wheat, and one hundred and ten thouſand of Barley, yet was not this good News equal to that Loſs which preſently after followed near Herdonea, where Cn. Fulvius the Proconſul lay encamp'd, hoping to recover that City, which after the defeat at Cannae had revolted from the Romans, a place neither very well ſituate for Defence, nor having in it any conſiderable Garriſon; but that which moſt increaſed Fulvius's hopes (a man naturally negligent and preſuming) was, That thoſe within began to be weary of the Carthaginians Government, eſpecially after the loſs of Salapia, and when they heard that Annibal was retired to the Bruttians; of all this Annibal had private notice from Herdonea, and excited as well with deſires of retaining an Aſſociate City, as of ſurprizing a careleſs Enemy, marches thither with great Expedition, that he might arrive before they had any notice of his coming; and that he might terrifie them the more, advanc'd in Battel-Array. The Romans with equal boldneſs, but far inferiour both in Strength and Conduct, drew up in an hurry and gave them Battel, their fifth Legion and left Wing charging with great reſolution; but Annibal had ordered his Cavalry, That whilſt the Foot were engaged, and their thoughts and eyes wholly taken up, they ſhould fetch a Compaſs, and ſome of them attacque the Enemies Camp, and the reſt fall upon their Rear, he himſelf frequently repeating to his men the Name of Cn. Fulvius as ominous, becauſe two years before he had defeated a Praetor of the ſame Name almoſt in the ſame place, and did aſſure them the Fortune of this Battel would be alike; nor did he deceive them: For after many of the Romans were faln in the Foot-Service, and yet kept both their Ground and their Ranks, on a ſudden the Enemies Horſe fell upon their backs, and a ſad Cry was heard from the Camp. The ſixth Legion which compoſed the ſecond Battalion, being put into diſorder by the Numidian Troops, diſcompoſed the fifth, and all thoſe that were in the Front; ſo ſome of them were put to flight, and many cut to pieces, amongſt whom was Cn. Fulvius himſelf with twelve Colonels. But how many in all of the Romans and their Confederates were ſlain in that Fight, who can certainly affirm? when I find in ſome Authors thirteen thouſand, in others but ſeven thouſand; the Conquerour enjoy'd their Camp and all their Spoil. And as for the City Herdonea, perceiving it had been inclinable to revolt to the Romans, and that it would hardly continue Loyal after he was gone, he burnt it down, having cauſed the chief Citizens that had caball'd with Fulvius to be executed, and the reſt of the Inhabitants to be tranſported to Metapontum and the Surians. Such of the Romans as made ſhift to eſcape, fled ſcarce half arm'd by ſeveral ways to Marcellus the Conſul in Samnium.

Marcellus nothing daunted with this Defeat, gave the Senate an account of it, but withal advertiz'd them, That he himſelf, the ſame perſon that curb'd the pride of Annibal after the Victory at Cannae, was now again advancing towards him, and doubted not but quickly to interrupt his jollity. But at Rome their Fear for the future was no leſs than their Sorrow for the paſt Overthrow. The Conſul marching from Samnium into Lucania, encamp'd near Numiſtro in a Plain, within view of Annibal who lay on the Hill. And for greater ſhew of confidence, was the firſt that drew out into the Field; Annibal was as ready to meet him; and their Battalia's were ſo ordered, that the Carthaginians right Wing poſſeſs'd themſelves of the Hill, and the Romans left Wing ſpread up to the very Town. They fought fiercely from Nine a Clock until Night; for when the Van-guards on both ſides were tired out, the firſt Legion of the Romans and their left Wing of Horſe, on their ſide, and the Spaniſh Forces, and Balearian Slingers with the Elephants, on Annibal's ſide, renew'd the Battel, and ſtood firm for a long time, neither of them giving ground: At laſt the third Legion was brought in to ſupply the firſt, and the left Wing of Horſe to aſſiſt the right; as likewiſe the Enemy was re-inforc'd with new Troops, ſo that the Skirmiſh which before was faint and dull, was on a ſudden more eager and dreadful than ever before, managed with freſh courages as well as Bodies; and long it might have continued, had not the approach of night parted them, leaving it uncertain to which of them the honour of the Victory might belong. The Romans next morning drew up in Battalia by Sun riſing, and ſtood expecting the Enemy a great part of the day, but finding that not one of them would ſtir out of their Camp, they at leiſure gathered the Spoil of the Field, and drawing together their own ſlain in an heap, burnt their Bodies. The Night following Annibal ſilently diſlodg'd and march'd away for Apulia; Marcellus as ſoon as it was day perceiving the Enemies flight (leaving his wounded men in Numiſtra with a ſmall Garriſon under the command of L. Furius Purpureo, a Colonel) with the groſs of his Army purſued them, and came up with them about Venuſia; there for ſome days the Out-Guards, both Horſe and Foot, skirmiſh'd with each other, but in a tumultuary manner, rather than any ſet Engagement, wherein the Romans had generally the better on't. From thence the Armies paſſed through all Apulia without any memorable Action, by reaſon Annibal always marched in the night, ſeeking out ſome place of advantage for Ambuſcades: to avoid which, Marcellus would not ſtir to follow him but in broad day light, and ſending forth Scouts before to diſcover the Coaſts.

At Capua, Flaccus ſtill ſpends his time in ſelling the Noblemens Eſtates, and letting out to farm the forfeited Lands (which he let all for ſo much Corn-Rent) and that there might not be wanting new matter for ſeverities againſt that wretched people, a freſh Deſign and Conſpiracy, ſecretly carried on by them, was diſcovered; you muſt know, He had drawn his Souldiers out of the City, both that he might the better lett the empty Houſes, with the Fields, as alſo fearing leſt the exceeding pleaſantneſs and delights of the Town, ſhould debauch and effeminate them, as it had done Annibal's; therefore he forced them to build them Hutts all along under the Walls, and about the Gates, which were moſt of them made of Hurdles and Boards, and ſome wattled with Reeds, and all thatch'd with Straw, as it were on purpoſe to ſerve for Fewel in caſe of a Fire: Now there were one hundred and ſeventy Capuans, the chief of them being ſeveral Brethren of the Family of the Bloſſii, who had agreed at a certain hour of the night to ſet all the Camp on Fire at ſeveral places; but the ſame being revealed by ſome of the ſame Family, the Gates being ſuddenly ſhut up by the Proconſul's command, and the Alarm given, all the Conſpirators were ſeized, and, after rigorous Examinations and Tortures, condemned and executed. The Diſcoverers had their Liberty given them, and each a reward of ten thouſand Aſſes [about thirty one Pounds, five Shillings Sterling] Acerrae being partly burnt, and Nuceria wholly demoliſhed, the Inhabitants of thoſe Towns made complaints for ſome place to dwell in, Fulvius directed them to make application to the Senate, who gave the Acerrans leave to rebuild the Houſes that were burnt, and as for the Nucerines (becauſe they rather choſe it) they were removed to Atella, the Atellanes being transferred to Calatia. Amidſt the many weighty Affairs that the Romans had to manage, and which fell out ſometimes well and ſometimes ill, they forgot not their Garriſon in the Caſtle of Tarentum; but ſent M. Ogulnius and P. Aquilius as Commiſſioners into Etruria, to buy up Corn to be carried thither, appointing a thouſand Souldiers drawn out of the City-Army, one half Romans and the other Allies, to guard the Corn thither, and then to remain there to ſtrengthen the Garriſon.

The Summer was now almoſt ſpent, and the time for chuſing of Conſuls drew on, Marcellus by Letters acquainting the Senate, That he could not for the intereſt of the Common-wealth, stir a foot from Annibal, whom he continually purſued, and preſſed upon him daily to force him to an Engagement. The Fathers were in ſome perplexity, loth to call away the Conſul from the War, when he was in proſpect of doing them conſiderable ſervice, and as unwilling to be without Conſuls for the Year inſuing; to prevent both, it was thought the beſt courſe rather to call home the other Conſul Valerius, though he were out of Italy in Sicilia; to whom L. Manlius the Praetor, by the Senates Order, wrote to that purpoſe, ſending him alſo the other Conſul's Letters, that he might thereby underſtand why they recalled him rather than his Collegue, who was nearer home.

About this time arrived at Rome Ambaſſadors from King Syphax, adviſing of ſeveral Victories their Maſter had obtained againſt the Carthaginians, and that as he was not a more mortal Enemy to any people in the World than the Carthaginians, ſo there was none that he deſired ſo much to enter into Alliance with, as the Romans; to which purpoſe he had heretofore ſent his Agents to the two Scipio's in Spain, and now they were come hither, ſo willing he was to ſeek the Romans Amity from the Well-head. The Fathers not only returned them a moſt obliging Anſwer, but ſent back with them Ambaſſadors of their own, viz. L. Genutius, P. Petelius, and P. Popilius, with rich Preſents to his Majeſty, that is to ſay, a Gown of State, a Purple Robe, an Ivory Chair, and a Golden Bowl weighing five Pound. They had alſo Inſtructions, after they had diſpatched their Affairs in that Court, to viſit other Princes and great Lords of Africk, for whom they were alſo furniſh'd with Preſents, as Purple Robes richly Embroidered, and Golden Bowls of three Pound weight apiece. Likewiſe M. Atilius and Manius Acilius were ſent as far as Alexandria in Egypt, to complement King Ptolomy and Queen Cleopatra, and renew the League of Amity with them: To the King, they carried a Gown and Purple Robe, and an Ivory Chair; to the Queen, a Purple Veil, and rich Cimarre Embroidered with Diamonds.

This Summer abundance of ſtrange Stories came from neighbouring Towns and Villages of Prodigies that had been ſeen, as, that at Tuſculum there was yean'd a Lamb having an Udder yielding Milk; The Temple of Jupiter ſtruck with Lightning, and almoſt all the Roof beat off; That almoſt the ſame day at Anagnia the Ground before the Gate was ſtruck in like manner, and continued burning a whole day and night without any matter of Fewel, and that the Birds had forſook their Neſts which they had built in Diana's Grove, near the Croſs-wents in the ſame Town; That in the Sea, not far from the Port of Tarricina, there were ſeen Serpents of a wonderful bigneſs, playing and leaping on the top of the Water, as Fiſh are wont to do; At Tarquinium a Sow farrow'd a Pig with an humane face; And in the Country of Capena, about the Feronian Grove, there were four Statues that ſweat bloud for the ſpace of a day and a night. The Pontiffs made an Order, That theſe Prodigies ſhould be expiated with the greater Sacrifices, and a ſolemn Day of Prayers was kept at all the Shrines in Rome, and the like at Capena at the Temple of Feronia.

M. Valerius the Conſul call'd home by the before mentioned Letters, leaving the Province and Army to the charge of Cnicius the Praetor, and having ſent M. Valerius Meſſala the Admiral, with part of the Fleet toward the Coaſt of Africk, as well to get what Booty he could, as alſo to diſcover what the Carthaginians were doing; does himſelf, with ten Ships, ſet Sail for Rome, where being arriv'd, he preſently call'd a Senate, and gave an Account of his Proceedings, That whereas for well nigh ſixty years, Sicily had been the Seat of War both by Land and Sea, where oft they had ſuſtained great overthrows, he had now brought thoſe troubles to an happy end, and ſettled that Iſland in an intire peace; That there was not in all Sicily one Carthaginian left, nor one Sicilian of all thoſe which were forced away by the Tyrants, but were return'd every one to his City and his Farm, where they were all buſie in ploughing and ſowing, the Land which before lay waſt, being again cultivated and made fruitful, not only to ſerve its own Inhabitants, but to ſerve as a faithful Store-houſe, and ſupply plentifully the Romans on any Exigency in Peace or War. Then Mutines, and if there were others that had deſerved well of the people of Rome, were brought into the Senate, and had honours done them to diſcharge the Conſul's promiſe on that behalf; Mutines in particular was made a free Burgher of Rome, by a Bill preferred to the Commons by one of their Tribunes, on an Order of the Senate. In the mean time M. Valerius Meſſala arriving on the Coaſt of Africk with fifty Sail before it was light, unexpectedly made a deſcent on ſhore in the Territory of Ʋtica, which he plundered far and near, took captive great multitudes of people, beſides other Booty of all ſorts, and therewith returned ſafe to their Ships, and over to Sicily, arriving at Lilybaeum the thirteenth day after he ſail'd from thence. Some of the Priſoners upon Examination gave the following Information, which was forthwith tranſmitted to Levinus the Conſul, that he might the better underſtand the preſent poſture of the Affairs of Africk, That Maſſiniſſa, the Son of Gala, a moſt warlike young Prince, was at Carthage with five thouſand Numidian Horſe, and that other mercenary Souldiers were hired throughout all Africk to be ſent over into Spain to Aſdrubal, that he with as great an Army as he could poſſibly raiſe, ſhould with all Expedition march into Italy, and join Annibal; for that the Carthaginians concluded would be the only hopeful courſe to compleat their Victory: That moreover there was a mighty Fleet to be Equipped for regaining of Sicily, which they believed would arrive there very ſuddenly. The Conſul communicating this Intelligence to the Senate, the Fathers would not detain him till the Election-day, but would have him name a Dictator, and preſently be gone to his Province; but then a Debate aroſe that took up ſome time; for the Conſul declared as if he would in Sicily nominate M. Valerius Meſſala the Admiral for Dictator: but the Fathers denied, That a Dictator could be created out of Roman Ground, which was terminated by Italy, M. Lucretius the Tribune of the Commons putting it to the Queſtion, the Senate paſs'd an Order, That the Conſul before he went out of Town ſhould refer it to the Vote of the people in their Common Hall, and whom they choſe, he ſhould declare to be Dictator; and if he refuſed to propoſe the ſame, the City-Praetor ſhould do it; and if he alſo declined it, that then the Tribunes ſhould propound it to the Commons: which laſt was done; for the Dictator would not refer it to the people, alledging, That it lay altogether in his own power: and therefore he forbad the Praetor to meddle. But the Tribunes fear'd him not, and the Commons Enacted, That Q. Fulvius, who was then at Capua, ſhould be named Dictator: but the Eve before that Aſſembly of the Commons was held, the Conſul ſlips away privately in the night for Sicily, and the Senate being thus left in the lurch, were forced to write to Marcellus, That he would aſſiſt the Commonwealth, thus deſerted by his Collegue, and name the perſon Dictator whom the Commons had made choice of, ſo Q. Fulvius was declared Dictator, and purſuant to the ſame Decree of the Commons, Fulvius P. Licinius Craſſus, the Arch-Pontiff, his General of the Horſe.

The Dictator after he was come to Rome, ſent Cn. Sempronius Blaeſus his Lieutenant from Capua to the Army in Tuſcany, inſtead of C. Calphurnius the Praetor, whom by his Letters he order'd to go and take upon him the Government of Capua; and the Forces there; and appointed the day for chuſing Conſuls, but could not then finiſh that affair, by reaſon of a difference that happen'd between him and the Tribunes of the Commons; For the younger ſort of the Century, Galeria chancing to have the firſt Vote, nominated Q. Fulvius and Q. Fabius for Conſuls, and all the reſt of the Centuries ſeem'd like to go the ſame way, but the two Arennii Tribunes of the Commons interpoſed, alledging, That it conſiſted not with Civility for one and the ſame man to deſire always to be continued in Office, and a much more untoward precedent it would be, to chuſe the ſame perſon that held the Elections; Therefore if the Dictator ſhould ſuffer his name to be put in nomination, they would diſſolve the Aſſembly, but if ſome other might be propounded in his ſtead, they might proceed; The Dictator juſtified the proceedings of the Aſſembly by the Authority of the Senate, and a Decree of the Commons and divers Precedents; for when Cn. Servilius was Conſul, after Flaminius his Collegue happen'd to be kill'd at Thraſimenus, by Authority of the Senate a Bill was propos'd, and paſs'd by the Commons, That whilſt the War continued in Italy, the people might chuſe the ſame men Conſuls again, when and as often as they ſhould think ſit; and that he had many Examples thereof, as in old times there was L. Poſthumius Megellus, being Inter-regent, and holding the Elections, was himſelf choſen Conſul with C. Junius Bubulcus, and of late Q. Fabius, who would never have ſuffer'd his Conſulſhip to have been continued, if the ſame had been againſt Law, and not for the good of the publick After they had long ſquabled with theſe and the like Speeches, they agreed at laſt to refer it to the Senate, who conſidering that the preſent Juncture requir'd old expert Commanders, and ſuch as were of moſt skill in the Art of War, were not pleas'd that the Election ſhould be ſtopt; ſo in the end the Tribunes gave way, that they ſhould proceed, where were declared Conſuls, Q. Fabius Maximus the fifth time, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third; Then Praetors were choſen, L. Veturius Philo, T. Quintius Criſpinus, C. Hoſtilius Tubulus, and C. Aurunculeius, which being done, Q. Fulvius gave up his Dictatorſhip. At the end of this Summer, a Carthaginian Fleet of forty Sail, Amilcar Admiral, paſs'd over to Sardinia, and at firſt invaded and waſted the Fields of Olbia, but P. Manlius Volſo the Praetor, making head againſt them there, they ſail'd to the other ſide of the Iſle, and forraged the Country of Caralita, and with a booty of all ſorts return'd to Africk; The ſame year at Rome ſeveral Prieſts died, and ſome were created to ſucceed them; As C. Servilius was made Pontiff in the room of T. Otacilius Craſſus, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, the Son of Tiberius, was made Decemvir for the Sacrifices in the ſtead of one of the ſame name, but the Son of Caius; M. Marcius the King of Sacrificers, departed this Life, and M. Aemilius Pappus the grand Curio, but none were choſen this year to ſucceed them; The Cenſors were L. Veturius Philo, and P. Licinius Craſſus the Arch Pontiff, which latter had neither ſerv'd the Office of Conſul nor Praetor, but skip'd from being an Aedile into a Cenſorſhip; but theſe Cenſors neither made choice of any new Senators, nor did any other publick Act, L. Veturius being taken off by death, which cauſed his Collegue Licinius to throw up his Office; The Aediles of State, L. Veturius, and P. Licinius Varus, exhibited the Roman Games, and held them one day extraordinary; The Plebeian Aediles, Q. Catius and L. Porcius Licinus, ſet up certain brazen Statues in the Temple of Ceres, out of moneys levied by Fines, and repreſented very ſtately ſhows and paſtimes, conſidering the poverty of thoſe times. Juſt at the end of the year C. Laelius Scipio's Lieutenant arriv'd at Rome in four and thirty days from Tarracon, and entring the City with ſuch a power of Priſoners, ſet the people a running every where to ſee the ſight, the next day being introduced into the Senate he acquainted the Houſe, That new Carthage the Metropolis of Spain, was taken in one day, and ſeveral Cities recovered, that had revolted, and new ones entred into Alliance with; From the Priſoners they underſtood in effect the ſame things as M. Valerius Meſſala had ſignified in his Letters. The thoughts of Aſdrubal's advance into Italy moſt of all diſturb'd the Senate, as being ſcarce able to make their Party good againſt Annibal and his Arms; Laelius in a general Aſſembly of the people diſcours'd the ſame things; The Senate Order'd their thanks to be return'd to Scipio for his good ſervice, and that Laelius ſhould go back again with the ſame Ships with all Expedition. I have referr'd the taking of Carthage to this year, though I am not ignorant that ſome place the ſame in the year following, but I think it improbable that Scipio ſhould lie idle a whole year in Spain, and perform nothing memorable.

Fabius the fifth time, and Fulvius the third entred into their Conſulſhip the 15. of March, and both were order'd to take care of Italy, but had particular Provinces, Fabius to be about Tarentum, Fulvius in Lucania and amongſt the Bruttians. M. Claudius continued in Command, the Praetors caſt Lots for their Provinces, C. Hoſtilius Tubulus happen'd to have the City, L. Veturius Philo the Foreign Juriſdiction, with the care of the Gauls; T. Quintius Criſpinus, Capua; C. Aurunculeius, Sardinia. The Armies were divided as follows; to Fulvius two Legions which M. Valerius Laevinus had in Sicily; Q. Fabius thoſe that C. Calphurnius commanded in Tuſcany, and the City-Forces to ſupply their places in Tuſcany, over which Calphurnius was to be Governour; T. Quintius to have the Army at Capua; that C. Hoſtilius ſhould receive from C. Laetorius the Propraetor the Forces that lay at Ariminum, M. Marcellus to have the ſame Souldiers that ſerved him ſo well when he was Conſul; to M. Valerius with L. Cnicius (being continued in Commiſſion in Sicily) the Cannaean Troops were allotted, and to ſupply the ſame out of the Legions that were left of Cn. Fulvius; for they being rallied together, had been ſent thither by the Conſuls, and for their greater reproach put into the ſame condition with the others. C. Aurunculeius enjoy'd the ſame Legions in Sardinia as belonged there before to P. Manlius Volſo; P. Sulpicius continued over the ſame men and Fleet, to have an eye upon Macedonia. Thirty Sail of Gallies were order'd to be ſent out of Sicily to Fabius the Conſul at Tarentum, the reſt of the Fleet to cruiſe on the Coaſts of Africk for Prizes, and M. Valerius Laevinus to go over with them himſelf, or elſe to depute either L. Cnicius or M. Valerius Meſſala to command them. In Spain there was no Alteration, ſave only that Scipio and Silanus were continued in their Commands not for a year, but till ſuch time as they ſhould be recalled. Thus were the Provinces divided, and the Forces beſtow'd for this year.

Whilſt the State was taken up with theſe Affairs of greater importance, the Aſſembly for electing a Grand Curio [or Prieſt of the ſeveral Wards of Rome] in the room of M. Aemilius reviv'd the old Quarrel. The Patricians [or Nobles] denying that C. Mamilius Vitulus one of the Candidates ought to be put in Nomination, becauſe he was a Commoner, and never any but a Patrician had yet held that Office. The Tribunes referred it to the Senate, who gave it in favour of the People; ſo this was the firſt Commoner in that place. Alſo P. Licinius the Chief Pontiff compell'd C. Valerius Flaccus to be Inaugurated Prieſt of Jupiter againſt his will, C. Laetorius was made a Decemvir in the place of Q. Mucius Scaevola deceaſed. The cauſe and occaſion of that enforced Inauguration of a Flamen I would willingly have paſſed over in ſilence, but that the ill Name he had, turned afterward to high Reputation. This Flaccus for his debauch'd and riotous courſe of life in his youth, being hated by L. Flaccus his own Brother, and other Relations, was for that reaſon choſen Flamen by the Archprieſt to reclaim him; and indeed no ſooner was his mind taken up with Religious Rites and Ceremonies, but he left off all his Extravagancies, began a new man, and thenceforwards there was none of his Age in all the Town better eſteemed of, or more beloved both by his own Kindred and Strangers.

This general Reputation put him on ſuch an aſſurance of his own Worth and Dignity, that reſolved to recover the Priviledge of ſitting in the Senate, for many years loſt and diſcontinued by the inſufficiency and vileneſs of the Flamens; coming therefore into the Houſe, L. Licinius the Praetor commanded him to depart, whereupon he appeal'd to the Tribunes of the Commons, alledging, That he only demanded the ancient Right of the Prieſthood conferr'd together with the Sacred Robe and Ivory Chair. The Conſul ſaid, That a Right was not to be grounded upon old muſty Precedents, long ſince obſolete, but on preſent uſage; for neither in our Fathers nor Grandfathers memory has any Prieſt of Jupiter uſurped this Claim: But the Tribunes concluded, That though the matter was as it were forgot by the negligence of former Prieſts, yet the ſame ought to be no prejudice to the Rights anciently and duly belonging to the Office. Which they having declared, the Praetor made no further oppoſition, but with great applauſe both of the Senators and Commons, he was led into the Houſe, and took his place in the Senate; though all men thought he gain'd that point rather in reſpect to his late change of Manners, and preſent ſtrictneſs of Life, than in the right of his Prieſthood.

The Conſuls before they ſet forwards to their Provinces, levied two City-Legions to ſerve for Recruits to compleat the ſeveral Armies. The old City-Army Fulvius the Conſul committed to C. Fulvius Flaccus his Brother and Lieutenant, to march them into Tuſcany, and bring up the Forces that were there at Rome. And Fabius the Conſul cauſed his Son Maximus to muſter up the reliques of the Fulvian defeat (amounting to three thouſand three hundred thirty ſix) and carry them into Sicily to M. Valerius the Proconſul, and bring thence the two Legions and thirty Gallies allotted him. The ſending them away did nothing diminiſh the Garriſons of that Province either in ſtrength or ſhew; for beſides the two old Legions recruited to their full complement, he had a Power of Renegado's and Numidian Deſerters as well Horſe as Foot; he had likewiſe ſuch of the Sicilians as had heretofore ſerved under Epicides or the Carthaginians, and ſo were become good Souldiers. All which foreign Auxiliaries having intermixt with his ſeveral Roman Legions, kept up ſtill the Species of two competent Armies, with one of which he commanded Cnicius to ſecure that part of the Iſland which had belonged to King Hiero, and with the other he himſelf quarter'd in thoſe Territories which heretofore were divided between the Romans and Carthaginians. He alſo provided a Fleet of ſeventy Sail to guard the Coaſts and command the Sea, whilſt he and Mutines took a progreſs to view the whole Country, and ſee which was well husbanded, and which not, and accordingly commend or chaſtize the Owners; ſo that by his Care there was ſuch plenty of Corn, that they ſent great ſtore of it to Rome, and alſo to Catana, whence it might be convey'd to the ſtanding Camp at Tarentum.

But the tranſporting of the Souldiers into Sicily (who were for the moſt part Latines and other Allies) had very near been the occaſion of a great Inſurrection; For the Latines and Confederates in all their Aſſemblies began to grumble, That for ten years together they had been exhauſted with continual Levies and Taxes; That every year almoſt they receiv'd ſome mighty overthrow; Many ſlain in the field, others conſumed with Diſeaſes; that ſuch of their Citizens as were liſted for the Romans, were in more danger than ſuch as were taken by the Punicks, for the latter are ſent home gratis, but the former, by the Romans, are ſent out of Italy into baniſhment, rather than to warfare; That now for eight years the Army that eſcap'd at Cannae are languiſhing in Sicily, and like to be in their Graves before the Enemy be beat out of Italy, being ſtill ſtrong and flouriſhing. If no old Souldiers muſt return to their Country, but new ones continually Liſted, in a ſhort time there will be none left; Therefore 'tis beſt to deny the people of Rome, now at preſent, what we ſhall quickly be forc'd to do whether we will or no, when we are reduc'd to the utmoſt poverty and deſolation; That if once the Romans perceive all their Allies thus reſolv'd, they would be more inclined to a Peace with the Carthaginians than hitherto; for otherwiſe, whilſt Annibal was alive, there would never be Peace in Italy. Theſe and the like Speeches paſſed in their Diets; There were then thirty Colonies of the people of Rome, and all their Repreſentatives being in Town, twelve of them flatly denied the Conſuls, and ſaid they were not able any longer to find either Men or Money; The names whereof were theſe, Ardea, Nepete, Sutrium, Circeii, Alba, Carſeoli, Sueſſa, Sora, Setia, Cales, Narnia, and Interamna. The Conſuls ſtartled at this unexpected blow, hoping to fright them from this lewd reſolution, and thinking to do more good by treating them roughly, than by ſmoothing and complementing, told them; That they had aſſum'd the confidence to lay that to the Conſuls, which they durſt not for their heads repeat again to the Senate, for it amounted not ſo much to the avoiding of the duties of War, as an open revolt from the people of Rome; That therefore their beſt way was to repair home to their Principals, and before the thing was taken notice, of, conſult with them as men that had rather let fall ſome unadviſed words, than that would perſiſt in ſuch a dangerous courſe; and let them know, that they had not Capuans, or Tarentines to deal with, but Romans, from whence they were deſcended, and ſent into conquer'd places to encreaſe Poſterity, ſo that if they had any Piety, or loving memory for their antient Country, they would take new meaſures. For their preſent deſignments would otherwiſe tend to ſubvert the ſtate of Rome, and make Annibal Lord of all Italy. When the Conſuls one after another had thus ſchool'd them, the Agents nothing mov'd with their words, told them, That they knew not what other Meſſage to carry home, nor could their Senates take new Counſels, having neither men to raiſe, nor money to pay them; The Conſuls finding them thus obſtinate, reported the matter to the Senate, which cauſed ſo great a conſternation, that moſt of them thought, it would prove the utter ruin of the State; For other Colonies would follow the Example, and all their Allies join in betraying the City of Rome to Annibal.

The Conſuls were not wanting to comfort and encourage them, by remonſtrating, That the reſt of the Colonies were ſtill firm in their fidelity and duty, and as for theſe Mutineers, if there were Embaſſadours ſent to threaten and not entreat them, they would eaſily be reduc'd to revere the Majeſty of the Roman Empire; The Senate leaving it to them to act as they thought moſt fit for the publick intereſt, having firſt ſounded the inclinations of the other Colonies, they cited their Agents before them, and demanded whether they had their Quota's of Souldiers ready which had been laid on them? For eighteen Colonies M. Sextilius an Inhabitant of Fregellae made Anſwer; That both thoſe Souldiers were ready, and if there were need of more, they ſhould be levied, and that they would readily perform whatſoever elſe the people of Rome ſhould command or deſire; For as yet they were able enough to do, and as for their hearts they were better than their abilities. The Conſuls after a ſhort Speech, to ſignify, that they thought it not enough to commend them for their merits themſelves, unleſs the whole Senate did alſo publickly give them thanks, commanded them to go along with them into the Council-Houſe, where the Senate having careſs'd them with the moſt obliging Language, order'd the Conſuls alſo to carry them to the Common-Hall, and there to make known, as well their former faithful ſervices and favours, as their preſent ſignal good will to the Republick; and even now, though ſo many Ages paſt, I think it would be an injury to their deſerved praiſe if I ſhould not particularly record their Names; They were, The Signins, Nolans, and Norbans, the Saticulans, Brunduſians, Fregellans, Lucerines, Venuſines, Adrians, Firmans and Ariminians; and on the Coaſt of the other Sea, the Pontians, Paeſtans and Coſans; and of the Inland Cities, the Beneventins, Aeſermines, Spoletans, Placentines and Cremonians. By the aſſiſtance of theſe Colonies was the ſtate of Rome at that juncture ſupported, and for the ſame had the publick thanks both of the Senate and People. As for the other twelve Colonies which had refuſed obedience, the Lords of the Senate gave expreſs command, that no notice ſhould be taken of them, and that the Conſuls ſhould neither diſpatch nor retain them, nor ſo much as ſpeak to them; as eſteeming that ſilent chaſtizement to comport beſt with the Majeſty of the people of Rome. The Conſuls taking care with all expedition for whatſoever elſe was neceſſary for the War: It was thought fit to bring forth the Viceſimary Gold (or twentieth part of all the Taxes,) which had been reſerved in the ſecret Treaſury for the laſt extremity of Affairs, being four thouſand pounds weight of Gold, whereof five hundred pounds weight was diſtributed to the Conſuls, and to M. Marcellus and P. Sulpicius the Proconſuls, and T. Veturius the Praetor, Governour of Gaul; Beſides which, a hundred pounds weight was particularly allotted to Fabius the Conſul, to be carried to the Garriſon in the Caſtle at Tarentum; the reſt was employed in Cloths for the Army that carried on the War in Spain, with ſo much reputation to themſelves, and their General.

Before the Conſuls took the Field it was alſo reſolved, that certain Prodigies ſhould be expiated: For in the Alban Mount, the Statue of Jupiter was blaſted with Lightning, and a Tree near the Temple, as alſo the Lake Hoſtia, the Wall of Capua, the Temple of Fortune, and the Wall and Gate of Sinueſſa: Some alſo reported, That a Fountain at Alba ran Blood, and at Rome within the Sanctuary of the Temple of Fors Fortuna a little Image that ſtood on her Coronet, fell down of its own accord from the Head of the Goddeſs into her hands; and 'twas very well known, that at Privernum an Ox ſpoke, and a Vultur flew into a Shop in the Market-place when it was full of people; and at Sinueſſa was born a Child of doubtful Sex, or both Male and Female, commonly called an Androgynos [or Man-woman] as for the moſt part Greek words admit an eaſier Compoſition than Latine; as alſo that it rain'd Milk, and a Child born with an Elephants Head: ſatisfaction for theſe fearful Tokens were made by the greater Sacrifices, a ſolemn Proceſſion to all Shrines, and publick Supplications held all day long; and that C. Hoſtilius the Praetor ſhould ſet out the Games in Honour of Apollo, as of late they had been vowed and promiſed. In thoſe days Q. Fulvius the Conſul held the Election for chuſing of Cenſors, who happen'd to be both Perſons that had not yet been Conſuls, viz. M. Cornelius Cethegus and P. Sempronius Tuditanus. They by Authority of the Senate obtain'd an Act of the Commons, enabling them to let to Farm the Lands of Campania; but in their Review of the Senate a Controverſie happen'd, for whereas by Lot it ſell to Sempronius's ſhare to nominate who ſhould be Chair-man or Preſident of the Senate, Cornelius alledged, That by ancient Cuſtom the ſame belonged to ſuch perſon as had firſt born the Office of Cenſor now ſurviving, who was Manlius Torquatus: Sempronius on the other ſide inſiſted, That as the Gods had by Lot beſtow'd the Priviledge upon him, and empower'd him to chuſe whom he pleaſed, ſo he would freely make uſe thereof according to the beſt of his Judgment, and was reſolved to chuſe Q Fabius Maximus, the moſt worthy man in Rome, even Annibal himſelf being Judge; who at laſt was eſtabliſh'd therein, and then the reſt of the Senate was called over, eight perſons only being caſhier'd, amongſt whom was L. Caecilius Metellus the ſcandalous Author of abandoning Italy after the defeat at Cannae; which offence was likewiſe taken notice of in the Review of Knights and Gentlemen; but very few they were that ſell under that Brand, in compariſon of thoſe, who being in the Cannian Legions, had their Horſes taken from them, whereunto for further puniſhment was added, That ſo many of them as had ſerved on publick Horſes, allowed by the City, ſhould not be admitted to reckon the time paſt into their military Service, but were obliged to continue the Wars ten years forward, and find themſelves Horſes. They alſo diſcovered abundance of perſons who were bound to ſerve on Horſe-back, and being above ſeventeen years of Age, had neglected it: all whom they degraded, and made liable to common Contributions. After this they bargain'd by the great for rebuilding the ſeven Shops, the Fiſh-ſhambles and Royal Gallery burnt down by the late Fire.

All things requiſite being thus diſpatch'd at Rome, the Conſuls took the Field; Fulvius advancing firſt to Capua, whom Fabius following a few days after, having by word of mouth preſſed his Collegue, and by Letters Marcellus, to attacque Annibal briskly, and hold him in play, whilſt he aſſaulted Tarentum; for if once that City were taken, and the Enemy expelled, he would have no place of ſafety to hide his head in, nor hopes of ſtaying much longer in Italy. He alſo diſpatch'd an Expreſs to Rhegium to the Governour of that Garriſon conſiſting of eight thouſand men, poſted there by Laevinus the Conſul againſt the Bruttians, moſt of them brought over, as aforeſaid, from Agathyrna in Sicily, being people enur'd to live by Spoil and Rapine, to whom were added a multitude of Deſerters that daily came in from the Bruttians, altogether their Matches, for audaciouſneſs and Poverty ready to engage in any deſperate Adventure. This Squadron of Ruſſians were order'd firſt to forrage the Bruttians Territories, and next to attacque the City Caulonia, both which they did not only ſtoutly, but greedily execute, and having chaſed away the Peaſants, ſtorm'd that Town. Marcellus both encourag'd by the Conſuls Letters, and a good opinion he had of himſelf, that none of all the Roman Captains was better able to match Annibal, aſſoon as the ſeaſon yielded any Forrage for his Horſe, took the Field, and advanced towards Annibal who then lay quarter'd near Cannuſum, ſolliciting that City to a Revolt, but underſtanding of Marcellus's approach, diſlodged from thence; and becauſe that was an open Champaign Country, ſought out places more proper for an Ambuſcade: Marcellus purſued him cloſe at heels, and ſtill encamped hard by him, and always had no ſooner entrench'd. but drew out and offer'd Battel; but the other would only engage with ſmall Parties of Horſe, or light-arm'd Foot in Skirmiſhes, not willing to run the riſque of a pitch'd Field; yet at length he was drawn to it in ſpight of his teeth: For as he march'd away by night, Marcellus preſſed upon his Rear in thoſe plain open grounds, and when he went to encamp, fell upon his Pioneers, and would not ſuffer them to finiſh their Entrenchments, whereby they were neceſſitated to a Battel, and fought with Banners diſplay'd and all their Forces, but being towards night parted with equal Fortune, making ſhift to fortifie themſelves as well as they could at a very little diſtance; next morning by break of day Marcellus drew up, nor did Annibal decline the Encounter, having firſt with a large Harangue encouraged his men, That not forgetting Thraſimenus and Cannae they would now chaſtize the Enemies inſolence, for they ſaw how he brav'd them, and would neither let them march nor encamp in quiet, nor gave them any time to breathe or look about them; That every morning the Roman Army mas as ſure to ſtare them in the face as the Sun; but if in one ſmart bout they would but ſoundly let him blood, they would no more be peſter'd with his daring importunities. Heartned with theſe Encouragements, and withal vext at the Romans continual teazing them, they charg'd very fiercely upon them; two hours and above the Fight had laſted, when the Romans right Wing and extraordinary Troops of the Allies gave ground; which Marcellus perceiving, orders the eighteenth Legion to come up to the Front, but whilſt the former trembling retreat, and the latter but ſlowly advance, the whole Army was diſorder'd, and by and by fear overpowering ſhame, turn'd their backs. There fell in the Battel and Purſuit two thouſand ſeven hundred Citizens and Allies, whereof four Roman Centurions, two Colonels, M. Licinius and M. Fulvius, four Standards loſt in the right Wing that fled firſt, and two in that Legion that was deſign'd to relieve them.

Marcellus, after they were got into their Camp, ratled up his Souldiers with ſuch a ſharp and reproachful Speech, that it was more grievous to them than all the fatigues and dangers of that unfortunate day. I am (quoth he) however bound to render all the praiſes and thanks I can, in ſuch a ſhameful Juncture, to the Immortal Gods, that they ſuffer'd not the victorious Enemy who drove you like ſo many trembling ſheep to your Works, to ſtorm your Camp likewiſe: For undoubtedly you would have abandon'd your Rampier and Tents with the ſame Cowardize as you quitted the Field; what fooliſh dread is this that has poſſeſs'd you? Can you ſo ſoon ſtrangely forget who they are you engage with? Even the very ſame in beating whom and purſuing them after they were routed, you spent all the laſt Summer; whom of late flying night and day, you have ſo often challeng'd to a Battel? Whom in all Skirmiſhes you perpetually have worſted, whom but yeſterday you would neither ſuffer to march, nor encamp? But I will wave that which you may boaſt of, and mention only that which ought to make you eternally bluſh, but yeſterday you grappled with them on even Terms; and what I wonder has laſt night or this morning weakned you, or ſtrengthned them? Methinks I do not behold my own old Souldiers, I do not, ſure I do not, talk to Romans, your Bodies and Arms are the ſame; but if you had had the ſame Spirits, the ſame Souls, would you ever ſo baſely have ſhew'd your Enemies your backs? and ſuffer'd them to take away here the Colours of a Company, and there the Standard of a Regiment? Hitherto they would only boaſt that they had cut off ſome Roman Legions, you are the firſt that this day have given them an opportunity to glory of having put our Armies to the Run. This ſmart Diſcourſe touch'd the tendereſt part of their Souls, and with a general Cry they begg'd he would forgive them this days misfortune, and try when he pleaſed another time their Courage. Nay, Sirs, ſays he, quickly will I try it; to morrow ſhall you into the Field again, that you may, being Conquerours, obtain that pardon, which whilſt vanquiſht, you do not deſerve. Thoſe Troops which had loſt their Colours he order'd ſhould have only Barley inſtead of Wheat for their Proviſions, and cauſed the Centurions of each of thoſe particular Companies to have their Swords taken from them. And commanded the whole Army, Horſe and Foot, to be ready next morning; ſo the Aſſembly was diſmiſſed, not one of them but acknowledging that they were moſt juſtly reproach'd, and that there was not a man in the whole Army, beſides the General himſelf, but was bound to make amends either with his own death, or the gaining of a notable Victory. Next day they were all ready in their Armour early, and the General commended their forwardneſs, declaring, That thoſe who fled firſt yeſterday and loſt their Banners, ſhould now go on in the Forlorn-hope, and that he did ſtrictly charge all and every of them to fight ſo manfully as to overcome, and be ſure that the News of yeſterdays Overthrow arriv'd not at Rome before that of their this days Victory. After which he bid them refreſh themſelves with ſome Victuals, that they might not faint, if the Battel ſhould happen to prove tedious, with which his Souldiers hearts being much chear'd up, they couragiouſly march'd into the Field.

Which when Annibal had notice of, Look you, ſays he, what an Enemy have we to deal with! who neither will endure good or ill Fortune; but if they proſper, puſh on their Victories, and even when vanquiſht renews the Diſpute with their Conquerours. Then he order'd the Trumpet to ſound and drew up in Battalia. The Fight was more ſharp and furious on each ſide than the day before, the Punicks ſtriving to maintain their yeſterdays Honour, and the Romans to wipe off that ſhame; The left Wing of the Romans and thoſe Squadrons that loſt their Colours fought in the Vanguard, and the twentieth Legion was marſhal'd in the right Wing, L. Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius Nero commanding them reſpectively, whilſt Marcellus by his Preſence and Encouragement confirm'd the main Battel. On Annibals ſide the Spaniards had the Vanguard, and indeed were the very ſlower of his Army; but the Fight remaining for a great while doubtful, Annibal orders his Elephants to be led up to the Front, hoping they might affright and diſorder the Enemy; and indeed, at firſt they did ſomewhat confound their Ranks, ſo as partly by trampling them under foot, and partly by diſperſing them, they had on one part laid naked the main Body; and greater had the flight been, but that C. Decinicus Flavus, a Colonel, ſnatching up a Standard from the firſt Band of the Haſtati, commanded all that Company to follow him, leading them up to the place where thoſe ſtrange Beaſts made the greateſt havock, and bid them throw their Darts as faſt as they could at them; which being ſo near, did certain Execution againſt Beaſts of ſo great a Bulk, and ſtanding ſo thick: And though all were not wounded, yet thoſe that were (ſo uncertain is their nature to thoſe that uſe them) running backwards, turned the reſt; and now not only that ſingle Band, but every Souldier that could get up, pelted them with Javelins, whereby the Elephants ran more fiercely on their own Party, and overthrew more of them than before they had of the Enemy, by how much fear gave them now a greater Spur than the conduct of thoſe that managed them; ſo they having put the Punicks Front into confuſion, the Roman Foot preſs on, and with little difficulty put them to the Rout; then Marcellus ſends in his Horſe to purſue them, who beat them into their Camp; into which they could not get without extreme difficulty: for two Elephants falling down juſt at the Gate had ſtopt it up, ſo that the Souldiers were forced to chamber over the Trench and Rampire; which occaſioned the greateſt ſlaughter, there being in all kill'd eight thouſand men, and five Elephants; yet prov'd it not an unbloody Victory to the Romans, for they loſt almoſt ſeventeen hundred of the two Legions, and above thirteen hundred of their Allies. Annibal next night march'd off; Marcellus would have followed him, but could not for the multitude of his wounded men. The Scouts brought word next day, That Annibal was making towards the Bruttians Country.

About the ſame time the Hirpins, Lucans, and Volſcians, delivering up thoſe Garriſons of Annibal's which they had in their Countries, ſurrendred themſelves to Q. Fulvius the Conſul, who received them graciouſly, only rebuking them in words for their paſt miſdemeanours; to the Bruttians alſo was propoſed the like hopes of pardon, when two Brothers, Vibius and Pactius, the nobleſt men of that Nation, came to deſire Terms for them. Q Fabius the Conſul had taken the Town Manduria amongſt the Salentines by force, where were taken near four thouſand people, and other good Booty. Thence he march'd to Tarentum, and encamped juſt by the mouth of the Haven. Thoſe Ships which Livius had to convoy Proviſions, he partly fill'd with Engines for Battery, and partly with Artillery, Stones and all kind of Darts; and ſo likewiſe the Ships of Burthen, as well as the Gallies, were employ'd, ſome to bring Machines and Scaling Ladders to the Walls, and others Souldiers at a diſtance to pelt the Defendants: For they were Maſters of the Sea, the Punick Fleet being ſail'd to Corcyra, when firſt King Philip attacqu'd the Aetolians. In the Bruttians Country, thoſe that were beſieging of Caulonia, fearing upon Annibal's advance that way to be ſurpriſed, retired to a little Hill ſafe for the preſent, but otherwiſe void of all relief; but Fabius at the Siege of Tarentum was by a trifling accident aſſiſted to atchieve the taking of that Town of ſo great importance; Annibal had poſted there a Garriſon of Bruttians, whoſe Commander was fallen in love with a ſmall Baggage that had a Brother in the Roman Army, who being advertized by his Siſter of the Intriegue ſhe had with this conſiderable Stranger, did not deſpair but by her means he might work him to betray the City; and acquainted the Conſul with his hopes, who judging it not altogether vain, permits him as a Deſerter to fly into Tarentum, and by his Siſters means being ingratiated with the Governour, pump'd him firſt at a diſtance, and then ſeeing the weakneſs of the man, wheedled him by Female endearments to betray the place he was appointed to guard. The whole contrivance being adjuſted, the Souldier in the night is privately ſent out of the City, and paſſes between the Guards back to the Conſul, acquainting him with their Agreement; who thereupon in the beginning of the Night giving a Signal to thoſe in the Caſtle, and who had the Guard of the Haven, himſelf in perſon fetching a compaſs about, gets privately to the Eaſt-ſide of the City; then preſently does the Trumpet at once ſound from the Caſtle, and from the Port, and from the Ships that lay in the open Sea, and every where there was a mighty clamour and tumult where there was leaſt of danger; the Conſul in the mean time keeping his men all ſtill and quiet; ſo that Democrates, formerly Admiral, who then happened to have the Guard of that Quarter, finding all huſht near him, and ſuch a noiſe in other places as if the City were already taken, fearing leſt whilſt he lingered there, the Conſul ſhould break into the Town, leads his Forces towards the Caſtle, whence proceeded the moſt frightful clamour. Fabius having waited as long as he thought fit, and by the late ſilence (for before every Body was crying, To Arms! To Arms!) that the Guards on that ſide were drawn off, orders his Scaling Ladders to be ſet up to that part of the Wall where he was informed the Bruttians kept Guard; which they eaſily mounted, the Bruttians receiving and helping them: and ſo deſcended into the City, broke open the next Gate that all their Party might enter; and much about break of day, with mighty hallowing and whooping, but no oppoſition, marched to the Market-place; when thoſe that were engaged againſt the Caſtle, and at the Port began to turn and make head againſt them.

In the Court-Yard of the Forum they were ſomewhat oppoſed, but rather briskly, than for any continuance: The Tarentines were neither in Courage, nor Arms, nor skill, nor yet in vigour and ſtrength of Body equal to the Romans; Therefore as ſoon as they had diſcharg'd their Darts, almoſt before they came to handy gripes, they betook themſelves to their heels, and through By-Allies which they were well acquainted with, and their Friends Houſes, ſhifted for themſelves; but two of their Commanders, Nico and Democrates fighting ſtoutly were ſlain. Philomenus who was Author of their Revolt to Annibal, was ſeen riding full ſpeed out of the Battel, and afterwards his Horſe ſound alone, but his Body never heard of, it being commonly believ'd, that he was flung off headlong into an open Well; As for Carthalo the Captain of the Punick Garriſon, having flung down his Arms, as he was coming to the General with a long ſtory of his Fathers kindneſs to the Romans and his own, a common Souldier meeting him, knockt him o' th' head; The Carthaginians and Tarentines arm'd, and unarm'd, were equally put to the Sword, and not a few of the Bruttians too, whether by miſtake, or on the old grudge againſt them, as being the firſt that join'd with Annibal, or to extinguiſh the report of Treachery, that Tarentum might ſeem rather regain'd by pure valour. The ſlaughter being pretty well over, they fell to the ſpoil; there are ſaid to have been thirty thouſand Slaves taken here, a vaſt deal of Plate and ready money; eight hundred and ſeven pounds weight of Gold, and Statues and curious Pictures almoſt equal to thoſe of Syracuſe; but Fabius abſtain'd from that kind of Pillage, with a greater Gallantry than Marcellus: for when his Secretary askt him, What ſhould be done with the Statues? (vaſt Images they were of the Gods drawn in Armour) Prethee, ſayes he, let us leave the Tarentines their angry Gods; The Wall that ſeparated the City from the Caſtle was diſmantled and thrown down. In the interim, Annibal having taken thoſe upon rendition that lay before Caulonia, hearing that Tarentum was inveſted, haſten'd night and day to relieve it, but on his march receiving advice of its being taken, Nay then, quoth he, The Romans have their Annibal too, and by the ſame Art as we took Tarentum, we have loſt it; yet that he might not ſeem for fear to turn back, he Encamp'd where he heard the news, five miles off that City; and after a ſhort ſtay, betook himſelf to Metapont, whence he ſent two young Gentlemen with Letters, in the name of the chief people of that Town, to Fabius at Tarentum, offering, That if he would paſs by what was paſt, they would ſurrender both the City and Punick Garriſon into his hands; To which Fabius giving Credit, aſſigns a day when he would appear before the Town, and return'd Anſwers to thoſe chief Citizens, which were carried to Annibal; who not a little jocund that he ſhould out-wit even Fabius himſelf, plants his Ambuſcades not far from Metapont; but Fabius taking the Auſpices before he march'd from Tarentum, found them once, and a ſecond time, not at all propitious; and when he Sacrificed, the Soothſayer warn'd him to have a care of ſome trick from the Enemy. The Metapontines ſeeing he kept not his day, ſent freſh Meſſengers to inquire why he delay'd? who being ſeiz'd and threatned, for fear of torture, diſcovered the whole intrigue.

In the beginning of this Summer P. Scipio in Spain having ſpent the whole Winter in gaining the hearts of the barbarous people, partly by Preſents, and partly by releaſing their Hoſtages and Priſoners; one Edeſco a famous Captain of the Spaniards came in to him; His Wife and Children were in the Romans Cuſtody, but beſides that, there was another, I know not what fatal inclination almoſt through all Spain that led their minds to ſide with the Romans againſt the Carthaginians; which alſo occaſion'd Indibilis and Mandonius (without diſpute the greateſt perſon in Spain) with all their Dependants, to retire from Aſdrubal, and poſſeſs themſelves of the Mountains lying over his Camp, whence they might eaſily correſpond with the Romans. Aſdrubal perceiving the Enemy to encreaſe in ſtrength, and himſelf by like inſenſible degrees to grow weaker, and that if he did not attempt ſomething extraordinary, all would be loſt, reſolv'd to fight with the firſt opportunity. To which Scipio was no leſs forwards, both from the hopes his late ſucceſs had given him, as alſo becauſe he was willing to engage rather with one of them firſt, before their three Armies were join'd. However leſt he ſhould be hamper'd with them all at once, he had augmented his Forces, for ſeeing there was no uſe for the Fleet, no Enemy appearing upon the Sea-Coaſt, he laid up all the Ships at Tarricon, and added the Seamen to his Land Forces, and Arms enough he had taken at Carthage, or at leaſt made by the Artificers afterwards. With theſe Forces Scipio early in the Spring march'd from Tarracon (for by that time Laelius was return'd from Rome, without whom he would undertake no grand Expedition) and march'd towards the Enemy. His paſſage was all calm, and every Nation as they paſs'd, courteouſly receiv'd them, and amongſt the reſt, Indibilis and Mandonius met him with their Forces. Indibilis ſpoke for them both, but not at all like a Barbarian, fooliſhly and unwarily, but with a modeſt gravity, and rather as excuſing his revolt as neceſſary, than boaſting of it as undertaken at the firſt opportunity; For (he ſaid) he knew right well, that the very name of a Deſerter was no leſs odious to thoſe they leave, than ſuſpected amongſt thoſe with whom they join; nor could he blame thoſe that did ſo, if it were not the bare name, but the double dealing that occaſion'd it; Then he enumerated at large his good ſervices for the Carthaginians, and on the other ſide their Avarice, Pride and all kind of injuries to him and his Countrymen; ſo that hitherto they had only had his body, but his mind was long ſince there were right and faith were obſerv'd; juſt as thoſe fly to the protection of the Gods, who no longer are able to endure the violences and injuſtice of men; That all he deſired was, that his coming over, might neither be reckon'd a Crime, nor an Honour, but as from that day they found him, ſo and no otherwiſe they would value him. Scipio made Anſwer, That in truth he would do ſo; nor could he count thoſe Fugitives who judg'd themſelves not bound to that Alliance where nothing was inviolable, nor any duty regarded, either towards God or Man. Then were brought forth their Wives and Children, who were received with mutual tears of joy, and for that day they were conducted to their Lodgings; The next Morning they concluded the particulars of their Treaty, and then were for the preſent diſmiſs'd to gather together their Forces, with whom returning, they thenceforwards quarter'd in the ſame Camp with the Romans, until, by their guidance, they came up with the Enemy.

The Carthaginian Army which lay next them, was that of Aſdrubal near the City Baetula; before his Camp there were Out-Guards of Horſe, on whom the Roman Van-Couriers, though weary with their march, before ever they choſe their ground to encamp on, did as it were in contempt, make ſo brisk a charge, as eaſily ſhew'd what heart there was in both Parties; for the Carthaginian Troops fled in confuſion to their Camp, and the Romans advanc'd their Standards almoſt up to the very Ports; and ſo that day their Stomachs being only whetted for a Battel, they pitcht their Tents. In the night Annibal retreated his Forces to a Mount, which on the top had a good large Plain, a River on his Rear, and in the Front as well as on both ſides, a ſteep Bank; there lay under this Hill-top another Plain lower than the other, which was alſo encloſed with a like high-bank, as difficult for aſſent as the former; into which, Aſdrubal the next day, when he ſaw the Enemy reſolv'd to fight him, ſent down his Numidian Horſe Slingers and Africans. Scipio riding about through the ſeveral Squadrons and Regiments, ſhew'd them the Enemy; You ſee (quoth he) their hearts already miſgive them, they deſpair before hand to ſight on even ground, but take the advantage of Hills and Banks, and 'tis only in confidence of the place, rather than any aſſurance they have in their Arms or their Courage, that they adventure to ſtand before you; but you remember Carthage had Walls far higher than yonder Mounds and Banks, and yet the Roman Souldiers quickly mounted and got over them; and ſuffer'd neither Hills, nor Forts, nor the Sea it ſelf to reſiſt the fury of their approaches; Thoſe altitudes the Enemy have poſted themſelves upon, will only do them this ſervice, that they may run away down Hill; but even there too, I trow, I ſhall lay a block in their way. For preſently he order'd two Regiments forth, one to keep the Streights of the Valley through which the River runs, the other to ſeize the Road that leads from the City by the winding ſide of the Hill into the Fields; Himſelf led on the Van Couriers, who yeſterday beat off the Enemies Horſe Guards, towards their Light arm'd Squadrons that ſtood on neither brow of the Hill, at firſt they were to paſs over a rough uneven ground, and met with no difficulty but that of the way it ſelf; but no ſooner were they got within reach, but a mighty ſtorm of all ſorts of Darts, and other Weapons, came down thundering upon them as thick as Hail; who anſwer'd them again with a ſhowre of Stones, wherewith the ground being all over-ſpread, it ſerved them very conveniently for Ammunition, and at this ſport the Snapſack Boys, Lackies, and other riff-raff that followed the Camp, being mixt amongſt the Souldiers, were as buſy as the beſt; the truth, is the aſcent of it ſelf was very difficult, and much more when they were ſo pelted, and as it were overwhelm'd with Darts and Stones, yet being enur'd, as they were, to climbe Walls, and reſolutely bent on the ſervice, the foremoſt Ranks did at laſt reach the top; where having once got plain ground, and ſure ſooting, they found the Enemy, who were light and nimble, to run here and there, and ſhift well enough for themſelves, as long as they charg'd at a diſtance, not able to ſtand their ground in a cloſe Engagement hand to hand, but eaſily beat back upon their main body that ſtood on the upper Hill; whither Scipio having order'd this Victorious Party to follow them, divided the reſt of his Forces with Laelius, commanding him with one Brigade to march about on the right hand of the Hill, and ſeek the eaſieſt place to get up at, whilſt he himſelf, with the other, takes the left hand way, and fetching a ſmall compaſs fell in pell-mell, and charg'd the Enemy on the Flank; This ſomewhat diſcompos'd their Front, being apt upon the ſudden ſhout and alarm to turn their Wings and Ranks that way; but whilſt they were in this hurry, to confound them quite, Laelius was got up, and whilſt they retreat to keep him off, and prevent their being wounded in the Rear, their Front is weakned and broken, and ſo gave the Romans of the middle Battel opportunity alſo to break in, which they could never have done (conſidering the diſadvantage of the ſteep Bank) as long as the Enemies Ranks ſtood firm, and the Elephants in their Fore-front; but now great ſlaughter was made on all ſides, and eſpecially by Scipio, who charged through the Enemies (they being as good as naked) from the right Wing to the left; nor had they any opportunity to eſcape, for Roman Guards had beſet the paſſages both on the right hand and the left, and as for the Gate of the Camp, their General and chief Officers flying that way, had ſtopt it up, and the Elephants were thereabouts, whom being now frighted, they feared no leſs than the Enemy; ſo that there were ſlain eight thouſand or upwards.

Aſdrubal who before the Conflict had ſecur'd his Money, ſent the Elephants before, and having rallied as many as he could of thoſe that eſcaped out of the Camp, made haſte along the River Tagus towards the Pyrenean Mountains; Scipio being Maſter of the Enemies Camp, gave all the Booty to his Souldiers, except ſuch Priſoners as were of Free-born condition. When the Catalogue was brought in of thoſe that were taken, he found they were ten thouſand Footmen and two thouſand Horſe; of whom ſuch as were Spaniards he freely releaſed and ſent home; but the Africans the Treaſurer was order'd to ſell for Slaves: Then the whole multitude of Spaniards as well thoſe that had before yielded themſelves, as thoſe who were yeſterday taken Priſoners, applauding his Clemency and Nobleneſs, with a general ſhout ſaluted him by the Title of King; whereupon cauſing the Cryer to make ſilence, he told them, That he took the Title of Imperator [General or Commander] whereby his Souldiers called him, to be the greateſt of all others. As for the Stile of King, although in other places it be moſt Honourable, at Rome it was odious and not endured, however if they meant to expreſs the braveſt Qualities by that appellation, they ſhould find he had a mind truly Royal, but deſired them to be content ſilently to judge ſo, and refrain uſing the word. The Barbarians were not ſo ſtupid as not to be ſenſible of this Grandeur of Mind, that he ſhould as it were look down from ſome greater Elevation and Scorn, upon that glittering Title which aſtoniſhes all other Mortals with its Charms. Then he made ſeveral Preſents to the Princes and Grandees of Spain, and out of abundance of Horſes that were taken, deſired Indibilis to chuſe out three hundred, and take them for his own. The Treaſurer going to ſell the Africans according to Order, found amongſt them a Youth of a moſt comely Perſonage and charming Countenance, and underſtanding that he was of Royal Deſcent, carried him before Scipio; who asking him who and of what Country he was, and how he came in the Army being ſo young? I am (anſwers he, with tears ſtanding in his eyes) a Numidian, and in my own Country they call me Maſſiva; being left an Orphan by my Father, I was bred in the Court of Gala a King of the Numidians my Grandfather by the Mothers ſide. When my Ʋncle Maſiniſſa came over lately with a Body of Horſe to aid the Carthaginians, I attended him into Spain; but never was in any Battel before, being by him forbidden, becauſe of my youth; but that day they were to fight with the Romans, I unknown to my Ʋncle, got an Horſe and Arms, and went into the Field, where my Horſe falling, flung me down headlong, and ſo it was my fortune to be taken by the Romans. Scipio bid them ſet him by, and proceeded with the Affairs before him, which being diſpatch'd, he deſcending from the Tribunal, took the Lad with him into his Pavilion, and ask'd him, If he were willing to be ſent back to his Ʋncle Maſiniſſa? He reply'd with tears of Joy, Ay, with all my heart; whereupon the General gave him a Gold Ring, an Embroider'd Robe, a Spaniſh Caſſock with a Gold Button, and a good Horſe and Furniture, ordering a Convoy of Horſe to wait on him as far as he pleaſed, and ſo diſmiſſed him.

After this a Council of War was held, and ſome adviſed to purſue Aſdrubal with all diligence and expedition; but Scipio reckoning that hazardous, leſt then Mago and the other Aſdrubal ſhould join Forces with him, was content to ſend a Party to keep the Paſs on the Pyrenaean Mountain, and himſelf reſolved to ſpend the reſt of the Summer in receiving the Submiſſions of other States of Spain. As he was on his Return to Taricon, and paſſed the Foreſt of Caſtulo. The other two Punick Generals, Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo, and Mago came out of the further Spain to Aſdrubal, too late for help, he being already defeated, but yet very ſeaſonable to conſult with touching managing the War for the future. They conferr'd together how the Spaniards in each Province ſtood affected? Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo only was of Opinion, That the farther part of Spain towards Cales and the Ocean Sea, were altogether unacquainted with the Romans, and faithful to the Carthaginian Intereſt; but both Mago and the other Aſdrubal agreed, That Scipio by his Courteſie had won all their Affections, both States and private Perſons; and that there would be no end of Deſerting and Revolts till all the Spaniſh Souldiers were either remov'd to the farther parts of that Country, or carried into Gaul in Italy; That if the Senate of Carthage had not granted ſuch a Commiſſion, yet of neceſſity Aſdrubal muſt into Italy, not only becauſe there was the Head of the War, and on which depended the main Chance, but alſo that thereby he might draw all the Spaniards far enough from the Fame of Scipio. And ſince his Army, what with running over to the Enemy, and what with the late Overthrow, was much diminiſhed, the ſame muſt be recruited not only with as many Spaniards as could be levied, but alſo that Mago, delivering his Army to Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo, ſhould croſs the Seas unto the Iſles of Majorca and Minorca with a conſiderable Summ of Money to hire Auxiliaries; That Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo ſhould march away with the Army into Portugal, and not hazard a Battel with the Romans; That out of the Cavalry there ſhould be a draught made of the beſt Troops to the number of three thouſand, who ſhould ſerve under Maſiniſſa as a flying Army to aſſiſt their Allies in the nearer Spain, and forrage the Enemies Towns and Fields. And ſo the ſeveral Generals parted to put theſe Reſolutions in practice. This being the ſumm of what paſſed in Spain this year. At Rome Scipio's Fame daily increaſed, and Fabius, though he won Tarentum rather by Craft than Valour, yet had much Honour paid him for that Service. The Name of Fulvius began to grow dull, and Marcellus lay under ſome reproach, not ſo much for that at firſt he was worſted, as for that before the Summer was half over he had as it were taken up his Winter-Quarters at Venuſia, whilſt Annibal was ranging at his pleaſure through Italy; the truth is, C. Publicius Bibulus a Tribune of the people was his Enemy; and from the firſt Battel which proved unfavourable, he had endeavoured to render Claudius infamous and odious to the Commons, and was contriving a Bill for taking away his Commiſſion: But Marcellus's Friends and Relations prevail'd, That, leaving the Army with his Lieutenant, he might come to Rome in perſon, to clear himſelf of what was objected, and that they would not proceed in his abſence to abrogate his Command. And it happened, that about one and the ſame time, Marcellus came to Town, to wipe off theſe aſperſions, and Q. Fulvius the Conſul upon occaſion of holding the Elections.

The Queſtion touching the continuance or taking away of Marcellus's Command was agitated in the Flaminian Circus with a vaſt concourſe of people of all Degrees; the Tribune not only accuſed him, but the Nobility in general, That by their fraudulent practices and dilatory proceedings, Annibal had now for ten years continued in Italy, as if it were his proper Province, and ſpent more of his life there than he had done in Carthage it ſelf, though his native Country; That the people of Rome now taſted the fruit of prorogning Marcellus's Command, and continuing one and the ſame man ſo long in power, for what has followed, but his Army twice routed? and now forced to take up their Quarters at Venuſia, and lye hous'd for fear of Sun-burning? But Marcellus ſo effectually refuted his Adverſaries Invectives, by recounting his manifold good ſervices, that not only the Bill preferred againſt him was quaſh'd, but the very next day he was by unanimous Votes of all the Centuries, created Conſul; and for his Collegue was choſen T. Quintius Criſpinus, who at preſent was Praetor: The day following, the Praetors were created, viz. P. Licinius Craſſus Dives, then Sovereign Pontiff; P. Licinius Varus, Sex. Julius Caeſar, and Q. Claudius Flamen. During this Choice of Magiſtrates, the City was not a little diſquieted with apprehenſions of a Rebellion in Tuſcany, wherein the Aretines were like to be the Ring-Leaders, as was advertiz'd by C. Calpurnius the Governour of that Province; therefore immediately Marcellus the Conſul Elect was diſpatched to inſpect the State of Affairs in thoſe Parts; and, if he found cauſe, to draw the Army out of Apulia thither: by whoſe Arrival, the Tuſcans were frighted from their deſigns and kept quiet: Agents from Tarentum apply'd themſelves to the Senate for peace, and to be reſtored to their former Liberties and Laws; but were anſwered, That they muſt attend again when Fabius the Conſul was come home from thence; The ſolemn Games, both thoſe called Roman, and thoſe of the Commons, were celebrated this Year with a Day extraordinary. The Aediles of State were L. Cornelius Caudinus, and Servius Sulpicius Galba; thoſe of the Commons, Q Caecilius, and C. Servilius: but as to this laſt, ſome denied, That he was lawfully either Tribune before, or Aedile now; becauſe it was found, that his Father, of whom for ten years the current opinion had been that he was ſlain by the Boii, when he was a Triumvir, near Modena, was ſtill living, and in bondage to the Enemy; and therefore it was doubted whether his Son by right were capable of any Magiſtracy.

In the Eleventh Year of this Punick War, M. Marcellus entered upon the Conſulſhip the fifth time (reckoning that when he was choſen and did not hold it becauſe of ſome errour alledged in his Creation) and with him T. Quintius Criſpinus; to both of them was aſſign'd Italy for their Province, and the former Conſuls two Armies: But becauſe there was another Army on Foot at Venuſia under Marcellus, they were to chuſe which two they pleaſed of the three, and the third ſhould be committed to him that ſhould happen to have the Province of Tarentum, and the Salentines Country. The other Provinces were diſpoſed as follows, amongſt the Praetors; P. Licinius Varus, to have the City-Juriſdiction; P. Licinius Craſſus, that of the Foreigners, and what other charge the Senate ſhould appoint; to S. Julius Caeſar, Sicily; to Q. Claudius Flamen, Tarentum; Q. Fulvius Flaccus was continued in Commiſſion for another Year, and to be Governour of Capua, and have under him one Legion; ſo was alſo C. Hoſtilius Tubulus as Propraetor to ſucceed C. Calpurnius in Sicily, and have the two Legions that were there; and L. Veturius Philo, to remain in the ſame Quality in his old Province the Ciſalpine Gallia, with the two Legions he had before; The ſame Order the Senate paſs'd in favour of C. Arunculeius; and though it were queſtioned before the people, yet they confirmed him in Sardinia with two Legions; and to have alſo the fifty Men of War which Scipio ſhould ſend back from Spain, to ſecure the Coaſts of that Iſland; Scipio and Silanus were ſtill to enjoy their Commands in Spain, and the ſame Forces; only whereas Scipio, what with the Ships from home, and thoſe taken at Carthage, had a Fleet of eighty Sail, he was to remit fifty of them to Sardinia; becauſe it was reported, That the Carthaginians were that Year making mighty Naval Preparations, and that they would ſcowre the Seas and all the Coaſts of Italy, Sicily and Sardinia with a Navy of two hundred Sail. In Sicily the Forces were thus divided, the Cannian Army was granted to S. Caeſar, and M. Valerius Laevinus (for he too was continued) was to be Admiral of thoſe ſeventy Ships already there, whereunto were to be added thirty more from Tarentum, and with that Navy of a hundred Sail, he ſhould, if he thought fit, croſs the Seas, and pillage the Coaſts of Africk; P. Sulpicius had his Command renewed, that with the Fleet he had before he might attend the Provinces of Greece and Macedonia. In the two City-Legions, there was alteration; but the Conſuls were empowered to raiſe what Recruits they ſaw neceſſary. The Roman Empire was that Year defended with one and twenty Legions; and P. Licinius Varus the City-Praetor had charge to refit thoſe thirty old Ships that lay at Oſtia, and to man out twenty more new ones, that there might be fifty Sail abroad to defend the Coaſts near Rome. C. Calpurnius was forbid to remove his Army from Aretium before his Succeſſor arriv'd; and the like command was laid on Tubulus, and eſpecially to prevent any Mutinies.

The Praetors went away for their reſpective Provinces, but the Conſuls were detained a while longer upon account of Religion, becauſe when they went to expiate certain Prodigies, they found not the Gods very propitious or eaſy to be appeaſed; From Campania it was related, That two Temples, that of Fortune, and that of Mars, were blaſted with Lightning, as alſo ſeveral Sepulchres; That at Cumes the Mice (forſooth) had nibled ſome of the gold in Jupiters Chappel (ſo apt is ſuperſtition to concern the Gods in every trifling accident.) That at Caſſinum a great ſwarm of Bees ſetled in the Market-place; That Lightning had toucht the Wall and Gate of the Town Oſtia; That at Caere a Vultur ſlew into Joves Temple, and that at Volſinii a Pool was turn'd into Blood: To avert theſe tokens there was one day ſpent in Supplications, and for ſeveral dayes together great Sacrifices kill'd, but not found acceptable, and for a long time the Gods would ſhew no ſigns of favour; but all theſe ill portents in the Iſſue lighted only on the Conſuls heads, without much danger to the State; The ſolemn Games in honour of Apollo, were firſt celebrated by P. Cornelius Sulla, the City Praetor, when Q Fulvius and Ap. Claudius were Conſuls, and thence-forwards all City Praetors had obſerv'd them, but they were only vow'd from year to year, and held on uncertain days, but this year a Peſtilence grievouſly afflicting the City and Country, yet rather by long tedious lingering Diſeaſes than any mighty Mortality, on that account both Supplications were made at every Shrine, and P. Licinius Varus, the Praetor of the City, was required to prefer a Bill to the people, that the aforeſaid Games ſhould be vow'd for ever on a ſtated day, and in purſuance of that Law, he was the firſt that ſo vow'd them, and order'd them to be held the fifth of July, and on that day they were kept always after.

Concerning the Arretines there continually arriv'd ſuſpitious reports, which encreas'd the Senates Care to ſecure that Town; Therefore they wrote Letters to C. Hoſtilius, That he ſhould, without delay, cauſe them to find Hoſtages, and ſend them to Rome by C. Terentius Varro, who carried theſe Orders; Upon whoſe Arrival, Varro cauſed one Legion, that encamp'd before the Walls, to march into the Town, and having planted Guards in places requiſite, ſummons the Senators together, and demands of them Hoſtages, who requiring two days time to conſider of it, he told them, If they did not forthwith provide them, he would on the morrow ſeize on all the Senators Children; Then he cauſed the Colonels to keep the Gates, and the Prefects of the Allies and Centurions to be upon the Watch, that none in the night made their eſcape out of the City: But this was not ſo diligently perform'd, but ſeven of the principal Senators, with their Children, got away; who being found wanting next morning when the Senate was call'd over, all their Eſtates were confiſcated; of the other Senators Hoſtages to the number of a hundred and twenty, being for the moſt part their own Children, were received and delivered to Terentius to be conveyed to Rome; whoſe report of things ſtill encreas'd the Senates Jealouſies; Therefore as if a Sedition in Tuſcany were juſt at hand, they order'd him the ſaid Varro to march with one of the City Legions to Arretium, and there keep Garriſon, whilſt C. Hoſtilius with the reſt of the Army, kept moving to and fro through the whole Country, and prevent all occaſions of miſchief; Terentius coming thither with his Legion, demanded the Keys of the Gates, of the Magiſtrates, who pretended they were loſt, but he believing they were deſignedly laid out of the way, preſently claps on new Locks and Keys on all the Gates, and took care to be Maſter of all things in the Town. He gave ſpecial warning alſo to Hoſtilius, as touching the Tuſcans in general, that he ſhould never reſt ſecure of their fidelity, unleſs he had firſt depriv'd them of all poſſible means of rebelling.

After this there was great debate in the Senate about the Tarentines, Fabius defending and pleading for them after he had conquer'd them by his Arms, but others were much incenſed againſt them, and moſt ſaid their crime was no leſs than the Capuans, and that they ought as ſeverely to be puniſht; at laſt the Vote of the Houſe paſs'd according to the advice of M. Acilius, that the City ſhould be kept under a Garriſon, and none of the Inhabitants ſuffer'd to range without the Walls, and that the whole matter ſhould be re-heard, when the affairs of Italy were in a more ſetled condition; nor was the diſpute leſs hot concerning M. Livius, Governour of the Caſtle of Tarentum, ſome condemning him, becauſe through his negligence the City of Tarentum was betray'd to the Enemy; others voting to have rewards beſtowed upon him for having ſo bravely defended the Caſtle for five years together, and becauſe by his means chiefly the City was recovered; but ſome were for a middle courſe, urging, That the cognizance of the matter did not ſo properly belong to that Houſe, as to the Cenſors; and of that opinion was Fabius himſelf, but added withal, that he muſt confeſs Livius had been a main means of the recovering of Tarentum (as his Friends boaſted in his favour) for if he had not loſt it, it could never have been regain'd. T. Quintius Criſpinus, one of the Conſuls, went into Lucania with recruits to the Army that had ſerved under Q. Fulvius Flaccus; but Marcellus was ſtill detain'd by new ſcruples of Religion, and odd preſages happening one after another; amongſt other things, whereas in the Gallick War at Claſtidium, he had made a Vow to build a Temple to Honour and Vertue, the ſame being finiſht, the Colledge of Prieſts would not ſuffer it to be Dedicated; becauſe they ſaid, one Chappel could rightly be dedicated but to one Deity and no more; for otherwiſe, if it ſhould be ſmitten with Lightning, or any other prodigious token happen therein, it would be a very difficult matter to expiate the ſame, ſince they could not know to which God the Sacrifices ought to be made, for one Sacrifice cannot be offered to two Gods, unleſs in ſome ſpecial Caſes; ſo there was fain to be another Temple erected juſt by, to Vertue, and great haſt was made to run it up, but it was not his Fortune to ſee either of them Dedicated. At laſt he ſet forwards to the Army that he left laſt year at Venuſia, carrying with him recruits. Criſpinus ſeeing Fabius had got ſo much honour by taking of Tarentum, laid Siege to Locri in the Bruttians Country, having ſent for all ſorts of Engines of Battery, and other Artillery from Sicily, and alſo Ships to aſſault that part of the Town which lay towards the Sea; but he was forc'd to give over that Siege, becauſe Annibal was advanc'd as far as Licinium, and he was told his Collegue had drawn his Forces already out of Venuſia, with whom he was willing to join; therefore from the Bruttii he returns into Apulia, and between Venuſia and Bantia the two Conſuls encamp'd, not above three miles from each other; Annibal having turn'd the War from Locri, comes that way too; and both Conſuls being men of hot Spirits, were every day leading their Souldiers into the Field to offer him Battel, not doubting but if they could engage him now with the joint Forces of two Conſulary Forces, they ſhould put an end to the War.

Annibal conſidering that in the two Bouts he had laſt year with Marcellus, once he was Conquerour, and the other time worſted, concluded if he had only him to deal with, he ſhould do well enough, but knew he was not a match for them both; Therefore reſolves to piece out the Lions Skin with his old Foxes Tail, and ſought all opportunities to entrap them with an Ambuſcade; frequent Skirmiſhes happen'd with various ſucceſs, which the Conſuls feared would ſpin out the Summer, and thought that in the mean time they might well enough carry on the Leaguer of Locri, to which purpoſe they order'd L. Cincius to bring over the Fleet from Sicily, and a part of the Army that lay at Tarentum to march thither alſo to aſſault it by Land. Annibal by certain Thurines had notice of this deſign, and to way-lay their paſſage, plants two thouſand Horſe, and three thouſand Foot, in ſecret ambuſh under the ſide of the Petellian Mount; who falling upon the Romans as they march'd careleſly without any Scouts abroad, ſlew two thouſand of them, and took very near as many more Priſoners, the reſt ſcatter'd in their flight through Woods and private ways, got back to Tarentum. One misfortune uſually follows another, between Annibal and the Roman Camp was a little Hill over-grown with Wood, which at firſt was poſſeſs'd by neither Party, for the Romans knew not the ſituation of that ſide which lay towards the Enemies Camp, and Annibal thought the beſt uſe could be made of it was for an Ambuſcade, and therefore in the night hides certain Troops of Numidian Horſe in the middle of that Wood, with charge that none of them ſhould ſtir out in the day time, leſt they or their Armour ſhould be diſcovered; The Souldiers in the Roman Camp cry'd out, That Hill by all means was to be gained, and ſecured by ſome ſmall Fort; for if Annibal poſſeſs'd himſelf thereof, the Enemy would lye as it were over their heads, and command them at pleaſure; Marcellus was of the ſame opinion, but propos'd to his Collegue, that they two with a Party of Horſe ſhould firſt take a view of the place, for then they would be better able to judge of its conveniency, Criſpinus conſents, and away they troop, attended but with two hundred and twenty Horſe, whereof forty were Fragellanes, the reſt Tuſcans, and with them went M. Marcellus the Conſuls Son, and A. Manlius, both Colonels, and two Captains of the Allies, L. Arennius and M. Aulius. Some have written that as the Conſul Marcellus was ſacrificing that Morning when the firſt Beaſt was kill'd, its Liver wanted that part which in that ſuperſtitious kind of Learning they call'd its Head; in the ſecond Bullock all was right, ſave only that the head ſeem'd much bigger than ordinary, which the Soothſayer was troubled at, becauſe both the defective and over-grown Bowels did equally betoken ill Succeſs.

But as the Conſul Marcellus was ſo eager of fighting with Annibal, that he thought he was never encamp'd cloſe enough to him; ſo then when he rode on, he gave Orders, That the Souldiers ſhould be ready immediately to advance upon a Signal given, in caſe the Hill he was going to view, ſhould ſuit with their purpoſe. Now before the Camp there was a ſmall Plain which lay open to the view of the Hill, on the top whereof the Numidians had planted a Spy to give them notice if he ſaw any of the Romans ſtraggling too far abroad for Forrage or Wood, that they might all at once ſtart out upon them, for little did they dream of ſo great a Prize as now offer'd it ſelf. This Fellow gave the ſign; but they that were to riſe from the top and ridge of the Hill in the Front, did not appear, till others fetching a compaſs, had got incloſed the Romans on the Rear, and then all at once ſet up a ſhout and fell on. The Conſuls were in a Valley, and could neither get up to the pitch of the Hill, becauſe 'twas poſſeſſed by the Enemy, nor yet retreat, being alſo beſet by them behind; yet they might have continued the Skirmiſh, and held out a good while, but that the Tuſcans all ran away, and diſcouraged the reſt, and yet the Fregellanes (to give them their due) did not give over the Fight, though thus baſely deſerted, as long as the Conſuls remain'd unhurt, and heartned them on both by their Words and Examples, for they fought manfully amongſt the thickeſt of the Enemy; but when they ſaw them both wounded, and Marcellus run through with a Lance fall down dead from his Horſe, then they (being but very few left alive) with Crispinus the other Conſul (who was wounded with two Javelins) and young Marcellus who was ſore hurt, ſhifted for themſelves as faſt as they could: Of the two Captains of the Allies M. Aulius was ſlain, L. Aremius taken Priſoner, five of the Conſuls Lictors fell into the Enemies hands, the reſt either killed, or eſcaped with the Conſul ſurviving: Of the Horſe forty three were killed in the Skirmiſh and Purſuit, and eighteen taken alive. In the Camp there was much ado, and crying out to go help their Generals, but before they could advance, they ſaw one of their Conſuls and the Son of the other both wounded with the reſt of the ſmall remnant of this unlucky Expedition, haſtening towards their Camp. The Death of Marcellus, as in other reſpects it was to be lamented, ſo eſpecially becauſe unbecoming his Age (for he was above ſixty) and the prudence of an experienced Captain, he ſhould ſo inconſiderately bring himſelf and his Collegue, and in a manner the whole State into ſuch imminent danger. I ſhould but weary the Reader to report all the different ſtories related by Authors touching the Circumſtances of this Gentlemans unfortunate end: For to wave others, L. Laelius has publiſh'd three ſeveral Accounts of that Affair, one traditionary from common Fame, the other extant in an Oration made in praiſe of Marcellus by his own Son who was preſent in the Action, and a third which he after diligent inquiry avouches as the very truth. But however Reports vary, moſt ſay, That he went out of the Camp to view a certain Ground, and all agree that he was cut off, being ſurprized by an Ambuſcade.

Annibal made no doubt but he had put the Enemy into a mighty Conſternation by killing of one their Conſuls, and wounding the other; and therefore that he might not be wanting to improve the Advantage, preſently removes his Camp to the ſaid Hill, where finding the Body of Marcellus, he gave it Honourable Burial. Criſpinus afflicted for the Death of his Collegue as well as with his own Wounds, marches off privately in the night, and got upon the neareſt Mountains, where he encamped and fortified himſelf on an high Ground, and naturally advantageous on every ſide. And now the two Generals uſed all their Wits, one to contrive Shams and Wheedles, and the other to prevent them. Annibal with Marcellus's Body was become Maſter of his Ring and Signet, with which Marcellus fearing he would play ſome tricks, ſent Expreſſes to the neighbouring Cities to acquaint them, That his Collegue was killed, and the Enemy had got his Ring; therefore if any Letters came in Marcellus's Name, or under his Sign Manual, they ſhould regard them as Counterfeits and Snares. This Meſſage was ſcarce got to Salapia, when Letters were brought thither as from Marcellus, That he intended to be there in perſon the night following, and therefore willed the Souldiers that were there in Garriſon to be in readineſs, if he ſhould have any occaſion to uſe them. But the Salapians being forewarn'd, eaſily ſmelt the Plot, That Annibal deſign'd to be reveng'd on them not only for revolting, but alſo for killing his Troopers, treated the Meſſenger (who was a Roman Fugitive) with very fair words, but ſent him back, that he might not obſerve how they prepared matters; for as ſoon as he was gone, they diſpoſe of all the Townſmen in apt places for Guards round the City, and ſet extraordinary Watches. About the Gate where 'twas believ'd the Enemy would come, was poſted the main ſtrength of the Garriſon. Annibal about the fourth Watch came up to the Town, having a Company in the Van that conſiſted of Roman Fugitives and in Roman Arms, who coming to the Gate all ſpoke Latine, and rouzed the Watch, bidding them make haſte and open the Gate, for the Conſul was come. The Watchmen making as if they had been half aſleep when they began to call, buſtled about and beſtirred themſelves mightily. The Portcullis was let down, which ſome of them with Leavers and Pullies began to pull up, as high as a man might go under it upright. The paſſage was ſcarce open when the Renegado's ruſh'd in at the Portal, ſtriving who ſhould enter firſt; but when about ſix hundred of the Enemy were got in, on a ſudden letting go the Rope that held it up, down comes the Portcullis with a mighty noiſe and makes all faſt. The Deſerters that were let in, to make a ſhew as if they were all amongſt Friends, had their Arms not on their backs but their ſhoulders, as well enough for a March, and the Salapians being well arm'd, eaſily cut them to pieces, whilſt others from the Gates, Walls and Bullwarks, with Stones, Darts and Javelins, pelted the reſt of the Enemies that were without, and drove them off. So Annibal caught in his own trap, was glad to be gone, and march'd to raiſe the Siege of Locri, which Town Cnicius had for ſome time batter'd furiouſly with abundance of Engines brought out of Sicily, inſomuch that Mago the Governour began to deſpair of defending the place, but his hopes were reviv'd, firſt by the news of Marcellus's being kill'd, and eſpecially by an Expreſs, That Annibal having ſent his Numidian Horſe before, was in Perſon with the reſt of his Army on their March to relieve him. Therefore aſſoon as by a Sign from the Tops of the Hills he underſtood the Numidians were near hand, he flings open the Gate, and makes a deſperate Sally on the Enemy, which cauſed for a while a doubtful Fight, becauſe unexpected, and not that he was of equal ſtrength; but aſſoon as the Numidians too charged in the Rear, the Romans were ſo ſcar'd, that they run in droves to the Sea and got aboard their Ships, abandoning their Works, and leaving behind them all their Engines of Battery and other Artillery: So by the approach of Annibal, Locri was ſet free.

Criſpinus after he was advertiz'd that Annibal was return'd to the Bruttians, commanded M. Marcellus a Colonel to lead the Army, which his Collegue had commanded, towards Venuſia; whilſt he himſelf march'd his Legions to Capua, the pain of his Wounds being ſo grievous, that he could ſcarce endure the ſhaking of his Horſe-litter. He ſent Letters to Rome of the Death of his Collegue, and in what a dangerous condition he was himſelf, ſo that he could not repair to Rome to hold the Elections, both becauſe he thought he ſhould not be able to hold out ſo tedious a Journey, as likewiſe for that he was in pain for Tarentum, leſt Annibal ſhould bend his Forces thither out of the Bruttians Country; That it would be neceſſary to ſend him ſome diſcreet and experienced perſons with whom he might conſult concerning the Affairs of the State. The reading of theſe Letters cauſed great lamentation for the death of one Conſul, and no leſs fear of loſing the other. Therefore Q. Fabius the Son is diſpatched to the Army at Venuſia, and to the Conſul were ſent three Commiſſioners, Sext Julius Caeſar, L. Licinius Pollio and L. Cnicius Alimentus who was but juſt arriv'd from Sicily. They were to acquaint the Conſul, That if he were not able to come to Town himſelf, he ſhould within ſome part of the Roman Territories nominate a Dictator for holding the Elections. And that if he himſelf went to Tarentum, then the pleaſure of the Senate was, That Q. Claudius the Praetor ſhould march thence with his Legions into ſuch part of the Country where he might defend moſt Cities of the Allies. The ſame Summer M. Valerius with a Navy of an hundred Sail, paſſed over from Sicily unto Africk, and landing near the City Clupea, waſted the Country a long way without any oppoſition; but retir'd in an hurry to their Ships, being advertiz'd that the Carthaginian Armado conſiſting of eighty three Ships, was making that way; with whom they engag'd not far from the ſaid City Clupea, and took eighteen of them, and ſcatter'd the reſt, and ſo with a mighty Booty obtain'd both at Sea and Land, return'd unto Lilybaeum. Likewiſe this Summer King Philip aſſiſted the Achaeans at their humble requeſt, being oppreſſed by Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedemonia, and alſo by the Aetolians, who wafting an Army over the narrow Sea between Naupactum and Patrae (which the Inhabitants call the Rios) waſted their Territories. There was alſo a Report, That Attalus King of the leſſer Aſia would make an Expedition into Europe, becauſe the Aetolians in their laſt Diet had choſen him their Protector.

When therefore Philip made a deſcent into Greece, the Aetolians met him near Lamia, under the Conduct of Pyrrhus, who was that year created Praetor with King Attalus, becauſe the latter was abſent; but they had with them Auxiliaries from him, and almoſt a thouſand from the Roman Fleet ſent by P. Sulpicius; but Philip routed them in two ſeveral Battels, with great ſlaughter in each, ſo that they were glad to ſhelter themſelves within the Walls of Lamia, whilſt Philip retired unto Phalera, a Town in the Gulf of Malea, heretofore very populous for its excellent Haven, and ſafe Rodes near hand for Ships to ride in, and other advantages both by Sea and Land. To this place repaired Embaſſadours from Ptolemy King of Egypt, and from the Rhodians, Athenians and Chians as Mediators to take up the Differences between Philip and the Aetolians, and of nearer Neighbours there was Aminander Prince of the Athamanians: Not that any of theſe were ſo much concern'd altogether for the Aetolians, (a ſort of People more fierce and imperious than the Greeks generally uſe to be) but to prevent Philip from intermeddling with the Affairs of Greece, which might prove of dangerous conſequence to their Liberties hereafter. After ſome time ſpent, this Conſult touching Peace was put off to the General Council of the Achaei, and a time and place appointed for holding the ſame; and in the mean time a Truce for thirty days obtained. The King marching thence through Theſſaly and Boeotia, came to Chalcis in Euboea, that he might hinder and beat off King Attalus who was reported to be coming with a Fleet againſt that Province, leaving there a Guard to withſtand Attalus (in caſe he ſhould in the interim paſs over) Philip with a ſmall Party of Horſe and light-arm'd Foot viſited Argos, where by common Conſent the Honour of celebrating the Herean and Nemaean Games, was conferr'd upon him, becauſe the Kings of Macedonia report themſelves to be deſcended from that City. Aſſoon as the firſt of theſe Sports were over, he immediately haſtened to the ſaid geneal Diet or Aſſembly long before proclaimed; where matters were fairly advanced for putting an end to the Aetolian, leſt thereby the Romans or King Attalus ſhould take occaſion to invade Greece; but all was broken off by the Aetolians themſelves before the Truce was quite expired, upon the News that both Attalus was come to Aegina, and the Roman Navy arrived at Naupactum: For being called into the Grand Council of the Achaeans (where were preſent the ſame Mediators as at Phalera) they firſt complained, That in ſome particulars the Truce had been broken, and in fine told them flatly, That there could not poſſibly be an end of the Wars, unleſs the Achaeans yielded up Pilos to the Meſſenians, and Atintania were reſtored to the Romans, and the Ardyaeians to Scerdiletus and Pleuratus. Philip could not without indignation hear thoſe he had conquer'd preſcribing Laws and Conditions to their Conquerour, declaring, That for his part he never had any hopes of the Aetolians, and therefore did not on that ſcore either admit of the Treaty for Peace, or grant a Ceſſation from War, but meerly that he might have all thoſe Princes and States witneſſes that he was heartily inclinable to Peace, and they the only cauſe of the War. So without any Peace concluded he diſmiſs'd the Aſſembly, leaving the Achaeans four thouſand Souldiers for their Guard, and receiving from them five men of War, which if he could join with the Carthaginian Navy lately ſent him, and thoſe other Ships he expected out of Bithynia from King Pruſia, he thought he might be able to engage the Romans who had long lorded it in thoſe Seas. Himſelf preſently from this Council returned to Argos, for now the time drew near of the other Sports call'd the Nemean Games, which he was willing to have celebrated in his preſence.

The King being buſy about his Plays, and diverting himſelf with more liberty than he ought to have done in a time of War, had intelligence, that P. Sulpicius the Roman Admiral, looſing from Naupactum, was landed between Sicyone and Corinth, waſting that goodly and moſt fruitful Country. This rouz'd King Philip from his ſports, and taking with him his Cavalry (the Foot being order'd to follow) making long marches, he came unexpectedly upon the Forragers, as they were wandring in the Fields, and loaded with Pillage, and beat them back to their Ships; which Victory, though inconſiderable, ſerv'd to encreaſe the jollity of the reſt of the Games, where Philip ſpent his time in all kind of Feſtival Delights, and for popularity laid aſide his Crown, his purple Robes, and Royal Ornaments, and in habit equall'd himſelf to the reſt of the people, than which nothing is more grateful to Free Cities; and thereby he had undoubtedly ingratiated himſelf very much, and given hopes of continuing their Liberties, if he had not ſpoil'd all again by his intollerable Debauchery and Laſciviouſneſs; for he would ramble night and day, with one or two Companions, amongſt blind naughty Houſes by the Sea-ſide, and by putting himſelf in the garb of a private perſon, as he was the leſs taken notice of, ſo the more diſſolute and extravagant he was; and whilſt he pretended to others a vain ſhew of Liberty, turn'd all to his own licentiouſneſs; nor did he purchaſe all his pleaſures with gold, or perſwade them with fair words, but often added force to his wickedneſs, ſo that it was dangerous for any Parent or Husband to go about to prevent or delay his Luſt; From Aratus, a chief perſon amongſt the Achaeans, he took his Wife Polycratia, and in hopes of her being made a Queen, perſwaded her to go with him into Macedonia; The ſolemn Games being ſpent in theſe Villanies, a few dayes after he march'd to Dymae to drive out the Gariſon of Aetolians, which the Eleans had call'd and received into that Town; there the Achaeans, under the Conduct of Cycliadas their Chief Magiſtrate, met him, as hating both the Eleans becauſe they did not join with the reſt of the Achaeans, and the Aetolians as believing that they excited the Romans againſt them. With theſe conjoin'd Forces, King Philip paſs'd the River Lariſſus, that divides the Eleans from the Dymeans Territories.

The firſt day they entred upon the Enemies Confines they ſpent in Forraging; the next day they march in Battalia towards the City, ſending before their Horſe to make a Bravado before the Gates, and challenge the Aetolians, who are a ſort of people ready enough for Excurſions and Skirmiſhes. They had yet no intelligence that Sulpicius with fifteen Sail was croſs'd over from Naupactum to Cyllene, where having landed four thouſand men, in the night, that no notice might be taken of it, put them into Elis; Therefore when amongſt the Aetolians and Eleans they beheld Roman Standards, that unexpected ſight put them into a mighty Conſternation; The King at firſt was for retreating, but ſeeing a Skirmiſh began between the Aetolians and Trallans (a ſort of Illyrians) wherein his Party was ſhrewdly put to't, he with his Cavalry charg'd a Regiment of Romans, where his Horſe being run through with a Javelin, threw the King head-long, which occaſion'd a moſt furious Fight on each ſide, the Romans to attacque the King, and his own Souldiers to reſcue him; nor was he leſs brave in his own defence, when getting up he was forc'd to fight on foot amidſt whole Squadrons of Horſe; but beginning to have the worſt on't, and many falling round about him, ſome of his men mounted him on another Horſe, and hurried away. That night he encamp'd five miles off from the City Elis, and next day drew all his Forces to a Country Town ſomewhat fortified (Pyrgus they call it) where he heard a great many Peaſants had beſtow'd their Cattel, hoping to ſecure them from Forragers; This rude and unarm'd multitude he overcame with the very terrour of his firſt approach, and that Booty ſerv'd to Ballance the diſgrace he met with at Elis: As he was dividing the ſpoil (there were four thouſand perſons, and Cattel of all ſorts to the number of twenty thouſand) a Courier arrives from Macedonia, with news, That one Eropus by corrupting the Governour, had ſurprized the City Lychnidus, and ſeveral Villages of the Daſſaretians, and endeavour'd to raiſe the Dardanians to join with him; Therefore poſtponing the Achaic and Aetolian War to that domeſtick miſchief (yet leaving two thouſand five hundred Souldiers of all ſorts, under the Command of two Captains, Menippus and Polyphanta, to guard his Allies) he haſtned from Dymae through Achaia, Boeotia, and Bebaeis, in ten days march arriv'd at Demetrias in Theſſaly. Where other Meſſengers brought tidings of a greater Inſurrection, viz. That the Dardanians had in vaſt numbers invaded Macedonia, and were Maſters of Oreſtis, and marching down into the Plains of Aegeſtaeum; and that 'twas currently reported amongſt the Barbarians, That King Philip was ſlain. The truth is, in that Expedition which he made at Sicyon againſt thoſe that ſpoil'd the Country, he was carried by his high-metled Horſe under a Tree, and againſt an Arm thereof, broke off one Corner of the Creſt of his Helmet, which being taken up by an Aetolian, and carried home to Scerdeletus, who knew by the mark that it was the Kings, this ſtory of his death was thereupon divulged. After Philip's departure out of Achaia, Sulpicius arriving with his Navy at Aegina, join'd with Attalus; The Achaeans not far from Meſſene fought with the Aetolians and Eleans, and worſted them; King Attalus and P. Sulpicius took up their Winter Quarters at Aegina.

At the end of this year, T. Quintius Criſpinus the Conſul died of his Wounds, ſome ſay at Tarentum, others in Campania, having firſt nominated L. Manlius Torquatus, Dictator, for holding the Elections, and celebrating the ſolemn Games; The like never happen'd in any former War, that both the Conſuls ſhould be ſlain, and leave the Common-wealth as it were Fatherleſs, and yet no memorable Battle fought. The Dictator named for his Maſter of the Horſe, Cn. Servilius, who was then Aedile of State. The Senate at their firſt meeting order'd the Dictator to exhibite the grand Roman Games, which M. Aemilius the City Praetor had repreſented when C. Flaminius and Cn. Servilius were Conſuls, and vow'd again at five years end. The Dictator held them accordingly, and alſo vowed them for the five years following. But there being at preſent two Conſular Armies ſo near the Enemy, both without Generals, the principal care that troubled both Senate and People, was with all ſpeed to create Conſuls, and ſuch whoſe Vertue and Prudence might be ſecure againſt Punick Craft, ſince during this whole War, the over-haſty heads and hot Spirits of the Leaders had prov'd pernicious to the publick, and even this very year the Conſuls by too much eagerneſs to fight the Enemy, had been moſt unexpectedly ruin'd; Howbeit the immortal Gods in pity to the Roman name, ſpar'd the innocent Armies, puniſhing the Conſuls raſhneſs, with the loſs only of their own Lives.

The Fathers of the Senate caſting their Eyes every way for fit Conſuls, C. Claudius Nero appear'd the moſt likely man; but where to ſuit him with a Partner was the queſtion? For though they knew him to be a gallant man, yet they thought he might be a degree too warm for this juncture and ſuch an Enemy as Annibal, unleſs he were moderated by ſome diſcreet and wary Collegue. Now there was M. Livius, who many years ago, was condemned by the judgment of the people for what he had done in his Conſulſhip, [viz. as having unjuſtly divided the Illyrians ſpoils] which diſgrace he reſented ſo heinouſly, that he withdrew into the Country, and for ſeveral years refrain'd not only the City, but all Company. In the eight year after this judgment given againſt him, the Conſuls M. Claudius Marcellus, and M. Valerius Laevinus, brought him back to Town, but he appear'd in old thredbare Cloaths, the hair both of his head and beard grown long and neglected, ſhewing whereever he came how firmly he ſtill retain'd the memory of that affront. The Cenſors L. Veturius, and P. Licinius enjoin'd him to trim himſelf, and lay by that odd ſlovenly Apparel, to make his appearance in the Senate, and diſcharge publick Duties like other perſons of his quality; but even when any debate happen'd, he either gave his Vote in a ſingle Ay or No, or if the Houſe were divided, went over to which Party he lik'd, and teſtified his mind by his ſilence, till lately the cauſe of his Kinſman, M. Livius Macatus, when his honour was brought in queſtion about the loſs of Tarentum, prevail'd with him to ſtand up and deliver his mind in the Senate in a notable Diſcourſe; which affected all that heard it ſo much the more, becauſe 'twas after ſo long a diſcontinuance, and occaſion'd them to ſpeak of the unhandſome uſage he had receiv'd from the people, and the damage the publick had ſuſtain'd by loſing the ſervice of ſo worthy a man ſo long, both in the Field and the Senate, during this dangerous and tedious War; That neither Q. Fabius, nor M. Valerius Laevinus could be join'd with C. Nero, becauſe 'twas not lawful to chuſe both Patricians; The ſame obſtacle lay againſt T. Manlius, and beſides he had already once refuſed, and would again decline it if offer'd, but M. Livius and C. Claudius would make a moſt excellent pair of Conſuls. Nor did the people when the Fathers put him in nomination, ſeem unwilling to chuſe him. The only man in all the City that oppos'd the conferring that honour upon him was himſelf; Saying, That this would be the moſt ſcandalous argument of levity and inconſtancy that the City could be reproach'd with; To take no pitty of his miſery, when he went in mourning under the ſenſe of an unjuſt accuſation, and now againſt his will to cloath him in a glittering white Garment, that he may put in for the Conſulſhip; to brand and advance one and the ſame perſon, and at once inflict puniſhments and confer honours on him; If they judge him a good man, why did they Condemn him as a Criminal and a Villain? If they have found him tardy, why ſhould they entruſt him with a ſecond Conſulſhip who manag'd his firſt ſo lewdly? Whilſt thus he argued and complain'd, the Fathers reprov'd him, and bid him recollect, Was not M. Furius recall'd from baniſhment? and did not he reſtore his Country to her former dignity, who had diſgracefully ſpew'd him out? The harſhneſs of a mans Country, like that of his Parents, is only to be addulc'd and mitigated by Patience and a modeſt ſubmiſſion; In fine, they prevail'd, and with one Voice, choſe him and C. Claudius Conſuls.

Three dayes after the Court for Praetors was held, and thoſe created were L. Porcius Licinus, C. Mamilius, and the two Hoſtilii Catones, Aulus and Caius. The Playes done, and Elections finiſht, the Dictator and Maſter of the Horſe reſign'd their Offices. C. Terentius Varro was ſent into Tuſcany, that C. Hoſtilius might go out of that Province to Tarentum, to command that Army which formerly belong'd to T. Quintius the Conſul. And T. Manlius to go over into Greece, as Embaſſadour to obſerve how affairs went, the rather becauſe this Summer the Olympian Games were to be celebrated, where would be a reſort from all parts of Greece, at which, if he might with ſafety, they would have him preſent, that if he could light upon any Sicilians who were fled their Country, or any Tarentines baniſht by Annibal, he ſhould perſwade them to return home, aſſuring them that the Romans would reſtore to them whatever Eſtates they had before theſe Wars began. This being like to prove a moſt dangerous year, and no Conſuls in being, all mens Eyes were fixt on the Conſuls Elect, when they would divide the Provinces, and aſſign every one his Charge. The Senate upon the motion of Q. Fabius Maximus, was pleaſed to undertake their reconcilement in the firſt place, for heretofore there had been notable Feuds between them, which the Calamity that befel Livius rendred more bitter and inveterate, as thinking the other on that account contemn'd him; Therefore he ſeem'd the more implacable of the two, and ſaid, There was no need of a reconciliation, for they would both act the more vigorouſly for the publick upon emulation, each knowing that by any default, he ſhall but augment the glory of his Rival Collegue; yet the Authority of the Fathers prevail'd with them to bury their private animoſities, and with common advice and united affections, adminiſter the affairs of the publick. Their Provinces were not intermingled as in former years, but diſtant on the extream Frontiers of Italy; one againſt Annibal amongſt the Bruttians and Lucans; The other in Gaul againſt Aſdrubal, who by report was already advanc'd near the Alps. He whoſe Lot it ſhould be to have Gaul, was to take his choice which he would have of thoſe two Armies in Gaul or Tuſcany, to which the old City Forces ſhould be added. He that went to the Bruttians ſhould take which of the two late Conſuls Armies he pleas'd, together with the new City-Levies, and that Army which the Conſul refuſed, Q. Fulvius the Pro-Conſul ſhould receive, and command for a year; C. Hoſtilius lately removed out of Tuſcany to Tarentum; they ordered to ſhift again, and go to Capua, with one Legion, the ſame that Fulvius commanded laſt year.

The fear of Aſdrubal's coming into Italy daily increaſed. Firſt, Ambaſſadors from Marſeilles brought word, That he was got into France, and that the people there were mighty glad of his coming, becauſe 'twas ſaid he had brought abundance of Gold with him, to hire Auxiliaries amongſt them. Whereupon Agents were ſent thither from Rome to find out the truth, viz. S. Antiſtius, and M. Retius, who at their Return, gave an account, That they ſent out ſome Spies with Guides from Marſeilles, to enquire concerning the premiſſes of the chief men of France; and that it was moſt certain, Aſdrubal, who had already levied a vaſt Army, would early next Spring paſs the Alps, and that nothing ſtaid him at preſent but thoſe Mountains being unpaſſable becauſe of the Winter-Seaſon. L. Aquilius Poetus was created and conſecrated Augur, in the room of M. Marcellus, and Cn. Cornelius Dolabella King of the Sacrificers, inſtead of M. Mercius, who dyed two years ago. Alſo the City was ſolemnly purged, and a general ſurvey taken by the Conſors, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, and M. Cornelius Cethegus, there being found a hundred thirty ſeven thouſand one hundred and eight Citizens, a number leſs by a pretty deal than before the War. This was the firſt Year, ſince Annibal's coming into Italy, that the Comitium [or place of the general Aſſembly] was covered over head, and the Roman Games once renewed by Q. Metellus and C. Servilius Aediles of State; as alſo the Plebeian ſports held for two days by their Aediles, Q. Mamilius, and M. Caecilius Metellus, who likewiſe offered and ſet up three Statues in the Temple of Ceres; with a ſolemn Feaſt in honour of Jupiter, at thoſe Games. Now C. Claudius Nero, and M. Livius, the ſecond time enter upon the Conſulſhip, who having before parted their own Provinces, commanded the Praetors to caſt Lots for theirs: The City-Juriſdiction fell to C. Hoſtilius, who had alſo that over the Foreigners, to the end the other three might be ſpared to go into the Provinces; A. Hoſtilius to Sardinia; C. Manlius to Sardinia; and L. Porcius to Gaul. In all, three and twenty Legions were to be employed, two under each Conſul, four in Spain, the three laſt-mentioned Praetors two apiece, two with C. Terentius in Tuſcany, two with Q. Fulvius amongſt the Bruttians, two to Q. Claudius about Tarentum, and the Salentines Country; one at Capua under C. Hoſtilius Tubulus, and two new ones to be levied for the Guard of the City. For the firſt four Legions the people choſe Colonels, in the reſt the Conſuls nominated them.

Before the Conſuls ſet out, there were Sacrifices offered for nine days together, becauſe at Veii it had rained Stones; and, as it falls out, when one Prodigy is mentioned, others are preſently told, it was reported, That at Minturnae the Temple of Jupiter and Marica's Grove, at Atellae the Wall and Gate, were all ſindg'd with Lightning; and that at Capua a Wolf by Night came in at the Portal, and worried one of the Watchmen. By Order from the Pontiffs, theſe Prodigies were expiated with the greater Sacrifices, and one days Supplication. After which, there was another Novendial Sacrifice, becauſe in the place call'd the Armiluſtrum, it ſeemed to rain Stones. But mens minds were no ſooner pacified with theſe Religious Rites, but they were terrified anew with an Infant born at Fruſino as big as an ordinary Child of four years old, and, to encreaſe the Miracle, they could not diſtinguiſh of what Sex it was, like that two years before at Sinneſſa: The Wizards ſent for out of Tuſcany affirm'd this, above all the reſt, to be a foul and untoward Prodigy, adviſing, That it ſhould forthwith be carried out of the Roman Territories, without touching the Ground, and ſo drowned in the Deep: Accordingly, they put it in a Coffer; and when they had carried it forth a good way on the Sea, flung it in. The Pontiffs made a Decree, That three Setts of Virgins, nine in each Company, ſhould go through the City, as in Proceſſion, ſinging certain ſacred Songs to be learnt in the Temple of Jupiter Stator, compoſed by Livius the Poet. The Temple of Juno the Queen on the Aventine Hill being ſtrucken with Lightning, the Soothſayers declared, That the ſame concerned the Matrons of the City, and that the Goddeſs muſt be appeaſed with an Offering: All the good Dames that had Houſes in the City, or ten Miles round, were ſummoned into the Capitol by the Aediles of the Chair, where amongſt themſelves they choſe out a Committee of twenty five, into whoſe hands all the reſt ſhould depoſite ſome ſmall part of their Dowry; of which was made a fair large Golden Baſon, and offered to Juno on Mount Aventine, and withal they ſacrificed to her with wonderful Devotion. Soon after the Decemvirs ordered another ſolemn Sacrifice to the ſame Goddeſs, the formality whereof was thus: There were two white Heifers led from Apollo's Temple into the City, through the Gate Carmentalis; next were carried two Images made of Cypreſs-Wood, repreſenting Queen Juno; then the ſeven and twenty Virgins in long Robes went ſinging in her praiſe, the Verſes perhaps applauded by the groſs Witts of that Time, but now if we ſhould recite them, they would be thought ſorry ridiculous Stuff: after theſe Laſſes followed the Decemvirs with Chaplets of Laurel, and in Veſtures embroidered with Purple, from the Gate aforeſaid along the Street Ingarius into the Common Hall, where the Pomp ſtaid, whilſt the Maids, taking hold of a Cord that went through all their hands, ſung another Song, and kept time with feet, dancing very curiouſly; thence they marched by the Tuſcan Street and Velabrum through the Beaſt-Market, and ſo forwards to the Clivus Publicus, till they came to Juno's Temple, where the two Heifers were ſacrificed by the Decemvirs, and the Cypreſs Images ſet up in the Chapel.

Having thus made the Gods and Goddeſſes their Friends, the Conſuls made a more ſtrict Levy for Souldiers than had been known in the memory of man; for the terrour of the War was redoubled by the approach of a new Enemy into Italy, and there were fewer men fit for Service to be found, ſo they were forced to require the Colonies on the Sea-Coaſt, who pretended to be exempted from the Militia by a Sacred Conſtitution, to bear Arms: And ſuch as refuſed, they ſummon'd at a certain day to ſhew the Senate their Priviledge, where appeared the Deputies of theſe Towns following, Oſtia, Allia, Antium, Anxur, Minturnae, Sinueſſa, and from the upper Sea, thoſe of Sena; but having all pleaded what they could, there were none found to have any Right to be diſpenſed with when an Enemy was actually in Italy, but thoſe of Antium and Oſtia; ſo the young and ſerviceable men of thoſe Colonies were ſworn, That not above forty of them ſhould at any time lye all night out of the Walls of their Colony, ſo long as the Enemy continued in Italy. When all the Fathers were of Opinion, That the Conſuls ought with all expedition take the Field (for 'twas fit to oppoſe Annibal aſſoon as he came down the Alps, that he might not inveigle the Ciſalpine Gauls and Tuſcans, apt enough to rebel; and Annibal was by himſelf to be held in play, that he might not get out of the Bruttians Country, and march towards his Brother) yet Livius ſtill made delays, not confiding in the Armies of his Provinces, whilſt his Collegue had his Choice of two excellent Conſular Armies, and a third no whit behind them, commanded by Q. Claudius at Tarentum; Therefore he made a motion for calling the Volunteers, that had been Slaves, again to their Colours. The Senate gave ample Commiſſion to raiſe Recruits where they would, and to chuſe or change any of the Armies, and to draw out any from the Provinces as they found moſt expedient for the Commonweal. All which was done and ſetled by them with the greateſt concord and mutual ſatisfaction. The Volunteers were added to the nineteenth and twentieth Legions; ſtout Aſſiſtance was ſent from Spain by Scipio to this War, as ſome Authors write, no leſs than eight thouſand Spaniards and French, two thouſand Legionary Souldiers and eighteen hundred Horſe, partly Numidians, and partly Spaniards, and that M. Lucretius brought over theſe Forces; as likewiſe that C. Mamilius ſent four thouſand Archers and Slingers out of Sicily.

Letters out of Gallia from L. Porcius the Praetor augmented their fears at Rome, ſignifying, That Aſdrubal had quitted his Winter-Quarters, and already paſſing the Alps; That there were eight thouſand Ligurians liſted and arm'd who would join him aſſoon as he came into Italy, unleſs ſome Forces were ſent into that Province to buſie them at home; That for his own part he had but a weak Army, but would venture as far as he might with ſafety. Theſe Advertiſements cauſed the Conſuls (having in great haſte diſpatch'd their Muſters) to ſet forwards to their Provinces ſooner than they intended, to the end each of them might detain the Enemy in his Province, and not ſuffer them to join. But that which moſt promoted ſuch their deſign, happen'd to be a miſtaken Opinion Annibal himſelf had entertain'd. For though he doubted not but his Brother would that Summer arrive in Italy, yet conſidering what difficulties he himſelf met with, and how he ſpent five months, what in getting over the Rhône paſſing the Alps, and fighting with ſeveral of the Inhabitants, by the way, he did not believe nor expect that he could come ſo early, which made him continue the longer in his Winter-Quarters; but Aſdrubal in his March found all things more eaſie and expeditious than he himſelf or others could hope for; for the Averni, and, by their Example, other Nations both of France, and about the Alps, not only entertain'd him readily, but followed him to the War. Beſides, as he conducted his Army through the ſame paſſages which were prepared and made open by his Brother's March, and were before craggy Precipices and unpaſſable; ſo in the twelve years time ſince by continual travelling of ſome or other that way, both the Roads were now much better track'd, and the Nature of the Peaſants rendred more civil and ſociable. For the people before being not uſed to Strangers, nor having ever ſeen Paſſengers amongſt them, were in a manner meer Savages; and not knowing at firſt whither Annibal was bound, they fanſied that he came to ſurprize their Fortreſſes and Caves, and take Captive their people, and drive away their Cattel in Booties, and ſo oppoſed him all they could. But now the Fame of the Punick War (wherewith Italy hath twelve whole years been haraſſed, and as it were all in a Flame) had taught them, That their Alps were only viſited as a Thorough-fare; That two mighty Cities divided by Seas and large tracts of Land lying between them, were vying with one another for Riches and Empire. Theſe were the Reaſons that open'd the Alps to Aſdrubal. But look what time he gain'd by his ſpeedy March, the ſame he loſt again in vain at Placentia, whilſt he rather lay to block it up, than aſſault it. He imagined the winning of ſuch a City ſtanding in a plain open Country would prove no difficult task, and the famouſneſs of the place induced him to believe, that by the deſtruction thereof he ſhould ſtrike a terrour into all the reſt. Nor did he by that Siege only hinder himſelf, but detain'd Annibal too, who before on the firſt News of his being ſo unexpectedly got over the Alps, was in all haſte going to take the Field, which (after he underſtood he was ſat down before Placentia) he delay'd to do, as knowing what tedious work Sieges commonly prove, and how vainly he himſelf attempted the ſame Colony when he return'd victorious from Trebia.

The Conſuls marching out of the City ſeveral ways, as if they had gone to two diſtinct Wars, diſtracted mens minds with various cares; Sometimes they revolved on the various Loſſes and Overthrows they received at Annibal's firſt coming into Italy; ſometimes they were troubled to imagine, what Gods they could hope would be ſo propitious to their City and Empire, as that at one and the ſame time all their Actions every where ſhould proſper, and give them ſucceſs both at home and abroad; That hitherto their State had been ſupported by viciſſitudes of good and ill Fortune in diſtinct places, whilſt it ſeemed precipitating into ruine in Italy at Thraſymenus and Cannae, Victories in Spain buoy'd up her Spirits. Afterwards when in Spain Overthrows came thick one on the neck of another, and ſhockt her with the loſs of two moſt excellent Generals and two Armies almoſt at once, ſucceſſes in Italy and Sicily ſupported the drooping Head of the Republick; and the interval of place, when one of the Wars was always ſo remote, gave opportunity to reſpire and recover themſelves. But now here were two Tragedies to be acted at once on one and the ſame Stage; Two diſtinct and terrible Wars entertain'd in the Bowels of Italy, two of the moſt renowned Captains in the World incloſe between them the City of Rome with their dreadful Arms, and the whole bulk of the War contracted to one place, the whole burden laid on one ſhoulder. For no doubt, which ſoever of theſe Generals ſhall get a Victory, he will in an inſtant join Forces with the other. Nor did the ſad remembrance of the laſt years Funerals, wherein two Conſuls were ſwept away at one Stake, a little terrifie the people. And with theſe perplexed melancholy thoughts they accompanied their preſent Conſuls going to their ſeveral Provinces. It is alſo found in ſome Records, that Livius parted with ſuch reſentments againſt his Fellow-Citizens, that when Fabius, as his laſt Advice, beſought him that he would not raſhly hazard a Battel with the Enemy, before he were very well acquainted with his Nature, he ſhould with ſome emotion declare, That aſſoon as he could get ſight of the Enemy, he would fight him. And being ask'd the reaſon of ſo much haſte? ſhould reply, Becauſe either by a Victory over the Enemy I ſhall gain immortal Honour, or by the Overthrow of my ungrateful Country-men acquire ſome ſatisfaction to my ſelf, if not altogether honeſt and commendable, yet at leaſt ſuch as they have deſerv'd at my hands; before Claudius the Conſul was come into his Province, C. Hoſtilius Tubulus, with ſome Regiments lightly appointed, fell upon Annibal as he paſt through the farther Borders of Larinum, towards the Salentines, and charging upon his Army, whilſt they were in the diſorders of a march, ſlew four thouſand of them, and took nine Colours. Q Claudius who had Garriſons all up and down the Salentines Country, upon advice of the Enemies advance that way, drew out to meet them; but Annibal to avoid engaging with two Armies at once, diſlodges by night out of the Territories of Tarentum, and retires amongſt the Bruttians, and Claudius back to his Salentines. Hoſtilius in the way to Capua meets the Conſul Claudius near Venuſia, where out of both Armies were ſelected forty thouſand Foot, and two thouſand five hundred Horſe, which the Conſul intended to employ againſt Annibal, the reſt Hoſtilius was order'd to lead to Capua, and deliver up to Q. Fulvius the Proconſul.

Annibal having drawn together all the Forces he had either in Winter-Quarters, or the Bruttian Garriſons, comes to Grumentum in Lucania, hoping to recover thoſe Towns that had for fear revolted to the Romans. The Roman Conſul having his Scouts abroad, tends the ſame way, and encamps not above a mile and an half off. The Enemies inmoſt Works ſeemed almoſt joined to the Walls of that Town, and between their formoſt Rampier and the Roman Camp was not above half a Mile, which ſpace was a Plain, but overlook'd by a Ridge of bare open Hills that run along on the left hand of the Carthaginians, and on the Romans Right, not ſuſpected by either Party, becauſe there were no Woods nor any Holes to conceal an Ambuſcade; ſeveral Shirmiſhes happen'd between ſmall Parties, but none worth mentioning. The Romans only drift was to keep the Enemy there, and Annibal was as willing to be gone, yet for ſhew, drew out into the Field in Battalia with all the ſtrength he could make. The Conſul had borrowed a little of the Enemies Craft; for ſince in thoſe open Hills there was leſs fear of Ambuſcade, he thought fit ſo much the rather to lay one, ordering five Regiments of Foot and as many Troops of Horſe to get over thoſe Hills by night, and lye cloſe in the Vallies behind, inſtructing T. Claudius Aſellus a Colonel, and P. Claudius a Prefect of the Allies, who had the Leading of them, both as to the time and manner of their ſhewing themſelves and attacquing the Enemy, himſelf aſſoon as it was light had drawn all his Forces, Horſe and Foot, into the Field. Nor was it long before Annibal likewiſe gave the Signal of Battel, and great ſhouts were made in his Camp by the Souldiers running to their Arms. The Horſe and the Foot promiſcuouſly hurried out at the Ports, and in ſcattering Troops haſtened towards the Enemy, whom when the Conſul ſaw in this diſorder, he commanded C. Aurunculeius a Tribune of the third Legion, that he ſhould with that Legions Cavalry charge them as furiouſly as might be: For whilſt they were thus like ſheep ſpread in tumultuary heaps over the Plain, they might eaſily be ſurprized and routed before ever they could be brought into Array.

Hannibal himſelf was not yet got out of the Camp, when he heard the Clamours of ſome of his men that were fighting; this quickned his march with the reſt of his Forces towards the Enemy; The formoſt were already terrified with the Horſe, and now the Romans firſt Legion and Right Wing of Cavalry were coming up to charge them. The Carthaginians diſorder'd as they were, fought at a venture, as each Company happen'd firſt to meet either Horſe or Foot. The conflict grew hotter by freſh Supplies ſtill coming up, and encreaſed by the numbers that continually ruſht out (like Bees in ſwarms) to fight, and undoubtedly in all that hurry, Annibal had reduced his men to order and a regular Form of Battalia, (no eaſy matter to do, unleſs where the Leader is very skillful, and the Souldiers experienc'd and well diſciplin'd) if it had not been for the ſhout of the before mentioned Troops, which they heard at their backs, as they came running down the Hills upon them. Then they grew afraid in earneſt leſt they ſhould be hemm'd in and ſhut out from their Camp, to which they fled as faſt as they could, and being ſo near, the ſlaughter was the leſs, yet the Horſe charging all the way upon their Rear, and the other Party running eaſily down Hill, and doing great Execution on their Flank, there were in all cut off above eight thouſand men, more than ſeven hundred taken, nine Standards won, and of their Elephants (which could do no ſervice in this ſudden tumultuary Engagement) four kill'd and two taken. Of the Romans and their Allies were ſlain two hundred. The next day the Carthaginians kept cloſe; the Romans drew up again in the Field, but ſeeing no body come to oppoſe them, fell to rifle and ſtrip the Bodies of the Enemy, and gathering their own dead together, buried them; Afterwards for ſeveral dayes together they would brave the Enemy up to their very Gates, as if they would with Banners diſplay'd, have march'd into their Camp; till one night about the third Watch, Annibal leaving behind him a great many Fires, and ſome few Tents ſtanding in that part next the Romans, and a few Numidians to ſhew themſelves at the Gates and on the Rampier, march'd off his Army, deſigning for Apulia; when it grew day the Roman Army came up near their Works, as they us'd to do, and the Numidians as they were ordered, ſhew'd themſelves, and having ſo for a good while cheated the Enemy, on a ſudden retire, and out of a back Port, follow full ſpeed after their Fellows; The Conſul finding their Camp ſo ſtill, and that even thoſe few he ſaw in the Morning did now diſappear, ſending firſt two Troopers to diſcover how the caſe ſtood, and they bringing word, that all was ſafe, march'd into their Camp with his Army, but ſtaid no longer than whilſt the Souldiers ranſackt it, then ſounded a Retreat, and long before night return'd to his own Camp; next Morning by break of day, following the Enemy by the track and report of the Country, making ſwift and large marches, came up with them not far from Venuſia; there too, they had a ſcuffling Skirmiſh, and above two thouſand Carthaginians ſlain, who afterwards marching only by night and croſs the Mountains to avoid fighting, went to Metapont; whence he ſent Hanno the Governour of that City with a ſmall Party to levy Forces amongſt the Bruttians, and having thereby, and with Forces out of that Garriſon recruited his Army, returns to Venuſia the ſame way he went, and from thence to Canuſium. Nero fail'd not all this while to dog him at heels, and as he march'd toward Metapont, had ſent for Q. Fulvius to repair into the Lucans Country, that thoſe parts might be without a Guard.

Whilſt this was doing, four French Troopers and two Numidians, ſent to Annibal with Letters from Aſdrubal, after he was diſlodg'd from the ineffectual Siege of Placentia, travelling through the midſt of Enemies almoſt the whole length of Italy, as they were following Annibal in his Retreat from Metapont, miſs'd their way, and lighted upon Tarentum, where by the Roman Forragers ranging in the Fields, they were taken and brought before Q. Claudius the Propraetor; whom firſt they entertain'd with ſlim ſlams and intricate Anſwers, but being brought to the Rack, confeſs'd, That they were carrying Letters from Aſdrubal to Annibal; with which Letters, ſealed as they were, he ſent them under the Guard of L. Virginius and two Troops of Samnite Horſe, unto the Conſul Claudius; who having cauſed the Letters to be read, and the Bearers examined, began to think with himſelf, That this was not a time wherein the ordinary methods of Conduct, and each mans acting preciſely in his own Province, and with one certain Enemy, would be for the ſervice of the Common-wealth, That ſome new unthought of, unprovided againſt Exploit was boldly to be attempted, which when firſt undertook ſhould ſtartle and affright his own Citizens no leſs than the Enemy, but being once happily atchiev'd, would turn their fears into exceſſive tranſports of joy. Sending Aſdrubals Letters to the Senate, he by the ſame Expreſs, acquaints them what he was reſolv'd to do, and withal adviſes them, That ſince Aſdrubal writes to his Brother to meet him in Ʋmbria, they would call home a Legion from Capua to Rome, make what Levies they could there, and with that City-Army oppoſe the Enemy at Narnia. Having wrote thus to the Senate, and ſent Orders before through the Territories of the Larinats, Marrucines, Frentanes and Praetutians (which was the way he intended to march) that they ſhould out of their Towns and the Country round, provide Victuals, Horſes, Carts, and all other accommodations, and have them in readineſs; he out of all his Forces, both Romans and Allies, picks out ſix thouſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, the very ſlower and ſtrength of the whole Army, and bids them make ready for a march, for he would attacque the next City and Punick Garriſon he came at in the Lucans Country; ſo ſetting out by night, he wheel'd about into Picenum, and with all the ſpeed imaginable, marches directly towards his Collegue, having left the Command of his Camp to Q. Catius his Lieutenant.

In the mean time they at Rome were in no leſs fear and buſtle, than they were two years ago, when the Carthaginian Camp lay before their Walls. Nor could they tell what to make of this odd and bold Adventure of the Conſul, whether they ſhould praiſe or condemn it, ſo that it was plain they would meaſure and eſteem of it by the Event, which is the unjuſteſt thing in the World. But thus they whiſper'd, That the Camp depriv'd of all its moſt gallant men, was left as it were in the Jaws of Annibal, without a General; That the Conſul pretending an Expedition into the Lucans Country, was indeed gone they knew not whether towards Picenum and Gallia, leaving his Camp no other ſecurity in the World, but the Enemies miſtake, and not knowing that the General and beſt part of the Army were abſent. But what will be the conſequence if this be diſcover'd? And Annibal ſhall with his whole Army follow Nero, who is gone out but with ſix thouſand Souldiers? or ſhall aſſault the Camp left as it were a prey, without ſtrength, without Conduct, and without any body that had power to take the Auſpices [without which they were not to fight or attempt any matter of moment, and the ſame could only be done by ſome Chief Magiſtrate.] The old defeats receiv'd in this War, the freſh remembrace of two Conſuls ſlain but laſt year, encreaſed peoples fears, and ſo much the more, becauſe when all thoſe diſaſters happen'd, the Enemy had but one Army, one General in Italy, but now of one Carthaginian War there are become two, two vaſt Armies, and as good as two Annibals in Italy; For Aſdrubal was the Son of the ſame Father Amilcar, and every way as grand a Captain, having for ſo many years together been uſed to fight with the Romans in Spain, and famous for two Signal Victories, wherein two whole Armies, with their moſt renowned Generals, were cut to pieces. Nay in ſome reſpects he may be ſaid to be ſuperiour to Annibal; for the ſpeed of his Journey out of Spain, and raiſing the people of France to aſſiſt him, he may boaſt that he hath exceeded his Brother, having rais'd an Army in thoſe very places where the other loſt the greater part of his Souldiers with hunger and cold, than which there is no kind of death more miſerable; To all this, they that were skill'd in the affairs of Spain, added, That he had not now to deal with an unknown General, but with C. Nero, the very ſame Nero whom he bubled and made a very Baby of heretofore, when being by chance beſet in a place of diſadvantage he fool'd him with a pretence of making Articles of Peace, till he had privately got away his Army; To conclude, in all the Diſcourſes at Rome, they magnified every thing on the Enemies part beyond truth, and as much too much leſſen'd their own, the natural effect of their fear, which evermore interprets all things for the worſt.

Nero being got ſo far off Annabal, and forwards on his way, that he thought he might with ſafety divulge his deſign, makes this ſhort Speech to his Souldiers, Never did any General venture upon an Enterprize that could ſeem more bold and dangerous, than this of mine, and yet in truth there is nothing more ſafe; I lead you, Gentlemen! to certain and aſſured Victory, even to that War, which my Fellow Conſul manages, and did not ſet forwards unto, until he was furniſht by the Senate with Forces both Horſe and Foot to his own hearts content, more in number and better provided than if he had gone againſt Annibal himſelf; now you bringing ſo conſiderable an addition of ſtrength, muſt needs, altogether, over-power the Enemy; for when 'tis heard when we draw out into the Field (for I'll take care it ſhall not be known before) that the other Conſul, and the other Army is come in, it muſt undoubtedly give us a Victory; Fame and reputation are all in all in War, and ſmall matters many times do wonders by making impreſſions on mens paſſions of hope or fear. The whole Glory almoſt of the ſucceſs will fall to your ſhare; for 'tis always ſeen, that any aſſiſtance that comes in laſt, though never ſo ſmall, is thought to have influenced the whole Action, and that without them it had not ſucceeded. And you ſee with what concourſe, admiration, and affectionate favour all people do entertain and regard you by the way, an aſſured good Omen to our preſent Expedition. And indeed vaſt multitudes both of men and women flock'd every way out of the Fields and Villages to behold them, and ran along between their Ranks and Files, at once making Vows for their Succeſs, and praying for, and applauding them, calling them, the Life-guard of the Commonwealth, the brave Defenders of Rome and its Empire, in whoſe hands and arms were repoſited the Safety and Liberties of them and their Children; and therefore they beſought all the Gods and Goddeſſes to give them a lucky March, a proſperous Battel, and a timely Victory over their Enemies, that themſelves might quickly be obliged to pay their Vows, and that as now they followed them with minds ſolicitous for their ſafety, they might in few days come forth to meet them with joyful hearts as they returned in Triumph for their Victory: Then would every one invite, offer, and importunately beg of them to accept of him rather than any body elſe, what they need for themſelves or their Horſes, as being ready moſt frankly to part with any thing to thoſe that muſt defend and preſerve every thing they had. On the other ſide, the Souldiers were as modeſt as they were liberal, would take nothing but what was abſolutely neceſſary. Nor would they ſtay a jot with any, nor flinch from their Colours, but eat their Victuals as they went, and march'd night and day, allowing themſelves ſcarce ſo much ſleep as would ſupport Nature. When they drew ſomewhat near the other Army, Nero ſent Meſſengers before to his Collegue to acquaint him of his coming, and to know whether he would have them come openly or privately, by day or by night, and whether into his Camp, or quarter by themſelves?

Livius thought it moſt convenient, that they ſhould come privately by night up to his Camp, where he had given a Watch-word and Command, That every Colonel ſhould take a Colonel into his Tent, every Centurion a Centurion, each Cavalier a Horſeman, and ſo of the Foot; for by no means would they have the Camp enlarged, that the Enemy might not perceive the other Conſuls Arrival, and they could make the better ſhift to pig in one with another in this ſtrait compaſs, becauſe Claudius's Army had little Baggage, bringing with them in this Expedition, nothing almoſt but their Arms. But in their March their number was conſiderably increaſed by Volunteers, both old Souldiers that had ſerved out their ten years in the Wars, and ſo had been diſcharged, and luſty Youths of whom multitudes offered themſelves, but he would liſt none but ſuch as were of ſtrong bodies and like to do good Service. The place where Livius lay encamped was near Sena, and Aſdrubal's Tents not much above half a mile off; therefore Nero being now pretty near reſted, and lay cloſe till night in the Mountains, and then with great ſilence came and were kindly received and welcom'd every one into the Tents of thoſe of his own Rank and Quality. The next day a Council of War was held, where alſo was preſent L. Porcius Licinus the Praetor, who lay encamped hard by the Conſul, and before their coming, what by ſeizing of Paſſes, and what by frequent Skirmiſhes, and falling ſometimes on the Enemies Rear, and by and by goring them in the Flanks, had done very good Service. Many of the Commanders were of opinion to put off a Battel for a while as well that Nero might reſt and refreſh his men, who were wearied with ſo tedious a March, and want of ſleep, as that himſelf might in the mean time be better acquainted with the Nature of the Enemy. But Nero not only adviſed, but with all earneſtneſs intreated, That ſince the celerity of his March had made his deſign ſafe and eaſie, they would not by delays render it raſh and dangerous: at preſent Annibal, by reaſon of his miſtake (which yet they muſt not think would always continue) lay ſecure and quiet without either attempting his Camp, which he had left without a General, or offering to follow him; and before he ſhould ſtir, Aſdrubal's Army might be cut to pieces, and he himſelf be returned into Apulia; whoever by deferring, gives the Enemies reſpite, does as much as in him lies, betray that Camp to Annibal, and open him a way to come into Gallia at his pleaſure and join Aſdrubal: Therefore preſently the Signal muſt be, the Army immediately drawn into the Field, and uſe made of this miſtake of the Enemies as well abſent as preſent, whilſt they neither know that they have to do with fewer; nor theſe, that they are to encounter more than formerly. Theſe Reaſons prevailed, the Council broke up, and preſently they draw out into the Field.

The Enemy likewiſe were quickly ranged in good Order before their Camp, but that which delay'd the Battel, was that Aſdrubal advancing with a ſmall Party of Horſe before the Enſigns, to take a view of the Enemy, happen'd to obſerve amongſt them a great many old Targets which he had never ſeen before, and Horſes more lank and lean than formerly, beſides they ſeem'd to be more in number. Hereupon ſuſpecting, that which was indeed, in haſte he ſounds a Retreat, and ſent out ſome to the River where they had their water, to ſee if they could catch any of them, or at leaſt to take notice, whether they were ſwarthy and Sun-burnt more than ordinary, as having been travelling lately. Likewiſe he order'd a View to be taken at a diſtance of their Camp, whether the Rampier were any where enlarged, and to liſten attentively whether they could hear one or two Trumpets ſound in their Camp; who bringing back an Account of all theſe Circumſtances, the Camps not being enlarged, was a thing that continued their miſtake. For they were ſtill but two, juſt as they were formerly, one of M. Livius, the other of L. Porcius, and the Rampiers or Trenches of either not ſet out one jot further in any place. But that which ſway'd moſt with Aſdrubal, as being an ancient experienced General, and well acquainted with the Roman Cuſtoms, againſt whom he had ſo many years waged War, was this, That they told him they heard one Trumpet in the Praetors Camp, but two in the Conſuls: whence he concluded, That undoubtedly both Conſuls were there, but how the other of them ſhould get away from Annibal, ſorely troubled his mind, for he could not imagine that which was the truth of the Caſe, viz. That Annibal ſhould be trickt in a matter of ſuch moment, as to be ignorant what was become of that General, and that Army, whoſe Camp was held within view of his own; Therefore he concluded, That he muſt by ſome unuſual and mighty overthrow be diſabled to follow him; and was greatly afraid that himſelf was come with help too late when their affairs were grown deſperate; and that the Romans were courted by the ſame good Fortune in Italy as in Spain; and ſometimes again, he thought his Letters might not come to his Brothers hands, but that the Conſul might intercept them, and ſo haſten to prevent, and cut him off by the way. Not a little perplext with theſe various thoughts, he puts out all the Fires, and commanded all his Souldiers, without noiſe, to get together their Baggage and be ready to march, on a Signal given, at the firſt Watch; But in that conſternation and hurry in the dark, two Fellows whom they had for their Guides, being not carefully lookt after, gave them the ſlip, one running into a lurking hole, which he had a good while had in his Eye, the other being well acquainted with the ſhallows of the River Metaurus waded over, ſo that the Army deſerted by their Guides was forc'd to march at random through the Fields, and divers of them weary and ſleepy with watching, laid them down here and there, and left their Colours with very few Souldiers about them; Aſdrubal commanded them to follow the River and march on its Banks till the day ſhould ſhew them the Road; but going thus by the windings and turnings of the ſtream they ridded but little ground, and when in the morning they endeavour'd to get over, they could find no place convenient, for the further they went upwards off from the Sea, the higher were the Banks, which ſtraitning the River made it deeper though narrower than it was lower, ſo that ſpending all the day thus unfortunately he gave the Enemy opportunity to purſue him.

Firſt Nero with all the Cavalry came up, then Porcius with the Light-arm'd Foot, who on all ſides playing upon Aſdrubals Forces, already weary and diſheartned, oblig'd them to quit their march, which was no better than a Chace, and to endeavour to encamp themſelves on an high Bank juſt by the River ſide; but then Livius was come up with all the reſt of the Infantry, not in the uſual poſture of a march, but ready arm'd and in good order; when they were all join'd and arrang'd in Battalia, Claudius had charge of the Right Wing, Livy of the Left, and the Praetor of the main Battel. Aſdrubal ſeeing there was no avoiding but fight he muſt, left off fortifying the place for a Camp, and put himſelf in order as faſt as they; in the middle of his Front and before the Standards he plac'd his Elephants, next them in the left Wing were his French men to oppoſe Claudius, not that he truſted ſo much to them as that he thought the Enemy would be afraid of them, himſelf in perſon on the Right Wing with a body of Spaniards (in whom, and his old Souldiers, he repoſed his greateſt hopes) reſolv'd to confront Livius; the Ligurians were behind the Elephants in the middle, but the Battel was rather drawn out in length than breadth: The French men were defended by an Hill that bore out over them. The Spaniards Front was over againſt the Romans left Wing, and all the right hand Battalions were as it were out of the Battel and did nothing, for by reaſon of the Hill they could neither a Front, nor a Flank charge the Enemy; Between Livius and Aſdrubal was begun a mighty Conflict with great and dreadful ſlaughter on each ſide; There were the two Generals, there the beſt part of the Romans Foot and Horſe, there were the Spaniards experienc'd Souldiers, and wonted to cope with the Romans, and there too were the Ligurians, an hardy and Warlike people; thither too the Elephants were turn'd, who at firſt diſorder'd the Front, and made the Standards retreat; but the Battel then growing more fierce, and the clamours louder, they would no longer be rul'd by their Riders, but run up and down the two Armies like Ships without a Steerſman, ſo that you could not tell to which ſide they belong'd. On the other hand Claudius, ſeeing with all their efforts his men could not gain the Hill that was againſt them; Cries out, And did we march ſuch a tedious way, and in ſuch haſt to do juſt nothing at all? Saying which words, he detach'd ſome Regiments, and wheel'd about behind the whole Army, and unexpectedly not only to the Enemy, but to thoſe of his own Party; charges the Enemy on the Enemies left Flank, and was ſo nimble, that preſently after they appear'd on one ſide, ſome of them were got behind them; ſo that the poor Spaniards and Ligurians were ſlaughter'd on all ſides, Front, Flank and Rear, and the Execution was come up to the French: but there was no reſiſtance worth ſpeaking of, for a great part of them had before deſerted their Colours, running away in the night, or lying aſleep under the Hedges, and thoſe that were preſent being wearied with marching and watching (for of all people they can leaſt endure toil) they were ſcarce able to bear their Arms on their ſhoulders, and beſides it was about Noon, and what for heat and thirſt they ſtood panting and could do nothing, but tamely yielded their Bodies to be cut to pieces, or taken Priſoners.

There were more Elephants kill'd by their Governours themſelves than by the Enemy; for their manner was to have about them a Carpenters Chizzel and a Mallet, and when the Beaſts happen'd to rage and turn upon their own Troops, their Maſters would ſet the ſaid Chizzel between their Ears, juſt at the joint where the nape of the neck and the head meet together, and drive it in with all their force, which was found the ſpeedieſt way to kill ſo huge a Beaſt when he would be manag'd no longer; The firſt practiſer thereof being Aſdrubal, who as he had in ſundry Engagements ſhew'd himſelf a brave Commander, ſo never did he give more ſignal proofs thereof than in this very Battel; He it was that kept up the Battel ſo long on his ſide, both by encouraging his men that fought, and expoſing himſelf to all dangers as freely as the meaneſt Souldier. He it was that ſometimes by entreaties, and ſometimes ſmart rebukes, incenſed thoſe that were weary and given out, to make freſh charges on the Enemy; He it was that ſtopt thoſe that fled, and by rallying them, renew'd the Fight in ſeveral places, where the work ſeem'd altogether done; and at the very laſt, when he ſaw evidently that the Enemy had the honour of the day, and his miſfortune beyond retrieve, reſolving not to ſurvive the defeat of that Army, which chiefly follow'd his Standards upon the reputation of his name, he ſpurr'd on his Horſe into the thickeſt of one of the Roman Regiments, and there, as became the Son of Amilcar, and the Brother of Annibal, gallantly fighting againſt a multitude he was ſlain. In all the whole War never was there at one Field ſo many of the Enemy ſlain, and the overthrow at Cannae was repaid them to the full, whether we conſider the loſs of the General, or of the Army. Six and fifty thouſand of them kill'd, five thouſand four hundred taken, beſides a great booty of all ſorts, and a conſiderable quantity both of gold and ſilver; above four thouſand Romans that were Priſoners with the Enemy, recovered, which made ſome amends for thoſe loſt that day, for 'twas not an unbloody Victory, here being almoſt eight thouſand of the Romans and their Allies, who there loſt their Lives. And ſo little ſtomach had the Conquerours to more blood and ſlaughter, that next day when it was told the Conſul Livius, that abundance of Ciſalpine Gauls, and Ligurians, who either were not preſent at the fight, or fled from thence, were going together in a Troop homewards, without any certain Commander, without Enſigns or any kind of order, ſo that if he would but ſend a Party of Horſe after them, he might cut them every one to pieces: he replied, No, No, Let ſome ſurvive to carry abroad the News both of the Enemies Defeat and our Valour.

Nero the very ſame night after the fight drew out his Party, and with more Expedition than he came, return'd to his own Leaguer, where in ſix dayes time he arriv'd, being nothing ſo much reſorted to as before, becauſe he was ſo quick, that no Meſſengers were before him to tell the news, but whereever he came the people were almoſt out of their ſenſes for Joy; As for Rome, it cannot be expreſs'd how ſtrangely people were affected, both one way and the other, how dumpiſh the whole City was, whilſt in doubtful expectation, and with what tranſports they receiv'd the tidings of the Victory. Ever ſince they heard of Claudius's march, from Morning till Night, were all the Senators in the Council-Chamber, and with the Magiſtrates, and the Forum always fill'd with people; The Ladies and good Wives becauſe they could aſſiſt no way but by their Vows and their Prayers, ſpent all their time in running from one Shrine to another, and wearied the Gods with their Supplications. Whilſt the City was in this ſuſpenſe and perplexity, there was ſpread at firſt an uncertain rumour, That two Narnian Troopers were come into the Camp which lay againſt the paſſages into Ʋmbria, from the Conſuls Army, and brought word, That the Enemy was routed; But this was rather heard than believ'd, for not only the news was ſo great and joyful, that their minds were not yet enlarg'd enough to receive it, ſo the ſuddeneſs made it incredible, for the ſame ſtory related, That the fight was two days, and they could not think Claudius could be got thither ſo ſoon. Preſently after an Expreſs from L. Manlius Acidinus confirm'd the Report; which Letters being brought through the Forum to the Praetors Tribunal, and the Lords of the Senate ſent for, the people did ſo throng about the Door, that the Meſſenger could not get along for the Crowd, bawling out, That the Letters ſhould be read at the Market-Croſs from the Roſtra, before they were carried to the Senate; but at laſt being driven away and quieted by the Magiſtrates, who had much ado to appeaſe their unruly Joy. The Letters were read firſt in the Senate, and then in the Common-Hall, and entertain'd according to every ones humour, ſome being therewith fully ſatisfied, but others would believe nothing till they had an Expreſs and Letters from the Conſuls themſelves.

After this, they heard that ſuch Meſſengers were coming, and preſently the people of all ſorts, young and old, ran out to meet them, every one deſiring to be the firſt that heard the certainty of ſuch glad Tidings; All the Road as the Bridge Milvius was fill'd with a continual crowd; The Meſſengers were L. Veturius Philo, P. Licinius Varus, and Q. Caecilius Metellus, who attended with this multitude, came into the Forum, ſome demanding of them, others of their Attendants, What News? All were anſwer'd, That the Enemies Army was cut to pieces, their General ſlain, the Roman Legions brave and luſty, both the Conſuls ſafe and well; Then preſently did every one impart the news to others; much ado they had to get to the Senate Houſe; and more, to keep out the Rabble. After the Letters had been there read, the Meſſengers were brought to the Common-Hall, where after the Letters were again read, L. Veturius declar'd at large by word of mouth the circumſtances of the whole Action; which was concluded with a general ſhout of the whole Audience; Then away went ſome to the Temples of the Gods to return thanks and pay their Vows, others home to chear their Wives and Children with the happy tidings: The Senate paſs'd an Act, That ſince M. Livius and Claudius the Conſuls had with the ſafety of the Legions vanquiſht and ſlain the Enemies Forces and their General, there ſhould be held a ſolemn Proceſſion or Thanksgiving for three dayes together; which was Proclaim'd by C. Hoſtilius the Praetor, and Celebrated both by Men and Women; All the Temples throughout the City were all the three dayes equally throng'd, and the Matrons and their Children moſt richly dreſt, as if they now had nothing more to fear, or the War had been wholly ended, return'd Thanks to the Immortal Gods. Nay this Victory chang'd the ſtate of the City, ſo as from that day forward men durſt make Contracts, buy and ſell, borrow and lend, and pay Debts to their Creditors as freely as in a time of ſetled Peace. C. Claudius the Conſul as ſoon as he return'd to his Camp, cauſed Aſdrubals Head, which he had carefully brought with him, to be flung before the Enemies Out-Guards, and the African Priſoners to be ſhew'd them in their Chains; and two of them were let go to tell Annibal the ſtory of their overthrow; who upon this double loſs and mournful Calamity, both to his Country and Family, fetcht a deep ſigh (as 'tis reported) and ſaid, Ah, I ſee, I ſee what will be the Fate of Carthage! and preſently diſlodging, that he might call his Auxiliaries together, whom ſpread at large he could not defend, he retired into the Bruttians Country, the furthermoſt Corner of Italy, and took with him thither all the Inhabitants of Metapont, and as many of the Lucanians as were under his power.

THE HISTORY OF TITUS LIVIUS A PADƲAN, From the Building of Rome to his time. DECADE III. BOOK VIII. The Epitome of the 8th Book.

1. 2, &c. THings done ſucceſsfully in Spain by Silanus, Scipio's Lieutenant, and by L. Scipio his Brother againſt the Carthaginians. 5, &c. By Sulpitius the Proconſul, and Attalus a King of Aſia againſt Philip King of Macedonia, upon the account of the Aetolians. 9. A Triumph being decreed for M. Livius and Claudius Nero the Conſuls; Livius, who had done all his exploits in his own Province, was carried in a Chariot with four Horſes; whilſt Nero, who came into his Colleagues Province, to aſſiſt him in the accompliſhing of his Victory, followed on Horſeback, gaining more glory and reverence in that guiſe; for he had done more ſervice in the War than Livius his Colleague had. 11. The fire in the Temple of Veſta, through the negligence of a Virgin that did not look after it, went out; for which the Virgin was whipt with a Rod. 14. 15, &c. P. Scipio made an end of the War in Spain with the Carthaginians the fifteenth Year after the War began, and the fifth after he went thither: and having totally excluded the Enemy from the poſſeſſion of Spain, retook it. Then being carried over from Tarraco into Africa, to Syphax King of Numidia, he and his retinue in two Ships, he made a League with that Crown. 18. Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo lay with him there at a feaſt upon the ſame bed. 21. He gave new Carthage an entertainment of Fencing in honour of his Father and his Ʋncle, not by profeſſed Fencers, but ſuch as either out of reſpect to their General, or by way of Challenge, enter the Liſts; in which, Regulus's Brother fought for the Kingdom. 22. When the City Aſtapa was beſieged by the Romans, the Towns People, building a Funeral Pile of Wood, kill'd their Wives and Children, and threw themſelves alſo headlong into it. 24. Scipio himſelf, who had been taken with a grievous Diſtemper, as ſoon as he recovered, appeas'd a Sedition raiſed in ſome part of the Army, and forced the Rebelling Nations of Spain to a ſurrender. 35, &c. There was a Peace alſo made with Maſſiniſſa King of Numidia, who promiſed him aſſiſtance if he came over into Africa; and likewiſe with the Gaditanes, after the departure of Mago thence, to whom be wrote from Carthage, that he ſhould go into Italy. 38. He returned to Rome, and was made Conſul. 40. He ſtood for the Province of Africa, but Q. Fabius Maximus oppoſing of him, had Sicily given him, with a permiſſion to go over into Africa, if he thought it for the good of the Commonwealth 46. Mago the Son of Amilcar croſt over from the leſſer Balearian Iſland [called Minorca] where he had wintered, into Italy.

ALthough upon Aſdrubal's coming over, the ſcale of Fortune ſeemed as much elevated for the benefit of Spain, as depreſs'd to the diſadvantage of Italy; yet a War, juſt like the former, on a ſuddain broke out again in that Country. Now the Romans and the Carthaginians at that time were thus in Spain circumſtantiated. Aſdrubal Son of Giſgo was gone as far as the Ocean, and Gades, whilſt the Coaſt of the Mediterranean, and almoſt all Spain to the Eaſtward, was Scipio's, and ſubject to the Romans. The new General Hanno, who ſucceeded int he room of Barchinus Aſdrubal, coming over with a new Army out of Africa, and joyning Mago, when he had, in a ſhort time, raiſed a great number of Men in Celtiberia, which lies between the two Seas, Scipio ſent M. Silanus to oppoſe him, with ten thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe. Silanus making as great Marches as he was able (for roughneſs of the Roads, which were ſtraitned with frequent Woods, as Spain generally is, was an hinderance to him) prevented not only the Meſſengers, but the very flying report of his coming, and by the help of Guides, that were Renegades out of the ſame Country of Celtiberia, came up to the Enemy. I find in the ſame Authors, that when they were about ten thouſand Paces from the Foe, there were two Camps hard by the way, where they marched; on the left hand, the Celtiberi, a new Army of above nine thouſand Men; and on the right hand, the Camp of the Carthaginians. The latter of which were guarded and ſecured with Men and Sentinels, according to the beſt method that Soldiers uſe, though the former lay neglected and regardleſs, as belonging to Barbarians and freſh-water Soldiers, that had not ſo much fear upon them, becauſe they were in their own Country. Wherefore Silanus, thinking it his beſt courſe to attack them firſt, commanded his Enſignes to be born as much to the left hand as was poſſible, without being diſcovered by the Carthaginians, whilſt he himſelf, having ſent his Scouts before, charged up to the Foe as faſt as he could.

He was about three thouſand Paces from them, before ſcarce any of the Enemy perceived his approach; for they lay upon Hills that were craggy rough places, whilſt he in an hollow Vale, which by being ſo lay out of ſight, ordered his Men to ſit down and refreſh themſelves. In the mean time the Scouts returned, confirming what the Renegadoes had ſaid. Then putting their Baggage all in an heap together, the Romans took up their Arms, and marched all in Battalia to the Fight. They were a thouſand Paces from the Foe, when they firſt got ſight of them; at which the Carthaginians began on a ſudden to tremble. Mago gallop'd out of the Camp upon the firſt noiſe and tumult that he heard. Now there were in the Celtiberian Army four thouſand Shield-Men, and two hundred Horſe, which compleat Legion (for about that ſtrength it had) he placed in the front, putting the reſt, who were light-armed Men, in the rear. As he led them in this manner out of the Camp, the Romans threw their Javelins at them before they were well got out of the Vale. The Spaniards ſtooped down at the Weapons which were thrown by the Foe, and then roſe up again to fling them back again; which the Romans receiving (as they uſe) upon their Shields, that were joyned together at their cloſe order, they came by that means Foot to Foot, and began to ſight with their Swords. As to the roughneſs of the place, though it made the ſwiftneſs of the Celtiberians (whoſe way it was to run as they fought) of no uſe to them, was no great diſadvantage to the Romans, for they all were accuſtomed to a ſtanding ſort of ſighting; ſave that the ſtraitneſs of it, and the brambles that grew there, broke their ranks, ſo that they were forced to engage one to one, or two to two as in a Duel. That therefore which hindered the Enemies ſlight, was at the ſame the occaſion of their being ſlaughtered as eaſily as if they had been bound hand and foot. And now, when almoſt all the Shield-Men of the Celtiberians were killed, the light-armed Men and Carthaginians, who came to their aſſiſtance from the other Camp, were ſmitten and ſlain; not above two thouſand Foot, and all the Horſe, who had ſcarce yet entered into the Battel, eſcaped with Mago, whilſt Hanno the other General, with them who came laſt when the fight was over, was taken alive; almoſt all the Horſe, and all the old Foot that were left, following Mago, came the tenth day to Aſdrubal in the Province of Gades. The Celtiberian new Souldiers getting into the adjacent Woods, fled thence to their own homes. By this very ſeaſonable Victory they did not gain near ſo much by ending that preſent War, as by ſtifling the cauſe of a future, which was ſo likely to enſue, if the Carthaginians could have perſwaded the other Nations to take up Arms as they had done the Celtiberians. Wherefore, when he had commended Silanus in very kind expreſſions, Scipio having ſome hopes of putting an end to the War, if he did not fruſtrate it himſelf by delays, went, to finiſh what remained thereof, into the fartheſt part of Spain againſt Aſdrubal. The Carthaginian therefore having his Camp in Baetica, in order to keep the minds of his Allies to their Allegeance, immediately took up his Enſigns, and more like a Flight than a March, led his Men to the Ocean and to Gades: But then imagining, that as long as he kept his whole Army cloſe together, he ſhould be expoſed as a large mark for the Romans to aim at; before he paſſed the Strait to go to Gades, he diſperſed his Soldiers all about into the ſeveral Cities, that they might defend themſelves within the Walls, and the Walls alſo with their Arms.

Scipio obſerving the War was diſſipated all over the Country, and that to carry his Men to the ſeveral Cities, would be a tedious rather than a great task, marched back again; yet leſt he ſhould leave that Region free to the Enemy, he ſent L. Scipio his Brother, with ten thouſand Foot and a thouſand Horſe, to attack the moſt opulent City in thoſe Parts, which the Barbarians call Oringin; which City is ſituate in the Conſines of the Meleſſians, a Spaniſh People, whoſe Country is very fruitful, though the Inhabitants digg Silver there too. That was Aſdrubal's head Quarters, from whence he made excurſions round about upon the inland People. Scipio having pitched his Camp near that City, before he inveſted it with any works, ſent certain Meſſengers to the Gates, to try at that ſmall diſtance how the Inhabitants ſtood affected, and to perſwade them to make experiment rather of the friendſhip than the force of the Romans; but having no peaceful anſwer, he encloſed the City with a Trench and a double Bulwark, dividing his Army into three parts, with a deſign that one part ſhould be continually making their aſſault, whilſt the other lay ſtill in the mean time. When the firſt part began to attack it, the Fight was very bloody and doubtful, for they could not eaſily come near to make uſe of their ſcaling Ladders, for the Darts that fell upon them from the Walls: And now thoſe who had ſet their Ladders up againſt the Walls, were ſome of them thruſt down with Forks made on purpoſe, whilſt others were laid hold on with Iron Hooks, and were in danger to be by them pluck'd up to the top. Which when Scipio perceived, and that the Battel was now pretty equal through the ſmalneſs of his numbers; yea, that the Foe was too hard for him, as fighting from the Wall, he made the firſt party retire, and fell on with the other two at once; which thing put the Enemy (who were already tired with fighting with the firſt) into ſuch a fright, that not only the Towns People forſook the Walls and ran forthwith away, but the Carthaginian Garriſon alſo, for fear the City ſhould be betrayed, quitting their ſtation, betook themſelves into one certain place. That made the Towns People the more afraid, that if the Enemy ſhould once get into the Town, they ſhould be all kill'd as faſt as they came to hand, without any diſtinction or queſtion whether they were Carthaginians or Spaniards: Wherefore ſtreight opening the Gate, they ran in great numbers out of the Town, holding their Shields before them, leſt any Darts might be thrown at a diſtance upon them, but holding out their right hands naked, that the Romans might ſee they had thrown away their Swords. Whether the Romans did not perceive that by reaſon of the diſtance between them, or whether they ſuſpected ſome ill deſign to be in it: I cannot tell; but this is certain, they fell upon thoſe that were coming out, and kill'd them as an oppoſite Army, carrying their victorious Enſigns in at the ſame Gate. In other parts alſo they cut and broke the Gates open with Axes and Hatchets, whilſt every Horſeman as he came in, went (according to order) directly to take poſſeſſion of the Forum [or Market-place.] The Horſe had a party of Triarii aſſiſtant to them; and though the Legionary Soldiers went through the other parts of the Town, yet they abſtained from pillaging any Man that they met, except ſuch as defended themſelves with Arms. The Carthaginians were all committed to Priſon, with about three hundred Towns-Men who had ſhut the Gates; the reſt had the Town at command, and their Goods reſtored to them. There fell at the Siege of that Town about two thouſand of the Enemy, but not above ninety Romans.

The taking of that City, was not only happy for them that were imployed in it, but made their arrival look very glorious to the General and the reſt of the Army, when they came with ſuch a multitude of Captives before them. Scipio therefore having commended his Brother, and with as much Rhetorick as he was able, compared the taking of Oringin by him, with the taking af Carthage by himſelf, becauſe the Winter was now at hand, being neither able to attempt Gades, nor follow Aſdrubal's Army, which was ſo ſcatter'd all over the Country, led his Army back into the hither Spain, where ſending the Legions into Winter Quarters, and his Brother Lucius Scipio, with Hanno the Enemies General, and the other noble Captives, to Rome, himſelf went to Tarraco. The ſame Year the Roman Navy, ſent over by M. Valerius Lavinus the Proconſul, out of Sicily into Africa, did a great deal of ſpoil in the Country about Ʋtica and Carthage, driving the Cattel away out of the utmoſt bounds of the Carthaginians about the very Walls of Ʋtica. As they went back to Sicily, the Carthaginian Navy (conſiſting of ſeventy long Ships) met them, of whom ſeventeen Ships were taken and four ſunk, the reſt being routed and put to flight. The Romans being thus victorious both by Land and Sea, ſailed toward Lilybaeum with a great Booty of all ſorts; and then having cleared the whole Sea of the Enemies Ships, they carried great quantities of Corn to Rome

In the beginning of that Summer, when theſe things were performed, P. Sulpitius the Proconſul, and King Attalus having Wintered at Aegina (as I told you before) they ſailed from thence to Lemnus with their Navies joyned together; the Romans being five and twenty Gallies with five banks of Oars a-piece, and the Kings five and thirty. Then Philip, that (whether he muſt meet the Enemy by Land or Sea) he might be ready upon all occaſions, went in Perſon to Demetrias, a City lying upon the Sea Coaſt, and appointed his Army to meet him upon ſuch a day at Lariſſa. Thereupon there were Embaſſadors ſent from his Allies all round about, as ſoon as they heard the King was come to Demetrias; for the Aetolians were grown more haughty, not only upon the ſcore of their alliance with the Romans, but alſo in regard that Attalus was arrived, and pillaged all their Neighbours. Nor were the Acarnans only, and the Boeotians, with thoſe that live in Euboea, in great fear, but the Achaeans alſo; whom (beſides the Aetolian War) Machanidas King of Lacedemon, by pitching his Camp a great way from the Argive Confines, put into a great fright. All theſe therefore, conſidering what dangers hung over each of their Cities both by Land and Sea, deſired the Kings aſſiſtance. Nor were the News from his own Kingdom relating to Peace, there being a report, That Serdiletus and Pleuratus were in an uproar, and that the Medes above all the reſt of Thracia, were like to invade the neighbouring parts of Macedonia, if the King were detain'd in any foreign War. The Boeotians indeed themſelves, and the inner Nations of Greece, had ſent word that the Aetolians had block'd up the avenue of Thermopylae, where the narrow Paſs ſo ſtreightens the way, to hinder Philip from going to defend his Allies Towns. So many tumults round about him were enough to rouze even a ſlothful General; wherefore he, diſmiſſing the Embaſſies, promiſed them, That as time and opportunity ſhould ſerve, he would aſſiſt them every one; but for the preſent, would have them mind what was moſt neceſſary. Thereupon a ſupply was ſent to the City, from whence word was brought, That Attalus coming over from Lemnus with his Navy, had pillaged all the Country round every City. Wherefore he ſent Polyphantas with a ſmall party into Boeotia, and Menippus, one of the Kings Captains, with a thouſand Targeteers (whoſe Targets were like half Moons) to Chalcis. To whom he added alſo five hundred Aenians, that they might be able to defend all parts of the Iſland. He himſelf went to Scotuſſa, to which place he ordered the Macedonian Forces ſhould be brought from Lariſſa: There he was told, That the Aetolians were to have an Aſſembly at Heraclea, and that King Attalus would come thither to conſult about the great affairs of the War. To diſturb their meeting by his ſuddain arrival, he marched to Heraclea as faſt as he could; but coming thither after the Aſſembly was diſmiſſed, he only deſtroyed the Corn (eſpecially in the Aenian Bay) which was almoſt ripe, and ſo led his Army back to Scotuſſa; and there leaving all his Army behind, he marched with a Royal Party to Demetrias: from whence, that he might be ready for the Enemy at every turn, he ſent certain Perſons into Euboea, Phocis and Peparethus, to chooſe out ſuch high Places, from which Beacons or Fires might be well ſeen. He himſelf, in the mean time, ſet up a Watch-Tower in Tiſaeus (which is an extraordinary high Mountain) that by the help of thoſe Fires in the air, at a good diſtance, he might diſcover in a moment what the Enemy did. Mean while the Roman General and King Attalus, came over from Peparethus to Nicaea, from whence they ſent the Navy into Euboea, to a City call'd Oreum, which as you go from the Demetrian Bay to Chalcis and Euripus, is the firſt City in Euboea on your left hand. Now Attalus and Sulpitius were agreed, That the Romans ſhould attack it by Sea, and the Kings men from the Land.

Four Days after the Navy arriv'd, they ſet upon the City, having ſpent all that time in private Conferences with Plator, whom Philip had made Governour of that Place. The City has two Forts, one lying to the Sea, the other in the middle of the Town; from thence there is a Mine down to the Sea, to which a Tower of five ſtories high affords a great Blockade; there it was that they had the firſt bloody bout, the Tower being filled with all ſorts of Weapons on the one ſide, and Warlike Engines prepared and fixed to attack it on the other. That fight therefore having drawn all Peoples thoughts and eyes towards it, Plator that while let the Romans in at the Gate of the Caſtle which lay upon the Sea, which was taken in a moment. The Towns People being driven thence, made to the other Fort that was in the middle of the Town, but were kept out by certain Perſons ſet there to keep the Gate; by which means, being excluded, they were ſlain and taken in the ſtreet. But the Macedonian party ſtood altogether under the Caſtle Wall, without either running away, or fighting very ſtoutly; then Plator (having got leave of Sulpitius) ſet aſhore at Demetrius a Town in Phthiotis, going himſelf to Attalus. Sulpitius being proud of his ſucceſs at Oreum, goes preſently with his victorious Army to Chalcis, where the event did not anſwer his expectations. For there is a place where out of the wide Sea you come into a ſtraight Gulph, which at firſt ſight looks like two Ports lying ſeveral ways, but it is a moſt miſchievous Harbour for a Navy to ride in: For, not only ſudden and ſtormy Winds come down from the high Mountains on both Shoars, or the ſtreight of Euripus reciprocates at certain times (not ſeven times a Day as the report goes) but a rowling torrent comes down, as from a ſteep Mountain, along the Sea, which is turned to and fro, like the Wind, at no certainty; by which means, the Ships have no reſt either Night or Day. Nor was the Navy only got into ſuch a dangerous place, but the Town alſo was encompaſſed on one ſide with the Sea, on the other from the Land with good Fortifications, and a ſtrong Guard, but moſt ſecure and impregnable in the fidelity of its Governours and head Men, which had been wavering and falſe at Oreum. This one thing therefore he did very prudently, for the Romans (conſidering that he undertook the buſineſs ſo raſhly) that weighing all difficulties, he, leſt he ſhould ſpend time to no purpoſe, immediately removed his Navy from thence over to Cynus in Locris (which is the Port of the Opuntians) a City ſituate a thouſand Paces from the Sea.

In the mean time Philip had notice from the Fires ſet up at Oreum, though too late, through the treachery of Plator, who retarded their being put into the Watch-Tower; but his Navy being too weak for the Enemy, he could not eaſily have acceſs to the Iſland: And yet as ſoon as he received the ſummons to come and aſſiſt Chalcis, he march'd with all ſpeed; for though Chalcis it ſelf be a City belonging to the ſame Iſland, yet it is divided from it by ſuch a narrow Sea, that it joyns to it by a Bridge, and is more acceſſible that way than by Water. Wherefore Philip, having defeated the Garriſon, and routed the Aetolians, who had poſſeſſion of the ſtreight of Thermopylae, when he was come from Demetrias to Scotuſſa, as he did by the third Watch after he ſet out thence, and had forced the trembling Foe into Heraclea, himſelf went in one Day to Elatia in Phocis, which is from that place above ſixty thouſand Paces. About the ſame Day the City of Opus was taken and rifled by King Attalus; Sulpitius gave the King all that plunder, becauſe Oreum had ſome Days before been ſack'd by the Roman Souldiers, the Kings Men having no ſhare in the booty. The Roman Navy was gone to Oreum, and Attalus not knowing of Philips arrival, ſpent his time in exacting of money from the chief Men of the City; yea, ſo little foreſight he had of the matter, that had not certain Cretenſians by chance gone a good way from the City a foraging, and by that means ſpyed a party of the Enemy at a diſtance, he might have been ſurpriſed. Attalus unarm'd and diſcompos'd made away as faſt as poſſible to the Sea to his Ships, and Philip came up as they were putting off from the Land, affrighting the Seamen even from the ſhoar; thence he returned to Opus, accuſing both the Gods and Men, that he had loſt the fortune of ſuch a conſiderable affair, which was ſnatcht almoſt even out of his eyes. He blamed the Opuntians too at the ſame time, for that, when they might have protracted the ſiege till his arrival, yet as ſoon as they ſaw the Enemy, they yielded to almoſt a voluntary ſurrender. Then having ſetled all matters about Opus, he marched to Torone. And Attalus went firſt to Oreum, where ſince there happened a report, That Pruſias King of Bithynia was gone over into his Country, he omitting the Roman affairs, and quitting the Aetolian War, returned for Aſia. Sulpitius alſo carried his Navy back to Aegina, whence in the beginning of the Spring he came; in the mean time Philip took Torone, with as much eaſe as Attalus had done Opus. That City was inhabited by Renegadoes that came from Thebes in Ph • hiotis; for when their City was taken by Philip, they made an Alliance with the Aetolians, who gave them that Seat, which was the remainder of a City waſted and laid deſart by Philip in a former War. Then marching from Torone, which, as I ſaid before, he had taken, he took Tritonon and Drymae, two ſmall and pitiful Villages in Doris: Thence he came to Elatia, where he had ordered the Embaſſadors of Ptolomy and the Rhodians to expect him. And there, when they began to treat of putting an end to the Aetolian War (for thither came Embaſſadors from the late Council of the Romans and Aetolians held at Heraclea) news came, that Machanidas had reſolved to ſet upon the Eleans as they were preparing for the Olympick Games: He therefore thinking that he ought to prevent that deſign, ſent away the Embaſſadors with a courteous anſwer (ſaying, That he was neither the cauſe of that War, nor would be any hinderance (if upon juſt and honourable terms he might comply) to a peace) and marching with all ſpeed through Boeotia, fell down as low as Megara, and from thence to Corinth; where having taken up Proviſions, he went to Phlius and Pheneus: But when he was come to Ereas, hearing that Machanidas, being affrighted at the noiſe of his arrival, was fled back to Lacedaemon, he marched to Aegium to the Council of the Achaeans, which was there held, ſuppoſing that he ſhould find the Carthaginian Navy there too, which he had ſent for, to make himſelf able to do ſomething by Sea. The Carthaginians were gone over ſome few Days before to Phoceae [Iſlands] and from thence into the Acarnanian Ports, when they heard that Attalus and the Romans were come to Oreum, as fearing leſt their deſign was upon them, and they might be ſurpris'd in the Rhium, which is the very Mouth of the Corinthian Bay.

Philip was much vexed and diſſatisfied, that though he made ſo much haſt in all his expeditions, yet he met with nothing in time, but fortune ſeem'd to jilt his ſwiftneſs, by ſnatching all his ſucceſs juſt out of his very eyes. Nevertheleſs, in the Council he diſſembled his diſcontent, and ſpoke very couragiouſly, calling both Gods and Men to witneſs, that he was never wanting either in place or time, but whereſoever the Enemy was in Arms, thither he always went as faſt as he poſſibly could, though no one could hardly tell, whether he made more haſt to engage in a War, or the Enemy to run away from it; for ſo Attalus got from Opus, ſo Sulpitius from Chalcis, and ſo at that time Machanidas eſcaped out of his hands. But he ſaid, that flight was not always ſucceſsful; nor could that War be reckon'd difficult, in which, if you once engage with an Enemy, you overcome him. But that which was the greateſt Argument, his ſecurity was, that he had the confeſſion of his Enemies for it, that they were no ways equal to him; and that he ſhould in a ſhort time certainly gain a victory, ſo that they ſhould not fight with him with any better event than they had hopes. The Allies were glad to hear the King ſay ſo; and then he reſtored Erea and Triphylia to the Achaeans, and Alipheria to the Megalopolitans, who had ſufficiently proved it to be theirs; then with ſome Ships that he had of the Achaeans (which were three Gallies with four banks of Oars, and as many with two) he went over to Anticyra, where having gotten ſeven Gallies, and above twenty Barks, which he had ſent into the Corinthian Bay to joyn the Carthaginian Navy, he went into Erythrae, a Town belonging to the Aetolians, near Eupalium, and there he landed. But the Aetolians were aware of his coming, for all the Men that were either in the Fields, or in the adjacent Caſtles of Potidania or Apollonia, fled into the Woods and Mountains; but the Cattle, which for haſt could not be driven off, were taken and carried into the Ships. Having ſent theſe and the reſt of the booty, with Nicias Governour of the Achaeans, to Aegium, he went to Corinth, and ordered his Foot-Forces to be led thence through Boeotia by Land, whilſt he himſelf, ſailing from Cenchrea along by Attica above Sunium, in the middle almoſt of the Enemies Navies, he came to Chalcis. There, having commended their fidelity, that neither hope nor fear had changed their reſolutions, and exhorted them to remain as conſtant for the future in their alliance, if they deſired to be in their preſent condition, rather than to undergo the fortune of the Oritans and Opuntians, he ſailed from Chalcis to Oreum; where having committed the Government and keeping of the City to ſuch of the Nobility, as choſe rather to run away than ſurrender themſelves to the Romans; he croſſed over to Demetrias from Euboea, whence he firſt came to aſſiſt his Allies. After which, having laid the keels or foundations of one hundred long Ships at Caſſandrea, and got together a great number of Ship-Carpenters to perfect that work, ſeeing not only that Attalus's going away, but the aid he himſelf gave to his then oppreſſed Allies, had made all things quiet in Greece, he went back into his own Kingdom to make War upon the Dardans.

At the end of that Summer, when theſe things paſſed in Greece, Q. Fabius Maximus, who was ſent Embaſſador from M. Livius the Conſul, to the Senate at Rome, having brought word, That the Conſul thought L. Porcius with his Legions a ſufficient guard to the Province of Gallia, ſo that he might come thence, and the conſular Army be brought away. The Senate ordered, not only M. Livius, but his Colleague alſo C. Claudius, to return to the City; ſave that there was this one exception in the Decree, that M. Livius's Army ſhould be brought away, and Nero's Legions, that oppoſed Annibal, ſhould ſtay in the Province. Now between the Conſuls there was this agreement made by Letters; That as they had unanimouſly carried on the buſineſs, ſo, though they came out of ſeveral Countries, they ſhould arrive at the City both on a day; and that he who came firſt to Praeneſte ſhould ſtay there for his Colleague. It ſo happened that they came both to Praeneſte at the ſame time; from whence having ſent the Edict before hand, that three Days after there muſt be a full Senate held at the Temple of Bellona, they approached near to the City, out of which the multitude ran in all haſt to meet them: Nor did the rabble ſalute them all together, but each one for himſelf deſiring to touch the Conſuls Conquering Hands, ſome congratulated, and other gave them thanks, That by their means the Commonwealth was preſerved. When they therefore having, as it is the cuſtom for all Generals, told what they had done, had likewiſe required, that for their faithful ſervice to the Commonwealth, not only the Gods might be honoured, but they alſo have the priviledge to enter in Triumph into the City; to which the Senate made anſwer, That they would decree what they required, firſt upon account of the Gods, and ſecondly next to the Gods, on the ſcore of the Conſuls merits, they ordered, not only a ſupplication in both their Names, but a Triumph to both of them. In which affair, leſt they two, who had unanimouſly carried on the War, ſhould be divided as to the Triumph, they made this agreement, That ſince M. Livius had done all his buſineſs in his own Province, and that day when the Battel was to be, 'twas his turn to obſerve the auſpicies and ſo begin the Battel; and that Livius's Army was brought to Rome, but Nero's could not ſtir out of the Province; that therefore M. Livius ſhould enter the City upon a Chariot drawn by four Horſes, with the Soldiers following of him, and C. Claudius ſhould go in on Horſe-back, without any Souldiers to attend him. The Triumph being thus concerted, as it augmented he glory of them both, ſo did it moſt encreaſe his fame, who yeilded as much to his Colleague in point of honour, as he outdid him in deſert: For they ſaid, That Man on Horſe-back in ſix days time ran all the whole length of Italy, and engag'd with Aſdrubal in Gallia the ſame day, that Annibal thought he had pitched his Camp againſt him in Apulia: By which means one Conſul, for both parts of Italy, oppoſed on the one hand his policy, and on the other his Body, againſt two great Captains, againſt two great Commanders. That the name of Nero was enough to keep Annibal in his Camp; and what was the ruine of Aſdrubal but his arrival? Wherefore the other Conſul might go, if he would, enthroned upon a lofty Chariot with ſo many Horſes, but a true Triumph was carried through the City upon one ſingle Horſe; and Nero, though he went on foot, would be renowned both for the glory that he gain'd in that War, and that he contemned in that Triumph, Theſe diſcourſes of the Spectators purſued Nero as far as the Capitol. They brought of Money into the Treaſury three millions and eighty thouſand Seſterces; M. Livius gave the Souldiers fifty ſix Aſſes a piece, and C. Claudius promiſed his abſent men as much when he returned to the Army. It was obſerved that Day, the Soldiers caſt forth more jocular Verſes upon C. Claudius, than upon their own Conſul: That the Horſe commended L. Veturius and Q. Caecilius, two Lieutenants, very much; exhorting the Commons, To make them two Conſuls for the next year. That the Conſuls back'd the Horſe-mens propoſal, and the Day following in an Aſſembly, declared before the People what ſtout and faithful ſervice thoſe two Lieutenants eſpecially had done them.

When the time of Aſſembly was now at hand, and it was ordered that the Aſſembly ſhould be held by a Dictator, C. Claudius the Conſul declared M. Livius his Colleague Dictator, and Livius made Q. Caecilius Maſter of the Horſe; but he created the ſame Caecilius alſo Conſul with L. Veturius at the very time when he was Maſter of the Horſe. Then the Praetorian Aſſembly was held, and C. Servilius, M. Cecilius Metellus, T. Claudius Aſellus, Q. Mamilius Turinus, who then was Aedile of the People, were created Praetors; which Aſſembly being ended, the Dictator laid down his Office, and diſmiſſing the Army, went by an order of Senate into the Province of Etruria to make inquiſition, What People of Etruria or Umbria had any intentions to revolt from the Romans to Aſdrubal a little before his coming, and which of them had aſſiſted him with Men, Proviſions, or in any other manner. Theſe things were done that Year at home and abroad. The Roman Games were performed thrice over, from the beginning to the end, by the Aediles Curules [chief Surveyors of publick works and actions] and the Plebeian Games alſo as often, by the Plebeian Aediles, whoſe names were U. C. 544 Manius Pomponius Matho and Q Mamilius Turinus. In the thirteenth Year of the Punick War, when L. Veturius Philo, and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Conſuls, the Province of the Bruttii was given to them both, that they might wage War with Annibal. Then the Praetors choſe their Poſts, M. Caecilius Metellus the City, Q. Mamilius a Foreign Aid, C. Servilius Sicily, and T. Claudius Sardinia. The Armies were thus divided: to one of the Conſuls, that which C. Claudius had, who the Year before was Conſul; and to the other, that which Q. Claudius the Propraetor had, which was two Legions. M. Livius the Proconſul, who was continued in Commiſſion for another Year, was to have the two Legions of Volunteers in Etruria of C. Terentius the Propraetor. And it was decreed, that Q. Mamilius, who had reſigned his Juriſdiction to his Colleague, ſhould have Gallia with the Army there, commanded by L. Portius the Propraetor; he being enjoyned to pillage all thoſe Gallick Countries, that had revolted to the Carthaginians upon the arrival of Aſdrubal. C. Servilius was to take care of Sicily, in the ſame manner as C. Mamilius had done with the two Cannenſian Legions. The old Army, under the command of A. Hoſtilius, was brought out of Sardinia; and the Conſu • s raiſed a new Legion for T. Claudius to take over along with him thither. Q. Claudius was continued in Commiſſion for another Year to be Governour of Tarentum, and C. Hoſtilius Tubulus of Capua. M. Valerius the Proconſul, whoſe buſineſs it had been to defend the Sea Coaſt about Sicily, was commanded to deliver up thirty Ships to C. Servilius, and with all the reſt of the Navy to return home.

In the City which was much concerned for the great jeopardy they were in upon the proſpect of ſuch Wars, the People laying all the cauſes of both their good and bad fortune upon the Gods, related many ſtrange Prodigies, to wit, That at Tarracina, the Temple of Jupiter, and at Satricum, that of the Goddeſs called Mater Matuta, were ſet on fire by Lightning. But the Satricans were no leſs terrified at two Snakes that rowled into the very door of Jupiter's Temple. From Antium News was brought, That the ears of Corn appeared bloody to the reapers. At Caere there was a Pigg born with two heads, and Lamb both Male and Female. At Alba they ſaid, there were two Suns ſeen; and that at Fregelli it grew light of a ſudden in the night time. It was reported alſo, That an Oxe was heard to ſpeak in the Roman Dominions, and the Altar of Neptune ſeen to be all over in a ſweat in the Circus Flaminius. That the Temples of Ceres, Salus, and Quirinus were fir d by lightning. The Conſuls therefore were ordered to make greater Sacrifices than ordinary upon the account of theſe Prodigies, and Supplications one Day: But that which terrified the minds of men more than all the Prodigies that either were ſeen at home, or told of from abroad, was the fires being out in the Temple of Veſta; for which, that Veſtal Virgin, who was to look to it that night, was whipt with a rod by the order of P. Licinius the Chief Prieſt. Which accident, though the Gods had no hand in it, but it happened by mere humane negligence, was ordered to be atoned for with great Sacrifices, and Supplication to be made at the Temple of Veſta. Before the Conſuls went to the War, they were admoniſhed by the Senate, That they ſhould take care to reſtore the Commonalty into the Country again; that by the bounty of the Gods the War was removed from the City of Rome, and out o • Latium, ſo that the People might live in the Country now without fear; that it was not fit they ſhould take more care to cultivate Sicily than Italy. But this was very difficult to the People, not only by reaſon that the free Inhabitants were loſt in the Wars, but for want of Servants, becauſe their Cattel were driven away, and their Villages all demoliſhed or burnt. Nevertheleſs a great part of them, compelled by the authority of the Conſuls, returned into the Country. Thoſe that firſt made mention of this were the Embaſſadors from Placentia and Cremona, who complained, That the neighbouring Galls made incurſions into their Country, which they laid waſt; and that great part of their husbandmen were gone away, their Cities being but thin, and their Country waſt and deſart. Mamilius the Praetor was ordered to defend the Colonies from the Enemy. The Conſuls, in purſuance to an order of Senate, made an Edict, That all who were Citizens of Placentia or Cremona, ſhould return before ſuch a day into their Colonies. Then in the beginning of the Spring they went to the War. Q. Cecilius the Conſul received the Army from C. Nero, and L. Veturius from Q. Claudius the Propraetor, and fill'd it up with new Men that he himſelf had raiſed. The Conſuls led their Army into the Country belonging to Conſentia, which they pillaged all over: But when the Men were laden with ſpoils, they were diſturbed by the Bruttii, and Numidian Darters in a new paſs, inſomuch, that not only the Booty, but their Souldiers themſelves were in danger; though it was a tumult rather than a fight. Wherefore having ſent their plunder before them, the Legions eſcaped ſafe into ſecure Places. Thence they marched into Lucania, which Country returned and ſubmitted to the Roman People without any fighting.

There was nothing done with Hannibal that Year; for neither did he offer himſelf, having receiv'd ſuch a wound, both publick and private; nor did the Romans moleſt him whilſt he was at quiet. So very great did they think that one Commanders ſtrength to be, though all things elſe about him had been ruined. And indeed I know not, whether he were more admirable in Proſperity or Adverſity. For though he were not only in an Enemies Country for thirteen Year, ſo far from home, and carried on the War with ſuch variety of fortune, and an Army not of his own Countrymen, but made up of a mixture of all Nations, that had neither the ſame Laws, Cuſtomes or Language; but different Complections, different Garments, different Arms, different Rites, different Religions, and almoſt different Gods too: yet he ſo coupled them together, as it were, by one common band, that they never mutiny'd either among themſelves or againſt their General, though he often wanted Money to pay them, and Proviſions were ſcarce in the Enemies Country; for lack whereof, in the former Punick War, there was a great deal of miſchief done among the Officers and Souldiers. But when Aſdrubal's Army with its General, in whom all hopes of Victory lay, was deſtroyed, and Annibal leaving the reſt of Italy was got into one corner of it, inhabited by the Bruttii, who would not wonder, that there ſhould never be any diſturbance in his Camp? For beſides other things, there was this addition made to his neceſſities, that he had no hopes to maintain his Army out of any other except the Bruttian Dominions; which though they were all cultivated, was but a very little to keep ſo great an Army: Beſides that great part of their Youth were taken from the Plow to the Wars, and they had an ill cuſtome, natural to that Nation, to turn Robbers whilſt they were Soldiers. Nor had he any thing ſent from home, the Carthaginians being only very ſolicitous to keep Spain, as if all things were well enough in Italy. In Spain things had partly the ſame ſucceſs, and partly different; the ſame, in that the Carthaginians being conquered in a Battel which they fought, and loſing their General, were forced to fly into the utmoſt part of that Country as far as the Ocean; and different, becauſe Spain was more apt, not only than Italy, but than any other Region of the whole World, to renew a War, in regard to the nature both of its Soil and Inhabitants. And for this reaſon the firſt of all the Provinces, which the Romans entered into, upon the Continent, was the laſt of all that was totally ſubdued, and that but lately neither, in our time, under the conduct and auſpicious management of Auguſtus Caeſar. Aſdrubal the Son of Giſgo (who was the greateſt and moſt renowned General in that War, next to the Barchines) coming at that time back from Gades, and being put in hopes of renewing the War by Mago, Son to Amilcar, made Levies in the farther Spain, and armed a multitude of Men, to the number of fifty Thouſand Foot, and four Thouſand five Hundred Horſe. Of which latter moſt Authors agree, though ſome write, that there were ſeventy Thouſand Foot brought to the City of Silpia: And there the two Carthaginian Generals ſate down together upon the open Plains, becauſe they would not decline fighting.

Scipio, when he heard of ſuch a vaſt Armies being raiſed, he, fearing that he ſhould not find the Roman Legions ſtrong enough for ſuch a Multitude, if he did not make a ſhew at leaſt of ſome Auxiliaries from the Spaniards (and yet he muſt not lay ſo much ſtreſs upon them, as that by falſifying their Oaths (which was the ruine of his Father and Unckle) they might be able to make any great alteration in his affairs) ſent Silanus before to Colcas, who was King of eight and twenty Towns, to receive from him thoſe Horſe and Foot which he had promiſed that Winter to raiſe; and going himſelf from Tarraco, muſter'd up immediately among his Allies that live upon that Road a ſmall number, till he came to Caſtulo. The Auxiliaries brought thither by Silanus, were three Thouſand Foot and five Hundred Horſe. Thence therefore they marched on to the City Baetula with all their Army of Citizens, Allies, Horſe and Foot, whoſe number was forty five Thouſand. Mago and Maſſiniſſa ſet upon them, as they were pitching their Camp with all their Horſe: and they had diſturb'd them as they were fortifying themſelves, if a party of Horſe, that was planted very opportunely by Scipio behind a bank to that end, had not ſurpriz'd and routed them. For thoſe Men, even before they had well engag'd in the fight, defeated all that were moſt forward, next to the Bulwark, oppoſing the very fortifyers, though with the reſt, who marched under their Enſignes, and in Battalia, they had a longer and that a doubtful conflict. But as ſoon as the Regiments were commanded from their Poſts, and their Souldiers drawn off from their Works, whilſt more were ordered to take up Arms, and freſh Men ſtill ſupplyed the room of ſuch as were tired, ſo that a vaſt body of armed Men ruſh'd out of the Camp into the Battel, the Carthaginians and Numidians immediately turn'd their backs. And at firſt they marched off in Troops, without diſordering their Ranks either through fear or haſt: but ſoon after when the Romans fell more ſharply upon their Reer, ſo that their ſhock was inſupportable, they forgot all order, and ran to all places that were next at hand, which way ſoever they could. But though in that fight the Romans were a little more encouraged, and the Enemy ſomewhat diſheartened, yet they did not for ſome days after ceaſe to make excurſions with their Horſe, and light-armed Men.

When they had ſufficiently tryed their ſtrength by theſe light skirmiſhes; Aſdrubal firſt led his Men forth into the field, and then the Romans came out. But both the Armies ſtood before their Bulwarks in Battle Array: and ſeeing that neither of them began the fight, when it was toward Evening, their Forces were led back, firſt the Carthaginians, and then the Romans, into their Camps again. This they did for ſeveral days, the Carthaginian being the firſt that drew his Men out of their Camp, and when they were weary with ſtanding, gave the firſt ſignal for their retreat. They neither of them ran too far forward, threw any Javelin at the other, or were heard ſo much as to ſpeak. The Romans on the one ſide, and the Carthaginians, mixt with Africans, on the other, made the main Body of their Armies, whilſt the Allies fill'd up the Wings, and Spaniards were on both ſides in the head of each Wing. Before the Punick Army there were Elephants that look'd afar off like ſo many little Caſtles. Now there was this diſcourſe in both their Camps, That they would fight in the ſame poſture that they had ſtood: and that the main Body, of Romans and Carthaginians, who were the Cauſe of the War, ſhould engage with equal ſtrength of courage and Arms. Which Scipio perceiving to be firmly believed, chang'd all the order of his Men againſt that Day they were to fight; giving a charge through all his Camp, That the Men and their Horſes ſhould refreſh themſelves with meat before day; and the armed Horſemen ſtand ready with their Horſes bridled and ſaddled. So when it was hardly yet day-light, he ſent all the Horſe with the light-armed Souldiers into the Punick Stations, and then immediately marched forth himſelf with the ſlow Body of the Legions: But contrary to every Bodies expectation, both Allies and Enemies, having ſtrengthened the Wings with Romans, he received the Allies into the main Body. Aſdrubal being alarmed at the noiſe of the Horſe, as ſoon as he leap'd out of his Tent, and ſaw a tumult before his Bulwark, his Men in a fright, the Legions Enſigns glittering at a diſtance, and all the Plains full of the Enemy, he preſently ſent all his Horſe to meet thoſe of the Romans: he himſelf going out of his Camp with the Body of Foot, nor changing any thing in the uſual order of his array. The Horſe engaged very doubtfully for a long time, nor could the Battel be of it ſelf made an end of, becauſe they that were beaten (as they were almoſt on both ſides) had a ſafe way of retreating into the Body of the Foot. But when the two Armies were now come within five Hundred Paces of one another, the ſignal was given for a Retreat, and Scipio opening his Ranks, to receive all the Horſe and light-armed Soldiers into the middle, he divided them into two Parties, and placed them as Reſerves behind the Wings. Then when the time to begin the fight was now come, he ordered the Spaniards (who were the main Body) to march very ſlowly, and ſent a Meſſenger from the right Wing (which he himſelf commanded) to Silanus and Marcius, To extend their Wing on the left ſide, as they ſaw him do on the right; as alſo, that they ſhould engage the Enemy with the nimbleſt Horſe and Foot they had, before the main Bodies could come up. Accordingly having widened their Wings, with three Regiments of Foot, and three Troops of Horſe, with Skirmiſhers beſides, they made up with ſpeed to the Enemy, whilſt the others followed in an oblique Figure. For there was a Bay, as it were, in the middle of them, becauſe the Spaniſh Enſigns moved but ſlowly, and the Wings were already engaged; whilſt all the ſtrength of the Enemies main Body, that is to ſay, the Carthaginians old Soldiers, and the Africans, were not yet come within a Darts caſt, nor durſt to run into the Wings to aſſiſt them that were a fighting, for fear of opening their main Body to the Foe that was coming againſt them. The Wings therefore were ſore preſt with a doubtful Battel; the Horſe, light-armed Men and Skirmiſhers wheeling about to the Flanks, whilſt the Foot lay hard upon the Front, to break off the Wings from the reſt of the Army.

And then the Fight was not by any means equal on any ſide, not only, becauſe the Baleleares [Slingers] and Spaniſh young Soldiers were oppoſite to the Roman and Latin Veteranes, but alſo, becauſe now the Day was pretty far ſpent, their ſtrength began to fail the Army of Aſdrubal, who being ſurpriſed by the Mornings Tumult were forced to go forth haſtily to the Battel, before they had ſufficiently fortified their Bodies with meat. Now for that reaſon Scipio had induſtriouſly made delays, that the Fight might be late; for it was one of the Clock before the Foot fell on in the Wings, and ſomewhat later before the main Bodies engaged; inſomuch that the noon-tide heat of the Sun, and the fatigue of ſtanding in their Arms, together with hunger and thirſt, made them faint and uneaſie, ere they cloſed with the Enemy. Wherefore they ſtood leaning upon their Shields. And, beſides other inconveniencies, the Elephants alſo being hared by the tumultuous way of fighting among the Horſe, light-armed Men, and Skirmiſhers, were come out of the Wings into the main Body. The Carthaginians therefore being tired both in their Bodies and minds gave back, yet kept their Ranks as well as if the whole Army had retreated at the command of its General. But the Conquerours for that reaſon preſſing harder upon them on every ſide, when they ſaw them make way, ſo that the ſhock could not eaſily be born, though Aſdrubal detained them, and withſtood their retreat, crying out, That there were Hills behind them, to which they might ſafely retire, and therefore they ſhould not make ſo much haſt; yet fear overcoming their modeſty (ſeeing all that were neareſt the Enemy gave way) they immediately turn'd their backs and ran away as faſt as they could. And then at firſt they began to ſtop their Enſigns at the foot of the Hills, and to recall their Men into their Ranks, ſeeing the Romans loth to lead their Army upon thoſe ſteep Places. But when they ſaw them ſoon after come briskly on, renewing their flight they were driven and frighted all into their Camp. Nor were the Romans far from the Bullwark, and had at that effort ſ • rely taken their Camp, if, inſtead of the Suns ſhining very ſoultry hot, as it does through Clouds that are big with Rain, there had not fallen ſuch a ſtorm, that the Conquerors could hardly get back into their Camp. Beſides which, ſome were awed by Superſtition from attempting any thing more that day. The Night and the Rain invited the Carthaginians, though tired ſufficiently before with the fatigue of the Day, and Wounds which they received, to take their neceſſary and natural reſt; but yet ſince fear and danger did not give them time to lye down, the Enemy being to attack their Camp at break of Day, they got ſtones from all their neighbouring Vales to raiſe and ſtrengthen their Bullwark, reſolving to defend themſelves with Fortifications, ſeeing they could not truſt to their Arms. But the revolt of their Allies cauſed the flight to be more ſafe than ſtaying there: the beginning of which revolt proceeded from Attanes a petite King of the Turdetani, who went over to the Enemy with a great number of his Countrymen. After that there were two wall'd Towns delivered up to the Roman by the Governours of them. Wherefore leſt that miſchief ſhould increaſe upon him, Aſdrubal, ſeeing them once inclined to a defection, in the dead of the night following remov'd his Camp.

Scipio, as ſoon as it was Day, when thoſe that were upon the Guard brought him word, That the Enemy was gone, ſending the Horſe before, he ordered the Enſigns to march. And with ſuch ſpeed did they purſue, that if they had gone directly after, they had certainly overtaken them. But they truſted to the Guides, who told them, there was a nearer way to the River Baetis, where they might ſet upon them as they were going over. Aſdrubal, ſeeing his paſſage over the River was intercepted, turned toward the Ocean; and then his Men ſet a running as hard as they could, which carried them ſome diſtance from the Roman Legions. But the Horſe and light-armour coming up with them ſometimes in their Rear, and ſometimes in their Flanks, teazed them and made them halt. At laſt, whilſt upon frequent tumults, their Enſigns ſtood ſtill, and they engaged ſometimes with Horſe, and ſometimes with Foot, the Legions overtook them. Then there was (not a Fight, but) as it were a butchering of Sheep; till their Genaral (the author of their flight) with almoſt ſix Thouſand Men half armed eſcaped into the adjacent Hills; but the reſt were all ſlain and taken. The Carthaginians fortified a tumultuary Camp all in haſt upon a very high Place; from whence, ſeeing the Enemy had in vain endeavoured to get up, it being ſo ſteep and rough, they eaſily defended themſelves But the Siege, being in a naked and barren place, was hardly tolerable even for a few Days. Wherefore they went many of them over to the Enemy; and at laſt the General himſelf took Shipping (nor was the Sea far off that place) and in the night time leaving his Army, fled to Gades. Scipio hearing that the Enemies General was gone, left ten Thouſand Foot, and a Thouſand Horſe with Silanus to beſiege the Camp: whilſt himſelf, with the reſt of his Forces, at ſeventy encampings, returned to Tarraco, forthwith to inquire concerning the petite Kings and Cities thereabout, that he might reward them according to their real merits. After his departure, Maſſiniſſa coming to a private conference with Silanus, that he might make his Nation alſo comply with his new deſigns, went over with a few of his Countrymen into Africa: nor was the cauſe of his ſuddain revolt to the Romans at that time ſo evident, as his conſtancy in his allegiance to them even to his dying Day made it even then appear juſt, and that he did not do it without ſome good reaſon. Then Mago went for Gades in the Ships that Aſdrubal ſent back, whilſt all the reſt being deſerted by their Generals, partly by revolting, and partly running away, were diſſipated through all the neighbouring Cities: ſo that there was no party of them to be found that was conſiderable either for their number or ſtrength. Thus chiefly by the conduct and good fortune of P. Scipio, were the Carthaginians beaten out of Spain in the thirteenth Year after the War began, and the fifth after P. Scipio had that Province and that Army. Not long after Silanus ſending word, That he had defeated the Enemy, returned to Scipio at Tarraco.

L. Scipio with many noble Captives was ſent to Rome to tell the News of Spains being recovered. Which thing, though all other People were very glad and proud of, he only that performed thoſe great exploits, being a Perſon of indefatigable virtue and truly to be admired, reckoned the recovery of Spain but as a ſmall matter in reſpect of thoſe things that he in his mighty Soul had conceived. For he now look'd toward Africa, the great Carthage, and the conſummation of the glory of that War,, which he foreſaw would be a great addition to his Honour and Renown. Wherefore he, thinking it beſt before-hand to try how things would probably go, and to win the affections of the Kings and Nations there, reſolved firſt of all to make an attempt upon Syphax, who was King of the Maſaeſylians. Now the Maſaeſylians are a People near the Moors, looking moſt toward that part of Spain, where new Carthage ſtands. At that time there was a League between that King and the Carthaginians, which Scipio ſuppoſing to be no more ſacred or regarded by him than it uſually was by all Barbarians, whoſe faith depends upon their fortune, he ſent an Envoy to him, called C. Laelius, with certain Preſents. At which the Barbarian being pleaſed (ſeeing that now the Romans were proſperous in all Places, and the Carthaginians not only diſabled in Italy, but brought to nought in Spain) conſented to an alliance with the Romans, but ſaid, he would not make or take a ſolemn promiſe to • onfirm it, ſave in the preſence of the Roman General himſelf. Whereupon Laelius, having received the Kings word for this only, That he ſhould come thither ſafe, returned to Scipio. Syphax was of very great importance to him in all caſes, now that he aimed at Africa, as being the richeſt King in all that Country, having tryed even the Carthaginians themſelves in War, and having a Country that lay ſo conveniently toward Spain, which is divided from it by nothing ſave a narrow Sea. Scipio therefore, ſince he could accompliſh it no other way, thought this enterprize deſerved to be attempted with great hazard: and for that reaſon, leaving L. Marcius at Tarraco, and M. Silanus at New Carthage (whither he had travelled over land by great Journeys from Tarraco) as a Guard to Spain; himſelf with C. Laelius ſetting out in two Gallies of five banks of Oars a-piece, from Carthage ſailed in a calm Sea, moſt commonly with Oars, and ſometimes with a ſmall gale of wind, into Africa. It ſo happened, that at that very time Aſdrubal being beaten out of Spain, was come into the ſame Harbour with ſeven Gallies of three banks a-piece, and had caſt Anchor there. But when they ſaw the other two Gallies of five banks a-piece, making no queſtion of their being the Enemies, they feared they might be overpowered by a greater number before they could get a-ſhore; inſomuch, that being all in a tumult and a fright, though they did what they could to get away, 'twas all to no purpoſe. For the Gallies of five banks, having a freſher Gale than ordinary, were got into the Port before the Carthaginians could weigh their Anchors. But there was no harm done beſides what they ſuffered by their conſternation, becauſe the Romans being in a Port belonging to the King, durſt not meddle with them. Wherefore Aſdrubal going firſt, Scipio and Laelius went preſently after a-ſhoar, and ſo to the King.

That look'd very great to Syphax (as it really was) that the Generals of two of the moſt opulent People of that age ſhould come, in one Day, to deſire his alliance and friendſhip. He invited both of them to lye at his Houſe; and ſeeing fortune had put them under the ſame roof, he endeavoured to bring them to a conference in order to compoſe their differences. But Scipio denying that he had any private quarrel with the Carthaginian, which he could end by diſcourſing with him; or that he could treat with an Enemy concerning any thing relating to the Commonwealth without the Senates conſent, the King on the other hand was very earneſt with him, that one of his Gueſts might not ſeem excluded from his Table; but that he would be perſwaded to come to the ſame meal, and he complyed. So they ſupped together at the Kings Palace; yea, Scipio and Aſdrubal (ſince the King would needs have it ſo) lay at Supper upon the ſame Bed. Now Scipio was ſo courteous a Man, and had ſo much natural wit, that by his eloquence, he did not only make Syphax, though a Barbarian, and not uſed to Roman manners, but even his mortal Enemy [Aſdrubal] his Friend; who pretended, He much more admired him now he ſaw him, than for all his warlike Exploits: Nor did he queſtion but Syphax and his Kingdom were at the Romans ſervice; ſuch an art that Perſon had to win affections. So that the Carthaginians muſt not ask how Spain was loſt, but ſtudy how they may keep Africa. For that Roman General was not come there to travel only and ſee faſhions, leaving his new Conqueſt and his Armies to come over into Aſia with two Ships, thereby to put himſelf into an Enemies Country under the power of a King, whoſe fidelity and honour he had never tryed, but with hopes to gain all Africa. That he had this a long time in his thoughts, yea publickly murmured, that, as Annibal did in Italy, Scipio could not wage War in Africa. Scipio having made a League with Syphax went out of Africa, and though with croſs, for the moſt part, and violent Winds, he were mightily toſſed at Sea, the fourth Day he arrived at New Carthage.

Spain as it was at reſt from the Punick War, ſo it appeared that ſome of its Cities, through their conſciouſneſs of what they had been guilty of, were quiet for fear, more than love and duties ſake: of which, the moſt eminent were Illiturgi and Caſtulo. For the Caſtulonians, though they had been Al • ies to the Romans in their Proſperity, yet when the Scipios with their Armies were ſlain, they had revolted to the Carthaginians: and the Illiturgitans by betraying and killing ſuch as fled to them for ſuccour, had added a new crime to that of their revolt. But upon thoſe People at his firſt coming, when Spain was in a doubtful diſpoſition, it would not have been to his advantage ſo much, as according to their deſerts, to have exerciſed any ſeverities; though now when things were all compoſed, becauſe the time of inflicting due puniſhment upon them ſeemed to be come, he ſent for L. Marcius with the third part of his Forces from Tarraco, and ordered him to go and attack Caſtulo: whilſt he himſelf, with the reſt of his Army, arrived at Illiturgi in about five Days. The Gates were ſhut, and all things ſet ready for the defence of the Town; their Conſcience of what they knew they deſerved, being to them inſtead of a Declaration of War. Then Scipio began to exhort his Souldiers, ſaying, That the Spaniards themſelves by ſhutting their Gates, ſhewed not only what they feared, but what they deſerved: wherefore they ought to wage War againſt them with much more animoſity than againſt the Carthaginians. For with theſe they contended almoſt without any paſſion for Empire and Glory only, but of thoſe they ought to take revenge for their treachery, cruelty, and villany. That now the time was come, in which they might be even with them for the horrid murder of their fellow-ſoldiers, and the treachery that was deſigned againſt themſelves alſo, if they had fled that way: yea, that they might make them an example to all poſterity, and provide, that no man ſhould ever think any Roman Citizen, or Soldier in any fortune ſo mean as to injure him. The Soldiers being excited by this exhortation of their General, divided their ſcaling Ladders among ſuch Men as they choſe out of every maniple: and when the Army was ſo parted between them, that Laelius commanded one half as Lieutenant, they attacked the frighted City in two places at once. Then not one General only, or a great many of their Nobility, but their own fear, being conſcious of what they had done, perſwaded the Towns-men with all ſpeed to defend their City; for they remembered, and told each other, That it was not Victory but Puniſhment which was ſought for of them. That it was of great importance where a Man dye; whether in a Battel and in the Field, where the fortune of War, which is common 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 to all men, uſed oftentimes to raiſe the vanquiſhed and afflict the conquerour; or whether, when their City was burnt and demoliſhed, they expired before the faces of their Wives and Children, by ſtripes and bonds, ſuffering all the cruelties and indignities imaginable. Wherefore, not only thoſe of military age, or Men, but Women alſo, and Boys came thither to aſſiſt them even above their ſtrength either of body or mind; reaching them Weapons as they fought, and Stones to fortifie the Walls. For it was not the Liberty alone which was at ſtake (for which the Valiant were moſt concern'd) but the extremity of all Puniſhments and ghaſtly Death was before all their Eyes. Their minds were inflamed, not only with ſtriving who ſhould take moſt pains, or undergo moſt danger, but even by looking at one another alſo. Wherefore the Fight was begun with ſo much ardour, that that very Army which ſubdued all Spain, being often repelled by the Youth of that one Town, was put to a diſhonourable plundge. Which when Scipio ſaw, fearing leſt by ſo many vain attempts of his Men his Enemies courage ſhould increaſe, and his Soldiers grow more diſheartened, he thought it his buſineſs to endeavour to bear a ſhare in the danger, and chiding the Soldiers ſloth, commanded the Ladders to be brought to him, threatening, That he himſelf, if the reſt were afraid, would get up. Accordingly he went, with no ſmall hazard, under the Walls; at which a ſhout was ſet up round about by the Soldiers, who were much concerned for their General, and Ladders began to be erected in ſeveral Places at the ſame time. On the other ſide Laelius made his onſet; whereby the ſtrength of the Townſ-men was overcome, the Defendants knock'd down, and the Walls ſeized. The Caſtle alſo on that ſide where it ſeemed impregnable, was taken in the hurly-burly.

The African Fugitives, who at that time were among the Roman Auxiliaries, whilſt the Townſ-men were imployed in defending thoſe Places, where they thought there was moſt danger, and the Romans got up whereever they could make their approaches, ſpied a very high part of the City, which, becauſe it was covered with an exceeding high Rock, was neither fortified with any works, nor had any men to defend it. They therefore being light-timber'd Men, and through much exerciſe very nimble, carried Iron Spikes along with them and clim'd up where they could, by the unequal prominencies of the Rock. But where it was in any Place too ſteep and ſmooth, they ſtuck their Spikes in at ſmall diſtances, and made ſteps as it were; the firſt of them helping thoſe that followed up by their hands, and the laſt heaving up ſuch as went before them, till they came to the top. Then they ran down into the City which was already taken by the Romans. Then it appear'd that the City was attack'd merely out of ſpleen and hatred; ſince no one was deſirous to take any live Priſoners, nor minded the Plunder, though every thing lay wide open to their rapine: they only kill'd both arm'd and unarmed, Women as well as Men; yea, their cruel fury proceeded even to the ſlaughter of Infants. Then they put fire to the Houſes, and demoliſhed thoſe they could not burn; ſo earneſt they were to obliterate the very footſteps of that City, and raſe the very memory of their Enemies ſeat. From thence Scipio led his Army to Caſtulo; which City, not only the Spaniards, that came thither, but alſo the remainder of the Punick Army, that was left ſince their being routed and ſcattered to all parts, ſtood in defence of. But the News of the ſlaughter at Illiturgi had prevented Scipio's arrival; whereupon a terrour and deſpair had ſeized on all the Caſtulonians: and upon ſeveral accounts, ſince every ſingle Perſon would conſult his own Intereſt without regard to any body elſe, there aroſe firſt a tacite jealouſie, and then open diſcord made a diviſion between the Carthaginians and the Spaniards. The latter of whom were publickly perſwaded by Cerdubellus to make a ſurrender. Himilco commanded the Punick Auxiliaries; all whom and the City, by a private compact, Cerdubellus betrayed to the Romans. But that Victory was more mild than the former: nor were theſe People guilty of ſo great a crime; beſides, that their voluntary ſurrender had taken off ſome part of the Enemies fury. Then Marcius was ſent to reduce the Barbarians, if any there were not yet in perfect ſubjection to the Roman Empire.

Scipio went back to Carthage to pay his vows to the Gods, and ſet forth the fencing Prize, which he had deſigned upon account of the death of his Father and his Uncle. But this was a Prize not fought by ſuch ſort of Men, as common Fencers uſe to pick up, when they make choice of Slaves and ſuch Free-men as will make ſale of their Blood. No this was all voluntary and gratis done. For ſome were ſent from the petite Kings to give a ſample of that courage which was ſo natural to their Nation: whilſt others profeſſed, That they would fight purely out of reſpect to the General; and a third ſort were drawn by emulation and ambition to challenge, and if challenged, to ſhew they would not decline the Combate. Some again, who were not able, or at leaſt not willing to end their controverſies by verbal diſputes, agreeing between themſelves, That the Victor ſhould have the thing contended for, decide it by the Sword. Nor were they obſcure Perſons, but Men of Birth and Quality, ſuch as Corbis and Orſua who were Couſin-Germans; and being at variance concerning the Principality of the City called Ibis, declared they would fight for it. Corbis was the Elder; but Orſua's Father had been the laſt Prince or Governour, having received the Dignity from his elder Brother when he dyed. Scipio would fain have compoſed the difference, and reconciled them by reaſon; but they ſaid, That could not be among ſuch near Relations as they were; nor would they have any God or Man, ſave Mars alone, to be Judge in their Cauſe. The elder was the ſtronger, and the younger in the very flower of his Age; but both of them deſired rather to die in the Combate, than either to be in ſubjection to the other; and therefore, ſince they could not be perſwaded out of their fury, they gave the Army a very ſignal entertainment, ſhewing, What a miſchief the deſire of Empire is among mankind The elder with his experience and ſlight that he had, very eaſily overcame the unskilful ſtrength of the younger. To this Prize of Fencing were added Funeral Games to make up the ſolemnity, with preparations both from the Province and the Camp.

Their affairs in the mean time were nevertheleſs carryed on by the Lieutenants. For Marcius having paſt Baetis, a River, which the Inhabitants call Cirtium, took two rich Cities without fighting, by ſurrender. Then there was a certain City, always on the Carthaginians ſide; but that did not ſo much deſerve their anger, as that, without the neceſſities of War, they bore an extraordinary hatred to the Romans. Ye their City was not ſo ſecure, either by its ſituation, or any fortifications, as to make them more haughty than ordinary: but the natural inclinations of the Inhabitants, who delighted in Robbery, put them upon making excurſions into the neighbouring Countries of ſuch as were Allies to the Romans, to ſeize the ſtraggling Roman Soldiers, knapſack or ſcullion Boys, and Merchants that paſt that way. Beſides which, they had likewiſe kill'd a great Company, who, becauſe it was unſafe for a few, were going together through their Confines, (in an ill place to fight in) out of an Ambuſcade. When therefore the Army approach'd to attach this City, the Townſ-men, being conſcious of what they had done, ſince neither a ſurrender could be any ſecurity to Men ſo obnoxious, nor they had any hopes either with their Walls or Arms to preſerve themſelves, they did a foul and a barbarous act againſt themſelves and thoſe that belonged to them. They pitched upon a place in their Forum, where they laid all their Goods of greateſt value: and having ordered their Wives and Children to ſit upon that heap, they piled Wood and Faggots about them. Which when they had done, they commanded fifty young Men in Arms, That till the event of the Battel were known, they ſhould be as a Guard there to their fortunes, and thoſe Bodies, which were more dear to them. That, if they ſaw they were like to have the worſt on't, and the City juſt ready to be taken, they might be ſure all thoſe who engaged in the fight would periſh there: and therefore they deſired them for the ſake of all the Gods in Heaven and Hell, that remembring their liberty, which that day would be taken from them, either by an honourable death, or infamous ſlavery, to leave nothing for the enraged Enemy to inſult over: But ſince they had Fire and Sword in their hands, they would with thoſe kind and faithful Inſtruments, rather deſtroy what needs muſt be loſt, than let the Foe have any thing on which to exerciſe their cruel ſcorn. To theſe exhortations they added a dire execration, if hope or compaſſion caus'd any one of them to balk their deſign. Then muſtering all their Forces together they flung open their Gates, and with a mighty noiſe ran out. Nor was there any Guard ſtrong enough at that time in their way: becauſe nothing could leſs be feared, than that they would dare to come forth of their Walls. Only ſome very few Parties of Horſe, and light-armour were thereupon forthwith ſent out of the Roman Camp to meet them. Wherefore the Fight was more ſharp in regard to their vehemence and reſolutions, than regular or orderly at all Thereupon the Horſe, who firſt came up to the Enemy, being repelled, put the light-armour'd Men in a fright; and they had fought under the very Bullwark, had not the Body of the Legions, though they had but little time to prepare, put themſelves in Battalia. But for all that too they were for ſome time at a plundge about the Enſigns, ſeeing the Enemy, blinded with fury, ran with ſuch hardineſs upon their Swords. The old Soldiers, who for a long time were very pertinacious againſt their raſh aſſaults, ſuppreſſed thoſe that followed, by killing ſuch as firſt came to hand: and ſome after endeavouring to advance ſomewhat farther, when they ſaw ne'r a Man of them gave back, but that they all dyed obſtinate at their Feet, they opened their main Body (which by reaſon of their Multitude they could eaſily do) and encloſing the Wings of the Enemy, kill'd every Man of them as they fought in a circular form.

And theſe things were done by the angry Enemy, when they fought according to the Law of War againſt Men in Arms, and ſuch as made reſiſtance. But there was a much more barbarous Maſſacre in the City; where their own fellow-Citizens murdered an innocent company of Women and Children that wore no Arms, throwing moſt of their Bodies into the kindled Pile half dead; inſomuch that Rivers of Blood almoſt put out the riſing flame, till they themſelves at laſt, quite tired with the miſerable ſlaughter of their Friends, threw their own Bodies, with their Arms into the midſt of the Fire. When the ſlaughter was over, the victorious Romans came in; and at the firſt view of ſuch a barbarous act ſtood for a while aſtoniſhed. But then, when they ſaw the Gold and Silver that glittered through the heap of other things, and would out of a covetous humour, natural to Mankind, have ſnatched it out of the Fire, they were ſome of them ſcorched by the flames, and others ſindged by the heat, there being no way for the foremoſt to retire, becauſe the crowd was ſo great behind them. Thus Aſtapa was conſumed by Fire and Sword, without any booty taken by the Soldiers: and Marcius having all the reſt of that Region delivered to him out of fear by way of ſurrender, led back his conquering Army to Scipio at New Carthage. At that very time there came Renegadoes from Gades, who promiſed, They would betray that City, the Punick Garriſon that was in it, and the Governour of that Garriſon with the Navy, to the Romans. Mago had there ſtop'd his flight; and having got ten Ships together from the Ocean, had raiſed ſome Auxiliaries, not only beyond the Streights on the Coaſt of Africa, but out of the adjacent parts of Spain through the aſſiſtance of Hanno, who was Prefect there. When therefore they had mutually obliged themſelves and the Renegadoes by ſolemn promiſes of fidelity, Marcius was ſent thither with the nimbleſt Regiments they had, and Laelius with ſeven Gallies of three Banks, and one of five, that they might attack joyntly both by Land and Sea.

Scipio himſelf falling extremely ſick, though ſaid to be much worſe than really he was, becauſe every one made ſome addition ('tis a thing ſo natural to mankind to propagate reports) to what they heard, put all the Province, but eſpecially the remo • er parts of it into diſorder: whereby it was evident, what a great diſturbance his being truly dead would have made, if a falſe rumour could raiſe ſuch ſtorms. Hence neither Allies continued in their fidelity, nor their Army in their duty. Mandonius and Indibilis, whoſe expectations were not anſwered (they having deſigned the Kingdom of Spain for themſelves, now that the Carthaginians were beaten out) ſtirred up their Countrymen (the Lacetans) with the Celtiberian Youth, and in an hoſtile manner depopulated the Sueſſetane and Sedetane Territories, which belonged to the Allies of the Roman People. Another civil tumult aroſe in the Camp near the River Sucro; where there were eight Thouſand Soldiers, ſet as a Guard to thoſe Nations, that live on this ſide the River Iberus. Now they were diſguſted, not juſt then, when they heard the General was ſick, but long before, being grown licentious, as People uſe to be, by their continued peace and eaſe; and ſomewhat the more, becauſe having been uſed ſo much to plunder the Enemies Country, they were now in Peace more ſtraitned and kept in. But at firſt they talked only in private, and ſaid, If there were a War in the Province, Why were they idle? if otherwiſe, and that the Province were quite ſubdu'd, Why were not the Romans gone back into Italy? They alſo demanded their pay with more inſolence, than became the modeſty and cuſtom of Soldiers; beſides that, their Sentinels gave ſawcy language to the Tribunes as they went their rounds. Some alſo went a foraging in the night time about the Country that was at Peace: and in ſine, they left their Enſigns in the Day time openly without any furlow: ſo that all things were carried according to the pleaſure and licentious humour of the Soldiers, but nothing, conſonant to the Rules and Diſcipline of War, or the commands of thoſe that governed. Yet the form of the Roman Camp continued by this only means, that they, thinking the Tribunes, who were a little infected, would not be free from the contagion of that ſedition and defection, permitted them to act as Judges in the Principia [the middle of the Camp] fetching the Word from them, but went themſelves, in their turns, to viſit all the Guards and Watches. By which means, as they had taken from them the power of commanding, ſo they preſerved the ſhew of obedience to them, though they were their own Maſters. Hereupon a Sedition broke out, when they perceived the Tribunes reprehended and diſapproved of what was done, endeavouring to withſtand it, and publickly declaring that they would not be partakers in their fury. Wherefore having turn'd the Tribunes firſt out of the Principia, and ſoon after, out of the Camp, the ſole command was conferred by general conſent upon the Heads of the Sedition, two private Sentinels, whoſe names were C. Albius Calenus, and Atrius Ʋmber. Who being no ways content with the Tribunitial Ornaments, were ſo bold as to make uſe of thoſe Sovereign Enſigns, the Axes and Rods. Nor did they think, that thoſe Axes and Rods were like to fall upon their Necks and Backs, which they had carried before them to terrifie others. For the report of the Death of Scipio, which they believ'd, though falſe, had blinded their minds: upon the common News whereof they did not doubt, But to ſet all Spain in flames by a War. In which tumult, they might not only exact Money of the Allies, but alſo rifle the neighbouring Cities. And that, amidſt ſuch diſturbances, when all Men durſt do what they pleas'd their actions would be leſs conſpicuous.

When they expected freſh intelligence, not only of his Death, but Funeral alſo, and none came, but the falſe rumour vaniſhed, the firſt Authors of it were inquired after. Whereupon each one excuſing himſelf, ſo as that they might ſeem rather to have believed it at a venture, than made ſuch a ſtory, the Heads of the Sedition were aweary of their Enſigns, and fear'd, that inſtead of that vain ſhadow of Empire which they bore, a true and a juſt Authority would ſoon turn it ſelf upon their Heads. The Sedition being thus at a ſtand, there was certain intelligence brought, that Scipio was not only alive but well too, and there came to confirm it ſeven Tribunes of the Soldiery, who were ſent by Scipio himſelf. At whoſe firſt arrival their minds began to be exaſperated: but ſoon after, thoſe Tribunes perſwading ſuch as they met and knew, with fair words, they were appeaſed. For going about firſt to every Tent, and then into the Praetorium [the Generals Tent] and Principia, where they ſaw any crowds of Soldiers talking together, they ſpoke to them; asking rather, What was the cauſe of their ſuddain fury and conſternation, than accuſing them for what they had done? They generally gave out that they had not their pay at the Day appointed: But though at the ſame time, when the In betra • ing the Romans. villany was committed at Illiturgi, after the deſtruction of two Generals, and two Armies, the Roman Glory was preſerved by their valour, and the Province kept ſtill in ſubjection, the Illiturgitans having the due reward of their crimes, there was no Man would thank them for what they had done. Seeing therefore that they complained in this manner, they told them, Their requeſts were but juſt, and they would tell the General of it. That they were glad the caſe was no worſe, and might be ſo eaſily remedied: and that Scipio, through the mercy of the Gods, with the Commonwealth, was able to thank th • m for all their pains. Scipio who was uſed to War, but a ſtranger to Seditions, was mightily concerned at it, leſt either the Army ſhould offend him, or he puniſh them too much. For the preſent therefore, as he had begun, he thought fit to deal very gently with them, and by ſending Collectors all about to the Cities that were Tributaries toward the paying of the Army, to put them in ſome nearer proſpect and hopes of their pay. Thereupon he ſet forth an Edict, That they ſhould come to Carthage for their arrears, either in ſmall parties, or all together, as they pleaſed. But that which totally quieted this Sedition, which was already of it ſelf in a languiſhing condition, was the ſuddain reconciliation of the rebellious Spaniards. For Mandonius and Indibilis were come home again, having quitted their enterpriſe, when they heard that Scipio was alive: nor had the ſeditious now any Countrymen or Stranger wherewithal to communicate their Fury. Wherefore conſidering all things, they found there was nothing left for them to do, better than the ſafeſt refuge, which was, To reſign themſelves either to the juſt anger, or the clemency of their General, which was not even yet to be deſpaired of. That he had pardoned even his Enemies, with whom he had fought: and that their ſedition was carried on without any blood or wounds, being neither cruel it ſelf, nor conſequently deſerving any very ſevere puniſhment. Which words of theirs were according to the nature of Mankind, who are but too rhetorical when they would leſſen their own guilt. This only doubt they made, Whether they ſhould go to fetch their pay in ſingle Regiments or all together: but that opinion took which they thought carryed moſt ſafety in it, That they ſhould go all at once.

At the ſame time, when they were in this conſultation, there was a Council held about them at Carthage; where they differed in opinion, Whether they ſhould puniſh only the Authors of the Sedition (who were not above five and thirty) or whether a defection, rather than a ſedition, of ſuch ill example, ought to be revenged upon more. But the milder opinion took place; That whence the fault firſt ſprung, there the puniſhment ſhould be laid: and that any ſort of chaſtiſement was enough to keep the multitude in order. Having diſmiſſed the Council, to ſhew he minded what he was about, Scipio ordered the Army, that was at Carthage, to go immediately againſt Mandonius and Indibilis, and to take Proviſions along with them for ſeveral Days. Then ſending the ſeven Tribunes of the Soldiers, who before alſo went to Sucro to appeaſe the Sedition, to meet the Army, there being five Names brought in of ſuch as were Ringleaders of the Sedition, he ordered the Tribunes to get them invited into ſome Inn by Men fit for that purpoſe, with fair words, and courteous behaviour, and when they were drunk, to bind them. They were not far from Carthage, when thoſe they met told them, That the next day the whole Army went with M. Silanus againſt the Lacetans; which News did not only free them from all fear, which tacitely lay upon their Spirits, but made them exceeding glad; becauſe they were like to have a ſole General, more than to be under his command. About Sun-ſetting they came into the City, and ſaw another Army preparing all things for their March. Then having been entertain'd with ſpeeches made on purpoſe, in which they were complemented and told, That their arrival was very happy and opportune for the General; that they ſhould come juſt upon the ſetting out of another Army, they refreſhed themſelves. Which when they had done, they laid hold of the Authors of the Sedition without any noiſe, when they were brought into the Inns by Men fit for that purpoſe, and bound them. At the fourth Watch the carriages of the Army, which they pretended would march, began to ſet out. At break of Day the Enſigns moved; but the Body of the Army was ſtop'd at the Gate, and Guards ſent to all the Gates of the City to hinder any Body from going out. Then thoſe, who came the Day before, being ſummoned to an Aſſembly, ran all together with ſpeed and vehemence into the Forum to the Generals Tribunal, deſigning to frighten them with their ſhouts. At the ſame time the General alſo got up upon the Tribunal: and the Soldiers being brought back from the Gates, planted themſelves behind the unarm'd Aſſembly. Thereupon all their courage was cooled as they afterward confeſſed, That nothing terrified them ſo much as the Generals ſtrength and colour (whom they expected to find very ill) he having ſuch a complection (they ſaid) as that they never remembered him to have ſuch an one even in the field. He ſate ſilent for a while, till word was brought that the Authors of the Sedition were come into the Forum, and all things were ready.

Then the Cryer commanding ſilence, he thus began, I thought I ſhould never want words to ſpeak to my Army: not that I ever made words more than things my buſineſs; but becauſe, almoſt from my childhood having lived in a Camp, I was always uſed to military diſpoſitions; yet how I ſhall ſpeak to you, I do not know; no, not ſo much as by what name to apply my ſelf to you, and call you: Citizens? who have revolted from your Country. Or Soldiers? who have refuſed my command and conduct, and broken your military oath. Enemies? I own you have the bodies, faces, habit, and guiſe of Citizens: but I ſee the actions, words, deſigns, and inclinations of Enemies. For what have you either deſired or hoped for, but what the Illergetes and Lacetans have done? Nay, they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, who were Princes, when they rebell'd: but you have conferred the command and conduct of your Perſons upon Umbrus Atrius, and Calenus Albius. Tell me, you did not all do ſo, or deſired it ſhould be ſo, but that it was the fury and madneſs of ſome few. I am very willing to believe you when you ſay ſo. For there have ſuch things been committed, as if they were common to all the Army, could be atoned for without great Sacrifices. But I am loth to touch them, as I would be to touch wounds; though if they are not touch'd and handled, they cannot be cured. And indeed, ſince the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain, I did not think there had been any place in the whole Province, or any Perſon, where or to whom my life had been an eye-ſore: ſo cautiouſly did I behave my ſelf, not only in reſpect to our Allies, but even my Enemies alſo. In my own Camp (ſee how I was miſtaken!) the report of my Death was not only well taken, but expected too. Not that I would have you think every one of them guilty (for if I thought my Army wiſhed my Death, I would dye here preſently before their faces; nor would my life do me any good, if it w • re hateful to my Countrymen and fellow Soldiers). But every multitude, like the Sea, though of its own nature immoveable, as the winds and breezes move it, is calm or ſtormy: and the original cauſe of all your fury were the Authors of it, for you are mad by contagion. Nor do I think you know even to this Day to what pitch your fury would have riſen; what you would have attempted againſt me, your Country, Parents, Children, the Gods (who are witneſſes of your oaths) the Auſpicies, under which you have fought, the cuſtom of War, diſcipline of your Anceſtors or the Majeſty of the Roman Empire. I ſay nothing of my ſelf: you believ'd that report inconſiderately, rather than with any ſatisfaction. But ſay I were ſuch a Perſon as that it were no wonder an Army ſhould be weary of my Government. Pray, what had your Country deſerv'd of you, when you betray'd it by plotting with Mandonius and Indibilis? when you took that Commiſſion, which the Roman People gave them, from the Tribunes, and conferred it upon private Men? when, not content to make them Tribunes, you (though a Roman Army) beſtow'd the Faſces, i. e. Rods of your General upon them that never had any ſervant to command in their lives. Albius and Atrius lay in the Praetorium: the Trumpets ſounded upon their Orders: the Word was fetch'd from them: they ſate upon the Tribunal of the Proconſul Scipio: they had Lictors to attend them, who put the People by, to make room for them as they walk'd along; and the Rods and Axes carried before them. Do you think it ſtrange for it to rain ſtones; for Temples to be burnt by Lightning, or that Animals ſhould bring forth ſuch or ſuch a monſtrous Off-ſpring? But this is a Prodigie that cannot be expiated with any ſacrifices, nor any ſupplications, without the blood of them, that were ſo audacious as to be concerned in it.

Now I would fain know (though there can be no reaſon for an ill act) what your intention or deſign could be in a thing ſo wicked as this was. The Legion, that was ſent to Rhegium for a Guard to that place, baſely murdered the chief Men of the City, and kept that Town for ten years. For which the whole Legion, conſiſting of four Thouſand Men, were all beheaded with an Axe in the Forum at Rome. But they firſt followed (not Atrius Umber, a fellow ſcarce better than a knapſack boy, and one of an ominous name, but) Decius Jubellius, a Tribune of the Soldiers: nor had they joyned themſelves with Pyrrhus, the Samnites, or Lucanians, who were Enemies to the Romans: whilſt you have communicated your deſigns with Mandonius and Indibilis, with whom you were like to have made an Alliance. They, as the Campanians Capua (which they took from the old Tuſcans) the Mamertines in Sicily Meſſane, in like manner reſolved to make Rhegium their perpetual ſeat; nor ever deſigned to moleſt either the Roman People or their Allies by any War. Would you have lived always at Sucro? where if I ſhould have gone away when I had ſubdued the Province, and left you, you ought to have called both Gods and Men to your relief, that you did not return to your Wives and Children. But you had caſt the memory of them, as of your Country and me, quite out of your minds. But I have ſtill a great deſire to find out the drift of this your deſign, which, though very wicked, was not ſo mad as to have no meaning in it. Would you, who were but eight Thouſand Men, though all no doubt of more worth than Albius and Atrius, are, to whom you put your ſelves in ſubjection, have taken Spain from the Roman People, whilſt I was alive, and the reſt of the Army ſafe, with whom I in one Day took Carthage; with whom I routed and put to flight four Generals, and four Armies of the Carthaginians, whom I expell'd out of this Province? But I'll omit and wave my Name. The only injury you have done me, is that you ſo eaſily believ'd my Death. Why, what? if I had dyed, would the Commonwealth and the Roman Empire have fallen with me? Good Heaven forbid it; that a City built for all eternity by the direction of the Gods, ſhould be as periſhable as this frail, mortal Body of mine. The Roman People ſtill ſurvive Flaminius, Paullus, Gracchus, Poſtumius Albinus, M. Marcellus, T. Quintius Criſpinus, C. Fulvius, and my Relations, the Scipios, ſo many and ſuch great Commanders, who were taken off in one War, and will out-live a thouſand more, that ſhall die, ſome by Sword, and others of Diſeaſes: and do you think then, that the Commonwealth of that great People would have been buried at my Funeral, that am but a ſingle Perſon? You your ſelves, when my Father and Ʋncle, two Generals, were ſlain, choſe, here in Spain, Septimus Marcius for their Leader againſt the Carthaginians, who were proud of a late Victory. I ſpeak this to ſhew the folly of your imaginations: as though the Province of Spain would ever be without a Commander. Would M. Silanus, think you, who was ſent hither with the ſame Commiſſion as I was, L. Scipio my Brother, or C. Laelius, two Lieutenants, be wanting to revenge the honour of the Empire? Could the Armies, the Generals, their Dignity, or their cauſe be compared to each other? yet if you were ſuperiour to them in all theſe reſpects, would you bear Arms for the Carthaginians againſt your Country, and your own fellow-Citizens? Would you have Africa to command Italy, and Carthage the City of Rome? What injury has your Country done you?

An unjuſt condemnation indeed, with a miſerable and unworthy baniſhment, put Corio • anus heretofore upon going to fight againſt his own Country; but his private Piety to his Mother, Wife and Children, recall'd him from that publick Parricidy. What grievances, what rage incited you? Was the deferring of your pay for a few days, when your General was ſick, a ſufficient ground for you to declare War againſt your Country? Why ſhould you revolt from the Roman People to the Illergetes? Why ſhould no manner of thing, either Divine or Humane, be ſacred to you? Why, indeed, my Soldiers! you were really mad: nor was the force of a diſtemper more violent upon my Body, than it was upon your minds. I am afraid to tell what the Men believ'd, what they hoped, or what they wiſhed for. Let all things be ſwallowed up in oblivion, if it be poſſible: if not, at leaſt let ſilence cover them. I do not deny but my ſpeech may ſeem ſevere and harſh to you. But how much worſe do you think your deeds are, than my words? And do you think it fit that I ſhould bear with all that you have done, when you your ſelves will not endure to have it all ſo much as related? But I ſhall not upbraid you even with that any more; I wiſh you may as eaſily forget thoſe things as I ſhall. Wherefore as to you all in general, if you repent of your errour, I have revenge enough and to ſpare. But Albius Calenus and Atrius Umber, with the reſt that were the Ring-leaders of this curſed Sedition, ſhall pay for it with their Blood. And their puniſhment ought to be to you not only not irkſome, if you have recovered your ſenſes, but a very joyful ſpectacle: for they had no deſigns more pernicious than upon you. He had ſcarce made an end of ſpeaking, ere a general terrour was, by deſign before hand, ſtruck into all their Eyes and Ears. For the Army, which encloſed the Aſſembly round, made a clattering with their Swords againſt their Shields; and the Cryers voice was heard, calling over the Names of thoſe that were condemn'd in that Council. Wherefore they were dragg'd forth naked; and at the ſame time all the Inſtruments of Execution were brought out. Then the Offenders being tyed to a ſtake, and whip'd with Rods, were beheaded with an Axe: whilſt the by-ſtanders were ſo benum'd with fear, that there was not ſo much as any groan heard, much leſs any inſolent word againſt the ſeverity of the Puniſhment. After that, when they were a • l dragg'd out of the way, and the place purg'd, the Soldiers, call'd over by their Names before the Tribunes Military, ſwore to be true to P. Scipio, and had, each Man, their pay in order as they anſwered.

Thus was the Sedition ended, which began at Sucro. At the ſame time Hanno, Mago's Praefect being ſent from Gades to the River Baetis, with a ſmall Band of Africans, and tempting the Spaniards with his Money, put four Thouſand young Men in Arms. But ſoon after being forced from his Camp by L. Marcius, and having loſt moſt part of his Men amidſt the hurly burly at the taking of the Camp, as alſo ſome in their flight (the Horſe purſuing the ſtragglers) himſelf with ſome few made his eſcape. Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted at the River Baetis, in the mean time, Laelius, having got out of the Straits into the Ocean, came by Sea to Carteia. That City is ſituate upon the Coaſt of the Ocean, juſt without the Straits mouth. They had hopes, as I ſaid before, of recovering Gades, without any fighting, by treachery, there being certain Perſons come to the Roman Camp, who on their own accord had promiſed to betray it. But the treachery was diſcovered before it was ripe for Execution; and Mago, having ſeized all the Conſpirators, committed them to the cuſtody of Adherbal the Praetor, with a charge that he ſhould carry them to Carthage. Adherbal accordingly, having ſhipped them in a Gally of five Banks of Oars, and ſent that before, becauſe it was ſlower than one of three, himſelf with eight of three banks a-piece followed at a ſmall diſtance. The Gally of five Banks was now juſt come into the ſtrait, when Laelius in another of the ſame make, coming from the Port of Carteia with ſeven Gallies of three Banks after him, made up to Adherbal and his Gallies; as taking it for granted, that the Gally of five Banks being got into a rapid Gulph, could not go back againſt that Tide. The Carthaginian being ſurpriz'd, was for a while at a ſtand, and could not tell what to do: whether he ſhould follow the five-bank'd Gally, or tack about toward the Enemy. But this delay took from him all means of avoiding the Fight, for they were now within a Darts caſt of each other, and the Foe preſt upon every ſide. The Tide alſo had taken away his power of guiding the Ships: nor was the Fight like a Sea engagement, there being nothing voluntary, nor any thing of art or ſtratagem in it. Only the force of the Sea, and the Tide, which commanded all the Fight, carried them againſt their own Ships, whilſt they ſtrove with their Oars to make a contrary way toward thoſe of the Enemy: inſomuch that you might ſee one that was running away, forced back by the Whirlpools, and daſhed againſt the Conquerours, and one that was in purſuit, if ſhe light into a contrary tract of the Sea, turn away as if ſhe had fled. And now one of them in the very Fight, when it made up with its armed ſtemm to bildge the Enemy, received, perchance, it ſelf a wound in the ſide from the prowe of another; whilſt another that was going to run a croſs the Foe, was in a moment turn'd with her ſtemm againſt the Tide. By which means (fortune ruling all) there was a doubtful conflict between the three-bank'd Gallies; but the Roman Gally of five, whether by reaſon of its weight and bulk, or that it had more rows of Oars to cut through the Whirlpools, being more eaſily governed, ſunk two of the Enemies of three Banks, and bruſhing by another, broke all her Oars on one ſide: beſides which, ſhe had battered the reſt that had come in her way, had not Adherbal, with the other five Ships, ſet ſail and croſt over into Africa.

Laelius going back victorious to Carteia, and having heard what was done at Gades, to wit, that the Treaſon was detected, the Conſpirators ſent to Carthage, and all his hopes fruſtrate, he ſent Meſſengers, the ſame way they had come, to L. Marcius, to tell him, That unleſs they ſhould ſpend time to no purpoſe, in lingering at Gades, they muſt return to the General; to which Marcius aſſented, and ſome few Days after they both returned to Carthage. At whoſe departure Mago, who was ſore put to it both by Land and Sea, had not only time to breath; but alſo hearing that the Illergetes were in Rebellion, he being thereby in hopes to recover Spain, he ſent Meſſengers to the Senate at Carthage, who magnifying the Sedition that was in the Roman Camp, and likewiſe the defection of their Allies far beyond what it really was, ſhould move them, To send Auxiliaries, wherewithal to regain the Empire of Spain, which their fore-fathers left them. Mandonius and Indibilis return'd into their own Country, and ſtaid for ſome ſmall time in ſuſpenſe, till they knew what was reſolved concerning the Sedition, believing, That if they pardoned the errors of their Countrymen, they might poſſibly excuſe them alſo. But when they heard how ſevere that puniſhment inflicted on their own Men was, they ſuppoſed their crime woul • be thought to deſerve the like penalty; and therefore putting their Countrymen again in Arms, and muſtering up the Auxiliaries, which they formerly had, they marched over with twenty Thouſand Foot, and two Thouſand five Hundred Horſe into the Sedetane Confines, where they at the beginning of their defection firſt encamped.

Scipio having eaſily reconciled the minds of his Soldiers, not only by diſcharging his promiſe, and giving them all (whether guilty or not guilty) their pay, but by ſpeaking and looking very kindly among them, before he removed his Camp from Carthage, called an Aſſembly, in which he made a long Invective againſt the treachery of the petite Kings, and ſaid, He did not go with the ſame thoughts to revenge that offence, as he did of late to heal a miſcarriage among his own Countrymen. For then he went, as if it had been to cut his own bowels, when with ſighs and tears he expiated the imprudence or guilt of eight Thouſand Men, by taking of the heads of thirty; but now he marched with joy and ſatisfaction to take off the Illergetes, they being neither born in the ſame Country, nor any ways allied or engaged to him, ſave only by a promiſe of friendſhip which they had baſely broken. That he was pleaſed to ſee, that he had in his Army not only none but Countrymen, or Allies, and thoſe of Latine extract, but alſo that there was hardly any one Soldier but what was brought out of Italy, either by his Ʋncle Cn. Scipio (who was the firſt Roman that came into that Province) or by his Father the Conſul, or by himſelf. That he would carry them home again into their own Country to ſhare in a deſerved Triumph, who had been all along accuſtomed to the name and conduct of the Scipioes: and hoped, that when he ſtood for the Conſulſhip, they would ſtand by him, as though their common honour were at ſtake. As to the preſent expedition againſt Mandonius and Indibilis, if any one thought it properly a War, he muſt needs forget the exploits which he had done. For he really was concerned more upon the ſcore of Mago, who was fled out of the World into an Iſland ſurrounded by the Ocean with a few Ships, than at the Illergetes. For he was a Carthaginian General, and had a Punick Guard with him be it more or leſs; but theſe were a company of Robbers and Banditti: who though they had ſome little ſtrength, enough perchance to ravage the adjacent Countries, burn the Houſes, and drive away the Cattel, yet in a field at a ſet Battel they had none. They therefore would vie with him more by their ſwiftneſs in running away, than through the truſt they had in their Arms. Wherefore, that he thought fit to ſubdue the Illergetes, before he departed from that Province; not for that he feared any danger from them, or that any new War would thence ariſe, but firſt, that ſuch a wicked defection might not go unpuniſhed, and ſecondly, that it might not be ſaid, that in a Province which was ſo ſtoutly and ſucceſsfully ſubdued, there was any Enemy left. He therefore exhorted them in the name of the Gods to follow him, not ſo much to wage a War (for he had not to do with an Enemy that was equal to him) as to take revenge of a company of Malefactors.

Having made this Speech he diſmiſſed them, with a charge, That they ſhould prepare themſelves to march next Day; and ſo ſetting forth, he came in ten Days time to the River Iberus. Then paſſing the River, he the fourth Day encamped in ſight of the Enemy. Now there was a plain encloſed round about with Mountains, into which Scipio having ordered the Cattel, which he had forced, moſt of them, out of the Enemies Country, to be driven, in order to provoke the fury of the Barbarians, he ſent a party of light-armed skirmiſhers to ſtand perdeu; by whom when the fight was by pickeering begun, he ordered Laelius with the Horſe to fall on from an Ambuſcade. For the Mountain hanging over very conveniently, covered the Horſe who lay there ready. Nor was there any delay made in the affair: but the Spaniards ſeeing the Cattel afar off, ran up to ſeize them, and the light-armour fell upon them, as they were laden with the booty. At firſt they frightned them with Darts which they threw at them, but ſoon after laying aſide their light Weapons, which are more fit to provoke than decide a diſpute of that kind, they drew their Swords, and ſetting Foot to Foot began the Fight; in which it was like to have gone hard with them, had not the Horſe come in. Nor did they only charge up directly, and kill'd them in the Front, but ſome likewiſe wheeling about the bottom of the Hill, fell into the Reer to intercept a good many of them. By which means there was a greater ſlaughter, than ſuch light skirmiſhes uſe to make. The rage of the Barbarians was rather inflamed by their ill fortune, than their courage diminiſhed: and therefore, leſt they might ſeem diſmayed, they marched forth into the Field next Morning as ſoon as it was Day. But the narrow Vale (as I told you) could not contain all their Forces: only about two parts of the Foot and all the Horſe went down into it; the reſt of the Foot ſtood upon the ſide of the Hill. Scipio therefore ſuppoſing the narrowneſs of the place to be an advantage to him; not only becauſe the Roman Soldiers could fight better in a ſtreight than the Spaniards could; but alſo becauſe the Enemies Forces were drawn down into a place, that would not hold them all, he contrived another way, as ſeeing, That in ſo narrow a compaſs he could not bring his Horſe to cover the Foot, and that the Enemy too would find their Cavalry, which they had drawn out along with the Foot, very uſeleſs. Wherefore he commanded Laelius, To bring the Horſe about the Hills the moſt ſecret way that he could; and to divide the Horſe from the Foot Battel as far as poſſible. Mean time he turned all the Enſigns of Foot upon the Foe, putting four Regiments in the Front, becauſe he could not make it wider. But he made no delay from fighting; that thereby he might divert the Enemy from taking notice of the Horſe, which paſſed along over the Hills. Nor did they perceive them to be led about, before they heard the noiſe of an Horſe Fight at their backs. Thus there were two ſorts of Fights: whilſt two Battalions of Foot, and two of Horſe fought all the length of the Plain, the narrowneſs of the Vale not allowing the Battel to be mix'd of both. Since therefore, neither the Spaniſh Horſe aſſiſted the Foot, nor the Foot the Horſe, but the Foot truſting to the Horſe, were raſhly poſted in the Plain and kill'd, whilſt the Horſe, who were circumvented, could not ſuſtain either the Roman Foot before them, (for their own Foot Forces were already gone) or the Horſe behind them, they defended themſelves a good while (their Horſes ſtanding ſtill) in a circular form, but were at laſt every Man of them cut off, nor was there ſo much as one left of all the Foot and Horſe that engaged in that Vale. The third part, that ſtood in ſafety upon the Hill as Spectators, rather than deſigned to ſhare in the fight, had both time and place to eſcape. Among them the petite Kings themſelves alſo fled away, before the whole Army was circumvented, eſcaping in the hurly burly.

The ſame Day the Spaniſh Camp, beſides the other booty, was taken with near three Thouſand Priſoners. There fell of Romans and their Allies in that Battel one Thouſand two Hundred, but were above three Thouſand wounded. The Victory had been leſs bloody, if they had fought in a more open plain, where it had been eaſie for them to have ran away. Indibilis, laying aſide all thoughts of War, and fancying nothing to be ſafer for him in his afflicted circumſtances, than to fly to Scipio's known integrity and clemency, ſent his Brother Mandonius to him; who falling down before him, Accuſed the fatal madneſs of thoſe times, when not only the Illergetes and Lacetans, but even the Roman Camp alſo were, by a kind of peſtilent contagion, poſſeſſed with fury. That his own, his Brothers, and the reſt of their Countrymens condition was all the ſame; that either, if he thought fit, they muſt reſign their breath to Scipio from whom they received it; or being twice preſerv'd, muſt devote their Life, which they ow'd to him only, perpetually to his ſervice. That before, they had confidence in their own cauſe, when they had not as yet experienced his clemency; but that now, they had no truſt in their cauſe, but all their hopes were repoſed in the mercy of their Conquerour. Now there was an ancient cuſtom among the Romans, that they never uſed their Authority over any Perſon (that was not in League with, or otherwiſe obliged to them) as a Friend and Allie, before he had ſurrendered all things both Divine and Humane; before they had received Hoſtages, taken away their Arms, and put Garriſons into their Towns. Wherefore Scipio, having ſeverely inveighed againſt Mandonius, who was preſent, and Indibilis, who was abſent, ſaid, That though they ought juſtly to have dyed for their offences, yet they ſhould live through the bounty of him and the Roman People. But that he would neither take their Arms from them (for thoſe were pledges belonging to ſuch as fear'd, leſt the party ſhould rebel again) but would leave them free, and their minds alſo void of dread. Nor would he take revenge upon innocent Hoſtages, being reſolved to puniſh them themſelves if they again revolted, and demand ſatisfaction, not of a naked, but an armed Enemy; ſaying moreover, that he would leave it to them, who had tryed both fortunes, whether they would rather have the Romans to be propitious. or cruel to them. Mandonius being thus diſmiſs'd, with nothing but a mulct of Money which was required to pay the Soldiers: he himſelf having ſent Marcius before-hand into the farther Spain, and Silanus back to Tarraco, when he had ſtay'd ſome few days, till the Illergetes paid their Money, he, with the nimbleſt of his Men, overtook Marcius, who was now got near the Ocean.

The affair touching Maſiniſſa, which was formerly begun, was for ſundry reaſons deferr'd, becauſe the Numidian had a deſire to come and treat with Scipio himſelf, and receive his promiſes from his own mouth. That was the cauſe of ſo long and rambling a Journey as Scipio then took. Maſiniſſa being at Gades, where he was inform'd by Marcius of Scipio's coming, pretended, that the Horſes were spoiled by being ſhut up ſo in an Iſland, which cauſed not only a ſcarcity of all things among other people, but they themſelves alſo were ſenſible of it; beſides, that the Horſe-men were grown dull with idleneſs: By which means he induced Mago to let him go over into the Continent to plunder the neighbouring Countries of Spain. When he was got over, he ſent three Numidian Noble-men before him to appoint a time and place for the Parley; two of whom he order'd to be kept by Scipio for Hoſtages, and the third to be ſent back to conduct Maſiniſſa to the place where they were to meet: and ſo they having but a ſmall retinue, came to ſpeech with one another. Now the Numidian had heard ſo much of Scipio's great actions, that he admired him before he ſaw him, having in his mind the image of a proper and a brave man. But he was ſtruck with greater admiration when he came face to face; for beſides that there was a great deal of Majeſty naturally in him, he was ſet off with long hair, his Body not artificially trick'd up, but manly and military, and his Age in its vigour, which was the fuller and more graceful, becauſe his recovery from a late diſtemper had as it were renew'd the flower of his youth. The Numidian therefore being almoſt aſtoniſhed at the firſt ſight of him, gave him thanks for ſending back his Brothers Son; and told him, That from that time he had ſought that occaſion of ſeeing him; which being by the bounty of the Gods then offered to him, he had not omitted. That he deſired to ſerve him and the Roman People, to ſuch a degree, that no Foreigner ſhould ever ſtrive to do more for them. That though he had had that inclination a long time, yet he was not ſo well able to put it in execution in Spain, which was a ſtrange Country wherewith he was not ſo well acquainted: but he would do it in that Country where he was born and bred to the hopes of his Fathers Kingdom, with all the induſtry imaginable. And if the Romans would ſend Scipio, as their General into Africa, he had good hopes that Carthage would not be long-liv'd. Scipio was glad to ſee and hear him, becauſe he knew that Maſiniſſa was the chief Commander of all the Enemies Horſe, and that he being a Youth, carried the tokens of courage in his very face. They therefore having mutually obliged each other to fidelity, Scipio went back to Taracco; and Maſiniſſa having by permiſſion of the Romans (leſt he ſhould ſeem to have gone over to no purpoſe) plunder'd the adjacent Countries, return'd to Gades.

Mago, being his affairs were deſperate in Spain, which he had formerly, firſt from the Mutiny of the Soldiers, and then from the defection of Indibilis, very great hopes of, was juſt going into Africa, when News was brought to him from Carthage, That the Senate order'd him to carry the Navy, that they had at Gades, into Italy; and there when he had rais'd as many Gauls and Ligurians as he could, to joyn Annibal; and not to ſuffer that War which was begun with the greateſt animoſity and greater fortune to grow old before it was ended. To that end there was Money ſent to Mago from Carthage, and he exacted as much as he could from thoſe of Gades; plundering not only their Treaſury, but their Temples too, and compelling all people to bring forth their Gold and Silver to publick view. As he ſailed by the Coaſt of Spain, not far from New Carthage, he ſet his men aſhore, and having ravaged all the neighbouring Country, went on from thence to the City. Where having kept his Soldiers on board in the day-time, he led them in the night to that part of the Wall through which Carthage had been taken by the Romans: ſuppoſing not only that the Garriſon there was ſcarce ſtrong enough, but alſo that ſome of the Townſmen were inclined to innovation. But frighted Meſſengers out of the Country had brought word concerning the Plunder by him committed, how the Country-people ran away, and of the Enemies being arrived. And indeed they ſaw a Navy in the day-time, for which reaſon it was manifeſt they had cauſe to ſet a Guard before their City. Wherefore being armed and marſhalled, they were kept within the Gate that looks toward the Lake and the Sea: and aſſoon as the Enemy came up (the Sailers and the Soldiers all together) to the Walls with more noiſe than force, the Romans on a ſudden opening the Gate, broke forth with a great ſhout, and putting the Foe into diſorder (who upon their firſt approach, and aſſoon as they came to fling their Javelins, turn'd their backs) purſued them to the very ſhore with great ſlaughter. Nor had there been any one of them alive after that flight and fight, if the Ships, which lay there, had not receiv'd them. Nay they were afraid even when they were aboard; and fearing leſt the Enemy ſhould come in with their own men, drew up their Ladders, cut their Cables, and would not ſtay to weigh their Anchors. And many of them ſwimming to the Ships, when they were uncertain, by reaſon of the darkneſs, whither to make, or what to avoid, moſt miſerably periſhed. The next day when the Navy was gone back to the Ocean from whence it came, there were eight hundred men ſlain, and two thouſand Arms found between the Shore and the Wall.

Mago being gone back to Gades, but excluded thence, went with his Navy to Cimbis (a place not far from Gades) from whence he ſent Ambaſſadors to complain, That the Gates were ſhut againſt him who was an Ally and a Friend: of which they clear'd themſelves by ſaying, It was occaſioned by the concourſe of the multitude, who had been injurious to them, in that the Soldiers that were on bord had plunder'd them of their Goods; but notwithſtanding he took theirA Judge. Suffetes, (which is the chief Magiſtrate among the Carthaginians) with the Queſtor, and having ſcourg'd them, commanded them to be nailed to a Croſs Then he went over to Pityuſa, an Iſland about an hundred thouſand fathom from the Continent (which the Carthaginians at that time inhabited) where the Navy was very peaceably received, and not only proviſions bountifully ſupplied, but as an addition to their Navy, a great m • ny young Men and Arms. In the ſtrength whereof the Carthaginian croſs'd over to the Baleares [Iſlands called Majorca and Minorca] which lye about fifty thouſand fathom from that. Now the Baleares are two, one greater and more opulent in Arms and Men: beſides that it had a Port where he thought he might conveniently winter; for now it was the latter end of Autumn. But his Navy was met there with as much Hoſtility as if the Romans had dwelt in that Iſland. As they now moſt commonly make uſe of Slings, ſo did they then, and no other Weapon. Nor is there any ſingle perſon in any other Nation that is ſo excellent in that Art, as al • the Balearians are. By which means there was ſuch a volly of ſtones, like a thick ſhowre of Hail, pour'd in upon their Navy as it approached to the ſhore, that they not daring to enter the Port, tack'd about into the main Sea again. Then they went to the leſſer of the Balearian Iſlands, which is a fertile Soil, but not ſo ſtrong in Men and Arms. Wherefore there going aſhore they pitch'd their Camp above the Port in a place well fortified, and having got poſſeſſion of the Town and Country without any conteſt (after they had been rais'd two thouſand Auxiliaries there, whom they ſent to Carthage to winter) they put their Ships into the Docks. After Mago's departure from the Coaſt of the Ocean, the Gaditanes ſurrendred themſelves to the Romans.

Theſe things were done in Spain by the Conduct of P. Scipio; who, having delivered the Province up to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, returned himſelf to Rome. And having a Senate ca led upon his account at the Temple of Bellona, he declared what he had done in Spain; how often he had fought in pitch'd Battels, how many Towns he had taken from the Foe, what Nations he had reduced into ſubjection to the Roman People; that he went into Spain againſt four Generals, and four conquering Armies, but had left ne're a Carthaginian in all that Province. For all which he rather attempted to gain a Triumph, than pertinaciouſly ſought it; becauſe it was never known to that day that ever any man triumphed, unleſs he were or had been a Magiſtrate [as Conſul, &c.] The Senate being diſmiſſed, he entred the City, and carried before him into the Treaſury fourteen thouſand three hundred and forty two pound of Silver Bullion, with a great deal of coined Silver. Then L. Veturius Philo held an Aſſembly for the chuſing of Conſuls, in which all the Centuries unanimouſly elected P. Scipio Conſul, whoſe Collegue was P. Licinius Craſſus the High-Prieſt. But it is recorded, That that Aſſembly was greater for number than any that had been celebrated all that War: becauſe the people met from all parts, not only to give their Votes, but to behold P. Scipio; running in crowds both to his houſe, and into the Capitol to ſee him ſacrificing an hundred Oxen, which he in Spain had vowed to offer to Jupiter; and promiſed themſelves, that as C. • utatius had put an end to the laſt Punick War, ſo P. Cornelius would do to that which was at hand; and that, as he had driven the Carthaginians out of all Spain, ſo he would out of Italy too; wherefore they deſigned Africa to be his Province, aſſoon as he ſhould have ended the War in Italy. Then there was held an Aſſembly for chuſing of Pretors: in which there were two elected, that then were Aediles of the People, whoſe Names were Sp. Lucretius and Cn. Octavius, and two private perſons, Cn. Servilius Caepio, and L. Aemilius Papus. P. Cornelius Scipio and P. Licinius Craſſus began their Conſulate in the U. C. 545 fourteenth year of the Punick War. Their Provinces were aſſigned to the Conſuls, to wit, Sicily to Scipio, without Lots, by his Collegues agreement, becauſe the care of Holy things kept the High-Prieſt in Italy; and the Bruttii to Craſſus. Then the Praetors Provinces were allotted them; the City falling to Cn. Servilius; Ariminum (ſo they called Gallia) to Sp. Lucretius; Sicily to L. Aemilius; and Sardinia to Cn. Octavius. After that a Senate was held in the Capitol; where upon the Propoſal of P. Scipio an Order of Senate was made, That what Games he vowed in Spain during the Mutiny among the Soldiers, he ſhould ſet forth and defray out of that money which he himſelf had brought into the Treaſury.

Then he introduced the Saguntine Ambaſſadors into the Senate: where the eldeſt of them ſaid; Grave Fathers, though there be nothing more calamitous than what we have ſuffer'd, to make us for ever true to you; yet ſuch are the deſerts of you and your Generals toward us, that we are not ſorry for our loſſes. You undertook the War upon our ſcore, and have maintain'd ſo conſtantly for theſe fourteen years, that not only you your ſelves have been in the greateſt danger, but you have put the People of Carthage too into the ſame circumſtances. When you had ſuch a dreadful War in Italy and Hannibal your Enemy, you ſent Conſuls with an Army into Spain, to gather up, as it were, the reliques of our ſhipwrack. P. and Cn. Cornelius, ſince they came into that Province, never ceaſed to do all things that might conduce to our good, and the ruine of the Enemy. They have firſt of all reſtored to us our Town; they have redeemed our Fellow-Citizens, who were ſold all over Spain, from ſlavery to liberty, ſending men to find them out. When we were juſt a going to be happy inſtead of being ſo miſerable as before, P. and Cn. Cornelius, your Generals, dy'd more, if 'twere poſſible, to our grief, than yours. And then we thought our ſelves brought back from diſtant places to our ancient Seat, only to periſh once again, and ſee a ſecond ruine of our Country; nor did we fanſie there was any need of a Carthaginian Army or General to undo us; for we might be deſtroy'd by the Turdetans, our old Enemies, who had been the cauſe of all our former misfortunes: when unexpectedly you ſent us this ſame P. Scipio: whom, we having ſeen, declar'd Conſul, think our ſelves the happieſt of all the Saguntines, and will tell the ſame to our Fellow-Citizens, concerning him who was our hope, our help, and deliverance. Who when he took a great many Cities in Spain from your Enemies, pick'd out the Saguntines in all places from among the other Captives, and ſent them back into their own Country. In fine, he ſo afflicted Turdetania (a Nation ſo much at enmity with us, that if that were ſafe, Saguntum could not ſtand) with War, that it will not be terrible not only to us, but (without envy may I ſpeak it) even our poſterity. We ſee your City deſtroy'd, in favour of whom Saguntum was ſack'd by Annibal. We receive Tribute out of your Country, which is not more pleaſant to us upon the ſcore of profit than revenge. For theſe things, than which we could neither hope nor wiſh for greater from the immortal Gods, • he Senate and People of Saguntum ſent us ten Ambaſſadors to you to give you thanks: and likewiſe to congratulate, that you have managed your affairs ſo well in Italy and Spain for theſe ſeveral years, that you have ſubdu'd Spain, not only as far as the River Iberus, but even to the end of the Earth, the Ocean; and have left the Carthaginian nothing in Italy but what the Bulwark of his Camp incloſes. We were commanded alſo not only to return thanks to the great and good Jupiter, who preſides over the Capitol, but to offer unto him his Preſent (with your permiſſion) which is a Crown of Gold, upon the account of that Victory: wherefore we intreat you to permit us, and that, if you think good, what benefits we have received from your Generals, you would by your Authority ratifie and perpetuate. The Senate anſwer'd the Saguntine Ambaſſadors in this manner: That the deſtruction and reſtauration of Saguntum would be an example to all Nations of a faithful Alliance preſerv'd on both both ſides. That their Generals did well according to order and the mind of the Senate, when they retriev'd Saguntum, and redeem'd its Inhabitants from ſlavery; that whatever elſe they did, which was a kindneſs to them, was done according to the will of the Senate; and laſtly, that they permitted them to lay their Offering in the Capitol. Then there was a peculiar place and a Banquet provided for the Ambaſſadors, with Preſents to each of them of ten thouſand Seſterces a man. After that the other Embaſſies were brought into the Senate, and had their Audience: and whereas the Saguntines deſired, that as far as it was ſafe for them, they might go and ſee Italy: they had Guides aſſign'd them, and Letters were ſent through all the Towns, that they ſhould entertain the Spaniards very kindly. Then Propoſals were made touching the Commonwealth for the raiſing of Armies, and concerning the Provinces.

When the People commonly reported, that Africa, as a new Province, was deſign'd for P. Scipio without caſting Lots, and he himſelf content with no moderate glory, uſed to ſay, That he was declared Conſul, not only to wage, but to end a War; nor could that be made an end of any otherwiſe, than by his tranſporting his Army into Africa; and told the people openly, that he would do ſo, even againſt the Senates order: his deſign being not at all pleaſing to the chief of the Senate (beſides that the reſt of them through fear or ambition began to murmur) Q. Fabius Maximus being asked his Opinion, he ſaid; Grave Fathers, I know a great many of you think, that we are this day about a buſineſs that's done to our hands, and that he who ſhall give his opinion concerning the Province of Africa, as a new thing, will speak to no purpoſe. But in the firſt place I cannot tell how Africa is already ſo certainly deſign'd to be our ſtout and warlike Conſuls Province, ſince neither the Senate hath thought fit that it ſhould be a Province for this year, nor have the people given their conſents. If it be, I think th Conſul only is to blame, who pretending he refers a thing to you that is already ſetled, affronts and laughs at the Senate, and not the Senators in general who gave their opinions touching any thing that is here debated. For my part I am ſure, by diſſenting to this haſty Expedition into Africa, to undergo the cenſure of two things; the one, of my natural inclination to make delays; (which let young men call ſloth) and fear, if they pleaſe, whilſt I am ſatisfied, that though the counſels of others have always ſeemed more plauſible at firſt ſight, mine have proved better in the end) the other, of ſpight and envy againſt the daily growing glory of the valiant Conſul. From which ſuſpicion, if my paſt life and manners, nor a Dictatorſhip, and five Conſulates, together with ſo much glory gained at home and in the Wars, does not vindicate me, who am rather cloy'd with it, than deſire any more, let my age at leaſt deliver me. For what emulation could there be between me and him, who is not ſo old even as my Son? No man either in the Senate or among the People ever heard me, when I was Dictator, in the vigour of my age, and the greateſt Employment, refuſe, that the Maſter of the Horſe, who envy'd me (a thing never heard of before) ſhould be made equal to me. I choſe rather to ſee by actions, you hear only in words, that he who in the judgment of others was compared to me, ſhould prefer me before himſelf even by his own confeſſion. Far be it from me, who have born ſo many honourable Offices, to propoſe a quarrel or an emulation with a Youth who is in the flower of his age: to wit, that the Province of Africa, if it be not given to him, may be aſſign'd to me, who am not only a weary of buſineſs, but even of living too. No, I muſt live and die with what glory I have already gain'd. I kept Annibal from making a Conqueſt, that he might be vanquiſh'd even by you, who now are in your full ſtrength.

This one thing, P. Cornelius, you ought to pardon in me, if, as I never preferr'd the applauſe of men before the intereſt of the Commonwealth, I do not value your honour above the publick good. If indeed there were either no War in Italy, or the Enemy ſuch an one, as that a man could get no credit by conquering of him, he that ſhould keep you in Italy, though he did it for the publick good, might ſeem to go about to rob you of an opportunity of going to War, and gaining great glory there. But ſeeing Annibal has been our Enemy, and with an entire Army beſet Italy for theſe fourteen years, will you be ſorry, P. Cornelius, to loſe your glorious opportunity in Africa, if whilſt you are Conſul, you drive ſuch an Enemy, who has been the cauſe of ſo much death and ſlaughter among us, out of Italy? And if, as C. Lutatius had the honour to end the laſt Punick War, ſo you have of this? unleſs Amilcar is to be preferr'd for a General before Annibal, or that War to this, or that Victory may probably be more glorious and honourable than this; if it ſo fall out, that we, whilſt you are Conſul, overcome him; would yo • rather draw Amilcar from Drepanum and Eryce, than drive the Carthaginians and Annibal out of Italy? Even you your ſelf, though you love the glory you have gain'd, more than what you hope for, would not boaſt more of their having deliver'd Spain from War, than you would of freeing Italy from the ſame misfortunes. Annibal is not yet ſo abject; but that whoever chuſes another War, muſt needs ſeem rather to fear, than ſlight him. Do you prepare for this then, and go thus round about, ſo as that, when you are got into Africa, you hope Annibal will follow you, rather than bend your Forces ſtraight to the place where Annibal is? Are theſe the glorious Palms that you aim at for a reward of your ending the Punick War? This ought to take precedence even in Nature, that when you have defended your own Country, you ſhould go to oppoſe a foreign Land. Make peace in Italy before you raiſe a War in Africa: and let us be rid of our fear, before we procure any ſuch to others. If you by your Conduct and good Fortune can do both, with all my heart; when you have conquer'd Annibal, take Carthage. But if one of thoſe Victories muſt needs be left to new Conſuls, the former, as it is greater and of more renown, ſo it will be after that the occaſion of another. For now, beſides that the Treaſury cannot maintain two ſeveral Armies in Italy and Africa; beſides, that we have not wherewithal to keep up our Navies, nor can ſupply ſufficient proviſions for them, who does not ſee what mighty dangers we run into? P. Licinius will make a War in Italy, and P. Scipio in Africa. What if Annibal (which all the Gods forbid, and I tremble to speak it, though what has happen'd may happen again) ſhould be victorious and advance as far as this City; ſhall we then ſend for you, our Conſul, out of Africa, as we did for Q Fulvius from Capua? I need not ſay, that the event of War will be the ſame in Africa as here. Your Family, your Father and Ʋncle, who were ſlain with their Armies in thirty days, may be an example to you, who by your great Exploits both at Sea and Land had ſo augmented the fame of your own Family and the Roman People among Foreign Nations. The time would fail me, if I ſhould reckon up the Generals that have raſhly ventur'd over into an Enemies Country to the great damage of your own perſons and loſs of their Arms. The Athenians, a very prudent People, who left a War at home, by the advice of a Youth, who was as active as noble, and went over with a great Navy into Sicily, quite ruined their flouriſhing Commonwealth in one Sea-fight.

But I repeat things that are foreign and ancient. This very ſame Country of Africa, and M. Atilius may be a ſignal Example to us of both ſorts of Fortune. Let me tell you, P. Cornelius, when you come within ſight of Africa, your Conqueſts in Spain will ſeem to have been but sport and paſtime to you. For what compariſon is there? When you went to Spain, you coaſted along by Italy and France through a calm and peaceable Sea, till your Navy arrived at Emporiae, a City belonging to our Allies: where ſetting your men aſhore, you led them all through ſafe places to the Friends and Aſſociates of the Roman People at Tarraco: from whence again you march'd throu • h Roman Garriſons all along; till you came to the River Iberus, where round about there lay the Armies of your Father and Ʋncle, who after they had loſt their Generals, were incens'd by that very misfortune: and that great man L. Marcius, who though he were a tumultuary Leader, and choſen in haſte by the Suffrage of the Soldiery for a time only, yet if he had had the Ornaments of Nobility and equal Honours, would not have been inferiour to the moſt famous Commanders in any part of military skill. Then Carthage was attack'd with all the eaſe imaginable, whilſt ne're an one of three Punick Armies would defend their Allies. All other things (nor do I leſſen them) were no ways comparable to a War with Africa; in which you have ne're a Port for our Navy, ne're a Country at peace with us, ne're a City that is our Ally, or a King our Friend, no place to lye ſtill, nor no place to march forward in. Where-ever you look about you, all things appear at enmity with you. Raſhneſs is not always ſucceſsful; and fraud procures it ſelf credit by ſmall things, that when occaſion ſerves, it may cheat to greater advantage. Their Enemies did not circumvent your Father and Ʋncle with their Arms, ſooner than the Celtiberians, their Allies, with fraud: nor were you your ſelf in ſo much danger from Mago and Aſdrubal, the Enemi • s Generals, as from Mandonius and Indibilis, whom you had receiv'd into friendſhip. And can you truſt the Numidians, who have experienced a defection in their own Soldiers? Both Syphax and Maſiniſſa wiſh themſelves to be the moſt puiſſant Princes in all Africa, rather than the Carthaginians ſhould be moſt powerful; and the Carthaginians to be before any body elſe. At preſent indeed an emulation between them, and all occaſions of quarrelling provoke them againſt each other, becauſe they have no foreign Foe to fear: but do you once ſhew them Roman Arms and a foreign Army, they will run together as if it were to quench a common Conflagration. Thoſe ſame Carthaginians who made but a weak defence in Spain, will defend the Walls of their Country, the Temples of their Gods, their Altars and Houſes at another guiſe rate. Now when as they go to Battel, their fearful wives follow them, and their ſmall children meet them. But then beſides all this; what if the Carthaginians, confiding in the agreement of Africa, the fidelity of the Kings, their Allies, their own Walls, when they ſee Italy bereft of that aſſiſtance which you and your Army could give it, ſhould either themſelves ſend a new Army over into Italy from Africa, or order Mago who now, we know, having left the Baleares, is cruiſing near the Coaſt of the Alpine Ligurians, to joyn Annibal? Then certainly we ſhall be in the ſame fright, in which we lately were, when Aſdrubal came over into Italy: whom you, who are now reſolv'd to inveſt not only Carthage, but even all Africa with your Army, ſent out of your own hands into Italy. He was conquer'd by you, you'l ſay; why, therefore I think it the more diſhonourable not only for you, but upon the ſcore of the Commonwealth alſo, that you ſhould permit him, who was vanquiſh'd by you, to come into Italy. Will you have us aſſign all the good Fortune that you and the Commonwealth have had to your Conduct, but to attribute all the bad to meer accident and blind chance? The better and more valiant you are, the more your Country and all Italy deſire you to ſtay and look after them. You your ſelf cannot chuſe but owne, that where Annibal is, there is the chief Seat and Fortreſs of this War. For you pretend, that you therefore would fain go over into Africa, that you may draw Annibal after you. Wherefore whether here or there your buſineſs is like to be with Annibal. Tell me then, pray now, when you will be ſtronger; by being alone in Africa, or here, when your Collegue and you have joyn'd your Armies together? Are not Claudius and Livius, the Conſ • l • , a freſh example to ſhew of what importance that is? What? will the utmoſt corner of the Bruttian Territories, or Carthage, when he is near it, together with all his Allies in Africa, make Annibal (who has now for a long time in vain deſired Auxiliaries from home) more powerful in Men and Arms? What Policy is this; to fight where your Forces are half as little again as they would be, and the Enemies much greater, rather than where you may engage with two Armies againſt one that has been tired with ſo many Battels and ſuch a tedious Campaigne? Think with your ſelf, how your deſigns agree with your Fathers. He, when he was Conſul, and gone into Spain, returned out of his Province into Italy, to meet Annibal, as he was coming down from the Alpes: you, on the contrary, now that Annibal is in Italy are going to leave it, not becauſe you think it for the good of the Commonwealth, but becauſe 'tis great and glorious. Juſt as when you formerly left the Province and the Army without any Law, or Order of Senate; and though you were the Roman Peoples General, committed the publick Fortune and Honour of the Commonwealth, which then were hazarded in your perſon, to two Ships. Grave Fathers, I am of opinion that P. Cornelius was created Conſul for the Commonwealth and us, not for his own private ends: and that the Armies were raiſed to preſerve this City and all the reſt of Italy, not for the Conſuls, in a proud, Kingly manner, to carry over Seas, to what part of the World they pleaſe.

Fabius having moved great part of the Senate, and the Seniors moſt of all, by this Oration, which he had calculated for that juncture, as alſo by his Authority and the ancient fame of his Prudence; ſo that more of them commended the old mans deſign before the young mans reſolution, Scipio is ſaid to have made this Speech: Q Fabius himſelf in the beginning of his Speech, Grave Fathers, has told you, that there may ſome spight be ſuſpected in his opinion. Of which thing I dare not accuſe ſuch a great man, ſo much as either his own words, or the thing it ſelf make him guilty. For he has ſo extolled his own Honours and the fame of his Exploits, to take away the crime of envy, as if I were in danger of having every little Fellow my Rival, but not of him, who, becauſe he excels all others (though I endeavour, I confeſs, to be as great as He is) would not have me made his equal: he has made himſelf ſo old and honourable, that he has placed me even below his Son; as though the deſire of glory extended no farther than the length of a mans life, and the greateſt part of it lookt forward toward future ages. But I really believe that every great perſon does not only compare himſelf with thoſe that are his Contemporaries, but with the famous men of all ages. Nor do I indeed deny, Q. Fabius, but that I would not only equal your atchievments, but if I could (I beg your pardon for ſaying ſo) even outdo them. You ought not to be ſo affected toward me, nor I toward my Juniors, as to be unwilling that any of them ſhould be like us. For that would, be a detriment not only to ſuch men as we envy'd, but to the Commonwealth, and almoſt all Mankind. He told you what great danger I was running into, if I went over into Africa; that he might ſeem concerned for me alſo, and not only for the Commonwealth and the Army. Whence comes he on the ſudden to take ſuch care of me? When my Father and Ʋncle were ſlain; and their two Armies almoſt all ruined and deſtroyed: when Spain was loſt; when four Armies of Carthaginians, and four Generals kept all people in dread and arms: when they ſought a General for that War, and no body appear'd but I; no one durſt give in his name: when the People of Rome on their own accord conferr'd the Generalſhip upon me, though but four and twenty years of age, why did not any body then mind them of my Age, the ſtrength of the Foe, the difficulty of the War, and the late misfortune of my Father and Ʋncle? Is there any greater calamity now befallen us in Africa, than was at that time in Spain? Are their Armies now bigger, and their Generals more or greater in Africa, than they were then in Spain? Or was my Age more ripe then for War, than now it is? Is it more proper to wage War with a Carthaginian Enemy in Spain, than in Africa? 'Tis an eaſie matter, after I have routed and put to flight four Carthaginian Armies, taken ſo many Cities by ſtorm, or reduced them by fear; after I have ſubdu'd all Spain, even to the Ocean, ſo many pety Kings, and ſo many barbarous Nations, recovering the whole Province to that degree, that there is no tract of any War left in it; after all this, I ſay, 'tis ſure a very eaſie thing to leſſen my actions; yes, truly, as eaſie as if I ſhould return victorious out of Africa, 'twould be to diminiſh thoſe things, that now, to keep me here, are ſo much magnified to make them ſeem terrible to us. He ſays, there is no coming to Africa, nor any Ports open. He tells us, that M. Atilius was taken in Africa (as though M. Atilius had miſcarried upon his firſt arrival there) but he does not ſay, that the Ports of Africa were open even to that unhappy General, or that he did great things the firſt year; and, in reſpect to the Carthaginians, remain'd unconquer'd to the laſt. You therefore, Fabius, ſhall not at all deter me by that one Example: for ſeeing that calamity befel us not in this, but a former War; not of late, but forty years agone; why ſhould I e're the leſs go over into Africa, becauſe Regulus was taken there, than I did into Spain, after the Scipioes were ſlain? Why ſhould I let Xantippus, a Lacedemonian, be more ſucceſsfully born for the advantage of the Carthaginians, than I am for my own Country? Nay I ſhould have the greater confidence, for that very reaſon, that the Valour and Conduct of one ſingle Perſon might be of very great moment. But beſides this, the Athenians muſt be quoted, who, omitting a War at home, went raſhly over into Sicily. Why, pray you, ſince you have ſo much leiſure as to tell Grecian Fables, don't you rather inform us, that Agathocles, King of Syracuſe, after Sicily had been long engaged in a Punick War, went over into this ſame Africa, and turn'd the War from Sicily to that Country, from whence it firſt came?

But what neceſſity is there for me to illuſtrate by old and foreign inſtances what it is voluntarily to ſtrike a dread into ones Enemy, and removing danger from ones ſelf, to bring another into it? Can there be any greater or nearer example than Annibal now is? There is a great deal of difference between your pillaging of a ſtrange Country, and ſeeing your own all burnt and deſtroy'd: and he that is the Aggreſſor in any danger, has more reſolution than he who only defends himſ lf againſt it: beſides, that the terror is far greater when a man is unacquainted with the ſtate of affairs. You may better diſcern the good and bad circumſtances of an Enemy by going into his Country. Annibal could not hope that ſo many people in Italy would have revolted to him as did after the Battle of Cannae: how much leſs firm and ſtable is any thing in Africa to the Carthaginians, who are as unfaithful Allies, as they are grievous and tyrannical Maſters? Moreover, when we were deſerted by our Allies, we ſtood upon our own ſtrength, even the Roman Soldiery: but the Carthaginians have no domeſtick ſtrength; all their Soldiers are Hirelings; as Africans and Numidians, very fickle people, and apt to alter their reſolutions. If you do not hinder me, you ſhall hear not only that I am got over into Africa▪ but that at the ſame time it is all on a flame with War, that Hannibal is removing out of Italy, and that Carthage is beſieged. Expect more joyful and frequent meſſages out of Africa, than you receiv'd out of Spain. The Fortune of the Roman People, the Gods, who are Witneſſes that the Enemy have violated their League with the two Kings, Syphax and Maſiniſſa (whom I will ſo far rely upon, as to be ſecure from their Treachery) give me theſe hopes. The War will diſcover many things which do not yet, at ſuch a diſtance, appear. And it is the part of a man and a General not to be wanting when Fortune offers her ſelf, but to turn all accidents to his own advantage. I ſhall indeed, Q. Fabius, have my Match of Annibal, as you ſay; but I'd rather draw him after me, than he ſhould keep me here. I'll force him to fight in his own Country; and Carthage ſhall be the reward of the Victory, rather than the half demoliſh'd Caſtles of the Bruttii. Leſt the Commonwealth, whilſt I go over, land my Army, and march up to Carthage, ſhould receive any damage: I hope you will not think ſo meanly of him, as to deny, that now when Annibal is ſo much ſhock'd, and almoſt broken in pieces, P. Licinius who is a Conſul, and a very ſtout man, can do, what you, Q. Fabius, could do when Annibal ran with Victory over all Italy; and that he happen'd not to have this diſtant Province, becauſe being High-Prieſt he could not be ſpared from the management of Holy things. If therefore this War ſhould not be ended any thing the ſooner this way that I ſuppoſe, yet it will advance the dignity of the Roman People, and their renown among all Foreign Kings and Nations, that we ſeem to have courage enough, not only to defend Italy, but of our own accord alſo to make War upon Africa: when no one ſhall believe, or ſay, that Annibal did that which no Roman General durſt ever attempt; but that Africa, which in the former Punick War (when the conteſt was about Sicily) was ſo often attack'd by our Armies and Navies, ſhould be at this time, when Italy is in diſpute, all quiet and at peace. Let Italy, which has long been vexed, at laſt take its eaſe, and Africa be burnt and pillaged in the ſtead of it. Let the Roman Camp rather lie at the Gates of Carthage, than we again ſee the Bulwark of the Enemy from our very Walls. Let Africa be the Seat of War for the future; and let the terror and conſternation, devaſtation of Countries, defection of Allies, and thoſe other calamities which for fourteen years together fell ſo thick upon us, be now turn'd upon them. As to what concerns the Commonwealth, let it ſuffice to mention the War that is at hand and the Provinces in queſtion. But take no notice of that long Speech of Fabius's; for as he has leſſen'd my actions in Spain, ſo could I, if I would, diminiſh his glory, whilſt I extolled my own. But I, Grave Fathers, ſhall do neither; but if in no other thing, at leaſt in modeſty and the government of my tongue I'll outdo the old Gentleman, as very a Boy as I am. For I have ſo lived and behaved my ſelf, that I can be content in ſilence with that opinion which you of your ſelves conceive of me.

They heard Scipio with ſome partiality, becauſe it had been reported, That if the Senate would not agree to his Propoſal, and order him the Province of Africa, he would immediately refer it to the People. Wherefore Q. Fulvius, who had been Conſul four times, and Cenſor too, deſired the Conſul publickly in the Senate to declare, Whether he would leave it to the Senate to order the Provinces as they thought ſit, and ſtand by their determination, or refer it to the People. To which Scipio anſwering, That he would do all for the good of the Publick: Fulvius reply'd, I did not ask you, becauſe I did not know what you would ſay or do; for you have given out, That you rather try the Senate than conſult them; and that, if we do not preſently aſſign you the Province that you deſire, you have a Bill ready to prefer to the Commons. Wherefore I, ſaid he, deſire of you, O Tribunes of the People, that you would aſſiſt me, if I therefore refuſe to give my opinion, becauſe though moſt Voices are on my ſide, the Conſul will not agree to it. Then there are aroſe a ſquabble, the Conſul denying, That it was fair for the Tribunes to intercede, and hinder the Senators from giving each one his opinion in order as they were asked. The Tribunes thus decreed: If the Conſul leave the matter concerning the Provinces to the Senate, we will make him ſtand to what the Senate orders; nor will we ſuffer any reference to be made of that buſineſs to the People: if he doth not leave it to them, we will aſſiſt any man that ſhall ref • ſe to give his opinion in it. The Conſul then deſired a day to talk with his Collegue: and the next day it was left to the Senate. By whom the Provinces were thus divided: to one of the Conſuls Sicily, and the thirty Ships of War which C. Servilius had the year before; with permiſſion to go into Africa, if he thought it were for the good of the Commonwealth. To the other the Bruttii, and the War againſt Annibal, with that Army which L. Veturius or Q Caecilius had; and L. Veturius and Q. Caecilius ſhould caſt Lots, or agree between themſelves, whether of them ſhould manage the matter among the Bruttii with thoſe two Legions that the Conſul had left: and that his Command, to whoſe Lot that Province fell, ſhould be continued for a year. The Commiſſions of other Commanders alſo, except the Conſuls and Praetors, who were to preſide over Armies and Provinces, were continued. It fell to Q. Caecilius's Lot to go along with the Conſul into the Country of the Bruttii againſt Annibal. Then Scipio's Games were celebrated with great throngs and favour of the Beholders. And there were Ambaſſadors ſent to Delphi to carry an Offering to Apollo out of the Booty taken from Aſdrubal, whoſe Names were M. Pomponius Matho, and Q. Catius; who carried a golden Crown of 200 weight, and the repreſentation of the ſpoils, made of a thouſand pound of Silver. Scipio, though as he did not obtain, ſo he did not much ſtrive for a Levy, yet had an order to take as many Volunteers as he could get, and becauſe he had ſaid, his Navy ſhould be no charge to the Commonwealth, to take what their Allies would give him toward the building of new Ships. Firſt then the ſeveral people of Etruria promiſed to aſſiſt the Conſul, each Town according to their abilities. The Caerites were to give him Corn and Proviſions of all ſorts, the Populonians Iron, the Tarquinians Linen for Sails, the Volaterrans Tackling for the Ships, and Corn, the Arretines 30000 Shields, and as many Helmets, with Javelins, half Pikes and long Spears, fifty thouſand of each ſort; beſides Axes, Mattocks, Sickles,Alveolos. Baskets or wooden Veſſels, and Moles, as many as would ſerve 40 long Ships. Add to theſe 120000 Buſhels of Wheat, with Proviſions by the way for the Decurions and Rowers. The Peruſines, the Cluſines, and the Ruſellans gave him Firr-trees to make him Ships of, and a great quantity of Corn. He had Firr out of the publick Woods. The People of Ʋmbria, the Nurſines, the Reatines, Amiternines, and all the Sabines promiſed him Soldiers. Beſides, with the Marſians, Pelignians and Marrucinians, many of them liſted themſelves voluntarily into his Navy. The Camertes alſo, being in League with the Romans, ſent him a Regiment of ſix hundred Men. By which aſſiſtance of theirs, he having laid the keels or foundations of thirty Ships, that is to ſay, twenty of five banks of Oars, and ten of four, he ply'd the work ſo faſt, that upon the fortieth day, after the Wood was brought out of the Foreſts, the Ships were rigged, armed and launched.

He went into Sicily with thirty long Ships, having about 7000 Volunteers on board them. And at the ſame time P. Licinius came to the two Conſular Armies that lay in the Country of the Bruttii, taking that to himſelf, which L. Veturius, when he was Conſul, had. He permitted Metellus to command thoſe Legions, which he had formerly commanded, as thinking that he might do the buſineſs with more eaſe, having thoſe that were uſed to his Command. The Praetors alſo were ſent into ſeveral Provinces. But becauſe he wanted Money to carry on the War, the Queſtors were order'd to ſell that part of Campania, that lies between the Ditch called Foſſa Graeca and the Sea, allowing, that Information might be made, what Lands belonged to each Campanian, to the end that it might be made the publick Eſtate of the Roman People. Whereupon he alſo appointed a reward to the Informer, which was, the tenth part of the value of the Land. And C. Servilius, Praetor of the City, was to take care, That the Campanians ſhould live only where they were allow'd to live by order of the Senate, and to puniſh them that dwelt any where elſe. The ſame Summer Mago, Son to Amilcar came from Minorca, where he had winter'd, into Italy, with about thirty Ships of War and many of burden, on board of which were a choice number of young men, 12000 Foot and almoſt 2000 Horſe; and having taken Genua, where there were no Garriſons to defend the Sea-coaſt, by his ſudden arrival there, he ſailed thence to the Coaſt of the Alpine Ligurians, to ſee if he could cauſe any diſturbances in thoſe parts. The Ingauni (a People of Liguria) at that time had War with the Epanterii that live upon the Mountains. Wherefore the Carthaginian having laid up his Booty at Savo, an Alpine Town, and left ten long Ships in the Harbour for a Guard, he ſent the reſt to Carthage to defend the Sea-coaſt, becauſe there was a report, That Scipio was gone over; but himſelf entring into an Alliance with the Ingauni, whoſe friendſhip he preferr'd, he immediately ſet upon the Mountaineers. Thereupon his Army daily increaſed; for the Gaules came flocking in from all parts aſſoon as they heard of his Name. Which News being brought by Letters from Sp Lucretius, put the Senate into a great ſolicitude, leſt they ſhould have rejoiced at the deſtruction of Aſdrubal and his Army two years before to no purpoſe, if another War of the ſame kind ſhould from thence ariſe, with the General only changed. Wherefore they command M. Livius the Proconſul to lead the Army of Volunteers out of Etruria to Ariminum, and impower'd Cn. Servilius the Praetor, if he thought it for the common good, to order two Legions out of the City, beſtowing the Command to whom he pleaſed. M. Valerius Laevinus led thoſe Legions to Aretium. At the ſame time eighty Ships of burden belonging to the Carthaginians, were taken by Cn. Octavius about Sardinia, of which he was Governor. Caelius ſays, that thoſe Ships were laden with Corn and Proviſions ſent to Annibal; but Valerius, that they were taken, carrying the Etrurian Booty and the Captives of the Mountain-Ligurians to Carthage. In the Country of the Bruttii there was hardly any thing done that year worth remembring A Plague ſeized equally upon the Romans and Carthaginians, ſave that beſides the diſeaſe, a Famine alſo beſet the Punick Army. Annibal ſpent that Summer near the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where he built an Altar, and dedicated it with a large account of the Exploits which he had done, engraven in Punick and Greek Letters.

DECADE III. BOOK IX. The EPITOME.

3, 4. C. Laelius, who was ſent by Scipio out of Sicily into Africa, brought back a great Booty: telling Scipio the Meſſage from Maſiniſſa, who complain'd, that he had not yet ſent an Army over into Africa. 2. The War in Spain is ended, where the Romans were victorious, and Indibilis, who had raiſed it, himſelf ſlain in the field. 3. Mandonius, upon demand from the Romans, was deliver'd up by his own Soldiers. 4. Mago, who ſtay'd in Gallia and Liguria, had not only a great number of Men ſent him out of Africa, but Money alſo to hire Auxiliaries; being order'd likewiſe to joyn Annibal. 6. Scipio came over from Syracuſe into the Country of the Bruttii, and retook Locri, when he had driven out the Punick Garriſon, and routed Annibal. 12. A Peace was made with Philip. 10, 11. Cybeles Image (called Mater Idaea) was brought over to Rome from Peſſinus, a Town in Phrygia, a Verſe being found in the Sibyl • Books, That the foreign Enemy might be driven out of Italy, if the Mater Idaea were brought to Rome. It was deliver'd to the Romans by Attalus a King of Aſia. 14. There was a Stone which the Inhabitants called, The Mother of the Gods. P. Scipio Naſica receiv'd it, who was the Son of Cneius, that dy'd in Spain, as being by the Senate accounted a very good man, though not of years enough to be a Queſtor [that is, not 27;] becauſe the Anſwer was, That that Deity ſhould be entertain'd and conſecrated by a very good Man. 16, 17, &c. The Locrians ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, to complain of the enormities of Q. Pleminius, the Lieutenant, for having taken away the Money belonging to Proſerpina, and raviſhing their Children and Wives. 22. Pleminius being brought to Rome in Chains, dy'd in Priſon. 21, 22. Ʋpon a falſe rumour that was brought into the City concerning P. Scipio, Proconſul in Sicily, that he was luxurious, the Senate ſent Ambaſſadors to inquire into the truth of it, and Scipio, being acquitted of that ſcandal, went over into Africa by the Senates permiſſion. 23. Syphax having married the Daughter of Aſdrubal, Son of Giſgo, renounc'd the friendſhip which he himſelf had contracted with Scipio. 28, &c. Maſiniſſa, King of the Maſaeſylians, fighting for the Carthaginians in Spain, after he had loſt his Father Gala, loſt his Kingdom alſo: which though he often endeavour'd by War to regain, he was overcome in ſeveral Battels by Syphax, King of Numidia, and totally deprived of it. Then he with 200 Horſe being baniſh'd, joyn'd himſelf to Scipio; with whom in the very firſt War he ſlew Hanno, Son of Amilcar, and a great body of Men. 35. Scipio, upon the arrival of Aſdrubal and Syphax, who were come near him with 100000 Soldiers, being beaten off from the Siege of Utica, made himſelf ſtrong Winter-quarters. 36. Sempronius, the Proconſul, fought very proſperouſly againſt Annibal in the fields of Croton. 37. The Cenſors ſet up a Luſtrum [i. e. a Survey of the People:] in which the Pole of the Citizens came to 215000 pounds. There was a remarkable diſſention between the two Cenſors, M. Livius, and Cl Nero. For Claudius had taken Livius his Collegues Horſe from him, becauſe he was condemn'd by the People, and baniſh'd: and Livius his from Claudius, for having born falſe witneſs againſt him, and not having reconciled him according to the rules of Juſtice and Honour. The ſame perſon alſo left all the Tribes, ſave one, disfranchized, becauſe they condemn'd him, though innocent, and afterward made him Conſul and Cenſor.

SCipio, when he came into Sicily, ſet his Volunteers in orders, and divided them into Centuries: of whom he had 300 young men in the flower of their age, and of great ſtrength to attend his own Perſon, who knew not either why they were ſo divided, or armed. Then he choſe 300 Horſmen, out of the young Nobility of all Sicily, to go over with him into Africa; appointing them a day to rendezvous, all ready with Horſes and Arms. That Service, being far from home, they thought would give them a great deal of trouble both by Sea and Land, and expoſe them to a great many dangers; nor were they themſelves only concern'd at it, but their Parents and Relations were mightily troubled. When the day appointed came, they appear'd with their Horſes and Arms. Whereupon Scipio told them, He heard that ſome of the Sicilian Horſmen were diſcouraged at that Expedition, as thinking it would be difficult and tedious to them; if any of them were of that opinion, he would rather they ſhould then declare it, than afterward complain, and prove dull, uſeleſs Soldiers to the Commonwealth. Let them speak their thoughts, he would hear them very patiently. At which one of them being ſo bold to ſay, That if he might speak his mind freely, he had no mind at all to go to the Wars: Scipio reply'd unto him, and ſaid, Well, young man, ſince you have been ſo open-hearted as to tell me your mind, I'll find a Subſtitute for you, to whom you ſhall deliver your Arms, your Horſe and other Equipage, and taking him home along with you, ſhall diſcipline and teach him how to manage your Horſe and Arms. The young Man being glad of that bargain, Scipio gave him one Man out of 300 which he had unarmed. When the reſt ſaw that Horſman thus diſcharged by conſent of their General, each of them began to excuſe himſelf, and deſired a Subſtitute. By which means 300 Roman Horſmen were put in the places of 300 Sicilians without any publick charge. The Sicilians had the care of diſciplining and teaching them how to behave themſelves; becauſe by the General's Edict, He was to go for a Soldier himſelf in perſon that did not do ſo. They ſay, this became an extraordinary good Squadron of Horſe, and did the Commonwealth great ſervice in many Battels. After that he made an inſpection into the Legions, out of which he choſe all the oldeſt Soldiers, and eſpecially ſuch as had ſerved under Marcellus: becauſe he thought that they were not only well diſciplined, but alſo that, from the long Siege of Syracuſe, they had gained a great experience in ſtorming and attacking of Towns. For he now had no ſmall things in his mind; no leſs than the ſacking of Carthage it ſelf. Then he diſperſed his men into the ſeveral Towns, exacting Corn from the Cities of Sicily, and ſparing that which was brought from Italy: beſides that he refitted out his old Ships, and with them ſent C. Laelius into Africa to forage. The new ones he put into Docks at Panormus, becauſe they were made in haſte of green wood, that they might lie dry all the Winter. Having prepared all things for the War, he came to Syracuſe, which was not yet altogether at quiet from the great diſturbances that had been there by the War. At that time the Sicilians Greeks demanded back from ſome Italians (who kept what they had got with the ſame force wherewith they had taken it) certain Goods of theirs, which the Senate had granted to them. Scipio therefore ſuppoſing it to be his beſt way to keep up the publick Faith, partly by Edict, and partly by Judgments given againſt thoſe who pertinaciouſly refuſed to do them Juſtice, gave the Syracuſans their Goods again. That action of his was not only well accepted by them, but by all the People of Sicily, who for that reaſon contributed more chearfully toward the carrying on of the War. The ſame Summer there aroſe a great War in Spain by the inſtigation of Indibilis the Illergetan, upon no other ground than his contemning all other Generals in reſpect of Scipio: For he thought (he ſaid) Scipio was the only General that the Romans had now alive, the reſt being ſlain by Annibal: ſo that they had ne're another, now that the Scipioes were killed, to ſend into Spain: and that when they were preſt in Italy with a more grievous War, they ſent for him to oppoſe Annibal. That the Romans had nothing but the Names of Generals in Spain, and that the old Army alſo was carried thence. That all things were in a conſternation, and nothing there but a confuſed crowd of freſh-water Soldiers. That they ſhould never have ſuch another opportunity to deliver Spain. That they had been ſlaves till that time to the Carthaginians or the Romans; not only alternately, ſometimes to the one, and ſometimes to the other, but now and then to both at once. That the Carthaginians were driven out by the Romans; and the Romans might, if all people would conſent to it, be as well expelled by the Spaniards; and Spain, being for ever freed from all foreign Dominion, return again to its old cuſtoms and uſage. By theſe and ſuch like Speeches he excited not only his own Countrymen, but the Auſetans alſo, a neighbouring Nation, with other people that border'd both upon him and them. By which means within a few days 30000 Foot, and almoſt 4000 Horſe met, as they were order'd, in the Sedetan fields.

The Roman Generals alſo, L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus, left the War, by neglect of the firſt riſe thereof, ſhould grow upon them: having join'd their Armies together, march'd through the Auſetan Territories (ſo unconcern'd, as if the Enemies Country had been all at peace with them) toward the Enemies Quarters; and pitch'd their Camp three thouſand paces diſtant from them. And firſt they try'd by Ambaſſadors to make them quit their Arms. But ſoon after when the Spaniſh Horſe had on a ſudden attack'd the Roman Foragers, the Romans ſent out a Party of Horſe from their Camp, who engaged in a Battel of Horſe, though the event was not memorable on either ſide. The next day at Sunriſing they appeared all in Battalia almoſt a thouſand paces from the Roman Camp. The Auſetans were in the middle; the Illergetes in the right Wing, the meaner Spaniſh people in the left, and between the Wings and the main Body were wide ſpaces, to let out the Horſe at, if occaſion ſhould be. The Romans on the other ſide, when according to their manner, they had put their Army in a readineſs, imitated the Foe in this only, that they alſo left wide Lanes for the Horſe. But Lentulus, ſuppoſing that ſide would have the advantage of their Horſe, that firſt ſent them into thoſe gaping intervals in their Enemies Army, commanded Ser. Cornelius, a Tribune of the Soldiers, to bid his men let their Horſes have their heads, and run into thoſe open ſpaces in the Enemies Battalion: whilſt he himſelf, having unſucceſsfully begun a Foot-fight, and ſtay'd only till he could bring the thirteenth Legion out of the Rear into the Front, as a Recruit to the twelfth Legion, which gave way, and was in the left Wing oppoſite to the Illergetes, (when he had made the Fight pretty equal there) came to L. Manlius, who was incouraging his Men in the Van, and bringing Reſerves to places where they were lacking. He told him, All things were ſafe in the left Wing; and that he had juſt ſent Ser. Cornelius to ſcatter and deſtroy the Enemy with a ſtorm of Horſmen. He had hardly ſaid ſo, e're the Roman Horſe, charging into the midſt of the Enemies, not only put their Foot into diſorder, but alſo block'd up the way in ſuch a manner, that the Spaniſh Horſe could not come in. Wherefore the Spaniards, quitting their Horſe-ſervice, fell to it on foot. The Roman Generals ſeeing their ranks broken, their men in a conſternation, and their Enſigns wavering, exhorted and begg'd of their Soldiers, to ſet upon them in that amazed condition, and not to ſuffer them to ſet themſelves again in order. The Barbarians could not have ſuſtained ſo great a ſhock, had not the petite King Indibilis diſmounted with the Horſmen, and poſted himſelf in the Front of the Foot. By which means the Fight continued very ſharp for a great while. But at laſt, when thoſe that were about the King (who ſtood to it, though half dead, and was afterward ſtuck with a Javelin to the ground) being overwhelmed with Weapons, fell down, they all began to fly: moſt of them being ſlain, becauſe the Horſmen had not time to mount, and becauſe the Romans lay ſo hard upon them, when they were already in ſo great diſorder. Nor did the Romans retire, before they had made themſelves Maſters even of the Enemies Camp. Thirteen thouſand Spaniards were ſlain that day, and about eight hundred taken: but not much above two hundred of the Romans and their Allies fell, and thoſe, moſt of them, in the left Wing. The Spaniards that were beaten out of their Camp, or thoſe that fled from the Fight, being firſt ſcatter'd about the Country, ſoon after returned each man to their own Cities.

Then being called to Council by Mandonius, and there complaining of their misfortunes, with a Reprimand to the Authors of the War, they order'd, That Ambaſſadors ſhould be ſent to deliver up their Arms, and make a Surrender. To whom, ſince they laid the blame upon the Author of the War, Indibilis and the other Princes, of whom moſt were ſlain in the field, and deliver'd up their Arms and themſelves, anſwer was made, That they ſhould be admitted to a Surrender upon no other Terms than this, that they would deliver up Mandonius and the other Authors of the War alive. If not, that they would bring an Army into the Country of the Illergetes, the Auſitans, and the other Nations. This anſwer to the Ambaſſadors was carried back to the Council. Then Mandonius and the other Princes were ſeized and delivered to Juſtice The Spaniſh Nations were again at peace: the Pay of that year was doubled, and a ſupply of Corn for ſix months exacted, with Campaigne Coats and Togae [i. e. Gowns as the Romans wore them] for the Army; beſides Hoſtages for almoſt thirty Nations. By this means the Tumult in Spain being in a few days raiſed and allayed, and that with no great trouble, all the terror of the War was turned upon Africa; and C. Laelius being come in the night-time to Hippo Regius [a great City] led his Seamen and Allies at break of day in Battalia to ſpoil the Country. By which means there was a great devaſtation brought upon all places, the people, as thoſe that live in peace, being negligent of theirs affairs. Thereupon immediately certain Meſſengers themſelves in a conſternation filled Carthage with a mighty dread, That the Roman Navy, and General Scipio (for there was a report that he was long come over into Sicily) was arrived. Wherefore not knowing well how many Ships they had ſeen, nor how great the number of Soldiers was, that pillaged the Country, they heard every thing with ſuch concern, that their fear much increaſed the real calamity. Hence terror and amazement firſt, and after that ſorrow poſſeſſed their minds; That Fortune ſhould ſo far change upon them; that they who ſo lately had a victorious Army before the Walls of Rome, conquer'd ſo many Armies of the Enemy, and receiv'd all the Nations of Italy either through force of free-will by way of Surrender, ſhould now, quite contrary, be in danger to ſee all Africa ravaged, and Carthage beſieged. That they had not ſuch ſtrength to bear thoſe things as the Romans had: for the Roman common people, and all Latium afford them youth enough, ſtill greater and more numerous, that grew up in the room of thoſe many Armies which were ſlain: whilſt that people were not only weak in the City, but in the Country too; ſo that they were fain to hire Auxiliaries from among the Africans, a Nation very fickle and treacherous whenever there was any hopes of greater gain. That now alſo the Kings, ſince Scipio and Syphax had had an interview, were fallen off; Syphax by Scipio's perſwaſions, and Maſiniſſa (grown a mortal Enemy by the ſame means) in an open Revolt: Wherefore there was no hope left, nor any aſſiſtance to be got. Beſides that, Mago out of Gaul made no great ſtirs, nor joyn'd Annibal, who himſelf was now grown old both in his fame and ſtrength.

But though this News at firſt ſo much dejected their ſpirits, the urgent dread again reviv'd them, and put them upon a conſultation, how they ſhould obviate the preſent dangers. Thereupon they preſently order'd a Levy to be made both in the City and Country, ſent to hire African Auxiliaries, fortified their City, got a ſtock of Corn together, provided Weapons and Arms, fitted out Ships to ſend to Hippo againſt the Roman Navy. As they were in the midſt of this hurry, at laſt a Meſſenger came, That Laelius, not Scipio, was come over with no more Forces than were ſufficient to plunder the Country; but that the ſtreſs of the War was ſtill in Sicily. Then they took breath a while, and ſent Ambaſſadors to Syphax and other petty Kings to ſtrengthen their Alliance. They likewiſe ſent Men to Philip with a promiſe of two hundred Talents of Silver, if he would come over into Sicily or Italy: and alſo to their own Generals in Italy, to keep Scipio off with all the terror they could. To Mago likewiſe they diſpatch'd not only Ambaſſadors, but 25 long Ships, 6000 Foot, 800 Horſe, ſeven Elephants, and a great deal of Money, to hire Auxiliaries, in the ſtrength whereof he might approach more near to Rome, and joyn Annibal. This they contrived, and did at Carthage, whilſt Maſiniſſa, rouzed by the fame of a Roman Navy, came with a few Horſmen to Laelius, who was driving great ſtore of Booty out of the Country, it being unarm'd and void of all defence. To whom he complain'd, that Scipio was too dilatory in his buſineſs, in that he had not brought over his Army into Africa at that very time, when the Carthaginians were under ſuch a conſternation, and Syphax embaraſs'd with Wars againſt his neighbouring Countries; who, he knew very certainly, if he had leiſure to compoſe his affairs according to his mind, would do nothing with any ſincerity for the Romans. He therefore deſired Laelius, that he would adviſe and excite Scipio not to tarry any longer: and told him, that he would be ready, though he were beaten out of his Kingdom, with no contemptible Force both of Horſe and Foot. Nor would he have Laelius to ſtay in Africa; for he believ'd there was a Navy already ſet out from Carthage, with whom in Scipio's abſence it would not be ſafe for him to engage.

Maſiniſſa having made this Speech, was diſmiſſed, and Laelius the next day ſet ſail from Hippo with his Ships all full of Plunder; and going back into Sicily, told Scipio what Maſiniſſa ſaid. At the ſame time the Ships, that were ſent from Carthage to Mago, arrived on the Coaſt of Liguria, where the People called Albingauni dwell, and came to Genua. On which Coaſts it happen'd that Mago at that time had a Navy, who hearing what the Ambaſſadors ſaid, to wit, That he muſt raiſe as big an Army as he poſſibly could, immediately called a Council of the Gauls and Ligurians (for there was a mighty multitude of both thoſe Nations in that part of the Country) and told them, That he was ſent to redeem them from ſlavery; which that they might be ſure of, there were Auxiliaries ſent him from home; but it was in their power to ſay, with what force, and how great an Army that War ſhould be carried on. That there were two Roman Armies, the one in Gallia, and the other in Etruria: and he knew well enough, that Sp. Lucretius would joyn with M. Livius. Wherefore that they alſo ought to arm a great many thouſands, that under the Command of two Generals proportionable reſiſtance might be made againſt thoſe two Roman Armies. To which the Gauls made anſwer; That they were very willing ſo to do; but ſaid, that ſince the Romans had one Camp within their Confines, and another in the adjacent Country of Etruria, if it were diſcover'd, that the Carthaginian were aſſiſted by them, the plundering Armies would preſently make incurſions on both ſides into their Territories. Wherefore they deſired him, that he would ask ſuch ſupplies of the Gauls, as he might be privately furniſh'd with. But the Ligurians, being that the Roman Camp was a great way diſtant from their Country and Cities, were free to do any thing; ſo that they ought in juſtice to arm their Youth and bear a ſhare in the War. The Ligurians did not refuſe the Propoſal; only they deſir'd two months time to make their Levies. In the mean time Mago having diſmiſſed the Gauls, ſent privately and hired Soldiers all over their Dominions, having Proviſions of all ſorts ſecretly convey'd to him from the Gallick Nations. Then M. Livius brought over the Army of Volunteers out of Etruria into Gallia: and having joyn'd Lucretius, put himſelf in a readineſs to meet Mago, if he ſhould offer to move out of Liguria any nearer to the City. But if the Carthaginian lay ſtill under that corner of the Alpes, he himſelf likewiſe reſolv'd to keep the ſame Poſt about Ariminum, and be a Guard to Italy.

After C. Laelius's return out of Africa, when Scipio was incited by Maſiniſſa's advice, and the Soldiers ſaw a whole Navy laden with ſpoils from the Enemies Country, they were inflam'd with a deſire of going over aſſoon as they could, but a leſs weighty deſign interven'd whilſt they were thinking of this greater one; which was, to recover Locri, a City, that upon the revolt of other Italian Towns, had it ſelf alſo among the reſt revolted to the Carthaginians. Now the hopes of effecting that intention of theirs ſprang from a very ſmall Fountain; that things were carried in the Country of the Bruttii more by Robberies than a juſt War, though the Numidians firſt led the way; whom the Bruttii were ready to follow, not more upon the ſcore of their Alliance with the Carthaginians, than their natural inclination to ſuch villany. At laſt the Roman Soldiers alſo, as it were by a kind of contagion, took to ſtealing, and as far as their Officers would ſuffer them, made excurſions into the Enemies Country: and by them certain Locrians that came out of their • ity, being circumvented, were carried to Rhegium. Among thoſe Captives there were certain Maſons or Carpenters that had been uſed, as it happen'd, to work for the Carthaginians in the Fort at Locri. Thoſe Fellows being known to ſome Noblemen of Locri, that were in baniſhment at Rhegium, having been driven from their own City by the adverſe Faction, who deliver'd Locri up to Annibal; after they had told the Gentlemen (who, as people long abſent from a place uſe to do, ask'd them a great many queſtions) all that was new at home, put them in hopes, That if they might be redeemed and ſent back home, they would betray the Caſtle to them. For they dwelt there, and the Carthaginians truſted them with all they had. Whereupon, as men not only deſirous to ſee their Country again, but alſo to be reveng'd upon their Enemies, they preſently redeemed them and ſent them back; and having contrived and agreed upon the m •• hod of doing that buſineſs, with the tokens which they at a diſtance ſhould obſerve, themſelves went to Scipio at Syracuſe, where part of the baniſh'd perſons then were, and told him what the Captives had promiſed. By which news they filled the Conſul with ſuch hopes of ſucceſs, that he ſent the Tribunes of the Soldiers (and with them M. Sergius and P. Matienus) to carry 3000 Soldiers from Rhegium to Locri, writing alſo to Q. Pleminius the Propraetor, to be aſſiſting in the affair. They accordingly marching from Rhegium with Ladders that were made proportionable to ſuch an height as the Captives had told them the Tower was of, about midnight, from that place, which they had agreed upon, gave the ſignal to thoſe that were to betray the Caſtle; who being prepared and intent upon the buſineſs, after they alſo had let down Ladders, made for that purpoſe, and receiv'd the Romans as they clamb up in ſeveral places, before any noiſe was heard, they fell upon the Carthaginian Sentinels, who, fearing no ſuch thing, were fallen aſleep. Some therefore of them were firſt heard to groan as they dy'd; which wakening the reſt, put them into a ſudden conſternation and a tumult: of which, though they at preſent knew no cauſe, yet at length one rouzing another, they ſaw what the matter was. Then every man gave the Alarm, a • d cry'd out, That the Enemy was in the Caſtle, and the Sentinels ſlain. By which means the Romans, who were no ways equal in number, had been deſtroy'd, had not the ſhout ſet up by them, that were without the Caſtle (for the Tumult happening in the night-time, increaſed their apprehenſions where there was no ground for it) made it uncertain whence it aroſe. Wherefore the Carthaginians being ſcar'd, as though their Caſtle had been full of Enemies, made no reſiſtance there, but fled into the other Fort (for there are two at a little diſtance from each other) whilſt the Townſmen kept poſſeſſion of the City, which was ſet a ſtake for them that could win it. Then from the two Forts they made every day ſome little Excurſions to skirmiſh, Q. Pleminius being Governor of the Roman, and Amilcar of the Punick Garriſon; who ſending for ſupplies from the adjacent Towns, augmented their Forces. At laſt Annibal himſelf came: nor could the Romans have born the fatigue of it, had not the Locrian Mobile, exaſperated by the pride and avarice of the Carthaginians, inclined toward the Romans.

Aſſoon as News was brought to Scipio, That his affairs at Locri was in greater hazard than ever, and that Annibal himſelf was coming: leſt the Garriſon ſhould be in any danger for want of convenience ſafely to retire, he ſet ſail with a freſh gale, and croſs'd the ſtraight from M • ſſana, after the Sea was grown calm, leaving L. Scipio his Brother Governor of the Garriſon there. And Annibal at the ſame time was come from the River Butrotus (which is not far from Locri) having ſent a Meſſenger before him, to order his Men, That at break of day they ſhould joyn Battel with the Romans and Locrians, whilſt he himſelf, when they were all imploy'd another way, attack'd the City by ſurpriſe behind: and finding at break of day that the Battel was begun, he would neither ſhut himſelf up in the Caſtle, to ſtraiten that narrow place with a crowd of Soldiers; nor had his men brought Ladders to ſcale the Walls. Then throwing his Baggage all on a heap, and having ſhewn his Army at a good diſtance from the Walls for a terror to the Enemy, with his Numidian Horſe he rode about the City, whilſt Ladders and other Materials neceſſary for a ſtorm, were made ready, to ſee where he could beſt attack it. Then marching up to the Wall, where he that ſtood next him was wounded with a ſhot from a Croſsbow: he being affrighted at ſo dangerous an accident, commanded them to ſound a Retreat, and fortified his Camp out of the reach of their Artillery. The Roman Navy came from Meſſana to Locri a good while before night; and being all ſet aſhore, marched into the City before the Sun was down. The next day the Carthaginians from the Fort began the Battel. And Annibal, having now provided Ladders and all other things for the ſtorm, went under the Walls: when on a ſudden (he dreading nothing leſs) the Romans open'd the Gate and ſallied out upon him, killing to the number of 200, becauſe they came forth ſo unexpected. The reſt Annibal, when he perceiv'd the Conſul to be there, took back with him to the Camp: and having ſent a Meſſenger to them that were in the Caſtle, to bid them look to themſelves, he decamp'd in the night-time and went away. Then thoſe that were in the Caſtle having ſet fire on the Horſes where they kept, that that tumult might detain the Foe, overtook the body of their Army before night, running away as though they had fled.

Scipio, when he ſaw the Caſtle deſerted by the Enemy, and their Camp empty, called the Locrians to an Aſſembly, and chid them very ſeverely for their revolt: upon the Authors thereof he inflicted certain puniſhments, and gave their Goods to the Nobility of the other Faction for their great fidelity to the Romans: ſaying, That he would neither give the Locrians any thing, nor take any thing from them publickly: but that they ſhould ſend Ambaſſadors to Rome, and ſhould have ſuch fortune as the Senate thought fit. Yet one thing he was ſure of, that though they had deſerv'd but very ill of the Roman People, they would be in a better condition under the Romans, though enraged at them, than they had been under the Carthaginians their pretended Friends. After that he himſelf leaving Q. Pleminius, the Lieutenant, and the Garriſon that had taken the Caſtle, to defend the City, went over to Meſſana with the ſame Force that he brought thence. The Locrians had been ſo tyrannically and cruelly uſed by the Carthaginians after their Revolt from the Romans, that they ſeemed to bear any moderate injuries not only with a patient, but even almoſt with a willing mind. But indeed Pleminius did ſo far exceed Amilcar, who had been Governour of the Garriſon, and the Roman Soldiers that were there, the Carthaginians, in wickedneſs and avarice, that they ſeemed to contend not with arms, but with vices. Nor was there any thing omitted that makes the condition of a more powerful man hateful to the helpleſs, either by the Commander or his Men: but they committed unſpeakable outrages upon their own Bodies, their Wives and Children. Nay more; their avarice did not abſtain from Sacriledge it ſelf, for they violated not only other Temples, but that of Proſerpina alſo, wherein were Treaſures that had been untouch'd in all Ages; ſave that they were ſaid to be plunder'd by Pyrrhus, who yet brought back his ſpoils with expiatory Sacrifices for his crime. And as before the Kings Ships, being torn to pieces in wracks, brought nothing whole to ſhore, except the Goddeſſes Money that they carried away; ſo then alſo, in another kind of misfortune, that ſame Money made all of them, who were concern'd in the violating of that Temple, ſo mad, that they turn'd mortal Enemies to one another, Officer againſt Officer, and Soldier againſt Soldier.

Pleminius was Governour of all: though part of the Soldiers, which he brought along with him from Rhegium, were under him, and part under the Tribunes. A Soldier belonging to Pleminius, having ſtollen a ſilver Cup out of a Townſmans houſe, as he was running away with it, thoſe that own'd it purſuing him, he met by chance with Sergius and Matienus, Tribunes of the Soldiery: by whoſe command the Cup was taken from him. But that cauſed a noiſe, a quarrel, and at laſt a fight too between Pleminius's Soldiers and thoſe of the Tribunes, the multitude and mutiny ſtill increaſing, according as every man came ſeaſonably up to his Party. Pleminius's Soldiers, who were overcome, having flock'd to Pleminius, and ſhewn their blood and wounds not without roaring and indignation, with a relation how he himſelf alſo was abuſed by ill language, he all inflamed with anger, ran out of his houſe forthwith, and order'd the Tribunes, being called before him to be ſtript, and the rods made ready. But whilſt they were about taking off their cloaths (which was a good while; for they made reſiſtance, and called upon the Soldiers for aſſiſtance) there came on a ſudden a throng of Soldiers, fluſh'd with their late Victory from all places, as though they had had an Alarm to fight againſt an Enemy. And when they ſaw the Tribunes bodies ſo cut with the rods, they, being then much more incens'd, fell foul upon the Lieutenant, without any reſpect either to Authority or even Humanity it ſelf, (having firſt been very ſevere upon the Lictors) and having got him apart from his own Men, they tore him in ſuch an hoſtile manner, that, mangling his Ears and his Noſe, they left him for dead. When this News came to Meſſana, Scipio after a few days came in a Gally with ſix ranks of Oars to Locri, and having heard the cauſe between Pleminius and the Tribunes, acquitted Pleminius, whom he left in Garriſon there; but condemn'd the Tribunes, and committed them to Priſon, in order to their being ſent to the Senate at Rome, himſelf returning to Meſſana, and thence to Syracuſe. Pleminius being unable to contain his paſſion, and thinking, that the injury done to him was neglected, or at leaſt not ſufficiently reſented by Scipio; for that no man elſe could poſſibly tell how it ought to be revenged, but he that had felt the ſmart thereof by enduring it, commanded the Tribunes to be brought before him; and having torn them with all the ſeverities that any body is able to ſuffer, killed them: nor was he ſatisfied with puniſhing of them alive only, but threw them forth unburied alſo. He uſed the ſame cruelty likewiſe to the Locrian Nobility, who, he heard, went to Scipio, to complain of injuries which he had done them: and thoſe things which he had done before ſo barbarouſly, through luſt or avarice, to them whilſt they were his Friends, he then in his anger multiply'd them; inſomuch that his actions brought infamy and envy not to himſelf alone, but to the Emperour.

And now the time of the Aſſembly was at hand, when a Letter came from P. Licinius, the Conſul to Rome: That he and his Army were afflicted with a grievous diſeaſe; nor could they ſubſiſt, unleſs the ſame or a worſe diſtemper befel the Enemy. Wherefore, becauſe he could not come to the Aſſembly in perſon, he would, if the Senate pleaſed, declare Q. Caecilius Metellus Dictator for that Aſſembly; it being neceſſary to the good of the Commonwealth that Q. Caecilius's Army ſhould be disbanded. For there was neither any uſe of them at preſent (now that Annibal was gone into his Winter-quarters) but the diſtemper was ſo hot in that Camp, that unleſs they were quickly disbanded, there would not be one man of them left alive. Thereupon the Senate left it to the Conſul to do what he thought fit with reſpect to the common good, and his own integrity. At that time there was a ſuperſtitious humor got into the City, which ſprang from a Verſe found in the Sibylls Books, that were lookt into upon the account of its having frequently that year rain'd ſtones; and the Verſe was this, That whenſoever any foreign Enemy invaded Italy, he might be driven thence and vanquiſhed, if the Image of Cybele (called Mater Idaea) were brought from Peſſinus to Rome This Verſe found out by the Decemviri, moved the Senate ſo much the more, becauſe the Ambaſſadors alſo, who carried the Offering to Delphi, brought word not only that the Entrails, when they ſacrificed to Apollo, gave them very joyful tokens, but alſo that their Oracles anſwer was, That for a greater Victory than that, out of the ſpoils whereof they made that Preſent, was ſhortly like to happen to the Roman People. To which, as a confirmation of their hopes, they added Scipio's foreſight (as it were) concerning the end of the War, when he deſir'd the Province of Africa. Wherefore to make themſelves ſure of that Victory which was thus portended by Prophecies, Omens, and Oracles, they conſulted, which way they ſhould get this Goddeſs over to Rome.

The Roman People at that time had no Alliance with any of the Cities in Aſia: yet remembring that Aeſculapius alſo was ſent for out of Greece, even before they were in League with that Country, upon the ſcore of the Peoples health; and now ſince they had newly contracted a Friendſhip with King Attalus by means of their common War againſt Philip; ſo that he was like to do all he could for the Roman Peoples ſake, they ſent Ambaſſadors to him, to wit, M. Valerius Laevinus (who had been twice Conſul, and done great things in Greece) M. Caecilius Metellus, a Praetorian [fit to be a Praetor, or a Praetors Fellow] Ser. Sulpicius Galba, an Aedilitian [an Aediles Fellow] and two Queſtorians [Queſtors Fellows] C. Tremellius Flaccus, and M. Valerius Falco. To theſe men they allotted five Gallies of five banks of Oars, that they might go to thoſe Countries where the Majeſty of the Roman Nation was to be k • pt up, in ſuch a Port as became the Dignity of the Roman People. They therefore in their way to Aſia went firſt to Delphi, and conſulted the Oracle there, what hopes it would give them and the Roman People, that they ſhould effect the buſineſs, for which they were ſent on an Embaſſy from Rome. To which 'tis ſaid the Oracle made this anſwer: That by means of King Attalus they ſhould obtain what they ſought. And bid them, when they had brought the Goddeſs to Rome, to take care that the beſt man in all that City ſhould entertain her. They accordingly came to the King at Fergamus; who receiv'd them very courteouſly, and carried them to Peſſinus in Phrygia: where he deliver'd unto them the Sacred ſtone, which the Inhabitants ſaid was the Mother of the Gods, commanding them to convey it to Rome. Then M. Valerius Falco being ſent before, brought word from the Ambaſſadors, That the Goddeſs was a coming: and that they muſt ſeek out the beſt man in the whole City, to receive her into his houſe with all due Ceremony. Q. Caecilius Metellus was at that time declar'd Dictator by the Conſul in the Country of the Bruttii to hold the Aſſembly and his Army disbanded: whoſe Maſter of the Horſe was L. Veturius Philo. The Dictator therefore held the Aſſembly; in which they made for Conſuls M. Cornelius Cethegus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, when he was abſent in the Province of Greece which was then committed to his Adminiſtration. After that they choſe Praetors, to wit, T. Claudius Nero, M. Martius Ralla, L. Scribonius Libo, and M. Pomponius Matho. When the Aſſembly was over, the Dictator quitted his O • fice. The Roman Games were thrice perform'd anew, and the Plebeian ones ſeven times. Cneius and L. Cornelius Lentulus were the two Curu • e Aediles [chief Aediles] of whom Lucius had the Province of Spain; who being choſen in his abſence, he though abſent, bore that Honour. T. Claudius Aſellus, and M. Junius Pennus were the Plebeian Aediles. That year M. Marcellus dedicated the Temple of Virtue at the Gate called Porta Capena, in the ſeventeenth year after his Father had vow'd ſo to do in Gaul at Claſtidium, when he was firſt Conſul M. Aemilius Regillus alſo, who was the Flamen Martialis [i. e. Mars's Prieſt] died that year.

For that two years the affairs of Greece were much neglected Whereupon Philip ſeeing the Aetolians quite deſerted by the Roman, in whoſe aſſiſtance only they had any confidence, forced them to deſire and make a Peace upon what Terms he himſelf pleaſed. Which if he had not done with all ſpeed, P. Sempronius, the Proconſul, who was ſent as Succeſſor in his Command to Sulpicius, had, with 10000 Foot, 1000 Horſe, and 30 Ships of War (which was no ſmall preparation to ſuccour an Ally) moſt certainly ruin'd him as he was making War againſt the Aetolians. Aſſoon as the Peace was juſt made, there came a Meſſenger to the King, and told him, That the Romans were come to Dyrrachium; that the Parthini and other Neighbour Nations were put in hopes of ſome innovation: and that Dimallum [a City] was attack'd. For the Romans had turn'd their Forces that way, inſtead of going, as they were order'd, to aſſiſt the Aetolians: being angry, that they had made a Peace with the King againſt the League, it being done without their conſent. When Philip heard that, leſt there ſhould any great ſtirs ariſe among the neighbouring Nations and People, he went great days journies till he came to Apollonia: whither Sempronius was gone, having ſent Laetonius, the Lieutenant with part of the Forces, and 15 Ships into Aetolia, to ſee how things ſtood, and break off, if he could, the Peace. Philip laid waſte the Lands belonging to the Apolloniates, and drawing his Men up to the City, gave the Romans an opportunity of fighting. But ſeeing that they were content only to defend their Walls and be quiet; nor thinking himſelf ſtrong enough to attack the City, he deſire to make, with the Romans, as he had done with the Aetolians, a Peace if he could, or at leaſt a Truce; and without provoking them any more by a freſh quarrel, return'd into his own Kingdom. At that time the Epirotes, tired out with a tedious War, having firſt inquired into the Romans inclination thereunto, ſent Ambaſſadors to Philip about making a general Peace, ſaying, That they were ſure it would be concluded upon, if he came to a Parley with P. Sempronius the Roman General. He was eaſily induced (for the King himſelf was not averſe to it) to come over into Epirus. Phoenice is a City of Epirus; where the King having firſt had a Conference with Eropus, Dardas, and Philip, Generals of the Epirotes, he afterward met with Sempronius. There was alſo at that Conference Aminander, King of the Athamanes; with other Magiſtrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanians. Of whom General Philip firſt made a Speech, and begg'd both of the King and the Roman General, that they would make an end of the War, and ſo far favour the Epirotes. P. Sempronius made the Conditions of Peace, which were, That the Parthini, Dimallum, Bargulum, and Eugenium ſhould be ſubject to the Romans; but that Atintania (if upon ſending Ambaſſadors to Rome, he could get the Senates leave) ſhould be under the Macedonian. The Peace therefore being made upon thoſe Terms, there were brought into the ſame League, by the King, Pruſias King of Bithynia, the Achaeans, Boeotians, Theſſalians, Acarnans, and Epirotes; and by the Romans, the Ilienſes, King Attalus, Pleuratus, Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon, the Eleans, Meſſenians, and Athenians. Theſe Conditions were ſigned and ſealed, and a Truce made for two months, till they could ſend Ambaſſadors to Rome, to get the people there to allow a Peace upon ſuch Conditions. Accordingly all the Tribes conſented to it; becauſe ſince the War was turn'd into Africa, they were willing to be eaſed of all other Wars at that time. P. Sempronius, after the Peace was concluded, went to Rome to mind the affairs of his Conſulſhip.

When M. Cornelius therefore and P. Sempronius were Conſ • l • (which was in the fifteenth U. C. 546 year of the Punick War) the Provinces aſſigned to them were▪ to Cornelius, Etruria, with the old Army, and to Sempronius the Bruttii, that he migh • ra • ſe new Legions. To the Praetors were allotted, to M. Marcius the City, to L. Scribon ••• Libo a foreign Province and Gaul alſo, to M. Pomponius Matho, Scilicy, and to T. Claudius Nero▪ Sardinia. P. Scipio was continued in his Command another year with the ſame Army and Navy that he had. P. Licinius was alſo continued to have the Province of the Bruttii with the two Legions there, as long as the Conſul ſhould think it conſiſtent with the publick good for him to ſtay with Commiſſion in that Province. M. Livius and Sp. Lucretius were likewiſe kept ſtill in, with the two Legions, wherewithal they had guarded Gaul againſt Mago. Beſides whom Cn. Octavius alſo was order'd, having deliver'd Sardinia and the Legion there up to T. Claudius, himſelf with 40 long Ships to go and ſecure the Sea-coaſt, where-ever the Senate ſhould think fit. M. Pomponius the Praetor had two Legions out of the Army that was at Cannae, with him in Sicily. T. Quintius was appointed to be at Tarentum, and C. Hoſtilius Tubulus (both of them Propraetors) at Capua, with the ſame Guard as the year before. Concerning the Government of Spain, what two Proconſuls they would pleaſe to ſend into that Province, was referr'd to the People: whereupon all the Tribes conſented that the ſame Proconſuls, L. Cornelius Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus ſhould have thoſe Provinces, as they had the year before. The Conſuls then began to make a Levy, and not only to raiſe freſh Legions for the Bruttii, but (being ſo commanded by the Senate) a ſupplement alſo for the other Armies.

Although the Province of Africa was not as yet openly ſetled upon my perſon (the Senate I ſuppoſe concealing that affair, leſt the Carthaginians might be forewarn'd) yet the City was in good hopes, that the Campaigne in Africa would break up that year, and the Punick War be made an end of. That had filled their minds full of ſuperſtition; and they were very apt not only to tell but believe ſtrange Prodigies; which cauſed a great many ſuch like reports: to wit, That there were two Suns ſeen; that it grew light in the night-time; and that a ſtream of fire was ſeen at Setia to ſtretch it ſelf from Eaſt to Weſt. That a Gate at Tarracina, and at Anagnia, not only a Gate, but the Wall in many places was burnt by Lightning. That in the Temple of Juno Soſpita at Lanuvium there was an horrid noiſe, with a great craſh heard. Now in reſpect to ſuch ſtrange things as thoſe there was a ſupplication order'd for one whole day: beſides that a ſacrificing of nine days continuance was order'd upon the account of its having rained ſtones. To all which you may add their conſultation touching their reception of the Mater Idaea: of whom, though M. Valerius, one of the Ambaſſadors, who came before the reſt, brought word that ſhe ſhould ſpeedily be in Italy, another freſh Meſſage came that ſhe was already come to Tarracina. The Senate then were mightily at a plunge to find out who was the beſt man in the City. To be ſure, each one of them deſired more to carry the day in that respect, than any Commands or Honours that could be beſtowed upon them by the Suffrage either of the Senate or the People. At laſt they judged P. Scipio (the Son of Cneius, who was ſlain in Spain) a young Spark not yet of age to be a Queſtor [i. e. not 27] to be the beſt man in all the City. What Virtues he had to make them think ſo, as I would willingly tell you, if the Authors who lived neareſt to that time gave any account of it, ſo on the other hand I ſhall foiſt in my conjectures concerning a matter quite worn out by the mere Antiquity of it. But this however is certain, that P. Cornelius was order'd to go along with all the Matrons to meet the Goddeſs at Oſtia: to take her out of her Ship, and bringing her aſhore, deliver'd her to the Matrons to carry to Rome. When therefore the Ship arrived at the mouth of the River Tiber, he, as he was commanded, took ſhipping down the River, receiv'd the Goddeſs from the Prieſts, and brought her aſhore. Then the chief Matrons of the City took her of him, among whom there was one more remarkable than the reſt, whoſe name was Claudia Quinta; who, though her reputation (as 'tis ſaid) was before that time a little tainted, made her chaſtity much renown'd to poſterity, upon the account of that religious ſervice which ſhe then perform'd. And they in their Arms, one after another (whilſt all the City came out to meet them, putting Cenſers before their doors in the way that ſhe was brought along, in which they burnt Frankincenſe, and pray'd, That ſhe might enter the City of Rome willingly and with a propitious inclination) they carried her into the Temple of Victory, which ſtands in the Palace, upon the 12th of April; which was an Holy-day. For then the people in great numbers brought Offerings to the Goddeſs in the Palace, where there was a Feaſt and ſeveral ſorts of Games ſet forth, called Megaleſia. But after that when they came to talk of the ſupplement, which was to be made to the Legions that were in the ſeveral Provinces, ſome of the Senators ſaid, It was now time, ſince by the bounty of the Gods they were deliver'd from all manner of fear, to rid themſelves of thoſe things which in their adverſity they had been forced to endure. By which words the Senators being put in expectation, they went on and told them, That thoſe twelve Latine Colonies, which, when Q Fabius, and Q Fulvius were Conſuls, had refuſed to give them any Soldiers, had had almoſt a whole year of vacation from all military ſervices, as if it were an honour and a benefit beſtow'd upon them; when in the mean time your good and obedient Allies, for their fidelity and compliance to the Roman Government, had been exhauſted with continual Levies every year.

By theſe kind of Speeches the Senates memory of a thing they had almoſt forgotten, was not only refreſh'd, but they were alſo much incens'd. Whereupon not ſuffering the Conſuls to propoſe any other thing firſt, they made an Order, That the Conſuls ſhould ſend for the chief Magiſtrates and Counſels of Ten from Nepete, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales, Alba, Carſeoli, Sora, Sueſſa, Setia, Circei, Narnia, and Interamna (for thoſe were the Colonies concern'd in that affair) to Rome: and injoyn them, that, look how many Soldiers any of thoſe Colonies had ſupply'd to the Roman People ſince the Enemy came into Italy, they ſhould each give a double number of Foot, and 120 Horſe. And if any Colony could not furniſh out that number of Horſe, they ſhould for every Horſman ſupply three Footmen; but that Horſe and Foot ſhould be the richeſt men they could get, who ſhould be ſent to any place out of Italy, where there ſhould be occaſion for Auxiliaries. If any of them refuſed, they order'd the Magiſtrates and Ambaſſadors of that Colony to be detain'd; nor, though they demanded it, were they to have Audience of the Senate, till they had done what was injoy'd them. Moreover, that a Tax of an As [a Roman Coyn] ſhould be laid upon each one who had an Eſtate of 3000 Seſterces, and collected every year: as alſo that a Poll ſhould be made in thoſe Colonies according to the form preſcrib'd by the Roman Cenſors: which form ſhould be the ſame as at Rome, and be brought to Rome by the ſworn Cenſors of each Colony, before they went out of their Offices. By this Order of Senate the Magiſtrates and chief Men in all thoſe Colonies being fetch'd to Rome, after the Conſuls had injoyn'd them to raiſe ſuch and ſuch Soldiers, and to pay ſuch a ſtipend, ſome of them refuſed and boggled at it more than others, ſaying, They could not raiſe ſo many men; no, though they were to do no more than by the form before preſcrib'd they had done, they ſhould ſcarce be able to perform it. Wherefore they begg'd and deſir'd, that they might go before the Senate and get it off: for they had done noting to deſerve a total ruine; but ſaid, if they muſt needs periſh too, yet, that neither the Levy, nor the anger of the Roman People could make them raiſe more Soldiers, than they had. The Conſuls were obſtinate, and commanded the Ambaſſadors to ſtay at Rome; but ſent the Magiſtrates home to make Levies, ſaying, That ne're a man at Rome would conſent to their having an Audience of the Senate, unleſs they brought thither the Quota of Soldiers that was expected from them By which means their hopes of appearing before the Senate, and begging the thing off, being fruſtrated, they with no difficulty at all made a ſufficient Levy, the number of their young men being by a long vacation from military ſervice much augmented.

Then another matter, which had been buried in ſilence almoſt as long, was reviv'd by M. Valerius Laevinus: who ſaid, That the Money contributed by private perſons, when he and M. Claudius were Conſuls, ought at length to be reſtored: nor ought any man to wonder, that when the publick Faith was ſo far obliged, he took ſuch great care. For beſides, that the Conſul of that year wherein the Money was contributed, was ſome way concern'd in the affair, that he alſo was the cauſe of that Contribution when the Treaſury was poor, and the people had not wherewithal to pay their Taxes. That was a Memorial very grateful to the Senate, who having order'd the Conſuls to make report of it, decreed, That that Money ſhould be paid at three payments; the firſt in hand by thoſe that were then in being, and the other two by the Conſuls that ſhould be in the third and fifth year following. But then all other cares were ſwallow'd up in one, after that the calamities of the Locrians, which had been unknown to that day, were, upon the arrival of their Ambaſſadors, publiſh'd. Nor did Pleminius's villany provoke the minds of men ſo much as either the ambition or negligence of Scipio in that buſineſs. Ten Ambaſſadors from Locri, all over ſqualid and in a ſordid guiſe, with boughs of Olive in their hands (according to the Grecian cuſtom) and in a dreſs on purpoſe to move commiſeration, appear'd before the Conſuls, as they ſate in the Aſſembly, and threw themſelves all a • ong upon the ground with a lamentable outcry before the Tribunal. Of whom the Conſuls demanding who they were, they anſwer'd, They were Locrians, and had ſuffer'd thoſe indignities from Q. Pleminius, the Lieutenant, together with the Roman Soldiers, that the Roman People would not be willing even the Carthaginians ſhould endure: wherefore they intreated them to give them leave to go before the Senate, and complain of their ſevere uſage.

Having an Audience of the Senate granted to them, the eldeſt of them ſaid: I know, grave Fathers, how much you value our complaints; but the greateſt weight lies in this, that you know well, not only how Locri was betray'd to Annibal, but alſo how, his Guards being beaten thence, it was reſtored to you. For if both the crime of that revolt were far from being the publick deſign, and it appear that the Town return'd to its obedience toward you, not only with our good liking, but through our aſſiſtance and courage alſo, you may juſtly conceive the greater indignation, that ſuch inhumane indignities are offer'd to us, your good and faithful Allies, by your Lieutenant and Soldiers there. But I ſuppoſe the cauſe of both our revolts may be better deferr'd till another time for two reaſons; the one, that it may be pleaded before P. Scipio, who retook Locri, and who is a Witneſs of all we did both right and wrong: and the other, in that, whatever we are, we ought not to have ſuffer'd, what we have done. We cannot deny, grave Fathers, but we, when we had the Punick Forces in our Garriſon, ſuffer'd many baſe unworthy things from Amilcar, who was the Governour, as well as from the Numidians and Africans. But what were thoſe to that we now endure? Grave Fathers, I beſeech you to hear me with patience what I am unwilling to utter. Mankind is now at a ſtand, and doubts whether you or the Carthaginians are Lords of the World. But truly if the Roman and Punick Government were to be valued according to what we Locrians formerly ſuffer'd from them, or now ſo ſeverely feel from your Garriſon, there's no man but would wiſh to have them for his Maſters before you. And yet ſee, how the Locrians are affected toward you. Though we receiv'd much leſſer injuries from the Carthaginians, we fled to your General: though we endure more than hoſtile indignities from the hands of your Garriſon, yet we complain to none but you. Either you, grave Fathers, muſt look upon our calamities, or we have nothing left to deſire the immortal Gods. Q. Pleminius was ſent as Lieutenant with a Guard to recover Locri from the Carthaginians, and there he was left with that ſame Guard: but in this Lieutenant of yours (our extreme miſery forces us to speak ſo freely) there is nothing at all, grave Fathers, of a man, ſave only ſhape and look, nor of a Roman Citizen, except his mien, his garb, and the meer ſound of the Latine Tongue. No, he's a mere nuiſance, and a ſavage beaſt, like thoſe that Fables tell us infeſted that Strait by which we are divided from Sicily, and were the deſtruction of all Sailers. Yet if he alone would be content himſelf to exerciſe his villany, luſt and avarice upon your poor Allies, we ſhould with our patience hope to ſatisfie and fill that one deep gulph: but now he has made all your Centurions and Soldiers (ſo promiſcuouſly would he have all licence and improbity to reign) Pleminius's; they all raviſh, ſpoil, beat, wound and kill as much as he. They vitiate grave Matrons, Virgins, and ingenuous Youths, whom they force from the embraces of their Parents. Our City is every day taken and ſack'd: both night and day all parts of it ſound with cryes of Women and Children who are raviſh'd and carried away. He that did not know it, would wonder how either we ſhould be able to bear it, or that they who do them, ſhould not be e're this a weary of ſuch enormous actions. Neither can I tell you, nor is it worth your while to hear all that we have undergone. I'll ſumm them up all together; and tell you, that there is no one houſe in Locri, or one perſon, but has been injur'd: nor has any ſort of wickedneſs, luſt or avarice been omitted toward any body that was able to endure it. A man can hardly tell which condition of our City was the worſt; when our Enemies in War took it, or now that a deſtructive Tyrant has oppreſt it by force and arms. We have endured all that Cities taken uſe to ſuffer, and do ſo ſtill, grave Fathers, even to this hour: whatever the moſt cruel and inhumane Tyrants do to miſerable men, Pleminius has exerciſed upon us, our Wives and Children.

But one thing there is, Grave Fathers, concerning which in particular not only our Religion, that is implanted in our Souls, compels us to complain, but of which we alſo deſire, if you think fit, that you would be inform'd, and purge your Commonwealth from the abominable guilt. We have obſerv'd with what devotion you worſhip not only your own Gods, but with what regard you receive thoſe of foreign Nations too. Now we have a Temple dedicated to Proſerpine, of the Sanctity whereof I ſuppoſe you may have heard about the time of the War we had with Pyrrhus: who coming back by Sea out of Sicily to Locri, among other foul acts that he did to us for our fidelity toward you, took away the Treaſures alſo of Proſerpine, which to that day had been untouch'd; and having put the money on board his Navy, march'd himſelf away by Land. What became of it, grave Fathers? His Navy was all torn to pieces next day in a violent ſtorm, and all thoſe Ships that had the Holy money on board them were wreck'd upon our Coaſt. By which calamity the proud King being at length taught, that there are Gods, gather'd all the money together again, and order'd it to be carried back into Proſerpines Treaſury But notwithſtanding that, he never proſper'd after; but being driven out of Italy, died a diſhonourable and ignoble death by chance in the night-time as he juſt came into Argos. Now though your Lieutenant and Tribunes of the Soldiery had theſe things and a thouſand more, which were related to them, not more to awe them with a religious fear, than to let them know that we and our Forefathers had found the Goddeſs had often given great demonſtrations of her preſence there, yet they nevertheleſs were ſo audacious, as to lay their ſacrilegious hands upon thoſe untouch'd Treaſures, contaminating themſelves, their Families and their Soldiers with ſuch wicked ſpoils. For which, grave Fathers, I beſeech you upon your own account and the love you bear to your Country, that you would make ſome Expiation, before you do any thing more either in Italy or Africa; leſt they ſhould ſuffer for the offence which they have committed, not only with their own blood, but alſo by ſome publick calamity. Although I muſt confeſs the wrath of the Goddeſs appears even to this day both in your Officers and Soldiers. For they fight ſometimes even with one another; Pleminius being the Captain on one ſide, and two Tribunes of the Soldiers on the other. Nor did they ever ingage more vehemently with the Carthaginians than they did among themſelves. Yea they would by their fury have given Annibal an opportunity of recovering Locri, had not Scipio, whom we ſent for, intervened. But, alas! doth rage poſſeſs the Soldiers only who are ſtain'd with Sacriledge, and nothing of the Goddeſſes power appear in the puniſhing of the Officers? No, it was moſt manifeſt in them. The Tribunes were whipt with rods by the Lieutenant: and after that the Lieutenant being circumvented by the Tribunes, was not only torn all over his body, but his noſe and ears being cut off, he was left for dead. But he at laſt recovering of his wounds put the Tribunes in Priſon, and then having whipt them, put them to all the ſervile torments he could think on till they dy'd; nor would he ſuffer them, when dead, to be buried. Thus has the Goddeſs reveng'd her ſelf of them that ſpoiled her Temple: nor will ſhe ever ceaſe to torment them, before the Sacred money is again laid up in her Treaſury. Our Anceſtors heretofore, in the time of a grievous War that we had with the Crotonians, becauſe that Temple was without the City, would have remov'd that money into the Walls. But a Voice was heard out of the Temple in the night, that bid them, ho • d their hands off of it; the Goddeſs would defend her own Temple. Whereupon they being afraid to remove the Treaſures thence, they reſolv'd to incloſe the Temple with a Wall at leaſt: but when it was built up to ſome conſiderable height, it tumbled down again all on a ſudden. For that Goddeſs not only now, but many other times beſides, has ſecur'd her own Seat and her own Temple, or has taken grievous revenge of ſuch as were the violators thereof. But neither ſhe nor any body elſe, except you, grave Fathers, can redreſs our injuries. Wherefore to you and your mercy we humbly fly; not caring, whether you ſuffer Locri to be under that Lieutenant and that Garriſon which is now there, or deliver it up to inraged Annibal and the Carthaginians to exerciſe their cruelty upon. Yet we do not deſire that you ſhould believe us immediately neither, againſt a perſon that is abſent, and before he has ſpoken for himſelf. No, let him come, and hear his accuſation, that, if he can, he may make it appear, that he has omitted any one piece of villany that one man can be guilty of toward another: if he do, we ſhall not refuſe our ſelves again to ſuffer, if poſſible, all that we have already undergone, and to have him acquitted of all guilt, whether in respect of God or man.

The Ambaſſadors having ſpoken to this purpoſe, Q. Fabius ask'd them, whether they had made thoſe complaints to P. Scipio; to which they anſwer'd and ſaid, There were Ambaſſadors ſent to him, but he was taken up with preparing for the War, being either already gone over into Africa, or reſolv'd to do ſo in a few days. Beſides, they knew what kindneſs the General had for the Lieutenant by the caſe that happen'd between him and the Tribunes, whom Scipio for his ſak • put into priſon, but left him, though he were as guilty or rather more than they, in the ſame Commiſſion as before. The Ambaſſadors being order'd to withdraw out of the Temple, not only Pleminius, but Scipio alſo were ſeverely laſh'd in ſeveral invective Orations which the Nobility then made. But above the reſt Q. Fabius ſaid, He was born to corrupt all military Diſcipline. That in Spain too he loſt full as much by the mutiny of his Soldiers as by the War: for he had a foreign King like way with him, both to indulge the licentiouſneſs of his Soldiers, and to be very ſevere upon them when he had ſo done. And then he ended his Speech with this his fatal Opinion: That he would have Pleminius brought in bonds to Rome, and in that condition to plead for himſelf; ſo that, if all were true, that the Locrians had ſaid, he ſhould be executed in the Priſon, and his Goods confiſcated. That P. Scipio▪ for that he had quitted his Province without the Senates leave, ſhould be recalled; and that they ſhould treat with the Tribunes of the People, to make them propoſe the abrogating of his Command. That the Senate ſhould tell the Locrians in his hearing, That what injuries they complain'd of as done to them, neither the Senate nor the Roman People would have willingly done. That they ſhould be called good Men, Allies and Friends That their Wives and Children, with all other things that had been taken from them, ſhould be reſtored. That as much Money ſhould be raiſed, as had been taken out of Proſerpines Treaſury, and double that ſumm, be return'd into that place: as alſo, that a piacular ſacrificing ſhould be appointed by advice firſt taken of the Colledge of Prieſts (becauſe the ſacred Treaſures were ſo miſplaced and prophaned) what Propitiations, to what Gods and with what Sacrifices they would have them made. That all the Soldiers at Locri ſhould be tranſported into Sicily: and that four Regiments of the Latine Allies ſhould be carried as a Guard to Locri. The Opinions that day for and againſt Scipio were not to be number'd, the Senators were ſo hot on both ſides. For beſides Pleminius's ill behaviour, and the ruine of the Locrians, they ſaid that his garb was not only not Roman, but not ſo much even as Military; in that he walk'd in a Cloak and Buskins [after the Greek faſhion] in a Gymnaſium [a School of Exerciſe] giving his mind alſo to Books and Activity, as Wreſtling, &c. That his Regiment was equally ſlothful and effeminate at Syracuſe, taking their pleaſure only; for Cart • age and Annibal were out of their heads. That all the whole Army was corrupted by licentiouſneſs, and juſt as they were at Sucro in Spain, and now at Locri, more dreadful to their Allies than any Enemy.

Theſe things, though partly true, partly mixed, and therefore the more probable, were given out, bu • Q. Metellus's Opinion at length obtained; who, though • e agreed with Maximus in all other things, yet in the caſe of Scipio diſſented from him. For how, ſaid he, can it ſeem convenient, that he, whom the City had ſo lately choſen, even in his youth, as the only General fit to recover Spain; whom Spain, retaken from the Enemy, had created Conſul on purpoſe to put an end to the Punick War, with great hopes that he would not only draw Annibal out of Italy, but alſo ſubdue all Africa: that he, I ſay, ſhould be ſo ſuddenly recalled from his Province, like Q. Pleminius, and almoſt condemn'd before his Cauſe was heard? When ev n thoſe things that the Locrians complain of as done ſo nefariouſly againſt them, were done in Scipio's abſence, as they themſelves owne, nor can he be blamed for any thing, ſave his modeſty or patience, in that he ſpared the Lieutenant? That he thought fit, that M. Pomponius the Praetor, to whom the Province of Sicily was allotted, ſhould go the next three days to that Province: and that the Conſuls ſhould chuſe ten Ambaſſadors out of the Senate, whom they pleas'd, to ſend along with the Praetor, with two Tribunes of the People and an Aedile. And that by the aſſiſtance of that Council the Praetor ſhould inquire, if thoſe things that the Locrians complain'd of, were done by the order or conſent of P. Scipio, to the end, that they might warn him to quit the Province. If Scipio was already gone over into Africa, that the Tribunes of the People and the Aedile, with two of the Ambaſſadors, whom the Praetor ſhould think moſt fit, ſhould follow him thither: the Tribunes and the Aedile to bring Scipio back: and the Ambaſſadors to command the Army, till a new General came over. But if M. Pomponius and the ten Ambaſſadors found, that ſuch things were not done either by order or conſent of P. Scipio, that Scipio ſhould ſtay in the Army and carry on the War, as he had propoſed. This being paſſed into an Order of Senate, it was referr'd to the Tribunes of the People, either to agree among themſelves, or caſt Lots, which two of them ſhould go along with the Praetor and Ambaſſadors. In like manner it was left to the Colledge of Prieſts to determine of an Expiation for thoſe things that had been touch'd, violated and carried away out of the Temple of Proſerpine at Locri. The Tribunes of the People, that went along with the Praetor and the ten Ambaſſadors, were M. Claudius Marcellus, and M. Cincius Alimentus, who had an Aedile alſo allow'd them: to whom, if Scipio, either in Sicily, ſhould not obey the Praetors commands, or were already gone over into Africa, the Tribunes ſhould give order to lay hold on him, and bring him back by the Authority of their Sacred Power.

Their deſign was to go to Locri before they went to Meſſana. But as to Pleminius, there is a double report goes. For ſome ſay, that he, when he heard what had been done at Rome, went as a baniſh'd perſon to Naples, and there by chance met with Q Metellus, one of the Ambaſſadors, by whom he was forced back to Rhegium. Others ſay, that a Lieutenant was ſent by Scipio himſelf with thirty of the nobleſt Horſmen, to put Q. Pleminius in Chains, and with him the Heads of the Sedition. But they were all committed to cuſtody at Rhegium, either before by Scipio's order, or juſt then, by the Praetors. The Praetor therefore and the Ambaſſadors went to Locri, where (as they were order'd) they firſt took care of what concern'd Religion. For they gather'd together all the Sacred money that either Pleminius or the Soldiers had, and put it, with that which they themſelves brought thither, into the Treaſury, making a piacular Sacrifice. Then calling the Soldiers into an Aſſembly, the Praetor bade them march with their Enſigns out of the City, and pitch'd the Camp in the adjacent Plains; with a grave Edict, That if any Soldier either remain'd in the City, or took any thing out with him, that was not his own, he would permit the Locrians, every one to take what they knew to be theirs; and if any thing did not appear, that they ſhould demand it back. But above all, he would needs have the Locrians forthwith to have their bodies at liberty: and that he ſhould ſuffer very ſeverely, that did not make return of what he had of theirs. After that he called an Aſſembly of the Locrians, and told them, That the Senate and People of Rome did reſtore to them their Liberty and Laws. If any of them had a mind to impeach Pleminius, or any other perſon, they might follow him to Rhegium. If they would complain in publick of P. Scipio, that what was done ſo wickedly at Locri, either againſt the Gods and men, was committed by the order or conſent of Scipio, that they might ſend Ambaſſadors to Meſſana, where he with the aſſiſtance of the Council would inquire into the matter. Thereupon the Locrians gave the Praetor and Ambaſſadors, with the Senate and People of Rome many thanks, and told him, That they would go to accuſe Pleminius. But as for Scipio, though he was not much concern'd at the injuries done to their City, yet he was ſuch a perſon, as they would rather have to be their friend, than their enemy. For they were ſure, that ſo many horrid outrages could not be committed by the order or conſent of P. Scipio; but that he either believ'd Pleminius too much, or them too little. And that it was natural for ſome men rather to deſire, that no offences might be committed, than to be ready enough to puniſh them. By this means the Praetor and the Council were eaſed of a great deal of trouble, which they would have had, in trying Scipio. But they condemn'd Pleminius with 32 men more, and ſent them in Chains to Rome: whilſt themſelves went to Scipio, that they might carry back to Rome a true relation of thoſe things that had been commonly reported not only concerning the General's ſloth and garb, but his corrupting of military Diſcipline.

As they were coming to Syracuſe, Scipio provided not words, but things to clear himſelf. For he order'd all the Army to muſter there, and the Navy to be in a readineſs, as if he had been that day to ingage the Carthaginians both by Sea and Land. The day therefore that they arrived, after he had courteouſly entertain'd them, the next day he ſhew'd them a Land and a Sea-Army, not only in Battalia, but made the former exerciſe in their preſence, whilſt the Navy rode in the Harbour, and made them ſome ſhew of a Sea-fight. Then the Praetor and Ambaſſadors were carried about to ſee the Armories and Store-houſes with the other preparations for the War: and did ſo much admire at all things in particular and in general too, that they were very apt to believe, the Carthaginians muſt be defeated by ſuch a General and ſuch an Army, or they were invincible: bidding him, with good wiſhes in their mouths, go over, and aſſoon as poſſibly he could (even upon that day, on which all the Centuries had made him firſt Conſul) accompliſh thoſe hopes that the Roman People had conceiv'd of him. And with that they went their ways very chearfully, as though they had been to carry the news of a Victory, and not only of magnificent preparations for the War. Pleminius, and thoſe that were in his condition, when they came to Rome, were preſently put into priſon. From whence at firſt being brought forth to the People by the Tribunes, they found no mercy, becauſe all men were ſo much prepoſſeſs'd with the ſtory of the Locrian calamities. But afterward, when they had been ſeveral times produced, the envy of the people was grown old and feeble, and their paſſion conſequently abated; for the very deformity and neglected dreſs of Pleminius, and the memory of Scipio, who was abſent, gained him favour among the Commons. Yet he died in priſon before the People paſſed their Sentence upon him. Clodius Licinius in his third Book of the Roman Affairs, ſays, That this Pleminius at the ſame time when thoſe Games which Africanus, when he was the ſecond time Conſul, ſet forth, were celebrated, in purſuance of a Vow that he had formerly made, endeavour'd in ſeveral places to ſet the City on fire, that he might have an occaſion to break priſon and make his eſcape: but that his wicked deſign being detected, he was put by order of the Senate into the Dungeon: and that there was nothing ſaid of Scipio any where elſe, ſave in the Senate only: where all the Ambaſſadors and the Tribunes ſo far extoll'd the Navy, the Army and the General, that they induced the Senate to think it convenient, that Scipio ſhould go over into Africa aſſoon as he could, and to give him leave to chuſe out of thoſe Armies, that were in Sicily, ſuch numbers as he pleas'd to go along with him, and to leave whom he thought good as a Guard to that Province.

Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted by the Romans, the Carthaginians alſo, who having ſet up Watch-Towers upon all Promontories, and by inquiring and being terrified at e • ery Meſſage that they received, had had a very anxious Winter on't, thought themſelves now not a little incouraged to defend Africa, by the Alliance of King Syphax, in confidence of whoſe aſſiſtance chiefly they believ'd the Roman would come over into their Country. For at this time Aſdrubal, the Son of Giſgo, had not only contracted an hoſpitable friendſhip with that King (of which I told you before) when it happen'd that Scipio and Aſdrubal came thither out of Spain together; but there was alſo ſome diſcourſe of an Affinity deſigned between them, as though the King was to marry Aſdrubal's Daughter. Aſdrubal therefore going to conſummate that affair, and appoint the Wedding-day (for the Damſel was now marriagable) aſſoon as he perceiv'd the King to be inflamed with deſire (and indeed the Numidians are more inclined to Venery than any other Barbarians) he ſent for the Maid from Carthage, and haſten d the Nuptials. At which, among other expreſſions of kindneſs, that he might add even a publick League to a private Contract, he made the King and the Carthaginians ſwear to a mutual Alliance and a faithful Promiſe, That all people ſhould be equally both friends and enemies to each of them. But Aſdrubal remembring what friendſhip Scipio and the King had contracted, as alſo how vain and mutable the inclinations of the Barbarians were; he, fearing, that if Scipio ſhould come over into Africa, that Marriage would be but a ſmall obligation, whilſt he now ſaw the Numidian hot upon his new Amour, perſwaded him, by the help of the young Ladies endearments too, to ſend Ambaſſadors into Sicily to Scipio, to adviſe him, That he ſhould rely upon his former promiſes, ſo as to come over into Africa; for that he was now obliged by Marriage to the Daughter of Aſdrubal, a Citizen of Carthage, whom he had now at his houſe, and to the People of Carthage alſo by a League. And to exhort him firſt, that the Romans ſhould make War with the Carthaginians, as they had to that day done, a good way from Africa, leſt he might be forced to ingage in their quarrels, and refuſing this or that Party, to be of neceſſity on one ſide. If Scipio would not keep out of Africa, but bring his Army to Carthage, that he muſt needs oppoſe him, not only in behalf of Africa, the Land in which he and his Wife were born, but alſo upon his Fathers account, and for the ſake of his own houſhold Gods.

The Ambaſſadors, being ſent from the King to Scipio with this Meſſage, came to him at Syracuſe. Whereupon Scipio, though he were diſappointed in his great deſigns upon Africa, and of his mighty hopes, ſent the Ambaſſadors immediately back into Africa, before the matter was divulged, with a Letter to the King: wherein he adviſed him over and over, That he would not break the Laws of Hospitality by which he was oblig • d to him, nor forfeit the Alliance which he had enter'd into with the Roman People, nor falſifie that Juſtice, Fidelity and Promiſe which he had ſworn to, or offend the Gods, who were Witneſſes and Judges too of their Contract. But ſince neither the arrival of the Numidians could be concealed (for they went all over the City, and were frequently ſeen in the Palace) and that if the reaſon of their coming ſhould be kept ſecret, there was danger, leſt the tru • h, for that very reaſon that it was ſo ſtifled, might, of its own accord, the more come out; and thereby a fear poſſeſs the Army, that they muſt fight with the King, and the Carthaginians both together, he made men diſbelieve the real truth of the matter by prepoſſeſſing their minds with a falſe ſtory. And therefore calling his Soldiers to an Aſſembly, told them, They muſt delay the time no longer; but it was high time for him to go over into Africa, having two Kings for his Aſſociates. That Maſiniſſa formerly came himſelf to Laelius, and complained, that he was too dilatory: and now, that Syphax alſo had ſent Ambaſſadors, admiring, as the other did, what ſhould be the reaſon of his long tarrying; and deſiring, that either he would at laſt bring his Armies over into Africa, or, if his mind was alter'd, let him know it, that he might otherwiſe ſecure himſelf and his Kingdom. Wherefore having now all things in a ſufficient readineſs, ſince the buſineſs admitted of no farther delay, he intended, when he had brought the Navy to Lilybaeum, and gotten all his Forces, both Horſe and Foot thither, the firſt day that was fit to ſet ſail in, with the permiſſion of the Gods, to go for Africa. With that he ſent a Letter to M. Pomponius, That, if he thought fit, he would come to Lilybaeum: where they might conſult in common, what Legions chiefly, and what number of men he ſhould carry over into Africa. He likewiſe ſent to all the Sea-coaſt, to have all the Ships of burden ſeized, and brought to Lilybaeum. When therefore all the Soldiers and Ships, that were in Sicily, were come to Lilybaeum, ſo that neither the City was able to contain the multitude of men, nor the Ports the Ships, they had all ſuch a vehement deſire of croſſing over into Africa, that they ſeemed not to be led to War, but to receive the certain rewards of Victory. Eſpecially thoſe that remain'd of the Army, which had been at Cannae, believ'd that under him, and no other General, they, by ſerving the Commonwealth, might put an end to an ignominious Campaigne. Nor did Scipio at all deſpiſe that ſort of men: becauſe he knew, that neither the Battel of Cannae was loſt by their ſloth, nor were there any ſo old Soldiers in all the Roman Army; they being alſo expert not only upon the ſcore of ſeveral Battels which they had fought, but in attacking of Towns alſo. The Legions of Cannae were the fifth and ſixth which he having declared that he would take over into Africa, he view'd them ſingly every man; and leaving thoſe behind that he thought unfit to go, he put others in their places, that he had brought along with him out of Italy; filling up ſuch Legions to ſuch a complement, that each of them contained 6200 Foot, and 300 Horſe. He alſo choſe both Horſe and Foot out of the Latine Allies that were in the Cannenſian Army.

How many Men were tranſported into Africa at that time, creates a great diſpute among ſeveral Authors. For in ſome I find they were 10000 Foot, and 2200 Horſe: in others, 16000 Foot, and 1600 Horſe: and in others above half as many more, that is, that 35000 Foot and Horſe were ſhipt off. But fome again do not ſet down the number; among whom, ſince the thing is doubtful, I wou'd fain be one my ſelf. Caelius, as he doth not mention any particular number, ſo he makes us believe they were infinite. For he ſaith, that the Birds fell down to the ground through the mighty noiſe that the Soldiers made; and that ſuch a vaſt multitude went on board, that it lookt as if there had not one Soul been left either in Italy or Sicily. But Scipio himſe • f took that care upon himſelf, that the Soldiers ſhould go orderly and without tumult on board the Ships; and C Lalius, who was Admiral, kept the Sailers, who were forced to go before, in the Ships. M. Pomponius, the Praetor, was to ſee the Proviſions laden, which were Victuals for forty five days, whereof there was enough for fifteen days ready dreſt. When they were all on board, he ſent Boats all about to the ſeveral Ships, for the Pilots and Maſters of every Veſſel, with two Soldiers to come into the Forum and receive Orders. Whither when they came, he inquired of them, if they had got Water for the Men and Beaſts for ſo many days as they had Corn. To which they anſwering, That they had Water enough for forty five days; he charged the Soldiers, that they ſhould be ſilent, quiet, obedient, and not diſturb the Mariners in the executing of their duties. Then he told them, that he himſelf and L. Scipio would ſail with twenty Ships of War in the right Wing, and that in the l • ft C. Laelius, the Admiral, ſhould be with M. Porcius Cato (who then was Queſtor) and as many more Men of War, for a Guard to the Ships of burden. That the Men of War ſhould have each of them one Light, and the Ships of burden two: but in the General's Ship a diſtinguiſhing mark of three Lights ſhould be ſet up in the night time. He likewiſe gave the Pilots order to make toward the chief Ports: affirming, that the Country was very fertile, and conſequently abounded with all manner of plenty, the Barbarians being (as it moſt commonly happens in a fat Soil) effeminate and unfit for War: ſo that they might very probably be defeated, before any Succors came from Carthage. Having receiv'd theſe Orders, they were commanded back to their Ships, and the next day, with the aſſiſtance of the Gods upon a ſignal given them, to weigh Anchor for Africa.

Many Roman Navies had formerly ſet out from Sicily, and at that ſame Port; yet not only not in that War (nor is that a wonder, becauſe moſt of thoſe Navies went only a foraging) but in the former alſo, never was there any Expedition that made ſo great a ſhow. Though, if you compare the bigneſs of the Navies, there were two Conſuls and two Armies that formerly went over; in which Navies there were almoſt as many Men of War, as Scipio had Ships of burden. For beſides fifty long Ships, he carried over his Army in near four hundred Ships of burden. But then, not only for that Italy was before the ſeat of War, but alſo by reaſon of the great ſlaughter of ſo many Armies, the Generals being likewiſe at the ſame time ſlain, the ſecond War appeared much more ſevere to the Romans than the firſt. Yet Scipio, who was a General ſo renowned, partly for his great and valiant actions, and partly by a kind of Fatality deſign'd to augment that Glory which he had in ſo great a meaſure already gain'd, had chang'd their minds, by giving out (which no other General in that War had done) how he was reſolv'd to go over, to draw Annibal out of Italy, and to transfer and finiſh the War in Africa. All the Town flock'd to the Port to ſee the ſhow, and thoſe not only ſuch as dwelt at Lilybaeum, but all the Ambaſſadors too from all parts of Sicily: who came not only to attend upon Scipio out of duty, but had followed M. Pomponius the Praetor of that Province. Beſides theſe, the Legions that were left in Sicily marched forth to follow their fellow-Soldiers: nor was the Navy only a rare Spectacle to them that ſtood upon the ſhore, but the ſhore alſo, which was ſo throng all round with crowds of people, was as ſtrange a ſight to them that were at Sea.

Aſſoon as it was day, Scipio, from the General's Ship, having by the Cryer commanded ſilence, made this Prayer: Ye Gods and Goddeſſes, ſaid he, who inhabit either the Sea or Land, I beg and beſeech you, that whatſoever has been, is, or ſhall be done by my Command, may prove of good advantage to me, the People and Commons of Rome, their Allies and all the Latines, who ſide with the Roman People and with me, or ſubſcribe to my Command and Conduct by Sea, by Land, or upon Rivers. And do you proſper all ſuch actions; increaſe them daily by your favour; and grant theſe my fellow-Soldiers, when they have conquer'd their Enemies, may come with ſafety and victory, adorn'd with ſpoils, and laden with booty in Triumph along with me home again to Rome. Send us Enemies enough to take our revenge of; and permit me and the Roman People to do thoſe things in the City of Carthage, which the People of Carthage endeavour'd to do againſt our City. When he had made an end of this his Prayer, he kill'd a Victim, and according to cuſtom, threw the Entrails raw into the Sea; giving a ſignal with a Trumpet for them to ſail. Thereupon ſetting out with a freſh gale of Wind, they were preſently out of ſight: and in the Afternoon a Miſt aroſe, ſo that the Ships could hardly avoid falling foul upon one another; but that the Wind was calmer in the main Sea. The night following the ſame darkneſs came upon them again; though at Sun-riſing it cleared, and the Wind grew ſtronger. And now were come within ſight of the Land; when not long after the Pilot or Steerſman told Scipio, that they were within 5000 paces of Africa: for he ſaw Mercury's Promontory: and that if he pleas'd that they ſhould ſteer that way, the whole Navy would ſoon be in Harbour. Scipio, aſſoon as he got ſight of the Land, beſeeching the Gods, that he might ſee Africa to the Commonwealths and his own advantage, he order'd them to ſet ſail, and make toward any other Port that was below that. Then ſailing with the ſame Wind, about the ſame time, as the day before, the Miſt aroſe and took from them all ſight of Land, and the Wind, through the preſſure of the Fog, was allay'd. After which the night alſo put them into a greater confuſion, wherefore they caſt forth their Anchors, leſt either the Ships ſhould fall foul upon one another, or run a-ground. Again, when it was day, the ſame Wind aroſe, and diſperſing the Fog, diſcover'd all the Coaſt of Africa. Then Scipio inquiring which was the next Promontory, and being told, that it was called Promontorium Pulchrum [or the fair Promontory] I am pleaſed, ſaid he, with the Omen, ſteer your Ships that way. Thither therefore did the Navy make, and there all their Forces were landed. I believe by the relation of a great many Authors, both Greek and Latine, that their Voyage was very ſucceſsful without any terror or tumult: only Caelius tells us, That beſides their Ships being juſt preſerv'd from ſinking, they underwent all other terrors both from the Heavens and the Seas; yea that their Navy at laſt was carried by a ſtorm from Africa to the Iſland Aegimurus: from whence they with much ado recover'd their courſe: and that their Ships being almoſt overwhelm'd, they got aſhore in a great tumult, without their General's Order, with Boats and without their Arms, like men that had been ſhipwrack'd.

Having landed their Men, the Romans pitch'd their Camp upon the adjacent banks. And now a dread and fear had ſeiz'd not only Sea-coaſts, at firſt to ſee the Navy, and then after, to hear the noiſe that they made at their landing, but even the very Cities too were frighted. For not only a crowd of men, women and children mixed all together had filled up all the rodes, but the Country-people were driving their Cattel too before them, in ſuch a manner, that you would have thought they had been going immediately to quit the Nation. But they put the Cities into a greater conſternation than what they themſelves were in: eſpecially Carthage, which was as much concern'd and in almoſt as great an uproar, as if it had been juſt taken. For ſince M. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius were Conſuls, for near fifty years together they had not ſeen any Roman Army, except the plundering Sea-men that landed upon the Sea-coaſt for Forage; and having taken what Fortune threw in their way, retired to their Ships again before the Country-people could have the Alarm. By that means their flight and fear was then far greater in the City. For, to ſay the truth, they had neither any ſtrong Army at home, nor any General to oppoſe them. Aſdrubal, the Son of Giſgo, was by much the moſt noted man in all the City for his Birth, Renown, Riches, and at that juncture too, for his Affinity to the King. But they remembred, that he had been defeated and beaten in Spain by that very Scipio in ſeveral Battels; nor was a General any more to compare to him, than their tumultuary Army to that of the Romans. Wherefore, as though Scipio had deſign'd immediately to attack their City, they all gave the Alarm; the gates were preſently ſhut, and Soldiers planted upon the Walls, with Watches and Sentinels at ſeveral Poſts, where they kept Guard all the following night. The next day 500 Horſe, who were ſent as Scouts toward the Sea, to put them in confuſion as they landed, fell into the Romans hands. For by this time Scipio having ſent his Navy to Ʋtica, was got himſelf not far from the Sea, and had ſeized the adjacent Banks, where he had very conveniently poſted his Horſe, whom he had ſent a foraging. And they having had a Battle with the Carthaginian Cavalry, kill'd ſome few upon the ſpot, but many more as they ran away, among whom was the Prefect Hanno, a noble Youth. Mean while Scipio did not only waſte all the Country round about, but took a rich City alſo, that was hard by, belonging to the Africans. Where beſides other things that were immediately ſent on board the Merchant-Ships, and carried into Sicily, 8000 Freemen and Slaves were taken. But the arrival of Maſiniſſa, when they began their buſineſs, was very grateful to the Romans; who, ſome ſay, came with not above 200 Horſe, but moſt with 2000. Now ſince he was much the greateſt King of all in his time, and a very great Friend to the Romans, I think it worth my while to make a ſmall digreſſion, and ſhew you what variety of Fortune he happen'd to have in the loſs and recovery of his Fathers Kingdom. His Father dy'd whilſt he was a Soldier for the Carthaginians in Spain; whoſe name was Gala. From whom the Kingdom fell to Oeſalces, his Brother (for that's the cuſtom among the Numidians) who was a very old man. Not very long after, Oeſalces alſo dy'd, and the elder of his two Sons, whoſe name was Capuſa (the other being yet but a Child) ſucceeded him. But ſince Capuſa got the Crown more by the cuſtom of the Country, than any Authority or Power that he had among them; there aroſe one Mezetulus, a Perſon of the Royal Blood indeed, but come of a Family that were always Enemies to the Kings (though he mightily ſtickled for the Soveraign Power againſt them who at that time had it) who having inſtigated his Country-men, with whom he had a great ſway upon the ſcore of their hatred to Kings, pitch'd his Camp in the face of the Sun, and forced the King to come into the field, to ſight for the Kingdom. In that Battle Capuſa with many of the Nobility was ſlain, and all the Nation of the Maſſylians became ſubject to Mezetulus. But he refuſed the Name of King; and contenting himſelf with the Name of Tutor, Guardian, or Protector only, called Lacumaces, a Lad that was then alive, and of the Royal Family, King. He married a Noble Lady of Carthage, who was Daughter to Annibal's Siſter, and the Dowager of King Oeſalces, in hopes thereby to make the Carthaginians his Allies: beſides that he ſent Ambaſſadors and renewed his former friendſhip with King Syphax, preparing all the Auxiliaries he could againſt Maſiniſſa.

Then Maſiniſſa, hearing of the death of his Uncle, and after that of his Couſin-German, went over out of Spain into Mauritania, of which one Bochar was at that time King. Of him he humbly deſired and obtained (though he could not for the War, yet) as a Convoy in his Journey four thouſand Moors. With them, having a Meſſenger before-hand to his Fathers and his own Friends, when he came to the Confines of his Kingdom, almoſt five hundred Numidians met him. Then ſending the Moors thence back to their King, according to his promiſe, though the number that met him was ſomewhat leſs than he hoped for; nor enough to give him encouragement for the undertaking of ſo great an Enterpriſe: he, thinking that by being in action and making a ſtir, he might gather ſtrength enough to do ſome part of his buſineſs, he happen'd to meet the young King Lacumaces at Thapſus, as he was going to Syphax. With that Lacumaces fearful Retinue flying back into the City, Maſiniſia at the firſt effected it, and receiving ſome of the Kings Men by a ſurrender of themſelves, kill'd ſome others that made any ſort of reſiſtance: but the greateſt part of them went with Lacumaces himſelf, amidſt the tumult, to Syphax, whither they had firſt deſign'd to go. The ſame of this little thing ſo proſperouſly atchieved at the beginning of his Expedition, turn'd all the Numidians to Maſiniſſa. And thereupon all the old Soldiers that had ſerved King Gala, flock'd to him from all parts out of the Country-Towns; inviting that Youth to recover his Fathers Kingdom. But Mezetulus was ſomewhat ſuperior to him in his number of Men. For he had not only that Army, with which he had conquer'd Capuſa, but ſome others alſo that came in after the Kings death: beſides that the young King Lacumaces had brought great Auxiliaries from Syphax; ſo that Mezetulus had fifteen thouſand Foot, and ten thouſand Horſe. With whom Maſiniſſa, though he had not near ſo great an Army, fought a pitch'd Battle; and by the courage of thoſe old Soldiers, together with his own Experience who had been a General brought up in the Roman and Punick Wars, got the day. The young King ſled with his Guardian and a ſmall Band of Maſaeſylians into the Confines of Carthage. So Maſiniſſa having recover'd his Fathers Kingdom, becauſe he ſaw he muſt yet have a far greater conteſt with Syphax, thought it his beſt courſe to reconcile his Couſin-German, and therefore ſent Meſſengers to him, not only to put him in hopes, That if he would commit himſelf to Maſiniſſa's care, he ſhould be at his Court in as much Honour as ever Oeſalces was with Gala: and to promiſe Mezetulus, that, beſides impunity, he ſhould have all his Goods very faithfully reſtored to him. By which means he brought them both over to his Party; (they being deſirous to have a ſmall competency at home in their own Country, rather than be baniſhed) though the Carthaginians did all they could to hinder it.

It happen'd that Aſdrubal was with Syphax at that very time when theſe things were tranſacted. Who, ſeeing the Numidian, thought it did not much concern him, whether the Kingdom of the Maſſylians were under Lacumaces or Maſiniſſa, told him, He was miſtaken, if he thought Maſiniſſa would be content with the ſame things that ſatisfied his Father Gala, or his Ʋncle Oeſalces: for there was much more spirit and ambition in him, than ever had been in any of his Family. That he often in Spain gave inſtances of his Valour (ſo great as are rarely ſeen among men) both to his Allies and Enemies: and that Syphax and the Carthaginians, if they did not keep that riſing fire under, would be quickly all on a mighty flame, when there was no help for it. That his ſtrength was now but tender and frail, nor was he yet well ſetled in his Kingdom. At laſt by urging and ſpurring him on, with much ado he perſwaded him to carry his Army to the Confines of the Maſſylians; and to pitch his Camp in a certain place, concerning which he had had with Gala many diſputes not only in words, but with weapons alſo, as if it had certainly belonged to him: from whence if any one ſhould endeavour to diſturb him, (which would be the beſt thing that could happen for his advantage) that he would ſight them: but if, for fear, they yielded and retired out of thoſe parts, he might go into the midſt of the Kingdom; and then either the Maſſylians would ſurrender themſelves to him without ſighting, or at leaſt would not be able to cope with him. Syphax being incited by theſe words, made War upon Maſiniſſa; in which upon the firſt attack he quite routed and defeated the Maſſylians. Maſiniſſa with a few Horſemen ran out of the Battle into a Mountain, which the Inhabitants call Balbus: whither ſome Families with their Tents and Cattel (for that is all the Eſtate they have) went after him, whilſt the reſt of the Maſſylian Mobile ſubmitted to the Government of Syphax. The Mountain which thoſe Fugitives were poſſeſſed of was graſſie and full of water: by which means being good to feed the Cattel, it afforded a ſufficient ſupply of food for the men too, who lived upon fleſh and milk Then they at firſt by nightly and ſecret incurſions, but afterward with open robbery infeſted all the Country round about; waſting the Carthaginian Territories more than any other, becauſe there was not only more Booty than among the Numidians, but the robbery might be done with more ſecurity alſo. And now they grew ſo licentious and inſolent in their excurſions, that they carried the Plunder down to the Sea-ſide, to ſell it to the Merchants, who touch at that place for that very reaſon; beſides that there were more of the Carthaginians killed and taken, than many times there had been in a juſt War The Carthaginians lamented thoſe things before Syphax, whom (being himſelf inclined) they inſtigated to proſecute the remaining part of the War. But he thought it ſcarce became the Dignity of a King to purſue a vagabond Thief among the Mountains.

Bocchar therefore, one of the Kings Prefects, who was an acute and an active man, was choſen for that purpoſe. And to him there were allowed 4000 Foot, and 2000 Horſe, with hopes of mighty rewards, if he brought back Maſiniſſa's Head, or took him (but that would be an ineſtimable joy) alive. He then attacking them by ſurpriſe, as they ſtraggled and wander'd careleſly about the fields, and having ſeparated a vaſt number of Men and Cattel from the Garriſon where their Soldiers lay, forced Maſiniſſa himſelf with ſome others into the top of the Mountain. From whence, having now almoſt made an end of the War, he ſent not only a Booty of Cattel and Men, that he took, to the King, but ſome of the Forces alſo back, as having more than the remains of that War required for the finiſhing of it: and then with not above five hundred Foot, and two hundred Horſe, purſuing Maſiniſſa from the Mountains, ſhut him up in a narrow Valley, and ſet a Guard upon the ſeveral Avenues on both ſides. By which means there was a great ſlaughter of the Maſſylians then made: but Maſiniſſa with not above fifty Horſe, got away from thoſe that follow'd him through the by-paſſages and ſecret windings of the Mountain. Yet Bocchar kept at his heels: and having overtaken him in the open Plains, near the City Clupea, ſo circumvented him, that he killed every one of his Soldiers, excepting four Horſemen: with whom Maſiniſſa, though himſelf alſo wounded, eſcaped, in the tumult, out of his hands. Howbeit they were ſtill in ſight, and a Party of Horſe diſperſed over all the Plain, (ſome one way, and ſome another, the round about way to meet them) purſued the five Enemies: till at laſt they ran into a great River (for they did not boggle to leap their Horſes into it, when they were in ſuch a fright) by the violence whereof being carried away out of the Numidians reach, two of them were ſuck'd in by a rapid Whirlpool before the Enemies face, and Maſiniſſa himſelf thought to be drowned: but the two others and he got out among the Oſiers that grew on the other ſide. There Bocchar ſtopt his purſuit of them; becauſe he neither dared to venture into the River, nor thought there was any one left for him now to follow. Thence therefore he return'd to the King with a falſe ſtory, that Maſiniſſa was drown'd: whereupon there were Meſſengers diſpatch'd to Carthage to carry the joyful News; yea all Africa, being filled with the rumor of Maſiniſſa's death, was variouſly affected with it. In the mean time Maſiniſſa, whilſt he lay in a private Cave and with Herbs was curing his wound, lived for ſome days by the robberies of his two Troopers. But aſſoon as ever the ſcar began to come over it, and it ſeemed to be in a condition to endure the throwing of a Dart or Javelin, he went again with wondrous audacity to try to recover his Kingdom; and though by the way he had gotten together not above forty Horſe, yet when he came into the Maſſylian Dominions, he told them openly who he was; he cauſed ſuch a commotion, not only through the former kindneſs that they bore to him, but by reaſon of this unexpected joyful accident (that they ſhould ſee him ſafe and ſound, whom they believed was long before dead) that within a few d • ys ſix thouſand Footmen in Arms, and four thouſand Horſemen came in to him; ſo that he was now not only in poſſeſſion of his Fathers Kingdom, but alſo able to plunder the Nations that were Allies of the Carthaginians, and lay waſte the Maſaeſylian Confines, which was the Kingdom of Syphax. By that means Syphax being provoked to make War againſt him, he ſate down between Cirtha and Hippo in the tops of the Mountains which lye very convenient upon all occaſions.

Syphax therefore thinking that a thing of greater concern, than that he ſhould leave the doing of it to his Officers, ſent part of his Army with a young Man, his Son, called Vermina, whom he ordered to wheel about, and whilſt he himſelf oppoſed the Enemy before, to ſet upon them in the Reer. Vermina therefore going in the night, as being to attack them by ſurpriſe, Syphax decamped in the day time publickly, becauſe he reſolved to engage them in a pitch'd Battle. And when the time was come, in which he thought thoſe that he ſent about were arrived where they ſhould be, he alſo, marching up a ſmall Aſcent toward the Enemy, in confidence of his numbers, and the Ambuſcade that he had planted behind, led his Men up the Mountain. Maſiniſſa likewiſe, relying upon the place, becauſe it was much more commodious for him to fight in, drew out his own Men. Thereupon there was a ſharp conflict, and for a long time very dubious; the place and his Soldiers courage giving that aſſiſtance to Maſiniſſa, which Syphax received from his multitude, that was far the greater. And then that multitude being divided, ſome preſſing hard upon the Front, and others having planted themſelves about the Reer, gave Syphax all aſſurance that could be of a Victory: for there was no way for Maſiniſſa's Men ſo much as to eſcape, they were ſo environed both before and behind. Wherefore the reſt, both Horſe and Foot, being almoſt all ſlain or taken, Maſiniſſa order'd two hundred Horſemen that were about him, and divided by Troops into three parts, to break forth, having aſſigned them a place before-hand, where they ſhould rendezvous after their flight. Then he himſelf made his eſcape through the midſt of the Enemy, to the place that he intended: but two of the Troops were ſtopt by the way; the one of them for fear of ſurrendring themſelves to the Foe, whilſt the other, being more reſolute to make reſiſtance, was ſhot and cut to pieces. In the mean time Maſiniſſa eluding Vermina, though juſt at his heels, by turning and winding to and fro ſeveral ways, at laſt ſo tired him, that deſpairing to overtake him, he was forced to quit the purſuit. By which means Maſiniſſa came with 80 Horſe to the leſſer Syrtis; where he lived between the Punick Sea-ports and the Country of the Garamantes, all the time till the the arrival of C. Laelius and the Roman Navy in Africa. This makes me believe alſo that Maſiniſſa came afterward to Scipio with a ſmall, rather than a great ſupply of Horſe: for that great number was ſuitable indeed to him, when he was in his Kingdom; but this leſſer Force is more agreeable to the condition of the perſon in baniſhment.

The Carthaginians having loſt a Wing of Horſe, together with the Colonel of it, but raiſed more Horſemen by a new Levy, made Hanno Son of Amilcar Commander of them. Then they ſent frequent Letters to Aſdrubal and Syphax, with Meſſengers, and at laſt Ambaſſadors alſo to have them come to aſſiſt them: bidding Aſdrubal make haſte to aid his Country, that was now beſet almoſt quite round: and begging of Syphax, that he would ſuccour Carthage and all Africa in general. At that time Scipio had his Camp at Ʋtica, about a thouſand paces from the City; it being removed from the Sea-ſide, where for a few days it was, and joyned the Navy. Hanno, who had not Horſemen near enough, not only to provoke the Enemy, but not ſo much as to defend the Country from being plunder'd, made it his firſt buſineſs to raiſe Men, and increaſe the number of his Horſe. In which affair, though he did not ſlight the Levies of other Nations, yet he hired Numidians before any others, becauſe they are by far the beſt Horſemen in all Africa. And now he had got four thouſand Horſe, at what time he took the City of Salera, which was about fifteen thouſand paces from the Roman Camp. Which when Scipio heard, and, That the Numidian Horſe kept their Summer-Campaigne in houſes; he replied, Let them be ever more ſtill, if they will, as long as they have ſuch a General. And therefore thinking that he ought the leſs to be idle, by how much the more ſlothful they were; he order'd Maſiniſſa, whom he ſent before with the Horſe, to ride up to the Gates, and challenge the Enemy to Battle: and when all the multitude of them were come forth, ſo that the ſhock of the Fight was not eaſily to be endured, that he ſhould give back by little and little; for he would come up in the time of the diſpute. Then having ſtay'd ſo long, as he thought time enough for Maſiniſſa, who was gone before, to get the Enemy out, he followed with the Roman Horſe, and marched without being diſcovered, becauſe the Hills that were opportunely ſituate about the turnings of the Roads, concealed his paſſage. In the mean time Maſiniſſa, as they had agreed, ſometimes as if he would ſcare them, and ſometimes as though he feared them, either rode up to the very Gates, or by retiring (which lookt ſo like fear in him, that it made the Foe the more daring) tempted them to come forth and raſhly purſue them. But they were not yet come all forth, e're the General was very much tired upon ſeveral accounts; that is to ſay, with forcing ſome that were drunk and drowſie, to handle their Arms, and bridle their Horſes; and hindring others, that they ſhould not run out at the Gates in a confuſion and without their Enſigns. Firſt then Maſiniſſa received them as they went out all in an hurry: but ſtraightway more, following after very thick, made the Battle equal; till at length when all the Horſe was now come up and ingaged, they could no longer be endured. Notwithſtanding that, Maſiniſſa did not turn and run away, but by retreating gradually ſo long withſtood the ſhock, till he had drawn them on to the Hills that covered the Roman Horſe. Who riſing out of that place, with entire ſtrength and freſh Horſes, incloſed H • nno and the Africans, who were tired with fighting and purſuing, and Maſiniſſa turning his Horſe, all on a ſudden came back into the Battle. About a thouſand that were in the Van, being not able with any eaſe to retreat, were with their General Hanno environed and killed. The reſt who were frighted moſt of all at the loſs of their General, flying away as faſt as they could, were for three thouſand paces purſued by the Conquerors, and about two thouſand Horſemen of them either taken or ſlain. Among whom it was well known, that there were no leſs than two hundred Carthaginian Horſe, ſome of which were very remarkable both for their riches and birth.

About the ſame day that this was done, the Ships that had conveyed the Booty into Sicily returned with freſh proviſions: as if they had foreboded, that they were come to take in ſuch another Ca • go. All others do not agree, that two Carthaginian Generals of the ſame Name were killed in two Engagements of Horſemen: for fear, I ſuppoſe, leſt the ſame thing being twice related, ſhould deceive the Reader; for Caelius indeed and Valerius ſay that Hanno was taken. Scipio preſented the Officers and Troopers as every man had behaved himſelf, and eſpecially Maſiniſſa, with extraordinary Gifts: and having put a ſtrong Garriſon into Salera, he marched away with the reſt of the Army; not only plundering the Co • ntry which way ſoever he went, but alſo taking ſome Cities and ſmall Towns. By which means having diffuſed the terrour of the War into all parts far and near, the ſeventh day after he ſet forth, he returned to his Camp with a vaſt number of Men, Cattel, and all kind of Booty: and from thence again ſent away ſeveral Ships laden with the ſpoils of the Enemy. Then ceaſing to make any little Expeditions, or to plunder the Country, he turned all the force of the War toward the taking of Ʋtica: ſuppoſing, that if he had once taken that City, it would be a convenient ſeat for him to perfect all his other deſigns in. In order whereunto he drew up not only his Naval Forces on that ſide of the City that lies to the Sea, but his Land-Army alſo, from an Hill that ſtands juſt over the very Walls of it. He had brought all Inſtruments and Engines of War along with him, or had them ſent with the other proviſions out of Sicily: beſides that, there were new ones then made in the Armory by a great many Workmen, whom he had ſhut up there for that end and purpoſe The Ʋticans repoſed all their hopes in the people of Carthage, and the Carthaginians in Aſdrubal, ſo that he could but bring Syphax over to his Party: but all things moved much flower than they (who wanted aſſiſtance) could have wiſhed. Aſdrubal having raiſed by a moſt induſtrious Levy to the number of thirty thouſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe, yet durſt not remove his Camp any nearer to the Enemy before Syphax came. Syphax brought with him fifty thouſand Foot, and ten thouſand Horſe; and immediately decamping from Carthage, ſate down not far from Ʋtica and the Roman Intrenchments. And their arrival did this kindneſs at leaſt, that whereas Scipio had tryed all he could for almoſt forty days to take Ʋtica (but all in vain) it forced them to quit their fruſtrate enterpriſe. For now the Winter was at hand: wherefore he fortified his Winter-Camp in a certain Promontory, which joyning to the Continent by a ſmall neck of Land, runs out for ſome ſpace into the Sea. With the ſame Bulwark alſo he incompaſſed the Naval Camp too: and having placed the Legions in the middle of the Hill, the Ships (being got aſhore) and the Naval Allies kept on the North ſide, whilſt the Horſe took up the Southern Vale which wrought to the other ſhore.

Theſe things were done in Africa till the latter end of Autumn. Then, beſides the Corn that was conveyed thither from all parts of the Country, as Plunder, and the other ſtores brought out of Sicily and Italy, Cn. Octavius, the Propraetor, came out of Sardinia from T. Claudius, the Praetor, who governed that Province, with a vaſt quantity of Corn: with which not only the Barns that were already made, but others alſo, then new built, were filled. But the Army wanted cloaths: and therefore Octavius was imploy'd to talk with the Praetor, and ſee if any thing might be gotten and ſent out of that Province. Nor was that buſineſs long a doing: for a thouſand two hundred Togae [i. e. Gowns] with twelve thouſand Tunicks were ſent them in a ſhort time. The ſame Summer that theſe things were done in Africa, P. Sempronius, the Conſul, who had the Bruttit for his Province, ingaged with Annibal in a Skirmiſh, or tumultuary Battle near Croton upon the Road as he marched along. But they fought in Crowds rather than in Battalia: where the Romans being beaten, in a Tumult rather than a Fight, loſt a thouſand two hundred of the Conſuls Army, and then returned in a conſternation to their Camp. But the Enemy durſt not attack them there: ſo the Conſul in the dead time of the next night marching thence, and having ſent a Meſſenger before to P. Licinius, the Proconſul, to approach with his Legions, he united the Forces. So two Generals and two Armies returned to Annibal; nor did they make the leaſt delay to ſight on either ſide, the Conſuls Forces being now doubled, and the Carthaginian animated by his late Victory. Sempronius placed his Legions in the Front, and Licinius's were put in the Reer. The Conſul at the beginning of the Fight vowed to dedicate a Temple to the Goddeſs called Fortuna Primigenia [i. e. Fortune that has no Original from any thing elſe] if that day he chanced to vanquiſh the Enemy; and that Vow was attended with a ſucceſsful Event: for the Carthaginians being routed and put to flight, there were above four thouſand men ſlain, beſides little leſs than three hundred that were taken alive, with forty Horſes and eleven military Enſigns. Annibal being diſmayed at this misfortune, led his Army away to Croton. At the ſame time M. Cornelius, the Conſul, in the other part of Italy, kept Etr • ria in awe not ſo much by his Arms, as by the terror of his judicial Proceedings; though it were almoſt wholly inclined to Mago, and through him to the hopes of innovation. For he managed that affair, by order of the Senate, without any ſeverity and reſpect of perſons: and many Noblemen of Etruria, who either themſelves had gone, or ſent to Mago concerning the Revolt of that Country, were firſt condemned, being then preſent; but afterward through ſhame for what they had done, going into voluntary baniſhment of themſelves, and being in their abſence again condemned, they, having withdrawn their bodies, left their goods only, which might be confiſcated, as a commutation for their puniſhment.

Whilſt the Conſuls were about theſe affairs in ſeveral Countries, in the mean time the Cenſors, M. Livius and C. Claudius called over the Senate, and again reviewed them. Of whom Fabius Maximus was a ſecond time Princeps, i. e. choſen Chief; and ſeven were taken notice of more than ordinary, though ne're an one that had ſate in a curule Chair. They earneſtly and with the greateſt care imaginable exacted the repairs of Holy places. They made a ſtreet from the Forum Boarium, or Beaſt-market, to the Temple of Venus, and about the Fori publici [i. e. publick Shops] ordering the Temple of the Mater • agna [or great Mother, i. e. the Earth] to be built in the Palace. They alſo raiſed a new Tax out of the Salt; which being formerly ſold for a Sextans both at Rome and all over Italy, was continued for the ſame price at Rome, but higher rated in the leſſer Cities and Burroughs, and of a different price in ſome other places. That Tax the people eaſily imagined was a device of M. Livius's (one of the Cenſors) who was angry at the people, for that he had formerly been condemned by an unjuſt Judgment; beſides, that they fanſied that in the price of Salt the Tribes, by whoſe means he was condemned, were higheſt rated. Thence was he ſirnamed Livius Salinator [i. e. Livy the Salter.] The Survey was ſet up ſomewhat the later, becauſe the Cenſors ſent certain perſons about all the Provinces to bring them word how many Soldiers and Citizens there were in all the Roman Armies. After which the Poll amounted with them to two hundred ſixty five thouſand men. C. Claudius Nero ſet up this Luſtrum [or Survey of the People.] Then they took the Poll of the twelve Colonies (a thing never done before) by information of the Cenſors; that they might have publick Regiſters of what numbers of Soldiers and what ſtocks of Money they had. Then they ſurveyed the Knights, and both the Cenſors happen'd at that time to have each a publick Horſe. When therefore they came to the Tribe called Tribus Pollia, in which M. Livius's Name was, and the Cryer boggled to cite the Cenſor himſelf, Nero bad him, Cite M. Livius; and whether out of an old grudge, or a vain, unſea • onable pride that he then took in ſhewing his ſeverity, He commanded M. Livius, becauſe he had been condemned by the Judgment of the People, to ſell his Horſe. So M. Livius on the other hand, when they came to the Tribe called, Tribus Narnienſis and his Collegues, ordered C. Claudius alſo to ſell his Horſe, for two reaſons; the one, becauſe he had born falſe witneſs againſt him; and the other, that he was not heartily reconciled to him. By this means there was a very ungentile conteſt between them, who ſhould moſt fully the others reputation, though by the loſs of his own. At the end of his Cenſorſhip, when C. Claudius had ſworn to the Laws, and was gone up into the Treaſury, among the Names of ſuch as he left only tributary to the publick (and otherwiſe totally disfranchiſed) he gave his Collegue a Name. Then M. Livius came into the Treaſury, and, except the Tribe called Tribus Maecia, which had neither condemned him, nor made either Conſul or Cenſor after he was condemned, left all the Roman People, conſiſting of thirty four Tribes, disfranchiſed: becauſe not only that they had condemned him, though innocent; but being condemned, had made him Conſul and Cenſor: nor could they deny, either that they had offended once in their Judgment, or twice in their Aſſemblies. That among the thirty four Tribes C. Claudius alſo ſhould be disfranchiſed. And if he had any precedent for making the ſame perſon twice disfranchiſed, he would leave C. Claudius particularly by name among thoſe that were ſo puniſhed. This conteſt of the Cenſors to reproach each other was very unbecoming: but their chaſtiſing the peoples inconſtancy was worthy of the Cenſorian gravity of thoſe times. By this means the Cenſors falling under envy, Cn. Baebius, ſuppoſing that he had a good occaſion to raiſe himſelf by their ruines, he as Tribune of the People, aſſigned them both ſuch a day for their Tryal. But that matter was by conſent of the Senate ſet aſide, leſt the Cenſorſhip in time to come might be obnoxious to the popular breath.

The ſame Summer Clampetia, a Town in the Country of the Bruttii, being taken by the Conſul by ſtorm, Conſentia and Pandoſia, with other meaner Towns, came and made a voluntary ſurrender. And when the time of the Aſſembly was now at hand, they thought fit rather to ſend for Cornelius out of Etruria, where there was no War, to Rome: and he made Cn. Servilius Caepio, with C. Servilius Geminus, Conſuls. Then the Praetorian Aſſembly was held: wherein were choſen P. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Quintilius Varus, P. Aelius Paetus, and P. Villius Tappulus: the laſt two of which were created Praetors, though they were at that time Aediles of the People. The Conſul having ended, the Aſſembly returned into Etruria to the Army. Some of the Prieſts died that year, and in their places were put Tib. Veturius Philo High-Prieſt of Mars, who was created and inaugurated into the place of M. Aemilius Regillus, who died the year before: and in the room of M. Pomponius Matho the Augur and Decemvir were created, M. Aurelius Cotta, as Decemvir, and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, as Augur, though he were but a very Youth, which was a thing mighty extraordinary in the conferring of the Prieſthoods. That year there was a golden Chariot ſet up in the Capitol by the curule or chief Aediles, C. Livius and M. Servilius Geminus: and the Roman Games were performed two days together, as the Plebeian ones alſo were by the Aediles, P. Aelius and P. Villius: beſides that there was a Feaſt called Epulum Jovis [or Jupiters Feaſt] upon account of thoſe Games.

DECADE III. BOOK X. The EPITOME.

5, 6. In Africa Scipio overcame the Carthaginians, Syphax, King of Numidia, and Aſdrubal in ſeveral Battles, by the aſſiſtance of Maſiniſſa, took two Camps belonging to the Enemy, in which 40000 Men were cut off by Fire and Sword. 12. He took Syphax by means of C. Laelius and Maſiniſſa. 13, 14, 15. Maſiniſſa fell preſently in Love with Sophonisba the Wife of Syphax, and Daughter of Aſdrubal, who was at the ſame time taken, and married her: for which being rebuked by Scipio, he ſent her poyſon which ſhe drank and died. 20, 25. It came to paſs through Scipio's many Victories, that the Carthaginians being driven to deſpair, called Annibal back out of Italy for a Guard to the publick Safety 30, &c. And he departing out of Italy in the ſixteenth year, croſſed over into Africa, where he endeavoured by Parley to make a Peace with Scipio. 35. But being that they could not agree upon the Terms of it, he was conquered in a pitch'd Battle. 37. The Carthaginians had a Peace granted to them upon their Petition. Annibal laid violent hands upon Giſgo as he was diſſwading the People from Peace; and then excuſing the temerity of that action, himſelf ſtood up and excited them to the ſame. Mago, who was wounded in the War that he had with the Romans in the Country of the Inſubrians, as he came back for Africa, upon a Summons that he by certain Ambaſſadors ſent to him, dyed of his wound. Maſiniſſa had his Kingdom reſtored to him. Scipio returning into the City, made a noble and a splendid Triumph, which Q. Terentius Culleo, a Senator, followed, with a Cap upon his Head [as though he had been by Scipio redeemed from ſervitude] Scipio Africanus (who whether through the favour of the Soldiers, or the love of the People, he were firſt ſo ſurnamed, is uncertain) was certainly the firſt General that ever was ennobled with the Name of a whole Nation vanquiſhed by himſelf.

CN. Servilius Caepio and C. Servilius Geminus, who were Conſuls (in the ſixteenth year of the Punick War) having made report to the Senate concerning the War and the Provinces, the Senate thought fit, Ʋ. C. 547. that the Conſuls ſhould either agree among themſelves, or caſt Lots, which of them ſhould have the Province of the Bruttii againſt Annibal, with Etruria and Liguria. That he, to whoſe Lot the Bruttii fell, ſhould have the Army of the Conſul, P. Sempronius, P. Sempronius (for he alſo was continued in Commiſſion as Proconſul a year longer) ſhould ſucceed P Licinius; and he come back to Rome; who was alſo accounted an excellent Warrior, beſides his other accompliſhments, in which no Citizen at that time out-did him, he having all humane good things amaſſed together, that either Nature or Fortune could ſupply. He likewiſe was of a Noble Family and rich▪ beſides that he was very handſom and ſtrong. He was alſo reckoned very eloquent; whether he were to plead a Cauſe, or upon any occaſion, either in the Senate, or before the People, were to perſwade or diſſwade the Audience; being moreover well skill'd in the Jus Pontificium [the Law concerning Religion] but above all, his warlike Experience had qualified him for the Conſulate. What was decreed to be done touching one Army in the Country of the Bruttii, the ſame was alſo ordered as to the Army in Etruria and Liguria. M. Cornelius was commanded to deliver the Army to the new Conſul; and himſelf had the Province of Gaul continued to him together with thoſe Legions, which the Praetor L. Scribonius had had the year before. Then they caſt Lots for the Provinces; the Bruttii falling to Caepio, and Etruria to Servilius Geminus. After that the Praetors took their chances; and of them Paetus Aelius had the City, Cn. Lentulus Sardinia, P. Villius Sicily, and Quintilius Varus Ariminum with the two Legions, that had been under Lucretius Spurius. Lucretius alſo was continued in Commiſſion, to rebuild the Town of Genua, that had been demoliſhed by Mago the Carthaginian. P. Scipio likewiſe, not in reſpect to the preſent juncture, but what he was then about, was to continue ſtill in Commiſſion, till he had made an end of the War in Africa; and a Supplication order'd to be publickly made, That his going over into the Province of Africa might prove of good conſequence to the Roman People, the General himſelf and all his Army.

Three thouſand Soldiers were ſent over into Sicily, and becauſe, what ſtrength that Province had, was all carried over into Africa, leſt any Navy ſhould come out of Africa, they order'd the Sea-coaſt of Sicily to be guarded by forty Ships. Villius brought thirteen new Ships with him into Sicily, where the other old ones were refitted up again. Of which Navy M. Pomponius, who the year before was Praetor, being (continued in Commiſſion and) made Admiral, man'd the Ships with freſh Soldiers that came out of Italy. The like number of Ships did the Senate decree for Cn. Octavius, who was another Praetor of the precedent year, with the ſame Power and Authority to defend the Coaſt of Sardinia. Lentulus, the Praetor, was commanded to put two thouſand Men on board the Ships: and the Coaſt of Italy (becauſe it was uncertain which way the Carthaginians would ſend their Fleet (but, to be ſure, they would fall upon any part that they ſaw unguarded) was committed to the care of M. Porcius, a Praetor of the year laſt paſt, with the ſame number of Ships. The Conſuls raiſed 3000 Soldiers for that Fleet by order of Senate, beſides two City-Legions for the accidental neceſſities of the War. The Spains with the ſame Armies and Commiſſions were allotted to the old Generals, Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus. The Roman affairs that year were managed with 20 Legions in all, and 160 long Ships. The Praetors were order'd to go into their reſpective Provinces; and the Conſuls commanded, That before they went from the City, they ſhould ſet forth the Ludi magni [or great Games] which T. Manlius Torquatus, when Dictator, had vowed to perform in five year after that time, if the Republick continued in the ſame ſtate. Then Prodigies, of which relations were brought from ſeveral places, created new ſuperſtitions in the minds of the people. Crows were believed in the Capitol to have not only gnawed Gold to pieces with their bills, but even to have eaten it. The Mice at Antium gnawed a Crown of Gold. About Capua a mighty ſwarm of Graſhoppers filled all the Country, ſo that people could not deviſe whence they ſhould come. An Horſe-Colt was foaled at Reate which had five feet, and at Anagnia there were fires firſt ſcatter'd, as it were, all over the Sky, but afterward a great blaze in the Heavens. At Fruſinone a Bow encompaſſed the Sun with a ſmall line; but ſoon after a greater Sun ſeemed with its orbit on the outſide to incloſe that very Circle. At Arpinum the Earth, in a Champaigne place, fell in and made a large hollow As one of the Conſuls was a ſacrificing the firſt Victim, the head or tip was wanting in the Liver. Thoſe Prodigies were taken care of by offering up of greater Sacrifices; and the Colledge of Prieſts directed what Gods they ſhould offer them unto.

Thoſe things being over, the Conſuls and Praetors went to their ſeveral Provinces: but all had an eye to Africa (as if they had each of them had the particular care of it) either becauſe they believed, that the main ſtreſs of the War lay there; or to gratifie Scipio, upon whom all the eyes of the City were at that time turned. Wherefore not only from Sardinia (as I ſaid before) but from Sicily and Spain too, there were tranſported thither Cloaths, and Corn, and Arms alſo out of Sicily, with all other ſorts of Proviſions. Nor did Scipio remit the works of War at any time all the Winter long, but had his hands always full of buſineſs. He beſieged Ʋtica; his Camp being in ſight of Aſdrubal. The Carthaginians had launch'd their Ships, and had all their Fleet in a readineſs to intercept the Roman Proviſions. Amidſt all theſe affairs he had not neglected even the means to reconcile Syphax; if perchance the Honey-Moons were now over between him and his Wife. But from Syphax there was more reaſon to believe that he would have Terms of Peace which the Carthaginians offered him, that the Romans ſhould depart out of Africa, and the Carthaginians out of Italy, than, if they fought, there was any hopes of his revolting. All this affair was, I ſuppoſe, tranſacted more by Meſſengers (and ſo moſt Authors ſay) than by Syphax himſelf, though Antias Valerius tells us he came in perſon into the Roman Camp. The Roman General at firſt would ſcarce hearken to thoſe Conditions; though afterward, to gain an opportunity for his Men to go into the Enemies Camp, he was more calm in his refuſal, and gave them ſome hopes, that, by treating about it to and fro for ſome time, they might at laſt agree the matter. The Winter-quarters of the Carthaginians being built of materials which they gathered in an hurry out of the fields, were almoſt wholly built of wood. The Numidians eſpecially kept in Hutts, for the moſt part, made of Reeds and Sedge, all about the fields without any order, and ſome of them that took up their ſtations without any Command from their Officers, lay even without the Trench and Bulwark. Theſe circumſtances being told to Scipio, gave him hopes that he might have occaſion to burn the Enemies Camp.

He therefore ſent, along with the Ambaſſadors that went to Syphax, certain Centurions that were the firſt Leaders in each part of the Army, men of known courage and skill, in the habit of Servants or Knapſack-Boys; who, whilſt the Ambaſſadors were at the Parley, might ſtraggle about the Camp ſeveral ways, to obſerve all the Avenues and Paſſes, with the ſituation and form not only of the Camp in general, but of each particular Quarter, as well where the Carthaginians as where the Numidians lay, and what diſtance there was between Aſdrubals Camp and that of the King: and likewiſe to find out by the manner of their Guards and Watches, whether they were more eaſie to be attack'd by night or by day. And then amidſt their frequent conferences there were ſometimes one part, and anon another of them ſent, that by a greater number all things might be the better underſtood. When the thing having been ſeveral times diſcourſed of, had given more hopes every day than other, both to Syphax and the Carthaginians too, of a Peace by his means; the Roman Ambaſſadors ſaid, They durſt not return to their General, unleſs they had a poſitive anſwer. And therefore they deſired him, that either he would reſolve upon what he had declared, or conſult Aſdrubal and the Carthaginians, if he thought fit: for it was high time either to conclude of a Peace, or begin the War as faſt as they could. But whilſt Syphax conſulted Aſdrubal, and he the Carthaginians, not only the Spies had time enough to view all parts of the Camp, but Scipio alſo, to prepare ſuch things as were conducive to his purpoſe: and from the diſcourſe and hopes which they had of a Peace, a neglect (as it uſually does) aroſe among the Carthaginians and Numidians, of taking care, that no Hoſtility were offer'd to them in the mean time. At laſt their anſwer was brought back, ſome things (becauſe the Roman ſeemed very earneſt for a Peace) being put too hard upon them in reſpect of that preſent juncture; which gave Scipio a good opportunity, according to his own hearts deſire, to break off the Truce. And therefore the next day, when he had told the Kings Meſſenger, that he would propoſe it to a Council of War, he gave him this anſwer; That he himſelf was the only perſon that in vain contended for it, no one man elſe being for a Peace. Wherefore he might tell the King, that he could not hope for Peace with the Romans upon any other Terms, than by leaving the Carthaginians. He therefore broke off the Truce, that he might freely and with Honour execute his deſigns: and launching his Ships (it being now the beginning of the Spring) he put all ſorts of Inſtruments and Engines of War on board them, as though he would have attack'd Ʋtica from off the Sea. He ſent two thouſand Men to take poſſeſſion of that Hill, which he had formerly been poſted upon, above Ʋtica; for fear, leſt when he went himſelf againſt Syphax and Aſdrubal, any Sally might be made out of the Town, and his Camp, left with a ſlight Guard, thereby attack'd.

Theſe things being prepared, he called a Council, and bade the Spies declare what they had diſcovered, as likewiſe Maſiniſſa, who knew all the Enemies methods; propoſing at laſt himſelf, what he deſigned againſt the next night. Then he gave Order to the Tribunes, that when his Tent was cleared, and they had given the ſignal, immediately to draw the Legions out of the Camp. As he commanded, the Enſigns began to move out of the Camp a little before Sun-ſetting; and being almoſt till the firſt Watch a ſetting their Men in Array, they about midnight (for it was ſeven thouſand paces off) came at an eaſie rate to the Enemies Camp. There Scipio gave Laelius one part of the Forces, together with Maſiniſſa and the Numidians; commanding them to attack Syphax's Camp, and to throw fire into it. After which taking Laelius and Maſiniſſa apart from one another, he conjured them, That they would ſupply by their diligence and care what foreſight the night took from them. That he himſelf would attack Aſdrubal and the Punick Camp: but he would not begin before he ſaw the fire in that of the King. Nor was that matter long deferred. For aſſoon as the fire was thrown and took in the next Hutts, he preſently fell upon all the neareſt parts, and from thence going on to the reſt, diſperſed himſelf through all the Camp. Thereupon aroſe a great conſternation among the Enemies, as it muſt needs do, when in the night they ſaw ſo great a conflagration. But they thinking it to be an accidental, not an hoſtile, or a warlike fire, ran out unarmed to quench it, and fell into the hands of the Soldiers, eſpecially thoſe Numidians, whom Maſiniſſa had planted in ſeveral convenient paſſes, according to his knowledge of the Kings Camp. The flame devoured many of them as they lay aſleep: whilſt as many more, who ran away headlong one over another to make their eſcape, were trodden to pieces in the narrow Avenues of the Gates.

When the Watchmen or Sentinels of the Carthaginians (who were the firſt that diſcovered it) and after them the reſt, alarm'd by that nocturnal Tumult, ſaw the blazing flame, they alſo, by the ſame miſtake, believed that it happen'd of its own accord. And the clamour that was raiſed amidſt their wounds and ſlaughter, being not certainly known to proceed from that reaſon, (for it might ariſe from the conſternation they were in at that time of night) deprived them of all means to find out the true cauſe. Wherefore each one for himſelf, they all came out unarmed (as dreading nothing of an Enemy) at every Gate, the neareſt way they could, carrying ſuch things only with them, as were fit to quench the fire, and ran upon the Roman Army. Where being all ſlain, leſt even ſo much as one Meſſenger ſhould eſcape, Scipio immediately made up to their Gates, which (as it uſes to happen in ſuch caſes) were in the hurry at that time neglected, and having ſet fire to the next Hutts, the ſpreading flame at firſt appeared as though it had been ſcatter'd in ſeveral places; but ſoon increaſing, it crept into the contiguous Tents, and of a ſudden put every thing into one common blaze. The Men and Beaſts being ſindg'd at firſt, blocked up the paſſes of their Gates by their diſhonourable flight, but ſtraightway did the ſame with their dead bodies; and thoſe that the fire did not conſume, were taken off by the Sword: inſomuch that two Camps were deſtroy'd by one diſaſter. Yet both the Generals and of ſo many thouſand Men, two thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe half arm'd, were great part of them wounded, and ſindged by the fire, eſcaped. There were killed and burnt full forty thouſand men, ſix thouſand taken; of which many were Carthaginian Noblemen, eleven Senators, with an hundred ſeventy eight military Enſigns, and above two thouſand ſeven hundred Numidian Horſe; ſix Elephants were taken, and eight cut off by Fire and Sword, beſides a great quantity of Arms that was then loſt, which the General ſet all on fire as a Sacrifice to Vulcan.

Aſdrubal ran away with a few about him to the next City belonging to the Africans; and thither alſo all the reſt, that were alive, followed him: but ſoon after, for fear the Town might be ſurrendred to Scipio, he quitted it. Nor was it long before the Romans were received into the ſame with the Gates wide open: but they committed no Act of Hoſtility, for that the Inhabitants had made a voluntary ſurrender. After that they took and ſack'd two other Cities; diſtributing the Plunder of them and what they ſaved out of the burnt Camps, from the fire, among the Soldiers. Syphax ſate down about 8000 paces from thence in a place well fortified. Aſdrubal went to Carthage, to prevent any effeminate Counſels, that might proceed from their fear there, ſince the late miſadventure. And there the people were at firſt in ſo great a conſternation, that they fanſied Scipio would paſs by Ʋtica, and come immediately to beſiege Carthage. Whereupon the Suffetes (who are a kind of Conſuls in that place) called a Senate: in which they gave three ſeveral Opinions; the one, That it was beſt to ſend Ambaſſadors to Scipio for Peace; the ſecond, That they ought to recal Annibal to defend his Country from that deſtructive War; and the third (which ſhewed even a Roman conſtancy in ſuch ill circumſtances) was, That they muſt recruit their Army, and deſire Syphax not to lay down his Arms. This laſt Opinion, becauſe Aſdrubal was there preſent, and all thoſe of the Barchine Faction were more deſirous of a War, prevailed. Thereupon a Levy began to be made both in the City and the Country, and Ambaſſadors were ſent to Syphax, who himſelf did all he could to renew the War: for his Wife had now perſwaded him, not as before with blandiſhments, which yet are powerful enough to incline a Lovers mind, but with her prayers and for pity, begging of him with tears in her eyes, that he would not betray her Father and Country, or ſuffer Carthage to be conſumed in the ſame flames, in which the Camps had been deſtroyed. The Carthaginian Ambaſſadors alſo brought him very ſeaſonable good News, That four thouſand Celtiberians were come up to the City of Obba, which his Officers had raiſed in Spain, being all brave luſty young Fellows, whom they met: beſides that Aſdrubal would be there in a ſhort time with a conſiderable Force. He therefore not only gave the Ambaſſadors a very kind anſwer, but ſhewed them like a great multitude of Numidian Hinds, whom he had armed and mounted in that time, affirming, that he would raiſe all the Youth in his Kingdom, That he knew they were ruined by fire, not by fair fighting: and that he was the weaker in War, that could be vanquiſhed by Arms. This was his Anſwer to the Ambaſſadors. So after a few days Aſdrubal and Syphax again united their Forces, which conſiſted in all of about 30000 fighting Men.

When Scipio therefore thought that, as to Syphax and the Carthaginians, he had made an end of the War, and was intent only upon the taking of Ʋtica, to the Walls whereof he then applied his Engines, he was diverted by the rumor of the Wars being again renewed: and thereupon leaving ſome ſmall Party only for a ſhew of a Siege by Sea and Land, he with the Body of the Army marched toward the Foe. And firſt he ſate down upon an Hill about 4000 paces from the Kings Camp: from whence the next day marching down into the great Plains (as they call them) which lie under that Hill, he ſpent all that day in making approaches to the Enemies Camp, and attacking them with light Skirmiſhes: but during the two days following that, they made only tumultuous Excurſions upon each other to and fro, and did nothing worth a ſpeaking of. The fourth day they both came into the field; the Roman placing the Principes [their main Body] behind the Haſtati [Spearmen] and the Triarii [the beſt Soldiers in their Army] in the Reer, with the Italian Horſe in the right Wing, and the Numidians and Maſiniſſa in the left. On the other ſide Syphax and Aſdrubal with the Numidians were ſet againſt the Italian Horſe, and the Carthaginians againſt Maſiniſſa; ſo that the Celtiberians were in the middle in oppoſition to the Roman Legions. Being thus array'd, they fell to it: and upon the firſt congreſs both the Wings, Numidians and Carthaginians too, were routed. For neither could the Numidians, who were for the moſt part Country-fellows, ſuſtain the ſhock of the Roman Horſe, nor the Carthaginians, who themſelves were new Soldiers, endure Maſiniſſa, he being ſo terrible, beſides other reaſons, upon the account of the late Victory. By this means the main Body of the Celtiberians was naked, without the Wings on either ſide to cover it, but ſtood their ground; becauſe there was neither any proſpect of their being ſaved, if they ran away in places which they were unacquainted with; nor could they hope for pardon from Scipio, whom, though he deſerved very well of them and their Country, they had come into Africa with mercenary Arms to oppoſe. Wherefore the Enemy being ſcattered and defeated round about, fell one over another and obſtinately died: but when all the ſtreſs of the day was turned upon them, Syphax and Aſdrubal had ſome time to eſcape; but then night overtook the victorious Romans, who were now tired with ſlaughter, rather than fighting.

The next day Scipio ſent Laelius and Maſiniſſa with all the Roman and Numidian Horſe, together with the moſt expedite part of the Foot, to purſue Syphax and Aſdrubal; whilſt he himſelf with the ſtrength of the Army ſubdued all the Cities round about, that were in ſubjection to the Carthaginians, partly by fear, partly by hope, and partly by force. For that reaſon Carthage it ſelf was in a great fright, believing that Scipio, who had made uſe of his Arms againſt the people there about, and ſubdued their Neighbours, would very ſhortly attempt even Carthage it ſelf. They therefore repaired their Walls, and fortified them with Baſtions; each man for himſelf conveying out of the Country what he thought neceſſary for the holding out of a Siege. They ſeldom ſpoke of Peace, but much more frequently of ſending Ambaſſadors to fetch Annibal home, the greateſt part of them deſiring that the Navy, which was prepared to receive the Proviſions, might be ſent to ſurpriſe the Fleet that lay ſo neglected at Ʋtica, where it may be they might deſtroy the Naval Camp too, it being left with ſo ſmall a Guard. They all inclined moſt to this advice; but yet they thought ſit that Ambaſſadors ſhould be ſent to Annibal too: For though the Navy ſhould have never ſo good ſucceſs, and that the Siege at Utica ſhould be in ſome meaſure raiſed, yet there was neither any other General beſides Annibal, nor any Army but his, that could defend Carthage. The Ships therefore were the next day launched, and the Ambaſſadors went for Italy, all things being done by the inſtigation of Fortune in an hurry; whilſt every man thought each neglect of his own to be ſo far a betraying of the publick ſafety. Scipio by this time having an Army at his heels, that was laden with the ſpoils of many Cities, ſent the Captives and the othe • Booty into the old Camp at Ʋtica, and being intent upon Carthage ſeized Tunis, which was forſaken by thoſe that were ſet to guard it. That Tunis is about 15000 paces from Carthage, being a place well fortified not only with Works, but by Nature too; and ſtands ſo, that you may ſee that from Carthage, or Carthage from that; not only the City, but the Sea alſo that runs about it.

There as the Romans were in the heat of raiſing their Bulwark, they ſpied the Enemies Fleet coming from Carthage to Ʋtica. Wherefore, omitting their work, they ordered their Men to march, and their Enſigns were poſted away in all haſte, leſt their Ships being turned toward the Land and to a Siege, ſhould be ſurpriſed when they were not ready for a Sea-ſight. For how could a Fleet, that carried nothing but Engines and Inſtruments of Battery, withſtand a Navy which was fitted and armed with all ſorts of convenient Light and Sea-Ʋtenſils? eſpecially when they were either made uſe of as Ships of burden, or ſo applied to the Walls, that they might facilitate the Romans aſcent thereunto inſtead of a Mound and Bridges. For that reaſon Scipio, contrary to what is uſual in Sea-fights, taking the Ships of War, which might have defended the reſt, into the Reer of the Fleet next the Land, he planted a fourfold rank of Ships of burden as a Wall againſt the Foe, and kept them together, leſt in the tumult of the Fight their ranks ſhould be diſordered, with Maſts and Sail-yards which lay a-croſs from Ship to Ship, and were faſt tied to each other with ſtrong ropes as it were in one ſingle bond; with planks all over them, to make the ranks of the Ships paſſable; beſides that under the very Bridges he made ſuch ſpaces, as that in them the little Scout-ſhips could run up toward the Enemy, and be ſafely received again. Having put things thus tumultuouſly in a readineſs, he man'd thoſe Ships of burden with about 1000 choice Fellows, and ſtow'd in them a great quantity of darting Weapons, enough to hold out, though the Fight ſhould continue a long time. They therefore, ſo prepared and ſet about the buſineſs, expected the Enemies approach. But the Carthaginians, who, if they had made haſte, might have found all things in a confuſion, and ſeized them at the firſt Onſet, being diſmay'd at their misfortunes by Land, and for that reaſon, though they were more powerful by Sea, diſtruſting their own ability, ſpent the day in ſlothfully cruiſing up and down, and about Sun-ſetting arrived at the Port, which the Africans call Ruſcinona. The next day at Sun-riſing they put their Ships in a fighting poſture out at Sea, as though they had deſigned a ſet Sea-ſight, and that the Romans would have met them. And when they had waited a great while, ſeeing the Enemy did not ſtir, they at laſt attack'd the Ships of burden. But this Action was not at all like a Sea-ſight, but moſt nearly reſembled ſo many Ships attempting the Walls of a Town. For the Oneraries [or Ships of burden] were ſomewhat higher than theirs; ſo that the Carthaginians from their Ships of War threw many Weapons (it being upwards) to no purpoſe toward the Enemy that were above them; whilſt the ſtroke from thence out of the Oneraries was heavier, and by reaſon of its very weight more ſteddy. The Scout-ſhips and other ſmall Veſſels, who ran forth through the ſpaces under the Bridges of Planks, were firſt overwhelmed even by the very force and bulk of the Men of War; and then too were incommodious to their own Men, becauſe, being mingled with the Enemies Ships, they often forced them to withhold the Weapons which they would have thrown, for fear they might happen to hit their Friends. At laſt great harping Irons began to be thrown out of the Punick into the Roman Ships. Which they being not able to cut, much leſs the Chains by which they hung and were thrown in, to the end that each Ship of War with her ſtern to the Ship of burden might drag them by that hook after her, you might have ſeen them cut the Ropes, wherewith they were tied to one another, and the reſt of the Ships that were behind move after them. By this means chiefly all the Bridges were diſſolved, and the Roman Soldiers that were on board them had hardly time to leap into other Ships: inſomuch that there about ſix of thoſe onerary Ships towed by the Enemies Poops to Carthage. At which the Carthaginians were more rejoyced than the thing deſerved; but their ſucceſs in that was therefore the more grateful to them, in that amidſt their daily miſadventures and ſorrows they had ſome little glimmerings of good Fortune; beſides that, it plainly appeared, the Roman Navy was not far from ruine, if their Commanders had not been idle, or Scipio not come up as he did.

About the ſame time, when Laelius and Maſiniſſa in fifteen days were come into Numidia, the Maſſylians were overjoyed to ſee their King, whom they ſo long deſired, and delivered him up his Fathers Kingdom. Syphax, ſeeing his Officers and Guards were driven thence, kept himſelf within his ancient Dominions, though he could not yet be at quiet. For his Wife and Father-in-law, ſeeing him mightily in Love, incited him ſtill more and more; beſides that, he ſo abounded in Men and Horſes, that the Forces which he had in his eye over all his Kingdom, that had been in a flouriſhing condition for ſo many years, might have animated a Soul even leſs barbarous and tyrannical than his. Wherefore having muſter'd up all thoſe that were ſit for War into one Body, he divided the Horſes, Arms and Weapons among them; diſtributing the Horſemen into Troops, and the Foot into Companies, as he had formerly of the Romans learnt to do. Then with that Army, which though it were no leſs than that which he before had had, was almoſt all raw and undiſciplined Men, he marched toward the Enemy. And having pitch'd his Camp pretty near them, at firſt a few Horſemen went very cautiouſly from their Poſt to ſcout, but were forced back again with darts to their own Party: after which, they made excurſions one upon the other; in which thoſe that were worſted being incenſed with indignation, gave occaſion for others to come on: which is a provocation peculiar to Horſe-ingagements, when either hope of Victory to ſuch as have the better on't, or rage, among ſuch as are worſted, brings more of their fellow-Soldiers up to them. By that means therefore, though the Fight were begun by a few, at laſt all the Horſe on both ſides was very eager to fall on. And whilſt the Horſe alone were ingaged, the ſhock of the Maſaeſylians (for Syphax ſent forth great numbers of them) could hardly be endured: but ſoon after that, when the Roman Foot by running in between their own Horſe, who made way for them, had ſtrengthened their Body, and deterred the Enemy from preſſing on ſo faſt as before; the Barbarians at firſt rode ſomewhat ſlower, and then ſtanding ſtill, were almoſt confounded at this new ſort of Fight; till at laſt they did not only give way to the Foot, but could not ſo much as ſtand againſt the Horſe, when the Foot with their aſſiſtance had put freſh courage into them. And now the Enſigns of the Legions too drew near; whereupon the Maſaeſylians could not brook not only the firſt Onſet, but not ſo much as the ſight of them and their Arms: ſo far did either the remembrance of former miſadventures or the preſent terrour prevail upon them.

Then Syphax, as he was charging up to the Enemies Troops, to try, if either by ſhame or his own danger he could ſtop their flight, had his Horſe wounded under him in his full career, and falling down was taken Priſoner, and dragged alive (which was like to be a more joful ſight to Maſiniſſa than any body elſe) to Laelius. Cirtha was the Metropolis of Syphax's Kingdom: and thither a vaſt multitude of people were fled. But the ſlaughter in that Battle was leſs than the Victory, becauſe the Horſe alone had there ingaged: by which means there were not above 5000 ſlain, and leſs than half that number taken, by an Attack made upon the Camp, whither the frighted multitude, when they had loſt their King, betook themſelves. Then Maſiniſſa ſaid, Nothing could be more acceptable to him, than being victorious to ſee his Fathers Kingdom, which he at ſo great an interval of time had now recovered: yet that he muſt not be idle in prosperity any more than adverſity. If Laelius would ſuffer him to go before to Cirtha with the Horſe, and Syphax in Fetters, he ſhould ſurpriſe and put them all into a great conſternation; and that Laelius might come after, with the Foot, at his leiſure. To which Propoſal Laelius conſenting, Maſiniſſa went before to Cirtha, where he order'd all the chief men of the City to be ſummon'd to a Treaty. But they being ignorant what condition the King was in, he could not induce them either by telling them what had happen'd, by threats or by perſwaſion to ſubmit, before the King was preſented before their eyes. With that, when they ſaw ſo horrid a ſpectacle, they all lamented his condition; and partly for fear forſook the Walls, partly by a ſudden conſent among thoſe that ſought to ingratiate themſelves with the Conqueror, threw open the Gates. Thereupon Maſiniſſa, having placed a Guard at the ſeveral Gates and all the moſt convenient places on the Walls, leſt any of them ſhould run away, rode up on a gallop to ſeize the Palace. Where, as he juſt came into the Porch, Sophonisba, Syphax's Wife and Aſdrubal's Daughter, met him: and ſeeing Maſiniſſa amidſt all the throng of Soldiers, who was remarkable not only for his Arms, but his other habit alſo, ſhe, ſuppoſing (as it really was) that he was the King, threw her ſelf at his feet, and ſaid: The Gods, your own courage, and the ſucceſs you met with, have put it into your hands to do what you pleaſe with us; but if a Captive may make but one ſmall requeſt to him that is Lord both of her lif • and death, if ſhe may touch his knees, or his victorious hand, I beg and beſeech thee by the Majeſty of a King, to which we had not long ago ſome pretenſions; by the name and honour of the Numidian Nation, which once was common to thee and Syphax; by the Gods that preſide over this Palace (who I hope will receive thee with better luck than they ſent Syphax hence) grant me this Boon, that you would pleaſe, whatever your reſolutions are concerning me, to do it your ſelf in perſon, and not to ſuffer me to fall into the tyrannical and cruel hands of any Roman. If I had been nothing elſe but Syphax's Wife, yet I would rather try the juſtice and honour of a Numidian, and one that was born in Africa, my own Country, than of an Alien and a Foreigner. You know what a Carthaginian may reaſonably fear (eſpecially Aſdrubal's Daughter) from a Roman. Wherefore if you cannot any other way, I beg and conjure you, that you would by death deliver me out of the clutches of the Romans. She was very beautiful and in the flower of her age: wherefore when ſhe took him by the hand and deſired his promiſe, that ſhe ſhould not be delivered to any Roman; ſo that her addreſs to him was now more like allurements than intreaties, the Conquerors fury ſunk not only into pity, but (as the Numidians are much inclined to Venery) he fell in Love with his Captive, and giving her his right hand in token that he would do what ſhe required, walkt into the Palace. But there he was at a plunge to think how he ſhould perform what he had promiſed. Which being not able to reſolve, he borrow'd from Love a raſh, impudent ſtrategem, and order'd all things to be provided for his Wedding that very day, that he might leave no room for Laelius, or even Scipio himſelf, to have any deſign upon her as a Captive, who was already married to Maſiniſſa. The Marriage being conſummated, Laelius arrived; and was ſo far from diſſembling his diſlike of the fact, that he firſt of all endeavoured to force her out of the Marriage-bed, and ſend her with Syphax and the other Captives to Scipio: but afterward being overcome by Maſiniſſa's intreaties, who deſired him, that he would leave the determination of that point to Scipio, which of the two Kings Sophonisba ſhould make more happy: he ſent away Syphax and the other Captives, and by the aſſiſtance of Maſiniſſa, took the other Cities of Numidia, which were then in the poſſeſſion of the Kings Forces.

When the News was brought, that Syphax was come into the Camp, all the multitude ran out as it had been to ſee a Triumph. He went foremoſt, and all the Numidian Nobility followed after. Then, as much as ever each man could, they magnified Syphax and the renown of his Nation to increaſe the glory of their own Nation, ſaying, That he was a King, to whoſe Majeſty too the moſt potent people in the whole World (which were the Romans and Carthaginians) paid ſuch deference, that Scipio, their General, went with two Gallies of five banks of Oars apiece out of his Province of Spain and from his Army, into Africa to deſire an Alliance with him: whilſt Aſdrubal the Carthaginian General not only came himſelf into his Kingdom to wait upon him, but likewiſe gave him his Daughter in Marriage: ſo that he had at one and the ſame time two Generals in his power, a Roman and a Carthaginian. Who as they had by Sacrifices begged pardon of the immortal Gods, ſo did they both deſire peace of him. That he was a Prince of ſuch prodigious Power, that he drove Maſiniſſa out of his Kingdom, and reduced him to ſuch a paſs, that all his life was eclipſed by a rumor that he was dead, whilſt he was fain to lurk in Caves and Woods, as wild Beaſts do, and live by robbery. The King being commended by ſuch like Harangues of thoſe that ſtood about him, was brought into the Praetorium [or Generals Tent] to Scipio: who was much concerned not only at the preſent condition of the man, compared with his former ſtate, but upon the ſcore of that friendſhip which they two had contracted, with the Promiſe and League which they had entred into both publick and private. The ſame conſiderations gave Syphax alſo the courage to ſpeak to the Conqueror. For when Scipio asked him, What he meant by only refuſing an Alliance with the Romans, but making a War upon them too on his own accord? He replied, That he had, he muſt confeſs, done very ill, and was a mad man for it; but not then when he had already taken up Arms againſt the Romans; that was the end, not the beginning of his madneſs. That he was then mad, and then had caſt all obligations, both private and publick, out of his thoughts, when he took a Carthaginian Woman into his houſe. That his Palace was ſet on fire by thoſe nuptial Torches: for that fury and peſt averted and eſtranged his Soul by all the endearments of Love; nor did ſhe reſt, till ſhe had armed his hands againſt himſelf as well as his Gueſt and good Friend. Yet that amidſt all his miſeries and afflictions he had this comfort ſtill, that he ſaw the ſame peſt and fury was got into the houſe and family of a man that was, of all mankind, his greateſt Enemy: and that Maſiniſſa was not more prudent or conſtant than Syphax, whoſe youth too made him the more careleſs: and, for that reaſon, Maſiniſſa certainly was more unwiſe, and ſhewed leſs government of himſelf than could be expected from him, in marrying of her.

Having ſaid thus, not only out of hoſtile hatred to Maſiniſſa, but jealouſie alſo, (for that he ſaw the Woman whom he loved in the keeping of his Rival) he made Scipio likewiſe much concerned. And beſides that, the Marriage which he ſo haſtily ſtole almoſt in Arms, before he had conſulted or ſeen Laelius, made the accuſation the more believed: for he did it in ſuch an hurry, that the ſame day he ſaw the Captive Queen, he married her, and offered Sacrifice to his own Houſhold Gods before thoſe of another. But theſe things ſeemed the more unhandſom to Scipio, becauſe, when he was a young man in Spain, no Captives beauty had moved him. As Scipio was revolving thus with himſelf, Laelius and Maſiniſſa came in: whom after he had received with the like gracious countenance, and had given them very great commendations before a whole Praetorium full of people, he took Maſiniſſa aſide, and ſaid to him to this purpoſe: Maſiniſſa, I believe that you ſaw ſome good things in me, not only when you came at firſt into Spain to contract a friendſhip with me, but afterward alſo, when in Africa, you committed both your ſelf and all your hopes to my protection. But there is no virtue, for which I ſeem to be a fit object of your affections, wherein I glory ſo much, as in the government and maſtery I have over my luſts. And this I would have you alſo, Maſiniſſa, add to your other extraordinary qualifications. For there is not (believe me) ſo much danger to be feared in our Age from armed Foes, as from pleaſures that ſurround us on every ſide. He that by his temperance has bridled and tamed them, truly he has gained more glory to himſelf, and a greater Victory, than we have by conquering Syphax. What you did ſo ſtoutly and bravely in my abſence, I not only am pleaſed to commemorate and remember; but as for other things, I had rather you ſhould recollect them your ſelf, than bluſh when I tell you of them. Syphax was both conquered • nd taken by the conduct and good fortune of the Roman People: wherefore not only he, but his Wife, Kingdom, Country, Towns, Inhabitants, and in ſhort all that belonged to Syphax, is your Booty: and we ought to ſend both the king and his Wife, though ſhe were not a Citizen of Carthage, though we did not know that her Father was the Enemies General, to Rome, for the Senate and People of that City to judge and diſpoſe of her; who is reported to have alienated the King, our Ally, from us, and forced him headlong into Arms. Subdue your paſſion, and have a care you do not deform many virtues with one vice, and deſtroy the love you have gained by ſo many meritorious actions with a fault much greater than the cauſe of it.

When Maſiniſſa heard that, he not only bluſh'd, but the tears alſo ſtood in his eyes; having ſaid, That, for his part, he would be at the Generals diſpoſal; and prayed him, that as much as poſſibly the thing would bear, he would conſult his honour, which he had raſhly ingaged; as having promiſed, not to deliver her into any other mans hands, he went in a confuſion out of the Praetorium into his own Tent. And there, when no body was by him, after he had ſpent ſome time in ſighs and groans, which thoſe that ſtood about the Tent could eaſily hear, at laſt giving a grievous groan, he called a truſty Servant of his, under whoſe cuſtody (according to the cuſtom of Kings) againſt a caſual exigence of Fortune his Poyſon was, and having mingled it in a Cup, bade him carry it to Sophonisba, and tell her therewithal; That Maſiniſſa would willingly have performed his firſt promiſe to her, as an Husband ought to his Wife. But ſince they that were able to do it had taken that power out of his hands, he was reſolved to make good his ſecond promiſe; that ſhe ſhould not be, whilſt alive, in the hands of any Romans; as being mindful of her Father, who was a General, her Country, and the two Kings, to which ſhe had been married: and that ſhe therefore ſhould conſult her own good. The Servant, carrying this Meſſage, and the Poyſon at the ſame time, when he came to Sophonisba: I accept, ſaid ſhe, this nuptial Preſent; nor is it unwelcome to me, if my Husband could do no more for me. Yet tell him this from me; That I ſhould have dyed much better, if I had not been married at my Funeral. Nor was her paſſion greater, when ſhe ſaid ſo, than her concern was ſmall, when ſhe took the Cup and drank it off without any more ado. Which when Scipio heard of; leſt the young man, being troubled in mind, ſhould do himſelf or any body elſe any injury, he preſently ſent for him, and one while comforting him up, another while he calmly chid him, that he revenged one raſhneſs with another, and did a ſadder thing than was any ways neceſſary to be done. The next day, that he might divert his mind from the preſent diſturbance, he aſcended the Tribunal, and ordered an Aſſembly to be called: in which, when he had ſaluted Maſiniſſa by the Title of King, and praiſed him above the Skies, he preſented him with a golden Crown, a golden Cup, a Chair of State, an Ivory Staff, a flower'd Gown, and a palm'd Tunick: to which he added this verbal Honour; That neither the Romans knew any thing more magnificent than a Triumph; nor had any that triumphed a more auguſt Garb than that, of which the Roman People thought Maſiniſſa the only Foreigner, that was truly worthy. After he had ſo done, he gave Laelius a very great Character and a Crown of Gold too at the ſame time. He likewiſe made Preſents to other military men, according as they had behaved themſelves. With thoſe Honours the Kings mind was ſoftned, and he put into great hopes, that when Syphax was once taken off, he ſhould have all Numidia.

Scipio having ſent C. Laelius with Syphax, and other Captives to Rome, along with whom alſo went Ambaſſadors from Maſiniſſa, himſelf removed his Camp back to Tunis, and perfected thoſe Fortifications that he had begun. Mean while the Carthaginians, being filled not only with a ſhort, but almoſt a vain joy, by reaſon of their preſent good ſucceſs in oppoſing the Roman Navy, when they heard that Syphax was taken, in whom they had repoſed more hopes, if poſſible, than in Aſdrubal and all their own Army, were diſmay'd, when they heard no body now ſpeak any more for a War, and ſent thirty of the ancient Nobility as Envoys to deſire a Peace. For that was their great Council, and the beſt means they had to rule even the Senate it ſelf. Who when they came into the Roman Camp and to the Praetorium, they threw themſelves (uſing the faſhion, I ſuppoſe, of that Country whence they originally came) proſtrate on the ground. And their Speech was ſuitable to ſuch an humble poſture: For they did not excuſe themſelves, but laid all the original blame upon Annibal and ſuch as favoured his ambition. They begged pardon for their City, which had been twice already overthrown by the temerity of its Citizens, but might again be reſtored through the bounty of their Enemies. That the Roman People ſought for Empire over their conquered Foes, not their ruine: and that they were ready to ſerve them patiently, let their Commands be what they would. To which Scipio anſwer'd, That he came into Africa with that hope, which by the proſperous event of the War was increaſed, that he ſhould carry Victory, not Peace back with him home: yet though he had a Victory juſt at hand, he did not refuſe a Peace: that all the World might ſee, the People of Rome did not only with juſtice undertake, but alſo put an end to their Wars. But he would make theſe Terms of Peace with them; That the Captives, Renegadoes and Fugitives ſhould be all ſent back: that they ſhould draw their Armies out of Gaul and Italy: that they ſhould not meddle with Spain: that they ſhould quit all the Iſlands that lye between Italy and Africa: that they ſhould deliver up all their long Ships, excepting twenty; and give him 500000 buſhels of Wheat, and 300000 of Barley. What ſumm of Money he enjoyned them to pay, is not agreed upon; for I find in ſome Authors that they were aſſeſſed at 5000 Talents, and in others 5000 pounds of Silver bullion, and in others a double ſtipend to the Army. And upon theſe conditions, ſaid he, I'll give you three days to conſult, whether you are willing to conclude a Peace. If you like them, make a Truce with me, and ſend Ambaſſadors to the Senate at Rome. The Carthaginians, being thus diſmiſſed, were of opinion that they ought not to refuſe any Terms whatſoever (for they ſought all means to delay the time till Annibal came over into Africa) and therefore ſent ſome Ambaſſadors to Scipio, to make a Truce, and others to Rome, to deſire a Peace, carrying along with them ſome few Captives, Renegadoes and Fugitives for a ſhow, that the Peace might be the more eaſily obtained.

Laelius with Syphax and the nobleſt Numidian Captives was come to Rome many days before; and told the Senate in order all that had been done in Africa, to their great joy at preſent, and their hopes for the future. Thereupon the Senate having adviſed of the matter, thought fit to ſend the King Priſoner to Alba; and keep Laelius there, till the Carthaginian Ambaſſadors came. Then they decreed a Supplication to be made for four days together. P. Aelius the Praetor, when the Senate was adjourn'd, and an Aſſembly immediately after called, went up with C. Laelius into the Roſtra [the place for Orations]: where the people hearing, that the Carthaginian Armies were defeated, that a King of high Renown was conquered and taken, and that all Numidia was over-run with a mighty Victory; they could not contain their ſatisfaction in ſilence, but with ſhouts and other ways, as the Mobile uſes, expreſſed their immoderate joy. Wherefore the Praetor immediately gave Order, That the Sextons ſhould open all the Temples in the City, and give the people leave to go about, to ſalute all the Gods, and give them thanks all day long. The next day he brought Maſiniſſa's Ambaſſadors into the Senate: Who firſt of all congratulated the Senate, that P. Scipio had been ſo ſucceſsful in Africa; and next gave thanks, for that he had not only called Maſiniſſa King, but alſo made him one, by reſtoring him to his Fathers Kingdom; in which, when Syphax was taken off, he was like to reign without any fear or moleſtation And furthermore, that having praiſed him before a publick Aſſembly, he had alſo honoured him with ſeveral great Preſents; of which Maſiniſſa not only already had done, but always would do his endeavour to make himſelf ſeem worthy. That they deſired the Senate by Decree to confirm the Name of King, together with thoſe other favours and bounties which Scipio had conferred upon him; and, if they pleaſed, that Maſiniſſa deſired alſo, that the Numidian Captives, who were in cuſtody at Rome, might be ſent back: for that would be a great advantage to him among his Country-men. To which the Ambaſſadors received this Anſwer; That they, as well as the King, congratulated the ſucceſs of their affairs in Africa; and that Scipio did well, and as he ought to do in calling him King: as alſo, that whatever elſe he had done, that might be for Maſiniſſa's honour, the Senate did both approve and commend. Beſides which they decreed, That the Ambaſſadors ſhould carry certain Preſents to the King; to wit, two Purple Soldiers Cloaks, with each a golden Button, and a Tunick ſtudded with the figure of a broad Nail-head: two Horſes with Trappings, and two Suits of Arms for an Horſeman, with Coats of Mail, and Tents and other military Furniture, ſuch as it was the faſhion to preſent to a Conſul. The Praetor was order'd to ſend theſe things to the King: And to make the Ambaſſadors themſelves each of them Preſents of at leaſt 5000 Aſſes [i. e. 290l.] and their Retinue each of them 1000 Aſſes [i. e. 58 l.] with two Garments to the Ambaſſadors, but only one apiece to their Attendants and the Numidians, who, being let out of Priſon, were to be reſtored to the King. Beſides which there were Houſes, places in the Theatre, and Banquets appointed for the Ambaſſadors.

The ſame Summer that theſe things were decreed at Rome, and done in Africa, P. Quintilius Varus, the Praetor, and M. Cornelius the Proconſul fought a ſet Battle in the Country of the Inſubrian Gauls with Mago the Carthaginian. The Praetors Legions were in the main Body; whilſt Cornelius kept his in the Reer, being himſelf on Horſe-back in the Front: and before the two Wings the Praetor and the Proconſul exhorted their Soldiers to fall upon the Enemy as hard as they could. But ſeeing that they could not any ways move them, Cornelius told Quintilius; Our Soldiers, you ſee, grow more unwilling to ſight, and the Enemies fear is ſo hardned beyond all hope by the reſiſtance which they have been able to make, that I am afraid it may turn to audacity. We therefore muſt of neceſſity raiſe a ſtorm of Horſe, if we would diſorder them, and make them quit their ground: wherefore either do you maintain the fight in the Front, whilſt I bring in the Horſe, or I will manage the matter here in the Van, whilſt you ſend forth the Horſe of the four Legions againſt the Enemy. The Proconſul being willing to take which part of the duty the Praetor pleaſed, Quintilius the Praetor with his Son, whoſe forename was Marcus, an active Youth, goes up to the Horſe, and having commanded them to mount, ſent them forthwith againſt the Enemy. The clamor raiſed by the Legions increaſed the tumult of the Horſe: nor would the Enemies Army have ſtood their ground, had not Mago, upon the firſt motion of the Horſe, brought Elephants which he had ready there, into the Battle. At the noiſe, ſmell and looks whereof the Horſes being affrighted made their Riders aid to no purpoſe. And as, when they came hand to hand, where they could uſe their Javelin and Sword, the Roman Horſe had more ſtrength; ſo, at a diſtance, when the Horſes were frighted, the Numidians had the advantage of them in ſlinging of their darts. Beſides that too, the twelfth Legion of the Foot being great part of them ſlain, kept their Poſt more out of ſhame than by any ſtrength they had: but they would long have kept it, had not the thirteenth Legion, brought out of the Reer into the Van, received the doubtful Battle. Mago alſo from the Reer oppoſed the Gauls to that whole • egion: but they being quickly routed, the Spear-men of the eleventh Legion drew themſelves cloſe up together, and ſet upon the Elephants, who were now putting the Body of the Foot alſo in diſorder. Upon whom, ſtanding very thick together, the Soldiers threw their Javelins without miſſing ſcarce ſo much as once, and turned them all back upon their own Party; though four of them died of their wounds. Then began the Enemies Body firſt to give way, the Roman Foot at the ſame time running upon them, when they ſaw the Elephants turn away, to increaſe their dread and tumult. But as long as Mago ſtood before the Enſigns, the ranks retiring very ſoftly, kept up the tenour of the Fight; though when they ſaw him run through the thigh, and falling to be carried out of the Fight almoſt dead, they all immediately fled. There were 5000 of the Enemies that day ſlain, and eighteen military Enſigns taken. Nor was it an unbloody Victory this to the Romans; for 2000 and 300 of the Praetors Army with the far greateſt part of the twelfth Legion were loſt, among whom were two Tribunes of the Soldiers, M. Coſconius and M. Maenius. Of the thirteenth Legion alſo, which came in at the latter end of the Fight, Cn. Helvius, a Tribune of the Soldiers fell whilſt they were reſtoring the Battle, beſides about eighteen Horſe, all brave men, who were trod under feet by the Elephants, and with ſome Centurions, periſhed. The Fight too had continued much longer, if the Victory had not been given up, by reaſon that the General was wounded.

Mago in the dead of the next night going as far as he could for his wound, arrived after long journies near the Sea in the Country of the Ligurian Ingauni. And there Ambaſſadors from Carthage, who ſome few days before came into the Sinus Gallicus [i. e. the Gulph of Lyons] applying themſelves to him, and bade him, aſſoon as poſſibly he could to go over into Africa, for his Brother Annibal (to whom alſo there were Ambaſſadors gone with the ſame Meſſage) would do the ſame. That the Carthaginians were not in a condition to conquer Gaul and Italy. Mago being moved not only by the Command of the Senate, and the danger his Country was in, but fearing alſo, leſt the victorious Enemy would come upon him too faſt, and the Ligurians themſelves ſeeing Italy deſerted by the Carthaginians, would revolt to them in whoſe power they were likely ſoon to be; and hoping at the ſame time, that his wound would not be jogged ſo much in ſailing, as riding, but that there were all things more commodious for the Cure, he put his Men on board and ſet out, but was not got any farther than Sardinia, before he died of his wound. Some Ships alſo of the Carthaginians, being diſabled in the main Sea by the Roman Navy, which was about Sardinia, were taken. Theſe things were done by Sea and Land, in that part of Italy that lies toward the Alpes. The Conſul Servilius having done no memorable thing in his Province of Etruria and Gaul (for thither alſo was he gone) but received his Father C. Servilius, and his Uncle C. Lutatius after ſixteen years out of ſlavery, having them about him, the one on one ſide, and the other on the other, he returned to Rome with a private rather than a publick Triumph. Then there was a Propoſal made to the People, That C Servilius ſhould not ſuffer, for having been, contrary to Law, whilſt his Father, who had ſate in a curule Chair, was alive, Tribune and Aedile of the People, becauſe he did not know of it. Having preferred and paſſed this Bill, he returned into his Province. Then Conſentia, Ʋſfugum, Vergae, Beſidiae, Hetriculum, Sypheum, Argentanum, Clampetia, and many other mean people, ſeeing the Punick War decline, revolted to C. Servilius the Conſul, who was at that time in the Country of the Bruttii. The ſame Conſul alſo fought a ſet Battle with Annibal in the fields of Croton: where Valerius Antias ſays there were 5000 of the Enemies ſlain. But that is ſo great a number, that the ſtory is either impudently feigned, or the truth negligently omitted. This only is certain, that Annibal did nothing more after that in Italy. For there came Ambaſſadors from Carthage to him too, to call him into Africa, at the ſame time, as it happen'd, when the others came to Mago.

'Tis ſaid, that he heard the Ambaſſadors with great indignation and ſorrow, inſomuch that he could hardly refrain from tears. But when they had done their Meſſage; Now, ſaid he, they do not recal me tacitly, but openly, though they long ago drew me backward, by forbidding any Supplies or Money to be ſent to me. Annibal therefore is overcome not by the People of Rome, whom he has ſo often maimed and routed, but by the malice and envy of the Carthaginian Senate. Nor will P. Scipio rejoyce and boaſt of this my diſhonourable retreat ſo much, as Hanno, who oppreſt our Family (when by no other means he could) with the ruine of Carthage. He had prepared his Ships before-hand, for that he in his mind preſaged this very thing. And therefore ſending the uſeleſs crowd of his Soldiers, under pretence of a Guard into the Towns of the Bruttii, which though few were kept in ſubjection more by fear than love, he carried all the ſtrength of his Army over into Africa; having baſely killed a great many of the Italian race in the very Temple of Juno Lacinia, becauſe, refuſing to fol • ow him into Africa, they had fled into that place for refuge, which to that day was never violated. They ſay, that no man hardly was ever more ſorry to leave his Country when he went into baniſhment, than Annibal at his going out of an Enemies Country. That he lookt back oftentimes upon the Italian ſhore, accuſing both the Gods and Men, and curſing himſelf too, that he did not lead his Army to Rome whilſt they were yet reeking in blood juſt after the Victory at Cannae. Saying alſo that Scipio was ſo bold to go to Carthage and take no notice of a Punick Enemies being in Italy, though he were Conſul: whilſt he himſelf having ſlain 100000 men at Thraſymenum and Cannae, grew old with ſtaying ſo long at Caſilinum, Cumae, and Nola. With theſe accuſations and complaints in his mouth he was at laſt forced out of the long poſſeſſion of Italy.

At the ſame time News was brought to Rome, that Mago and Annibal both were going off. Of which double congratulation the joy was the leſs, not only becauſe the Generals ſeemed to have no great courage or ſtrength to retain them, (though by the Senate they were ſo ordered to do) but alſo, becauſe they were ſolicitous what would become of them, when all the ſtreſs of the War lay upon one General and one Army. At that time alſo came Ambaſſadors from Saguntum; bringing along with them certain Carthaginians, which they had laid hold on, with the Money which they brought over into Spain to raiſe Auxiliaries. They put 250 of Gold, and 800 pound of Silver in the Porch of the Senate-houſe. But the Senate having received the men, and put them in priſon, gave the Ambaſſadors their Gold and Silver back again with thanks to them: beſides that, they had Preſents made to them, and Ships allowed, wherewith to return into Spain. Then the Seniors of the Senate began to ſay, That men were leſs ſenſible of favours than injuries. That they remembred how much terror and dread Annibal's going over into Italy had given them. What tragical events, what ſad misfortunes thereupon enſued? The Enemies Camp was ſeen from the City-walls. Then what vows did each particular perſon and all the people in general make? How often were they, lifting their hands to Heaven, heard to ſay; Would the day never come, wherein they ſhould ſee Italy free from all Enemies, and flouriſhing in calm Peace? That the Gods at laſt had granted their requeſt in the ſixteenth year after they made it; and yet there was none that thought fit to give them thanks: for men are ſo far from remembring a kindneſs when it is once paſt, that they do not receive it as behoves them, when firſt offer'd. Then they cry'd out from all parts of the Court, that P. Aelius the Praetor ſhould propoſe it: whereupon it was decreed, That for five days Supplication ſhould be made in all Temples, and the greater ſort of Sacrifices offer'd up, to the number of an hundred and twenty. And now having diſmiſſed Laelius, with Maſiniſſa's Ambaſſadors, when they heard that Ambaſſadors from Carthage that were coming to the Senate about a Peace, were ſeen at Puteoli, and that they would come from thence by Land; they thought good to recal C. Laelius, that the Treaty concerning Peace might be in his Preſence. Q. Fulvius Cillo, Scipio's Ambaſſador, brought the Carthaginians to Rome; who though they were forbid to come into the City, were entertain'd in the Villa publica [a part of the Campus Martius] and had an Audience of the Senate in the Temple of Bellona.

Th • re they made much what the ſame Speech as before Scipio; turning all the blame off of the publick upon Annibal only. That he paſt not only the Alpes, but the River Iberus alſo without any order from the Senate, nor did he make War upon the Romans only, but formerly too upon the Saguntines, all on his own head. That the Senate and People of Carthage, if men would conſider things as they really were, had kept their League with the Romans inviolable. Wherefore they were commanded to deſire nothing elſe, but that they might continue in that Peace, which they had laſt made with the Conſul Lutatius. When the Praetor, according to an ancient cuſtom, had granted the Senators leave to ask the Ambaſſadors any queſtions that they had a mind to; ſo that the Seniors, that had been at the making of the League, asked ſome one thing, and ſome another; to which the Ambaſſadors (who were all but young Men) replied, They could not remember, it was ſo long ago, they all cryed out from every part of the Senate-houſe, This was a Punick Cheat, to chuſe ſuch Ambaſſadors as ſhould deſire the old Peace, that they themſelves could not remember.

Then putting the Ambaſſadors out of the Court, the ſeveral Opinions of the Senate began to be asked. M. Livius thought ſit, That C. Servilius the Conſul, who was nearer at hand, ſhould be ſent for, that he might be preſent at the Treaty of Peace. For ſince they could not have a matter of more importance, than that to fall under their conſideration, he did not think it conſiſtent with the dignity of the Roman People, that ſuch a thing ſhould be tranſacted in the abſence of both or either of the Conſuls. Q. Metellus, who three years before had been Conſul and Dictator, ſaid, That ſeeing Scipio, by ſlaying their Armies, and pillaging their Country, had driven the Enemy to ſuch neceſſity, that they humbly ſued for Peace: and that no man could better tell, what their deſign was in deſiring that Peace, than he who was ingaged in a War before the very Gates of Carthage: they ought to accept or refuſe a Peace upon no other perſons advice, ſave his alone. M. Valerius Laevinus, who had been twice Conſul, ſaid, They were Spies, not Ambaſſadors, that were come from Carthage: and that they ought not only to command them to depart out of Italy, but ſend a Guard along with them to their Ships; at alſo to write to Scipio, not to remit the War. Laelius and Fulvius added; That Scipio's hopes of Peace too lay in not having Annibal and Mago recalled out of Italy. That the Carthaginians would make any pretence in the world, whilſt they expected thoſe Generals and their Armies; but when they were once arrived, they, forgetting all Leagues, though never ſo lately entred into, and heedleſs of the Gods themſelves, would carry on the War. By this means they grew more inclined to Laevinus's opinion; and the Ambaſſadors were diſmiſſed without any Peace made, yea almoſt without an Anſwer.

At that time C. Servilius the Conſul, not doubting but he ſhould have all the Honour of appeaſing Italy, croſſed over into Sicily, as though he had purſued his routed Enemy Annibal, but reſolved to go from thence into Africa. Which when it was related at Rome, the Senate firſt thought good, that the Praetor ſhould write to the Conſul, and tell him, That the Senate was of opinion, he ought to return into Italy: but after that, when the Praetor ſaid, He would despiſe a Letter from his hand, P. Sulpicius, who was created Dictator for that very end, according to the Authority of his greater Office, called the Conſul back into Italy. The reſt of his year he ſpent with M Servilius, Maſter of the Horſe, in going to all the Cities in Italy, which had been alienated by the War, and inquiring into the ſeveral reaſons of their defection. In the time of the Truce an hundred onerary Ships with Proviſions, under a Convoy of twenty Men of War, came over cut of Sardinia from Praetor Lentulus, the Sea being free both from the Enemy and ſtorms. But Cn. Octavius, who came out of Sicily with two hundred Ships of burden, and thirty long ones, had not the ſame Fortune. For when he was come almoſt within ſight of Africa with a proſperous courſe, firſt the Wind failed him; but ſoon after turning toward Africa, it diſorder'd and ſcatter'd all his Ships. He himſelf with the Men of War, getting with much ado and hard tugging of his Oars through the mighty Surges, arrived at the Promontory of Apollo: whilſt moſt part of the onerary Veſſels got into Aegimurus, an Iſland, at the end of the Bay (next the main Ocean) where Carthage ſtands, about 30000 fathom from that City: but ſome were driven to a place called Aquae Calidae [i.e. hot Waters] over againſt the very City. All were in ſight of Carthage; wherefore they ran from all parts of the City into their Forum, the Magiſtrates ſummoning a Senate, and the People grumbling at the Court-door, for fear ſo great a Booty as that ſhould be loſt out of their ſight and power. To which when ſome oppoſed the promiſe of a Peace, which had been deſired, and others the obligation of the Truce (for the time was not yet expired) the Senate and the People being well-nigh mingled in Council together, they at laſt agreed, That Aſdrubal ſhould go with a Navy of fifty Ships to the Iſland Aegimurus; and from thence gather together the Roman Ships that were diſperſed about the Shores and Ports of it. So thoſe onerary Ships that were deſerted by the Seamens running away from them, were tow'd, firſt from Aegimurus, and then from the Waters, by their Poops to Carthage.

The Ambaſſadors were not yet come back from Rome, nor could they tell what the Senate of Rome's opinion was either of War or Peace; nor was the time of the Truce yet expired. Wherefore Scipio thinking it the greater indignity, that they themſelves who deſired a Peace and a Truce, ſhould violate all hopes of Peace, and the obligation of the Truce too, ſent M. Baebius, L. Sergius, and L. Fabius as Ambaſſadors immediately to Carthage: who being like to have been abuſed by a concourſe of the Rabble, and ſeeing alſo that their return would be very dangerous, they deſired of the Magiſtrates, who kept the Crowd off of them, that they would ſend ſome Ships after them. Thereupon they had two Gallies of three banks apiece allowed them, which when they were come to the River Bagrada, in ſight of the Roman Camp, returned to Carthage. The Punick Navy was in Harbour at Ʋtica; out of which three Gallies of four banks apiece (either by a private Order ſent from Carthage, or of Aſdrubal's own accord, who being Admiral, durſt do ſuch a thing, without any damage to the publick) from the main Sea ſurpriſed one of five belonging to the Romans, as ſhe had juſt got beyond the Promontory. But they neither could hit her with their beaks, ſhe ſlid away ſo faſt from them, nor could their Soldiers leap out of their lower ones into her, who was an higher Veſſel. Inſomuch that ſhe was bravely defended, as long as their Weapons laſted: which when they failed, and ſhe had now nothing elſe to defend her, but the nearneſs of the Land, and the multitude that came out of the Camp down to the Sea-ſide, they rowed as hard as they could, and running her on ground, loſt the Ship, but ſaved all the Men. Thus by one ill thing upon another, the Truce being without all doubt broken off, Laelius and Fulvius came from Rome along with the Carthaginian Ambaſſadors. To whom Scipio having ſaid, That though not only the Truce was broken by the Carthaginians, but even the Law of Nations too was violated in his Ambaſſadors, yet he would do nothing to them that ſhould be either unworthy of the Roman Government, or his own Morals, diſmiſſed the Ambaſſadors, and prepared for the War. When Annibal was now come nigh to the Land, he bade one of the Mariners go up to the main top, to ſee what Coaſt they made; who telling him, that the Prow of the Ship lookt toward a demoliſhed Sepulchre; he, being diſſatisfied at that ominous name, bade the Pilot ſteer by that place, and ſo arriving at Leptis, he there put all his Men aſhore.

Theſe things were done that year in Africa. What follows muſt be referred to that year, in which M. Servilius Geminus (who then was Maſter of the Horſe) and Tib. Claudius Nero were Conſuls. But in the end of the precedent year, the Ambaſſadors of the aſſociated Cities in Greece having made complaint, That their Country was waſted by the Kings Guards, and that their Ambaſſadors, whom they had ſent into Macedonia to demand a Repriſal of their Goods, were not admitted to King Philip's preſence; and alſo told them, that it was reported, Four thouſand Soldiers were gone over into Africa under the Command of General Sopater, to be a Guard to the Carthaginians; and that a certain ſumm of Money was alſo ſent along with them; the Senate thought ſit to ſend an Embaſſy to the King, to tell him, that they lookt upon all theſe things contrary to the League that was between him and them. Whereupon they ſent C. Terentius Varro, C. Mamilius, and M. Aurelius: to whom they allowed three five bank'd Gallies. This year was remarkable for a great fire (that burnt down all the Clivus Publicius [a ſtreet ſo called] to the very ground) the Waters being mightily out, and every thing ſo extraordinary cheap; for beſides that all Italy was by Peace opened to them, M. Valerius Falco, and M. Fabius Buteo, who were the Curule Aediles, diſtributed to the People through every ſtreet a great quantity of Corn that was ſent out of Spain, at four Aſſes a Buſhel. The ſame year Q. Fabius Maximus died, after he had lived to a great age: if at leaſt it be true, that he was Augur ſixty two years, as ſome Authors ſay. He was a Perſon truly worthy of that great Sirname [Maximus, i. e. the greateſt] yea even if it began in him: for he outdid his Fathers, and equalized his Grandfathers great Actions. Indeed his Grandfather Rullus was famous for more Victories and greater Battles; but Annibal is ſuch an Enemy, that can alone compare with all thoſe together. Yet this ſame Fabius was reckoned rather cautious than eager; and as you may doubt, whether he were in his Nature more given to make delays, or that ſuch delays were, in the War then in hand, very convenient to be made; ſo nothing is more certain than this, That one man by his delays reſtored our Commonwealth, as Ennius has it. Q. Fabius Maximus, his Son, was choſen Augur in his room; and in his place as Pontifex (for he had two Prieſthoods) ſucceeded Ser. Sulpicius Galba. The Roman Games were celebrated one day, and the Plebeian Sports thrice all over by the Aediles, M. Sextius Sabinus, and C. Tremellius Flaccus: who were both made Praetors, with C. Livius Salinator, and C. Aurelius Cotta. Divers Authors make it uncertain, who held the Aſſembly of that year; whether it was C. Servilius the Conſul, or (becauſe he was imployed by Order of Senate at that time in Etruria to make inquiry into ſeveral Conſpiracies among the Nobility there) P. Sulpicius, who was by him declared Dictator.

In the beginning of the next year, M. Servllius and Tib. Claudius, having ſummoned a Senate into the Capitol, propoſed the buſineſs of the Provinces. Among which they deſired U. C. 548 that for Italy and Africa they might caſt Lots, becauſe they both would fain have had Africa. But Q. Metellus was ſo active in that affair, that Africa was neither given nor denied. The Conſuls were order'd to treat with the Tribunes of the People; That if they thought good, they might ask the People, which of them they would have to go and make War in Africa. Thereupon all the Tribes voted for P. Scipio. But notwithſtanding the Conſuls put the Province of Africa (for ſo the Senate had decreed) upon the chance of Lots. T. Claudius had the luck to have it, and was to go into Africa with a Fleet of fifty Ships, all five bank'd Gallies, and be in the ſame Commiſſion as Scipio. M. Servilius had Etruria; Caius Sorvilius being continued in the ſame Province, if the Senate had a mind the Conſul ſhould ſtay in the City. As to the Praetors, M. Sextius had Gaul, and P. Quintilius Varus was to deliver to him the two Legions as well as the Province: C. Livius was to have the Bruttii and thoſe two Legions, that P. Sempronius the Proconſul the year before commanded: Cn. Tremellius to have Sicily, and the two Legions there from P. Villius Tappulus, who was Praetor the year before. That Villius the Propraetor with twenty long Ships and a thouſand Soldiers ſhould defend the Coaſt of Sicily: and that from thence with the other twenty Ships ſhould carry the 1500 Men to Rome. C. Aurelius Cotta happen'd to have the City for his Province; and to the reſt, according as each of them then had poſſeſſion of Provinces and Armies, their Commands were continued. The Empire that year was defended with no more than ſixteen Legions. But then, that they might appeaſe the Gods, and ſo begin all that they had to do, it was decreed, That the Conſuls, before they went to the War, ſhould celebrate thoſe Games, that T. Manlius the Dictator (when M. Claudius Marcellus and T. Quintius were Conſuls) had vowed to ſet forth, with ſuch greater Sacrifices as he had reſolved on, if the Commonwealth for that five years continued in the ſame ſtate. The Games therefore were performed in the Cirque four days together: and the Victims offered to ſuch Gods as they were devoted to.

Amidſt theſe things, both their hope and their fear increaſed each day, nor could they be ſufficiently ſatisfied; Whether they ought moſt to rejoyce, that Annibal, by departing out of Italy after ſixteen years continuance there, had left the poſſeſſion of it clear to the Roman People, or rather to fear his going over into Africa with an healthful and a ſtout Army. For the place, they thought, not the danger, was alter'd; Q. Fabius, who was lately dead, being uſed to propheſie, and that very probably, of a great Fight which they ſhould have there: and that Annibal would be a more grievous Enemy in his own Country, than he had been in a foreign Land. Nor would Scipio now have to do either with Syphax, a rude and barbarous King, whoſe Army, of Fellows that were half Scullions, Statorius was wont to lead, or with his Father-in-law, Aſdrubal, a General more apt to run away than fight, or with tumultuary Armies raiſed in an hurry out of an half-armed crowd of Country-fellows; but with Annibal, who was almoſt born in his Fathers Tent (who was a very warlike General) nurſed and brought up among Arms, a Soldier long ago, whilſt yet a Boy, and a General, though hardly even yet a Man: who being already grown an old Man for his Conqueſts, had filled the Spaniards, the Gauls, and all Italy, from the Alpes to the Streights, with Monuments of his Exploits: and now had an Army at his heels, who had been Soldiers as long as himſelf; and were hardned with enduring all ſorts of labour, which it is hardly credible that men could ever undergo: that had been a thouſand times embrued in Roman blood; and ſtill bore the ſpoils not only of common Soldiers, but of Roman Generals alſo. That Scipio would meet many perſons there, who had ſlain Roman Praetors and Generals too with their own hands, adorned with mural and vallare Coronets [i. e. Crowns that they had for firſt ſcaling a Wall, or getting up a Bulwark,] that had ſtraggled through Roman Camps, and Roman Cities too, which they had taken. That there were now ſo many Faſces [bundles of Rods] belonging to the Roman Magiſtrates, as Annibal could ſhew, that he had taken from Generals that he had ſlain. Revolving theſe dreadful apprehenſions in their minds, they themſelves increaſed their own cares and fears; for that they had been uſed for ſome years paſt to have a War in ſeveral parts of Italy, which was protracted by ſuch ſlow degrees, that they had no near proſpect of ſeeing any end of it; but that now Scipio and Annibal, being Generals of an equal match, and fit to try the laſt puſh, had put all people into an expectation. And thoſe alſo, who had a great confidence in Scipio, with hopes of Victory, the nearer view their minds had of it, the more concerned they were. The Carthaginians alſo were in the ſame condition; For they one while repented, when they conſidered Annibal, and the great Actions that he had done, that they ever deſired a Peace; but another while, when they remembred that they had been twice conquered in ſet Battles, that Syphax was taken, themſelves beaten out of Spain and Italy, and all by the ſole courage and conduct of Scipio, they were terrified at the thoughts of him, as of a fatal General, born to be their ruine.

Annibal was now come to Adrumetum: where taking ſome few days to refreſh his Soldiers, after their having been toſſed upon the Sea, he was alarm'd with fearful News, That all the parts about Carthage were full of Soldiers, and therefore haſted by great marches to Zama. Zama is five days journey from Carthage: from whence the Spies, that he ſent before, being taken by the Roman Guards, and brought to Scipio; he committed them to the Tribunes of the Soldiers, and bade them, without any fear, to viſit all parts of the Camp, ordering them to be carried which way they would. And then having asked them, Whether they had ſeen as much as they thought neceſſary? he order'd ſome Men of his to be their Convoy, and ſent them back to Annibal. Annibal was not well pleaſed to hear any thing that they told him (for they ſaid, among other things, that Maſiniſſa alſo chanced to come that very day with 6000 Foot, and 4000 Horſe) but was moſt diſmay'd at the confidence of his Enemy, which he thought was not built upon an ill foundation. Wherefore though he himſelf were the cauſe of that War, and that by his coming he had broken the Truce, and fruſtrated the hopes of their mutual Leagues; yet, ſuppoſing that he might obtain an eaſier Peace, if he deſired it, whilſt his Army was ſtill entire, than when it was conquered, he ſent a Meſſenger to Scipio, to deſire the favour of a Parley. Whether he did ſo of his own accord, or by publick advice, I cannot poſitively ſay. But Valerius Antias ſays, That he was overcome in the firſt Battle by Scipio, in which there were 12000 Soldiers ſlain upon the place, 1700 taken, and that the former Ambaſſadors with ten more came into the Camp to Scipio. Who not refuſing to come to a Parley, both the Generals by conſent advanced their Camps, that they might meet at a nearer diſtance. Scipio ſate down not far from the City of Nadagara, that being a place convenient, as upon other accounts, ſo alſo, for that they could have water within a Darts caſt of it. Annibal poſted himſelf upon an Hill 4000 paces from thence, which was ſafe and otherwiſe very convenient, ſave only, that their watering place was a great way off. And in the midſt between them both there was a Plain, that they might look all over, and ſee that there were no Ambuſcades laid.

They therefore leaving their Arms at an equal diſtance behind them, came together with each of them an Interpreter, being not only the two greateſt Generals of their time, but equal to any King or Commander that ever was heard of in any Country. For ſome ſmall time they gazed upon each other, and ſilently ſtood almoſt aſtoniſhed with mutual admiration: till Annibal firſt began; Since the Fates have ſo decreed, That I, who firſt made War upon the Roman People, and who ſo often had Victory even in my hands, ſhould come of my own accord to deſire a Peace; I am glad that I have happen'd to meet with you, above all men living, to beg it of. Nor will it be, amidſt all their glories, the leaſt of their commendations, that Annibal, to whom the Gods had given the Victory over ſo many Roman Generals, ſhould yield to you; and that you ſhould put an end to this War, which was more remarkable for yours, than for our miſadventures. My Caſe preſents you alſo with this ſtrange turn of Fortune, that I, who took up Arms when your Father was Conſul, and fought a ſet Battle with him, as Roman General, ſhould now come to his Son unarmed to ſue for Peace. It had indeed been beſt for our Forefathers, if the Gods had given them ſuch minds, as that you might have been content with Italy, and we with Africa: for Sicily and Sardinia do not make even you amends for ſo many Navies, ſo many Armies, and ſo many brave Generals as you have loſt. But what is paſt may more eaſily be reprehended than amended. We have ſo far deſired other peoples poſſeſſions, that we have fought for our own: nor was there only a War upon you in Italy, and upon us in Africa; but you alſo have ſeen, almoſt at your very Gates and upon your Walls, the Enſigns and Arms of your Enemies, and we from Carthage it ſelf have heard the noiſe of a Roman Camp. What therefore we ſhould moſt abominate, and you above all things wiſh, we come to treat of Peace whilſt you are in proſperity: and we who are concerned in the Treaty are ſuch ſort of perſons, not only whoſe greateſt intereſt it is to have a Peace, but alſo to whom, whatſoever we do, our Cities will ratifie and confirm. We only want a mind that does not abhor the thoughts of quiet. For my part, my age has now inſtructed me (who am going an old Fellow into the Country, whence I came a meer Boy) nor only age, but proſperity and adverſity, both have ſo far taught me, that I had rather follow Reaſon than Fortune. But I fear thy youth and perpetual felicity are too unruly both to endure the advice of quiet thoughts. For he does not eaſily conſider the dubious events of Fortune, whom ſhe hath never deceived. What I was at Thraſymenum and at Cannae, that you are now. Fortune has never failed you, though you were hardly old enough to bear Arms when you were firſt put into Commiſſion; for you attempted all things with the greateſt audacity imaginable. You revenged your Fathers and your Ʋncles death, and from the misfortune of your Family receivedſt ſignal renown for thy Courage and Piety; you have recovered the two Spains that were loſt, and driven out four Punick Armies thence. Then being created Conſul, when others had not courage enough to defend Italy, you went over into Africa, and having here ſlain two Armies, and at the ſame time taken and burnt two Camps, taken Syphax, a moſt puiſſant King, Priſoner, with ſo many Cities belonging both to him and us, haſt drawn me alſo, who have ſtaid there now full ſixteen years, out of Italy. Your mind may well deſire Victory rather than Peace. I know you have a great rather than an uſeful Spirit: and Fortune favour'd me too once as ſhe now does you. But if in our prosperity, the Gods would infuſe into us good thoughts, we ſhould conſider not only what had, but what might happen. But that you may forget all others, I am a ſufficient example for you in all caſes. For I who lately, having pitch'd my Camp between the River Anien and the City, you ſaw juſt ready to ſcale the Walls of Rome, am now before you (bereft of two ſtout Men that were my Brothers, and famous Generals) near the Walls of my almoſt beſieged Country, to deprecate thoſe things for the ſake of mine own, wherewith I terrified your City. A man ſhould always give leaſt credit to the greateſt Fortune. Now you are prosperous, and we in doubtful circumſtances, you look upon Peace to be great and ſpecious in you who grant it; but in us, who deſire it, it ſeems rather neceſſary than honourable. Yet, let me tell you, a certain Peace is better and more ſafe, than a Victory we only hope for. The former is in their diſpoſal, but the latter in the power of none but the Gods only. Do not venture the happineſs of ſo many years upon the hazard of one hour. Conſider not only your own ſtrength, but the force of Fortune, and the common caſualties of War. There will Swords and Men on both ſides fall. Events anſwer our expectations no where leſs than in War. You will not add ſo much to that glory which, though you grant me a Peace, you now may have, if you ſhould get the day, as you will loſe, if any thing ſhould happen contrary to your expectation. The Fortune of one hour may overthrow all the honour both that you have gained and that you hope for. All things, now we talk of Peace, are in your power (P. Cornelius) but then you muſt take ſuch Fortune as the Gods will give you. Among the few examples of courage and ſucceſs M. Atilius had been one of old in this ſame Country, if he had granted a Peace to our Forefathers, when they deſired it: but he, by ſetting no bounds to his happineſs, nor reſtraining his exorbitant Fortune, the higher he was raiſed, the greater was his fall. It is indeed his part that gives, not his that deſires it, to make the Conditions of Peace; but perhaps we may not ſeem unworthy to lay a mulct upon our own heads. We are willing you ſhould have all thoſe things for which the War was firſt undertaken; to wit, Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and all the Iſlands that are contained in the whole Sea between Africa and Italy. Let us Carthaginians, incloſed within the Shores of Africa, ſee you (ſince Heaven will have it ſo) govern thoſe foreign Dominions by Sea and Land. I do not deny, but becauſe we did not more ſincerely of late deſire and expect a Peace, you ſuſpected our Punick way of dealing. But 'tis of great conſequence, Scipio, to the preſerving of a Peace, to take care by whom it be deſired. And I hear, that your Senate alſo denied it for this reaſon, among others, that there were no Men of Quality concerned in the Embaſſy. But I am Annibal that now deſire Peace of you; who would not yet make ſuch a requeſt, if I did not think it advantageous; and for the ſame advantage that I deſired it, will I keep it. And as I, becauſe the War was begun by me, ſuffer'd no man to repent of it, till the Gods themſelves began to envy me; ſo will I endeavour, that no man ſhall repent of the Peace obtained by my means.

To this the Roman General anſwer'd thus; I was not ignorant, Annibal, that their hopes of yo r arrival made the Carthaginians break off not only the preſent Truce, but decline the hopes of a future Peace. Nor doſt thou indeed deny it, who withdraweſt all things out of the former Conditions of Peace, ſave them alone which are long ſince in our power. But as it is your care to make your Country-men ſenſible what a burden they are eaſed of by your aſſiſtance, ſo I muſt endeavour to hinder them from having that which they formerly agreed to, now taken out of the Conditions of Peace, and made the reward of your perfidiouſneſs. You who have ſtill the ſame Conditions offer'd to you, are very unworthy if you deſire to make advantage by your fraud. Neither did our Fathers before us make War for Sicily, nor we for Spain. No, the danger that the Mamertines our Allies were then in, and the ſacking of Saguntum now moved us to take up juſt and p • ous Arms. That you provoked us, both you your ſelf confeſs, and the Gods are our Witneſſes, who alſo gave us ſucceſs in that War according to juſtice and equity, as they now do and will do of this. As for my part, I both remember humane infirmity, and conſider the force of Fortune, knowing that all we do is ſubject to a thouſand miſchances. But as I ſhould owne my ſelf to have acted very proudly and ſeverely, if, before I was come into Africa, when you had of your own accord quitted Italy, and putting your Men on board ſeveral Ships, had come in perſon to deſire a Peace, I ſhould have ſlighted you; ſo now, when I have forced you, ſo much againſt your inclination, over into Africa, I am obliged by any ties of modeſty to anſwer your requeſt. Wherefore if any addition be made to thoſe things, for which we were then like to conclude a Peace (you know what they are: the mulcts due for taking our Ships and Proviſions during the time of the Truce, and abuſing our Ambaſſadors) I have ſomewhat to propoſe to the Council. But if even thoſe things alſo ſeem grievous to you, prepare for War, becauſe you could not endure Peace. Thus being come back from the Parley to their Party without concluding of a Peace, they declared, They had ſpent all their breath to no purpoſe; for they muſ diſpute it with their Swords in their hands, and accept of ſuch Fortune as the Gods would pleaſe to give them.

Aſſoon as they came into the Camp, they both gave Orders, That the Soldiers ſhould make ready their Arms, and prepare their minds for the laſt puſh, whereby they were like to be Conquerors, not for one day only, but, if they ſucceeded, for ever. That they ſhould know before the next day at night, whether Rome or Carthage ſhould give Laws to the World. For not only Africa or Italy, but the whole Ʋniverſe would be the reward of their Victory; though the danger would prove equal to the reward to thoſe that happen'd to loſe the day. For neither had the Romans any way to eſcape, as being in a foreign Country, wherewith they were unacquainted: and Carthage, which muſt now produce its laſt Auxiliaries, ſeemed to be liable to preſent ruine. To this Combate therefore the next day marched forth the two far moſt renowned Generals of two Nations that were the moſt opulent, and with them two the braveſt Armies; with reſolutions that day either to augment or overturn all the Trophies they had formerly erected. Their minds therefore were doubtfully divided betwixt hope and fear: and whilſt they viewed one while their own, and another while the Enemies Army, by weighing their ſtrength more with the outward eye, than that of reaſon, they were at once both glad and ſorry. But what did not of its own accord come into their thoughts, the Generals by admonition and exhortations ſuggeſted. The Carthaginian reminded them of the actions they had performed for ſixteen years together in Italy, where they killed ſo Many Roman Generals, and totally vanquiſhed ſo many Armies, with the particular Exploits of every ſignal Perſon, that he had occaſion to mention upon the ſcore of his memorable behaviour in any Battle. Scipio diſcourſed of the Spains, his late Battles in Africa, and the confeſſion of the Enemy, how they were forced through fear to ſue for Peace, but could not continue in it by reaſon of their natural perfidiouſneſs. Beſides which, he added the Conference between him and Annibal in private, which, becauſe he was at his liberty to ſay what he pleaſed, he wreſted whither he would. He likewiſe fortold them (that the Gods had given encouragement to them to go out to fight as to their Forefathers, when they formerly ingaged at the Iſlands called Aegateis, and therefore that) there would be an end of the War, and they ſhould be at reſt: that the Booty of Carthage was as good as in their hands and that they ſhould very ſhortly return into their Country, to their Parents, Wives, Children, and Houſhold-Gods. All which he ſpoke wich ſuch an haughty carriage and pleaſant aſpect, that you would have thought he had already gained the Victory.

Then he placed the Spear-men firſt, and behind them the Principes [the firſt Soldiers in the Van of the Army who were furniſhed with a Javelin, &c.] and put the Triarii in the Reer. He did not ſet the Regiments each in cloſe Order before their Enſigns, but the Maniples [or Companies] at ſome diſtance one from the other, that the Enemies Elephants might have room enough when they came in, ſo as not to break their Ranks. He planted Laelius (who had formerly been his Lieutenant, but that was Queſtor by an Order of Senate, without drawing Lots for it) with the Italian Horſe in the left Wing, and Maſiniſſa with the Numidians in the right. He alſo filled up the wide ſpaces between the Maniples with the Velites of the Anteſignani [or light-arm'd Soldiers that fought among thoſe that were before the Enſigns] to whom he gave a charge, That at the coming up of the Elephants they ſhould either retire directly behind the Ranks, or applying themſelves to the Anteſignani, by running to the right and left among them, ſhould give the beaſts way, to ruſh in upon the dangerous Weapons. Annibal, for a terror, ſet the Elephants (which were eighty in number, and more than he had ever had in any Battle before) firſt in Array: and after them the Ligurian and Gallick Auxiliaries, with the Balearians and Mores mixt among them. In the ſecond Diviſion of the Army he placed the Carthaginians, Africans, and the Legion of Macedonians: and then, leaving a ſmall interval, he put the Italian Soldiers in the Reer, who were moſt of them Bruttians, that of force and neceſſity, more than any good will, had follow'd him out of Italy. He alſo rang'd the Horſe all round the Wings, the Carthaginians in the right, and the Numidians in the left. His addreſs to the Army was very various, being made to ſo many different ſorts of men, whoſe Language, Manners, Laws, Arms, Garb, Complexion, and ground of War was no ways the ſame. The Auxiliaries, he ſaid, ſhould have a preſent and manifold reward out of the Booty. The Gauls were inflamed with a natural and peculiar hatred toward the Romans. The Ligurians had the fruitful Plains of Italy, being brought down out of craggy Mountains into great hopes of Victory, ſhewn unto them. The Mores and Numidians he terrified with the tyrannical ſway that Maſiniſſa was like to bear over them: infuſing ſeveral hopes and fears into the reſt of them: and minding the Carthaginians of the Walls of their Country, their Houſhold-Gods, the Sepulchres of their Anceſtors, their Parents, Children, fearful Wives, and how they muſt expect either deſtruction and ſlavery, or to be Emperors of the whole World; but ſaid no mean thing to them that tended to promote either their hope or fear. And juſt as their General was ſaying this among his Country-men to the Carthaginian Officers that led their own People, and to the Foreigners alſo by Interpreters that were mingled among them, the Trumpets and Cornets ſounded from the Roman Army; and there was ſuch a noiſe ſet up, that the Elephants ran upon their own Men, eſpecially in the left Wing, where the Mores and Numidians ſtood. Maſiniſſa ſeeing that, with eaſe increaſed their dread, and bereft the Army on that ſide of all aſſiſtance from their Horſe. But ſome few of the Beaſts being unaffrighted, were driven up into the Enemy, and made a greater ſlaughter among the light-arm'd Soldiers, though they receiv'd many wounds themſelves. For the light-arm'd Men retiring into the Maniples, and having made way for the Elephants, to ſave themſelves from being trod to pieces, threw their Spears on both ſides into them: nor were the Anteſignani with their Javelins idle; till ſuch time, as being by the Weapons which fell upon them from all parts, forced out of the Roman Army, they put to flight even the Carthaginian Horſe in their own right Wing. Laelius, when he ſaw the Enemy in a confuſion, ſupplied freſh matter of terrour to them.

The Punick Army was now on both ſides bereft of its Horſe, when the Foot fell on, notwithſtanding it was not equal to the Enemy either in hopes or ſtrength. Beſides which, (though it he a ſmall thing to ſpeak of, it was of great moment in the managing of the ſame affair) the clamour or ſhout the Romans made, was all of one tone, and conſequently ſo much the greater and more terrible: whilſt the Enemies voices were diſſonant, becauſe their Languages were ſo different. The Fight likewiſe on the Romans ſide was ſteddy, becauſe they lay heavy upon the Enemy, not only through their own weight and ſtrength, but that of their Arms too: whilſt on the other ſide there was only more ſwiftneſs and agility than ſtrength ſhown in their firſt Onſet. Wherefore upon the firſt effort the Romans made the Enemy immediately give way; and then with their Elbows and Bucklers punching them on ſtill, as they got ground upon them, they proceeded for ſome time without reſiſtance, the Reer preſſing on the Van, aſſoon as they perceived the Enemies Body to move; which very thing alſo conduced very much to the routing of them. On the other hand, among the Enemies, the ſecond Diviſion of their Army, conſiſting of Africans and Carthaginians, were ſo far from enduring the Retreat of their Auxiliaries in the Front, that they gave back, leſt the Enemy, when they had killed the Vanguard, ſhould have fallen upon them. Wherefore the Punick Auxiliaries immediately turned their backs upon the Romans, and facing their own Men, fled partly into the ſecond Diviſion, part of which they alſo ſlew for not receiving them; as being e'rewhiles not aſſiſted by them, and then moreover excluded. And now there were in a manner two Battles, the Carthaginians being forced to ingage not only with the Enemy, but their own Party alſo. Yet notwithſtanding they did not let them into their Body, when they were ſo diſmay'd and furious; but, cloſing their Ranks, turned them out into the Wings and the open Plains beyond the Army; becauſe they were afraid to mingle men in ſuch a conſternation and ſo much wounded, with a freſh and ſteady Army. But the heaps of dead Men and Arms had ſo filled up the place, in which the Auxiliaries a little before had ſtood, that their paſſage that way was full as difficult, as it had been through the main Body of the Enemy. Wherefore the Spear-men, that were firſt, purſuing the Enemy over the Carcaſſes and Arms, through blood, as well as they could, put their Enſigns and their Ranks all into diſorder. The Principes alſo began to waver, ſeeing the Diviſion before them ſo confuſed. Which when Scipio ſaw, he order'd them to ſound a Retreat to the Spear-men; and having drawn all the wounded into the Reer, he put the Principes and the Triarii into the Wings, that the main Body of the Spear-men might be the more ſecure and firm. Hence there aroſe a new Engagement; for they now came up to their real Enemies, who in the ſort of Arms which they bore, their experience in War, their ſame for the Exploits they had done, and the greatneſs of their hope, as well as danger, were equal to them. But indeed the Romans were above them both in numbers and courage; in that they had routed both the Horſe and the Elephants, and having defeated the firſt Diviſion of their Army, were now upon the ſecond.

Laelius and Maſiniſſa having purſued the Horſe, whom they had driven too off ſome diſtance, returning, fell ſeaſonably on upon the Body of the Enemy that was now a flying. And that laſt effort of the Horſe made the Enemy run. But many of them, being circumvented, were ſlain in the field; whilſt others that were ſcatter'd all over the Plain • where the Horſe prevailed, died in great numbers. There were ſlain that day, of Carth • • ians and their Allies, above 20000: and almoſt the like number taken, with 133 mili • Enſigns and eleven Elephants, though the Romans loſt not above 2000 men. An •••• l who eſcaped with ſome few Horſe-men got away to Adrumetum; having tryed all w •••• b •• n in the Battle and before, and gained, by Scipio's own confeſſion, and that of all go •• • o ••• ers, a great deal of credit by ſetting his Army in ſo good a poſture at that time. For h •••• ced the Elephants in the Van: whoſe fortuitous force, and intolerable ſhock might hinder the R • ans from following their Enſigns, and keeping their Ranks entire, in which they placed moſt of their hopes. Then he put the Auxiliaries before the Carthaginians, leſt they being a mixt •• edly of all Nations, who ſerved for pay, not for love, might have any way to eſcape. And beſides, that they might receive the firſt effort and ſhock of the Enemy, and if they did nothing elſe, at leaſt with the wounds they received, spoil the edge of the Romans Swords. Behind them again, he ſet the Africans and Carthaginians, in whom he repoſed his greateſt hopes, that they, as they were equal in all other reſpects, might now, when they yet freſh ingaged with men that were tired and wounded, become ſuperiour: placing the Italians at ſome diſtance in the Reer of all, becauſe he did not know, whether they were Friends or Enemies. Having given this laſt inſtance of his Courage and Conduct, Annibal, when he was got to Adrumetum, and from thence being ſent for to Carthage in the ſix and thirtieth year after he came a Boy out of that City, he openly confeſſed in the Senate, That he was not only beaten in the Battle, but overcome in respect of the whole War; ſo that there was no hopes now left, ſave in their petitioning for a Peace.

Scipio immediately after the Battle, having taken and rifled the Enemies Camp, returned with a vaſt Booty to the Sea and the Ships; having News brought him, That P. Lentulus was arrived at Utica with fifty Ships of War, an hundred Oneraries [or Ships of burden] and all ſorts of Proviſions. Wherefore ſuppoſing it the beſt courſe to augment as much as he was able the dread that Carthage was now in, having ſent Laelius to Rome with the News of the Victory, he order'd Cn. Octavius to march by Land with the Legions to Carthage: whilſt he himſelf joyning Lentulus's new Fleet to his own old one ſailed from Ʋtica to the Port of Carthage. But when he was come pretty near unto it, there came a Ship out adorned with white Linen Flags and Olive-branches to meet him: in which there were ten Ambaſſadors, of the beſt Men in the City, who, by Annibal's advice, were ſent to deſire a Peace. They therefore coming up to the Poop of the Admiral's Ship; toward which they held forth thoſe Badges of Petitioners, deſired and begged that Scipio would be favourable and merciful to them: but received no other anſwer than this, That they muſt come to Tunis; for thither he would remove his ſtation. Yet he, having taken a view of the ſituation of Carthage, not ſo much to be ſatisfied in that at preſent, as to terrifie the Enemy, returned to Ʋtica, whither he recalled Octavius alſo. Then, as they were going to Tunis, News was brought them, That Vermina, Syphax's Son, was coming with more Horſe than Foot to aſſiſt the Carthaginians. Part therefore of their Army with all their Horſe was ſent out: which ſetting upon the Numidians about the beginning of the Saturnalia [Feaſt of Saturn, anſwering to our Chriſtmas] he ſoon routed them. And as they ran away, being intercepted on all ſides by the Horſe that ſurrounded them, there were 15000 of them ſlain, and 1200 taken Priſoners, with 1500 Numidian Horſe, and 72 military Enſigns. The young King himſelf with ſome ſmall number in the Tumult made his eſcape. Then they pitch'd their Camp at Tunis in the ſame place, as before, and thirty Ambaſſadors came from Carthage to Scipio: who (ſince their condition forced them to it) made much more moan than the former, but were heard with ſomewhat leſs pity, by reaſon of their late perfidiouſneſs. In the Council, though juſt anger incited all of them to deſtroy Carthage; yet they conſidering, not only how great an affair it was, but alſo how long the Siege againſt a City ſo well fortified and ſtrong might continue; and likewiſe, that Scipio was concerned, for that he expected a Succeſſor to come and reap the Glory of ending a War which had been accompliſh'd by the labour and danger of another Perſon, they were all inclined to grant a Peace.

The next Day therefore, calling back the Embaſſadors, whom they admoniſhed with many reproofs for their perfidiouſneſs, That now they had been inſtructed by ſo many misfortunes, they would at laſt believe there were Gods, and that an oath was an obligation, they gave them conditions of Peace, which were theſe, That they ſhould live free under their own Laws, having the ſame Cities, the ſame Lands, with the ſame bounds as before the War, and that the Romans ſhould that day ceaſe from plundering their Country. That they ſhould deliver up all the Renegadoes, Fugitives, and Captives, with all their Ships of War, excepting ten Gallies of three Banks apiece, and all the tamed Elephants that they had, without ever taming any more. That they ſhould wage no War either in or out of Africa without the conſent of the Roman People. That they ſhould reſtore Maſſiniſſa to his Inheritance, and make a League with him. That they ſhould provide Corn and Pay for the Soldiers, till ſuch time as the Embaſſadors came from Rome. That they ſhould pay for fifty years together ten thouſand Talents of Silver by ſuch and ſuch equal ſumms. That they ſhould give a hundred Hoſtages, ſuch as Scipio thought fit, not above thirty, nor under fourteen years of Age. That he upon theſe terms would grant a Truce if they would reſtore the Ships they had taken during the former Truce, and the things that were in them; otherwiſe, they ſhould neither have a Truce, nor was there any hopes of a Peace. When the Embaſſadors, who were bid to carry theſe conditions home with them, declar'd them openly in the Aſſembly, Giſgo ſtood forth to diſſwade them from Peace; but being that he made his ſpeech before the unſettled and cowardly Rabble, Annibal was vexed that he ſhould talk at that rate at that time, and therefore catching hold of Giſgo, pull'd him down from the place where he ſtood. The ſight of which unuſual Action, in a City ſo free as that was, having moved the People to murmur, the Warriour being diſturbed at the extravagant liberty which that City injoy'd, ſaid, I went from you at nine years of age, and came back at 36. By this time therefore I think I well enough underſtand all Military Arts (which my condition, ſometimes private and ſometimes publick, has taught me) but you muſt teach me the Priviledges, Laws and Customs of the City and Court. Having excus'd his want of knowledge, he made a long ſpeech for Peace, how reaſonable and neceſſary it was. But the greateſt difficulty was, that, out of the Ships which were taken in the time of the Truce, nothing appear'd beſides the bare hulks of them; nor was it eaſie to inquire into the matter, becauſe they who were ſaid to have ſuch Goods were Enemies to the Peace. However they ordered that the Ships ſhould be reſtored, and the Men lookt after, That Scipio ſhould ſet a value upon what was wanting, and the Carthaginians pay for it out of their common ſtock There are ſome that ſay Annibal came out of the Army to the Sea, where having provided himſelf a Ship, he immediately went over to King Antiochus; and that when Scipio required, That Annibal ſhould be firſt of all delivered into his hands, the Carthagians made him this anſwer, That Annibal was not in Africa.

When the Embaſſadors were come back to Scipio, the Queſtors or Purſers were ordered to make an Inventory of all the publick Stores that were in the Ships out of their Books of Accounts, and the private Owners, to tell what peculiarly belong'd to them; for all which, there was twenty five Thouſand Pound of ſilver Bullion at preſent required, and a Truce granted to the Carthagians for three Months, with an injunction, That they ſhould ſend no Embaſſadors all the time of the Truce any whither elſe than to Rome; and that whatever Embaſſadors came to Carthage, they ſhould not permit to go away, till they had informed the Roman General who they were, and what they came for. Along with the Carthaginian Embaſſadors, there were ſent to Rome L. Veturius Philo, M. Marcius Ralla, and L. Scipio the Generals Brother. After which time, Proviſions coming out of Italy and Sardinia had made every thing ſo cheap, that the Merchants left the Marriners their Corn for the freight of it. They had been in a great conſternation at Rome upon the firſt News of the Rebellion of the Carthaginians; and Tib. Claudius was ordered to go with the Fleet in all haſt into Sicily, and thence into Africa; but the other Conſul, M. Servilius, to ſtay at home till they heard in what poſture the Affairs of Africa were. All things were carryed on very ſlowly in order to the raiſing and ſetting out the Fleet for the Conſul Tib. Claudius, becauſe the Senate thought Scipio a better judge, what terms of Peace ought to be given, than he was. Certain Prodigies alſo, that were told of juſt as the news of the Rebellion came, put them into a fright. At Cumae, the circle of the Sun ſeemed to be leſſened, and it rained ſtones; and about Velitrae the Earth ſunk into mighty Caverns, in which whole Trees were buried. At Aricia, their Forum, with the ſhops all about it, and at Fruſinone, the Wall in ſome places, and a Gate, were burnt by lightning; beſides that it rained ſtones in the Palace. That Prodigie was, after the Country faſhion, expiated with Holy Rites that laſted nine Days, and the reſt with the greater ſort of Sacrifices. Among which alſo an unuſual riſing of Waters was thought to deſerve their religious care. For the Tiber ſo overflowed, that the Games called Ludi Apollinares [in honour of Apollo] when the Cirque was overwhelmed, were prepared to be celebrated without the Gate called Porta Collina, near the Temple of Venus Erycina. But upon the very Day that they were to be performed, a ſudden ſerenity ariſing, the pomp that was beginning toward the Gate Collina, was recall'd and carried into the Cirque, they having news, That the water was all flown out of it; by which means the ancient ſcat being reſtored to that ſolemn ſpectacle, made the People overjoyed, and the Games more thronged.

When Claudius the Conſul was gone from the City, and was got between the two Ports called Portus Coſanus and Portus Lauretanus, a violent tempeſt, that aroſe, put him into a great fright. From thence coming to Populonii, after he had ſtaid there till the ſtorm was over, he went to the Iſle of Ilva, from Ilva to Corſica, and from Corſica over into Sardinia. Where as he paſſed the Mountains called Montes Inſani [the mad Mountains] a tempeſt much feverer, and in a worſe place ariſing, ſcatter'd his Fleet; of which many Ships were ſhock'd and diſabled, whilſt ſome were broken to pieces. But the Fleet, though ſo much torn and haraſs'd, got into Carales, where as they were careening and mending of the Ships, the Winter came upon them, and the Year was gone about; ſo that, ſince no one propoſed his continuing in Commiſſion, Tib. Claudius brought the Navy back to Rome as a private Perſon. M. Servilius in the mean time, leſt he ſhould be recall'd to Rome upon the account of the Aſſembly, declared C. Servilius Geminus Dictator, and went into his Province. The Dictator made P. Aelius Potus Maſter of the Horſe. But Tempeſts often hindered the Aſſembly from being held, though it were appointed; ſo that, the old Magiſtrates being gone out of their Office on the ſixteenth of March, and no new ones in their Places, the Commonwealth was without any chief Magiſtrates at all. L. Manlius Torquatus, the High Prieſt, died that Year, and in his room they put C. Sulpitius Galba. The Roman Games were all thrice repeated and performed by L. Licinius Lucullus, and Q. Fulvius, who were the Aediles. The Clerks and Meſſengers belonging to the Aediles being diſcovered to have privately carryed Money out of the Treaſury, were condemned for it, not without ſome reflexion upon Lucullus. P. Aelius Tubero and L. Laetorius, who were Aediles of the People, being unduly choſen, quitted their Places, after they had ſet forth Games, and upon that ſcore made a Feaſt to Jupiter, and laid up three Enſigns in the Capitol, made out of the Silver taken for Mulcts. The Dictator and the Maſter of the Horſe celebrated the Games of Ceres by an order from the Senate.

When the Roman and the Carthaginian Embaſſadors came out of Africa to Rome, there was a Senate held in the Temple of Bellona, where when L. Veturius Philo had told them to their great joy, That they had fought the laſt Battel they were like to have with Annibal and the Carthaginians, and that they had at laſt put an end to that lamentable War, he added, that Vermina alſo, ſon of Syphax (which was no ſmall acceſſion to their happineſs) was overcome. Whereupon he was ordered to go into the publick Aſſembly, and tell that good News to the People. Then all the Temples in the City were flung open for joy, and ſupplications ordered to be made for three Days together. The Embaſſadors from the Carthaginians and King Philip (for from him too there were Embaſſadors come) deſiring to have audience of the Senate, had this anſwer by order of Senate from the Dictator, That the new Conſuls ſhould give it them. Ʋ. C. 549. Thereupon an Aſſembly was held, and they choſe for Conſuls Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Aelius Paetus: for Praetors, M. Junius Pennus, who happened to have the City for his Province; M. Valerius Falto, who had the Bruttii; M. Fabius Buteo, who had Sardinia, and P. Aelius Tubero, who had Sicily. But they would not do any thing touching the Provinces of the two Conſuls, till the Embaſſadors from the Carthaginians and King Philip were firſt heard. They foreſaw in their minds that the end of one War would be the beginning of another. Cn. Lentulus the Conſul had a great deſire to have the Province of Africa, becauſe he thought, if there were a War, he ſhould gain an eaſie Victory; or if it were already finiſhed, that he ſhould have the honour of ſeeing ſo troubleſome a War quite made an end of. He therefore ſaid, he would not ſuffer them to treat of any thing elſe, before he had Africa aſſign'd to him; to which his Colleague conſented, being a moderate and a prudent Man, who knew, beſides that he could not in juſtice do it, he was not able to contend with Scipio in point of Glory and Renown. Q. Minutius Thermus and Manius Glabrio, Tribunes of the People, ſaid, That Cn. Cornelius attempted what Tib. Claudius the year before had to no purpoſe tryed. That the Senate had referred it to the People, who ſhould be the Governour of Africa, and that all the thirty five Tribes had given that charge to P. Scipio. The matter therefore having been bandied with many diſputes, both in the Senate and among the People, was at laſt brought to this Iſſue, that they would leave it to the Senate. The Senators thereupon being ſworn (for ſo it was agreed) thought fit, That the Conſuls ſhould agree of the Provinces between themſelves, or caſt lots for them, which ſhould have Italy, and which ſhould have a fleet of fifty Ships. He that had the Fleet, was to go into Sicily; and, if they could not conclude a Peace with the Carthaginians, from thence into Africa. That the Conſul ſhould act by Sea, and Scipio by Land with the ſame Commiſſion as before. But if the terms of Peace were agreed upon, that the Tribunes of the People ſhould refer it to the Commons, whether they would have the Conſul or P. Scipio to make the Peace; and who, if the victorious Army was to be brought out of Africa, ſhould bring it. That, if they ordered Scipio to conclude the Peace and bring the Army out of Africa, the Conſul ſhould not go over from Sicily into Africa. And that the other Conſul, who happened to have Italy, ſhould receive the two Legions from M. Sextius the Praetor.

P. Scipio was continued in his Commiſſion of General over thoſe Forces, that he had, in the Province of Africa; and M. Valerius Falto the Praetor had the two in the Province of the Bruttii, which C. Livius the year before had been Commander of. It was further ordered, that the Praetor P. Aelius ſhould have the two Legions in Sicily of Cn. Tremellius. One Legion was aſſigned to M. Fabius in Sardinia, which P. Lentulus the Propraetor had formerly commanded. M. Servilius alſo was continued in his Commiſſion of General over thoſe two Legions, which he, when he was Conſul the Year before, had commanded in Etruria. As for the Spains, L. Cornelius Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus had been there already for ſome Years; but the Conſuls ſhould treat with the Tribunes, if they pleaſed, to ask the Peoples pleaſure, who they would make Governour of Spain; and that he (whoever it was) ſhould unite all the Roman Souldiers, that were in thoſe two Armies, into one Legion, dividing the Latine Allies into fifteen Regiments, wherewith he ſhould keep and maintain the Province; but L. Cornelius and L. Manlius ſhould bring the old Souldiers into Italy. To Conſul Cornelius was aſſigned a Navy of fifty Ships out of the two Navies of Cn. Octavius, which was in Africa, and P. Villius, which guarded the Coaſt of Sicily; of which he was to pick and chuſe what he would. That P. Scipio ſhould have the fifty long Ships, that he formerly had had; of whom, if he had a mind that Cn. Octavius ſhould be Commander, as before he was, Octavius being Propraetor, ſhould be likewiſe Admiral for that Year; but if he made Laelius Admiral. Octavius ſhould go to Rome, and bring back thoſe Ships that Scipio had no uſe of. M. Fabius alſo in Sardinia had ten long Ships allotted him; the Conſuls being ordered to raiſe two City Legions, that the Commonwealth might be that Year maintained by fourteen Legions and a hundred long Ships.

Then they ſpoke of the Embaſſadors from King Philip and the Carthaginians; of which they ordered the Macedonians to be firſt introduc'd. And they made different kinds of addreſſes; ſome, To purge themſelves from what the Embaſſadors ſent from Rome to their King, had complained of, touching the plundering the Roman Allies; and ſome, to accuſe, not only the Allies of the Roman People, but M. Aurelius much more; who, of the three Embaſſadors ſent to their Court, made a Levy by the way, and raiſed a War upon them, againſt the League, fighting ſeveral pitch'd Battels with their Prefects [i. e. Governours of Places or Provinces]: ſome again, to deſire, that the Macedonians, and their General Sopater, who had fought for pay under Annibal, and being taken, were then Priſoners, might be reſtored. To all which M. Furius, who was ſent out of Macedonia by Aurelius, for that purpoſe, anſwered, That Aurelius was left behind the reſt, for fear the Roman Allies, tired out with being plundered and haraſſed, ſhould revolt to the King, and therefore did not go beyond the Confines of their Allies, but endeavoured to revenge them of thoſe that came to ravage their Country. That Sopater was one of the great Noble Men about the King, and was lately ſent with four thouſand Macedonians and Money too, into Africa, to aid Annibal and the Carthaginians. The Macedonians being interrogated upon theſe ſeveral points, they gave ſo perplexed an anſwer, that the Romans prevented them with this, That the King had a mind to a War, and, if he went on, ſhould ſhortly have his deſire. That the League was violated by him in a double reſpect; not only, in that he had injured the Allies of the Romans, whom he haraſſed with War and Hoſtilities, but had likewiſe aſſiſted their Enemies with Succours and Money. And farther, that P. Scipio did nothing but his duty in looking upon them as Enemies, and keeping them under reſtraint, who, whilſt they bore Arms againſt the Roman People, were taken Priſoners. That M. Aurelius alſo, not only conſulted the honour and ſafety of the Commonwealth, but had obliged the Senate alſo, in defending their Allies by the Sword, ſince he could not do it by vertue of the League. The Macedonians therefore being diſmiſs'd with this unwelcome anſwer, the Carthaginians were call'd in, whoſe Ages and Dignities being conſidered (for they were the beſt Men in all Carthage) each Senator ſaid, They certainly came to treat of Peace. But Aſdrubal (whom his own Countrymen ſurnamed Hoedus) was the moſt remarkable Perſon among them, being always for a Peace, and an Enemy to the Barcine Faction. Wherefore upon that account he had the more Credit, when he transferred the blame of the War off of the Commonwealth in general upon the ambition of ſome few. Who when he had made a long and various ſpeech, one while to excuſe their faults, and another while confeſſing ſome particular things, leſt, if they impudently denyed things that were true and certain, they ſhould be the more hardly pardoned; and anon, admoniſhing the Senate, That they would uſe their ſucceſs with modeſty and moderation; for if the Carthaginians would have liſtened to him and Hanno, and made uſe of their opportunity, they ſhould have ſubmitted to thoſe terms of Peace, which they then demanded. But Men had very ſeldom good Fortune and good Inclinations at the ſame time. That the Roman People were therefore unconquerable, becauſe in their proſperity they forgot not to adviſe and conſult; and indeed, it were to be wondered at, if they ſhould do any otherwiſe. That Men, who were not uſed to it, when they had good fortune, grew mad for joy; but that it was now cuſtomary and almoſt obſolete for the Roman People to be happy in victory, who had increaſed their Empire full as much by ſparing thoſe they conquered, as by conquering. The reſt made ſpeeches rather to move pity, reminding the Senate, From what an heighth the Carthaginians were fallen; who, though they had lately gotten almoſt the whole World by strength of Arms, had now nothing elſe but the bare Walls of Carthage. That being incloſed therein, they could ſee no manner of thing either by Sea or Land that they could call their own. Yea, that they ſhould keep the City it ſelf and their houſhold Gods by no other means, than the People of Rome's not being too ſevere upon them. Hereupon when the Senate in general ſeemed to be moved with pity, they ſay, one of the Senators, who hated the Carthaginians for their perfidiouſneſs, cryed out, What Gods would they call to witneſs when they made a League, now that they had diſappointed and affronted thoſe to whom they formerly obliged themſelves for the performance of what they ſaid? The ſame Gods, ſaid Aſdrubal, as are ſo ſevere upon ſuch as break Leagues.

Seeing therefore they were all inclined to Peace, the Conſul Cn. Lentulus, who had the Fleet for his Province, interpoſed againſt the order of Senate. Whereupon M. Atilius and Q Minutius, Tribunes of the People, referr'd it to the Commons, Whether they would yield, that the Senate ſhould order a Peace to be made with the Carthaginians. And deſired them alſo to declare who ſhould conclude that Peace, and who bring the Armies out of Africa. As ſoon as all the Tribes were ask'd about the Peace, they commanded, That Scipio ſhould conclude the Peace, and likewiſe bring home the Armies. Upon which order of theirs, the Senate decreed, That P. Scipio, according to the opinion of the ten Embaſſadors, ſhould make a Peace with the Carthaginians upon what terms he ſhould think fit. Then the Carthaginians gave the Senate tha • ks, and deſired, That they might go into the City and talk with their Countrymen, who were there in Priſon. For there were among them ſome that were their Relations and Friends, being Noble-men, and ſome, to whom they had meſſages from their Friends. Which being allowed them, when they deſired a ſecond time, to have leave to redeem ſuch of them as they thought fit, they were bid to tell their Names. Whereupon they having named about two hundred, the Senate ordered, That Embaſſadors from Rome ſhould carry two hundred of the Captives, whom the Carthaginians pleas'd, to P. Cornelius-Scipio in Africa, and tell him, that if the Peace were concluded on, he might reſtore them to the Carthaginians without ranſom. The Heralds being commanded to go into Africa to make the League, had, by their own requeſt, this order of Senate made, That each of them ſhould carry his own flint stones and his own vervein: that the Roman Praetor ſhould command them to ſtrike the League, and they ask him for vervein. That kind of Herb is uſed to be taken out of the Caſtle and given to the Heralds. The Carthaginians being thus diſmiſs'd out of Rome, when they came into Africa to Scipio, they made a Peace upon the terms that I before told you of; delivering the long Ships, Elephants, Renegadoes, Fugitives and Captives, to the number of four Thouſand, among whom was Q Terentius Culleo, a Senator. He ordered the Ships, when they were a good way out at Sea, to be ſet on fire (of which ſome ſay there were five Hundred of all ſizes that were rowed) the ſight of which fire ſo on a ſuddain, was as ſorrowful a ſpectacle to the Carthaginians, as though even Carthage it ſelf had been in a flame. The Renegadoes were puniſh'd more ſeverely than the Fugitives, thoſe that were Latines being beheaded, and the Romans hanged upon a Croſs.

Forty Years before there was a Peace made with the Carthaginians, when Q Lutatius and A. Manlius were Conſuls. The War began twenty three Years after, when P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Conſuls, and was ended in the eighteenth Year, when Cn. Cornelius and P. Aelius Paetus were Conſuls. After that, they report that Scipio would often ſay, That Tib. Claudius firſt of all, and after that Cn. Cornelius's Ambition, was the hinderance why that War did not end in the deſtruction of Carthage. But the Carthaginians finding it very difficult at firſt to raiſe the Money, now they were ſo exhauſted by the Expences of ſo long a War, ſo that there was nothing but ſorrow and wailing in the Senate, they ſay Annibal burſt out of laughing; for which, when Aſdrubal Haedus reproved him, he being himſelf the cauſe of all their grief, he replyed, If as the face appears to the outward, ſo alſo a Mans Soul could be ſeen within, you would eaſily be convinced, that this laughter of mine which you reprove me for, did not proceed from joy, but almoſt madneſs it ſelf wherewith I am poſſeſs'd upon ſuch diſmal thoughts as in my heart I conceive; and yet it is not ſo unſeaſonable neither as thoſe your abſurd and effeminate tears are. You ſhould then have cryed, when our Arms were taken from us, our Ships burnt, and we forbid the making of any foreign Wars; for by that wound we fell; nor do you think that the Romans have ſo ordered things out of hatred to you. No great City can be long at quiet; if it have not an Enemy abroad, it finds one at home; as ſtrong Bodies ſeem ſafe from all outward annoyances, but are oppreſſed by their own weight. We are ſo far ſenſible of the publick misfortunes, as concerns our own private affairs, in which nothing ſtings us more than the loſs of Money. Wherefore when Carthage, being vanquiſhed, was alſo pillaged, when you ſaw it unarmed, and deſtitute amidſt ſo many armed Nations of Africa, none of you gave one groan; but now, ſeeing you muſt pay a tribute out of your private Eſtates, you make as much lamentation as at a publick funeral, I am very much afraid that you e're long will find you have cryed this day for your leaſt misfortune. Thus ſpake Annibal to the Carthaginians. Then Scipio calling an Aſſembly preſented Maſſiniſſa, beſides his Fathers Kingdom, with the Town of Cirtha, as alſo other Cities and Lands that the Roman People had then poſſeſſion of as formerly belonged to the Dominions of King Syphax. He ordered Cn. Octavius to deliver the Navy which he conducted into Sicily, to Cn. Cornelius the Conſul; and the Carthaginian Embaſſadors to go to Rome, to get what he had done according to the opinion of the ten Embaſſadors, confirmed by Authority of the Senate and conſent of the People.

Having now made Peace both by Sea and Land, he ſhipped off his Army and went over to Lilybaeum in Sicily. From whence ſending great part of his Soldiers by Sea, himſelf went through Italy (which was no leſs rejoyced at the Peace than at his Victory; and where, not only all Inhabitants of the Cities came out to do him homage, but the Country People too with crowds fill'd up the Roads) and came to Rome, whereinto he was carried with the greateſt Triumph that ever was ſeen. He brought into the Treaſury a hundred thirty three Thouſand Pound of ſilver Bullion, and gave forty Aſſes apiece to all his Souldiers. Syphax at that time was taken off by Death, being an example of h • mane frailty, rather than of triumphant Glory, who dyed not long before at Tyber, whither he had been from Alba carried over; yet his Death was remarkable, becauſe he was buried at the publick Charge. Polybius, an Author of very good credit, ſays that this King was led in triumph. Q. Terentius Culleo followed Scipio in his Triumph with a Cap upon his Head, and reſpected him all his life after as the author of his Liberty. Whether the favour of the Souldiery or popular breath firſt gave him the ſir-name of Africanus, or whether as that of Foelix Sulla, and Pompey the Great fore fathers, it firſt aroſe from the uſage of his ſawning Familiars, I am not certain: But this is evident, that he was the firſt General who was ennobled with a ſir-name taken from a Nation which he himſelf had vanquiſhed; by whoſe example, other Families, not at all equal to him in Victories, made themſelves Glorious Titles upon their Images, and famous Sirnames.

DECADE IV.

BOOK I. The EPITOME.

14. Why the war againſt King Philip of Macedon, which had been intermitted, was renewed, theſe are the reaſons; at the time of the Initia [i. e. holy Rites in honour of Ceres] two young Men of Acarnania, who had not as then been initiated, came to Athens, and went into Ceres's Temple with others of their own Country. For which, as though they had committed the greateſt wickedneſs that could be, they were ſlain by the Athenians. Wherefore the Acarnanians, being concern'd for the death of their Countrymen, deſired aid of King Philip in order to revenge it. 5. A few Months after the Peace was concluded with the Carthaginians, in the five hundred and fiftieth Year after the building of Rome, when the Athenian Embaſſadors, their City being beſieged by Philip, came to deſire the Senates aſſiſtance, the Senate agreed to give it them; but the Commons, who were tired with the continual fatiegue of Warfare, diſſented from them. Notwithſtanding the Authority of the Senate prevailed ſo far, that the People at laſt ordered Auxiliaries to be ſent to them, as being a City then allied to the Romans. 6. The manage of that War was committed to P. Sulpicius the Conſul, who having led an Army into Macedonia, engaged with Philip very ſucceſfully in ſeveral Horſe Battels. 16, &c. The Abydenes being beſieged by Philip, like the Saguntines, kill'd themſelves and all their fellow Citizens. 21. L. Furius being Praetor overcame the Gauls of Inſubria, that then rebell'd, and Amilcar, the Carthaginian, who made War in that Country in a ſet Battel. In that War Amilcar and thiry five Thouſand Men were ſlain. 15, &c. It further ſhews the expeditions of King Philip, and Sulpicius the Conſul, with the taking of ſeveral Cities by them both. 46. Sulpicius the Conſul, made War with the help of King Attalus and the Rhodians. 49. L. Furius the Praetor triumphed over the Gauls.

I AM as glad, as if I alſo had been a ſharer in the trouble and danger, that I am come to the end of the Punick War. For though I dare ſay, it is not convenient for one that writes all the Roman Hiſtory, to be tired in the compiling each part of ſuch a vaſt Work; yet when I conſider, that ſixty three Years (for ſo many they are from the firſt Punick War to the end of the ſecond) has taken me up as much Paper as four Hundred eighty eight did from the building of the City to the time of Appius Claudius's being Conſul, who firſt made War upon the Carthaginians; I already foreſee, like thoſe who going into the ſhallow Water next the Shore are entering into the Sea, that whatſoever ſteps I make forward, I ſhall ſtill be plunged into a vaſter depth, and as it were a main Ocean; yea, that that Work does even grow upon my hands, that ſeemed, when I had done all the firſt parts, to be much leſs. The Peace with Carthage was attended by a War with Macedonia, though not to be compared with the other, either in reſpect to the danger, the courage of the General, or ſtrength of the Souldiers; and yet in regard to the renown of thoſe ancient Kings, the celebrated Fame of that Nation, and the greatneſs of their Empire, which comprehended heretofore many parts of Europe, and the greater part of Aſia, it was full as honourable. But the War, that had been begun againſt Philip nigh ten Years before, was laid down three Years ſince, the Aetolians having been the cauſe both of the War and Peace. But then the Romans having nothing to do, by reaſon that they had made a Peace with the Carthaginians, and being much diſpleaſed with Philip, for that he had not only not faithfully kept the Peace which he made with the Aetolians and others their Allies in the ſame Region, but upon the ſcore of Auxiliaries and Money which they lately ſent into Africa to Annibal and the Carthaginians, were farther inſtigated by the Petitions of the Athenians (whom he, having waſted all their Country, had forced into their Walls) to renew the War. Beſides that, about the ſame time there came Embaſſadors from King Attalius and the Rhodians, to tell them, That the Cities if Aſia alſo were ſollicited. To which the anſwer was, That the Senate would take care of Aſia.

The Conſultation touching the Macedonian War, was totally referr'd to the Conſuls, who were then in the Field engaged with the Boii. In the mean there were three Embaſſadors ſent to Ptolomy King of Aegypt, whoſe names were C. Claudius Nero, M. Aemilius Lepidus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus, to tell him that Annibal and the Carthaginians were overthrown; and give the King thanks, for that in their adverſity, when even their neighbouring Allies deſerted the Romans, he had been true to them: and to deſire him, that if they were forced by injuries to undertake a War againſt Philip, he would preſerve the ſame affection as formerly toward the Roman people. At the ſame time P. Aelius the Conſul in Gaul, having heard that the Boii made Incurſions into their Allies Confines before his arrival there, raiſed two Legions all o' the ſudden upon the ſcore of that tumult, to which having added four Regiments of his own Army, he order'd C. Oppius, Governour of the Allies, to go with this tumultuary Band through Ʋmbria (which they call Tribus Sappinia) and invade the Country of the Boii; whilſt he himſelf went the ſame way, but in the open rode, through the Mountains. Thereupon Oppius going into the Confines of the Enemy at firſt was very ſucceſsful and ſecure in his ravagings of their Country. But ſoon after, though he choſe a very convenient place near Caſtrum Mutilum [a Towns name] going to reap the Corn (which then was full ripe) before he had either inquired into the conveniences and inconveniences thereof, or ſet Guards ſtrong enough to defend the reſt whilſt they were unarmod and about their work, he and his Reapers were all circumvented by a ſudden Sally of the Gauls. Thereupon a dread ſeiz'd even the arm'd party themſelves; and ſeven thouſand men, who were ſtragling about the Corn, were all kill'd; among whom the Prefect C. Oppius himſelf was one. The reſt being forced for fear to run into their Camp, from thence, without any certain Leader, but only by mutual conſent among themſelves, the next night, leaving great part of their Baggage behind them, they came through places almoſt unpaſſable to the Conſul. Who having done nothing elſe that is remarkable in that Province, but waſted the Territories of the Boii, and made a League with the Ingauni of Liguria, return'd to Rome.

When he firſt called a Senate, they all deſired, that he would do nothing of buſineſs before that which concerned Philip and the complaints of their Allies, and therefore report was preſently made of it, ſo that in a full Senate it was decreed, That P. Aelius the Conſul ſhould ſend any one that he thought fit in Commiſſion, to take the Fleet, which Cn. Octavius was then bringing back out of Sicily, and go over into Macedonia. M. Valerius Levinus the Propretor being ſent, and having received thirty eight Ships of Cn. Octavius near Vibo, croſſed over into Macedonia. To whom when M. Aurelius the Embaſſador was come and had told him, what great Armies, and what a mighty number of Ships the King had got; as alſo how through all the Cities, not only on the Continent, but even in the Iſles too, he, partly by going himſelf in perſon to them, and partly by his Embaſſadors, endeavoured to put the people all in Arms; and that therefore the Romans muſt be more induſtrious and nimble in their preparations for that War, leſt, if they delayed, the King might then dare to do what Pyrrhus had formerly in a Kingdom ſomewhat leſs attempted; He made Aurelius ſend all this account in a Letter to the Conſuls and the Senate.

At the end of this Year, when there was a freſh Diſcourſe concerning the Lands belonging to the old Souldiers, who had ended the War in Africa under the Conduct and happy Succeſs of P. Scipio, the Senate decreed, That M. Junius, Pretor of the City, if he thought good, ſhould chooſe ten men, to meaſure and divide all that part of the Samnite and Apulian Territories, that was the publick poſſeſſion of the Roman people. Accordingly he choſe P. Servilius, Q. Caecilius Metellus, C. and M. Servilius (who were both ſurnamed Geminus) L. and A. Hoſtilius Cato, P. Villius Tappulus, M. Fulvius Flaccus, P. Aelius Petus, and Q. Flaminius. At that time P. Aelius holding the Conſular Aſſembly, there were choſen for Conſuls P. Sulpicius Galba, and C. Aurelius Cotta: and for Pretors, Q. Minutius Rufus, L. Furius Purpureo, Q. Fulvius Gillo, and Cn. Sergius Plancus. The Roman Playes were perform'd there very magnificently and with great preparations by the Curule Aediles, L. Valerius Flaccus, and T. Quintius Flaminius two dayes together: beſides that they divided a vaſt quantity of Corn, which the Pro Conſul had ſent out of Africa, with the greateſt fidelity and kindneſs among the people for four Aſſes a Buſhell. The Plebeian Games too were thrice repeated quite through by the Aediles of the people, L. Apustius Fullo, and Q. Minutius Rufus, who from being Aedile was made a Praetor: at which time likewiſe there is a Feaſt called Jupiters Feaſt, upon the ſcore of thoſe ſports.

In the Year 550. Ʋ. C. 550. from the Building of the City, when P. Sulpicius Galba, and C. Aurelius were Conſuls, the War began with King Philip, ſome few months after the Peace was concluded on with the Carthaginians. The Conſul P. Sulpicius propoſed that matter, firſt of all on the Ides of March, whereon they then took upon them the Conſulſhip: and thereupon the Senate decreed; That the Conſul ſhould offer great Sacrifices to what Gods they pleaſed with this Prayer; That the deſign of the Roman people and Senate concerning the Commonwealth, and their entering upon a new War might ſucceed very happily to the Roman people, their Allies, and all the Latine Race. When they had done their Sacrifice and ended their Prayer, that they ſhould conſult the Senate touching the Commonwealth and the Provinces. At that time there came Letters very ſeaſonably to excite their minds, from M. Aurelius the Embaſſador, and M. Valerius Levinus the Propraetor, with a new Embaſſy from Athens, to tell them, that the King was come very near to their confines, and that in a ſhort time, not only their Country, but their City too would be in his hands, unleſs the Romans would aſſiſt them. Then the Conſuls having declared, That the Religious Duty was rightly performed, and that the Gods aſſented to their Prayer; the Southſayers anſwered, That the entrals alſo were very good, whereby the propagation of their limits, and Victory and Triumph were portended: After which the Letters from Aurelius and Valerius were read, and the Athenian Embaſſadors had their Audience. Whereupon an order of Senate was made, That the Allies ſhould be thanked for that, though they had been long ſollicited, they had not departed from their engagements, no not for fear of a Siege. But they ſaid, they would give their anſwer concerning the ſending of Auxiliaries, after the Conſuls had caſt lots for the Provinces; and that that Conſul, who happened to have Macedonia for his Province, had propoſed to the People, that War might be declared againſt King Philip.

P. Sulpicius happened to have Macedonia, and therefore preferr'd a Bill, deſiring the Commons, That they would be pleaſed to order, that War might be declared againſt King Philip and all the Macedonians under his Dominion, for injuries, and hoſtilities which he had offered to the Allies of the Roman People. Aurelius, the other Conſul, happened to have Italy for his Province. And then the Praetors choſe their Provinces, Cn. Sergius Plancus the City, Q. Fulvius Gillo Sicily, Q Minutius Rufus the Bruttii, L. Furius Purpureo Gaul. The Bill concerning the Macedonian War was rejected by almoſt all of them at the firſt Aſſembly. For as all People in general, being tired with a long grievous War, the toil and danger of which had been very tedious to them, complained of their own accord; ſo Q. Baebius, Tribune of the People, going in the old way of laying all the blame upon the Senate, accuſed them, That they ſtill created one War out of another, for fear the People ſhould ever enjoy the bleſſings of Peace. The Senate took that very ill, and reviled him mightily in the Senate for it, whilſt every one of them exhorted the Conſul, To ſummon a freſh Aſſembly for the paſſing of that Bill, and that he would chaſtiſe the ſloth of the People; and give them to underſtand what a damage and diſgrace the delaying of that War would prove to the Commonwealth.

The Conſul therefore, calling an Aſſembly in the Campus Martius, before he put the Centuries to voting, made this ſpeech before all the People, Romans, ſaid he, I am apt to think you are ignorant, that you are at the preſent conſulted, not to know, whether you will chooſe War or Peace (for Philip will not give you that liberty, ſeeing he prepares for a mighty War both by Sea and Land) but whether you will tranſport your Legions into Macedonia, or receive the Enemy into Italy. Of what importance this is, you had experience, if ever, in the laſt Punick War. For who doubt but that, if when the Saguntines were beſieged and deſired our aid, we had immediately lent it them, as our forefathers did to the Mamertines, we ſhould have turned the whole War upon Spain; which by delaying to our great miſchief we received into Italy? Nay without doubt we kept this very Philip, even after he had agreed with Annibal by Embaſſadors and Letters to come over into Italy, in Macedonia, by ſending Laevinus with a Fleet to make an offenſive War upon him. What therefore we then did, when we had Annibal our Enemy, and in Italy, ſhall we ſtick to do, now that we have driven Annibal out, and vanquiſhed the Carthaginians? Shall we ſuffer the King to try our ſloth in the ſacking of Athens, as we did Annibal in the caſe of Saguntum? He will not come thence into Italy the fifth Month, as Annibal did from Saguntum, but the fifth day after he weighs Anchor from Corinth, Do not ye compare Philip with Annibal, nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians, though you may certainly to Pyrrhus, I mean, to ſhow how far one Man, or one Nation exceeds another. Epirus was always the leaſt acceſſion to the Kingdom of Macedonia, and is ſo to this day. Philip has all Peloponneſus under him, and Argos it ſelf, which is enobled as much by the Death of Pyrrhus, as any other ancient famous event that happened there. Now compare our ſtrength with his. How much more flouriſhing an Eſtate was Italy in, and in how much better plight the Commonwealth (whilſt our Generals were ſafe, and ſo many Armies with them, whom the Punick War after that deſtroyed) when Pyrrhus ſet upon us, and even then ſhock'd us, coming victorious almoſt to the very City of Rome. Nor did the Tarentines only, and that part of Italy, which they call the greater Greece (who, a Man would think, had joyned with Pyrrhus upon the ſcore of his Language, and that he call'd himſelf a Greek) but the Lucanians, the Bruttians and the Samnites revolted from us. And do you believe, that, if Philip come over into Italy, theſe People will be quiet or true to you? You know how they ſerv'd you afterward in the Punick War. No, thoſe People will always revolt from us as long as they have any one to revolt to. If you have been loth to go over into Africa, you might have ſeen your Enemy Annibal and the Carthaginians to this day in Italy. Let Macedonia therefore, rather than Italy, be the ſeat of War; and let the Enemies Cities and Countrys be laid waſte with Fire and Sword. We have already experienced, that our Arms are more ſucceſsful, and much more powerful abroad than at home. Proceed then to voting, in the name of the Gods, and what the Senate have determined of, do you conſent to. Not only the Conſul, but the Gods too adviſe you to this; who, when I ſacrificed and prayed, that this War might prove ſucceſsful to me, to the Senate, to you, and our Latine Allies, together with the Armies and Fleets, that we are now ſetting forth, gave me all the ſigns of joy and proſperity that could be.

After this ſpeech they went to voting, and, as the Conſul had propoſed, conſented to the having of a War. Thereupon a ſupplication was appointed by the Conſuls for three days, purſuant to an order of Senate, and Prayers were made to the Gods in all Temples, That the War, which the People had conſented ſhould be levied against Philip, might meet with good and happy ſucceſs. The Heralds alſo were conſulted by the Conſul Sulpicius, to know, whether they muſt order the War, that was to be declared againſt King Philip, to be denounced before himſelf in Perſon, or whether it were enough to do it in the confines of his Kingdom, at the next Gariſon they came to; to which the Heralds made anſwer, that either way would ſerve turn. Thereupon the Conſul had leave of the Senate to ſend which of the Heralds he thought fit, to declare the War againſt the King. After which they treated touching the Armies of the Conſuls and the Praetors. The Conſuls were commanded to raiſe two Legions, and to disband the old Armies. Sulpicius, to whom was aſſigned the Menage of a new and a mighty War, had leave to get as many Volunteers as he could out of that Army which P. Scipio had brought out of Africa, but ſhould not take any one of the old Soldiers againſt their Wills. That the Conſul ſhould give L. Furius Purpureo, and Q. Minutius Rufus five Thouſand of their Latine Allies; with which guards the one of them ſhould defend the Province of Gaul, and the other that of the Bruttii. Q Fulvius Gillo alſo was ordered to chuſe out of that Army, which P. Aelius the Conſul had commanded, all the youngeſt Soldiers, till he likewiſe had made up the number of five Thouſand Allies and Latines; who, if occaſion were, might be ſent into ſeveral parts of Italy, which were infected with being concerned in the Punick War, from whence they had contracted great animoſities. The Commonwealth that Year was like to uſe ſix Roman Legions.

But as they were juſt in the midſt of their preparations for the War, there came Embaſſadors from King Ptolomy, to tell them, That the Athenians deſired aid of their King againſt Philip. But that, though they were common Allies to both, yet, unleſs he had the People of Romes conſent for his ſo doing, their King would ſend neither Fleet nor Army into Greece, to defend or offend any Body whatſoever; that he would either lye ſtill in his own Kingdom, if the People of Rome could defend their Allies, or would, if they pleaſed, let the Romans be at quiet, and himſelf ſend Auxiliaries, that ſhould eaſily be able to defend Athens againſt the power of Philip. The Senate returned the King thanks, and this anſwer, That the People of Rome deſigned to defend their Allies; and that, if they wanted any thing in order to the carrying on of that War, they would ſend the King notice of it, whoſe forces they knew to be the firm and faithful reſerves of their Commonwealth. Thereupon the Embaſſadors had each of them five Thouſand Aſſes by order of Senate ſent to them. But when the Conſuls were making the Levy, and all preparations for the War, the City, being in a Religious humour, as it moſt commonly was at the beginings of new Wars (having already made Supplications and Prayers in all the Temples) leſt they ſhould omit any thing that ever had upon ſuch an occaſion been done, commanded the Conſul to vow Games and an Offering to Jupiter, that had Macedonia for his Province. But Licinius the High Prieſt put a ſtop to that publick vow, by ſaying he ought not to make ſuch a vow of an Offering out of uncertain Money; Becauſe that Money could not be made uſe of to carry on the War, but ought to be immediately laid up, and not mixt with other Money; which unleſs it were ſo ordered, his vow could not rightly be performed. In which caſe, though both the thing and the Author moved them; yet the Conſul was commanded to refer it to the Colledge of Prieſts, whether a vow could be made of a ſumm uncertain. To which they anſwered, that it might, yea, that it was the beſt way. The Conſul therefore made his vow in the ſame form (the High Prieſt ſaying it before him) wherein the vows of five Years were uſed formerly to be made; except that he then vowed to lay out upon his Games and his Offering as much Money as, when it was paid, the Senate ſhould think fit. The great Games had been many times before vowed to be ſet forth at the expence of a certain ſumm, but thoſe were the firſt that were ſo at an uncertain one.

But now, when all Peoples minds were ſet upon the Macedonian War, and that they feared nothing leſs at that time, immediately they had news brought them of a tumult in Gaul. For the Inſubrians, Caenomani, and Boii, having ſtirred up the Salii, Iluates and other Liguſtine People, under the Conduct of Amilcar, who had halted, out of Aſdrubal's Army, in thoſe parts, had invaded Placentia: and having ſack'd that City, and in their fury burnt great part of it, inſomuch, that between their burning and otherwiſe deſtroying of it, they left not above two thouſand Men alive, they had paſſed the Po, and were going to rifle Cremona. But the misfortune of their neighbour City, which they had heard of, gave the Inhabitants timely warning to ſhut their Gates, and plant Guards about their Walls, that they might be at leaſt beſieged before they were taken, and have time to ſend to the Roman Praetor for aſſiſtance. L. Furius Purpureo, who then was Governour of that Province, having by order of the Senate disbanded all the reſt of the Army, except five Thouſand Allies and Latines, lay with thoſe Forces in the very Confines of that Country about Ariminum. He then wrote to the Senate in what a tumult the Province was, That of two Colonies, which had eſcaped the tempeſt of the Punick War, the one was taken and rifled by the Enemy, and the other now attempted. Nor ſhould he prove ſtrong enough with his Army only to defend the labouring Hinds, unleſs he would expoſe five Thouſand Allies to forty Thouſand Enemies (for ſo many there were then in Arms) to be murdered by them, and by that great loſs increaſe the Enemies courage, which was already too great ſince their deſtroying of the laſt Roman Colony.

This Letter being read, they decreed, that C. Aurelius the Conſul ſhould order that Army, which he had charg'd to meet upon ſuch a day in Etruria, ſhould Rendezvous the ſame time at Ariminum; and that either he himſelf, if he could without any damage to the publick, ſhould go and ſuppreſs the Gallick Inſurrection; or write to L. Furius the Praetor, that, ſeeing the Legions were come to him out of Etruria, he ſhould ſend five thouſand Allies in their ſtead, to be in the mean time a Guard to Etruria, and go himſelf to raiſe the Siege from before the Colony. They alſo thought fit, that Embaſſadors ſhould be ſent into Africa, the ſame perſons to Carthage and into Numidia too to Maſſiniſſa. To Carthage, to tell them, That a Citizen of theirs, called Amilcar, that was left in Gaul, they did not well know, whether out of Aſdrubal's Army before, or Mago's afterward, made War there againſt the League; and instigated the Gallick and Ligurian Armies againſt the people of Rome: wherefore, if they had a mind to be at Peace, they muſt recal him and deliver him up to the Roman people. Wherewithal they were likewiſe bid to ſay, That all the Renegadoes were not restored to them, but that great part of 'em were ſeen in the ſtreets at Carthage every day: whom they ought to ſeize, and get together, in order to their being ſent to Rome. This was their Meſſage to the Carthaginians. But they were ordered to congratulate Maſſiniſſa, for that he had not only recover'd his Fathers Kingdom, but had increaſed it too by the addition of the moſt flouriſhing part of Syphax's Dominions. Beſides which they were to inform him, That there was a War levyed againſt King Philip, for aſſiſting the Carthaginians, and moleſting the Allies of the Roman people, during the War in Italy; whereby they were forced to ſend Fleets and Armies into Greece. And for that he by detaining their Forces, had been the chief cauſe of their going ſo late over into Africa. Wherefore they were bid to deſire him, that he would ſend them, for the carrying on of that War, ſome Auxiliaries of Numidian Horſe. They had large Preſents to carry to the King, Golden and ſilver Veſſels, a purple Gown, a palm'd Coat, with an Ivory walking-ſtaff, a toga praetexta [i. e. a white Gown garded with purple] and a Chair of State; beſides all which they were bid to promiſe him, that if he thought he wanted any thing to confirm and augment his Kingdom, the people of Rome would ſupply it with all their hearts upon the ſcore of his merit. At the ſame time alſo came Embaſſadors from Vermina, the Son of Syphax, to the Senate, excuſing his error, and youthfulneſs, and laying all the blame upon the Carthaginians, who deluded him. That Maſſiniſſa was become, inſtead of an Enemy, a Friend to the Romans; and that Vermina alſo would endeavour to ſhew, that neither Maſſiniſſa, nor any man elſe ſhould outdo him in reſpect to the Roman people. And therefore to deſire, that their King might be, by the Senate, stiled an Ally and a Friend to the Roman people. To which they had this Anſwer, that not only his Father Syphax had become, of a Friend and Ally, a ſudden Enemy to the Roman people; but alſo that he himſelf had been bred from his very youth in perpetual hostility to the Romans. Wherefore he ought firſt to deſire peace of the Roman people, before he ſhould be call'd either King, Ally, or Friend by them. That the Romans uſed to give that Title to ſuch as had deſerved very greatly of them. That there would be Embaſſadors from Rome very ſhortly in Africa; to whom the Senate would give order, that they ſhould offer Vermina terms of Peace; in which the Roman people ſhould leave all to their diſpoſal. And if he thought fit to have any thing added to, taken from, or alter'd in them, he must again apply himſelf to the Senate. The Embaſſadors ſent into Africa upon that Errand were C. Terentius Varro, P. Lucretius and Cn. Octavius, to each of whom there was allow'd a Gally of five Banks of Oars on a ſide.

Then was the Letter from Q. Minutius the Pretor, whoſe Province was the Bruttii, read in the Senate; to this purpoſe: That the money at Locri was privately taken out of Proſerpines Treaſury in the night time, nor could they poſſibly find out who did it. Whereupon the Senate took it very ill, that they ſhould not abſtain from ſuch ſacrilegious actions; nor be deterred even by Pleminius, who was ſo late and famous an inſtance both of the guilt and the puniſhment for it. Cn. Aurelius therefore was order'd to write into the Province of the Bruttii, to the Praetor, and tell him; The Senates pleaſure was, that the inquiſition concerning the treaſure that was then ſtolen ſhould be mannaged in the ſame manner, as it had been three years before by M. Pomponius, the Praetor. That what money they found, ſhould be laid up in the ſame place again. If they found leſs, that they ſhould make it up out of the goods of thoſe that were guilty of the Sacriledge, or out of the publick ſtock, if that were not enough; and moreover, that piacular Sacrifices ſhould be made, if they thought fit, according as the Prieſts before had order'd them, to atone for that violation. At that time Prodigies alſo happen'd in many places, as 'twas reported. In Lucania they ſaid the Heavens were all of a flame. At Privernum, that in a clear ſeaſon the Sun was red all day long. And that at Lanuvium in the Temple of Juno Soſpita a great noiſe was heard in the night time. There were alſo many monſtrous Births of Animals talkt of. Among the Sabines there was an infant born, which they could not tell whether it were Male or Female. And another alſo there was of ſixteen years of Age, whoſe Sex was doubtful. At Fruſinon a Lamb with a Pigs Head, at Sinueſſa an Hog with the Head of a Man: and in Lucania, in the publick Fields, a Colt with five F •• t. All which were monſtrous ugly, and ſeemed to be the errours of nature miſtaking one ſpecies for another: But above all the reſt, thoſe Hermaphrodites were moſt abominated, and therefore order'd immediately to be thrown into the Sea; as a little before that time, when C. Claudius and M. Livius were Conſuls, the like monſtrous Birth was diſpoſed of. Notwithſtanding they bid the Decemviri look into their Books concerning that portent. Whereupon the Decemviri out of their Books injoyned the ſame ſacrifices, as had been before made upon the ſight of that Prodigy. But beſides that, they ordered an Hymn to be ſung by twenty ſeven Virgins through the City, and a preſent to be made to Juno Regina [i. e. Juno the Queen of Heaven]. Of all which C. Aurelius the Conſul, according to what the Decemviri had ſaid, took care. The Hymn (as Livius in their fore-fathers time, ſo) P. Licinius Tegula then compoſed.

Having made an end of all their Religious Duties (for the ſacriledge at Locri alſo was traced quite through by Q. Minutius, and the money raiſed out of the goods of the guilty laid up in the Treaſury) as the Conſuls were making ready to go into their Provinces; a great many private Perſons, to whom, out of the money that they had lent the Publick when M. Valerius and M. Claudius were Conſuls, the third payment was that Year due, went to the Senate; becauſe the Conſuls ſeeing the publick ſtock would ſcarce ſuffice to defray the expences of the new War, which was to be carryed on with ſuch a great Fleet and ſuch vaſt Armies, had told them, there was no money at preſent to pay them. The Senate could not endure their complaints, when they ſaid, That if the money which they lent to carry on the Punick War muſt be imployed by the Commonwealth in the Macedonian War too, what would it be but confiſcated for their kindneſs, as though they had been guilty of ſome great crime? When therefore thoſe private Perſons deſired nothing but what was juſt, and yet the Commonwealth was not able to diſcharge the Debt, they decreed, as a Mean between what was juſt and what was convenient for them, That, ſeeing a great many of them ſaid that Lands were commonly bought and ſold every day, and they had an occaſion to buy ſome, they ſhould have the refuſal of all the publick Lands between that and the fiftieth ſtone [i. e. fifty miles off] That the Conſuls ſhould ſet a value upon them, and the quit-rent of an As upon every Acre, to ſhew that they were the publick Lands; to the end, that if any one, when the People was in a capacity of paying them, would rather have their Money than the Land, he might reſtore the Land to the Publick. The private Men were glad of thoſe terms, and that Land was called Trientius [from tres, three] and Tabulius [from Tabula, the Table in which the account was] becauſe it was given in lieu of the third part of the Money.

Then P. Sulpicius, after he had made his vows in the Capitol, going out of the City with the Lictors before him in a Generals Robe, came to Brunduſium, where having taken the old Volunteers out of the African Army into the Legions, and choſen certain Ships out of the Conſul Cornelius's Fleet, the next day after he ſet ſail from Brunduſium, arrived in Macedonia. There the Athenian Embaſſadors applyed themſelves to him, deſiring, That he would come and deliver them from the ſiege which then war laid againſt them. Whereupon C. Claudius Gento was preſently ſent to Athens with twenty long Ships and a good number of Soldiers. For it was not the King himſelf that beſieged Athens; he, at that time, was moſt intent upon Abydos, after he had tryed his ſtrength with the Rhodians and Attalus in two Sea-Fights, in neither of which he had any good fortune. But that which gave him the greater courage, beſides his natural audacity, was the League he had made with Antiochus King of Syria; and that he had ſhared with him in all the riches of Aegypt, which, when they heard of Ptolomy's Death, they both look'd very eagerly after. Now the Athenians had brought the VVar with Philip upon themſelves upon no good ground at all; retaining nothing of their ancient condition except their reſolution and courage. Two young Men of Acarnania (in the time of the Initia [Feaſts dedicated to Ceres]) who were not initiated went in with the crowd into Ceres Temple, not knowing any thing at all of the Religious uſage in that caſe. Wherefore their ſpeech ſoon betrayed them, by their asking ſeveral abſurd queſtions: and thereupon being carried before the Prieſts of the Temple, before whom it was plainly proved that they came thither by miſtake, they were put to Death as for an hainous Offence. Which barbarous and hoſtile Act the Acarnanians told Philip of, and obtained of him, that he would aſſiſt them with Macedonian Auxiliaries to make VVar upon the Athenians. And that Army, having firſt of all laid waſt the Attick Territories with Fire and Sword, returned into Acarnania with all ſorts of Plunder. That was the firſt provocation they received; but after that, they, by publick Decrees of their City, declared a juſt War. For King Attalus and the Rhodians, who followed Philip as he retired into Macedonia, when they came to Aegina, the King [i. e. Attalus] croſſed over the Piraeeus [the chief Port of Athens] to renew and confirm his alliance with the Athenians. VVhereupon all the City running out to meet him with their VVives and Children, and the Prieſts with their Robes and Enſigns, yea, even the very Gods themſelves almoſt walked forth to receive him, as he came into the City.

Immediately the People were ſummoned to an Aſſembly, that the King might ſay what he pleaſed before them; but afterward, They thought it more for his honour, that he ſhould write to them what he thought fit, rather than either, when preſent, bluſh at the relation of what good things he had done for the City, or at the ſhouts and exclamations of the multitude, who would by their immoderate praiſes put his modeſty out of countenance. Now in the Letters, that he ſent into the Aſſembly, there was, firſt, A commendation of his kindneſſes ſhown to that City, which was his Ally: Secondly, Of the Actions he had performed againſt King Philip: and laſtly an Exhortation to take up Arms, as long as they had himſelf, the Rhodians, and, at that time, the Romans on their ſides. That they hereafter would ſeek ſuch an occaſion, if they now let that ſlip, when it was too late. Then the Rhodian Embaſſadors had Audience, who had done them a very freſh piece of ſervice, in that they had ſent back four long Ships belonging to the Athenians, that the Macedonians had lately taken, and they retaken. Wherefore by general conſent a War was decreed againſt Philip: and immoderate honours paid to Attalus firſt, and then to the Rhodians. And then was the firſt mention made of the Tribe, which they called Attalis, being to be added to the ten old ones. The Rhodians on the other hand had a Crown of gold preſented to them upon the ſcore of their valour, and were made free of the City, as they had formerly made the Athenians. After theſe things King Attalus went to the Navy at Aegina, whilſt the Rhodians ſailed from thence to Cia, and ſo along through the Iſles to Rhodes, making an Alliance with them all by the way, except Andrus, Parus, and Cythnus, which were in the poſſeſſion of the Macedonians. Certain Meſſengers, that he ſent into Aetolia, and Embaſſadors, that he expected from thence, kept Attalus for ſome time at Aegina without doing any thing at all: in which time as he could not get them to fight, becauſe they deſired a Peace with Philip upon any terms whatſoever, ſo, on the contrary, had he and the Rhodians made a brisk attack upon Philip, they might have had the glory of having themſelves delivered Greece. And then again by ſuffering him to go over into Helleſpont, and, taking poſſeſſion of the moſt convenient places in all Greece, to re-inforce himſelf, they cheriſh'd the War; and gave the glory of waging and ending of it wholly to the Romans.

Philip behaved himſelf more like a King; who though not able to endure the ſhock of Attalus and the Rhodians, was not for all that affrighted at the Roman War which was then at hand, but ſending Philocles, one of his Prefects with two thouſand Foot, and two hundred Horſe to ravage the Country of the Athenians, and committing the Fleet to Heraclides, to go to Maronea withal, went himſelf by Land the ſame way with two thouſand Foot, and two hundred Horſe of his moſt expedite Souldiers. And indeed he took Maronea upon the firſt Aſſault. Thence he marched to Aenus, which he attempted at firſt with great difficulty, but at laſt took, by the treachery of one Ganymede Ptolomies Prefect. After which he got poſſeſſion of ſeveral Caſtles, Cypſela, Doriſcon, and Serrheum. From whence going to Cherſoneſus he took Eleus, and Alopeconeſus by Surrender. Callipolis alſo and Madytos were ſurrender'd, with other Caſtles of leſs note. But the Abydenes, beſides that they did not admit his Embaſſadors, ſhut their Gates againſt the King. And his attempt upon thoſe people gave Philip a long diverſion, nor had their Town been taken, if Attalus and the Rhodians had made any haſt. For Attalus ſent only three hundred Souldiers to their relief, and the Rhodians but one Gally of four Banks on a ſide, out of his Fleet, that lay at Tenedus. Yea afterward when they could hardly hold out the Siege, and Attalus himſelf came that way, he only made a ſhow of aid at ſome ſmall diſtance, aſſiſting his Allies neither by Sea nor Land.

The Abydenes at firſt, planting their Engines of War upon the Walls, did not only beat them off that came to aſſault them by Land; but made the ſtation where their Ships alſo lay uneaſy to the Foe. After which, when part of their Wall was broken down, and the Enemy had now Mined under it, all on a ſudden, as far as the oppoſite Wall, they ſent Embaſſadors to the Kings for terms of Surrender. Whereupon they agreed, That the Rhodian Gally with its Naval Allies, and King Attalus's men ſhould freely paſs away; and they themſelves would march out of their City with each of them one Garment apiece. To whom ſeeing Philip would not afford any hopes of Peace, unleſs they would grant all that he deſired; the Anſwer ſent by that Ambaſſy, through indignation and deſpair, ſo far enraged them, that they, growing as mad as the Saguntines, cauſed all their Matrons to be ſhut up in the Temple of Diana, and their Freeborn Boyes, and Girls, and Infants, with their Nurſes, in a Gymnaſium [or place of Exerciſe:] their Gold and Silver to be carried into the Market-place; their precious attire to be thrown into two Ships, the one a Rhodian, and the other a Cyzicene, that were in their Harbour: the Prieſts and their Victims to be brought thither, and Altars ſet in the midſt of it. And there they firſt choſe out ſuch perſons, who, when they ſaw their Army all ſlain as they fought before the ruinated Wall, ſhould kill their Wives and Children: throw all the Gold, and Silver, and the Garments that were in the Ships into the Sea: and ſet fire, in as many places as they could, to the Buildings, both private and publick. To which they were obliged by an Oath which the Prieſts repeated in an Execrable Form before them; and all that were able to bear Arms were ſworn, not a man of them to ſtir from the place, till they had got the Victory. They therefore out of reverence to the Gods fought ſo pertinaciouſly, that when the night was ready to part them, the King, affrighted at their reſolution, retreated firſt. The Nobility, who underwent the greateſt part of the Fatigue, ſeeing ſome few, though very much wounded and tired, yet alive, ſent the Prieſts in their Sacred Robes at break of day to Philip to ſurrender the City.

But before the Surrender was made, M. Aemilius, though the youngeſt of thoſe Roman Embaſſadors, that were ſent to Alexandria, came by conſent of the other three, when they heard that Abydos was Beſieged, to Philip; complaining, that he made an offenſive War upon Attalus and the Rhodians, beſides, that even at that time he attempted Abydos. To which the King making Anſwer, That he was ſet upon by Attalus and the Rhodians without any provocation: Aemylius reply'd; What? and did the Abydenes too ſet upon you without provocation? At which the King, being not uſed to hear truth, thought his Language too pert to be uſed before a King, and told him; Your Age, Beauty, and above, your name, as a Roman, makes you too ſawcy. I would have you first remember their Leagues and keep the Peace you made with me. For if you provoke me to it, I am reſolv'd, you ſhall find that the Kingdom and name of the Macedonians may be as Renowned in War as that of the Romans. Then diſmiſſing the Embaſſador, Philip took all the Gold and Silver, that was there heaped up together; but loſt the Booty of the men. For the multitude were ſo enraged, that, on a ſudden, thinking them betrayed, who died in the fight, and upbraiding each other with perjury, eſpecially the Prieſts, who had made a Surrender to the Enemy of thoſe very men alive that they had devoted to Death, ran all forthwith and kill'd their Wives and Children, together with themſelves, by all wayes of Death that were. The King amazed at their Fury, reſtrained the violence of his Souldiers, and declar'd, he would give the Abydenes three dayes time to die in; in which ſpace the conquered committed more outrages upon themſelves than the inſulting Conquerours before had done. Nor was there any one of them taken Priſoner, unleſs he were hindered from deſtroying himſelf either by being in Bonds, or ſome other neceſſity. Philip having put a Guard into Abydus returned into his Kingdom. But even now, when the deſtruction of the Abydenes (as that of Saguntum did Annibal) had animated Philip for the Roman War, the news met him; That the Conſul was already come into Epirus; having put all his Land Forces into Apollonia, and all his Naval Forces into Corcyca, for Winter Quarters.

In the mean while the Embaſſadors that were ſent into Africa, concerning Amilcar, General of the Gallick Army, had this Anſwer from the Carthaginians; That they could do no more than baniſh him, and confiſcate his Eſtate. That they had ſent back all the Renegadoes and Fugitives which they could find out: and, that about that matter, they would ſend Embaſſadors to Rome, to ſatisfie the Senate. And that they ſent two hundred thouſand Buſhels of Wheat to Rome, and as many to the Army in Macedonia. From thence the Embaſſadors went into Numidia to the Kings; giving the Preſents to Maſſiniſſa, and telling him what they had to ſay. Thereupon he would have given them two thouſand Horſe, but they accepted of only one thouſand; which he himſelf took care to have Shipped off; and ſent them with two hundred thouſand Buſhels of Wheat, and as many of Barley, into Macedonia. The third part of their Embaſſy was to Vermina: who going to the very Frontiers of his Kingdom to meet the Embaſſadors, he let them write down what terms of Peace they pleaſed. For he ſaid, That any kind of Peace between him and the Roman people would be good and juſt. They therefore gave him terms of Peace, for a confirmation whereof they bad him ſend Embaſſadors to Rome.

At the ſame time L. Cornelius Lentulus the Pro-Conſul returned out of Spain, who having told the Senate what things he had perform'd with courage and ſucceſs for many years together, and deſired to enter into the City in Triumph; The Senate lookt upon what he had done to deſerve a Triumph: but they had no precedent for it; that any one, who was not either a Dictator, a Conſul, or a Praetor, when he performed ſuch and ſuch exploits, had ever triumph'd. Now he was Pro Conſul of Spain, and not Conſul or Praetor. Yet they condeſcended ſo far, that he make his Entry into the City Ovant; though T. Sempronius Longus, Tribune of the People, was againſt it, ſaying, that that was equally as much againſt the Cuſtom of their Anceſtors, and all Precedents. But at laſt overcome by the unanimous conſent of the Senate, the Tribune was ſain to yield; and by an order of Senate L. Lentulus came into the City Ovant. He brought, as booty, along with him, forty four thouſand pounds of Silver Bullion, and of Gold two thouſand four hundred pounds, giving each of his Souldiers a hundred and twenty Aſſes apiece.

By this time the Conſuls Army was brought from Aretium to Ariminum, and five thouſand of the Allies of the Latine Race were coming over out of Gaul into Etruria. Wherefore L. Furius making great marches from Ariminum againſt the Gauls who then were a beſieging Cremona, he pitched his Camp fifteen hundred paces from the Enemy. He had a good opportunity to have done his buſineſs, had he gone ſtraight on and attacked the Enemies Camp. For they ſantered and ſtragled about the Country, without leaving any ſtrong Gariſon there behind them. But he feared his Souldiers were too weary, becauſe they had marched ſo very faſt. Thereupon the Gaules, being recalled by the ſhouts of their own Party, left the Booty that they had gotten, and made back to their Camp; coming the next day into the Field. Nor did the Romans delay the fight; though they had hardly time to ſet their men in Battalia, the Enemy ran in upon them with ſuch ſpeed. The right Wing (for he had an Army of Allies divided into Wings) was planted in the Van, and the two Roman Legions in the Reer. M. Furius Commanded the Right Wing, M. Caecilius the Legions, and L. Valerius Flaccus the Horſe, being all of them Lieutenants. The Praetor had with him two Lieutenants, Cn. Letorius, and P. Titinius, by whoſe help he might be able to look about him and be ready for all the Enemies ſudden efforts. Firſt then the Gauls with all their whole Body gathered into one place, hoped to overthrow, and rout the right VVing, which was in the front; but ſeeing they had no ſucceſs in that attempt, they endeavoured to wheel about from their Wings and encloſe the Enemies Army; which to ſuch a multitude againſt ſo few, ſeemed very eaſie. VVhen the Praetor ſaw that, he alſo went about to dilate his Army, and therefore drew the two Legions out of the Reer to the right and left, in order to cover the VVing that fought the Front; and vow'd to build a Temple in honour of Jupiter, if that day he routed the Enemy. After which he ordered L. Valerius, that on the one ſide, he ſhould ſend forth the Horſe that were in the two Legions, and on the other ſide, thoſe of the Allies againſt the Enemies VVing, or ſuffer them to ſurround or circumvent their Main Body. And at the ſame time he himſelf, as ſoon as he ſaw the Gauls Main Body grown thin, after the widening and ſpreading of their VVings, commanded his men, at their cloſe Order, to attack them and break their Ranks: by which means, the Wings were beaten by the Horſe, and the main Body by the Foot. Whereupon of a ſudden, the Gauls being ſlain in great numbers on every ſide, turned their backs, and ran toward their Camp as hard as they could drive. Whither the Horſe firſt purſuing them, and by and by the Foot alſo, they made an attack upon their Camp. Little leſs than ſix thouſand men made their eſcape thence; there being killed and taken above thirty five thouſand, with eighty military Enſigns, and Gallick Waggons laden with much Booty, to the number of above two hundred. Amilcar the Carthaginian General fell in that Battle, and three noble Generals of the Gauls. Of the Placentine Captives there were full two thouſand Freemen delivered back to the Inhabitants.

This was a great Victory and the cauſe of much joy at Rome; concerning which, when the Letters came, a ſupplication was decreed to be made for three Days together. There fell, of Romans and their Allies, in that Battel, two Thouſand, many of them belonging to the right VVing, upon which the Enemy at firſt made their fierceſt Attack. Now, though the Praetor had almoſt made an end of the VVar, yet C. Aurelius the Conſul alſo, having perfected what was to be done at Rome, going into Gallia, took the Victorious Army from the Praetor; whilſt the other Conſul, being coming into his Province about the latter end of Autumn, wintered near Apollonia. C. Claudius and the Roman three-bank'd Gallies (as I told you before) who were ſent, from the Navy, that was in Harbour at Corcyra, to Athens, being arrived at the Pyraeeus, revived the hopes of their Allies, who were now in a very deſponding condition. For neither were thoſe incurſions by Land, that uſed to be made from Corinth, through Megara, into their Country, any longer continued, nor durſt the Thieves and Pirates of Chalcis (that had infeſted, not only the Sea, but all the Maritime Country alſo belonging to the Athenians) paſs Sunium, or appear in the open Sea without the ſtreights of Euripus. Beſides theſe there came three Rhodian four-bank'd Gallies, and there were three Attick open Ships, on purpoſe to defend the Sea Coaſt. VVith this Navy, though Claudius was of opinion that the City and Country of Athens might be for the preſent ſufficiently defended, he had a greater thing offered to him by mere chance.

Certain baniſhed Perſons that were driven from Chalcis by injuries which they received at Court, brought him word, That Chalcis might be taken without the trouble of fighting for it. For the Macedonians, becauſe there was no fear of any Enemies being near them, ſtraggled up and down, and the townſmen, relying upon the Macedonian Garriſon, neglected the keeping and ſecuring of their City. By their advice therefore he ſet out; but though he came ſo ſoon to Sunium, that he might by day-light have got as far as the entrance into the ſtreights of Euboea, yet leſt, if he paſs'd the Promontory [or Cape] he might be diſcovered, he kept his Navy in the ſame ſtation till night. As ſoon as it was night he moved; and ſailing gently to Chalcis, a little before day, in that part of the City that is leaſt inhabited, he with a few Men ſcaled and took the adjoyning Tower, and the Wall about it. Then finding, in ſome places, the Sentinels aſleep, and in others no Sentinel at all, they went forward to thoſe places, where there were more Houſes; and there having kill'd the Watch, and broke open the Gate, they let in the otner multitude of their own Souldiers. Whereupon they ran all about the City, increaſing the tumult by ſetting fire on the Houſes, that were about the Market Place. The Kings ſtore-houſes alſo and his Armory were burnt, with great quantities of VVarlike Inſtruments and Engines. Then there began to be made a ſlaughter both of ſuch as fled, and ſuch as made reſiſtance too in all parts: nor was there any one, fit to bear Arms, that was not either ſlain or put to flight; beſides, that Sopater alſo, an Acarnanian, who was Governour of the Garriſon, was kill'd; by which means all the ſpoil was firſt carried into the Market Place, and then put on board the Ships. The Priſon likewiſe was broken open by the Rhodians, and the Captives let out, whom Philip had put into it, as the ſafeſt place to ſecure them. After that, having thrown down the Kings Statues, and cut off their Heads, they gave the ſignal for a retreat, and went on board their Ships, returning to the Pyraeeus, from whence they came. Now had there been ſuch a number of Roman Soldiers, as that Chalcis might have been kept, and the Athenian Garriſon not left unmanned, the taking of Chalcis and Euripus from the King at the very beginning of the War had been of great conſequence; for, as by Land the ſtreights of Thermopylae are the barriers of Greece; ſo, by Sea, is that of Euripus.

Philip was then at Demetrias, where when the news came of the deſtruction of that aſſociated City, though it were too late to help them, yet he, deſiring revenge (which is next to Aid) ſet forth immediately with five Thouſand Foot, and three Hundred Horſe, and went as faſt as he could till he came near Chalcis, not doubting in the leaſt but he might ſurprize the Romans. But being diſappointed in his hopes of that, and, when he came, ſeeing nothing but an hideous ſpectacle of an allied City, that was half demoliſhed, and ſtill ſmoaking; he left ſome few, ſcarce enough to bury them that were kill'd in the Battel, and going full as faſt as he came by a Bridge over the Euripus, marched through Boeotia to Athens, ſuppoſing that a like event would anſwer a proportionable enterprize. And ſo indeed it had, had not a Scout (which ſort of Men the Greeks call Hemerodromi, becauſe they run a great way in one day) who diſcovered the Kings Army from a certain Watch-Tower, gone before Midnight to Athens: where he found the ſame drowzineſs, and the ſame negligence, that ſome few dayes before had betrayed Chalcis. But the General of the Athenians, and Dioxippus, Colonel of a Regiment of Auxiliaries, that fought for pay, being ſoon alarm'd at the frightful News, call'd all their Souldiers into the Market-place, and ordered the Trumpet to give ſuch a ſignal from the Caſtle, that all people might know, the Enemy was come. Thereupon they ran from all parts to the Gates, and then to the Walls. And ſome few hours after, Philip, though a little before day, approaching near the City, when he ſaw a great many Lights, and heard the noiſe of men as in a conſternation (which in ſuch caſes is very uſual) he made an halt, Commanding his Army to ſit down and reſt themſelves: for he reſolved to uſe open force, ſince Policy would not do his buſineſs. Then he came to that part of the City called Dipylon; which is a Gate in the Front of the City, ſomewhat bigger and wider than the reſt: and within as well as without it, broad ſtreets; whereby not only the Townſmen could lead an Army from the Market-place to the Gate, but without alſo the way that led for a thouſand paces together into the Academy, afforded room enough for the Enemies Horſe and Foot. That way the Athenians, with the Guards of Attalus, and Dioxippus's Regiment, having ſet their Army in Array within the Gate, bore forth their Enſigns. Which when Philip ſaw, ſuppoſing that he had his Enemies at his mercy, with the long-wiſhed for ſlaughter of whom he might now glut himſelf (for he hated no City of Greece more than that) he exhorted his men, that they would look upon him, whilſt they fought; and know, that there the Enſigns, there the main body of the Army ought to be where the King was: and with that he rode in full Career up toward the Enemy, being heated not only with anger, but vain glory too; for that the Walls being fill'd with vaſt numbers of people that came to look on, he thought it a brave thing for him to be ſeen ſo warmly engaged in the fight. Then riding up ſomewhat before the Army with a few Horſemen to attend him into the midſt of the Enemies, he not only very much incouraged his own men, but put the Foe into as great a fright. For having wounded a great many of them with his own hand, both near him and at a diſtance, he himſelf purſued them to the very Gate; and though he kill'd a greater number of them in that narrow paſs, made a ſafe Retreat from his raſh Enterprize; becauſe thoſe that were upon the Towers of the Gate forbore to throw their Weapons down, leſt they ſhould hit their own men too, who were mingled among the Enemies. After that, the Athenians keeping their men within the Walls, Philip ſounded a Retreat, and pitched his Camp at Cynoſarges, where was the Temple of Hercules, and a place of Exerciſe, with a Grove round about it. But this Cynoſarges, and the Lycaeum with all things elſe that were either ſacred or pleaſant about the City, were ſet on fire; and not only the Houſes but the Sepulchres alſo demoliſh'd; nor had they, through the violence of their fury, any reſpect either to divine or humane Laws.

The next day, the Gates, that had been firſt ſhut, being on a ſudden flung open; becauſe the Guards of Attalus entred the City from Aegina, and the Romans from the Piraeeus; the King removed his Camp from the City about three thouſand paces. From whence going to Eleuſis, in hopes to ſurprize the Temple and the Caſtle too, that joins to and encompaſſes the Temple, he found the Watches well attended, and a Fleet coming from the Piraeeus to their relief; wherefore, omitting that attempt, he marched to Megara, and thence ſtraight to Corinth: where hearing that there was a Council of the Achaeans held at Argos, he, without the Achaeans knowledge, came into the Aſſembly. Now they were conſulting about a War againſt Nabis, Tyrant of the Lacedaemonians; who having transferred the Sovereign Power from Philopoemenes to Cycliades, a General not at all equal to him, and ſeeing the Achaean Auxiliaries much weakened, had renewed the War, and was then a waſting the Neighbouring Countries; being terrible now even to the Cities alſo. Againſt this Enemy, ſeeing they conſulted how many men they ſhould raiſe out of each City; Philip promiſed them, That, as to Nabis and the Lacedaemonians, he would take the trouble off their hands: nor would he only ſave the Territories of their Allies from being any longer pillaged, but alſo, by leading his Army immediately that way, would turn all the terrour of the War upon the Laconians. This Speech of his was mighty grateful to them; but then he told them: But, Gentlemen, I ought ſo to defend you with my Arms, as in the mean time not to leave my own Dominions without any Guard at all. Wherefore, if you pleaſe, raiſe ſo many men, as may ſerve to defend Oreum, Chalcis, and Corinth; that, when my Towns behind me are ſafe, I may the better make War againſt Nabis and the Lacedaemonians. The Achaeans were well aware what his deſign was in making that kind promiſe, and offering his aſſiſtance againſt the Lacedaemonians; for he propoſed the getting the Achaean Youth out of Peloponneſus, as ſo many Hoſtages to engage their Nation in the Roman War. To which Cycliades, General of the Achaeans, thinking it to no purpoſe to ſpeak, ſaid only this, that by the Laws of the Achaeans it was not lawful to propoſe any other thing in Council, but what they were called together about; and ſo making a Decree for the raiſing of an Army againſt Nabis, he diſmiſſed the Council with the ſame Courage and freedom that he held it, though before that time he was lookt upon to be one of King Philips Creatures. Philip therefore being fruſtrated in his great hopes, raiſed ſome few Volunteers, returned to Corinth and ſo into Attica.

At that very time when Philip was in Achaia, Philocles, the Kings Prefect coming out of Euboea with two thouſand Thracians and Macedonians, to ravage the Confines of the Athenians, he paſſed over the Mountain Cytheron over againſt Eleuſis. Where ſending half of his men round about to plunder the Country, he lay with the reſt cloſe in a place very fit for an Ambuſcade; that if any Sally ſhould be made from the Caſtle of Eleuſis upon his men, whilſt they were at their work, he might ſurprize the Enemy as they came thronging out. But his Ambuſcade was diſcovered; and therefore, having recall'd thoſe Souldiers that were gone a plundering, and put them in a way to attack the Caſtle, he went to Eleuſis; but coming back from thence much wounded, he joined himſelf to Philip, who was then coming out of Achaia. The King himſelf alſo attempted to take that Caſtle. But the Roman Ships coming from Piraeeus, with a Guard, that was admitted into it, forced him to deſiſt from the Enterprize. After that having divided his Army, the King ſent Philocles with part of it to Athens, and with the reſt went himſelf to Piraeeus: to the end, that whilſt Philocles, by drawing near their Walls, and threatning them with an Aſſault, kept the Athenians within their City, he might have an opportunity to take the Piraeeus, when it was left with ſo ſmall a Guard. But his attempt upon the Piraeeus was full as difficult, as that upon Eleuſis, becauſe there were almoſt all the ſame perſons to defend it. Wherefore from the Piraeeus he immediately marched to Athens: from whence being repulſed by a ſudden eruption of the Foot and Horſe, between the two half demoliſhed Walls, that join the Piraeeus to Athens, he deſiſted from attacking the City; and having again divided the Army between himſelf and Philocles, went to pillage the Country. But having committed the former outrage, by demoliſhing of the Sepulchres about the City; he cauſed all the Temples of their Gods, that were lookt upon as ſacred in any Village, to be burnt and demoliſhed. The Country of Attica being very curiouſly adorned with that ſort of works, by reaſon both of its native Marble, and the ingenuity of its Artificers, gave occaſion to this mad action of his. For he was not content only to demoliſh the Temples and overturn the Statues, but he ordered the ſtones alſo to be broken a pieces, leſt, if they were left whole, they might ſerve to repair the Ruines. And when his fury (was not ſo much ſatisfied, as it) wanted matter to work upon, he went out of the Enemies Country into Boeotia, nor did he do any thing elſe worth the ſpeaking of in Greece.

The Conſul Sulpicius at that time was Encamped between Apollonia and Dyrrbachium, near the River Apſus: whither he ſent for T. Apuſtius his Lieutenant, and diſpatched him away with part of the Forces to plunder the Enemies Confines. Whereupon Apuſtius having pillaged all the Borders of Macedonia, and taken Corrhagum, Gerrhunium, and Orgeſſus, three Caſtles, at the firſt Effort, came to Antipatria, a City ſituate in a very narrow avenue. Where firſt, calling out the chief men of the place to a Parley, he endeavoured to perſwade them to put themſelves under the protection of the Romans: but afterward ſeeing that they ſlighted what he ſaid, as truſting in their numbers, their Walls, and the ſituation of their City, he ſtormed, and took it; killing all thoſe that were of Age, and giving all the plunder to the Souldiers; beſides, that he demoliſhed the Walls, and burnt the whole Town. This dreadful news made Codrion, a Town ſufficiently fortified and ſtrong enough, ſurrender it ſelf to the Romans without any more ado. Where having left a Guard, he took Ilion (a name more known upon the account of a City ſo called in Aſia, than upon the ſcore of this Town) by force of Arms. But as the Lieutenant returned to the Conſul with a vaſt Booty, one Athenagoras, a Prefect of the Kings, ſetting upon his Reer, whilſt he paſſed a certain River, put the hindmoſt of his men into diſorder. Upon whoſe ſhouts and conſternation, the Lieutenant riding ſwiftly back again, made the Army face about; and having placed the Baggage in the middle, ſet his Army in Array; but the Kings men could not endure the ſhock of the Romans. Many of them were ſlain, and more taken: ſo that the Lieutenant leading his Army ſafe back to the Conſul, was thence ſent forthwith to the Fleet.

The War being begun with ſuch ſucceſs, the petit Kings and Princes, that border upon Macedonia, came to the Roman Camp; Pleuratus ſon of Scordiletus, Aminander King of Athamanes, and of the Dardanes, Bato ſon to Longarus (Longarus had waged War upon his own account againſt Demetrius Philips Father;) Who promiſing their aſſiſtance, received this anſwer from the Conſul, That when he brought his Army into Macedonia, he would make uſe of the Dardanes and of Pleuratus as Auxiliaries, imploying Aminander to inſtigate the Aetolians. To Attalus's Embaſſadors (for they alſo were come thither at the ſame time) he gave order, That the King their Master, ſhould ſtay for the Roman Navy at A • gina, where he wintered; and joyning it, ſhould engage Philip, as he had done formerly in a Sea Fight. Nor did Philip prepare more ſlowly for the War, being now got into Macedonia, ſending his Son Perſeus, a very Boy (and ſome of his Favourites to inſtruct and guide the Lads nonage) with part of his Forces to beſiege the Streights that are at Pelagonia. Then he demoliſhed Sciathus and Peparethus, leſt they might prove a prey and a reward to the Enemy; ſending Embaſſadors to the Aetolians, leſt that Nation, being diſturbed at the coming of the Romans, ſhould revolt. Now there was a Convention to be of the Aetolians upon a ſet day, which they call Panaetolium [a meeting of all the Aetolians] at which, that they might be preſent, not only the Kings Embaſſadors made great haſt, but L. Furius Purpureo alſo ſent from the Conſul, came in quality of an Embaſſador. Embaſſadors likewiſe from the Athenians met at that Convention.

But firſt the Macedonians, with whom they had made the lateſt League, had Audience, VVho, ſeeing there was no new matter, ſaid, They had nothing of News to tell them; for upon the ſame grounds that they, having tryed how uſeleſs the Roman Alliance was, had made a Peace with Philip, they ought still to keep it ſince it was once concluded. Or would you, ſaid one of the Embaſſadors, rather imitate the licentiouſneſs (ſhall I ſay?) or levity of the Romans; who, though they formerly gave order for this anſwer to be made to their Embaſſadors at Rome, Why do you, Aetolians, come to us, without whoſe advice or conſent you have made a Peace with Philip? yet now (the very ſame People) deſire, that you would take their part in a War against Philip. They formerly pretended they took up Arms for your ſakes and in your quarrel againſt him; but now they will not ſuffer you to be at Peace with Philip. They went over firſt into Sicily to aſſiſt Meſſana; and a ſecond time to free Syracuſe from being oppreſſed by the Carthaginians. Yet they themſelves are Lords of Meſſana and Syracuſe, yea, and all Sicily now, having made it a Province tributary to their Rods and Axes. That is to ſay, as you, at Naupactum, call a Council by your Laws, and by Magiſtrates choſen by you, to make whom you pleaſe your Ally or Enemy, and determine upon Peace or War as you think good; ſo do the Romans appoint all Councils or Convention in the Cities of Sicily, at Syracuſe, Meſſana, or Lilybaeum. The Roman Praetor holds the Aſſembly, and by his Authority they are ſummoned together. There they ſee him on an high Tribunal giving Laws to them, and encompaſſed with a company of Lictors. The Rods are ready for their Backs, and the Axes for their Necks; beſides, that every year they have a new Lord over them. Nor ought they, or can they wonder at that, when they ſee the very Cities of Italy, as Rhegium, Tarentum, and Capua, not to mention the neighbouring places, out of whoſe ruines the City of Rome was augmented, ſubmit to the ſame ſlavery. Capua indeed it ſelf, the Sepulchre and Monument of the Campanians, remains, though its People are dead and baniſhed thence; but it is a maimed place, without a Senate, without a People, and without Magiſtrates; a monstrous thing; which it was more cruelty to leave ſo inhabited, than if it had been totally deſtroyed. It is a madneſs, if Foreigners, who are divided from them more in their Languages, Manners, and Laws, than by Seas or Tracts of Land, have theſe places in poſſeſſion, to hope that any thing will continue in the ſame ſtate. Does Philips Reign ſeem any way to obſtruct their liherty; who, though he were no more ſevere upon you than you deſerved, and deſired nothing of you but peace and friendſhip, wants that Peace which he made with you, at this very day? Accuſtom your foreign Legions to thoſe Countries, and take their yokes upon your necks; you will too late when 'tis in vain, after you have got the Romans to be your Lords, deſire Philips alliance. Some ſlight differences for a time may diſunite the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and the Macedonians, men of the ſame language, and as little a matter makes them friends again; but with Aliens, and Barbarians, all the Greeks, not only at preſent have, but always will maintain eternal Hoſtility; for they are Enemies, not by accident, but by nature. But my ſpeech ſhall end where I began. You are the very ſame Perſons, who three years ago reſolved upon a Peace with the ſame Philip, and theſe are the very ſame Romans, who, not only then were againſt that, but would now diſſolve this Peace which you have made and concluded. But I ſee no reaſon, that you ſhould alter any thing in a determination, wherein fortune has made no manner of alteration.

After the Macedonians, the Athenians (by conſent and order of the Romans) who had ſuffered great indignities, and could more juſtly inveigh againſt the Cruelty and Barbarity of the King, were introduced. They deplored the waſting and miſerable ravaging of their Country: Nor did they (as they ſaid) complain, that they had ſuffered hoſtilities from an Enemy. For there were certain Laws of War; according to which it was juſt for them both to act and ſuffer. That their Corn ſhould be burnt up, their Houſes demoliſhed, and whole droves of men as well as Cattle taken from them, was rather their misfortune than an ill thing done by the Foe. But they complained, that he who called the Romans Aliens, and Barbarians, ſhould ſo far violate all Laws both divine and humane, as, in the former plunder to wage a Curſed War, as it were, with the infernal, and, in the ſecond, with the Coeleſtial Gods. For all the Monuments and Sepulchres in their Confines were demoliſhed, the manes [or Ghoſts] of all their dead ſtript there, nor any mans Bones covered with Earth. That they had Temples too, which their Anceſtors, who heretofore dwelt in Villages, had conſecrated in thoſe ſmall Forts and Hamlets, and did not leave without Votaries even after they were united [by Theſeus] into one City. That about all thoſe Temples Philip had thrown deſtructive flames; and that the Images of their Gods lay half-burnt, with their Heads off, among the ruinated Timber. And ſuch as he had made the Country of Attica, which once was gloriouſly adorned and opulent; ſuch, if he might, he would in time make Aetolia and all Greece. That their City too had like to have been as much defaced, had not the Romans come. For with the ſame wicked intent he aimed at the very tutelar Gods of their City, and the Protectreſs of their Caſtle Minerva, as he did at Eleuſis, at the Temple of Ceres, and in Piraeeus, at the Temple of Jupiter and Minerva both; but being repulſed, not on • y from their Temples, but even from our Walls by force of Arms, exerted his rage upon ſuch holy places as were left defenceleſs, ſave by the ſanctity of them. Wherefore they deſired and be g'd of the Aetolians, that, in pity to the Athenians (ſince they had the immortal Gods to be their Leaders, and the Romans a ſo, who, next to the Gods, were the moſt powerful Commanders) they would levy a War against Philip.

Then the Roman Embaſſador ſpoke: The Macedonians (ſaid he) firſt, and then the Athenians, have quite altered the whole frame of what I had to ſay. For the Macedonians, though I came to complain of injuries done by Philip to ſo many Cities, that are allied to us, by accuſing the Romans, have made it more eligible to me to make a defence, than an accuſation; and the Athenians, by relating his wicked and inhumane behaviour toward the Gods, both Infernal and Coeleſtial, have left no room for me, or any body elſe to make any farther objections. You may imagine that the Cianians, Abydenes, Aeneans, Maronites, Thaſians, Parians, Samians, Lariſſians, with the Meſſenians alſo from Achaia, complain of the ſame things; and they with much greater reaſon, whom he was more capable of hurting. Now, as to what he has objected againſt us, it is ſo far from needing a defence, that it rather deſerves the greateſt commendations than any excuſe. He laid Rhegium, and Capua, and Syracuſe to our charge. To Rhegium, I confeſs, in the time of the War with Pyrrhus, we, at the request of the Rhegians themſelves, ſent a Legion to aſſiſt them; who made themſelves Maſters of that City, that they were ſent to defend. But did we approve of that injuſtice? No, we perſecuted that wicked Legion; which when we had ſubdued and forced to give our Allies ſatisfaction at the expence of their Necks, we reſtored their City, Country, and all they had, with their Liberties and Laws, back to the Rhegians. When the Syracuſans were oppreſſed by Foreign Tyrants, (to make their oppreſſion appear the more grievous) after we had aſſiſted them, and been fatigued for three years together, both by Sea and Land, in attacking well fortified Cities, ſeeing that the Syracuſans themſelves choſe rather to be enſlaved to Tyrants, than to be taken by us, we took and reſtored their City, when we had freed it, with the ſame Arms. Nor do we deny, that Sicily is our Province, or that ſome Cities that were on the Carthaginians ſide, unanimouſly making War againſt us, as their Allies, are ſtipendiary and tributary more to us. But on the other hand we would have both you and all People elſe to know, that we have made each of their conditions proportionable to their deſerts. Muſt we repent for puniſhing the Campanians; an act which they themſelves cannot complain of? Theſe People, after we had fought for them againſt the Samnites, almost ſeventy years, to our great loſs; after we had obliged them to us firſt by a League, ſecondly by intermarriages (and conſequently by all the bonds of conſanguinity) and laſtly, by making them free of our City; theſe very People (I ſay) in the time of our miſfortunes, were the firſt in all Italy, who, having barbarouſly murdered our Gariſon, revolted to Annibal; and then, being incenſed that we ſhould beſiege them, ſent Annibal to attack Rome. Now if neither their City, nor ſo much as a man of them were yet alive, who could ſay, but they had ſuffered according as they deſerved? More of them through conſciouſneſs of the ill things, which they had done, kill'd themſelves, than were put to death by us. And from the reſt, we only ſo far took away their Town and Country, that we ſtill allowed them an habitation: letting their innocent City ſtand as ſecure, as that, whoſoever at this day ſees it, will find no ſign at all of its being ſtormed, or taken. But what do I talk of Capua? when we granted a Peace and liberty even to Carthage after we had conquer'd it? Our greateſt danger is, leſt by pardoning thoſe we conquer too eaſily, we incite more people for that very reaſon to try the fortune of War againſt us. So much in our defence and againſt Philip: whoſe domeſtick Parricidies, and ſlaughters of his neareſt Relations and Friends, with his Luſt, more inhumane (if poſſible) than his Cruelty, you who live nearer to Macedonia, are better acquainted with, than we are. As for you, Aetolians, we undertook a War upon your account againſt Philip; and you made a Peace with him without our knowledge. But perhaps you'll ſay, that when we were engaged in the Punick War, you were forced for fear to admit of Terms of Peace from him, who then was more powerful; and that we alſo, having greater things upon our hands, our ſelves omitted the War, that you had laid down. 'Tis true: but now by the bounty of the Gods, ſeeing the Punick War is made an end of, we bend all our ſtrength againſt Macedonia, and you have good opportunity of reſtoring your ſelves into our Friendſhip and Alliance; unleſs you had rather periſh with Philip, than conquer with the Romans.

When the Roman had ſaid this, all of them were inclined to the Roman ſide; but Damocritus Praetor of the Aetolians, who, as the report goes, had received money from the King [Philip] aſſenting to neither party, ſaid, That nothing was ſo injurious to publick Counſels as haſtineſs. For it was attended with ſwift repentance, though too late, and to no purpoſe; ſince counſels hurried ſo precipitately on, could not be either recalled or amended. But that a time might be now appointed for that deliberation, whereof he thought they ought to wait the maturity or ripeneſs. And ſince the Laws provided, that they ſhould not treat of War or Peace, but in a Panaetolick, or a Pylaick Aſſembly [of all the Aetolians, and at Pylae or Thermopylae] he therefore adviſed them immediately to reſolve, that the Praetor, when he had a mind to treat of Peace or War, ſhould without any deſign fairly ſummon an Aſſembly; and that whatever was then propoſed or decreed ſhould be as valid, and of the ſame force, as if it had been the act of a Panaetolick or Pylaick Council. The Embaſſadors being thus diſmiſſed without any poſitive Anſwer; he ſaid, He had taken the beſt courſe for the ſafety of their Nation; for now they would be on that ſide which happened to have the beſt luck. Theſe things were done in the Council of the Aetolians.

Mean while Philip made preparation for the War both by Sea and Land, drawing all his Naval Forces to Demetrias in Theſſaly; ſuppoſing that Attalus and the Roman Fleet would move from Aegina in the beginning of the Spring, he made Heraclides Admiral of the Navy (as he had done formerly) with a charge to look to the Sea Coaſt. But he himſelf muſtered up all the Land Forces he could; believing that he had gotten two great Auxiliaries from the Romans, the Aetolians on the one ſide, and the Dardanes on the other, whilſt his Son Perſeus blocked up the ſtreights at Pelagonia. The Conſul in the interim did not prepare for, but actually wage a War; leading his Army through the Confines of the Daſſaretians, where he kept the Corn, that he brought from his own Winter-Quarters, entire, becauſe that Country afforded ſupplies ſufficient for his Souldiers. The Towns and Villages ſurrendred themſelves, partly of their own freewill, and partly for fear: ſome being alſo taken by ſtorm, and others found to be deſerted by the Barbarians, who fled into the adjacent Mountains. After which he pitched his Camp at Lycus near the River Bevus; from whence he ſent for Corn to all the Storehouſes of the Daſſaretians that were thereabout. Philip ſaw all People round about in a conſternation and great fear; but not knowing which way the Conſul was bent, ſent a Party of Horſe to find out whither the Enemy intended. The Conſul was at the ſame loſs. For though he knew the King was gone out of his Winter Quarters, he knew not what Country he was bound for. Wherefore he likewiſe had ſent ſome of his Horſe, as Scouts, to watch his motions. Which two adverſe Parties, after they had a long time ſtragled about the Daſſaretian Territories to and fro, at laſt met in the ſame rode. Whereupon they both knew, as ſoon as they heard the noiſe of the Men and Horſes, though at a good diſtance, that the Enemy was at hand; ſo that before they came in ſight of one another, they made ready their Horſes and Arms. Nor did they ſtick to fall on aſſoon as they each ſaw their Enemy. And being, as it happened, very equal both in number and Courage (for they were choſen men on both ſides) they fought with equal ſtrength for ſome hours, till they and their Horſes being quite tired, they drew off, not knowing who had the better on it. There were ſlain of the Macedonians forty Horſe, and of the Romans thirty five. Nor did they ever the more inform either the King or the Conſul, in what part of the Country the Enemies Camp was. But that was known by Fugitives, which their levity of inclination to inquire into the affairs of both Enemies produces in all Wars.

Then Philip ſuppoſing that he ſhould not only ingratiate himſelf with the Macedonians, but alſo make them the readier to undertake any dangerous Enterprize for him, if he took care to bury the Horſemen, who were fallen in that Expedition, commanded them to be brought into the Camp, that they might all ſee the pomp of their Funeral. Nothing is ſo uncertain, or unaccountable as the minds of the mobile. For that which he thought would have made them more ready to engage in any fight, ſtruck them with terrour and dullneſs. For they who being uſed to fight with the Greeks and Illyrians, with Spears and Darts, had rarely ſeen any Wounds made with Lances; when they beheld their Bodies lye ſo with their Arms, and their Heads cut off, their Bowels out, and other dreadful Wounds; they were generally affrighted to think, againſt what Weapons, and what Men they muſt engage. Yea the King himſelf was diſmay'd, having never yet fought the Romans in a pitcht Battle. Wherefore recalling his Son, and that Party which was at the ſtreights of Pelagonia, he made way for Pleuratus and the Dardanes to come into Macedonia. But he himſelf with twenty thouſand Foot, and four thouſand Horſe (the Fugitives being his Guides) marched toward the Enemy, and a little more than two hundred paces from the Roman Camp, fortified a Bank near Athacus, with a Trench and a Bullwark: under which ſeeing the Roman, he, they ſay, admired not only the ſtructure of it in general, but the particular diviſions of it, how they lay in ſuch order, and kept ſuch a regular diſtance; ſaying, that no one would think that the Camp of Barbarians. The Conſul and the King kept their men within their Mound for two dayes, in expectation the one of the others coming forth; and the third day the Roman drew all his Forces into the Field.

But the King being afraid to put the hazard of the whole Battle upon ſo ſudden a puſh, ſent four hundred Trallians (who are a people in Illyrica, as I told you elſewhere) and three hundred Cretans (to which Foot he added an equal number of Horſe) under the Command of Athenagoras, one of his great Courtiers, to provoke the Enemies Horſe. By the Romans on the other hand, whoſe main Body was little more than five hundred paces off, were ſent out a Party of light-arm'd Foot, and near two Troops of Horſe; that their Foot and Horſe might equal the Enemy even in number too. Thereupon the Kings men believed they ſhould ſee ſuch a ſort of ſighting as they had been uſed to; that is to ſay, that the Horſe mutually following, and flying from each other, would ſometimes uſe their Weapons, and ſometimes turn their backs; that the ſwiftneſs of the Illyrians would be of uſe for Excurſions and ſudden Attacks: and that the Cretans would fling their Darts at the Enemy as they came furiouſly up to them. But the ſharp as well as reſolute onſet which the Romans made, put them beſides that way of fighting. For juſt as though they had engaged with their whole Army, not only the light armed men having firſt flung their Spears, came up hand to hand and fought with their Swords, but the Horſe alſo, as ſoon as they were once got into the Foe, made their Horſes ſtand ſtill, whilſt they, partly off their back, and partly diſmounting, ſo as to mingle with the Foot, maintained the Battle. By which means neither was the Kings Horſe equal to that of the Romans, being unaccuſtomed to a ſtanding fight, nor his Foot neither (being only ſwift, wandering, and almoſt half-naked) able to cope with the Enemies light arm'd men, who had a Shield and Sword, and were ſufficiently armed both to defend themſelves and offend the Macedonians. Theſe therefore could not endure the ſhock; and for that reaſon, relying upon nothing, ſave their ſwiftneſs, they fled back into their Camp.

Then, intermitting one day, the King, being to ingage with all his Horſe and light Armour, had planted the Shieldmen, whom they called Peltaſtae, between the two Camps in an Ambuſcade, commanding Athenagoras and the Horſemen, That if they were like to come to an open Battel, they ſhould try their fortune; if not, that by retiring gradually, they ſhould draw the foe to the place where the Ambuſcade lay. Accordingly the Horſe gave back; but the Captains of the Shieldmen, by not ſtaying long enough to expect the ſignal, but alarming their Men before the time, loſt the opportunity of doing the buſineſs with ſucceſs. The Roman therefore, being victorious in that open Fight, and delivered from the wile of their Ambuſcade, retreated into his Camp. The next day the Conſul came into the Field with all his Forces, having placed his Elephants in the Front, which kind of Auxiliaries the Romans then firſt uſed, as having many of them which they took in the Punick War. But ſeeing the Enemy lay ſtill within their Bullwark, coming up thither, he reproached them for their Cowardiſe; and ſince even by that means he could not provoke them to fight, he, conſidering, that, whilſt their Camps were ſo near to one another, it would be dangerous Foraging (for the Enemies Horſe would ſoon ſet upon his Souldiers as they diſperſed themſelves about the Country) removed his Camp about eight thouſand paces from thence, to a place called Octolophus, where he might get Proviſions with greater ſafety. But when the Romans were a Foraging in an adjacent place, the King at firſt kept his men within their Works, that the Enemy might grow more negligent and bold. Whom when he ſaw come forth in vaſt numbers, he marched forth in haſt, with all his Horſe, and the Cretan Auxiliaries, as faſt as the ſwifteſt Foot could keep pace with them that rode, and got with his Enſigns between the Foragers and the Roman Camp. Where dividing his Forces he ſent ſome in purſuit of the ſtragling Foragers, with a charge, to leave never a man of them alive; and with the reſt himſelf ſtaid behind to block up all the Avenues, by which he thought the Enemies might return to their Camp. Now therefore there was nothing but death and flying for it all over the Country; nor was there as yet any one, that came back to the Roman Camp to bring the news of it: becauſe thoſe that ran homeward fell into the hands of the Kings men, and there were more ſlain by them that blocked up the paſſes, than thoſe that were ſent out for the purpoſe. But at laſt ſome, that eſcaped through the midſt of the Enemies, being in a conſternation themſelves, occaſioned a Tumult rather than brought any certain Relation of it into the Camp.

The Conſul commanding the Horſe to relieve thoſe diſtreſſed perſons all wayes that they poſſibly could, himſelf drew the Legions out of the Camp, in a ſquare Body, up to the Enemy; whilſt the Horſemen, who were diſperſed about the Fields, ran to and fro out of the way, being deceived by different noiſes that they heard from contrary places. But part of them met the Enemy, and they fought them in ſeveral places at the ſame time. The Kings Party made the fierceſt reſiſtance; for that was not only of it ſelf almoſt a compleat Army for multitude of Horſe and Foot, but a great many Romans alſo, becauſe it lay in the mid way, were got among them. The Macedonians too had the better of it upon another account; becauſe the King himſelf was preſent to encourage them. The Cretan Auxiliaries likewiſe wounded a great many by ſurprize, as being ſet in cloſe order and prepared to fight againſt men that were diſperſed and confuſed. Now had they obſerved any meaſure in their purſuit, they might have advantaged themſelves, not only in reſpect to the glory of that preſent conflict, but the whole menage of the War: but following on too eagerly out of a greedy deſire they had to kill the Enemy, they light upon the Roman Cohorts, or Regiments, that were gone before along with the Tribunes of the Souldiers. Then the flying Horſemen alſo, when they firſt ſaw the Roman Enſigns, turned back upon the Foe, who came in diſorder after them; ſo that the Fortune of the Battle was quite changed all in a moment, and they ran away who ſo lately were in purſuit. By this means many of them, who ſtood to it, were ſlain, and many others, as they fled away. Nor did they only die by the Sword, but ſeveral of them being thrown into the Fenns periſhed, they and their Horſes, in the deep mud. The King alſo was in danger, for his Horſe being wounded, with whom he fell Headlong to the ground, he had like to have been caught whilſt he was down: but a Trooper ſaved him, who immediately himſelf alighted and mounted the King upon his Horſe. The Trooper afterward being not able, on Foot, to keep pace with the flying Horſe, was cut to pieces by the Enemy, who came up with greater ſpeed when they ſaw the King fall. The King when he had rode all about the Fenns, both pervious and pathleſs, in great conſternation, at laſt, though moſt people deſpaired ever again to ſee him alive, came ſafe to the Camp. Two hundred Macedonians periſhed in that fight, about an hundred were taken, and eighty Horſes very well capariſon'd, were brought thence, with ſpoils of Armour at the ſame time.

There were ſome, who this day accuſed the King of raſhneſs and the Conſul of ſloth. For they ſay, That Philip ſhould have lain ſtill, when he knew, That the Enemy, by exhauſting all the Forage round about them, would, in a few dayes, have been reduced to extream want: and that the Conſul, when he had routed the Enemies Horſe and Light armour, and almoſt taken the King himſelf, ought to have marched immediately to the Enemies Camp: for that, in ſuch a consternation, they would not have continued there, but he might have made an end of the War in a moment. But that was eaſier, as moſt other things are, to ſay than to do. For if the King had engaged with all his Foot Forces too, perhaps, amidſt the tumult, when they all, being conquer'd and terrified, had ran out of the Battle into their Works, over which the Enemy would probably have purſued them, the King might have been forced out of his Camp. But now, ſince all his Foot ſtayed behind in the Camp, and that there were Guards and Sentinels planted before the Gates, and in all convenient places, what would the Conſul have done, but imitated the raſhneſs of the King, who a little before, ran out in purſuit of the Roman Horſe in ſuch confuſion? For even the Kings firſt deſign, when he attacqued the Foragers that were diſperſed about the Fields, was not to be found fault with, if he had ſet any bounds to his ſucceſs. But 'tis the leſs to be wonder'd at, why he ſhould try his Fortune for this reaſon alſo, becauſe he had heard, That Pleuratus and the Dardans, were come with vaſt numbers out of their own Territories into Macedonia: with whoſe Forces if he ſhould have been ſurrendred, it might have been ſuppoſed that the Romans would with eaſe have made an end of the War. Wherefore Philip, believing that, after two unfortunate Engagements with his Horſe, his ſtay in the ſame Camp would be much more dangerous, and having a mind to remove without the Enemies knowledge, he ſent an Herald, before Sun-ſetting, to the Conſul, to deſire a Truce for ſo long as he could bury his dead Horſemen; but cheated the Enemy, and went away ſilently at the ſecond Watch, leaving many Fires behind him through all his Camp.

The Conſul was now refreſhing himſelf, when the news was brought to him, that the Herald was come, and what he came for. But he having only this Anſwer given him, That the next morning he ſhould have his Audience, the King had what he deſir'd, that night and part of the next day being given him to make his advance. He therefore marched over the Mountains, where he knew the Romans with their heavy Armour would not come. The Conſul at break of day, having granted the Truce and diſmiſſed the Herald, when he perceived, not long after, that the Enemy was gone, not knowing which way to follow him, ſpent ſome dayes in the ſame place a Foraging. After that, he removed to Stubera, and gathered all the Corn that was in the Country together out of Pelagonia. Thence he went forward to Pellina, having not yet found out, whither the Enemy was gone. In the mean time Philip who Encamped firſt of all at Bryanium, went thence croſs the Country, and put the Enemy into a ſudden fright. The Romans therefore moved from Pellina, and pitched their Camp by the River Oſphagus. The King alſo himſelf ſate down not far from that place, having drawn a Line upon the Banks of the River, which the Inhabitants call Erigonus. From whence, being told for certain, that the Romans would march toward Eordaea, he went before, to ſeize the ſtreights, leſt the Enemy ſhould get through that paſs which was ſo narrowly incloſed. And there he blocked up ſome places with a Bullwark, ſome with a Trench, ſome with heaps of Stones, in the nature of a Wall, and others with whole Trees, as the place required, or materials lay convenient for him; making the way (as he thought) which in its own nature was very rough, by Works that he raiſed in all the Avenues, unpaſſable. There were a great many Woody places all about, very incommodious to the Macedonian Phalanx eſpecially [i. e. a Body of Souldiers of a form peculiar to the Macedonians] who, unleſs they could keep their long Spears like a Bullwark before their Shields (which to do would require an open Plain) were of no uſe at all. Their Swords alſo, which were of ſuch a vaſt length, among the Branches of the Trees, that ſtood in their way on all ſides, hindered the Thracians. The Cretan Regiment only was of uſe to them; and yet even that too, as, when an Horſe or its Rider lay open to them, they could hit them with their Darts, ſo againſt the Roman Shields, they had neither force enough to ſtrike through, nor were their Bodies expoſed in any part to that kind of Artillery. Wherefore, when they found by experience that to be a fooliſh ſort of Weapons, they ſet upon the Enemy with Stones that lay in great quantities all over the Vale. That clattering upon their Shields, which made more noiſe than Wounds, detained the Romans for ſome time as they were coming up. But ſoon after deſpiſing ſuch trifles, they went part of them with their Shields cloſe over their Heads, through the oppoſing Enemies; and part of them who going a little about had got to the top of the Hill, forced the frighted Macedonians from their Poſts, and, ſince the places thereabout were ſo rough, that they could not eſcape, cut off a great many of them.

The Conſul therefore, having paſſed the ſtreights with leſs oppoſition than he propoſed to himſelf, he marched into Eordaea; where, when they had waſted all the Country, he went into Elimea. Thence he made an inrode into Oreſtis [a Country] and attack'd a Town called Celetrum, ſituate in a Peninſula [Land that is almoſt an Iſland, ſave only one neck, that joins it to the Continent] about which Town there is a Lake, except on one ſide, where a ſtrait neck of Land leads you to the Continent. The Inhabitants therefore at firſt, relying upon the very ſituation of the place, refuſed to ſubmit, and ſhut their Gates; but ſoon after, when they ſaw the Enſigns coming near, and that the Romans were got, by putting their ſhields cloſe over their Heads [which they call'd, Teſtudo, as looking ſomewhat like the back of a Tortoiſe, or rather, a multitude of Tortoiſes join'd together] up to the Gate, and that the ſtreights were full of the Enemy, would not put it to the hazard of a Fight, but were frighted into a ſurrender. From Celetrum he went on into the Country of the Daſſaretians, where he took the City Pelium by ſtorm, carrying thence all the ſlaves with other Booty, but diſmiſs'd the freemen without ranſom, and gave them their Town again, not but that he put a ſtrong guard into it, becauſe it was very conveniently ſituate for the making Incurſions into Macedonia. Thus having marched through all the Enemies Dominions, the Conſul led his forces back into peaceful Places about Apollonia, whence the War firſt began. For the Aetolians, the Athamanes, the Dardans, and ſo many ſeveral Wars breaking out in divers places one upon the neck of another, had diverted Philip; who, in oppoſition to the Dardans, that were now marching out of Macedonia, ſent Athenagoras with his nimbleſt Foot and the greater part of his Horſe, commanding him to lye very hard upon their reer, and preſſing them behind to make their army the more ſlow in their motion fromward home. Damocritus the Praetor, who had formerly occaſioned that delay in their reſolutions concerning a War at Naupactum, had now himſelf in the next Council perſwaded the Aetolians to take up Arms; after he had heard of the Horſes engaging at Octolophus; the coming over of the Dardans and Pleuratus with the Illyrians into Macedonia; the arrival of the Roman Fleet at Oreum, and, againſt ſo many Macedonian Countries as lye round about, a Sea ſiege alſo near at hand.

Theſe reaſons brought Damocritus and the Aetolians over to the Romans; and thereupon marching, forced, with Amynander, King of the Athamanes, joyned to them, they beſieged Cercinium. The Inhabitants had ſhut their Gates, whether by force or freely, is uncertain, becauſe they had a party of the Kings Soldiers to guard their Town. However, within a few days, Cercinium was taken and burnt. Thoſe that ſurvived out of that great Maſſacre, were carryed away, both ſlaves and free-men too, among the reſt of the booty. That terrible news made all thoſe that lived round the fenn Boebe, leave their Cities and fly into the Mountains. But the Aetolians, for want of plunder, departed thence and went into Perrhaebia, where they took Cyretia by ſtorm, and rifled it in a miſerable manner; but accepted of a voluntary ſurrender and an alliance with the Inhabitants of Mallea. From Perrhaebia Amynander adviſed them to go to Gomphi, to which City Athamania is ſo near, that they might take it without any great difficulty. Then the Aetolians made toward the fertile Fields of Theſſaly for plunders ſake; and Amynander followed them, though he did not approve either of their exorbitant devaſtations, or the pitching of their Camp at a venture in any place, without any diſtinction, or care to fortifie it. Wherefore, leſt their raſhneſs and negligence might be the cauſe of any miſcarriage to him and his Men, when he ſaw them encamping in the Plains under the City Phecadum, he ſeiz'd a bank a little more than five Hundred Paces from thence, though defended with no great fortification whereupon to poſt his Soldiers. Now ſince the Aetolians, ſave that they plundered all before them, did not ſeem to think they were in an Enemies Country; ſome of them ſtragling half-arm'd about the Fields, and the reſt, who lay in the Camp without any Guards, ſleeping and drinking, turning the day into night, Philip ſurpriz'd them. Of whoſe coming, when ſome that were in the Fields came trembling to bring the news, Damocritus and the reſt of the Commanders were in a great fright, it being then noon, as it fell out, when many of them, whoſe Bellies were full, were fallen aſleep. At that news therefore they waked one another, and bad them take up their Arms, ſending ſome to call thoſe back who were ſtragled for forage about the Country. And thereupon ſo great was their conſternation, that ſome of the Horſemen went out without their Swords, and many of them did not put on their Coats of Mail. Thus being hurryed forth, ſcarce full ſix Hundred in all, both Horſe and Foot, they light into the hands of the Kings Horſe, who were too many for them every way. Wherefore they were defeated at the firſt onſet; and having ſcarce offered to fight, ran ſhamefully back to their Camp; though ſome of them, which the Horſe intercepted from the body of thoſe that fled, were ſlain and taken.

Philip, when his Men were come near to the Bulwark, ordered the Trumpets to ſound a retreat; for the Horſes and their Riders too were both tyred, not only with fighting, but with the length of their Marches and their extraordinary haſte that they made. Wherefore he commanded the Horſe to go by Troops, and, in their turns, the maniples of light-armour, to water and to dinner; keeping ſome ſtill with him, expecting the coming of the Foot who marched much flower, by reaſon of the weight of their Arms. Who when they came, he ordered them too, that, ſetting up their Enſigns, and laying down their Arms before them, they would immediately refreſh themſelves, ſending two and two, or three and three, at moſt, out of the Maniples to water together; whilſt the Horſe and Light-Armour ſtood ready Array'd, if the Enemy ſhould move one way or other. The Aetolians (for now that multitude which had been ſcattered about the Fields, was come again into the Camp) ſet Guards about the Bullwark and the Gates, as though they would have ſecured their Fortifications, and were themſelves very much animated to ſee, from that ſafe ſtation, their Enemies lye ſo ſtill. But when the Macedonian Enſigns were removed, ſo that they began to come in Battalia toward the Bullwark, the Aetolians preſently all left their Poſts, and, through the hinder-part of the Camp ran to the Bank, into the Athamanian Camp; in which confuſed flight, many of them were taken and ſlain. Philip not doubting, but that, if he had had Day-light enough, he might have forced the Athamanes out of their Camp, having ſpent that day in the Battle firſt, and then in plundering the Aetolian Camp, ſate down under a Bank in the adjacent Plain, reſolving next Morning, as ſoon as it was light, to ſet upon the Enemy. But the Aetolians, in the ſame fright wherein they had left their own Camp, the next Night fled thence diſperſed ſeveral wayes. Amynander was moſt uſeful, by whoſe Conduct the Athamanes, who knew the wayes over thoſe high Mountains, through paths unknown to all Mankind beſides, whilſt the Enemy purſued them, marched into Aetolia. Some few, that ran they knew not whither, fell into the hands of the Macedonian Horſe, whom Philip had ſent at break of day (as ſoon as he ſaw the Bank forſaken) to purſue the Enemy.

At that time alſo Athenagoras, the Kings Prefect, having over-taken the Dardans, as they were going home, firſt put their Reer into diſorder: though afterward when the Dardans had faced about and put their men into a fighting poſture, they engaged as in a pitched Battle. When the Dardans began again to march forward, the Kings men teazed the Dardans, (who had no ſuch ſort of Auxiliaries, but were loaded with heavy, cumberſome Armes) with their Horſe and Light-Armour; beſides, that the very place it ſelf was alſo aſſiſtant to them. Yet but a very few of them were kill'd, though ſeveral were wounded, nor was there any man taken, becauſe they did not go out of their Ranks, but fought and retired in cloſe order. Thus had Philip recovered the loſſes that he ſuſtained in the Roman War, by giving a check to thoſe two Nations in theſe two very ſeaſonable Expeditions, which he undertook with great Courage, and very good ſucceſs. And after that too another accident leſſened the number of his Aetolian Enemies. Scopas a Nobleman of that Country who was ſent by King Ptolomy from Alexandria with a great quantity of gold, carried ſix thouſand Foot and Horſe, whom he hired to fight for pay, away with him to Aegypt. Nor would he have left ever a young man in Aetolia, had not Damocritus, by putting them one while in mind of the preſent War, and another while of the future ſolitude (which whether he did out of care for his Country, or malice to Scopas, becauſe he himſelf was not ſo well-bribed, is uncertain) chaſtized and kept part of the Juniors at home. Theſe things were done that Summer by the Romans and Philip.

The Navy that came from Corcyra in the beginning of that ſame Summer with Apuſtius the Lieutenant, having paſſed by Malea, about Scyllaeum, in the Country called Ager Hermionicus, joined King Attalus. Whereupon the City of Athens poured forth all that hatred to Philip, which for a long time through fear it had concealed, in hopes of the preſent aid which they were like to have. Nor are there in that City men ever wanting, that are ready to incenſe the people; that being a ſort of Cattle, which as in all free Cities, ſo eſpecially in Athens, where Eloquence is moſt prevalent, are cheriſhed by the favour of the Mobile. Thereupon immediately they preferred a Bill, and the people paſſed it; That all the Statues and Images of Philip, with the Titles thereof, as alſo thoſe of his Anceſtors, both Men and Women, ſhould be removed and defaced: and that the Feſtivals, ſacred Rites and Prieſts, that had been inſtituted, appointed, or made in honour of him or his Anceſtors, ſhould be all profaned. That the places too, in which any thing was ſet up, or written, as an Inſcription, in honour of him, ſhould be accurſed, nor ought after that time ever placed or dedicated in them, which was to be put or dedicated in an holy place. That their publick Prieſts, as often as they had occaſion to pray for the people of Athens, their Allies, Armies, or Navies, ſhould ſo many times deteſt and curſe Philip, his Children, his Kingdom, and his Land and Sea-Forces, together with all the whole race and name of the Macedonians. To which Decree there was this addition made; That if any man, after that time, ſhould propoſe any thing, that tended to the ſtigmatizing, or diſhonouring of Philip, the people of Athens would admit of it every ſyllable, be it what it would; and that if any one, on the contrary, ſhould ſay or do any thing to take off ignominy from him, or to his honour, he that killed ſuch a perſon, ſhould be acquitted of courſe. The laſt Clauſe was; That all thoſe things, that had been formerly decreed againſt the Piſiſtratidae [or Family of Piſiſtratus, a Tyrant of Athens] ſhould be in force againſt Philip. But the Athenians waged War againſt Philip by Letters and words only, in which alone their ſtrength lies.

Attalus and the Romans, being gone from Hermione to Piraeeus, when they had ſtayed there ſome few days, and were as much offended at the immoderate honours beſtowed upon their Allies, as at the Decrees which the enraged Athenians made againſt the Enemy, they ſailed from Piraeeus to Andrus. Where as they rode in the Port called Gaureleon, they ſent certain Meſſengers, to try the Townſmens inclinations, whether they would rather voluntarily ſurrender their City, or ſtand a bruſh for it. But they returning Anſwer, that the King had a Garriſon in their Caſtle, ſo that they were not at their own diſpoſal, the King and the Roman Lieutenant, when they had landed their men and all the Engines which they had for the attacking of Towns, drew near to the City at ſeveral diſtant places. The Roman Enſigns and Arms, which before that time they never ſaw, together with the ſpirit of the Souldiers, coming ſo briskly up to their Walls, put the Greeks into a greater fright than ordinary. Wherefore they ran immediately into the Caſtle; ſo that the Enemy took poſſeſſion of the City; but when they had continued in the Caſtle for the ſpace of two days, relying upon the ſtrength of the place, more than their own Arms, both they and the Garriſon yielded upon condition, That they might be tranſported with each of them one Garment to Delium in Boeotia. The City it ſelf then the Romans delivered to King Attalus; but themſelves carried away the ſpoil and Ornaments thereof. Attalus, leſt the Iſland ſhould be totally deſerted, perſwaded moſt of the Macedonians, and ſome of the Andrians, to ſtay there. After that, thoſe perſons, who by compact had been tranſported to Delium, were recalled by the Kings Promiſes, as being the more inclined to believe him, becauſe they had a mind to return into their own native Country. From Andrus they croſſed over to Cythnus; where having ſpent ſome dayes to no purpoſe in attaquing the City, ſeeing it was ſcarce worth their while to take it, they went their wayes. At Praſiae (a Town upon the Continent in Attica) twenty Ships of the Iſſaeans were joined to the Roman Fleet, which were ſent to plunder the Caryſtian Territories. The reſt of the Navy lay at Gaereſtum, a famous Port of Euboea, till the Iſſaeans returned from Caryſtum. Then all of them ſetting Sail together, through the main Ocean, paſſed by the Iſland of Scyros, and arrived at Icus. Where being detained ſome few dayes by a ſtrong Northwind, as ſoon as the weather grew a little calmer, they put over to Scyathus, a City that Philip had lately ruined and rifled. There the Souldiers, ſtragling about the Fields, brought back to their Ships all the Corn and other things that they found ſit to eat. But there was no plunder left, nor had the Greeks deſerved to be rifled. Thence going to Caſſandrea, they firſt took Mendis, a Village on the Sea-Coaſt belonging to that City: and then, having paſſed the Cape, in order to bring their Fleet about to the very Walls of the City, they were almoſt drowned in a ſtorm which then aroſe; by which means being diſperſed, and having loſt a great part of their Artillery, they got as faſt as they could aſhore. That Tempeſt too was an omen [a foreboding ſign] to them to make them fight by Land. When therefore they had gathered all their Ships into one place, they landed their men, and attacked the City, but being repulſed with many Wounds (for there was in it a ſtrong Gariſon of the Kings) they retreated from that vain Enterprize, and went over to Canaſtrum in Pallene. From whence paſſing by the Cape of Torona, they ſailed towards Acanthus. Where having firſt waſted the Country, and then taken the City it ſelf by ſtorm, they plunder it. Then going no farther forward (for their Ships were already laden with ſpoils) they returned to Scyathus, and thence for Euboea, from whence they came.

Then leaving their Fleet there they entred the Malian Bay with ten Ships, to go and confer with the Aetolians about the management of the War. Sipyrrhicas an Aetolian was the chief perſon employed in that Embaſſy, who came to Heraclea to adviſe with the King and the Roman Lieutenant. Attalus was required, according to the League, to ſend out a thouſand men: for he owed them that number now that they had engaged in a War againſt Philip. But that was refuſed; becauſe the Aetolians themſelves had formerly ſhowed themſelves very backward to go and plunder Macedonia, at that time, when Philip being a burning up all things both ſacred and profane about Pergamus, they might have drawn him thence to defend his own Country. By this means the Aetolians were diſmiſſed with hopes rather than aid, though the Romans promiſed them all the aſſiſtance that could be. Apuſtius returned with Attalus to the Fleet; where they began to conſult about the taking of Oreum; a City very well fortified, not only with Walls, but, becauſe it had been formerly attempted, with a ſtrong Gariſon too. Twenty Rhodian Ships, with cloſe Decks [men of War] had joined them after the taking of Andrus, under the Command of the Prefect [Admiral] Ageſimbrotus; which Fleet they ordered to Harbour at Zelaſium (a Cape of Iſthmia, opportunely ſeated on the other ſide above Demetrias) that if the Macedonian Ships ſhould move from thence, they might ſecure thoſe parts. Heraclides the Kings Admiral was with his Fleet at Demetrias; but reſolved to make no attempt by force ſo much as upon occaſion, if, through the Enemies negligence, he had an opportunity. The Romans and King Attalus attacked Oreum in ſeveral places, the Roman upon that ſide, where the Caſtle ſtands to the Sea, and the Kings men againſt the Valley which lies between the two Caſtles, where the City is alſo divided by a Wall. And as their Poſts were diſtant, ſo alſo the matter of their attacque was very different. For the Romans uſed Tortoiſes [ſheds of Boards to keep off Arrows, &c.] and Hurdles, with battering Rams, which they applyed to the Walls; whilſt the Kings men uſed Croſs-Bows, huge Slings, and all other ſorts of Warlike-Engines, throwing vaſt Stones, and making Mines, with all other devices that they had tryed in the former attack. But now there were not only more Macedonians there than before, to defend that City, but they had likewiſe more Courage, having been chaſtized by the King for their former fault, and being mindful of both his threats and promiſes for the future: inſomuch that the Romans had little hopes ſo ſuddenly to take it. Wherefore the Lieutenant thinking it the beſt way to imploy himſelf elſewhere in the mean time, left men enough to finiſh the Works, and ſo croſſed over into the adjacent parts of the Continent: where he, by his ſudden arrival took Lariſſa (not that famous City, ſo called, in Theſſaly, but another, whom they name Cremaſte) all but the Caſtle. Attalus alſo ſurprized Aegeleon, whilſt the Inhabitants, at the time when the other City was beſieged, feared nothing leſs. But when the Works at Oreum were finiſhed, the Gariſon within being quite tired out with continual labour, and watching day and night, beſides their Wounds, part of their Wall alſo was ſtruck down with a battering Ram, and had gaps in it at ſeveral places. So that the Romans brake through in the night time over thoſe ruinated places, and another way above the Port into the Caſtle. Attalus at break of day, having the ſignal given him by the Romans, himſelf alſo marched into the City, after the Walls were part of them demoliſhed. Whereupon the Townſmen and the Gariſon fled into the other Caſtle, from whence two days after they made a Surrender. The City fell to the Kings ſhare, but the Captives to the Romans.

By this time it was the Autumnal Aequinox; and the Euboean Bay, which they call Caela, is look'd upon by the Mariners as a dangerous place at that time to paſs. Wherefore deſiring to get out of it before the ſtormy Winter came, they went back to Pyraecus, from whence they had ſet out to the War. Apuſtius, having left thirty Ships there, failed by Malea to Corcyra; but the King ſtayed till the Initia [Feaſts celebrated in honour of Cere.] were over, becauſe he had a mind to be preſent at that ſolemnity. Which being over, he likewiſe went back into Aſia, having ſent Ageſembrotus and the Rhodians home again. Theſe things were done that Summer by Sea and Land againſt Philip, and his Allies, by the Roman Conſul and Lieutenant, with the aſſiſtance of King Attalus and the Rhodians. The other Conſul, C. Aurelius, when he was come into the Province at the concluſion of the War, did not conceal his animoſity againſt the Praetor, for having carryed on the buſineſs in his abſence. Wherefore, ſending him into Etruria, he himſelf led the Legions into the Enemies Country, and pillaging all before him, made War upon them ſo as to gain more ſpoils than glory by it. L. Furius, beſides that he had nothing to do in Etruria, had a great deſire to triumph for his Conqueſt over Gaul; which he thinking he might the more eaſily obtain in the Conſuls abſence, came unexpectedly to Rome, and had a Senate ſummoned in the Temple of Bellona; where having told what exploits he had done, he deſired, That he might ride into the City in Triumph.

With great part of the Senate he prevailed not only upon the ſcore of what mighty things he had done, but the favour which they had for him. But the Seniors all denyed his Triumphing; not only becauſe he had acted with another mans Army, but alſo, becauſe he had left the Province out of a greedy deſire of ſtealing an opportunity to triumph: for which he had no precedent. The Conſular Party eſpecially ſaid, That he ought to ſtay till the Conſul came. For he might by pitching his Camp before the City, and being as a Guard upon the Colony, have choſen to fight, and protracted the time till the Conſul had come; and therefore what he, as Praetor had not done, the Senate ought to do. Wherefore they deſired, that they would ſtay till the Conſul came; becauſe, when they heard the Conſul and Praetor both Face to Face they might better judge of the caſe. But great part of the Senate were of opinion, that they ought only to take notice of nothing more, than whether he did ſuch and ſuch things whilſt he was inveſted with lawful authority, and by his own conduct. For (ſaid they) when of two Colonies, that were ſet up as barriers to reſtrain the tumults in Gaul, the one was rifled and burnt, and the fire like to catch, as it were among contiguous Houſes, in the other Colony, which was ſo near it, what could the Praeter do? For if he must have done nothing without the Conſul, either the Senate were to blame who committed the Army to the Praetors Conduct (ſince the order of Senate, if they had been minded that the buſineſs ſhould be done not by the Praetors but the Conſuls Army, might have ended thus; That it ſhould not be mannaged by the Praetor but by the Conſul) or the Conſul, who, when he had ordered his Army to march out of Etruria into Gaul, did not meet it at Ariminum, that he might have been preſent in that War, which could not lawfully be mannaged in his abſence. That the time of War could not endure long waiting, and the delayes of every Commander: and a man muſt fight ſometimes, not becauſe he had a mind to it, but becauſe the Enemy forces him. That the fight it ſelf and the event of it ought to be conſidered. That the Enemy was routed and ſlain, their Camp taken and rifled, and the Colony delivered from the Siege; the Captives belonging to the other Colony recovered and reſtored to their Friends again, and that the War was made an end of in one Battle. That not only men rejoyced at that Victory, but there were ſupplications alſo made to the immortal Gods for three dayes together: and that the publick buſineſs was well and happily, not baſely and raſhly mannaged by L. Furius the Praetor, to whoſe Family the fates themſelves ſeemed to commit the Conduct of the Gallick Wars.

With this kind of Speeches made by himſelf and his Friends in favour of the Praetor, who was then preſent, was the majeſty of the abſent Conſul overcome: and the Senate decreed in full Aſſembly, that L. Furius ſhould triumph. Thereupon L. Furius the Praetor rode in Triumph whilſt he was yet in his Office. He brought into the Treaſury three hundred and twenty thouſand pounds of Braſs money, and of Silver a hundred and ſeventy thouſand pounds; but there were neither any Captives led before his Chariot, nor ſpoils carried before him, nor Souldiers that followed after. For it was evident, that all other things, except the Victory, belonged to the Conſul. Then thoſe Games, which P. Cornelius Scipio had vowed to ſet forth when he was Pro-Conſul in Africa, were performed with great preparation. And then alſo there was a Decree made concerning his Souldiers, that look how many years each of them had ſerved in Spain or Africa, they ſhould for each year have two Acres of Land apiece; which Land the Decemviri ſhould ſet out. After that C. Terentius Varro, L. Quintius Flaminius, and P. Cornelius Scipio, the Son of Cneius, were made Triumviri, to ſupply and make up the number of the Venuſine Colony, becauſe in the War with Annibal the ſtrength of that place was much impaired. They therefore ſent more freſh Inhabitants to Venuſia. The ſame Year C. Cornelius Cethegus, who was Pro-Conſul in Spain, defeated a great Army of the Enemies in the Sedetane Dominions. 'Tis ſaid, that there were fifteen thouſand Spaniards ſlain in that Battle, and ſeventy eight military Enſigns taken. C. Aurelius the Conſul, being come from his Province to Rome to hold the Aſſembly, did not complain, as they thought he would have done, That he was not expected or ſtayed for by the Senate, ſo that he might have had the opportunity of diſcourſing with the Praetor face to face: but that the Senate had Decreed a Triumph in ſuch a manner, that they would not hear any man but him who was to triumph; no not thoſe that had been engaged in the War. That their Anceſtors therefore appointed the Lieutenants, Tribunes of the Souldiers, Centurions and private Sentinels alſo to be preſent at each Triumph, that the truth of thoſe things that he had done, who had that honour paid him, might publickly appear. Instead of which, there had not been (not only never a Souldier, but not) ſo much as a Snapſack Boy of that Army which had fought with the Gauls, whom the Senate could ask, what truth or falſhood the Praetor had told them. Then he ſet the day for the Aſſembly, in which L. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Villius Tappulus, were choſen Conſuls: L. Quintius Flaminius, L. Valerius Flaccus, L. Villius Tappulus, and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus being then alſo created Praetors.

Proviſions alſo were that year very cheap: for M. Claudius Marcellus, and Sex. Aelius Paetus diſtributed a great quantity of Corn among the people at two Aſſes a Buſhel; and ſet forth the Roman Games with great preparation, which they were a whole day in performing: laying five brazen Enſigns, made out of the mulct-money, up in the Treaſury. The Plebeian Games too were all played thrice over by L. Terentius Maſſa, and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, the Aediles, the latter of which two was deſigned for Praetor. There were likewiſe Funeral Games performed that Year for four dayes together in the Forum, upon the account of M. Valerius Laevinus's Death, by his two Sons, Publius and Marcus, with a Fencing prize by them alſo ſet up, at which there were twenty five pair of Combatants. Then alſo M. Aurelius Cotta, Decemvir of the ſacred Rites, died; in whoſe place they put Manius Acilius Glabrio. At that Aſſembly alſo there were by chance both the Curule Aediles choſen, who could not immediately enter upon their Office. For C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his abſence, when he was at his Province in Spain: and C. Valerius Flaccus, whom they had Created whilſt preſent, becauſe he was Flamen Dialis [or Jupiter's High-Prieſt] could not ſwear to obſerve the Laws: now it was not lawful for any man to bear any Office above five dayes, but he that had ſworn to keep the Laws. Wherefore when Flaccus deſired to be acquitted from the obligation of the Laws, the Senate decreed, That if the Aedile would provide ſuch a perſon, as the Conſuls ſhould approve of, to ſwear for him, the Conſuls if they thought fit, ſhould treat with the tribunes of the people, in order to refer it to the people. Thereupon he produced his Brother Valerius, who was deſigned to be Praetor, to ſwear for him: and then the Tribunes propoſed the matter to the people, who reſolved, That it ſhould be as good, as if the Aedile himſelf had ſworn. Touching the other Aedile alſo there was an Act made by the Commons (at the requeſt of the Tribunes, to know what two they would ſend into Spain, with Commiſſion to the Armies) that C. Cornelius, the Curule Aedile, ſhould come home to bear his Office, and that L. Manlius Acidinus ſhould depart that Province after many years continuance there; Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, and L. Stertinius being ordered to go into Spain with the Commiſſion and Character of Pro-Conſuls.

DECADE IV. BOOK II. The EPITOME.

1. There are a great many Prodigies ſpoken of in divers Countries. 9. Among which, that in the Poop of a long Ship in Macedonia, a Laurel-Tree ſprung up. T. Quintius Flaminius, being Conſul, fought with ſucceſs againſt Philip in the ſtreights of Epirus. 12, 13. Whom Quintius having defeated, forced to return into his own Kingdom again. The ſame Quintius haraſſed that part of Theſſaly which Borders upon Macedonia, by the aſſiſtance of the Aetolians and Athamanes. L. Quintius Flaminius, the Conſuls Brother, took all Euboea and the Sea-Coaſt in the Sea-fight, with the help of King Attalus, and the Rhodians. The Achaeans were taken again into favour. 20, 23. The Conſpiracy entered into by the Slaves, to free the Carthaginian Hoſtages, was fruſtrated. 26. The number of the Praetors was augmented, ſo as that there were ſix choſen. Cornelius Cethegus being Conſul routed the Inſubrian Gauls in a Battle that he had with them. 30. They made an alliance with the Lacedemonians, and their Tyrant Nabis. Afterward you have ſeveral relations of Cities that were taken in Macedonia.

THE Conſuls and Praetors, having entered upon their ſeveral Offices on theldes of March, had their ſeveral Provinces allotted to them. L. Lentulus had Italy, and P. Villius Macedonia: the Praetors, L. Quintius, the City, Cn. Baebius Ariminum, L. Valerius Sicily, and L. Villius Sardinia. Lentulus the Conſul was ordered to raiſe new Legions, and Villius to take the Army from P. Sulpicius: and had leave (to make up the complement thereof) to raiſe as many Souldiers, as he thought good. The Praetor Baebius had thoſe Legions which C. Aurelius the Conſul had ſo committed to him, that he was to keep them till another Conſul came with a new Army. Who aſſoon as he ſhould come into Gaul, that all the old Souldiers ſhould be disbanded and ſent home, excepting five thouſand of the Allies; they being enough to Guard the Province about Ariminum. The Praetors of the Year foregoing were continued in Commiſſion; Cn. Sergius, that he might take care for the aſſigning of their ſhares of Land to thoſe Souldiers who had ſerved for many years in Spain, Sicily and Sardinia: and Q. Minucius, that he might make an end of thoſe Inquiſitions concerning the Conſpiracies, which, when he was Praetor, he with ſo much fidelity and care, had been imployed in: and to ſend thoſe, whom he had convicted and cauſed to be carried Priſoners to Rome, to Locri, to receive their puniſhment; taking care likewiſe, that what had been taken out of the Temple of Proſerpine, might be reſtored with expiatory Sacrifices for that crime. The Latine Feſtivals were renewed by Decree of the Chief Prieſts: becauſe the Ardean Embaſſadors had complained in the Senate, That they who were Latines had not fleſh given them in the Alban Mount, as they were uſed to have. Then there was news brought from Sueſſa, that the two Gates, and the Wall between them, were burnt by lightning; but by the Formian Embaſſadors, that Jupiters Temple, and ſo likewiſe by the Oſtians, that Jupiters Temple with them was ſo burnt; but from Velitrae, that Apollos's and Sangus's Temples both were ſo ſerved; and that hair grew up in the Temple of Hercules. From the Bruttians Q. Minucius the Pro-Praetor wrote word, that there was a Colt foaled with five Feet, and three Cock-Chickens with three Feet apiece. After which there was a Letter came from P. Sulpicius the Pro-Conſul out of Macedonia, in which among other things there was this remark, that a Laurel-Tree ſprung up in the poop of a Ship.

Upon the account of the former Prodigies the Senate ordered, That the Conſul ſhould make the greater ſort of Sacrifices to what Gods he thought good: but for the laſt only the Soothſayers were called into the Senate, and according to their Anſwer ſupplication was appointed to be made one whole day, and religious duties were perform'd at every Altar and Temple in the City. The Carthaginians firſt brought the money, impoſed upon them as a ſtipend for the Souldiery, that year to Rome. Which money ſeeing the Queſtors declared to be nought, and having tryed it found the fourth part to fly away, the Carthaginians were fain to borrow money at Rome, to make up what was lacking. Whereupon when they deſired that their Hoſtages, if the Senate pleaſed, might be reſtored to them, an hundred of them were accordingly ſent home: beſides, that they gave them hopes of having the reſt, if they continued faithful to the Romans. And when thoſe Hoſtages, that were not reſtored, deſired, that they might be carried from Norba, where they were uneaſy, to any other place, the Senate gave them leave to remove to Signia and Ferentinum. The Gaditanes alſo, upon their Petition, had the immunity granted them, not to have a Prefect or Governour ſent to their Town of Gadeis, contrary to the Agreement between them and L. Marcius Septimus, when they firſt put themſelves under the protection of the Romans. And when the Narnian Embaſſadors complained, that they had not their full number of Inhabitants, but that there were ſome got in among them, who, though they were not of their race, pretended to be part of the Colony, L. Cornelius the Conſul was ordered to create Triumviri upon the ſcore of thoſe matters. Accordingly he created P. and Sextus Aelius (whoſe Surnames both were Paetus) and Cornelius Lentulus. But though the Petition of the Narnians, wherein they deſired to have their Colonies number augmented, was allowed, the Coſans met not with the ſame ſucceſs in the ſame affair.

When they had made an end of what they had to do at Rome, the Conſuls went to their Provinces, P. Villius, at his coming into Macedonia, was received with a fierce mutiny among the Soldiers, which having been ſometime before raiſed, had not been ſufficiently ſtifled in the beginning. Thoſe were the two Thouſand Men, that had been brought out of Africa, after Annibal was quite vanquiſhed, into Sicily, and thence almoſt an Year into Macedonia for Voluntiers. But they ſaid they were not willing to come, For they drew back when the Tribunes were going to put them a-board; but however, whether they had put themſelves into that ſervice by force or free-will, they had born the brunt of it, and now it was time to put ſome end to that Campagn. That they had not ſeen Italy in many Years, but were grown old under their armour in Sicily, Africa, and Macedonia. That they were quite tired out with labour and toil, having loſt all the blood in their veins through the wounds that they received. To which the Conſul ſaid, They gave a good reaſon for their being disbanded, if they had made their addreſs with modesty; but that, neither that, nor any thing elſe could be the just cauſe of a mutiny among them. Wherefore, if they would stay by their Enſigns, and obey him, he would write to the Senate touching their being diſmiſs'd; and that they would obtain their ends by modeſty ſooner than by ſtubbornneſs.

At that time Philip attacked Thaumaci [a Town] as fiercely as he could with Mounds and Engines planted againſt it; yea, was juſt going to apply his ram to the Walls, but was forced from his enterprize by a ſudden ſally of the Aetolians, who, under the command of Archidamus, having got through the Macedonian Sentinels into the Walls, made conſtant eruptions night and day, one while upon the Guards, and another while into the Works. In which the very nature of the place was aſſiſtant to them. For Thaumaci is ſituate, as you go from Pylae and the Malian Bay through Lamia, on an high place, juſt by the ſtreights called Caele. And if you travel over the rougher parts of Theſſaly, where the Roads are hard to find, they win • ſo ſtrangely through the ſeveral Vallies there; when you come to this City, there is ſuch a large Plain laid open, as it were a vaſt calm Sea, before your view, that you can hardly ſee to the end of it. From which ſtrange ſituation of that Town it is called Thaumaci [from Thauma, i. e. a Wonder]. Nor is this City ſecure in its heighth only, but alſo by its being ſeated upon a ſteep Rock cut ſmooth on every ſide. Theſe difficulties, and its not being worth ſo much toil and hazard, made Philip deſiſt from the attempt. Beſides, it was now juſt Winter too, when he departed thence, and led his Forces back to Winter Quarters in Macedonia.

And there the reſt all the time they had to reſt themſelves, refreſhed both their Minds and their Bodies; but Philip, by being at eaſe from the daily fatigues of marching and fighting, was ſo much the more intent upon, and ſollicitous for, the general event of the War; not only fearing the Enemies, that preſs'd him both by Sea and Land, but being jealous of the affections, ſometimes of his Allies, and otherwhiles of his own Countrymen; leſt the former ſhould revolt out of hopes of an alliance with the Romans; or the latter be deſirous to make any Innovation. Wherefore he ſent Embaſſadors into Achaia alſo, not only to exact an Oath from that People (for ſo they had agreed, To ſwear fealty to Philip every year) but likewiſe to reſtore to the Achaeans, Orchomenon, Heraea, and Triphylia; and to the Megalopolitans, Aliphera, being they challenged it and ſaid, It never was a City belonging to Triphylia, but ought to be reſtored to them, becauſe it was one of thoſe that were allotted to the building of Megalopolis. By which means he confirmed his alliance with the Achaeans. Then he reconciled the Macedonians with Heraclides. For ſeeing that he was the greateſt grievance in all his Kingdom, as being loaded with ſo many accuſations, he put him in Priſon, to the great joy of all the People. After which he made preparations for the War with as much care as ever he had done in all his time before, and diſciplined both the Macedonians and the mercenary Soldiers; ſending, in the beginning of the Spring, all the foreign Auxiliaries, with what light armour he had, under the command of Athenagoras through Epirus into Chaonia, to ſeize thoſe ſtreights near Antigonia, which the Greeks call Sthena [i. e. narrow paſſes]. And himſelf in a few days after following with an heavier Army; when he had viewed all the ſituation of the Country, he thought the fitteſt place to encamp in, to be by the River Aous. Which River runs between the two Mountains, one of which the Natives call Aeropus, and the other Aſnaus, in a narrow Vale, with a very ſtrait paſſage upon the bank of it. And of thoſe Hills, he ordered Athenagoras to take poſſeſſion of, and to fortifie Aſnaus, whilſt he himſelf pitched his Camp in Aeropus. Where the Rocks were ſmooth and ſteep, a ſmall guard was kept; but where it was leſs ſecure, he fortified ſome parts with Trenches, ſome with Bulwarks, and others with Turrets. There was alſo a great quantity of Engines (that they might be able at a diſtance to repel the Foe) planted in convenient places; beſides that the Kings Tent was ſet before the Bulwark on the top of the Hill, for a terrour to the Enemy, and an encouragement to his own Men.

The Conſul, being informed by Charopus an Epirote, where the King with his Army lay, after he had wintered in Corcyra, came in the beginning of the Spring over into the Continent, and marched toward the Enemy. When he was about five Thouſand Paces from the Kings Camp, leaving his Legions in a fortified Place, himſelf went forward with the nimbleſt of his Men to view the Country, and the next day held a Council, to adviſe, Whether he ſhould attempt to make his way through the Streights that the Enemy was then poſſeſſed of, though it were like to coſt him a great deal of trouble and hazard; or bring his Men about the ſame way that Sulpicius the year before had come into Macedonia. But whilſt he was in this deliberation, which held him ſeveral days, there came a Meſſenger and told him, That P. Quintius was made Conſul, and having by lot gain'd the Province of Macedonia, was now got over as faſt as he could into Corcyra. Valerius Antias ſays that Villius went into thoſe Streights, and becauſe he could not go in a direct Road (the ways being all block'd up by the King) following the Vale, through the middle of which runs the River Aous, he made a tumultuary Bridge to the bank upon which the Kings Camp lay, and marching over it engag'd them in a ſet fight; that the King was routed, put to flight, and forced from his Camp; twelve Thouſand of the Enemy were ſlain in that Battel, two Thouſand two Hundred taken Priſoners, beſides one Hundred thirty two military Enſigns, and two Hundred and thirty Horſes. As alſo, that a Temple was vow'd [i. e. religiouſly deſigned to be dedicated] to Jupiter, in that Battel, if the buſineſs ſucceeded well. But the other Greek and Latine Authors, whoſe Annals I have read, do not mention any thing memorable that was done by Villius, but ſay alſo, that T. Quintius the ſucceeding Conſul manag'd the whole War.

Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted in Macedonia, the other Conſul L. Lentulus, who ſtaid at Rome, held an Aſſembly for the creating of Cenſors. Upon which occaſion, though a great many famous Men ſtood for the Office, yet P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, and P. A • lius Paetus were made Cenſors. Theſe two lived very lovingly together, and took a ſurvey of the Senate without branding e'r a one of that Society. They likewiſe let out the Tolls of things that were ſold at Capua and Puteoli, as alſo the Toll of the Camp at Puteoli [that formerly was] where the Town now ſtands; and ſent three Hundred Inhabitants thither (for that was the number appointed by the Senate) ſelling the Land belonging to Capua under Tifata [a Mountain]. About the ſame time L. Manlius Acidinus departing out of Spain, was hindered by M. Portius Laeca, Tribune of the People, from coming home ovant, though he had obtained the favour of the Senate; and therefore, making his entrance into the City as a private Perſon, he brought into the Treaſury twelve hundred Pound of Silver, and near thirty Pound of Gold. The ſame Year Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, who had received the Province of Gaul from C. Aurelius who was Conſul the Year before, having entered very raſhly into the Confines of the Inſubrian Gauls, had like to have been circumvented with his whole Army: for he loſt above ſix thouſand ſix hundred men; ſo great a damage did he receive from that War which now began to be ſlighted. That accident brought L. Lentulus the Conſul from the City: who aſſoon as he came into the Province, which was full of uproar, having received the frighted Army, he chid the Praetor very ſeverely, bidding him depart the Province and go to Rome. But the Conſul himſelf did not do any memorable exploit, as being called back to Rome to hold the Aſſembly, which was obſtructed by M. Fulvius, and Manius Curius, Tribunes of the People; who would not ſuffer T. Quintius Flamininus to ſtand for the Conſulſhip, when he was yet but Queſtor: ſaying, That noble men now nauſeated the Aediles and Praetors Office, nor did they by degrees of honour, and approving themſelves in ſeveral ſtations riſe gradually to the Conſulſhip, but by leaping over the middle continued the higheſt to the loweſt imployments. From a Debate in the Campus Martius the buſineſs came into the Senate; who gave their opinions and ſaid, they thought it reaſonable, that the people ſhould have full power to choſe whom they pleaſed, provided he deſired no honour but what he lawfully might ſtand for. The Tribunes ſubmitted to the Decree of the Senate: and there were choſen for Conſuls T. Quintius Flamininus, and Sex. Aelius Paetus. Then they held the Aſſembly for Praetors; in which were choſen L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Portius Cato, and C. Helvius, who had been Tribunes of the People. By them the Plebeian Games were renewed, and a Feaſt made to Jupiter upon the ſcore of thoſe Games: the Roman Games being at the ſame time ſet forth by the Curule Aediles, C. Valerius Flaccus, Jupiters High-Prieſt, and C. Cornelius Cethegus, with great preparation. Ser. and C. Sulpicius Galha the Chief Prieſts died in that Year: in whoſe places M. Aemilius Lepidus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio were elected, and put.

Sex. Aelius Petus, and T. Quintius Flamininus the Conſuls, at the entrance upon their Office having had a Senate in the Capitol, that Court decreed, That the Conſuls ſhould either agree between themſelves, or caſt Lots for the Provinces of Macedonia and Italy; and that he to whoſe ſhare Macedonia fell, ſhould raiſe, as a ſupplement to the Legions, three Thouſand Roman Foot, and three Hundred Horſe; and likewiſe of the Latine Allies, five Thouſand Foot, and five Hundred Horſe. To the other Conſul they aſſign'd all the new Forces. L. Lentulus, who was Conſul the Year before, was continued in Commiſſion, and charged not to ſtir out of his Province, or bring away the old Army, before the Conſul came with the new Legions. The Conſul then caſt Lots for their Provinces; of which Aelius happened to have Italy, and Quintius Macedonia. The Praetors, L. Cornelius Merula had the City, M. Claudius, Sicily, M. Porcius, Sardinia, and C. Helvius, Gaul. Then alſo they began to make a Levy. For beſides the conſular Armies, the Praetors were alſo ordered to raiſe new Forces: for Marcellus, to go into Sicily, four Thouſand Foot of the Latine Allies, and three Hundred Horſe; and for Cato, to go into Sardinia, of the ſame ſort of Soldiers, three Thouſand Foot, and two Hundred Horſe; ſo that both theſe Praetors, when they were come into their Provinces, disbanded all their old Foot and Horſe. After that the Conſuls brought the Embaſſadors from King Attalus into the Senate: who having told the Court, That their King was always ready to aſſist the Romans with his Navy, and all the Forces he had both by Sea and Land, and had to that time done what the Roman Conſuls commanded with all expedition and obedience, they added, That now, they fear'd, he could not do ſo any longer for King Antiochus, who had invaded Attalus's Kingdom when it was deſtitute of Sea and Land-Forces. Wherefore, that Attalus deſired the Senate, if they had a mind to imploy his Navy and his other Forces in the Macedonian War, that they would themſelves ſend a Guard to ſecure his Kingdom; if not, that they would permit him to return home with his Fleet and what forces he had left, to defend his own Country. To which the Senate caus'd this anſwer to be given, That whereas King Attalus had aſſiſted the Roman Generals with his Fleet, and other Forces, the Senate took it very kindly; but that they would neither ſend any Auxiliaries to Attalus againſt Antiochus, who was the Ally and Friend of the Roman People; nor detain Attalus's own Auxiliaries any farther than ſhould ſtand with his convenience. That the Roman People had always uſed foreign Soldiers according to the pleaſure of thoſe foreign Allies that ſent them; and that both the beginning and end of their Action was at the diſpoſal of them, who were ſo kind as to aſſiſt the Romans. But they would ſend Embaſſadors to Antiochus, to tell him, that the People of Rome did then imploy Attalus his Ships and Soldiers againſt Philip, their common Enemy; and that he would gratifie the Senate very much, if he would not meddle any farther with Attalus's Dominions, but deſiſt from the War. That it was fit all Kings, that were Allies and Friends of the Roman People, ſhould preſerve Peace among themſelves alſo.

The Conſul, T. Quintius, having ſo made the Levy, that he choſe out thoſe Soldiers of known Courage, who had ſerved in Spain or Africa, was now making all haſt into his Province, but was detain'd by Prodigies, that he heard of, being fain to ſtay at Rome to take care of ce • tain Religious Duties upon that account. The publick ſtreet at Veii, and the Forum with Jupiters Temple at Lanuvium, were burnt with Lightning: Hercules's Temple at Ardea; and at Capua, the Wall, certain Turrets, and the Temple which is called Alba. At Arretium the Heavens ſeemed to be all on Fire: and the Earth at Velitrae fell in with a vaſt hollow for the ſpace of three Acres. At Sueſſa Aurunca, they ſaid, there was a Lamb with two Heads, and at Sinueſſa, a Pig with a Mans Head. Upon the ſcore of thoſe Prodigies there was a ſupplication made one whole day; the Conſuls being imployed in the performance of the Divine Rites. But having appeaſed the Gods they went into their Provinces. Allius, with C. Helvius the Praetor into Gaul; and delivered the Army that he received from Lentulus, which he ought to have disbanded, to the Praetor, reſolving himſelf to carry on the War with thoſe new Legions, that he had brought with him: but he did nothing worth our taking notice of. T. Quintius alſo, the other Conſul, being come over from Brunduſium ſooner than former Conſuls were uſed to do, lay at Corcyra with eight thouſand Foot, and eight hundred Horſe. From whence he croſt over in a Fire-bank'd Gally into the Borders of Epirus, and marched toward the Roman Camp by great Journeys. Then ſending away Villius, he ſtayed ſome few dayes whilſt his Forces came after him out of Corcyra, and held a Council: whether he ſhould attempt to go ſtreight through the Enemies Camp; or, not venturing upon an enterprize attended with ſo much trouble and danger, ſhould rather go into Macedonia by way of the Daſſaretians and Lycus [a Town ſo called] a ſafe rode, though about. And that opinion had prevailed, had not he feared, leſt, when he was ſo far from the Sea, by letting the Enemy eſcape him, if (as he had formerly) the King would defend himſelf in Deſarts and Woods, the Summer might be ſpent without any action. Wherefore be it how it would be, he reſolved in that very place, though ſo inconvenient for him, to attack the Foe. But indeed he reſolved to do ſo, before his Council had told him, or he found out the way how he ſhould do it: for they ſpent forty days without any attempt in ſitting down within ſight of the Enemy.

Then Philip had hopes of making a Peace through the mediation of the Epirotes, and therefore in a Council that he called, there were, for the carrying of the affair, Pauſanias their chief Magiſtrate, and Alexander Maſter of the Horſe, who brought the Conſul and the King to a Parley at that place, where the River Aous is the narroweſt. The Subſtance of what the Conſul demanded was this; That Philip would draw out all his Guards out of the ſeveral Cities; and reſtore all the goods that could be found, to thoſe perſons, whoſe country and Cities he had plundered; and ſet a competent value indifferently upon the reſt. To which Philip made anſwer; That the condition of his Cities was very different; as for thoſe that he had taken, he would ſet at liberty: but as to thoſe that were delivered to him from his Anceſtours, he would never quit the juſt and hereditary poſſeſſion of them. If thoſe cities that he had had war with, complained of any damage by them ſuſtained, he would reſerve the arbitration of it to any people, with whom they both had peace. The Conſul replied; there was no need of a Judge or Ʋmpire in ſuch a caſe; for who did not know, that the injury ſprung from him, who was the firſt aggreſſor? And that Philip, though never provoked by any body whatever, was himſelf the original cauſe of all that violence, which in that war had been committed. After that, when they came to diſcourſe of what Cities ſhould be ſet at liberty, the Conſul named the Theſſalians firſt of all. At which the King was ſo incens'd with Indignation, that he cryed out, What, T. Quintius, could you injoin me to do that were more grievous, if I were a conquered King? and with that he flung away from the Parley. Thereupon they could hardly forbear from engaging each other with darts and ſuch like Weapons at a diſtance, ſince they were parted by the River running between them. The next by excurſions from their ſtations, there were firſt a great many light skirmiſhes in the Plain which was wide enough for that purpoſe; but ſoon after, the Kings Men retiring into the narrow and rough places thereabouts, the Romans alſo out of an eagerneſs to fight them got in thither too. On the Roman ſide, their Order, Military Diſcipline, and a ſort of Arms fit to ſtreighten the Foe, was their advantage; and on the Enemies ſide, the Places, the vaſt Engines and Croſs-bows, planted upon almoſt all the Rocks as it were upon Walls. But when they had received a great many Wounds on both ſides, and ſome alſo, as in a form'd Battel, were ſlain, night came on and put an end to that Fight.

When things were in this poſture, a certain Shepherd ſent from Charopus, a Noble Man of Epirus, was brought to the Conſul, who told him, That he kept ſheep in that Lawne, where the King was now encamped; that he knew all the turnings and by-ways in all thoſe Mountains. If therefore he would ſend a party along with him, he would lead them a very convenient eaſie way till they came upon the very heads of their Enemies: but told them withal, that Charopus ſaid, He would have him give credit to what he delivered, only ſo far, as that the effecting of the matter might be in the Conſuls, and not in the Shepherds power. Hereupon the Conſul being more inclinable, than daring to believe the fellow, and having a mind fill'd both with joy and fear, he was moved by the authority of Charopus, and reſolved to try the event of what was fafourably offered to him. And to prevent all ſuſpicion, he, for the next two days, continually provoked the Enemy, planting his Men on all ſides, and putting freſh Men into the places of ſuch as were tired. Then he choſe out four Thouſand Foot and three Hundred Horſe, whom he committed to the Conduct of a Tribune of the Soldiers, bidding him lead the Horſe as far as the ways would ſuffer it; and when the Horſe could go no farther, to place them in ſome Plain. That the Foot ſhould go which way the Guide directed them; and when, according to his promiſe, they came upon the Heads of the Enemy, they ſhould give a ſign by ſmoak; but not ſet up a ſhout before they had received that ſign, and they might ſuppoſe thereby that the Battel was begun. He likewiſe ordered them to march in the night (for the Moon at that time happened to ſhine all Night long) and in the Day time to refreſh themſelves with Victuals and Sleep, delivering the Guide to the Tribune, with a great many promiſes of a vaſt reward, if he proved honeſt, but bound at the ſame time. And having thus diſmiſs'd theſe Forces, the Roman was ſo much the more intent upon taking the Enemies Stations.

In the mean time when the Romans upon the third day made a ſign with ſmoak, that they had taken and were then ſeiz'd of the Hill, which they deſigned, the Conſul, having divided his Forces into three parts, came and ſtood in the midſt of the Vale with the ſtrength of all his Men, drawing the Enemies right and left Wings toward the Enemies Camp. Nor were the Enemies more ſlow to meet him; but whilſt through their greedy deſire of fighting they ran beyond their Fortifications, the Roman was far too hard for them, not only in courage and skill, but in their ſort of Weapons alſo. But when the Kings Men, many of which were wounded and ſlain, retreated into places either naturally or artificially fortified, the danger turned upon the Romans, who went into places that were cumberſome, and too narrow well to receive them. Nor had they eſcaped thence without being puniſhed for their raſhneſs, had not firſt of all a ſhout which they heard behind them, and after that alſo the Fight which was by that time begun, made the Kings Men mad with ſudden dread. Thereupon part of them ran away as faſt as they could; and part of them, who ſtayed behind, rather becauſe they had no way to make their eſcape, than out of any heart that they had to fight, were circumvented by the Foe who preſt upon them both before and behind. The whole Army might have been deſtroyed, if the Conquerors would have purſued them that fled away; but the narrowneſs and roughneſs of thoſe places hinder'd the Horſe as their heavy armour did the Foot. The King at firſt fled as faſt as he could in ſome diſorder, and without looking back: but when he was got forward about five thouſand paces, ſuppoſing by the roughneſs of the paſſage (as it really was) that the Enemy could not follow him, he ſtopt upon a certain Bank, and ſent his men over all the Hills and Vales, to gather the ſtraglers into a Body. And having loſt not above two thouſand men, all the reſt, as though they had followed ſome Enſign, met together, and in a full Body marched toward Theſſaly. The Romans having purſued them as far as it was ſafe for them, killing and ſpoiling the ſlain, rifled the Kings Camp, which, even without any Body to defend it, was very inacceſſible: and continued that night in their own Camp.

The next day the Conſul purſued the Enemy through thoſe very ſtreights, where the River runs between the Vales. The King came at break of day to a place called Caſtra Pyrrhi [i. e. Pyrrhus's Camp] which is in Triphylia a part of Melotis. Thence the next day he went forward a great way (fear forcing him) to the Mountain Lingus. The Mountains of Epirus, are between Macedonia and Theſſaly, lying Weſtward from the latter, and Southward from the former; covered with frequent Woods, though on the tops of them there are large Plains and conſtant running ſtreams. There the King for ſome dayes was Encamped, but wavered in his mind, whether he ſhould go immediately into his own Kingdom, or return into Theſſaly. But he at laſt being moſt inclined to ſend his Army into Theſſaly, went the neareſt way he could to Tricca, from whence he paſſed through the Cities that were in his rode as ſpeedily as he might. There he raiſed all the men that could follow him, burnt their Towns; and gave the Owners leave to carry all they could along with them; making the reſt free plunder to his Souldiers. Nor could they have ſuffered any thing more ſevere from an Enemy, than what they did from him though their Ally. For what he did was tedious even to Philip himſelf; though he however had a mind to deliver at leaſt the Bodies of his Allies out of a Country, that was likely in a ſhort time to be the Enemies. For that reaſon he laid waſt ſeveral Towns, as Phacium, Ireſiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, and Palaephatus. But marching toward Therae, he was ſhut out: wherefore becauſe it required ſome ſtay, if he would have taken it, and he could not ſpend ſo much time, he let it alone and went over into Macedonia. For there was a report that the Aetolians were very near: who having heard of the Battle, that was fought by the River Aous, and firſt laid waſt the adjacent Country about Sperchioe and Macra Come (as they call it) went over thence into Theſſaly, and made themſelves Maſters of Cymine and Angea upon the firſt attack. But from Metropolis, as they were ſpoiling the Country, they were repulſed by a concourſe of Townſmen, who came together to defend the walls. Then going to ſet upon Callithera, the more hardly endured the like effort of the Townſmen: and having forced them, that ſallied forth, back into their walls, they were content with that victory, becauſe there was no very great hopes of taking it, and went their wayes. Then they took and rifled two villages called Theuma and Calathana, gaining Achorrae by ſurrender. Xyniae alſo was deſerted by the Inhabitants in the ſame fright. And this fugitive multitude of the Xynians light into the hands of a Guard belonging to the Athamanes, which was ſet to ſecure their foraging, by whom this diſordered and unarmed rout were all killld. Xyniae being deſerted was rifled. After that the Aetolians took Cyphara, a Caſtle that lies very conveniently upon Dolopia. Now all theſe things were done by the Aetolians on a ſudden, within a few Days; nor did Amynander and the Athamanes, after they heard of the Romans ſucceſs, lye ſtill.

But Amynander, becauſe he durſt not truſt his own Soldiers, deſiring a ſmall ſupply from the Conſul, went to Gomphi and the ſtreights that divide Athamania from Theſſaly. Then going to Gomphi, which the Inhabitants defended very bravely for ſome days, he rear'd his Ladders againſt the Walls, and forced them at laſt to a ſurrender. This ſurrender of Gomphi put all the Theſſalians into a great fright. Whereupon the Inhabitants, or poſſeſſors of Argens, Pherinus, Thimar, Liſinae, Stimon, Lampſus, and other ſmall Caſtles hardly ſurrendered themſelves. But whilſt the Aetolians and the Athamanes, being delivered from all fear of the Macedonians, made anothers Victory their Booty; and that Theſſaly was waſted by three Armies at one time, not knowing which to call their Foe, and which their Friend; the Conſul, having got through the ſtreights, which the flight of the Enemy had opened, into the Country of Epirus, though he knew, what ſide all the Epirotes, except Prince Charopus, favoured; yet ſeeing they did all they could to ſatisfie him, he look'd upon them as they were at preſent, rather than as they had been, and by being eaſie to pardon paſt faults, reconciled their affections for the future. Then having ſent Meſſengers to Corcyra, for the onerarie Ships to come in the Bay called Sinus Ambracius, he himſelf went forward with ſhort Marches, and the fourth Day encamped upon the Mountain Cercetius, ſending for Amynander alſo thither with his Auxiliaries; not ſo much becauſe he wanted his aſſiſtance, as to have ſome body to lead him into Theſſaly. For the ſame reaſon likewiſe a great many of the Epirotes were taken in as Voluntiers among thoſe Auxiliaries.

The firſt City that he attacked in Theſſaly was Phaleria, in which there was a Garriſon of two Thouſand Macedonians. Who at firſt reſiſted with all the force they had, as much as Arms and Walls could defend them. But the Siege continuing very brisk both day and night without any intermiſſion, the Conſul believing that would be a great point gained againſt the reſt of the Theſſalians, if the firſt could not ſuſtain the ſhock of the Romans; and therefore he reſolved to conquer the ſtubbornneſs of the Macedonians. When he had taken Phaleria, there came Embaſſadors from Metropolis and Piera, to ſurrender their Cities, who upon their humble Petition were pardoned. Phaleria was rifled and burnt. From thence we went to Aeginum. Which place when he ſaw to be ſecured even with a ſmall Guard, and almoſt impregnable, having thrown ſome few darts into the ſtation next to him, turn'd his Army toward Gomphi. And then going a little out of the Road into the Plains of Theſſaly, when he ſaw that his Army wanted all ſorts of neceſſaries, for that he had ſpared the Country of Epirus, he ſent ſcouts to enquire, whether the onerarie Ships were come to the Port of Leucas, or into the Ambracian Bay, and then diſpatched away his Regiments by turns to Ambracia for Corn. Now from Gomphi to Ambracia, though it be a difficult and a cumberſome paſſage, yet it is but a very little way. Wherefore within a few days, they got ſo much Proviſions thence by Sea, that their Camp was full of all ſorts of neceſſaries. From thence he marched to Atrax, which is about ten Thouſand Paces from Lariſſa, ſituateed upon the River Peneus, and its Inhabitants originally Perraebians. The Theſſalians were not at all diſmayed at the firſt arrival of the Romans. And Philip, as he durſt not go forward into Theſſaly, ſo being encamped within the Lawne, called Tempe, as each place was gradually attempted by the Enemy, he ſent them private aid as occaſion ſerv'd.

About the ſame time, when the Conſul firſt pitched his Camp againſt Philip in the ſtreights of Epirus, L. Quintius (the Conſuls Brother) whoſe charge it was in the Senate to take care of the Fleet and ſecure the Sea Coaſt, going over with two five-bank'd Gallies to Corcyra, when he heard that the Navy was gone from thence, he thought it no time to ſtay, but having overtaken them at the Iſland Zama, diſmiſs'd Apuſtius, whoſe Succeſſor he was, and ſailed very ſlowly (for he towed thoſe Ships moſt of the way, which followed with Proviſions) to Malea. From Malea, bidding the reſt to make what haſt they could after him, he himſelf went before with three five-bank'd Gallies to Piraeeus, where he received the Ships that L. Apuſtius the Lieutenant had left for a Guard to Athens. At the ſame time two Fleets that came out of Aſia, the one with King Attalus (conſiſting of twenty four five-bank'd Gallies) and the other from Rhodes, being twenty Ships of War, of which Ageſimbrotus was Admiral. Theſe two Fleets, being united about the Iſland of Andrus, came over into Euboea, which is divided from that Iſland by nought but a narrow Gulph. There they firſt plundered the Caryſtian Territories; and after that, when Caryſtus ſeem'd ſecure enough in a Garriſon ſent thither in all haſt from Chalcis, they proceeded to Eretria. Thither alſo came L. Quintius with thoſe Ships that had been at Piraeus, when he heard of King Attalus's arrival, and gave order, That what Ships of his own Navy were come, ſhould ſail into Euboea. Thereupon Eretria was aſſaulted very briskly; for, not only all the Ships in thoſe three united Fleets brought all ſorts of warlike Inſtruments and Engines to ſack Cities withal along with them, but the Fields too afforded a plentiful proviſion of Materials for the raiſing of new Works. The Townſmen at firſt were very active in the defence of their Walls; but ſoon after ſome of them being tired and wounded, beſides that they ſaw part of their Wall o'rthrown by the Enemies Works, they were inclined to ſurrender. But there was a Garriſon in it of Macedonians, whom they fear'd no leſs than they did the Romans: and Philocles the Kings Praefect, or Governour, ſent Meſſengers from Chalcis to tell them, That he would be with them time enough, if they would but hold out the Siege. This hope and fear together forced them to protract the time beyond what they were either willing or able to do. But afterward when they heard that Philocles himſelf was repulſed and ran back in a conſternation to Chalcis, they ſent Envoys immediately to Attalus, deſiring his Pardon and Protection. Whilſt therefore, being intent upon the hopes of Peace, they the more ſlowly performed the duties of War, oppoſing armed Guards on that part only, where the Wall was broken down, and neglecting all the reſt; Quintius, in the night time, on that ſide that was leaſt ſuſpected, making an attack, ſcaled and took the City. The whole crowd of the Townſmen with their Wives and Children ran into the Caſtle; but ſoon after came to a ſurrender. There was not much Money, or Silver and Gold: but there were a great many Enſigns, old Tables of Art, and ornaments of that kind more than could be expected in ſuch a City, conſidering their other ſtock.

Then they went back to Caryſtus, where, before the Forces were landed, all the People left the City, and ran into the Caſtle: from whence they ſent Agents to beg the protection of the Romans. Whereupon the Townſmen had their Lives and Liberties immediately granted them: but the Macedonians were to pay each of them three Hundred Seſterces as a ranſome, and march away without their Arms. They therefore being redeemed at that rate, went over into Boeotia unarmed. Then the Naval Forces, having within a few days taken two famous Cities in Euboea, ſailing about a promontory of Attica, went toward Cenchreae, a Port belonging to the Corinthians. The Conſul in the mean time had a longer and a more ſevere Siege of it than any body expected, and the Enemy made reſiſtance on that part, where he leaſt imagined they would have done. For he ſuppoſed, That all the difficulty would lye in demoliſhing the Wall; and that, if once he had made a breach for his Soldiers to march through into the City, he ſhould rout and kill the Enemy, as People uſe to do when they take Cities. But when he had battered down part of the Wall with his Rams, ſo that his Men went over the very ruines into the City, that was but as it were the begining of a new and a freſh toil. For the Macedonians that were in Garriſon there, being not only numerous, but choice Men too, and thinking it would be a mighty honour to them, if they could defend the City by dint of Arms and Courage, rather than by the help of Walls, ſo doubled their Ranks and ſtrengthened their main Body within, that when they ſaw the Romans coming over the Ruines, they beat them out again through a narrow difficult paſs that would hardly give them room to retreat. That the Conſul took very hainouſly; and conſidering that that diſhonour did not tend to the hindrance of his taking one City only, but had an influence upon the iſſue of the whole War in general, which many times depended opon very ſmall and trivial circumſtances; having clear'd the place, which was incumbered with the ruines of the Wall, he applyed to it a Tower of a mighty height, which would carry a great number of armed Men upon the ſeveral floors that were one above another in it, and ſend forth ſeveral Regiments in Battalia, by turns to break through, if they could, the Cuneus [i. e. Wedge, a Body of Men in form of a Wedge] of the Macedonians, which they themſelves call a Phalanx. But in Places ſo narrow, the ſpace that was broken down in the Wall being not very wide, the ſort of Arms that the Enemy uſed and their manner of fighting was more convenient. For when the Macedonians had put themſelves into their cloſe order, with their Spears of a vaſt length before them, ſo thick, that their Bucklers joyn'd together and made, as it were, a Teſtudo [i. e. a Military Engine in form of a Tortoiſe] the Romans, who, ſeeing it was to no purpoſe to fling their Javelins at them, had drawn their Swords, could neither come near them, nor cut off their Spears; or if they perchance had cut, or broken e'r an one off, the ſtaff of it with its ſharp broken end between the Iron points of thoſe Spears, that were ſtill entire and fill'd up and kept the fence ſtill as ſtrong as before. Beſides which, the remaining part of the Wall that was yet ſtanding, preſerved both their flanks; nor could they conveniently either give back, or make any ſally forth; a thing which uſually put the ranks into diſorder. But to animate them the more yet, there was another thing that happened by mere chance. For there was a Turret, built upon the Mound, before the Earth was grown firm, with one wheel ſunk ſo deep into a rut, that it hung all on one ſide, ſo that the Enemies thought it would fall, and the Souldiers who ſtood upon it were even diſtracted for fear.

Seeing therefore that nothing ſucceeded, as he would have it, the Conſul was unwilling to have any compariſon made either between the Souldiers, or their ſorts of Weapons; and at the ſame time had no good proſpect, either of taking the Town, or any means of Wintering ſo far from the Sea, and in places that were already laid waſt by the misfortunes and ravage of the War. Wherefore quitting the Siege, becauſe there was never a Port on all the Coaſt of Acarnania and Aetolia, that would at once both contain all the Ships of burden, that brought in Proviſions for the Army, and afford Huts for the Legions to winter in; Anticyra in Phocis, lying toward the Bay of Corinth, was lookt upon as moſt conveniently ſituated, not only becauſe there they ſhould not be far from Theſſaly, and the Enemies Quarters, but alſo, becauſe Peloponneſus was over-againſt them, divided from it by a ſmall Arm of the Sea, Aetolia and Acarnania being behind them, and Locris and Boeotia of each ſide. In Phocis he took Phanotea upon the firſt Aſſault, without fighting for it; nor did Anticyra hold out very long. Then he became Maſter of Ambryſus and Hyampolis; but Daulis becauſe it ſtood upon a high Hill, was impregnable, either by ſcaling or any other works. But yet by pelting thoſe that were in Gariſon there with Darts and ſuch like Weapons that they had to throw upon them, when they had provoked them to ſally forth, with running away from and purſuing them by turns, ſo as to have ſome light Skirmiſhes though to little or no purpoſe, they brought them to that degree of contempt and negligence, that the Romans preſt in with them at the Gate as they made their Retreat. Six other mean Caſtles of Phocis came into their hands through fear more than by ſtrength of Arms. Elatia ſhut their Gates; reſolving, unleſs they were compelled to it, not to admit the Roman General or his Army into their Walls.

But whilſt the Conſul was a beſieging Elatia, he had hopes of a thing of far greater conſequence; to wit, that the Achaeans would revolt from the King and enter into an Alliance with the Romans. For they had expelled Cycliades, the Head of that Faction that were for Philip; and Ariſtaenus, who had a mind to have that Nation make a League with the Romans, was then the chief Magiſtrate. The Roman Fleet then lay at Cenchreae, with Attalus and the Rhodians, where they were all in Conſultation how to attack Corinth. He therefore thought it the beſt way, before they went about that affair, to ſend Embaſſadors to the Achaeans, with a Promiſe, that if they would revolt from the King, they ſhould have Corinth into the antient Council of that Nation. Accordingly by advice of the Conſul there were Embaſſadors ſent to the Achaeans from his Brother L. Quintius, Attalus, the Rhodians and Athenians; and at Sicyon they had their Audience. Now the inclinations of the Achaeans were very various: for the Lacedaemonian, a grievous and continual Enemy, ſcared them on the one hand, as the Romans did on the other: beſides, that they were obliged both by ancient and late kindneſſes received from the Macedonians; though they ſuſpected the King himſelf upon the ſcore of his Cruelty and perfidiouſneſs, and valued him not upon what he juſt then did for them, but foreſaw that he would be a Tyrannical Maſter to them after the War was ended. Nor were they only ignorant what each particular perſon in their Senate, or in the publick Aſſemblies of all the Nation delivered as their opinion; but even they themſelves could not well tell, what in their own minds they deſired or wiſhed for. The Embaſſadors therefore being introduced to men of ſuch unſtable reſolutions, had leave to ſpeak; the Roman Embaſſador, whoſe name was L. Calpurnius firſt, and King Attalus's Embaſſadors next, and after them the Rhodians. Then Philips Embaſſadors too had their Audience: and laſt of all the Athenians were heard, to the end that they might confute what the Macedonians ſaid. They moſt of them inveighed ſeverely againſt the King, for that no men had undergone more hardſhips, or ſuffered ſo ſeverely as they had. And that Aſſembly was adjourned a little before Sun-ſetting, the day being ſpent in continued Speeches made by ſo many Embaſſadors.

20. The next day the Council was called again, in which when the Cryer had, as the Cuſtom is among the Greeks, giving leave, by authority of the Magiſtrates to any one, that would, to ſpeak, and no one came forth: they ſtood a good while ſilent looking upon one another. Nor was it any wonder, that they, who by meditating voluntarily upon things repugnant one to another, were grown ſtupid, ſhould be diſturbed at theſe long Speeches that were made from Morning till Night, with all the nicety and ſubtlety that was to be imagined. At laſt Ariſtaenus the Praetor (or chief Magiſtrate) for fear he ſhould diſmiſs the Aſſembly without ſaying any thing, ſpoke thus: Where, ſaid he, is now that animoſity, Achaeans? that makes you in your Feasts and publick Meetings hardly able to refrain from fighting one another, when any mention happens to be made of Philip and the Romans? Now in a Council appointed on purpoſe for that buſineſs and nothing elſe, though you have heard the Speeches of the Embaſſadors on both ſides, though the Magiſtrates propoſe it to you, and the Cryer invites you to ſpeak, you are dumb. If care for the publick good cannot, yet the different reſpects methinks that you bear to this or that Party, might open ſome of your mouths. Eſpecially ſeeing there is no man ſo dull, as that he can be ignorant, that now is the time for every man to give his opinion what he thinks moſt adviſable, before we reſolve upon any particular. When it is once decreed, every man is bound to defend that as a good and uſeful League, which before diſpleaſed him. This Exhortation of the Praetors did not fail of making any body ſpeak, but even of extorting from that great Aſſembly, though made up of ſo many ſeveral Nations, ſo much as a hum or murmur.

Thereupon Ariſtaenus the Praetor began again; Achaeans! ſaid he, you do not want counſel more than tongues; but every one of you is loth to conſult the publick good with the hazard of your own ſafety. Perhaps I alſo ſhould hold my tongue, if I were a private perſon. But now, as I am Praetor, I conſider that either we ſhould not have given the Embaſſadors their Audience in a publick Council, or not ſent them thence without an Anſwer. Yet how can I make an Anſwer, but by having your reſolutions upon the matter? And ſince never an one of you either will or dare give his opinion, let us take the Speeches made yeſterday by the Embaſſadors inſtead of your opinions; as if they had not requeſted what was for their own advantage, but perſwaded us to what they thought for our intereſt only. The Romans, the Rhodians, and Attalus deſire an Alliance and a Friendſhip with us; and think it juſt for us to aſſiſt them in the War which they are now engaged in against Philip. Philip on the other ſide puts us in mind of our Alliance with him, and the Oath that we took, requiring one while that we be of his ſide, and telling us another while that he is content we ſhould not concern our ſelves at all of either ſide. Does no body know, why they that are not yet our Allies deſire more than he that is? Why, this proceeds not from Philips modeſty, nor the impudence of the Romans. No; the Achaean Ports both add to and diminiſh the confidence of the Demandants. We ſee nothing belonging to Philip except one Embaſſador; but the Roman Fleet lies at Cenchrea, with the ſpoils of all the Cities in Euboea, beſides, that the Conſul and his Legions are divided from us by nothing but a ſmall Arm of the Sea, and over-running all Phocis and Locris. Do you wonder, why Cleomedon, Philips Embaſſador, treated ſo diffidently with us of late, to induce us to take up Arms for the King: when, if according to that very League and Oath that he pretends we are obliged by, we ſhould demand of him the aſſiſtance of Philip againſt Nabis, the Lacedaemonians and the Romans, he would not only not be able to find a Guard to defend us, but not know even what to ſay in anſwer thereunto. No more than Philip himſelf the laſt Year, who having tryed, by promiſing to levy War againſt Nabis, to draw all our Youth hence into Euboea, when he ſaw that we would neither allow him that aſſiſtance, nor be concerned in the Roman War, forgot that alliance he now brags of, and left us as a prey and ſpoil to Nabis and the Lacedemonians. Beſides, I did not think Cleomedons Speech to be at all conſiſtent in it ſelf. For he ſlighted the Roman War, and ſaid the event of it would be the ſame as that of the former War, that they had with Philip. Why then does he at a diſtance deſire our aid rather than preſent defend us, his old Allies, at once from Nabis and the Romans? Ʋs did I ſay? Yea, why did he ſuffer Eretria and Caryſtus to be ſo taken? Why ſo many Cities of Theſſaly in the ſame manner? Why Locris and Phocis? Or why does he let Elatia be ſo attack'd at this time? Why went he from the ſtreights of Epirus, and thoſe impregnable Barriers upon the River Aous? Was it force or fear, or his own choice that made him quit the Post that he was in there, and march quite away into his own Kingdom? If upon his own inclination he left ſo many Allies to be pillaged by their Enemies, how can he deny but that his Allies ought to look to themſelves? If for fear, he ought to pardon our fear alſo. If he retreated becauſe he was Conquer'd, why then, how is it likely, Cleomedon, that we Achaeans ſhould endure the ſhock of the Roman Arms, which you Macedonians were not able to bear? Shall we believe you, that the Romans do not come against us now with greater Forces than formerly, rather than believe our own Eyes? They then aſſiſted the Aetolians with a Fleet; but had neither a Conſular General, nor an Army to carry on that War. The Sea-Port Towns belonging to Philip's Allies were in a fright and an uproar. But the Inland places were ſo ſecure from the Roman Arms, that Philip pillaged the Aetolians, when 'twas in vain for them to implore the Romans aid. But now the Romans having made an end of the Punick War, which they endured for ſixteen years within the very Bowels, as it were, of Italy, did not only ſend Auxiliaries to the Aetolians to aſſiſt them in their War, but were themſelves Commanders in perſon both by Sea and Land againſt Macedonia. This is now the third Conſul that makes War upon that Country with all the ſtrength he can. Sulpicius engaged in Macedonia it ſelf with the King, and defeated him, laying waſt the most opulent part of his Kingdom. And now of late Quintius, when Philip was poſted at the Barriers of Epirus, relying upon the nature of the place, the Fortifications thereof, and the Army that was with him, forced him from his Camp; and then purſuing him into Theſſaly, took the Kings Gariſons and Cities that were his Allies, almoſt before the Kings own Eyes. Admit that to be falſe which the Athenian Embaſſadors juſt now ſaid touching the Kings Cruelty, Avarice and Luſt, nor let us concern our ſelves for what wicked actions he was guilty of in Attica, against all the Gods Coeleſtial and Infernal; much leſs for what the Cianians and Abydenes have endured, who are ſo far from us: Yea, if you pleaſe, let us forget even our own Wounds; the ſlaughter and plunder committed at Meſſena in the middle of Peloponneſus; and how Garitenes, a Gentleman that entertained him very kindly at Cypariſſia was kill'd, contrary to all right and reaſon, almoſt in the very midſt of a Feaſt; as likewiſe, how Aratus, both Father and Son, of Sicyon (though he uſed to call the unhappy old Gentleman Father) and the Sons Wife alſo carried away into Macedonia, to be his Whore: beſides which let all his other violations both of Virgins and Matrons be buried in Oblivion. Suppoſing Philip to be free from all theſe Vices, for fear of whoſe Cruelty is it, that you are all ſo ſilent? Let us imagine that we were diſcourſing with Antigonus an extraordinary mild and just King, who deſerved very well of us all; would he, think you, deſire us to do what even in that caſe were impoſſible? Peloponneſus is a Peninſula, joining to the Continent by a narrow neck of Land called an Iſthmus, and expoſed to nothing more than a Naval War. If an hundred Ships of War, and fifty of a lighter ſort with open Decks, with thirty Iſſaick Barks, ſhould begin to waſte the Sea-Coaſt, and attack the Cities that lie unguarded, even upon the very ſhore, ſhall we betake our ſelves into the Inland Countries, as though we were not haraſſed with an inteſtine War, that gnaws almoſt our very bowels? When Nabis and the Lacedaemonians preſs ſo hard upon us by Land, and the Roman Fleet by Sea, where ſhall I find the Kings aſſistance, and the Macedonian Guards? Or ſhall we our ſelves defend with our own Arms, the Cities that ſhall be attacked? For we defended Dymae very bravely in the former War. The misfortunes of other people afford us Examples enough: and therefore let us not ſeek how we may prove an Example to them. Do not refuſe, becauſe the Romans voluntarily deſire our Friendſhip, to grant them that which you ought to have wiſhed and ſued for by all means. For they being forced, you ſee, by fear in a Foreign Country, and having a mind to lie under the umbrage of your aid, fly to your Alliance for protection, that they may be received into your Harbours, and make uſe of your proviſions. They have the Sea at their Command, and make whatever Land they arrive at immediately their own Dominions. That which they deſire, they can force; but becauſe they have a mind to ſpare you, they will not ſuffer you to give any cauſe for your own ruine. For as to what Cleomedon ſaid juſt now, as the middle and the ſafeſt way for you to take, that is to ſay, that you ſhould be quiet, and not take up Arms, that is not a middle, but no way at all. For beſides that you muſt either accept of, or contemn the Roman Alliance; what ſhall we be (without adhering firmly to ſome ſide, as men that wait for the event of things, ſo as to apply our Counſels to the fortune of the War) but a prey to the Conquerour? Do not diſdain what is offered you, though ſo freely, ſince it is that which you ought to have wiſhed for with all your hearts. It will not be always in your power to do, as now you may, either one or the other. The ſame occaſion will not often nor long preſent it ſelf. You for a long time have rather wiſhed than dared to deliver your ſelves from Philip. But now thoſe people who would ſet you at Liberty, have croſſed the Seas without any pains or danger to you, with great Navies and Armies. If you deſpiſe their Alliance, you are mad; for you muſt neceſſarily have them either for your Friends or Enemies.

After this ſpeech of the Praetors there was an humm ſet up, by ſome, to ſignifie their aſſent, and by others to reprove thoſe that did aſſent. And now not only each particular Perſon, but all the Nations were at variance among themſelves: beſides that, between the Magiſtrates of that Nation (they call them Demiurgi, being ten in number) there was as brisk and hot a diſpute as between the Mobile. Of whom five ſaid, They would propoſe the making of an alliance with the Romans, and give their Votes accordingly; whilſt the other five ſaid, There was a Law, that made it criminal either to propoſe before the Magiſtrates, or decree any thing in Council, that was contrary to an alliance with Philip. And this Day too was ſpent in brangling; ſo that there was but one Day of the due time for a Council to laſt, remaining (for the third Day the Law ordered that the Decree ſhould paſs) upon which they were ſo very hot, that Parents could ſcarce keep their hands off of their Children. One Rhiſiaſus of Pellene had a Son called Memnon, a Demiurgus [one of thoſe ten Officers] of that Party, which was againſt reciting of the Decree, or having their opinions all ask'd. He therefore having a long time conjur'd his Son, To let the Achaeans conſult the publick ſafety, and not go about by his ſtubbornneſs to ruine the whole Country: ſeeing his intreaties did no good, he ſwore he would kill him with his own hand, and not look upon him as a Son but an Enemy; till he at laſt by threats ſo far prevailed over him, as that the next Day he ſided with thoſe that were for propoſing the buſineſs. Who being now a good many, all the ſeveral Nations almoſt approving of it, and declaring what they were going to decree, the Dymaeans and Megalopolitans with ſome of the Argives, before the Bill was paſs'd, roſe up and left the Council; nor did any Body either admire at, or diſapprove of what they did. For Antigonus had reſtored the Megalopolitans, who in the memory of their Grandfathers had been beaten thence, into their Country; and to the Dymaeans, who were lately taken and rifled by the Roman Army, Philip (giving order that they ſhould be redeemed where-ever they were in ſlavery) gave back not only their Liberty, but their Country too. And as for the Argives, they, beſides that they believe the Macedonian Kings to be come originally from them, were many of them obliged to Philip upon ſeveral private accounts, and by familiar friendſhip. For theſe reaſons, becauſe the Council was inclined to make an Alliance with the Romans, they went out, and they were pardoned for ſo doing, becauſe they had been obliged, not only very much, but very lately too, by ſeveral kindneſſes that the Macedonians had done them.

The reſt of the Nations belonging to the Achaeans, when their opinions were demanded, confirmed an alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians by a preſent Decree juſt then, but deferr'd it to the Romans, becauſe without the Peoples conſent it could not be ratified, till ſuch time as Embaſſadors could be ſent to Rome. At the preſent they agreed to ſend three Embaſſadors to L. Quintius, and remove all the Achaean Army to Corinth, which City it ſelf Quintius was then attacking after he had taken Cenchreae. And they indeed encamped over againſt that Gate, which leads to Sicyon. The Romans fell upon that ſide of the City toward Cenchreae, and Attalus leading his Men over through the Iſthmus attack'd it firſt more ſlowly from Lechaeum, the Port of the oppoſite Sea, as hoping to ſee a mutiny between the Townſmen and the Kings Guards. But ſeeing that they all defended it, the Macedonians as though it had been their own common Country, and the Corinthians by making Androſthenes Governour of the Garriſon, whom they obeyed for his humanity and juſtice in his Office, as if he had been one of their own Citizens and choſen by majority of Votes; ſo that the Aſſailants only hopes now lay in force, Arms and Works, and therefore they raiſed vaſt Mounds before the Walls on every ſide. A Ram on that ſide where the Romans made their Attack, had beaten down ſome part of the Walls. To which place, becauſe it was now bereſt of all fortifications, the Macedonians ran in throngs to defend it, upon which there happened to be a bloody Battel between them and the Romans. And firſt of all, the Romans were eaſily kept off by mere Multitude, but when the Auxiliaries belonging both to the Achaeans and Attalus were ſlain, the fight was pretty equal, nor could any body doubt, but the Romans would eaſily force the Macedonians and Greeks to quit their Ground. There were a great number of Italian Fugitives, who, part of them out of Annibals Army came over for fear of being puniſhed by the Romans, and followed Philip, and part of them were Sea Men, who having left their Fleets revolted to the hopes of a more honourable Warfare. Deſpair of being pardoned, if the Romans overcame, made theſe Men rather mad than bold. There is the Promontory of Juno over againſt Sicyon, which they call Acraa, that runs a great way out into the Sea: from whence Philocles, one of the Kings Praefects, having paſſed over to Corinth, almoſt ſeven Thouſand Paces, led fifteen Hundred Men after him through Boeotia. There were Barks ready from Corinth to take that Guard in and carry them to Lechaeum. Whereupon Attalus adviſed them, To ſet fire of their Works and preſently quit the Siege. But Quintius was more pertinacious in the Enterprize. Yet even he, when he ſaw the Kings Guards poſted at every Gate, ſo that it was not eaſie for them to ſuſtain the ſhock of a ſally out of the Town, was of Attalus's opinion. Thus without effecting their deſign, and having diſmiſs'd the Achaeans, they returned to their Ships; Attalus went for Pirae • us, and the Romans for Corcyra.

Whilſt theſe things were carryed on by their Naval Forces, the Conſul having pitched his Camp in Phocis near Elatia, endeavoured to do the buſineſs firſt by way of Parley and Conference with the Nobility of that City; but when they told him, They had not power to do any thing at all, for that the Kings Men were more numerous and ſtrong than the Townſmen, then he attacked the City with Works and Arms on every ſide. When he applyed the Ram to the Wall, as much of it as between the Towers was knock'd down, having left the City defenceleſs, and that with a great craſh and noiſe as it fell; not only the Romans march'd in through the new breach, but alſo from all parts of the Town ev'ry one left their ſtations, and ran together to that place that was ſo throng'd by the Enemy. The Romans at the ſame time clamber'd over the Ruines, and brought their Ladders up to the ſtanding Walls: and whilſt the heat of the fight fix'd not only the Eyes but the Minds of the Enemies upon that one part only where the conflict was, the Wall was ſcaled in ſeveral other places, and the Soldiers clamb over into the City. Upon the hearing of which tumult, the Enemy, being affrighted at it, left the place which they, ſo many of them together defended, and ſled all for fear into the Caſtle, with the unarm'd Rabble at their heels. By this means the Conſul took poſſeſſion of the City. Which when he had rifled, he ſent certain Perſons into the Caſtle, who were to promiſe the Kings Men their lives, if they would go away without their Arms, and their liberty to the Elatians; upon which having given his ſolemn word for the performance he after ſome few days was Maſter of the Caſtle.

But when Philocles, the Kings Praefect, came into Achaia, not only Corinth was free'd from the Siege, but the City of the Argives alſo was betrayed to Philocles by certain Princes, or Noblemen therein, after they had firſt try'd how the vulgar ſtood affected. They had a cuſtom, on the firſt day of their Aſſemblies, as an Omen, for the Praetors to pronounce the Names of Jupiter, Apollo, and Hercules; to which Law, there was an addition made, That King Philip ſhould be joined with them; whoſe name ſeeing the Cryer did not add, now that they had made a Peace with the Romans, there was firſt an hum ſet up by the multitude; and ſoon after a great noiſe made by thoſe that pronounced Philips name, as being willing he ſhould enjoy his legal honour, till at laſt his name was repeated with a general aſſent. In confidence of this favour, Philocles being ſent for thither in the night time ſeized an Hill, that ſtood above the City (which Caſtle they call Lariſſa) and planting a Guard there, as he went down to the Town below it by break of day, in an hoſtile poſture, an Army ready in Battalia met him. For there was a Gariſon of Achaeans lately put into that place, conſiſting of about five hundred Youths choſen out of all their Cities. Over which Aeneſidemus a Dymaean, was chief Commander. To him the Kings Prefect ſent this adviſe; that he would march out of the City: (for that they were not equal even to the Townſmen only, who were of the Macedonians ſide, much leſs when the Macedonians were added to them, whom even the Romans themſelves could not endure to cope with at Corinth) which though at firſt it not at all moved either their Captain or them, yet ſometime after, when they ſaw the Argives come arm'd on the other ſide in a great Body, foreſeeing nought but certain deſtruction, they nevertheleſs ſeem'd reſolv'd to undergo any hazard, if their Commander had but ſtuck to them. But Aeneſidemus, for fear all the flower of the Achaean Youth and their City ſhould be loſt together, having bargained with Philocles that they might march off, himſelf continued in the ſame place where he was arm'd, and with a very ſmall number to attend him. Whereupon when Philocles ſent a Meſſenger to ask him, what he meant? he, ſtanding mute with his Shield before him, made Anſwer, That he was reſolv'd to die arm'd in defence of that City which was committed to his charge. Thereupon by the Prefects Order the Thracians threw their Darts in upon them and kill'd them every man. So that after the alliance was made between the Achaeans and the Romans, two of the moſt famous Cities in the World, Argi and Corinthus, were in ſubjection to the King.

Theſe things were performed by the Romans in Greece by Sea and Land that Summer. But in Gaul there was no memorable exploit done by Sex. Aelius the Conſul: who though he had two Armies with him in that Province, one which he kept ſtill, but ought to have diſbanded (that had been under the Command of L. Cornelius the Pro-Conſul) of which he made C. Helvius the Praetor, General, and another that he brought thither; yet he ſpent allmoſt the whole year in reducing the Cremoneſes and Plancentians back into thoſe Colonies, from whence by the fortune of War they had been diſperſed. Now as Gaul that Year was at quiet beyond all expectation, ſo about the City [of Rome] there had like to have been an Inſurrection made by the ſlaves. For the Carthaginian Hoſtages were then in Cuſtody at Setia, and had with them, as being Noblemens Sons, a great number of Slaves: who were the more, not only by reaſon of the late African War, but becauſe the Setines alſo themſelves had bought ſeveral Captives of that Nation which were taken Priſoners. When therefore they had formed their Conſpiracy, they ſent ſome of that number to ſollicite the other Slaves, that were in the Country near Setia, as well as about Norba and Circeii. And when they had gotten all things in a readineſs, they had reſolved to ſet upon the people, when they were intent upon ſeeing certain Games, which were to be in a day or two at Setia: and when they had taken Setia by ſlaughter, and that ſudden tumult, to make themſelves Maſters of Norba and Circeii. News was brought to Rome of this their deſign, to L. Cornelius Merula, then Praetor [or Governour] of the City. Two Slaves came to him before day, and told him in order all that had been, or was intended to be done. He therefore, having Commanded them to be kept in Cuſtody at his own Houſe, and called a Senat to whom he declared what the Informers ſaid, was immediately ordered to go and inquire into, and ſuppreſs that Conſpiracy. Accordingly he went with five Lieutenants, and by the way forced all he met with an Oath to take up Arms and follow him. By means of which tumultuary Levy having raiſed almoſt two thouſand men, he came, without telling any of them whither he was a going, to Setia. Where having ſoon laid hold upon the Heads of the Conſpiracy, he ſo ſurpriſed them, that the Slaves ran all out of the Town: But he ſent a Party to purſue and find them out all over the Country. In this affair the ſervice of the two informing Slaves, and one Freeman, was very extraordinary; to the latter of which the Senat ordered an hundred thouſand pounds for a Reward; and to the Slaves twenty five thouſand pounds, with their Liberty, which was paid them out of the Treaſury. Not long after, out of the remains of that ſame Conſpiracy, news was brought, that the Slaves were like to ſeize Preneste. Thereupon L. Cornelius the Praetor marching thither, puniſhed nigh five hundred perſons that were in that Plot. Mean while the City was in a fright, that the Carthaginian Hoſtages and Captives ſhould attempt ſuch things; inſomuch that there were Watches kept at Rome in every ſtreet, of which the inferiour Magiſtrates were to take care, and the Triumviri injoin'd to have a ſtricter Eye over the Priſon belonging to the Stone-quarries, [whither Slaves, &c. were ſent to work.] Beſides which the Praetor ſent Letters all over Latium, to Command, that the Hoſtages ſhould be kept in private, and not ſuffered to ſtir abroad; and that the Captives being bound in Fetters of no leſs than ten pound weight, ſhould be in no other than the publick Gaol.

That year Embaſſadors from King Attalus laid up as an offering in the Capitol, a golden Crown of two hundred forty ſix pound weight, and gave the Senat thanks, for that Antiochus, by the perſwaſions of the Roman Embaſſadors, had drawn his Army out of Attalus's Dominions. The ſame Summer there came two hundred Horſemen, ten Elephants, and two thouſand Buſhels of Wheat from King Maſiniſſa to the Army that was in Greece. There were alſo ſent out of Sicily and Sardinia great quantities of Proviſion and Cloths to the ſame Army. M. Marcellus at that time was Governour of Sicily, and M. Portius Cato of Sardinia; who, though he were a religious and an innocent man, was lookt upon as a little too harſh in reſtraining of Uſury. For he expell'd all Uſurers out of that Iſland, and either retrenched or quite took off the charge which the Allies were uſually at to maintain the Praetors. At this time Sext. Aelius the Conſul being come back out of Gaul to Rome, to hold the Aſſembly [for chuſing of Conſuls] made C. Cornelius Cethegus, and Q Minucius Rufus Conſuls. Two dayes after, the Aſſembly was held for chuſing of Praetors: in which there were (more than ever before) ſix choſen, the Provinces did ſo increaſe, and the Empire grew ſo much larger. Their names were L. Manlius Vulſo, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, M. Sergius Sillus, M. Helvius, M. Minucius Rufus, and L. Atilius. Of whom Sempronius and Helvius were Aediles of the People, as Q. Minucius Thermus, and T. Sempronius Longus were the Curule [or chief] Aediles. The Roman Games were performed four times that Year.

Now Cn. Cornelius and Q. Minucius being Conſuls, their firſt buſineſs was to diſpoſe of the Provinces between themſelves and the Praetors. But the Praetors had the precedence in that tranſaction, whoſe choice was to be managed by lots. In which affair Sergius happened to have the juriſdiction of the City, and Minucius a Foreign one: Acilius to have Sardinia, Manlius Sicily, Sempronius the hither Spain, and Helvius the farther. But when the Conſuls were ready to part Italy and Macedonia between them, L. Oppius, and Q Fulvius, Tribunes of the people obſtructed it; for that Macedonia was a Province that lay a great way off: nor had any thing to that day been a greater obſtacle to the War, than that the former Conſul was recalled before he had well begun his buſineſs, in the very moment when he ſtrove to carry on the War. That it was now four years ſince the War with Macedonia was reſolv'd upon. That, in ſeeking out the King and his Army, Sulpicius had ſpent the greateſt part of that year. That Villius, even when he was going to engage the Enemy, was recall'd without doing what he deſign'd. That Quintius was kept at Rome the better part of his year upon the ſcore of Religion; yet that he ordered his affairs ſo well, that if he had either come ſooner into that Province, or the Winter had been a little later, he might have made an end of the War. Nay even now, though he were ready to go into his Winter Quarters, he was making ſuch proviſions (people ſaid) for the War, that, unleſs a Succeſſor diſturb'd him, he would in all probability perfect it the next Summer. By theſe kind of Speeches they ſo far prevailed; that the Conſuls ſaid, they would ſubmit to the pleaſure of the Senate, if the Tribunes would do the ſame. Wherefore ſeeing both ſides gave way to a free debate; the Senate decreed that the Conſuls ſhould both have Italy for their Province; and continued T. Quintius in Commiſſion, till a Succeſſor ſhould come. The Conſuls had two Legions aſſign'd to them; being order'd alſo to make War againſt the Ciſalpine Gauls, who had revolted from the Roman People. Quintius had a ſupply granted, to be ſent into Macedonia, of five thouſand Foot, three hundred Horſe, and of Naval Allies three thouſand, of all which L. Quintius Flaminius, he that was Admiral of the Fleet, was made Commander. The Praetors had eight thouſand Allies and Latines aſſign'd them to go for Spain, and four hundred Horſe; that they might diſmiſs the old Souldiers which were there; with a Command, that they ſhould ſettle the bounds of the farther and the hither Province: whilſt P. Sulpicius and P. Villius, who had been Conſuls in that Province, were ſent as ſupernumerary Lieutenants into Macedonia.

But before the Conſuls and Praetors went into their Provinces, they thought ſit to take ſome care about the Prodigies [that then happen'd.] For the Temple of Vulcan and Pluto, at Rome, as the Wall and the Gate of Fregellae, were fired by Lightning; it grew light of a ſudden at Fruſino in the night time; there was a Lamb at Aſculum with two Heads and five Feet; at Formiae two Wolves came into the Town, and tore ſome people that they met to pieces; and at Rome there was a Wolf that came in not only to the City, but even the very Capitol it ſelf. At that time C. Aciliu • , Tribune of the People propoſed, That five Colonies might be ſent to the Sea-Coaſt; two to the mouths of the Rivers Vulturnus and Liternus: one to Puteoli, and one to the Caſtle or Garriſon of Salernum; to which they likewiſe added Buxentum. Thirty Families were ordered to be ſent in each Colony, and three perſons choſen to carry them thither, that ſhould continue in that Office three years together, whoſe names were M. Servilius Geminus, Q Minucius Thermus, and T. Sempronius Longus. Then both the Conſuls having made an end of the Levy and other Affairs, divine and humane, which they had to do, went into Gaul. Cornelius ſtraight toward the Inſubrians, who were then in Arms, and aſſiſted by the Caenomanes; but Q. Minucius to the left ſide of Italy, toward the lower Sea; where drawing his Army away to Genua, he began the War in Liguria. The Towns of Claſtidium and Litubium, which both belonged to the Ligurians, with two Cities of the ſame Nation called Celela and Cerdicia, ſurrendered themſelves. And now all places on this ſide the Po, except the Boii, belonging to the Gauls, and the Ivates, belonging to the Ligurians, were under his Command: of whom they ſaid, that fifteen Towns, and twenty thouſand Souls ſurrendred themſelves.

From thence he led his Legions into the Territories of the Boii, whoſe Forces were not long before gone over the Po, where they had joyned the Inſubrians and the Caenomanes; for they had heard, that the Conſuls reſolved to unite their Legions, and therefore they alſo were willing to ſtrengthen their Army by putting themſelves and their Allies into one Body. But when they happened to be told, that one of the Conſuls was burning the Country of the Boii, they were ſtreight all in a tumult. For the Boii deſired, that they would all come in to their aſſiſtance; and the Inſubrians ſaid, they would not forſake their own Country. By which means their Armies were divided; and whilſt the Boii went home to defend their own Dominions, the Inſubrians with the Cenomanes ſate down together upon the Banks of the River Mincius. Below that place five Thouſand Paces did the Conſul Cornelius likewiſe encamp upon the ſame River. From whence ſending ſpies into all the Villages of the Caenomanes, and to Brixia, which was the chief City of that Nation, when he found, that the young men had taken up Arms without the conſent of the Seniors, and that the Caenomans had not ſided with the Rebels by publick allowance of all the Inſubrians, he procured a Conference with the head men among them, in which he began to diſcourſe, and did all he could to make the Caenomans revolt from the Inſubrians, ſo as, that they ſhould either take up their Enſigns and return home, or come over to the Romans. But though that would not be granted, yet this they promiſed the Conſul, that they would either ſtand Neuters in the Field, or more than that, if there were occaſion, would aſſiſt the Romans. The Inſubrians knew nothing of this Agreement; and yet they had ſome ſuſpition that their Allies would prove falſe to them. For which reaſon, when they had led their men out into the Field, they durſt not commit either of the Wings to the Caenomans, leſt if, through treachery, they ſhould have given back, they might turn the whole Fortune of the day, and therefore placed them behind the Enſigns in the Reer. The Conſul in the beginning of the Battle vowed to build a Temple to Juno Soſpita [Juno the Preſerver of, &c.] upon condition that their Enemies were that day routed and put to flight. Whereupon the Souldiers gave a ſhout, ſaying, they would make the Conſul perform his Vow, and with that ran in upon the Foe. The Inſubrians were not able to bear the firſt aſſault; for ſome Authors ſay, that the Caenomans alſo, who in the midſt of the fight on a ſudden ſet upon their Reer, put them into a double fright both before and behind; and that there were ſlain in the middle between both Armies thirty five thouſand men; five thouſand ſeven hundred taken Priſoners (among whom was Amilcar, General of the Carthaginians, who had been the cauſe of the War) an hundred and thirty military Enſigns carried off, beſides above two hundred Waggons. The Towns that had complyed with the Revolters, ſurrendered themſelves to the Romans.

Minucius the Conſul had firſt over-ran the Boian Territories with extraordinary devaſtations; but, when they had left the Inſubrians, and were come back to defend their own, kept himſelf within his Camp, ſuppoſing he muſt then have a ſet Battle with the Enemy. Nor had the Boii declined the fight, had not the News, which was brought them, of the Inſubrians being defeated, quite damped their Spirits. Wherefore leaving their General and their Camp, they diſperſed themſelves about their Villages, each man to defend what he had, and totally altered the Enemies meaſures in the mannage of the War. For having now no hopes of determining the matter at one bout, he began again to plunder the Country, burn the Houſes, and take the Towns. At that time Claſtidium was ſet on fire: and from thence were the Legions led toward the Ligurian Iluates, who were the only people that would not ſubmit. And that Nation too, as ſoon as they heard, that the Inſubrians were Conquer'd, and that the Boii were thereupon ſo affrighted, as that they durſt not ſo much as try the fortune of a Battle, made their Surrender. About that time there were Letters brought from the Conſuls to Rome concerning their ſucceſs in Gaul; which M. Sergius the City Praetor read firſt in the Senate, and then, by order of that Houſe, to the People: upon which there was a Supplication appointed to be made for four dayes together.

It was now Winter, and juſt at that time, when T. Quintius, having taken Elatia, was gone into his Winter Quarters in Phocis and Locris, that a ſedition broke out at Opus. In which one Faction ſent to the Aetolians who were the nearer, and the other, the Romans [to aſſiſt them.] The Aetolians came firſt, but the ſtronger Faction, ſhutting out the Aetolians, and ſending a Meſſenger to the Roman General, continued Maſters of the City till he came. A Gariſon of the Kings had poſſeſſion of the Caſtle; who could not be induced to ſtir from thence either by the menaces of the Opuntians, nor the Authority of the Roman Conſul who commanded it. The reaſon, why they were not preſently Beſieged, was this; that an Herald came from the King, to deſire time and place for a Parley. That was a requeſt which the Conſul could very hardly grant: not but that he deſir'd that the War might ſeem to be made an end of, partly by force of Arms, and partly upon conditions too. For he did not yet know, whether he ſhould have a Succeſſor ſent him out of the new Conſuls, or (which he had ordered his Friends and Relations, as much as poſſible, to endeavour) whether he ſhould be continued in Commiſſion. However he thought a Parley might be convenient; that he might have his choice either, if he ſtaid, to diſpoſe things toward a War, or, if he went off, toward a Peace. For this purpoſe therefore they choſe the Sea-ſhore in the Malian Bay, near Nicaea. And thither came the King from Demetrias with five Barks and one Man of War; attended by the Macedonian Nobility, and a famous Achaean who was baniſh'd his Country, call'd Cycliadas. With the Roman General there was King Amynander, Dionyſodorus, Attalus's Embaſſador, Ageſimbrotus, Admiral of the Rhodian Fleet, Phaeneas Prince of Aetolia, and two Achaeans, Ariſtanus and Xenophon. Among theſe perſons the Roman marching on to the extremity of the breach, and ſeeing the King come only into the Prow of his Ship, that ſtood at Anchor there, told him, We may diſcourſe with, and hear each other more commodiouſly when we are nearer, if you will but come a ſhore. To which the King making Anſwer, that he ſhould not take his advice, Quintius reply'd; Why, who is it, that you are afraid of? The King made this proud and King-like return; I fear no perſon, but the immortal Gods; but I dare not truſt all thoſe that I ſee about you, and, of all, the Aetolians leaſt. Why, ſaid the Roman, All men that meet to parley with an Enemy, are in equal danger as to that, that they may be betray'd. That's true, ſaid the King, but then the reward of their treachery is not equal, if they ſhould deceive each other, Phaeneas and Philip. For it is not ſo hard for the Aetolians to put another Governour in the place of Phaneas, as it is for the Macedonians to find another King when I am gone.

After theſe words had paſt, they were all ſilent, till the Roman began and ſaid, he thought it fitting for him to ſpeak firſt, who deſired the Conference: to which the King reply'd, That it was his part to begin, who preſcribed, not who accepted the terms of peace. Whereupon the Roman told him, He would be very plain with him; for he deſign'd to ſay ſuch things, as that unleſs he perform'd them, there was no likelyhood of a Peace. That the King muſt draw his Guards out of all the Cities in Greece; reſtore their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman people; deliver back to the Romans thoſe places in Illyrium, that he had taken poſſeſſion of after the peace was concluded on in Epirus; and give up thoſe Cities to Ptolomy King of Aegypt, which he had invaded after the death of Ptolomy Philopator. That theſe were the terms which he and the Roman People would make: but that it was alſo very juſt, that the demands of their Allies too ſhould be heard. For King Attalus's Embaſſador demanded the Ships and Captives that were taken in the Sea fight at Cius; complaining that Nicephorium and the Temple of Venus, which he had plundered and laid waſt, were reſtored as though they had never been violated. The Rhodians demanded back Peraea (a Country upon the Continent, oppoſite to their Iſland, to which it anciently belong'd) and required, that his Garriſons ſhould be drawn out of Jaſſus, Bargyllae and Eurome, and in Helleſpont from Seſtus and Abydos: as alſo, that Panopolis ſhould be reſtored to the Byzantians with all its ancient immunities, and that all the Mart-Towns and Ports of Aſia ſhould be ſet at liberty. The Achaeans redemanded Corinth and Argi: but as Phaeneas, Praetor of the Aetolians, who deſired much what the ſame thing as the Roman, (that the Macedonians ſhould depart out of Greece) and that thoſe Cities that were formerly theirs might be reſtored to the Aetolians; a certain Nobleman of Aetolia, call'd Alexander, who (among them) was reckoned a very Eloquent Perſon, went on with his Speech and ſaid, He had held his tongue a great while, not that he thought they had done any thing to the purpoſe in that Conference, but for fear of interrupting any of his Allies who was a ſpeaking. But now he could not forbear to tell them, that Philip did neither talk of Peace with any ſincerity, nor ever make War with true Courage. That in his Parleys he was deceitful, and ſly: that in War he durſt not come to a fair puſh for it, or fight a pitch'd Battle, but running away uſed to burn and plunder all the Towns before him, and though he were Conquer'd, destroy the reward of thoſe that got the Victory. That the ancient Kings of Macedonia did not uſe to do ſo, but were wont to engage in the open Field, to ſpare the Cities as much as they could, that their Empire might be the more opulent. For what policy was it by deſtroying thoſe things, for the ſake whereof a War is Proclaimed, to leave a mans ſelf nothing but blood and ſlaughter? That Philip had waſted more Cities in Theſſaly the year before, that belong'd to their Allies, than all that ever were Enemies to that Country. Nay, that he had taken more from the Aetolians themſelves when he was their Ally, than ſince he was their Enemy. That he had poſſeſſed himſelf of Lyſimachia, after he had beaten out the Governour and the Garriſon belonging to the Aetolians. That he had likewiſe utterly ruined and razed Cius, a City under their juriſdiction. That by the ſame fraud he now alſo had Thebes, Phthiae, Echinus, Lariſſa and Pharſalus.

Philip, being moved at what Alexander ſaid, put his Ship nearer to the Shore, that he might be the better heard. But when he began to inveigh moſt bitterly againſt the Aetolians, Phaneas interrupted him, and ſaid, The buſineſs did not depend upon words; they muſt either conquer, or obey better Men than he was. Ay, anſwered Philip, one that cannot ſee his way before him; deriding the imperfection of Phaneas's eye-ſight. For he was naturally more apt to gibe, than becomes a King: nor could he even when he talk'd of the moſt ſerious matters forbear ſcurrility. But then he began to be very angry, That the Aetolians, as though they were Romans, ſhould bid him depart out of Greece, who could not tell which were the bounds of it. For in Aetolia it ſelf, the Agraei, the Apodeotae, and the Amphilochi, who are a great ſhare of it, were not properly any part of Greece. Can they juſtly complain, that I did not let their Allies alone? when they themſelves obſerve this ancient cuſtom as a Law; to let their Youth go for Souldiers even againſt their own Allies, ſave that they do not publickly allow of it: and the adverſe Armies on both ſides have many times Aetolian Auxiliaries on both ſides? Nor did I take Cius, but only aſſiſted Pruſias, my Friend and Ally, who was beſieging of it: and defended Lyſimachia from the Thracians. But becauſe neceſſity forced me from keeping of that City to look after this War, the Thracians are now poſſeſſed of it. So much for the Aetolians. Now to Attalus and the Rhodians I do not rightfully owe the leaſt thing in the World. For the War was firſt raiſed not by me, but by them. Yet, out of the reſpect I have for the Romans, I will reſtore Peraea to the Rhodians, and his Ships to Attalus, with all the Captives that ſhall appear. But as to the reſtoring of Nicephorium, and the Temple of Venus; what can I anſwer to ſuch demands? unleſs (which is the only way that Groves and Woods can be reſtored) that I'll be at the charge of planting them afreſh: ſince the Kings are pleaſed to deſire an Anſwer to all their ſeveral demands. The latter end of his Speech was againſt the Achaeans; in which, beginning firſt with Antigonus, and then proceeding to what he himſelf had deſerved of that Nation, he bid them read over their decrees, which contain'd all honours, both divine and humane [to be paid to him] to which he added [by way of compariſon] their late reſolution concerning the Army, wherewith they had revolted from him [to the Romans] inveighing bitterly againſt their perfidiouſneſs; but yet, he ſaid he would give them Argos again. That he would diſcourſe with the Roman General concerning Corinth, and deſire to know of him, whether he thought it reaſonable, that he ſhould quit thoſe Cities only, which he himſelf had taken in time of War, and was in that right ſtill poſſeſſed of, or even thoſe alſo, which he had received from his Anceſtors.

As the Achaeans and Aetolians were going to reply to what he had ſaid, it being nigh Sunſetting, the Conference was adjourn'd till next day, and Philip return'd into the Harbour from whence he came, as the Romans and their Allies did into their Camp. The next Morning Quintius came to Nicaea (for that was the place agreed upon) at the time appointed. But there came not ſo much as any Meſſenger from Philip for ſeveral hours: till at laſt, when they deſpair'd of his coming, the Ships on a ſudden appear'd. And then Philip told them; That, ſeeing ſuch hard and unworthy things were impoſed upon him, he, not knowing what to do, had ſpent all that day in deliberating about that affair. But it was generally believed, that he deferred his coming till that time of day on purpoſe, that the Achaeans and Aetolians might not have time enough to make their Anſwers. And indeed he himſelf confirm'd that belief, by deſiring, that all others might be ſent away (leſt the time ſhould be taken up in wrangling) and he alone be admitted (to make ſome end of the buſineſs) to ſpeak with the Roman General. That propoſal at firſt was not accepted of, leſt the Allies ſhould ſeem to be excluded: but afterward, ſeeing he would not be deny'd, the Roman General by univerſal conſent, removing all the reſt, walkt along with Appius Claudius, Tribune of the Souldiers to the very Sea ſide, and the King, with two, that he had with him the day before, came a ſhore. Where when they had diſcourſed each other privately for ſome time, they parted. Now it is not certainly known, what account Philip gave his people of that interview; but Quintius made this report to his Allies: That in regard to the Romans, Philip would retire from all the Borders of Illyricum, would ſend back the Fugitives, and all the Captives that he cou • d find. That he would reſtore to Attalus his Ships, and with them the Seamen that were taken in them: and to the Rhodians that Country which they call Peraea: but would not ſtir from Jaſſus and Bargyllae. That he would give the Aetolians Pharſalus and Lariſſa again; but not Thebes. And in juſtice to the Achaeans, would not only quit Argos, but Corinth alſo. But this deſign of his pleaſed none of all the Allies, out of whoſe Dominions he either would or would not depart. For they ſaid, they loſt more than they got by it; nor ſhould they ever lay aſide their animoſities, till he had drawn his Guards out of all Greece in general.

The whole Aſſembly ſo loudly declar'd this, (one ſtriving to out-roar the other) that Philip, though he ſtood a great way off, heard what they ſaid. Wherefore he deſir'd of Quintius, That he would defer the whole matter till the next day; at which time he would certainly either perſwade them, or be himſelf perſwaded into another opinion. Thereupon the ſhore near Thronium was appointed for their meeting; to which they came very early. And there Philip deſired Quintius with all that were then preſent, not to deſtroy his hopes of peace, and at laſt deſired time, to ſend Embaſſadors to the Senate at Rome, telling them, that he would either obtain a peace upon theſe conditions, or accept of any terms that the Senate ſhould offer. That did not by any means pleaſe the reſt; for they ſaid, His deſign was only to gain time, by that delay, to reinforce himſelf: and Quintius alſo ſaid, That was very likely indeed, if it had been Summer, and a ſeaſon fit for action. But that now, ſince the Winter was come, they could loſe nothing by giving him time to ſend his Embaſſadors to Rome. For neither would any of thoſe things, which they agreed upon with the King, stand good, without the approbation of the Senate; and beſides that, he had an opportunity (whilſt the Winter continued, and made it neceſſary for them to lie ſtill) to learn of the Senate what they reſolved to do. To this his Opinion, the reſt alſo, who were the principals of the Allies, ſubmitted; and granting a Truce for two Months, reſolved themſelves likewiſe to ſend, each of them, Embaſſadors, to adviſe the Senate, that they might not be circumvented by the Kings Politicks. But it was added, as Surpluſage to the Truce, that the Kings Guards ſhould be all immediately drawn out of Phocis and Locris. Quintius ſent Aminander, King of the Athamans, and (to make a ſhew of an Embaſſy) Q. Fabius (his Siſters Son) Q. Fulvius, and Appius Claudius along with the Embaſſadors of the Allies.

When they came to Rome, the Embaſſadors from the Allies, were heard before thoſe from the King. Now the reſt of their Speeches was ſpent in invectives againſt the King; but they moved the Senate moſt of all, by demonſtrating the ſituation of the Sea and Land in that Country: ſo far that it appeared to all of them, That if the King were Maſter of Demetrias in Theſſaly, of Chalcis in Euboea, and of Corinth in Achaia; Greece could not be free: and that Philip himſelf did not more contumeliouſly, than truly, call thoſe Cities the Fetters of Greece. Then the Kings Embaſſadors were admitted, who at the beginning of a long Speech, had this ſhort queſtion put to them, Whether the King would quit thoſe three Cities, or no? which interrupted them; they denying, that they had any Commiſſion to anſwer to that particular point. Thus were the Kings men diſmiſſed without concluding of a Peace; and Quintius had full power granted him to make either Peace or War, as he thought good. When therefore it ſufficiently appear'd, that the Senate were not weary of the War, he himſelf alſo, being more deſirous of War than Peace, would never grant Philip the favour of a Conference after that time, nor admit of any Embaſſy, but what ſhould tell the Senate, that Philips Forces were departed out of all Greece.

Philip, ſeeing that he muſt needs fight for it, and that he ought to muſter up as much force as he could from all parts; eſpecially from the Cities of Achaia, a Country far remote from Macedonia (though he were yet more ſolicitous for Argos than Corinth) he thought it his beſt courſe to let Nabis, Tyrant of Lacedaemon, have Argos in Truſt, as it were; ſo as that he ſhould reſtore it to him again, if he happen'd to be Victorious, but keep it himſelf, if any thing happened contrary to his hopes or expectations. In order whereunto he writes to Philocles, who was Governour of Argos and Corinth, to go and wait upon the Tyrant. Accordingly Philocles, beſides that he carried a Preſent along with him, added, as a pledge of the future Friendſhip between the King and the Tyrants, that the King had a mind to marry his Daughters to Nabis's Sons. The Tyrant at firſt ſaid, He would not accept of that City on any other terms, than that the Argives themſelves by their Decree would ſend for him to the relief of their City. But afterward, when he heard that they in full Aſſembly, not only deſpiſed, but alſo abominated the very name of a Tyrant, thinking with himſelf, that he had got a ſufficient reaſon now to pillage them, He bad Philocles deliver the City into whoſe hands he pleas'd. Thereupon, in the night time, when all people were ſecure, the Tyrant was received into the City: where at break of day he ſeiz'd all the chief places, and ſhut the Gates. Some few of the Nobility eſcaped upon the firſt commotion; whoſe Fortunes were plundered in their abſence: and thoſe that ſtaid there, had their gold and ſilver taken from them. Great Impoſitions were laid upon the Inhabitants, and thoſe that paid their money readily were diſmiſſed without any affront or corporal torture; but thoſe that were ſuſpected to hide or keep back any thing, were puniſhed with all the ſeverity that ſlaves could undergo. After which, he called an Aſſembly, and propoſed two Laws; one, for the remitting of old Debts, and another for dividing of the Lands equally to each man his proportion: which were two Firebrands to them, that were ſtudious in innovation to kindle and incenſe the Mobile againſt the Nobility.

Now when Argos was in the hands of Nabis, the Tyrant never minding from whom, or upon what condition he had received that City, ſent Embaſſadors to Quintius at Elatia, and to Attalus, who wintered at Aegina, to tell them, That Argos was now in his poſſeſſion; and that, if Quintius would come thither to a conference, he did not doubt but all things would go according to his mind. Quintius, that he might deprive Philip of that Garriſon alſo, having conſented to come, ſent to Attalus, to come from Aegina and meet him at Sicyon, whilſt he himſelf croſſed over from Anticyra with ten five-bank'd Gallies (which at that very time his Brother L. Quintius had by chance brought thither from their Winter Quarters at Corcyra) to the ſame Port. Attalus was already there, who by ſaying, That the Tyrant ought to come to the Roman General, not the Roman wait upon the Tyrant, brought Quintius over to his opinion, not to go into the very City of Argos. Not far from the City there is a place called Mycenica, in which they agreed to meet. Quintius came with his Brother and ſome few Tribunes of the Soldiers; Attalus with a Kingly retinue; and Nicoſtratus, Praetor [or Chief Magiſtrate] of the Achaeans, with a ſmall number of Auxiliaries. There they found the Tyrant waiting for them with all his Forces; and as he marched forth arm'd, with a Guard about him, almoſt into the middle of a plain that lay between them, ſo Quintius, with his Brother and two Tribunes, and Attalus, attended only by the Achaean Praetor, and one of his Nobles, came unarm'd to meet him. The beginning of the Tyrants ſpeech to them was an excuſe, that he ſhould come to the Conference arm'd, and with a Guard of armed Men about him, when he ſaw the Roman General and the King without Arms. For he ſaid, he did not fear them, but the baniſh'd Argives [that were under their Command]. Then when they began to talk of terms of friendſhip, the Roman requir'd two things; the one, That he would make an end of the War with the Achaeans; and the other, That he would ſend Auxiliaries along with him againſt Philip. To which laſt thing he conſented; but inſtead of Peace with the Achaeans, they had only a Truce granted them, till the War with Philip ſhould be made an end of.

There was alſo a Debate, raiſed by King Attalus, concerning Argos; the King affirming that Nabis, when Philocles had Knaviſhly betrayed the City to him, as baſely kept it; and Nabis, that he was ſent for by the Argives themſelves to defend them. Thereupon the King requir'd, that an Aſſembly of the Argives might be ſummoned, to know the truth of that matter. Nor did the Tyrant refuſe it: but the King ſaid, He ought to draw all his Guards out of the City, and leave the Aſſembly free, without any Lacedemonians mingled among them, to declare what the Argives ſentiments were. To which the King reply'd, That he would not; ſo that this Debate came to no iſſue; but they departed from the Conference; the Tyrant giving the Roman ſix hundred Cretans, and making a Truce between him and Nicostratus, Praetor of the Achaeans, for four months. From thence Quintius went to Corinth; and came up to the Gate with his Regiment of Cretans, that Philocles the Governour of that City might ſee, the Tyrant was revolted from Philip. Then Philocles himſelf alſo came to a Parley with the Roman General: who adviſing him to go immediately and deliver up the City, receiv'd ſuch an Anſwer, that he might perceive, he had rather deferred it, than that he denied the doing of it. From Corinth Quintius went over to Anticyra; and thence ſent his Brother to make an attempt upon the Acarnanians. Attalus went for Argos to Sicyon. And there not only that City augmented the former honours which the King had with the addition of new ones; but the King alſo, beſides that he had ſometime before redeemed for them a piece of Land, ſacred to Apollo, with the expence of a great ſumm of money, at that time too, leſt he ſhould paſs by a City that was in amity and alliance with him, without ſome mark of his munificence, preſented them with ten Talents of Silver, and ſixty thouſand Buſhels of Corn: and ſo he went back to the Fleet at Cenchrea. In the mean time Nabis, having ſet a ſtrong Guard upon Argos, return'd to Lacedaemon; where conſidering that he himſelf had ſufficiently plundered the Men, he ſent his Wife to Argos to pillage the Women. Accordingly ſhe, ſending ſometimes for the Ladies one by one, and ſometimes ſeveral of them, that were related, together to her Houſe, by Flatteries and threats got from them, not only all their gold, but, at laſt, all their Cloaths too, and fine Attire.

DECADE IV. BOOK III. The EPITOME.

Tit. Quintius Flaminius the Pro-Conſul made an end of the War with Philip, whom he defeated in a pitched Battle at Cynocephalae in Theſſaly. L. Quintius, the Pro-Conſuls Brother admitted the Acarnans to a Surrender, after he had taken Leucas, their chief City. C. Sempronius Tuditanus the Praetor was ſlain, with his whole Army, by the Celtiberians. Attalus, who by reaſon of his ſudden indiſpoſition was carried from Thebes to Pergamus, died. Peace was granted to Philip upon his requeſt, and liberty thereby given to all Greece. L. Furius Purpureo, and Claudius, being Conſuls, ſubdued the Boii, the Inſubrians, and the Gauls: for which Marcellus triumphed. Annibal having in vain endeavoured to raiſe a War in Africa, for which he was accuſed to the Romans by Letters from the heads of the contrary Faction, for fear of the Romans, who had ſent Embaſſadours to the Carthaginian Senate about that affair, went over to Antiochus, King of Syria, who at that time was providing for a War againſt the Romans.

THeſe things paſſed in the Winter; and in the beginning of the Spring, Quintius having ſent for Attalus to Elatia, and being deſirous to ſubdue Boeotia, which to that time was in a wavering condition, went through Phocis and pitched his Camp five thouſand paces from Thebes, which is the Metropolis of Boeotia. From thence the next day, with the Souldiers belonging to one Enſign, Attalus, and the Embaſſadors that were come to him in great numbers from all places, he went forward toward the City, commanding the Spearmen of that Legion (which were two thouſand) to follow him at the diſtance of a thouſand paces. When he was about half way thither, Antiphilus Praetor of the Boeotians met him: the reſt of the Inhabitants waiting, to ſee him and the King come, upon the City Walls. There were but a ſmall number of Arms and Souldiers in ſight to attend them; for the windings of the Roads and the Vales, that lay between, covered the Spearmen, who came after. When he was now come near to the City, he ſlackened his pace, as though he would ſalute the Company, that came forth to meet him. But the true reaſon of his ſo doing was, that the Spearmen might overtake him. The Townſmen, ſince the Lictors drove the Crowd before them, ſaw not the Body of armed men, who immediately followed, before they came to the Generals Inn. Then, as though their City had been betrayed and taken by the contrivance of Antiphilus the Praetor, they all ſtood amazed. For it was manifeſt, that the Boeotians had no room left for a free conſultation in that Aſſembly, which was appointed to be on the next day. However they concealed their grief, which to no purpoſe, and not without ſome danger, they muſt have ſhewn. In the Aſſembly Attalus ſpoke firſt.

He began with what his Anceſtors and he himſelf had deſerv'd, not only of all Greece in general, but particularly of the Boeotians: but being now more crazy and infirm, than to endure the fatigue of making Speeches, he ſtopt of a ſudden and fell down. Thereupon, whilſt they carried the King away, the proceedings were interrupted. After him Ariſtaenus Praetor of the Achaeans, was heard with ſo much the more Authority, in that he perſwaded the Boeotians to nothing elſe, but what he had formerly told the Achaeans. Some few things were added by Quintius too, who extolled the Roman integrity more than their Arms or Wealth. Then a Bill, which was preferred by the Dicaearch [Chief-Juſtice] of Plataeae, and read, concerning an Alliance to be made with the Romans, was accepted and paſſed by the Votes of all the Cities of Boeotia, none daring to oppoſe it. Quintius having tarried at Thebes ſo long, as Attalus's unexpected circumſtances requir'd, when he ſaw that there was no preſent danger of his Life, but only of a weakneſs in his Limbs, left him behind till he was well, and returned to Elatia, from whence he came. Where, having now made the Boeotians, as the Achaeans formerly, his Allies (ſeeing he had all things ſecure and quiet behind him) he bent all his thoughts againſt Philip, and the remaining part of the War.

Philip likewiſe, at the beginning of the Spring, finding that his Embaſſadors brought him no hopes of Peace from Rome, made a Levy through all the Towns in his Kingdom, though he had but very few young men left. For their continual Wars for many years together, had ſo taken off the Macedonians, even in his time, that a great number of them were deſtroy'd, not only in the Sea-fights againſt the Rhodians, and Attalus, but in the Land-fights too againſt the Romans. For this reaſon he was fain to liſt Boyes of ſixteen years of Age for Souldiers, and recall ſome that were diſcharg'd from the Wars, if they had any ſtrength left, to their old imployment. By which means having filled up his army, he at the Vernal Aequinox muſter'd all his Forces at Dium; where, being Encamp'd, he waited for the Enemy, but ſpent all his time in exerciſing of his men. In the mean time coming from Elatia, paſſed by Thronium and Scarphea, to Thermopylae. There he called an Aſſembly of the Aetolians, which was ſummon'd to Heraclea [a place hard by] to conſult what Auxiliaries they ſhould follow the Romans with to the War. When he knew his Allies reſolutions, he went forward upon the third day from Heraclea to Xyniae, and Encamping on the Confines of the Aenians and Theſſalians, ſtaid for the Aetolian Auxiliaries. The Aetolians made no delay; but two thouſand Foot, and four hundred Horſe came after him under the Command of Phaneas. Thereupon, leſt they ſhould doubt of what he had waited for, Quintius immediately remov'd his Camp. And when he was got over into the Phthian Territories, five hundred Gortinians of Creet, under the Conduct of Cydates, and three hundred Apollonians, all arm'd much alike, came and join'd him; as Amynander alſo with twelve hundred Athamans not long after did. Philip, hearing that the Romans were gone from Elatia, and being now to fight for all he had, thought it his beſt way to encourage his men; and therefore, having minded them oftentimes of the valour of their Anceſtors, and the glory which the Macedonians had gain'd in War, he came now to thoſe particulars which then were moſt dreadful to them, and to raiſe them even in thoſe circumſtances into ſome hopes of Victory.

To the defeat which they receiv'd in the Streights near the River A • us, when the Macedonian Phalanx [a Body of ſixteen thouſand Foot, peculiar to that Nation] was in a Conſternation, he oppoſed the Romans being beaten by main Force to Atrare: and yet even there too, that they did not keep poſſeſſion of the ſtreights of Epirus, which they had blocked up, it was the fault, firſt, of thoſe who were negligent in their Watches, and ſecondly, in the fight it ſelf, of the Light-arm'd and mercenary Souldiers. For the Macedonian Phalanx would not only have ſtood their ground, but for ever continued Invincible then had the place been convenient, and the fight regular. They were ſixteen thouſand men, and thoſe the very ſtrength of the Kingdom. To which were added two thouſand Half-Moon-Shield-Men, whom they call Peltaſtae, with a like number of Thracians and Illyrians (out of Trallia) beſides almoſt a thouſand hired Souldiers from ſeveral Nations, that came in as Auxiliaries, and two thouſand Horſe. With theſe Forces the King waited for the Enemies coming. And the Romans had almoſt an equal number; only in the quantity of their Horſe (becauſe the Aetolians join'd them) they out did the Macedonians.

Quintius having removed his Camp to Thebes in Phthiotis, where he had ſome hopes that the City would be betrayed to him by Timon, who was Governour of it, came up to the Walls with a few of his Horſe and Light-arm'd men. But there his hopes were ſo much fruſtrated, that he was fain not only to fight thoſe that ſallied forth, but to run a great hazard alſo, had not the Foot and Horſe both been quickly alarm'd and come in time to his aſſiſtance. Seeing therefore that nothing ſucceeded according to his raſh Conceptions, he deſiſted from making any farther attempt upon the City at that time: but knowing very well that the King was in Theſſaly, though he had not yet certain notice which part of it he was come into, he ſent his men all over the Country to cut and prepare Paliſadoes for the making of Mounds and Fences. Now the Macedonians alſo and the Greeks too uſed Paliſadoes, or ſtakes; but not ſuch as were either with any convenience portable, or fit for Fortifications. For they cut down bigger and more branchy Trees than the Souldiers could well carry along with their Arms, and when they had fortified their Camp by placing ſuch Trees before it, 'twas an eaſy matter to ſpoil their Fence. For ſeeing that the Trunks of thoſe great Trees ſtood very thin, and that a great many ſtrong Branches came out of them, which a man might eaſily take hold of, two or three young Fellows, at moſt, joining together might pull out one Tree. Which being done, the Fence lay open, like a Gate, nor could they eaſily ſtop the gap. On the contrary, the Romans for the moſt part cut light and forced ſtakes, of three, or, at moſt, of four Branches; not only that the Souldiers, hanging their Arms at their backs, might well carry ſeveral of them at a time, but they likewiſe ſix and weave the Boughs into each other ſo thick, that it can neither be diſcern'd which is the particular Sprig of each ſtake, nor do the ſharp Spars, being let in one through another, leave room enough for ones hand to go between; ſo that you can neither take hold of any one of them to pull it out, nor if you could, were it poſſible for you to remove it, the Boughs do ſo bind and faſten one the other: Beſides that, if one ſhould chance to be pluck'd out, it maketh not ſo great a breach but that 'tis eaſily fill'd up with another.

The next day Quintius (his Souldiers carrying each of them a ſtake that they might be ready to Encamp in any place) going forward a little way, and ſitting down about ſix thouſand Paces from Pherae, ſent Scouts to ſee in what part of Theſſaly the Enemy was, or what he was a going to do. The King was near Lariſſa, where being inform'd that the Roman was removed from Thebes to Pherae, he had a deſire to have the Conflict over as ſoon as might be, and therefore drawing on toward the Enemy, he pitch'd his Camp about four thouſand paces from Pherae. The next day they both march'd forth as faſt as they could to take poſſeſſion of the Hills above the City, but ſtopt at almoſt an equal diſtance from that Summit, which they deſign'd for, within ſight of one another; where they waited patiently till the Meſſengers came again, whom they had ſent back into their Camp, to adviſe what they ſhould do, now that the Foe had ſo unexpectedly met them. And that day indeed they never fought at all but were recall'd into their Camp. The next day about the ſame Hills there was an Engagement of Horſe: in which the Kings Party were put to flight through the ſignal performances of the Aetolians, and forced into their Camp. The Fields thereabout being planted with great numbers of Trees, was a great hinderance to both of them, as were the Gardens alſo, in thoſe Suburbian places; beſides, that the wayes were ſtreightned with heaps of Stones, and in ſome places block'd up. Wherefore the Generals both at once reſolv'd to depart out of that Region, and, as though they had agreed upon't, both went to Scotuſſa: Philip, in hopes of having Corn from thence; and the Roman, that by getting there firſt he might have an opportunity to ſpoil the Enemies Foraging. For a whole day (the Hills running between them with a continued ridge all the way) they march'd without ſeeing one another in any place. The Romans Encamp'd at Eretria in Phthiotis, and Philip upon the River Oncheſtus: nor did they even the next day (Philip having pitch'd his Camp it Melambium, as they call it, near Scotuſſa, and Quintius about Thetidium in Pharſalia) certainly know, either one or the other, where the Enemy lay. The third day there was firſt ſome Rain, and then a Fog as dark as night, which put the Romans in fear of an Ambuſcade.

Philip, that he might haſten his Journey, ſhewed no ſign at all of fear, though after the rain, ſuch a darkneſs covered the ground, and therefore order'd his Enſigns to be born forward. But ſuch a thick darkneſs had enveloped the day, that neither the Enſign-Bearers could ſee their way, nor the Souldiers the Enſigns: inſomuch that the whole Army wandring in nocturnal maze, as it were, after uncertain clamours, was all put into diſorder. When they were got over the Hills call'd Cynocephalae, having left a ſtrong Guard there of Foot and Horſe too, they pitch'd their Camp. Mean while, though the Roman kept in the ſame Camp at Thetidium, yet he ſent ten Troops of Horſe and a thouſand Foot to ſee where the Enemy was; admoniſhing them, to have a care of Ambuſcades, which that obſcure day even in open places would hinder them from diſcovering. When they came to the Hills where the Enemy lay, both Parties, being mutually frighted at each other, ſtood ſtill as ſo many Statues. But ſoon after, having ſent Meſſengers back to the Generals at their ſeveral Camps, and when the firſt terrour, which proceeded from their unexpected ſight of one another, was over, they no longer declined the fight. The Battle was firſt begun by ſome few that ran out before the reſt, and after that augmented by freſh reſerves of thoſe that defended them who were beaten. In which, when the Romans, who were by no means equal to the Foe, had ſent Meſſenger upon Meſſenger to their General, to tell him how hard they were put to it, five hundred Horſe, and two thouſand Foot, moſt of them Aetolians, with two Tribunes of the Souldiers, that were ſpeedily ſent, recover'd their declining Fortune: ſo that the Macedonians, upon this turn, being ſore preſt, were fain, by Meſſengers, to implore the Kings aſſiſtance. But he, who expected nothing leſs that day than Battle, by reaſon of the darkneſs that ſo univerſally over-ſpread the air, having ſent great part of his men of all ſorts a foraging, was for ſome time at a ſtand, and knew not what to do; though not long after, the Meſſengers being very urgent with him, now that the Clouds were diſpers'd from off the tops of the Mountains, and the Macedonians were in view, who were forced among the reſt into a very high Mountain, where they defended themſelves more by the ſituation of the place than with their Arms, ſuppoſing (be it how it would be) that it was beſt for him to put all upon one puſh, rather than loſe one part by not defending of it, ſent Athenagoras, who commanded the hired Souldiers, and all his Auxiliaries (except the Thracians) together with the Macedonian and Theſſalian Cavalry. At their arrival the Romans were beaten off the Hill, nor did they make any reſiſtance till they came down into the more even Vale. But to hinder their flying in diſorder, the Aetolian Horſe contributed very much: They being then the beſt ſort of Horſemen in all Greece; though for Foot they were out-done among their Neighbours.

This news was told with more joy than the ſucceſs of the fight would bear; for many of them ran one after another, back out of the fight, and cry'd out, that the Romans being conſternated were put to flight: which affirmation of theirs induced Philip (though before he were unwilling and dilatory, ſaying, that it was raſhly done; and that he did not like the time nor place) to draw all his Forces out into the Field. The Roman alſo, perſwaded more by neceſſity than opportunity, did the ſame. He left the right Wing in the Reer, having placed the Elephants before the Enſigns, and with the left, join'd to the Light-armour, march'd up to the Foe: telling them at the ſame time; That they were to fight with the ſame Macedonians, whom at the ſtreights of Epirus, when they were hedg'd in with Mountains and Rivers, they (conquering the natural difficulty of thoſe places) had forced from their Poſt and utterly routed: with them, whom formerly, under the Conduct of P. Sulpicius, they had overcome, as they lay in the Avenue going into Eordaea. That the Kingdom of Macedonia had been ſupported by Fame, not by ſtrength: but that that Fame too was now at laſt quite vaniſhed. By this time they came to their own Party, who ſtood in the bottom of the Vale, and, upon the approach of the Army and the General renewed the fight, making a ſudden Effort, whereby they forced the Enemy to give way. Philip with the Shield-men, and the right Wing of the Foot (the ſtrength of the Macedonian Army, whom they call'd [a Phalanx]) march'd up as faſt as he could to the Enemy; Commanding Nicanor, one of his Nobles, immediately to follow him with the other Forces. When he came firſt up to the top of the Hill, and ſaw by ſome few Bodies and Arms of the Enemies which lay there, that the fight had been in that place, that the Romans had been beaten thence, and were now giving Battle near the Enemies Camp, he was exceeding glad of it: though not long after, when his men gave way, and the conſternation was turn'd the other way, being uncertain whether he ſhould ſecure his Forces in his Camp again, he was for ſome time at a ſtand. But when he had pauſed a while, ſeeing the Enemy drew near, and, beſides that they were all ſlain that turn'd their backs, nor could be ſaved unleſs they were defended, yea that he himſelf had not leiſure ſafely to retreat, he was forced, before ſome part of his men were come up, to run the riſque of the whole buſineſs of the War, and therefore placed his Horſe, and Light-armour that had been in the fight, in the right Wing: commanding the Shield-men and the Macedonian Phalanx, to lay by their Spears, whoſe length was an hinderance to them, and uſe their Swords. And at the ſame time alſo, leſt the Body of them ſhould be eaſily broken in upon, he took half of them from the Front inward, and made them doubling to ſtretch out their Ranks, ſo as that the Body of them might be long, rather than broad: he ordered them likewiſe ſo to cloſe their Ranks, that all the men and arms might join to one another.

Quintius having taken thoſe, that were in the fight, in between the Enſigns and the Ranks, gave the ſignal with a Trumpet. Whereupon they ſay there was ſeldom ever heard ſuch a ſhout as at the beginning of that fight was raiſed. For it happen'd that both the Armies ſet up their Huzza together: and not only thoſe, who at that time wore engaged, but the reſerves alſo, and thoſe who then were coming into the fight. In the Right Wing the King (whoſe chief help was the circumſtance of place) fighting from the higher ground, had the better of it: whilſt in the left, even then when the Reer of the Phalanx was at hand, being it was in diſorder and not compoſed for fighting, they were in a conſternation. The main Body, which was nearer to the Right Wing, ſtood and lookt on as if they had not been concern'd in the Battle: and the Phalanx that came up, more like an agmen than an acies, as being more fit for a March than an Engagement, was ſcarce got up to the top of the Hill. Quintius therefore, though he ſaw his own men in the Right Wing give way, put the Elephants firſt upon the Enemy, and attacked them as they ſtood thus diſcompoſed; ſuppoſing that the routed part of them would draw the reſt along with them. And ſo it proved, for the Macedonians immediately turn'd their backs, being frighted with the firſt view of the Beaſts. The reſt alſo follow'd them, when one of the Tribunes of the Souldiers, joining with all the Souldiers belonging to twenty Enſigns, and leaving that part of their own Forces, which muſt in all probability needs win the day, wheeled about with a ſhort Circuit, and ſet upon the Right Wing of the Enemy, that was running away. He might indeed have put any Army into diſorder by ſetting upon them in the Reer: but beſides that, their general conſternation was ſo much the greater, in that the Macedonian Phalanx being heavy and immoveable, could neither turn themſelves about, nor would the Romans (who a little before when they fought againſt the Front of them, gave way, lying then very hard upon their Reer) let them. But beſides this, they were the leſs able to make reſiſtance upon the ſcore of the place too; for they had quitted the top of the Hill, from which they firſt fought (whilſt they purſued the Romans) to the Enemy that was wheeled about upon their Reer. They therefore for ſome time were ſlain in the midſt between the Enemies, but ſoon after a great many of them throwing down their Arms ran away.

Philip with a few Foot and Horſe firſt took an higher Hill among the reſt, to ſee what fortune his men in the left Wing had: but when he ſaw they were all running away as faſt as they could, ſo that all the Hills round about glitter'd with Enſigns and Arms, he himſelf alſo went out of the Field. Quintius having purſued them very cloſe, when he of a ſudden ſaw the Macedonians advancing their Spears, not knowing what they intended by it, was concern'd at the novelty of the thing, and ſtopt his Enſigns: but when he heard that it was the cuſtom of the Macedonians ſo to do, if they had a mind to ſurrender themſelves, he deſign'd to give them quarter. But the Souldiers, being ignorant, not only, that the Enemies declin'd the fight, but likewiſe what the Generals mind was, made an attack upon them, and killing the foremoſt, put the reſt into a confuſed flight. Mean while the King made toward Tempe as faſt as he could; where he halted at Gonni for one day, to receive thoſe that happen'd to eſcape alive out of the Battle. The Roman Conquerours in hopes of Booty, thronged preſently into the Enemies Camp; but they found it for the moſt part already rifled by the Aetolians. There were that day ſlain eight thouſand of the Enemies, and five thouſand taken Priſoners; with the loſs of about ſeven hundred Romans. If we will believe Valerius, who extravagantly augments the account • of all things, there were forty thouſand of the Enemies that day ſlain, and (which is a more modeſt lie) five thouſand ſeven hundred taken, with two hundred forty one military Enſigns. Claudius alſo tells us, that there were thirty thouſand of the Enemies ſlain, and four thouſand three hundred taken Priſoners. Now I have not given the greateſt credit to the leaſt number, but follow'd Polybius, who gives an accurate account, not only of all the Roman affairs, but more eſpecially of all great actions that have been done in Greece.

Philip having muſter'd up all thoſe, that by the various Fortune of the Fight, being ſcatter'd about, had yet made a ſhift to follow him, and ſent ſeveral Meſſengers to Lariſſa, to burn the Royal Records, leſt they ſhould fall into the hands of the Enemy, retired into Macedonia. Quintius having ſold the Captives and the Booty, part of which he gave to the Souldiers, went to Lariſſa, before he yet well knew what Country the King was gone into, or what he intended. Thither came an Herald from the King, under pretence, to deſire a Truce, till ſuch time as they could bury the dead, that were ſlain in the Battle, but really and truly to beg leave that he might ſend Embaſſadors [to him.] The Roman granted both theſe requeſts; and likewiſe bad the Herald tell the King, He would have him be of good Courage. Which words moſt mightily offended the Aetolians, who were fill'd with indignation, and complain'd, That the General quite alter'd by being Victorious. That before the fight he uſed to communicate all things both great and ſmall with his Allies, who now were privy to none of his Counſels: for he did all things as he pleaſed himſelf; ſeeking an occaſion to contract a private friendſhip with Philip; and though the Aetolians had born all the brunt of the War, the Roman would turn all the benefits of Peace to his own peculiar advantage. They indeed did not queſtion but they had loſt ſome honour; but why they ſhould be neglected, they could not tell. They believ'd that Quintius, who was a man of a Soul invincible againſt ſuch deſires, had a mind to ſome of the Kings gold: and he on the other ſide was very angry (and that deſervedly too) with the Aetolians for their inſatiable covetouſneſs of Booty, and their arrogance, in taking all the glory of the Victory to themſelves; a vanity, whereby they offended the Ears of all men that heard them; beſides that, when Philip was taken off, and the ſtrength of the Macedonian Monarchy broken, he foreſaw that the Aetolians would be reckon'd Lords of all Greece. For which reaſons he was very diligent and induſtrious to make them cheaper and of leſs eſteem among all Nations.

There was a Truce granted to the Foe for fifteen dayes, and a Conference appointed to be had with the King himſelf: before which time he call'd the Allies to an Aſſembly. Where having declar'd to them what terms of Peace he thought fit to make, Amynander King of the Athamans gave his opinion in brief thus; That he ought ſo to make a Peace, that Greece, even in the abſence of the Romans, might be ſtrong enough to maintain both that and its liberty. But the Aetolians were ſomewhat rougher; who having made ſome ſmall Preface, ſaid, The General did well and regularly in communicating his Counſels touching peace to them, who had been partakers with him in the War. But he was utterly miſtaken, if he thought that he ſhould either leave a laſting Peace to the Romans, or liberty to Greece, unleſs he either ſlew Philip, or at leaſt drave him out of his Kingdom: both which he might very eaſily do, if he would uſe his fortune. To which Quintius reply'd; That the Aetolians did neither remember what the Romans cuſtom was, nor indeed talk conſonantly to their opinion: for that they themſelves in all former Councils and Conferences had always diſcourſed of conditions of Peace, for that they had no mind to fight it out even to the death; and the Romans, beſides their ancient cuſtom of giving quarter to thoſe they had conquer'd, had given an extraordinary instance of their clemency in granting a Peace to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. But to paſs by the Carthaginians, as oft as they came to any Conference with Philip himſelf, they never propoſed, or mention'd his quitting of his Kingdom: was the War grown now unexpiable [not to be atoned for] becauſe he was conquer'd in a ſet Battle? That they ought to engage an armed Enemy with minds full of malice, but that in reſpect to a Conquer'd Foe, he had the greateſt Soul that was the most merciful. That the Kings of Macedonia ſeemed to obstruct the liberty of Greece; yet, if that Kingdom and Nation ſhould be removed, that the Thracians, Illyrians, and, after them, the Gauls, unciviliz'd and ſavage people, would overrun all Macedonia and Greece; and at laſt perſwaded them, Not to remove thoſe that were next to them, thereby to make room for greater and more grievous Enemies to come upon them. Whereupon when Phaneas, Praetor of the Aetolians, interrupted him and ſaid, if Philip eſcaped that time, he would e're long renew the War with much greater force, He reply'd, Do not raiſe a tumult, when you ſhould adviſe with us. He ſhall be ty'd up to ſuch terms of Peace, that it ſhall not be in his power to make War.

This Council being diſmiſs'd, the next day the King came to the ſtreights, that go into Tempe; that being the place appointed for the Conference: and the third day there was a full Aſſembly of the Romans and their Allies. In which Philip very prudently omitting thoſe things (which in the former Conference had either been commanded by the Romans, or required by the Allies, and) without which no Peace could be obtain'd, of his own free will rather than to have them extorted from him, ſaid, he would grant them all, and refer the reſt to the Senate. By which conceſſion, though he ſeemed to have ſtopt the mouths of his greateſt Enemies, yet Phaneas, the Aetolian, when all the reſt were ſilent, ask'd him, But, Philip! What ſay you to us? Will you give us back Pharſalus, Lariſſa, Cremaſte, Echinus, and Thebes in Phthiotis? Whereupon when Philip anſwer'd, that he would not hinder them from having it again; there aroſe a diſpute between the Roman General and the Aetolians concerning Thebes: for Quintius ſaid, it belong'd to the Roman people by the Laws of War; for that, when they were yet diſengaged from all ſides, he brought an Army to their City Walls, and invited them to enter into an Alliance, whilſt they were free to revolt from the King, but they prefer'd the Kings Friendſhip before that of the Romans. Phaneas on the other ſide thought it reaſonable, that according to the rules of Confederacy, all that the Aetolians had before the War, ſhould be reſtored to them, and ſaid, it was ſo at firſt provided in the League, that the Booty of the War, and all that could be carry'd or driven off, ſhould be the Romans, but the Lands and Cities that were taken ſhould be the Aetolians. But you your ſelves, ſaid Quintius, brake the Laws of that Alliance, when you left us and made a Peace with Philip: which if it ſtill continu'd, yet that would be the Law of the Cities which were taken; That the Cities of Theſſaly came and voluntarily ſubmitted to our juriſdiction. This was ſpoken with the aſſent of all the Allies, though it were not only grievous at preſent for the Aetolians to hear, but was ſoon after alſo the cauſe of a War, and of great miſchiefs to them. Quintius therefore agreed with Philip, that he ſhould give him his Son Demetrius and ſome of his Friends, as Hoſtages, with two hundred Talents; and for other things, that he ſhould ſend Embaſſadours to Rome. For this purpoſe there was a Truce granted of four months continuance; in which time, if they could not obtain Peace of the Senate, Quintius engag'd to return the Hoſtages and money back to Philip again. They ſay, that the Roman General had no greater reaſon to haſten the Peace, than for that it was well known, Antiochus was providing for a War, and deſign'd to come over into Europe.

At the ſame time, and, as ſome ſay, the ſame day at Corinth the Achaeans routed the Kings General Androſthenes in a ſet Battle. For Philip reſolving to make that his defence againſt the reſt of Greece, had not only detain'd all the chief of them (whom he call'd forth under pretence of conferring with them, touching how many Horſe the Corinthians could ſupply toward the War) as Hoſtages, but likewiſe, beſides five hundred Macedonians, and eight hundred that were made up of all ſorts of Auxiliaries, who had been there before, had ſent thither a thouſand Macedonians, twelve hundred Illyrians, with eight hundred Thracians and Cretans, who ſought on both ſides. To theſe were added Boeotians, Theſſalians, and Acarnans, to the number of a thouſand, all with Shields, and of the Corinthian youth as many as made up ſix thouſand armed men; all which gave Androſthenes the Courage to go into the Field. Niceratus, Praetor of the Achaeans, was at Sicyon with two thouſand Foot and one hundred Horſe, but ſeeing himſelf too weak both in the number and the ſort of his Souldiers went not out of the Walls. The Kings Forces, both Foot and Horſe, ſtragling about, waſted the Pellenian, the Phliaſian, and the Cleonaean Dominions; till at laſt upbraiding the Enemy with their Cowardiſe, they went over into the Sicyonian Confines: beſides that they ſailed about and plunder'd all the Sea-Coaſt of Achaia. But whilſt the Enemy were ſo extravagant, and, as people, that think themſelves ſecure, uſe to be ſo careleſs of what they did, Niceratus having ſome hopes of attacking them before they were aware of him, ſent a ſecret Meſſage through the Neighbouring Cities, what day, and how many armed men he would have meet him out of every City at Apelaurum, a place in Stymphalia. Accordingly they were all ready at the day appointed, and he, ſetting out immediately from thence went through the Phliaſian Territories, in the Night, to Cleonae, before any of them knew what he intended. Now there were with him five thouſand Foot, conſiſting partly of Light-armour, and three hundred Horſe. Out of which number having ſent a Party to ſee which way the Enemy were bent, he waited till they came back to inform him.

Androſthenes knowing nothing of all this, went from Corinth, and Encamped at Nemea, which is a River, that parts the Corinthian and the Sicyonian Borders. And there, having diſmiſſed the one half of his Army, he divided the other half into three parts, commanding all the Horſe to ſtraggle about and pillage the Pellenian, Sicyonian and Phliaſian Dominions. Now therefore theſe three Parties went ſeveral wayes. Which when it was told to Niceratus at Cleonae, he ſent a ſtrong Band of mercenary Souldiers before, to ſeize the ſtreights through which you go into the Corinthian Territories, planting Horſe to march before the Enſigns, and himſelf immediately follow'd with a double Body of men. For on the one ſide march'd the mercenary Souldiers, with the Light-armour, and on the other, the Shieldmen, with the ſtrength of the Forces of all the other Nations. And now the Foot and Horſe were not far from the Camp, when ſome of the Thracians making an attack upon the Enemies, that were ſtragling and wandering about the Fields, put all the Camp into a ſudden fright. The General trembled, who having never ſeen the Foe, but very rarely (upon the Hills before Sicyon, from whence they durſt not come down into the Plains) could not believe that they would ever have approach'd ſo near Cleonae. Wherefore he order'd that the ſtraglers ſhould be recall'd by ſound of Trumpet, and himſelf ſtraight giving the word of Command to his men to handle their Arms, march'd out at the Gate with a thin number of Souldiers, whom he marſhall'd upon the River. But being that the reſt of his Forces could ſcarce be got together and diſciplin'd, they could not bear the firſt onſet of the Enemies. The Macedonians were not only more than any of the reſt about the Enſigns, but they made the hopes of Victory for a long time doubtful: till at laſt being left deſtitute by the flight of the reſt, and ſeeing that two Armies preſt them ſeveral wayes, the Light Armour on the Flank, and the Shieldmen and Targeteers in the Front, they alſo finding themſelves over-born, at firſt gave ground; and then, being ſtill purſued with the ſame force, turn'd their backs, and throwing away their Arms (ſince they had now no hopes left of defending their Camp) made toward Corinth. Niceratus ſending the mercenary Souldiers to purſue theſe, and the Horſe, with the Thracian Auxiliaries, againſt thoſe that were pillaging the Sicyonian Dominions, made a great ſlaughter on every ſide, full as great as in the fight it ſelf. Some alſo of thoſe that had ravaged Pellene, and Phlius, coming back in diſorder, and knowing nothing of the matter, as they return'd toward their own Camp, fell into the hands of the Enemies; and part of them imagining what the buſineſs was, by their running to and fro, had ſo divided themſelves all over the Fields, that they were circumvented and taken by the very Hindes themſelves as they wander'd about the Country. There fell that day fifteen hundred men, three hundred were taken; and all Achaia was then delivered from a great fright.

Before the Battle at Cynoſcephalae, L. Quintius having ſent for the Nobility of Acarnania to Corcyra, which was the only Greek Nation that had continued in amity with the Macedonians, made there ſome progreſs toward a commotion. But there were two very great reaſons, that kept them to their Alliance with the King; the one, their natural fidelity, and the other, their fear and hatred toward the Aetolians. The Council was appointed to meet at Leucas. But neither did all the people of Acarnania come thither, nor were all thoſe that did meet, of the ſame mind. However the Nobility and Magiſtrates together ſo far prevailed as to make a private Decree for an Alliance with the Romans. That all, who were abſent, took very ill, and amidſt this diſturbance and diſſatisfaction of the Nation, there were two Noblemen of Acarnania, (Androcles, and Echedemus by name) ſent from Philip, who not only prevailed to abrogate that Decree concerning an Alliance with the Romans, but alſo, that Archelaus and Bianor, both Noblemen of that Nation (for that they had been promoters of that opinion) ſhould be condemn'd in the Council for Treaſon, and that Zeuxidas the Praetor, for having propoſed that matter, ſhould be turn'd out of his Office. The perſons condemn'd did a raſh, but, as it ſell out, a very ſucceſsful action. For when their Friends perſwaded them to ſubmit to the preſent juncture of affairs, and get them gone to the Romans at Corcyra, they reſolv'd to throw themſelves upon the mercy of the Mobile, and either by that means to mitigate their anger, or to undergo what fortune ſhould offer. Whereupon when they came into a full Aſſembly, at firſt there aroſe a murmur and a grumbling noiſe from ſuch as admired to ſee them come in; but by and by there was as deep a ſilence, as well out of reverence to their former dignity as pity to their preſent condition. Then having leave likewiſe granted them to ſpeak, they began very humbly, but in the proceſs of their Speeches, when they came to acquit themſelves of the crimes laid to their charge, diſcourſed with as much confidence as innocence would afford. At laſt taking the boldneſs even to make ſome complaints, and to reprove not only the injuſtice, but the cruelty that had been put upon them, they ſo far moved the Audience, that they unanimouſly annull'd all thoſe Decrees, that had been made againſt them; not that they thought themſelves ever the leſs obliged to retain their Alliance with Philip, and refuſe all Friendſhip with the Romans.

Theſe things were decreed at Leucas, which was the Metropolis of Acarnania, where all the people met in Council. Wherefore when the news of this ſudden change was brought to Corcyra, to Lieutenant Flaminius, he immediately ſet out with a Fleet for Leucas, and came to an Anchor at a Port which they call Heraeus. From thence he came up to the Walls with all ſorts of Inſtruments and Engines, that are uſed in the taking of Cities; ſuppoſing that he might make them ſubmit upon his firſt terrible appearance. But when he ſaw no ſign of Peace, he began to form Engines, erect Turrets [to make an Aſſault] and to plant his battering Ram near the Walls. Now all Acarnania, lying between Aetolia and Epirus, looks toward the Weſt, and the Sicilian Sea. Leucadia, which is now an Iſland, divided by a narrow arm of the Sea, which was cut through by Art, from Acarnania, was then a Peninſula, joining Weſtward by a ſmall neck of Land to Acarnania. That neck of Land was almoſt five hundred paces long, though not above a hundred and twenty broad, and upon this ſtreight was Leucas built, upon an Hill Eaſtward and toward Acarnania; but the lower part of the City was plain, and lay to that Sea, whereby Leucadia is divided from Acarnania. For that reaſon 'tis to be taken either by Sea or Land. For not only the narrow Chanel, which parts that and the Continent, is more like to a Pool than a Sea, but the Plains all thereabout are fit for Tillage, and eaſy to raiſe works upon. Wherefore the Walls in ſeveral places at once were either undermin'd or knock'd down with the Ram. But the City was not more liable to an Aſſault, than the reſolutions of the Enemy were Invincible. For they laboured day and night to repair the breaches, and fill up the gaps that were made in the Walls; being very eager to engage in the fight, and to defend their Walls with their Arms rather than themſelves with their Walls. And they had protracted that Siege beyond the expectations of the Romans, had not ſome baniſh'd perſons of Italian Extract, who lived at Leucas, let the Souldiers into the Caſtle. Yet then alſo (though they ran down in a great tumult from that higher place) did the Leucadians for ſome time reſiſt, with a Body, form'd as for a pitch'd Battle, in the Market-place. In the mean time not only the Walls were ſcaled and taken in ſeveral places, but they got over the heaps of Stones and Ruins into the City. By which time alſo the Lieutenant himſelf had with a great number circumvented thoſe that were a fighting; of whom part were ſlain in the middle between the Enemies, and part, throwing down their Arms, ſurrender'd themſelves to the Conquerour. And ſome few days after, when they heard of the Battle that was fought at Cynocephalae, all the people of Acarnania came and ſurrender'd themſelves to the Lieutenant.

At the ſame time now that fortune inclin'd all things at once the ſame way, the Rhodians alſo (to regain that part of the Continent from Philip, which they call Peraea, and had been long poſſeſs'd by their Anceſtors) ſent Pauſiſtratus, the Praetor, with eight hundred Achaeans, that were Foot Souldiers, and about nineteen hundred more, that were Auxiliaries gather'd up out of ſeveral Countries, and in different Habiliments of War, Gauls, Niſuans, Piſuans, Tamians, Areans, out of Africa, and Laodiceans out of Aſia. With theſe Forces Pauſistratus lay at Tendeba, a place very convenient in the Territories of Stratonicea, whilſt the Kings men, that were at Thera, knew nothing of it. There came alſo very ſeaſonably, as an addition to that aid, which he had gotten, a thouſand Achaean Foot with a hundred Horſe; commanded by Theoxenus. Dinocrates the Kings Prefect, in order to recover the Caſtle, firſt remov'd his Camp to the very Wall of Tendeba, and from thence to another Caſtle, which was in the Territories of Stratonicea likewiſe, call'd Aſtragon. Where ſummoning all their Forces out of the Gariſons, who were mightily diſabled, together with the Theſſalian Auxiliaries from Stratonicea it ſelf, he march'd forward toward Alabanda where the Enemy then lay. Nor did the Rhodians decline the fight; but being both their Camps were near to each other, came preſently into the Field, Dinocrates placed five hundred Macedonians in the right Wing, and the Agrians in the left; taking into the main body thoſe that he had muſter'd up out of the ſeveral Gariſons, who were moſt of them Carians, and cover'd the Wings with the Horſe. The Rhodian Regiment had the Cretan and Thracian Auxiliaries in the right Wing, and in the left the mercenary men, who were a choſen Band of Foot: in their main Body the Auxiliaries made up of ſeveral Nations, all the Horſe and Light armour that were, being ſet about the Wings. That the two Armies only ſtood upon the Bank of a Torrent, that flow'd between them with a ſmall ſtream; and, having thrown ſome few Darts, retired into their Camps. But the next day, being marſhall'd in the ſame order, they had a far greater fight than was proportionable to the number of thoſe that were engaged in it. For they were not above three thouſand Foot, and about a hundred Horſe; who fought not only with equal numbers, and Armour all alike, but with proportionable Courage too, and equal hopes. The Achaeans firſt having got over the Torrent, made an attack upon the Agrians; whereupon almoſt the whole Army ran over the River. But the ſight continu'd for a long time doubtful, till the Achaeans who were themſelves a thouſand in number, made four hundred of the Enemy give way. Then all the right Wing began to yield; though the Macedonians, as long as they kept to their ranks, and ſtood like a cloſe Phalanx, could not be ſtir'd. But when their left Flank being unguarded, they began to throw their Spears round about them upon the Enemy, who came athwart to attack them, they were preſently put into diſorder, and making firſt a tumult among themſelves, ſoon after turn'd their backs; till at laſt, throwing away their Arms, and running for it as faſt as they could, they made toward Bargyllae. Dinocrates alſo fled the ſame way: and the Rhodians, having purſued them as long as 'twas day-light, retreated to their Camp. Now it is very evident, that, if the Conquerours had gone immediately to Stratonicea, that City might have been taken without any more ado. But they loſt that opportunity, whilſt they ſpent time in recovering the Caſtles and Villages of Peraea. In the mean time, the minds of thoſe that were Ingariſon'd at Stratonicea, were fortified; beſides, that Dinocrates alſo not long after enter'd their Walls with thoſe Forces that were left. For from that time it was to no purpoſe to beſiege or attack that City; nor could it be taken till ſome time after by Antiochus. Theſe things paſt in Theſſaly, Achaia, and Aſia about the ſame time.

Philip hearing that the Dardans were come into his Dominions out of contempt to him for having relinquiſh'd his Kingdom, and had waſted the upper parts of Macedonia; though he were hard put to it in almoſt all the World, now that Fortune was ſo ſevere to him and his Party, yet thinking it worſe than death to be forced from the poſſeſſion of Macedonia, he made a ſudden Levy through the Cities of that Kingdom, and with ſix thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe, near Stobus in Paeonia, ſurpriz'd the Foe. And there he ſlew a great number of men in the fight, but a greater, that were ſtragled about the Country for plunder. Thoſe that could readily eſcape, and did not ſo much as try the fortune of the day, return'd into their own Country. He therefore having made that one Expedition much more ſucceſsfully than to anſwer the reſt of his Fortune, had thereby repaired the Courage of his men, and went back to Theſſalonica. Now the Punick War was not ſo ſeaſonably made an end of, leſt at the ſame time they ſhould be forced to engage with Philip alſo, as, ſince Antiochus was now raiſing War in Syria, Philip was overcome. For beſides, that it was more eaſy to cope with them ſeverally, than if they had join'd their Forces into one Body; Spain too at the ſame time put themſelves into a poſture of War. Antiochus, though, having the Summer before reduced all the Cities, belonging to Ptolomy, in Coeloſyria, into his own hands, he was gone to Winter at Antioch, yet was not afterward for all that the more at eaſe. For he with all the ſtrength of his Kingdom, having muſter'd up vaſt Forces both by Land and Sea, and ſent before him, in the beginning of the Spring, his two Sons, Ardues and Mithridates, with an Army by Land (whom he order'd to ſtay for him at Sardeis) himſelf ſet forth with a Fleet of a hundred men of War, and other ſmall Veſſels to the number of two hundred, deſigning not only to make ſome attempts upon the Cities that lay upon the Sea-Coaſt of Cilicia and Caria, which were ſurrender'd to Ptolomy; but likewiſe, to aſſiſt Philip (for the War was not yet made an end of) both with his Land and Sea Forces.

The Rhodians did many brave exploits as well by Sea as by Land, according to the fidelity they profeſſed toward the Roman People, and the Dignity of the Greek Nation in general: but there was nothing more magnificent, than that they, that Summer, being no way frighted at the fatal War which then hung over them, ſent Embaſſadors to the King, That they would meet him at Nephelida (a promontory of Cilicia, famous for an ancient League made with the Athenians) if he would not keep his forces there; not out of any hatred to him, but that he might not joyn with Philip, and be an obſtacle to the Romans whilſt they were ſetting Greece at liberty. Antiochus at that time was beſieging Coraceſium; for that Town unexpectedly ſhut their Gates and kept him in action, after Zephyrium, Soli, Aphrodiſias, Corycuus, Selinus (to which he paſſed by a promontory of Cilicia, called Anemurium) with all the other Caſtles upon that Coaſt had, either for fear, or freely, without fighting for it, ſurrendered themſelves. There the Rhodians had their audience; whoſe Embaſſy, though it were ſuch as it might have incenſed the King, yet he reſtrained his paſſion, and told them, That he would ſend Embaſſadors to Rhodes, with Commiſſion to renew that ancient friendſhip with that City, which he himſelf and his Anceſtors had formerly contracted, and to bid them not to fear the Kings coming. For it ſhould not be any dammage, or diſadvantage to them or their Allies, ſince he was reſolved not to incur the diſpleaſure of the Romans. Of which, not only his late Embaſſy to them, but the honourable decrees of the Senate, and their anſwers to him were a good argument. At that time it happened, that the Embaſſadors came back from Rome, who had their audience and were diſmiſs'd, according as the time required, whilſt the event of the War againſt Philip was yet uncertain. As the Kings Embaſſadors were tranſacting of this affair in the Rhodian Aſſembly, there came a Meſſenger, That the War was made an end of at Cynocephalae. Whereupon the Rhodians, being freed from all fear of Philip, reſolv'd to meet Antiochus with a Fleet. But yet they did not neglect that other buſineſs, of defending the liberty of the allied Cities belonging to Ptolomy, which were in danger of a War from Antiochus. For they ſent Auxiliaries to ſome of them, admoniſhing and adviſing the reſt concerning the Enemies deſigns; and were the cauſe of liberty to the Caunians, Mindians, and Halicarnaſſians and Samians. But it is not worth while to proſecute the whole relation of what particular things were done in theſe places, ſince I am ſcarce able to give you an account of thoſe actions which more properly concern the Roman War.

At the ſame time alſo, King Attalus, who was ſick at Thebes, being carried to Pergamus, died in the ſeventy firſt year of his Age, after he had Reigned forty four Years. To this man fortune had given nothing that might make him hope for the Kingdom, excepting riches. But by uſing them at once both prudently and magnificently he ſo brought it about, that he himſelf firſt, and afterward others alſo, thought him not unworthy of the Kingdom He therefore, having conquer'd the Gauls in one Battle (which Nation was by reaſon of their late arrival there more terrible than ordinary to Aſia) took upon him the name of King, to the greatneſs of which he always made his ſpirit equal. He govern'd his Subjects with the greateſt juſtice imaginable; and religiouſly kept his promiſe with his Allies. He left behind him a Wife and four Children; being mild and munificent to his Friends. He left his Kingdom ſo firm and ſtable, that the poſſeſſion of it deſcended to the third Generation.

This being the ſtate of things in Aſia, Greece, and Macedonia, when the War with Philip was ſcarce yet ended, not a Peace throughly concluded on, there aroſe a great commotion in the farther Spain; which was then the Province of M. Helvius. He thereupon by Letters acquainted the Senate, that the two petit Kings Colcas and Luſcinus were up in Arms; that ſeventeen Towns reſolv'd to riſe with Colcas, and with Luſcinus, thoſe ſtrong Cities, Cardo and Bardo, beſides all the Sea-Coaſt, who, having not yet declar'd themſelves, were reſolv'd to ſecond their Neighbours motions. When this Letter was read by M. Sergius the Praetor, whoſe juriſdiction lay between the Citizens and Foreigners, the Senate decreed, that, after the Aſſembly for Praetors was over, that Praetor who happen'd to have Spain for his Province, ſhould make report to the Senate as ſoon as poſſible concerning the War in Spain.

About the ſame time the Conſuls came to Rome, who, holding a Senate in the Temple of Bellona, and deſiring to triumph for their ſucceſsful Atchievements in the War, has this requeſt return'd upon them by C. Atinius Labeo, and C. Ʋrſanius, Tribune of the people, That they might treat touching a triumph ſeparately; for they would not endure that ſuch a thing ſhould be propoſed in common, leſt their honour ſhould be equal, where their merit was diſproportionate. And when Minucius ſaid, that Italy was the joint Province of them both, where he and his Collegue did every thing by common conſent and agreement; to which Cornelius added, That the Boii who came over the Po againſt them, to aſſiſt the Inſubrians and the Caenomans, were by his Collegue, who waſted all their Villages and Country, turn'd back to defend their own Territories; the Tribunes reply'd, That Cornelius, they confeſſed, had done ſuch mighty things in the War, that they could no more doubt that he ought to triumph, than that they ought to pay due honours to the immortal Gods; but yet that neither he nor any body elſe was ſo powerful, either in their favour, or his own abilities, as that when he had obtain'd a triumph for himſelf, he ſhould impudently grant the ſame honour to his Collegue upon a bare requeſt. That Q. Minucius had been engaged in ſome light Skirmiſhes, ſcarce worth the mentioning, in Liguria; and had loſt a great many Souldiers in Gaul. And then they named two Tribunes of the Souldiers, T. Invenicius, and Cneus, Labeo's Brother; who, in an unfortunate Battle, with many other ſtout men, both of their own Country and Allies, were ſlain: [ſaying] That ſome few Towns were indeed ſurrender'd, but that was only for a blind and a colour at that preſent juncture, there being no caution given along with them. Theſe Debates between the Conſuls and the Tribunes laſted two days, till the Conſuls, overcome by the perſeverance of the Tribunes, propoſed their buſineſs ſeparately one after the other.

Cneus Cornelius had a triumph decreed him by general conſent, the Placentines and Cremoneſes conferring their favour alſo upon him, and giving him thanks, whilſt they remember'd, that they were freed from a ſiege by his aſſiſtance, and many of them, that were with the Enemy, redeemed from ſlavery. Q. Minucius, when he had hardly begun to propoſe his triumphing, ſeeing all the Senate againſt him, ſaid, He would triumph in the Alban Mount, not only according to the priviledge of a Conſular General, but by the example of many brave men. Cn. Cornelius triumph'd over the Inſubrians and Caenomans whilſt he was yet in his Office. At which time he carried along with him many military Enſigns, and a great quantity of Gallick ſpoils, in Waggons that he had taken, through [the ſtreets.] Many noble Gauls were led before his Chariot, among whom ſome ſay, Amilcar, General of the Carthaginians, was one. But that which cauſed the Placentines and Cremoneſes to gaze ſo much upon him, was the crowd of Husbandmen, with Caps on, that follow'd his Chariot. He brought in this triumph along with him two hundred thirty ſeven thouſand five hundred Ounces of braſs money, and of Silver, with the Picture of a Chariot ſtamped upon it, ſeventy nine thouſand two hundred. He alſo gave his Souldiers, Centurions and Horſemen each man as much as his Collegue had given them.

After this triumph the Conſular Aſſembly was held; in which L. Furius Purpureo, and M. Claudius Marcellus, were created Conſuls. The next the Praetors were made; Q. Fabius Buteo, Tib. Sempronius Longus, Q. Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, L. Apuſtius Fullo, and C. Laelius. At the latter end of that year there came a Letter from T. Quintius, That he had ſought with Philip a pitch'd Battle in Theſſaly; in which the Enemies Army was routed and put to flight. This Letter was firſt read in the Senate by Sergius the Praetor, and afterward by conſent of the Senate, in a publick Aſſembly of the People. With that there was a ſupplication order'd to continue for five days, upon the account of their ſucceſs in the War: and in a ſhort time after Embaſſadors came both from T. Quintius and the King. The Macedonians were carried out of the City into the Villa publica [a publick place in the Campus Martius] where they were ſplendidly entertain'd; and at the Temple of Bellona there was a Senate held. There was not much ſaid, before the Macedonians declar'd, that their King would do whatever the Senate thought fitting. Thereupon there were ten Embaſſadors pitch'd upon (according to ancient cuſtom) by whoſe advice L. Quintius the General was to propoſe terms of Peace to Philip, it being added as a Proviſo in that Decree, that P. Sulpicius and P. Villius ſhould be two of them, who had, when they were Conſuls, been Governours of the Province of Macedonia. At that time the Coſſanes requeſted that the number of their Colony might be increaſed, and a thouſand were accordingly order'd to be added to them: provided, that there ſhould be never a man amongſt them who had been an Enemy after M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Conſuls.

The Roman Games or Playes were that year not only ſet forth in the Circus and the Theatres, by the Curule Aediles, P. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Manlius Vulſo, more magnificently than ever, but were alſo beheld with more joy by the people, upon the ſcore of their ſucceſs in the War; and whereas thoſe were all acted over three times, the Plebeian ſports were ſeven times repeated; being made by Acilius Glabrio, and C. Laelius. Out of the ſilver paid for mulcts, there were three brazen Enſigns made, that were conſecrated to Ceres, Liber, and Libera. Now at the beginning of the Conſulſhip of L. Furius, and M. Claudius Marcellus, U. C. 554 when they came to treat concerning the ſeveral Provinces, and the Senate decreed, that they ſhould both of them have Italy as their joint Province, they deſired, that they might have Macedonia too. Marcellus, who was the more deſirous of the two to have that Province, by ſaying, that the Peace [made with the Macedonians] would prove a Cheat, and was nothing but a pretence; for that the King, if the Army were once carried thence, would renew the War, had ſtagger'd the Senate in their opinions. And perhaps the Conſuls had carried it, if Q. Marcius Rex, and C. Atinius Labeo, Tribunes of the People, had not ſaid they'd interpoſe: unleſs they themſelves had firſt propoſed to the people, whether they were for having peace with Philip. That propoſal was firſt made to the Commons in the Capitol, where all the thirty five Tribes conſented to it. And that they might the more generally rejoice at the eſtabliſhing of a Peace in Macedonia, there was ſad news brought out of Spain, and a Letter publiſh'd, That C. Sempronius Tuditanus the Pro. Conſul was defeated in a Battle in the hither Spain, where his Army was routed and put to ſlight, many famous men falling in the field: and that Tuditanus, who was carried out of the fight with a grievous wound, not long after expired. To both the Conſuls the Senate therefore decreed the Province of Italy with the ſame Legions that the former Conſuls had, and that they ſhould raiſe four new Legions; two to be ſent whither the Senate thought good, and the other two to go along with T. Quintius Flaminius, who was to rule his Province with the ſame Army, being continued in Commiſſion by a Decree the year before. Then the Praetors choſe their Provinces; L. Apuſtius Fullo had the City juriſdiction, Manius Acilius Glabrio, that between the Citizens and Foreigners, Q Fabius Buteo the further Spain, Q. Minucius Thermus the hither, C. Laelius Sicily, and Tib. Sempronius Longus Sardinia. It was alſo decreed, that the Conſuls ſhould give Q. Fabius Buteo, and Q. Minucius, who happen'd to have the Spains for their Provinces, each of them a Legion, out of thoſe four that they had raiſed, which they thought fit; with four thouſand Foot, and three hundred Horſe of the Allies and Latines. All which were order'd to go into thoſe Provinces as ſoon as poſſible. The War brake out in Spain five years after the Punick War, and all commotions there had been once made an end of.

But before theſe Praetors went to the War (which was almoſt a new one, ſeeing the Spaniards then firſt took up Arms on their own heads, without any Punick Army or General) or that the Conſuls ſtirr'd from the City, they were order'd, as it is the cuſtom, to take ſome care of the Prodigies which were related. L. Julius Sequeſtris going into the Country of the Sabines, was, he and his Horſe too, ſtruck dead with a Thunderbolt. The Temple of Feronia in Capenas was burnt with Lightning; at the Temple of Moneta the Heads of two Spears were on fire; and a Wolf, that came in at the Gate called Porta Eſquilina, the moſt populous part of all the City, when he was come down into the Forum, had eſcaped almoſt untouched out of the Vicus Tuſcus [the Tuſcan-Street] and Aequimelium, through the Gate call'd Porta Capena. Theſe Prodigies were atoned for with the greater ſort of Sacrifices.

At the ſame time Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, who had been Governour of the hither Spain before Sempronius Tuditanus, having enter'd the City Ovant [i. e. with a leſſer ſort of triumph] by order of Senate, carried before him fifteen hundred and fifteen pound of gold, twenty thouſand pound of Silver, with thirty four thouſand five hundred and fifty pound of coined ſilver Deniers. L. Stertinius, though he did not ſo much as attempt to triumph, brought into the Treaſury, out of the farther Spain, fifty thouſand pound of ſilver; and out of the ſpoils made two Arches in the Beaſt-Market, before the Temple of Fortune, and of the Goddeſs call'd Mater Matuta, and one in the Circus maximus, great cirque or ring, ſetting golden Enſigns upon the top of each of them.

Theſe things paſt in the Winter. Quintius at that time Winter'd in Athens, of whom ſeeing the Allies demanded many things, the Boeotians deſir'd, and obtain'd their requeſt, that thoſe who were of their Nation, and in Philips ſervice, might be reſtored to their own Country. That they eaſily gained of Quintius, not that he thought them worthy of ſuch a kindneſs, but becauſe now that Antiochus was grown ſuſpicious, he ought to make all the intereſt he could in the ſeveral Cities for the Roman ſide. But when the Captives were return'd, it ſoon appear'd, how little the Boeotians were obliged by it. For they not only ſent Meſſengers to Philip, to give him thanks for the reſtitution of their men, as if he and not Quintius, or the Romans, had deliver'd them; but likewiſe in the next publick Aſſembly that they had, they made one Brachyllas Captain General of all Boeotia, for no other reaſon, than that he had been Colonel of thoſe Boeotians that fought under Philip; paſſing Zeuxippus, Piſiſtratus and others, who had been promoters of an Alliance with the Romans. That theſe men not only took very ill at preſent, but were afraid alſo for the time to come, when they ſaw ſuch things done even now whilſt the Roman Army ſate juſt at their Gates; what would become of them, when the Romans were gone into Italy; if Philip were ſo near, to aſſiſt his Allies, and plague all others of a contrary party.

Wherefore whilſt they had the Roman Arms ſo near them, they reſolv'd to take off Brachyllas the chief of all the Kings Faction. And having taken a convenient opportunity for it, as he came home again drunk from a publick Feaſt, attended by a parcel of effeminate Fellows, who for mirth ſake had been at the ſame place, he was ſet upon by ſix men in Arms (of which three were of Italian Extract, and three Aetolians) and kill'd. His Company ran away, and upon an outcry which they made there was a great tumult all over the City, of people running up and down with lights in their hands. But the Murderers eſcaped at the next Gate. At break of day there was a full Aſſembly ſummon'd by the Cryer into the Theatre, as though ſome diſcovery had been made who were the Aſſaſſinates. But it was openly declared there, that he was kill'd by his own Company, and thoſe obſcene Fellows that were about him: though in their minds they deſign'd to make Zeuxippus Author of the murder. Notwithſtanding at preſent they thought fit to get them laid hold on that had been with him, and examine them firſt. Who whilſt they were upon their Tryal, Zeuxippus coming into the Aſſembly with the ſame intention to purge himſelf of that imputation, ſaid, they were mightily in the wrong who thought that ſuch effeminate Fellows could be guilty of ſo barbarous a murder. And having argued very much to that purpoſe, he made ſome people believe, that if he had been guilty he never would have expoſed himſelf to the Mobile, nor have mention'd any murder when no body provoked him to it: though others did not doubt, but that by offering himſelf ſo freely, and impudently ſpeaking of it firſt, he had a mind to obviate the ſuſpition of his being guilty. The innocent Wretches, who not long after were tortur'd, knowing how all the people ſtood affected, made uſe of their ſentiments for a diſcovery, and named Zeuxippus and Piſiſtratus, without giving any reaſon, why they ſhould be thought to know any thing of it. Yet Zeuxippus fled with one Stratonidas in the night time to Tanagra, ſtanding in fear more of his own Conſcience, than the information of ſuch men as knew nothing of the matter. Piſiſtratus deſpiſing the Evidence, ſtaid at Thebes. Zeuxippus had a Servant who was his confident and inſtrument in all the whole affair, who Piſiſtratus ſo much fear'd would turn Informer, that by his very fear he made him ſo. He ſent a Letter to Zeuxippus, to take off his Servant, who was conſcious of their crimes: for he did not think him ſo fit to keep counſel, as he was to do the buſineſs. Now he that carried this Letter was order'd to deliver it as ſoon as poſſible to Zeuxippus; but he, becauſe he could not readily come to ſpeech with Zeuxippus, deliver'd it to that very Servant, whom he believed to be of all others the moſt faithful to his Maſter, telling him, it came from Piſiſtratus, concerning a thing that mightily concern'd Zeuxippus. The Servant being ſmitten in Conſcience ſaid he would deliver it preſently, but open'd it, and having read it over ran in a fright to Thebes. Whereupon Zeuxippus being concern'd at his mans running away in that manner, went to Athens, as a place more ſecure for a perſon in baniſhment. Piſiſtratus was put upon the Rack, and to ſome torment, whereby he was puniſh'd for his fault.

That murder incenſed all the Thebans and Boeotians into an execrable hatred of the Romans, That Zeuxippus, one of the chief Men in their Nation, ſhould be guilty of ſuch an action. But they had neither ſtrength nor a General fit to renew the War. Wherefere (which was next to making War) they turn'd Robbers, and fell upon ſome Soldiers, that were their Gueſts, and other that were ſtraggling about their Winter Quarters upon ſeveral occaſions; laying ambuſcades upon the Roads at ſuch and ſuch cunning places with which they were well acquainted, whilſt ſome part alſo were carryed into Inns that were left empty on purpoſe and there made away with. At laſt they did thoſe kind of things not out of hatred only, but for the lucre of booty alſo; becauſe moſt of the Soldiers that had Money in their pockets were by permiſſion of their Officers wandring to and fro where they ſaw good [or had a Furlow to go where they pleas'd.] But when at firſt ſome few,, and then more ſtill were daily miſſing, all Boeotia began to get an ill name, and the Soldiers were more afraid to go out of their Camp than they would have been in an Enemies Country. Thereupon Quintius ſent Embaſſadors over all the Cities to inquire into their Robberies, who found many Foot-Soldiers about the Fenn near Copae, where they took up ſeveral dead Bodies out of the Mud and Marſhes, that had ſtones or other things tied to them to make them by the weight thereof ſink to the bottom. Many exploits were found to have been done at Acraephia and Coronea. With that Quintius firſt order'd the offenders to be deliver'd up into his hands; and for five hundred Souldiers (ſo many were made away with) that the Boetians ſhould pay as many Talents. But they refuſing to do either one or the other, and excuſing their Cities with words only, to wit, that there was nothing done by publick conſent, he ſent Embaſſadors to Athens, and into Achaia, to declare before his Allies, that he was about to perſecute the Boeotians with a juſt and a pious War: and having order'd P. Claudius to go with part of the Forces to Acraephia, he with the other part beſet Coronea; the Country being firſt ravaged by the two Armies that went from Elatia two ſeveral wayes. The Boeotians being mightily diſhearten'd at this misfortune, when they had fill'd all places with terrour and confuſion, ſent Embaſſadors [to him:] who were kept ſo long without the Camp, till the Achaeans and Athenians alſo came thither. Now the Achaeans had more authority in their requeſts, and reſolv'd, if they could not have obtain'd a Peace for the Boeotians, to aſſiſt them in the War. By help of the Achaeans therefore the Boeotians had the liberty to go and talk with the Romans, who, having order'd them to deliver up the Criminals, and pay thirty Talents for a Fine, granted them a Peace; and ſo retreated from the Siege.

A few dayes after there came ten Embaſſadors from Rome, who by common conſent granted Philip a Peace upon theſe terms following; That all the Greek Cities, whether in Europe or Aſia, ſhould enjoy their liberty and their own Laws. That look which of them had been under the juriſdiction of Philip, he ſhould draw all his Forces out of them; out of thoſe that were in Aſia, as Euromus, Pedaſa, Bargyllae, Jaſſus, Mycina, Abydus, Thaſſus and Perinthus: for they would have them alſo to be free. Concerning the liberty of the Cians, that Quintius ſhould write to Pruſias, King of Bithynia, what the Senate and the ten Embaſſadours would have done. That Philip ſhould restore their Captives and Fugitives to the Romans, and deliver up all his Ships of War: yea and one Royal Ship alſo of an almost unweildy bigneſs, which was rowed with ſixteen Banks of Oars. That he ſhould not have above five hundred armed men, nor ſo much as one Elephant. That he ſhould not make any War beyond the Confines of Macedonia, without the Senates conſent. That he ſhould give to the Roman People a thouſand Talents; the one half in hand, and the other half by ſeveral payments within ten years then next enſuing. Valerius Antias ſayes, that he was to pay a Tribute of four thouſand pounds of ſilver for ten years, and in hand thirty four thouſand two hundred and twenty pounds. The ſame Author ſayes, it was moreover put as a particular and expreſs Proviſo in theſe Articles, That he ſhould not wage War with Eumenes Attalus's Son, who was then newly come to the Crown. In confirmation of all this there were Hoſtages taken, among whom was Demetrius Philips Son. Valerius Antias ſayes farther, That Attalus, though abſent, had the Iſland Aegina, and Elephants preſented to him, the Rhodians Stratonicea in Caria, with other Cities that had been in Philips hands: and that the Athenians had Parus, Imbrus, Delus and Scyrus ſurrender'd to them.

Now though all the Cities of Greece approved of this Peace, yet the Aetolians above all others were privately diſcontented at the Decree of the ten Embaſſadors, and ſaid, That they in what they did had only made a vain pretence of liberty. For why muſt ſome Cities be deliver'd up to the Romans without being named? and others be named, which yet without being deliver'd up were order'd to be free? unleſs they would have thoſe in Aſia to be free, which are by the very diſtance of them more ſecure; but thoſe in Greece not particularly taken notice of, as Corinth, Chalcis, Oreum, Eretria and Demetrias. Nor was their accuſation altogether vain. For there was ſome doubt made concerning Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias; becauſe in the order of Senate, by which the ten Embaſſadors were ſent from Rome, the other Cities of Greece and Aſia were freed without all diſpute; but about theſe three Cities the Embaſſadors were bid to reſolve what they in their own Conſcience thought moſt conducive to the good of the Common wealth. At this time there was King Antiochus; who, they did not doubt, would come over into Europe as ſoon as ever his affairs were put into a poſture that he liked. Wherefore they had no mind that ſuch convenient Cities as thoſe ſhould lie open for him to take footing in. From Elatia Quintius croſſed over to Anticyra with the ten Embaſſadors, and thence to Corinth: where he held a Council of them and ſaid over and over, That Greece muſt be ſet at liberty, if they meant to rebate the Aetolians tongues, or ever deſired to ſee the Roman name truly loved and valued by all men: and that, if they would believe him, he came over the Sea to deliver Greece, not to transfer the Sovereign Power from Philip to himſelf. The reſt ſaid nothing againſt that, touching the liberty of the Cities; but that it was ſafer for them to remain ſome little time under the protection of the Roman Empire, than inſtead of Philip to have Antiochus for their Lord and Maſter. At length it was thus decreed; That Corinth ſhould be restored to the Achaeans, and yet there ſhould ſtill be a Gariſon in the Caſtle; that Chalcis and Demetrias ſhould be retain'd till their care concerning Antiochus was over.

The time appointed for the Iſthmian Games was now come; which were always uſed to be very much frequented, not only by reaſon of the natural inclination the Nation hath to that ſort of ſhowes, in which you may ſee all kind of Exerciſes and Tryals, either of ſleight, or ſtrength, or nimbleneſs; but likewiſe becauſe there was a general meeting of all Greece, which upon the ſcore of the places convenience, through two oppoſite Seas, at that time flock'd thither. Now therefore being all big with expectation, what condition Greece was like to be in, and what their Fortune would be, ſome did not only muſe in ſilence, but ſpoke out alſo. The Romans ſate together to ſee the ſhow: whilſt the Cryer, with a Trumpeter, as the cuſtom is, march'd forth into the midſt of the Space, where in a ſolemn form the Games are uſually Proclaimed, and having commanded ſilence, with his Trumpet pronounced theſe following words: The Senate and People of Rome, together with Quintius their General, bid all the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, and the Iſland Euboea, with the Magnetians, Theſſalians, Perrhaebians, Achaeans, and Phthians (now that King Philip and the Macedonians were conquer'd) be at liberty, and live without any Laws but their own. He reckon'd up all the Nations that had been under Philip's juriſdiction: and at the hearing of the Cryers Voice there was more joy than the people could well contain. They could ſcarce believe they heard what was Proclaimed; but ſtood in admiration one looking at the other, as if they had been in a Dream. As to what concern'd each ſingle man, they not believing even their own Ears, enquir'd of thoſe that were next to them. Whereupon the Cryer was call'd back again (every one deſiring not only to hear but to ſee the Proclaimer of their liberty) and order'd to pronounce the ſame words a ſecond time. By which means their joy being now grounded upon a ſure foundation, there was ſuch a ſhout, with ſuch applauſe ſet up, and ſo often repeated, that it was very apparent, there is nothing which the World calls good, more grateful to the multitude, than liberty. After that the Games were hudled over in haſt, ſo as that no mans mind or eyes were fix'd upon the Show: one tide of joy upon that ſingle account had ſo much over-whelmed the ſenſe of any other pleaſures.

But when the Games were over, they almoſt all ran toward the Roman General: inſomuch that whilſt the crowd ruſh'd in upon him, out of a deſire to do him reverence, or kiſs his hand, and threw Crowns with Ribbands to them toward him, he was himſelf in danger. But he was thirty three years old, and therefore not only the vigour of his youth, but the joy that he conceiv'd from the ſignal glory which he had gain'd, ſupply'd him with ſtrength enough. Nor was joy of all people extraordinary at the preſent only, but they recall'd and continu'd it for many dayes by grateful thoughts and Speeches: That there was a Nation in the World, which waged War at their own charge, and with the hazard of their own Lives, to ſet others at liberty. Nor did they do ſo to ſuch as border'd upon their Confines, their next Neighbours, or Countries that were upon the Continent with them; but croſs'd the Seas; leſt there ſhould be any Government in the World that were not juſt, and that natural, moral and civil right might every where get the upper hand, That by the ſingle Voice of a Cryer all the Cities of Greece and Aſia were ſet at liberty. Which to hope for was an argument of a bold Spirit; but to effect a demonſtration of great Courage and Fortune.

After this Quintius and the ten Embaſſadours gave Audience to the Embaſſies of the ſeveral Kings, Nations and Cities. But firſt of all King Antiochus's Embaſſadors were call'd in; who having ſaid much what the ſame that had been ſaid at Rome, that is, made a fair and ſpecious pretence without any reality, receiv'd now no perplex'd Anſwer, as they had done before, when Philip being ſecure and potent, things were in a doubtful condition, but were plainly told, That their King must march out of all thoſe Cities in Aſia, that had belong'd either to Philip or Ptolomy; nor meddle with any that were free, or Greek Towns. But above all, that he muſt not either come over into Europe himſelf, or ſend his Forces over. Having diſmiſs'd the Kings Embaſſadors, they began to call a Convention of the ſeveral Nations and Cities. Which was done ſo much the ſooner, for that the Decrees of the Ten Embaſſadors particularly mention'd, the ſeveral Cities concern'd. To the Oreſtians (which are a people of Macedonia) for that they firſt revolted from the King, were reſtored their own Laws. The Magneſians alſo, the Perrhaebians and the Dolops were declared to be free. To the Theſſalians, beſides the liberty that was granted to them, the Phthians, Achaeans were likewiſe put in ſubjection, ſave only Thebes and Phalſalus, two Towns in that Region. But they referr'd the Aetolians (who deſir'd that Pharſalus and Leucas might be reſtored to them according to their League) to the Senate at Rome. They granted leave to the Phocians and Locrians to act jointly as before, by virtue of a Decree: and the Achaeans had Corinth, Triphylia and Haeraea, (which is alſo a City of Peloponneſus) reſtored to them again. The ten Embaſſadors gave Oreum and Eretria to King Eumenes, Son of Attalus: but Quintius being againſt it, the matter was referred to the Senate, who gave their liberty to thoſe Cities, and to Caryſtus beſides. Lycus and Partheni were given to Pleurathus, which are two Cities of Illyrium formerly under Philip: Amynander being order'd to keep thoſe Caſtles that in the time of the War he had taken from Philip.

The Convention being diſmiſſed, the ten Embaſſadors, when they had divided their Provinces among themſelves, went each of them ſeveral wayes to ſet the Cities at liberty: P. Lentulus to Bargyllae, L. Stertinius to Hephaestia, Thaſius and the Cities of Thrace; P. Villius and L. Terentius to King Antiochus, and Cn. Cornelius to King Philip. Whom when he had injoined to ſome other things of leſs moment, he ask'd him, Whether he could admit of advice, that was not only profitable but for his ſecurity alſo? To which when the King reply'd, that he would not only take it, but thank him too, if he ſaid any thing that might be for his advantage; he perſwaded him very earneſtly, that ſince he had obtain'd a Peace, he would ſend Embaſſadors to Rome, to deſire an Alliance and a Friendſhip with the Senate; leſt if Antiochus ſhould ſtir one way or other, he might ſeem to have waited for, and catch'd at an opportunity to make War. Philip was met at Tempe in Theſſalia; where he made an Anſwer, that he would preſently ſend Embaſſadors; and thereupon Cornelius came to Thermopylae, where a full Aſſembly of all Greece (called the Pylaicum) is uſually on ſet dayes held. There he admoniſh'd the Aetolians more than any others, that they would continue faithful and conſtant in their friendſhip to the Romans. Upon which ſome of the Aetolian Nobility complain'd, that the Romans did not ſhew the ſame affection to their Nation ſince the Victory, as they had done in the War: whilſt others more vehemently accuſed and upbraided him, ſaying, That it was not only impoſſible for the Romans to have conquer'd Philip without the Aetolians to aſſiſt them, but they could not ſo much as have come into Greece without them. To which the Roman forbore to Anſwer, leſt the matter ſhould have proceeded to a quarrel, and only ſaid, they would be ſure to have all the juſtice imaginable done them, if they ſent Embaſſadors to Rome. Whereupon by his advice they pitch'd upon Embaſſadors: and thus was the War with Philip made an end of.

Whilſt theſe things paſt in Greece, Macedonia and Aſia, a Conſpiracy of the Servants had like to have put Etruria into a Warlike poſture. But Manius Acilius the Praetor (who had the juriſdiction between Citizens and Foreigners) being ſent to inquire into, and ſuppreſs it, with one of the two City Legions, overcame ſome of them that were gather'd to an head, in open fight (of which many were ſlain, and many taken) but drubbing others who were the chief Conſpirators, hang'd them up upon Croſſes; reſtoring the reſt to their former Maſters. The Conſuls went into their Provinces. But when Marcellus was juſt got into the Confines of the Boii, and ſince his Souldiers were now quite tired with marching a whole day together, was Encamping upon a certain Bank, Corolamus King of the Boii, ſet upon him with a great Army, and kill'd to the number of three thouſand men. In that tumultuary Battle there fell ſome very eminent perſons; among whom were the Prefects of the Allies, T. Sempronius Gracchus, M. Junius Sullanus, and two Tribunes of the Souldiers of the ſecond Legion, A. Ogulnius and P. Claudius. Notwithſtanding the Romans made all the haſt they could to finiſh the Fortifications of their Camp, and kept it, ſo that the Enemy, though they had been ſucceſsful in the late fight, attempted it to no purpoſe. After that for ſome dayes together, Marcellus kept in the ſame Poſt, till he had cured his wounded men, and recover'd his Souldiers Courage from the fright they had been put into. Thereupon the Boii being a Nation that cannot endure to ſtay long in a place, got away into their Forts and Villages: and Marcellus immediately paſſing the Po, march'd into the Territories of Comum, where the Inſubrians, who had perſwaded the Comians to take up Arms, were then Encamped. The Legions join'd Battle upon the rode: in which the Enemy at firſt charged up ſo briskly, that they made the Anteſignani [thoſe Souldiers that were before the Enſigns] give way. Which when Marcellus perceived, he fearing leſt if they were once removed they might be abſolutely routed, oppoſed the Marſian Regiment, and ſent all the Troops of Latine Horſe out to meet the Foe. By whoſe firſt and ſecond effort the violence of the Enemy was ſo far rebated, that the reſt of the Roman Army being thereby encourag'd, firſt ſtood their ground, and then fell fiercely on. Nor could the Gauls any longer endure the ſhock, but turn'd their backs and ran away as hard as they could drive. Valerius Antias tells us, that in that fight there were above forty thouſand men ſlain; four hundred and ſeven military Enſigns taken, with four hundred thirty two Waggons, and a great many gold Chains, one of which being of a great weight, Claudius ſayes, was laid up as an offering in the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol. The Gallick Camp was that day taken and rifled; and ſo was Comum within a few dayes after. After that twenty eight Caſtles revolted to the Conſul. But this alſo is a doubt among Writers, whether the Conſul led his Army firſt into the Country of the Boii, or the Inſubrians, to obliterate the memory of an unfortunate, with a ſucceſsful Battle; or whether the Victory gain'd at Comum were diſparaged by the defeat which he receiv'd among the Boii.

About the time that theſe things were tranſacted with ſuch variety of Fortune, L. Furius Purpureo, the other Conſul, came through Ʋmbria into the Boian Dominions. Where when he was got near to a Caſtle called Mutilum, fearing leſt he might be hedg'd in by the Boii and Ligurians together, he marched back the ſame way that he came, till by a long Circuit about (through an open, Champaign Country, which was for that reaſon the more ſecure) he met with his Collegue; who joining his Forces with him, they firſt of all ravaged all the Boian Territories as far as the Town called Felſina. But that City, the other Caſtles, and moſt of the Boii, except the youth, which were in Arms upon a very great occaſion (and then were retired into the pathleſs Woods) came and ſubmitted to them. Then they led their Army into Liguriae, whether the Boii, ſuppoſing that they might ſurpriſe the Romans (who were negligent in their marching) becauſe they themſelves ſeemed to be at a great diſtance from them, follow'd through by wayes. But not over-taking them, they preſently croſſed the Po in Boats, and having pillaged the Laevians and the Libyans, as they return'd back again, in the very Confines of Liguria, laden with the ſpoil of the Country, they light upon the Roman Army. With that they engaged more ſuddenly and ſharply than if they had come prepared to fight at a time and place appointed for it. There it appear'd, what force paſſion had to inſtigate mens minds. For the Romans were ſo much more deſirous of ſlaughter than of Victory, that they ſcarce left the Enemy a Meſſenger to carry the news of their defeat. For that action upon the receit of the Conſuls Letters at Rome, there was a Supplication order'd for three dayes together. Soon after Marcellus came to Rome, and had a triumph granted him by general conſent of the Senate: ſo that he triump'd in the time of his Office over the Inſubrians and Comians. But he left the hopes of a triumph upon the ſcore of the Boii to his Collegue; for that though he himſelf had been unfortunate in a Battle againſt that people, his Partner had met with better ſucceſs. Many ſpoils were brought along in the Enemies Waggons that he had taken, with many military Enſigns, three hundred and twenty thouſand pounds of braſs money, and of ſilver ſtamped with a Chariot, two hundred thirty four thouſand pound. Out of which he gave to each Foot-Souldier eight hundred Aſſes, and three times as much to every Horſeman and Centurion.

The ſame Year King Antiochus, happening to Winter at Epheſus, endeavoured to reduce all the Cities of Aſia to their old form of Government: for the reſt, he ſuppoſed, either becauſe they were ſituated in Champaigne Places, or that they had but little confidence in the Walls, Arms, or Youth, would eaſily receive his Yoke. Smyrna and Lamſacus were then at Liberty; and therefore there was ſome danger, leſt, if he ſhould wink at them, whom he fear'd, the other Cities in Aeolus and Ionia would follow the example of Smyrna, and thoſe in Helleſpont of Lamſacus. He therefore ſent from Epheſus to beſiege Smyrna, and commanded, that the Forces which were at Abydus, ſave only a ſmall guard that they ſhould leave there, ſhould be drawn out to attack Lamſacus. Nor did he only terrifie them by force, but by his Embaſſadors alſo, ſpeaking kindly to them, and rebuking them for their raſhneſs and ſtubbornneſs, endeavoured to make them hope, That they ſhould ſhortly enjoy what they deſired; and ſaid, That then it would be ſufficiently evident not only to them, but to all others, that they had gain'd their liberty of the King very fairly, and not by any ſubtilty or ſurpriſe. To which they replyed, That Antiochus ought not either to wonder or be angry, if they could not well endure to have their hopes of liberty differ'd. After this, in the beginning of the Spring he ſetting ſail from Epheſus went to Helleſpont, but ſent his Land Forces over to Madytum, a City of Cherſoneſus, where he joyn'd his Sea and Land Army into one Body. And ſeeing that they had ſhut their Gates, he inveſted the Walls with Soldiers; but as he was making his Works ready, and planting his Engines againſt them, they ſurrendered, being followed by all the other Cities of Cherſoneſus, who through the ſame principle of fear were induced to do the ſame thing. Thence he went with all his Land and Sea Forces together to Lyſimachia; which when he found deſerted and almoſt all turn'd into heaps of rubbiſh (for the Thracians had taken, and ſack'd, and burnt it ſome few Years before) he was deſirous to repair ſo noble a City that was ſo well ſituated. Whereupon he began with all the care imaginable, not only to rebuild the Walls and Houſes [that were down] but likewiſe, partly to redeem the Lyſimachians that were in ſlavery, and partly to ſeek out and get together ſuch as were fled and ſcattered about Helleſpont and Cherſoneſus; beſides that he added new Inhabitants alſo, through hopes of advantage which he propoſed to them, and uſed all means he might to make it populous. And that he might remove their fear of the Thracians, he himſelf went with one half of his Land Forces to plunder the adjacent parts of Thrace, leaving the other half and all his Seamen to aſſiſt at the rebuilding of the City.

At this time alſo C. Cornelius, who was ſent to decide the Controverſies between the two Kings, Antiochus and Ptolomy, reſiged at Selymbria; and, of the ten Embaſſadors, P. Lentulus from Bargyllae, with P. Villius and L. Terentius from Thaſſus came to Lyſimachia; where L. Cornelius likewiſe from Selymbria, and after a few days Antiochus too out of Thrace came and met him. The firſt interview between him and the Embaſſadors, as their invitation alſo afterward, was kind and hoſpitable. But when they began to talk of their buſineſs and the preſent ſtate of Aſia, their minds were exaſperated. The Romans ſaid, That all he had done, ſince he ſet ſail with his Fleet from Syria, was contrary to the Senates inclinations, and that they thought it reaſonable, he ſhould reſtore to Ptolomy all thoſe Cities, that had been ſubject to him. Nor did they think it tolerable that he ſhould have thoſe Cities neither, which, when they were in Philip's poſſeſſion, Antiochus had ſeized whilſt Philip was imployed in the War againſt the Romans; that is, that the Romans ſhould have taken ſo much pains, and undergone ſo many dangers for ſo many Years together, and Antiochus have the reward of it. But though his coming into Aſia might be winked at by the Romans, as not at all concerning them, yet now, when he was come with all his Sea and Land Forces over into Europe, how far was he from declaring open War againſt the Romans? But he indeed, though he came into Italy it ſelf, would deny [that he had any ſuch deſign].

To this the King replyed, and told them, He ſaw very well long before that time, that the Romans were very inquiſitive into the Actions of King Antiochus; but never conſidered, how far they themſelves ought to go by Land and Sea: That Aſia did not at all belong to the People of Rome; nor ought they any more to inquire, what Antiochus did in Aſia, than Antiochus, what the Roman People did in Italy. As to Ptolomy, from whom they complained that he had taken ſuch and ſuch Cities, he not only was at preſent Ptolomy's Friend, but endeavoured alſo ſhortly to contract an affinity with him. Nor did he ſeek for any ſpoils out of Ptolomy's broken Fortune, or was come with his Army into Europe, to oppoſe the Romans, but to recover the Cities in Cherſoneſus and Thrace. For he was the rightful Lord of them, it being originally the Kingdom of Lyſimachus: upon whoſe defeat all that had been his, and by the Law of Arms became Seleucus's, he thought belong'd to him. That, when his Anceſtors were taken up with looking after other things, Ptolomy firſt had poſſeſs'd himſelf of ſome part of them, and then Philip uſurp'd the reſt; as ſome of the neareſt parts of Thrace, which without doubt belonged to Lyſimachus. That he came to reduce thoſe places to their ancient condition: and to rebuild Lyſimachia, which the Thracians had demoliſhed, that his Son Seleucus might make that the ſeat of his Kingdom.

When theſe diſputes had continued for ſome days, there was a report ſpread abroad, without any known Author for it, concerning the Death of Ptolomy, ſo that there was no end made of thoſe diſcourſes. For both ſides pretended that they heard ſo. Thereupon L. Cornelius, who was ſent Embaſſador to the two Kings, Antiochus and Ptolomy, deſired a convenient ſpace of time to go and ſpeak with Ptolomy; that he, before any diſturbance was made in the new poſſeſſion of that Kingdom, might come into Aegypt; whilſt Antiochus thought that Aegypt would be his, if he had then an opportunity. He therefore, having diſmiſs'd the Romans, and left his Son Seleucus with his Land-Forces to rebuild Lyſimachia, according to his deſign, himſelf ſailed with all his Fleet to Epheſus; where having ſent Embaſſadors to Quintius, who ſhould pretend to treat with him concerning an Alliance, he coaſted along by Aſia, and came into Lycia. But there though he knew that Ptolomy dwelt then at Patara, yet he omitted the deſign of ſailing into Aegypt. Notwithſtanding he went toward Cyprus; but when he was paſt the Chelidonian Promontory was ſtaid for ſome ſmall time, by a mutiny among his Seamen, in Pamphylia, near the River Eurymedon. From thence he was going to the head (as they call it) of the River Sarus, but a mighty tempeſt aroſe and drowned both him and all his Fleet. Many of his Ships were caſt on Shore, and many others ſo ſwallow'd up by the Sea, that never a man eſcaped to the Land. A great number of men were loſt at that time, not only of Sailers, and private Souldiers, but even of his moſt eminent Friends. Wherefore having gather'd up the reliques of the wreck, ſeeing that he could not poſſibly get to Cyprus, he returned to Seleucia with a much leſs Army than he brought from home. There when he had order'd his Ships to be haled up into the Docks (for it was now Winter) he himſelf went on to winter at Antiochia. And in this poſture were the two Kings affairs.

That was the firſt year that ever there were Triumviri Epulones [i. e. Three Officers created to take care of the ſacred Feaſts at the time of Sacrificing] made at Rome; whoſe names were C. Licinius Lucullus, T. Romuleius (who propoſed the Law for their being created) and P. Porcius Laeca. To theſe Triumviri alſo, as to the chief Prieſts, was allow'd by the ſame Law the wearing of a white Gown guarded with Purple, called Toga praetexta. But the City Queſtors, Q. Fabius Labeo, and L. Aurelius, that year had a great conteſt with all the Prieſts in general. They had need of money, becauſe they were to pay the laſt payment of the money lent toward the carrying on of the War to thoſe private perſons [of whom it was borrow'd.] The Queſtors therefore demanded of the Augurs and Prieſts the arrears of contribution which in the time of the War they had not paid. Thereupon the Prieſts appealed to the Tribunes, but all in vain; for the ſtipend or aid-money was exacted from them for all thoſe years that they had not paid it. The ſame Year two of the chief-Prieſts dy'd, and two more were put in their rooms, M. Marcellus the Conſul in the place of C. Sempronius Tuditanus, who died, whilſt he was Praetor, in Spain, and L. Valerius in the room of M. Cornelius Cethegus. Q. Fabius Maximus alſo, the Augur, or Soothſayer died very young, before he had ſerved an Office in the State; nor was there any Augur that year put in his place. Then the Conſular Aſſembly was held by M. Marcellus the Conſul, in which there were created Conſuls L. Valerius Flaccus and M. Porcius Cato. After that they choſe the Praetors, who were C. Fabricius Luſcinus, C. Atinius Labco, Manlius Vulſo, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Manlius and P. Porcius Laeca. The Curule Aediles, who were M. Fulvius Nobilior, and C. Flaminius, diſtributed ten hundred thouſand Buſhels of Wheat among the people at two Aſſes the Buſhel; which Corn the Sicilians had brought to Rome out of reſpect to C. Flaminius himſelf, as well as to his Father. But Flaminius let his Collegue partake with him in the peoples thanks for it. That year the Roman Games were not only magnificently ſet forth but perform'd quite through thrice over. The Aediles of the people, Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, and C. Scribonius, chief Curio [i. e. Alderman] brought a good many Graziers to juſtice before the people; of whom there were three condemn'd: and out of their Fines they built a Temple to Faunus in an Iſle [that was in the Tiber.] The Plebeian Games were celebrated for two days, and there was a Feaſt upon the ſame account.

When L. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Porcius, the day that they enter'd upon their Office, had propoſed to the Senate the diviſion of the ſeveral Provinces, the Senate thought fit, that ſince there was a War broke out in Spain only, for which reaſon of conſequence they ſhould want both a Conſular General, and a Conſular Army, the two Conſuls ſhould either agree between themſelves concerning the hither Spain and Italy for their Provinces, or caſt Lots for them. He that happen'd to have Spain, ſhould carry along with him two Legions, five thouſand Allies of the Latine Nation, and five hundred Horſe, with twenty long Ships. That the other Conſul ſhould raiſe two Legions, which were enough to keep the Province of Gaul in awe, ſince the Inſubrians and Boians were ſubdu'd the year before. Cato chanced to get Spain, and Valerius Italy: and then the Praetors choſe their Provinces. C. Fabricius Luſcinus had the City, C. Atinius Labeo the Foreign juriſdiction, Cn. Manlius Vulſo Sicily, Ap. Claudius Nero the farther Spain, P. Porcius Laeca Piſa (that he might be on the back of the Ligurians) and P. Manlius was ſent as an aſſiſtant to the Conſul into the hither Spain. T. Quintius, now that not only Antiochus and the Aetolians, but Nabis alſo, Tyrant of Lacedemon, was ſuſpected, was continu'd in Commiſſion a year longer, and to have two Legions. To which if there was any ſupplement wanting, the Conſuls were order'd to raiſe men, and ſend them into Macedonia. Ap. Claudius the Praetor had leave to raiſe (beſides the Legions which he had of Q. Fabius) two thouſand Foot and two hundred freſh Horſe. And the like number of new Horſe and Foot was granted to P. Manlius for the ſervice in the hither Spain, with the Legion that had been commanded by the Praetor Minucius. P. Porcius Laeca alſo had two thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe out of the Gallick Army, allotted him for the defence of Etruria about Piſa; Sempronius Longus being continu'd in Commiſſion at Sardinia.

The Provinces being thus divided, the Conſuls before they went from the City, did ſacrifice upon the ſcore of the Spring, by order of the chief Prieſts: that being a thing which A. Cornelius Mammula the Praetor had vow'd to do by the Senates approbation, and the peoples conſent, and was done twenty one years after it was vow'd, when Cn. Servilius and P. Flaminius were Conſuls. At the ſame time C. Claudius, Son of Appius [ſurnamed] Pulcher, was choſen Augur in the place of Q. Fabius Maximus, who died the year before, and was then inaugurated [i. e. inſtall'd.] Now when all people were admiring, that the War raiſed in Spain ſhould be neglected: there was a Letter brought from Q. Minucius, That he had fought a ſucceſsful pitch'd Battle, at a Town call'd Turba, with Budares and Beſaſides, the Spaniſh Generals, in which he had ſlain twelve thouſand of the Enemies, taken Budares Priſoner, and routed all the reſt. Which Letter being read, they were in leſs fear of Spain, from whence they expected a mighty War. But all their cares, after the arrival of the ten Embaſſadors, were imploy'd upon King Antiochus. For they told them (after they had firſt given an account of the tranſactions between them and Philip, and upon what terms they had granted him a Peace) that there was no leſs fear of a War to come upon them yet from Antiochus. That he was come over with a vaſt Navy, and a great Land Army into Europe: and that unleſs the vain hopes he had (which aroſe from a vainer rumour) of invading Aegypt diverted him, all Greece would ſhortly be in a flame. Nor would the Aetolians themſelves be at quiet, being not only by nature a reſtleſs ſort of people, but now alſo offended at the Romans too. That there was another miſchief likewiſe that ſtuck in the very Bowels of Greece, and that was Nabis, who was at preſent Tyrant of Lacedemon, and would be ſoon, if he might, ſole Lord of all Greece, being as covetous and as cruel as all the Tyrants that ever were heard of. That if he were ſuffer'd to keep Argos as a Guard and a check upon Peloponneſus, when the Roman Armies were carried away into Italy, Greece would be freed from Philip to no purpoſe at all: for inſtead of a King, that lived a great way off, it would have a neighbouring Tyrant to be its Lord and Maſter.

When the Senate heard this, not only from grave Authors, but men that ſpoke of their own knowledge, whatever brought the King into Syria, they thought fit firſt to haſten the conſultation touching the Tyrant. And when they had a long time debated, whether there was yet reaſon enough, that T. Quintius ſhould be appointed to mannage the matter, as to Nabis of Lacedemon, they gave him liberty to do what he thought beſt for the Common-wealths intereſt: becauſe they ſuppoſed it to be ſuch an affair, as whether haſten'd or delay'd, would not prove of any great moment to the main concern of Rome: but that they ought rather to obſerve, what Annibal and the Carthaginians were like to do, if they ſhould have a War with Antiochus. Thoſe of the Faction, contrary to Annibal, wrote ſeveral Letters to the great men of Rome, who were their particular Friend, to inform them; That there were Meſſengers and Letters ſent from Annibal to Antiochus, and that Embaſſadours came privately to him from the King. That he, like ſome wild Beaſts, would never be tamed, ſo ſavage, and implacable was that mans mind. That he complain'd, the City [of Carthage] was enfeebled by ſloth, eaſe, and want of imployment, nor could be rowzed up [to their former activity] without the claſhing of Arms. The remembrance of the former War, which was carried on as well as firſt raiſed by him alone, made all this probable: not but that he had alſo exaſperated the ſpirits of a great many Noblemen too by what he had lately done.

The Judges of Carthage at that time bore the Sovereign ſway, and that chiefly for this reaſon, becauſe they were perpetual. The Eſtate, Credit, and Life of every man was in their power; and he that had one of that rank, had all of them againſt him: Nor was there any accuſers wanting before thoſe angry Judges. But whilſt they exerciſed this their Tyrannical and Arbitrary Power (for they did not uſe it like Citizens) Annibal being choſen Praetor, call'd the Queſtor to him: though the Queſtor valu'd not the Summons, as being of the contrary Faction; beſides that, conſidering men were made Judges (the moſt powerful Order of Citizens) that had been Queſtors, he was proud to think what a mighty Fellow he ſhould ſhortly be. But Annibal taking it for an affront, ſent an Officer to ſeize the Queſtor, and bringing him into the publick Aſſembly, accuſed not him more than the whole Order of Judges, through whoſe Pride and Riches there was in effect neither Laws nor Magiſtrates: and obſerving that the people were pleaſed to hear him (for their Pride and Tyranny was grievous, even to the meaneſt of the Citizens) he immediately propoſed and carried a Law, That the Judges ſhould be choſen every year; and that no man ſhould continue in that office two years together. But what good will he gain'd among the Commonalty by ſo doing, he loſt with great part of the Nobility. He likewiſe did another thing, which though it were for the publick good, procur'd him a great many Enemies. The publick Revenues were partly through negligence decay'd, and partly made a prey and a dividend to ſome of the great men and Magiſtrates; beſides that the money which was to be paid every year to the Romans toward maintaining their Armies, was then lacking; ſo that private men were in danger of an heavy Tax. Annibal therefore having learnt what the Revenues were both by Sea and Land, and upon what occaſions they were laid out; together with how much of them the ordinary expences of the Common-wealth came to, and what they were cheated of in the publick accounts, he declar'd in the Aſſembly and made his words good, That (if the remainder of the publick ſtock were collected, though the Tax upon private perſons were remitted) the Common-wealth would be rich enough to pay their tribute to the Romans. But then thoſe who had lived for ſeveral years upon cheating the publick, as though their own goods had been taken from them, and not what they had ſtoln out of the Exchequer, extorted out of their hands, being incens'd and angry inſtigated the Romans (who had themſelves a mind to find ſome ground for a quarrel with him) againſt Annibal.

Wherefore though Scipio Africanus were for a long time againſt ſuch proceedings, becauſe he thought it did not conſiſt with the dignity of the Roman People to favour their animoſities and accuſations againſt Annibal, or to interpoſe their publick authority between the Carthaginian Factions; nor to be content to have conquer'd Annibal, unleſs, like Informers, they ſwore Calumnies againſt him, and call'd his honour in queſtion; yet they at laſt ſo far prevailed as to get Embaſſadors ſent to Carthage: who before the Senate there might prove, that Annibal conſpired with King Antiochus about raiſing of a War. There were three Embaſſadors ſent, whoſe names were C. Servilius, M. Claudius Marcellus, and Q. Terentius Culleo; who, when they came thither, by advice of Annibals Enemies, asking the reaſon of their Embaſſy, bid them give out, that they came to decide the controverſies between Maſiniſſa, King of Numidia, and the Carthaginians. That report was generally believed; but Annibal knew well enough that he was the only man, whom the Romans aimed at; and that the Carthaginians had a Peace granted them on no other account, but that they ſhould maintain an irreconcileable War againſt him. Wherefore he reſolved to give way both to the times and to Fortune; and having before-hand prepared all things for his eſcape, he came that day into the Forum, or Market-place, to avoid ſuſpition; but aſſoon as it was dark, in a Lawyers habit, got out at the Gate with two men to attend him, that knew nothing of his deſign.

His Horſes being ready at the place appointed, he paſt in the night by a certain Region of the Volan Territories, and the next day in the Morning came to his own Tower between Acholla and Thapſus. There a Ship, prepared and furniſhed with Oars [for a Voyage] took him in; and ſo Annibal left Africa, but pitied his Country more than himſelf. That day he arrived at the Iſle Cercina. Where finding in that Port certain Merchant Men with Wares on board of them, who came and ſaluted him at his landing; ſeeing they enquired what his buſineſs was that way, he bad his Men tell them, He was going Embaſſador to Tyre. But fearing leſt any of thoſe Ships, ſetting out in the Night, ſhould carry the News to Achola or Thapſus, that they had ſeen him at Cercina, he ordered a ſacrifice to be prepared, and the Maſters of the Ships with the Merchants to be invited [to the Feaſt;] as alſo, that his Men ſhould borrow all the ſails and ſail yards out of the ſeveral Ships, to make a Tent upon the Shoar which might be ſhady (for then it was Midſummer) for them to ſupp in. As much as his affairs and the time would ſuffer, the entertainment of that Day was prepared and ſet out with all ſolemnity; and the Company drank till late in the Night. But Annibal, as ſoon as he had an opportunity of getting away unknown to them that were in the Port, weighed Anchor. The reſt, who were aſleep, when they roſe the next Day ſtill full of laſt Nights debauch (too late to do any good) ſpent ſome hours in placing their Oars in their Ships, and fitting up their tackling. At Carthage alſo the rabble, that uſed to frequent Annibals Houſe, ran to the Porch thereof; and when they heard he did not app • ar, came thronging into the Forum, and enquired after the Governour of their City, ſome of them ſaying, That he was fled (which was true,) and others, That the Romans had kill'd him, which they were more pleaſed at, though you might have ſeen ſeveral Faces there which look'd very differently like Men in the City that favour this or that Faction. But at laſt the News came, That he was ſeen at Cercina.

When the Roman Embaſſadors had told the Senate [of Carthage] That the Roman Senate were certified, not only that King Philip was formerly very much excited by Annibal to make War upon the Romans, but that now alſo there were Letters and Meſſengers ſent from him to King Antiochus; and that he would never be quiet till he had ſet the whole World in an uproar. Ʋpon which account he ought not to ſcape unpuniſhed, though the Carthaginians ſhould ſatisfie the Roman People, that nothing of all this was done either by their order, or publick approbation. The Carthaginians replyed, That they would do whatever the Romans thought fitting. In the mean time Annibal arrived very ſafe at Tyre, where he was entertain'd by thoſe that built Carthage [i. e. the Tyrians or Phoenicians] as in another native Country, being a perſon ſo renowned for all ſorts of honours, and, having ſtayed there ſome few Days, ſailed thence to Antioch. There, finding that the King was already gone away, he went to wait upon his Son, who was celebrating a ſolemn ſort of Games at Daphne; and having been kindly received by him, made no ſtop nor ſtay in his intended Voyage. At Epheſus he overtook the King, who yet was wavering in his mind, and unreſolved as touching the Roman War. But Annibal's coming gave him no ſmall encouragement to proſecute that deſign; beſides, that at the ſame time the Aetolians alſo were revolted from their alliance with the Romans; for that the Senate referr'd their Embaſſadors (who came to demand Pharſalus and Leucas with ſome other Cities according to their firſt League, to Quintius.

DECADE IV. BOOK IV. The EPITOME.

1, 2, &c. That Law call'd, Lex Oppia, which C. Oppius, Tribune of the People had introduced, for the reſtraining of Womens habits to ſuch and ſuch faſhions, was abrogated with the greateſt zeal imaginable: though Porcius Cato were againſt the aboliſhing of it. 8, 9, &c. He going into Spain quieted all the hither Province of it by a War, which he began at Emporia. 22, &c. T. Quintius Flaminius made an end of the War, that he had managed with ſucceſs againſt the Lacedaemonians and their Tyrant Nabis, giving them ſuch terms of Peace as he thought good, and freeing Argos, which was in ſubjection to the Tyrant. 43. That was the firſt time, that the Senate ever was at Playes in a place diſtinct from the people: for the procuring of which, Sex. Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cethegus the Cenſors interpoſed, to the great diſpleaſure of the people. 44. Several Colonies were planted. 45. M. Porcius Cato's triumph over Spain. 46. Their proſperous atchievements in Spain are further deſcribed, with what ſucceſs they had againſt the Bois and Inſubrian Gauls. 51. T. Quintius Flaminius, who had conquer'd Philip, King of Macedon, and Nabis, Tyrant of Lacedemon, and had freed all Greece, for his numerous and great exploits triumph'd three dayes together. 59. The Carthaginian Embaſſadors came and told [the Romans] that Annibal, who was fled to Antiochus was helping him to raiſe a War. 60. Now Annibal had endeavour'd by means of Ariſton, a Tyrian, whom he ſent without Letters to Carthage, to make the Carthaginians renew the War.

A Midſt the concern that they had for great Wars, which either were not yet well ended, or juſt hung over them, there intervened a thing but very ſmall to ſpeak of, but ſuch as by the ſeveral Factions grew up to a mighty Controverſie, M. Fundanius and L. Valerius, Tribunes of the People, propoſed to the Commons the abrogating of the Oppian Law. C. Oppius, a Tribune of the People had made it, when Q. Fabius, and T. Sempronius were Conſuls, in the very heat of the Punick War, [and it was] That no woman ſhould have more than half an Ounce of gold about her, nor wear any party-coloured Garment, nor ride in a Chariot with two Horſes, either in the City, or any other Town, or within a thouſand paces from it, unleſs it were upon the account of publick and religious ſolemnities. M. and P. Junius Brutus, Tribunes of the People ſtood up in defence of this Law, and ſaid, they would not have it abrogated. Beſides whom many of the Nobility alſo came forth to perſwade and diſſwade the people one way and the other. The Capitol was fill'd with a crowd of men that partly favour'd, and partly oppoſed it: nor could the Matrons be kept at home, either by authority, modeſty, or the Commands of their Husbands, but beſet all the ſtreets of the City, and the Avenues going into the Forum, deſiring the men as they came that way, that now the Common-wealth flouriſhed, and the private fortune of every man daily increaſed, they would let the matrons alſo have their ancient Ornaments again. This concourſe of the Women was every day more and more. For they came likewiſe out of the ſeveral Towns and Burroughs: and were at laſt ſo bold as to go and deſire the Conſuls, the Praetors and other Magiſtrates [to ſtand their Friends] though they could do no good with one of the Conſuls, M. Porcius Cato, who for the Law which they would they have abrogated, made this Speech.

If every one of us, Romans, had reſolv'd to keep up majeſty and Prerogative of an Husband over his own Wife, we ſhould not have had all this trouble with the Women in general. But now our liberty being reſtrain'd at home by the Tyrant of our own Women, 'tis intrenched and trampled upon here alſo in the Forum: and we, becauſe we could not endure them ſingly, are frighted at them all together. Truly I thought it was a Fable and a feigned story, that ſuch a number of Husbands were taken off by a Conſpiracy of Women in the Iſland of Lemnos. But indeed there is the ſame danger to be fear'd from any ſort of people, if you admit of Cabals, Councils and ſecret Conſults. Nor can I hardly tell, whether the thing it ſelf be worſe or of worſe Example: the one of which concerns us Conſuls, and all other Magiſtrates, and the other you, Romans, more eſpecially. For you who are to vote, are to judge, whether that which is propoſed to you be for the benefit of the Common-wealth or no. Now this tumult of the Women, whether it aroſe of it ſelf, or by your advice, (M. Fundanius, and L. Valerius) yet ſince it certainly layes a blame upon the Magiſtracy, I cannot tell whether it be more reflective upon you Tribunes, or upon the Conſuls: upon you, if you now moved the Women to ſtir up tribunitial ſeditions; and upon us, if as heretofore of the people, ſo now by means of a ſeceſſion of the Women, we must have Laws impoſed upon us. Truly I came not without bluſhing juſt now through a great Troop of Women into the Forum: and if I had not been restrained by the reſpect I bore to ſome of them for their quality and modeſty, more than I did to all of them in general; I would have hinder'd their being ſaluted by the Conſul, and ſaid: What a faſhion is this, of running out into the ſtreets and calling to other Womens Husbands? Could you not each of you deſire the ſame thing of your Husbands at home? Are you more obliging in publick than in private, and to other Womens than your own? Although you ought not, even at home, if Matrons would keep within the bounds of modesty, as they ſhould do, to concern their ſelves what Laws are either made or abrogated in this place. Our Anceſtors would not ſuffer Women to do any private buſineſs without the advice of a man, but to be at the diſpoſal of their Parents, Brethren or Huſbands. But we (forſooth) now adayes let them mannage even the Common-wealth it ſelf, and to come into the Forum to all publick Aſſemblies, and other meetings. For what elſe do they at preſent do in the ſtreets and croſs wayes, but ſome of them perſwade the paſſing of what the Tribunes propoſe, whilſt others are of opinion that ſuch and ſuch a Law ought to be abrogated? Give way to their unruly nature, to the untamed animal [called Woman] and then hope that they'll ſet bounds to their own liberty without your help. But this is the leaſt thing of thoſe that the Women take ſo hainouſly, as being injoin'd either by Cuſtom or Law. They deſire a liberty, yea an unlimited Licence (if we would ſay the truth) to do all manner of things. For what will they not attempt, if they gain this point?

Pray ca'l to mind all the Female Laws, by which our Anceſtors have reſtrain'd that Sex, and whereby they have made them ſubject to their Husbands, and yet though they are tied up by all theſe, you can hardly keep them in order. What if you ſhould ſuffer them to carp at particulars, and extort ſuch and ſuch things from you, ſo as to make themſelves equal to you; do you think they would be tolerable to you? No, aſſoon as ever they are equal, they will be above you. But now forſooth they defend themſelves, leſt any new thing ſhould be put upon them. They do not ſeek to evade that which is Law, but an injury. Yes indeed, that Law, which you admitted of, which by your Votes you have conſented to, which by the uſe and experience of ſo many years you have approved, they would have you abrogate: that is, that by aboliſhing of one Law you may invalidate all the reſt. No Law is ſuitable to all peoples humours and interests; this being the only queſtion, whether it be good for the greater part [of the Community] and in the main; if it deſtroys and removes all that which is injurious to private perſons; for what does it ſignifie to propoſe Laws to the people in general, which they, for whom they are made, can preſently abrogate? Yet I have a mind to hear what the reaſon is, why the Matrons run thus out into the ſtreets, and ſcarce keep from even the Forum and publick Aſſemblies. Is it to get their Captive Parents, Husbands, Children or Brothers redeemed from Annibal? Oh! no, that fortune is far, and may it ever be ſo, from our Common-wealth, though when it was ſo, you denied their pious Petitions. But it is not piety or ſolicitude for their Friends, it is Religion, may be, that has drawn them together. What, are they to receive the Goddeſs Cybele again at her arrival from Peſſinus in Phrygia? What modeſt word, I'd fain know, can any man ſay in defence of this Female Sedition? Oh! we, ſay they, would ſhine in gold and purple, and when we had made their Votes our own, ride both on holy and working dayes, in Chariots through the City, in triumph, as it were, over the vanquiſh'd and abrogated Law: that there may be no bounds ſet to our expences or luxury.

You have often heard me complain, not only of the prodigality of Women, but of men too, and thoſe as well Magiſtrates as private perſons; and that the City labours under two different Vices of Avarice and Luxury, which have been the bane of all great Empires. As to theſe, the better and more proſperous the fortune of the Common-wealth each day becomes, the more the Empire thrives; now that we are alſo got over into Greece and Aſia, which are fill'd with all allurements to Vice, and begin to handle the Kings Treaſure too; I am ſo much the more afraid, leſt they ſhould rather catch us than we them. Believe me, the Syracuſans did this City a great deal of injury. And now I hear there are too many at Corinth and Athens, who praiſe and admire the ſeveral Ornaments there, but laugh at the Earthen Statues of the Roman Gods that are fixed up before [your Temples.] But I would rather have theſe propitious Gods, as I hope I ſhall find them, if we can ſuffer them to continue where they are. Within the memory of our Fathers, Pyrrhus, by his Embaſſador Cyneas, tempted not only our men, but our Women alſo with preſents [that he ſent them] before the Oppian Law, for restraining Womens Luxury was made; but never an one of them accepted [what he offer'd.] What do you think was the reaſon of it? Why even the ſame that our Anceſtors had, not to make any Law touching this affair; that is, there was no luxury then to be reſtrained. For as it is neceſſary the diſtemper ſhould be firſt known before you can know the Cure of it, ſo extravagant deſires muſt ſhew themſelves before there can be Laws to reſtrain them. What cauſed the Licinian Law, that no man ſhould have above five hundred Acres, but a mighty deſire that men had of ſtill increaſing their Eſtates? What the Cincian Law, concerning gifts and preſents, but becauſe the people now began to be tributary and ſtipendiary to the Senate? Wherefore 'tis no wonder, that neither the Oppian, nor any other Law was wanting at that time, to ſet limits to the expences of Women, when they would not receive gold and purple which was freely preſented to them. If Cineas ſhould now go about with thoſe preſents [which he then offer'd] he would find the Women ſtanding in the ſtreets to receive them. Now for my part I cannot imagine what is the cauſe or reaſon of ſome deſires. For as it carries ſomething perhaps of natural ſhame and indignation with it, that the ſame thing which another may do, you may not, ſo when the habits of all people are alike, why ſhould any of you be afraid to be ſeen in ſuch a garb? I muſt confeſs, to be niggardly or poor, are the worst of cauſes why a man ſhould be aſhamed; but the Law, in this Caſe, frees you from both theſe imputations, when you have not that which you cannot lawfully have. But ſayes a great Lady, I cannot endure this very levelling and equality; why ſhould not I appear all glittering with gold, and clothed in purple? Why ſhould the poverty of others lie hid under the umbrage of this Law; ſo as that what they cannot have, they, if it were lawful, ſhould ſeem to be able to buy? Will you, Romans, give your Wives occaſion to contend in this manner; that the rich Women ſhall deſire to have, what no Woman elſe can purchaſe? and the poorer ſort, lest for this very reaſon they ſhould be contemn'd, to ſtretch beyond their abilities? If ſo, then certainly, as ſoon as they are once aſhamed of what they ought not, they will not be aſhamed of what they ought. She that can out of her own ſtock, will purchaſe [the thing ſhe lacks] and ſhe that cannot, will ask her Husband. And woe be to that man who either does or does not grant their requeſts! when he ſhall ſee that which he himſelf would not give her, given by another man. Now a-dayes they commonly ask other Womens Husbands [to give them ſuch or ſuch a thing, or do them this or that kindneſs] yea, and which is more, deſire them to make a Law and give their Votes [in favour of the Women] and of ſome they obtain their deſires, though toward thee, thy Eſtate and Children they are inexorable. As ſoon as the Law ceaſes to ſet bounds to thy Wives extravagancy, thou wilt never be able to do it. Romans, do not ſuppoſe that you ſhall be in the ſame condition, as you were before this Law was made. For as it is ſafer not to accuſe an ill man, than to have him upon the accuſation acquitted; ſo luxury would have been more tolerable had it never been medled with than it will be now; being like a ſavage Beaſt by its very bonds firſt enraged and then let out. For my part, I do not think the Oppian Law ought to be abrogated by any means. But do you what you pleaſe, and Heaven direct you in it.

After this the Tribunes of the people alſo, who profeſſed that they would interpoſe, having added ſome few words to the ſame purpoſe, L. Valerius to promote the Law which he had propoſed, made this Speech: If private perſons only had come forth to ſpeak both for and againſt that which we now propoſe; I alſo, ſince there have been enough ſaid on both ſides, ſhould have with ſilence expected their Votes. But now, ſeeing ſo grave a perſon as M. Porcius Cato, the Conſul, hath oppoſed our Bill, not only by his authority, which though ſilent, would have been prevalent enough, but in a long and accurate Oration alſo, I muſt of neceſſity make ſome ſhort anſwer to him: though he has been at the expence of more breath to chaſtize the Matrons, than in arguing againſt our Bill, and has ſtrove to make a doubt of it, whether the Matrons had done what he found fault with on their own accord, or by our advice. But I'll defend the cauſe not our perſons; upon whom the Conſul has thrown theſe things rather verbally, than fix'd any real accuſation upon us. He has call'd it a Caballing, Seditious, and ſometime a ſeceſſion of the Women, that the Matrons ſhould ask you in the open ſtreets, to abrogate a Law made againſt them in the time of War, now in the happy and flouriſhing times of Peace. I know there are great words (not only theſe but others alſo) that may be found out to aggravate the matter: and we all know that Cato is an Orator, not only grave, but ſometimes alſo ſevere, though naturally he be very mild. For what new thing, I pray, have the Matrons done, in going out great numbers of them together into the ſtreets, upon a buſineſs that concern'd them? Did they never appear in publick before? I will turn over your own Book (Cato!) called Origines, againſt you. See there how oft they have done it, and that alſo for the publick good. In the very firſt Age when Romulus reigned, and the Capitol being taken by the Sabines, there was a ſet Battle in the midst of the Forum, was not the fight made an end of by the Matrons running in between the two Armies? What? After the Kings were driven out, when the Volſcinian Legions had Encamped at the fifth ſtone [five miles from Rome] under the Conduct of Coriolanus, did not the Matrons divert that Army, which would have otherwiſe deſtroy'd this City? When the City was taken by the Gauls, how was it redeemed? Why, the Matrons brought in their gold to the publick ſtock by general conſent. In the next War (not to mention old ſtories) when money was ſhort, did not the Widows moneys augment the treaſury? and when new Gods alſo were ſent for to aſſiſt us in our doubtful circumſtances, all the Matrons went to the Seaſide to receive the Goddeſs Cybele. But the cauſes, you'll ſay, are not alike. Nor did I deſign to make them parallel. 'Tis enough if I prove this to be no new thing. Now can we wonder that they ſhould do, in a caſe that ſo nearly concern'd them, what no body admired that they did in affairs that equally belonged to all Men and Women both? But what have they done? Really, Gentlemen, we have very proud Ears, if when Maſters do not reject the Petitions of their Slaves, we cannot endure to be intreated by freeborn, virtuous Women.

I come now to that which is the main point, in which the Conſul ſaid two things. For he was neither willing that any Law at all ſhould be abrogated, nor that eſpecially that had been made to reſtrain the luxury of Women. One part of his Speech ſeemed to defend all Laws in general, and the other was againſt Luxury, very agreeable to his ſevere behaviour. Wherefore it may chance, that unleſs we inform you what miſtakes there are in both parts, you may be deceiv'd into a falſe opinion. For I, as I confeſs, that I would have none of thoſe Laws, (which were not made for any particular time, but, being of perpetual advantage, to stand for ever in full force) abrogated; unleſs either experience refuſes it, or ſome ſtate of the Common-wealth has made it of no uſe: ſo thoſe Laws which were occaſion'd by ſuch and ſuch junctures of affairs, I ſee are mortals (if I may ſo ſay) and changeable as the times themſelves. Thoſe that were made in Peace, War many times abrogates; and thoſe that were made in War, Peace, as in the management of a Ship, ſome things are of uſe in a calm, and others in a ſtorm. Now ſeeing theſe things are in their nature ſo diſtinct, of which ſort, I pray does that Law ſeem to be that we would abrogate? Is it an ancient Kingly Law, enacted at the firſt founding of the City? or is it (which is the next in dignity) written by the Decemviri, who were created to make Laws in the twelve Tables? or ſuch an one, that ſince without it our Forefathers did not think the honour of Matrons could be prefer'd, we alſo ought to fear, leſt with it we may abrogate and deſtroy the modeſty and chastity of our Women? But who knows not, that it is a new Law, made twenty years ago, when Q. Fabius, and T. Sempronius were Conſuls? without which, ſince our Matrons lived ſo many years very regular, what fear is there, I'd fain know, that upon our abrogating thereof, they ſhould run out into ſuch luxury? For if this Law was therefore made, that it might reſtrain the exorbitance of Women, we ought to fear, leſt being abrogated it might increaſe it: but why it was made, the very time then ſhew'd. Annibal was in Italy Victorious at Cannae; having Tarentum, Arpi, and Capua already in his poſſeſſion; and ſeemed in all probability reſolv'd to bring his Army to Rome. Our Allies were revolted: we had not Souldiers to ſupply [our neceſſities] nor Seamen to defend our Navy, nor money in our Treaſury: we were forced to buy Slaves, to make Souldiers of, upon condition to pay their Maſters for them when the War was over; the Publicans [i. e. Farmers of the Cuſtoms] undertook to procure Corn and other things convenient for the carrying on of the War, for which they were to be paid at the ſame time: we furniſh out Servants to row, every man according to his Estate, whom we brought in together with our aid money: we contributed all the gold and ſilver we had (the Senators giving us the first Example) toward the publick charges: and not only Widows but Orphans too brought their moneys into the Treaſury. There was care taken, that no man ſhould have above ſuch a quantity of gold or ſilver that was coined, nor above ſo much ſilver and braſs-money in his Houſe. At that time the Matrons were grown to a great height of Luxury and Pride, inſomuch that to reſtrain them, the Oppian Law was much wanted: for, ſeeing that the Sacrifice to Ceres, for which all the Matrons mourn'd, was intermitted, the Senate order'd their lamentation to be made an end of in thirty dayes. Now who does not plainly ſee, that this Law, which was made upon account of the neceſſity and miſery of the City, (for that all the money which private men had, was to be converted to the publick uſe) was to continue only ſo long, as the reaſon of it ſhould remain? For if what the Senate at that time decreed, or the people conſented to, to ſerve the preſent occaſion, must have been always obſerv'd, why do we pay back their money to private perſons? why do we not now let out the publick Revenues for ready money? why do we not now buy Slaves to make Souldiers of? why do we not, every private man, ſupply Rowers, as we then did?

Shall all other ranks, all other ſorts of people be ſenſible how much the ſtate of the Common-wealth is alter'd for the better, and ſhall our Wives only not ſhare in the benefits of peace and tranquillity? ſhall we men uſe purple, and wear the Praetexta [a white Gown, guarded with purple] in our Magiſtracies and Prieſthoods: ſhall our Children have Gowns guarded with purple, ſhall the Officers in Colonies and Burroughs, and here at Rome, the meaneſt ſort, even the Overſeers of the ſtreets [or Scavengers] have the priviledge of wearing a guarded Gown, and that not only whilst they live, but be burnt in ſuch a Robe of ſtate, when they are dead too; and yet ſhall we forbid our Women only the uſe of purple? And when you, who are the Husband, may make your Horſe-Cloth of purple, will you not ſuffer your Wife to have a Mantle of the ſame? will you let your Horſe be better Clothed than your Bedfellow? I muſt own indeed in the caſe of purple, which is ſubject to wear and decay, I perceive there is ſome reaſon for your tenacity, though it be an unjuſt one; but in gold, wherein, beſides the uſe of the money paid for it, there is no loſs, what hurt can be? That is rather a ſecurity to you both in publick and private caſes, as you have often found. [Cato] ſaid there was no emulation among them, when never an one of them had the uſe of it. But then, alas, they are all grieved and enraged to ſee the Wives of our Allies, the Latines, wear thoſe Ornaments, which they are abridged of; to ſee them glittering in gold and purple, them carried about the City, whilſt they themſelves follow on foot, as though their Cities and not Rome were the Seat of the Empire. This would vex the Souls even of men; what then, think ye, is it like to do in Women, whom ſmall things ſo much diſturb? The Women cannot bear Offices in the Common wealth, nor be Prieſts, nor triumph, nor have the Enſigns of authority, nor preſents, nor ſpoils taken in War: neatneſs, and finery, and good apparel are the only diſtinctions belonging to Women: with theſe they pleaſe themſelves and glory in them, and this our Anceſtors called Mundus muliebris [Womens Ornaments.] What do they do but lay aſide their gold and purple when they mourn? or what elſe, when their mourning's over, do they reſume? What do they add to their dreſs in times of congratulation, or publick Thanksgivings [to the Gods] but their beſt apparel? But you think, that if you ſhould abrogate the Oppian Law, it will not be in their power to forbid any thing, which that Law now forbids. Your Daughters, Wives and Siſters too will not be ſo much at their diſpoſal. [But let me tell you] A Womans ſubjection is never at an end as long as her relations [as Parents, &c.] are alive: and they themſelves abhor that liberty which is occaſion'd by loſs of Huſbands or Parents. They would rather have their habit to be at their diſpoſal than regulated by Law: and you on the other ſide, ought to keep them under the like careful Guardians, and not in ſlavery; chuſing rather to be called Fathers or Husbands by them, than Lords or Maſters. The Conſul juſt now made uſe of odious terms, when he call'd it a ſedition, or a ſeceſſion of the Women. For there is great danger, I'll warrant you, leſt they, like the enraged Commons, ſhould go up into the Sacred Mount, or the Aventine. We muſt bear with this infirmity, what ever you think of it; and the more you are able to do, the more moderate you ought to be in the exerciſe of your power.

When theſe things were ſaid, both againſt and for the Law, there was a greater concourſe of Women in the ſtreets the next day: and all of them in one Body throng'd to thoſe Tribunes Doors, who interpoſed againſt the Bill that was brought in by their Collegues; nor did they ſtir thence, before the Tribunes diſclaimed what they had done. Yet after that there was no doubt but all the Tribes would abrogate that Law: and abrogated it was in the twentieth year after it was made. M. Porcius the Conſul, after the Oppian Law was abrogated, went immediately with twenty five long Ships, of which five belonged to their Allies, to the Port of Luna, where the Army was order'd to meet him; and having ſent an Edict over all the Sea Coaſt, by virtue of which he muſter'd up all ſorts of Veſſels, he, as he was going from Luna, Commanded them, to follow him to the Port of Venus Pyrenaea; for thence he reſolv'd to go with a numerous Fleet againſt the Enemy. They therefore, paſſing by the Ligurian Mountains and the Gallick Bay, met him at the day appointed. Thence they came to Rhoda, and routed the Gariſon of Spaniards, that were in the Caſtle, by main force. From Rhoda they ſailed with a fair Wind to Emporia: where all the Forces, except the Seamen, were put on ſhore.

At that time Emporiae was two Towns, divided by a Wall; the one inhabited by Greeks from Phocaea, whence the Maſſilians alſo came; and the other by Spaniards. But the Greek Town lay to the Sea, the Wall whereof was at leſt four hundred paces about: and the Spaniards Wall, being more remote from the Sea, three thouſand paces in Circuit. To theſe there was a third fort of men added, as a Colony by Auguſtus Divus Caeſar after he had Conquer'd Pompey's Sons. Now they are all incorporated into one Body; the Spaniards having been firſt, and at laſt the Greeks alſo made Denizons of Rome. He that ſhould have ſeen the Greeks at that time expoſed on the one hand to the open Sea, and on the other to the Spaniards, a fierce and a Warlike Nation, would have wonder'd, what it was that preſerv'd them. But it was their Diſcipline indeed, the guard of Infirmity, which among thoſe that are ſtronger [than their Neighbours] fear beſt protects. That part of their Wall next the Fields they fortified very well, having made but one Gate on that ſide, of which ſome one of their Magiſtrates was the conſtant Keeper. In the night a third part of the Citizens watch'd upon the Walls: nor that only for faſhions ſake, or becauſe the Law obliged them to it, but they kept their Watches, and went their rounds with as much care, as if an Enemy had been at their Gates. They admitted no Spaniard into their City: nor went themſelves inconſiderately out of it. But to the Seaward there was an outlet from all people. They never went out at the Gate, toward the Spaniſh Town, but in great numbers (almoſt a third part of them) and thoſe ſuch as had watch'd the night before upon the Walls. Now the reaſon of their going out was this: the Spaniards had Commerce with them, as being themſelves unskillful in Sea-affairs; and deſired not only to buy ſuch Foreign Commodities as were imported thither, but to vend the product of their own Country. The mutual uſe therefore that they made of each other, cauſed the Spaniſh City to lie open to the Greeks. They were alſo ſo much the ſafer, in that they lay under the umbrage of the Romans Friendſhip; which as they retaliated with leſs force than the Maſſilians, ſo with equal fidelity. At that time alſo they entertained the Conſul and his Army with great reſpect and kindneſs. But Cato, having ſtaid there ſome few dayes, till he found where the Enemy was, and what Forces they had; that in his very ſtay there he might make ſome progreſs toward his deſign, he ſpent all the time in exerciſing of his Souldiers. It happen'd to be the time of year, when the Spaniards had their Corn in their Barns, and were a thraſhing of it. Wherefore he forbad the Purveyors to buy any Corn, and ſending them to Rome, ſaid, The War ſhall maintain it ſelf. So marching from Emporiae he burnt and waſted the Enemies Country, filling all places with diſtraction and terrour.

At the ſame time, as M. Helvius was going out of the farther Spain, with a guard of ſix thouſand men, which was given him by Ap. Claudius the Praetor, the Celtiberians met him in a great Body at a Town called Illiturgum. Valerius ſayes, They were twenty thouſand fighting men; of which twelve thouſand were ſlain, the Town of Illiturgum taken, and all their youth of mans eſtate kill'd. Thence Helvius came to Cato's Camp; and becauſe that part of the Country was now ſecure from the Enemy, having ſent his guard back into the farther Spain, he went to Rome, where he for the ſucceſs he had met with in the management of his affairs, went ovant into the City. He brought into the Treaſury fourteen thouſand ſeven hundred thirty two pounds of Silver Bullion, and ſeventeen thouſand twenty three pounds of coined Silver, ſtamped with the ſign of a Chariot, with twenty thouſand four hundred thirty eight of Oſcan ſilver. The reaſon why the Senate deny'd him the honour to triumph, was, becauſe he had fought by the direction of another, and in another mans Province. But he came back two years after, for that when he had deliver'd up the Province to his Succeſſor Q. Minucius, he had been detain'd there all the year following by a long and a tedious ſickneſs. Wherefore Helvius came into the City Ovant only two months before his Succeſſor Q. Minucius triumphed. He alſo brought along with him thirty four thouſand eight hundred pounds of ſilver, ſeventy eight thouſand pieces ſtamped with a Chariot, and of Oſcan ſilver two hundred ſeventy eight thouſand pounds.

In the mean time the Conſul was encamped in Spain, not far from Emporiae; whither there came three Embaſſadors from the petit King of the Ilergetes, one of which was his Son, to complain, that their Caſtles were attacked; nor had they any hopes to make reſiſtance unleſs the Romans would aſſiſt them. That five thouſand Souldiers were enough for the Enemies, who if ſuch a number of men ſhould once appear, would not ſtay. To which the Conſul replyed, That he was concern'd very much for the danger and fear which they were in; but that he had not near ſo many men, as that now there was a great body of the Enemies not far off, with whom he expected every day to engage in a ſet Battle, he, by dividing his Army, could ſafely impair his Forces. When the Embaſſadors heard that they cry'd, and threw themſelves down at the Conſuls Feet, deſiring, That he would not deſert them in ſuch dangerous circumſtances; for whither ſhould they go, if they were repulſed by the Romans? they had no Allies, nor any other hopes in all the World. That they might have been out of that danger, if they would have revolted from their Allegiance, and conſpired with other Nations. But they were not moved by any threats, nor any other Bug bears, as hoping that the Romans would be a ſufficient help and aſſiſtance to them. Which if they failed to be, and the Conſul denied them his aid, they called both Gods and men to witneſs, that they would revolt, though ſore againſt their wills, and for pure neceſſity, leſt they ſhould ſuffer the ſame as the Saguntines did: and would die with the rest of the Spaniards rather than periſh alone. And that day they were thus diſmiſſed without an Anſwer.

The next night the Conſul was mightily troubled in mind, being loth on the one hand to deſert his Allies, or to his Army on the other: becauſe it might either defer his fighting, or make it dangerous for him to engage. At laſt he reſolv'd, not to leſſen his Forces, leſt the Enemy in the mean time ſhould do him any hurt or diſhonour: but thought it best for him to give his Allies hopes inſtead of reality. For he ſaid, that ſhams, in War eſpecially, had often paſſed for truth; and that he who believ'd he had ſuch or ſuch aſſiſtance, was many times preſerv'd through his mere confidence by hoping and attempting. But the next day he told the Embaſſadors, that though he was afraid that by lending his Forces to others, he might weaken his own party, yet he had a greater regard to them and their preſent dangerous circumſtances than to himſelf. So he order'd notice to be given to the third of his Souldiers in every Regiment, that they ſhould prepare Victuals to carry with them on board the Ships, and the Ships to be made ready against the third day after that. Then he bad two of the Embaſſadours go tell Biliſtages and the Ilergetes what he ſaid; but kept the Kings Son with him by entertaining him civilly, and preſenting him with ſeveral gifts. The Embaſſadors did not depart before they ſaw the Souldiers Ship'd, but then they brought certain news of what they had ſeen; which fill'd not only their own men, but the Enemies alſo with the rumour of the Roman Auxiliaries coming.

The Conſul when he had done enough to make a ſhow of, order'd the Souldiers to be recall'd out of the Ships: and himſelf, when the time of year drew nigh, in which he might conveniently carry on his affairs, pitch'd his Winter Camp a thouſand paces from Emporiae; from whence, as occaſion ſerv'd, he drew forth his men, ſometimes one way, and ſometimes another (leaving a ſmall Guard in the Camp) to plunder the Enemies Country. They went out for the moſt part in the night time, not only that they might have opportunity to go as far as poſſible from the Camp, but in order to ſurprize the Enemy; by which method of his, as he exerciſed his freſh Souldiers, ſo he took a great many of the adverſe party; who now durſt never move out of the Fortifications of their Caſtles. But when he had ſufficiently tryed the inclinations and courage, not only of his own men, but of the Enemy too, he order'd all the Tribunes, Prefects and Horſemen to be ſummon'd together, and told them, The time that you wiſhed for, is now come: in which you ſhould have an opportunity of ſhewing your valour. Till this time you have behaved your ſelves more like Robbers than Souldiers, but now you ſhall engage with the Enemy man to man in a ſet Battle. Now you ſhall no longer ravage their Country, but drain the wealth of their Cities. Our Forefathers, when the Carthaginian Generals were with their Armies in Spain, where they themſelves had no Generals nor any Souldiers, were yet reſolved to put this condition alſo into their League, that the River Iberus ſhould be the boundary of their Empire. But now though there are two Praetors, a Conſul, and three Roman Armies in Spain, where there hath been never a Carthaginean for almoſt theſe ten years, we have loſt our Dominions about Iberus. This you ought to recover by your Arms and Courage, and force this Nation that renews the War by raſhneſs more than conſtant fighting, to reſume that Yoke which it hath ſhaken off. Having ſpoken much to this purpoſe, he declar'd, that in the night he would march toward the Enemies Camp; and ſo diſmiſs'd them to refreſh their Bodies.

At midnight, having conſulted the Soothſayers, he went out, to take what place he thought fit, before the Enemy was aware of him, and wheeling round their Camp, at break of day, having ſet his Army in Battalia, ſent three Regiments up to their very Bullwark. The Barbarians admiring that the Romans appear'd behind them, ran every man to their Arms: whilſt the Conſul ſpoke to his own men in this manner: Fellow Souldiers, ſaid he, there is no hopes left ſave in your Courage, and indeed I did what I could to have it ſo. For the Enemies are in the middle between us and our Camp. Behind us is the Enemies Country. Now as it is moſt glorious, ſo it is moſt ſafe, to have all our hopes placed in our valour. With that he order'd the Regiments to retire, that by pretending to fly he might tempt the Barbarians out: and, as he believ'd, ſo it fell out. For they, ſuppoſing that the Romans were afraid, and therefore retired, ſallied forth at their Gate; filling all the ſpace between their Camp and the Enemies Army with armed men. But whilſt they were in an hurry to ſet their men in Array, the Conſul, who had every thing ready and in order, ſet upon them whilſt they were in confuſion, leading the Horſe in both the Wings firſt into the fight. But they being preſently beaten, and giving ground in the right Wing, put the Foot alſo into a fright. Which when the Conſul ſaw, he order'd two choſen Regiments to be drawn about from the right flank of the Enemy, and to ſhew themſelves behind, before the Foot were engaged. That put the Foe into ſuch a fright, that it made the Battle, which before was like to be loſt through the Romans fear, pretty equal again. Notwithſtanding the Horſe and Foot in the right Wing were ſo diſorder'd, that the Conſul himſelf took ſome of them with his own hand, and turn'd them towards the Foe. By this means the fight was not only doubtful as long as they fought with Darts [or other Weapons to throw at a diſtance] but now alſo in the right Wing, where their fright and flight began, the Romans could ſcarce maintain their ground. The Barbarians were hard put to it in the left Wing and in the Front; looking back upon the Regiments that were behind them with great conſternation. But when they had thrown away all their Iron Javelins and Fire-Darts they drew their Swords, and thereby as it were, renew'd the fight; wounding each other not at a diſtance with uncertain ſtrokes at unawares, but ſetting Foot to Foot, placed all their hopes in their courage and ſtrength.

When his Men were now tired the Conſul brought the Regiments of reſerves out of the ſecond Diviſion of the Army into the fight, whereby to animate their drooping hearts: and then they being now made a new Army, the freſh men with their new Weapons ſetting upon the tired Enemies, firſt broke in upon them with a brisk effort in form of a Wedge, as it were, and ſoon after routed them, ſo that they ran over the Fields as faſt as they could back to their Camp. When Cato ſaw all places fill'd with the flying Enemy, he rode back to the ſecond Legion that was in the Reer, and ordering the Enſigns to be carried before him, commanded them to march with all ſpeed and attack the Enemies Camp. But if any of them ran too eagerly out of their ranks, not only he himſelf ſmote him with a Dart, but bad the Tribunes and Centurions to correct them for it. And now they were beſieging the Enemies Camp, when the Romans were repell'd with ſtones and ſtakes, and all ſorts of Weapons from the Bullwark. But when the new Legion came on; then not only the Beſiegers were the more incouraged, but the Enemy alſo more fiercely defended their Bullwark. The Conſul took a view of all places quite round, to get an opportunity of breaking in upon them where they made the weakeſt reſiſtance. At the left Gate he ſaw them very thin, and thither therefore led he the Vanguard and the Spearmen of the ſecond Legion. The Guard that was at the Gate could not endure the ſhock of them: and the reſt alſo, when they ſaw the Enemy within the Bullwark, being forced from their very Camp, threw down their Enſigns and Arms and were kill'd in the very Gates by their own men that could not all get out at ſuch narrow paſſages: whilſt the Souldiers of the ſecond Regiment gauled them behind, and the reſt rifled their Camp. Valerius Antias ſayes, that there were above forty thouſand of the Enemy that day ſlain: and Cato, who was never backward to praiſe himſelf, ſayes, there were a great many kill'd, but does not mention the exact number of them.

He is thought to have done three very commendable things that day: the one in that having led his Army about, a good way from his Fleet and Camp, where they could have no hopes but in their valour, he began the fight amidſt his Enemies; the other, in that he ſet the Regiments upon the Enemies Reer: and the third, for that he order'd the ſecond Legion (when all the reſt were diſpers'd to purſue the Enemy) to march regularly in Rank and File, under the Enſigns up to the Gate of the Enemies Camp. Nor did he lie idle after he had got the Victory: but having given the ſignal for a retreat and brought his men back all laden with ſpoils into the Camp, he gave them ſome few hours of that night to take their reſt in, and then led them forth to plunder the Country. And there indeed they were very extravagant in what they did, the Enemy being all routed and diſperſed: which forced the Emporitan Spaniards and their Neighbours to a ſurrender no leſs than the unfortunate Battle the day before. Many alſo of other Cities, that had fled into Emporiae, ſurrender'd themſelves: all which, when he had ſaluted them very kindly, and refreſh'd them with Wine and Victuals, he ſent to their own homes. Then preſently he removed his Camp from that place; and which way ſoever his Army went, Embaſſadours met him from Cities, that ſurrender'd themſelves. But when he came to Tarraco, all Spain on this ſide Iberus was already ſubdu'd, and the Captives, (as well Romans as Allies of the Latine Race) who were oppreſſed in Spain by ſeveral misfortunes, were brought back as a preſent to the Conſul. After that there was a report, that the Conſul would lead his Army into Turdetania, and a falſe rumour alſo ſpread, that he would go toward the inacceſſible and devious mountainers. Upon this vain report, without any authority for it, ſeven Caſtles belonging to the Bergiſtans revolted: and that people, the Conſul, (bringing down his Army upon them) ſubdu'd without any memorable Engagement. But, not long after, the ſame Nation, when the Conſul was gone back to Tarraco (and before he went forward any way from thence) fell off again: But were a ſecond time reduced, though they had not the ſame kind uſage as before, being all ſold for ſlaves, that they might never more diſturb the Peace.

In the mean time P. Manlius the Praetor, having received the old Army from Q. Minucius, whom he ſucceeded, and likewiſe join'd to it Ap. Claudius Nero's old Army out of the farther Spain, went into Turdetania. Now the Turdetans are accounted the moſt effeminate of all the Spaniards. Yet relying upon their multitude they went to meet the Roman Army. But the Horſe being ſent in upon them immediately put their Army into diſorder. The Foot conflict had no difficulty in it at all; for the old Souldiers underſtanding very well the Enemies methods, and the Diſcipline of War made no queſtion of the Victory. And yet they did not end the War with that fight. The Turdetans hired ten thouſand Celtiberians and prepared for the War with Foreign Arms. In the mean time the Conſul being concern'd at the Rebellion of the Bergiſtans, and ſuppoſing that the other Cities would, upon occaſion, do the ſame thing, diſarm'd all the Spaniards on this ſide Iberus. Which thing they took ſo very ill, that many of them made away with themſelves; for being a Warlike Nation, they thought it not worth while to live without Arms. Which when the Conſul heard, he order'd the Senators of every City to be called before him, and told them; It is not more our intereſt, than yours, that you ſhould not rebel. For that hath hitherto been always done with greater diſadvantage to the Spaniards, than trouble to the Roman Army. But I ſuppoſe there is one way to prevent that, by putting you out of a capacity to rebel. And I am reſolv'd to bring that about the mildeſt way I can. Pray do you alſo aſſiſt with your Counſel in the affair; for I'll follow no advice more willingly than what you your ſelves ſhall give me. Whereupon they being ſilent, he told them, he'd give them ſome few dayes time to conſider of it. But when, being ſummon'd again, they held their tongues at the ſecond Council alſo, he in one day pull'd down all their Walls; and then marching toward thoſe that were not yet reduced, as ſoon as he came into every Country, admitted all the people that dwelt there round about to make their Surrenders: ſave that he took Segeſtica, a great and opulent City, with Engines, and Galleries [like Pent-Houſes, made of Boards and cover'd with raw Hides, &c. to keep off Arrows, &c. from the Souldiers, whilſt they made their approaches to the Walls of a Town.]

Now he found it ſo much the more difficult to ſubdue his Enemies, then than, thoſe that firſt came into Spain: becauſe, to his Predeceſſors the Spaniards revolted, as being weary of the Carthaginian Yoke; but by him were to be vindicated or judicially challeng'd, as it were, from their uſurped liberty into ſlavery: wherefore he found all things in ſuch confuſion, that ſome of them were in Arms, and others by being beſieged were forced to revolt: nor had he not come in time to aſſiſt them, could they have held out any longer. But the Conſul had ſo much wit and courage together, that he uſed to make one himſelf in every thing that was done, whether greater or leſſer: nor did he conſider only and give order for that which was convenient, but himſelf alſo tranſacted ſeveral things in his own perſon: never ſhewing his authority more gravely or ſeverely upon any one than upon himſelf. For he vied with the meaneſt of his Souldiers in Parſimony, watchings, and pains-taking; nor had he any thing in the Army more than another man, excepting honour and the command of it.

The Celtiberians, who, as I ſaid before, were hired by the Enemy, made the War in Turdetania the more difficult to P. Manlius the Praetor: Wherefore the Conſul, for whom the Praetor ſent a Letter, led his Legions thither. When he came there (now the Celtiberians and the Turdetans had two diſtinct Camps) the Romans running into their ſtations began to make ſome light Skirmiſhes with the Turdetans; coming off with Victory, though their attempt was never ſo raſh. Then the Conſul order'd the Tribunes of the Souldiers to go and talk with the Celtiberians, and to carry them their choice of three conditions [of Peace:] the firſt, that they would come over to the Romans, and accept of double the pay which they were to have from the Turdetans: the next, that they would depart to their own homes, upon the publick word and promiſe, that their joining with the Romans Enemies ſhould be no diſadvantage to them: and the third, that if they delighted in War, they would appoint a time and place, where they might fairly fight it out. But the Celtiberians deſired time to conſult of it. There upon a Council was held, at which there were ſeveral Turdetans preſent, with a great Tumult, that hinder'd their reſolving upon any one point. Now though it were uncertain, whether they ſhould have Peace or War with the Celtiberians, yet the Romans, as in times of Peace, carried in Proviſions out of the Country and Caſtles of the Enemies: and, beſides that, went often into their Fortifications, as if they had agreed upon a Commerce with them by virtue of a private Truce. But the Conſul, finding that he could not tempt the Enemy to fight, firſt of all, led ſome of his moſt active Regiments, under their ſeveral Banners, into that part of the Country, that was yet unpillaged: where having an account, that all the Baggage and Carriages of the Celtiberians were left at Seguntia, he went forward with his Army to attack that place. But ſeeing that nothing would provoke them, he, having paid off not only his own men, but the Praetors alſo, and left all the Army in the Praetorian Camp, himſelf with ſeven Regiments went back to Iberus.

With that force, though ſo ſmall, he took ſeveral Towns; beſides that the Sedetans, Auſetans, and Sueſſetans revolted to him. But the Lacetans, who lived in a pathleſs, woody Country, were ſtill in Arms, not only by reaſon of their natural inclination to War, but becauſe they were conſcious that whilſt the Conſul and his Army were imploy'd in the Turdetan War, they had plunder'd the Roman Allies by ſudden incurſions which they made upon them. Wherefore, to attack their Town, the Conſul led not only the Roman Regiments, but the youth of thoſe Allies who were ſo juſtly incenſed at them. Their Town was very long, and not nigh ſo broad: from whence he ſet up his Standard about four hundred paces. And, leaving there a guard of certain choſen Regiments, he order'd them, not to ſtir out of that place, till he himſelf came to them: but led the reſt of his Forces round to the farther ſide of the City. The Sueſſetan youth were the greateſt part of all his Auxiliaries; whom he commanded to approach and attack the Wall. The Lacetans knew by their Arms and Enſigns, who they were; and therefore, remembring, how often they had over-ran their Country, how often they had routed and defeated them in ſet Battles, on a ſudden open'd their Gates, and ſallied out all together upon them. The Sueſſetans could ſcarce endure the ſhout that they ſet up, much leſs their violent Effort: which when the Conſul (as he thought before hand he ſhould) ſaw come to paſs, he gallop'd up to the Wall of the Enemies, to the Regiments: and taking them haſtily along with him (whilſt all the Lacetans were in eager purſuit of the Sueſſetans) led them into the City, at a place where there was ſilence and no Company [to defend it] taking all the whole Town before the Lacetans came back. They therefore ſoon afterward, having nothing but their Arms, ſurrender'd themſelves to him.

From thence he preſently march'd victorious to Vergium, a Fort ſo called; which was for the moſt part a refuge for Robbers; who from thence made incurſions into the peaceful parts of his Province. Thence fled the Prince, or Governour of the Town, and came to the Conſul, beginning to excuſe both himſelf and his Country-men [in this manner.] That the Government of that Town was not in their hands: but that a Company of Robbers, that were taken in, had made the whole Gariſon their own. Thereupon the Conſul bad him go home again, but frame ſome plauſible excuſe for his abſence; and when he ſaw him under the Walls (the Thieves being then alſo intent to defend them) that then, with the men of his own Faction, he ſhould be ſure to ſeize the Caſtle. Accordingly he went and did as he was order'd: which put the Romans on the one hand (whilſt they were climbing the Walls) and the Barbarians on the other hand (to ſee the Caſtle taken) into a ſudden conſternation. The Conſul having got poſſeſſion of this place, commanded that all thoſe, who were in the Caſtle, with their Relations, ſhould have their liberty and Eſtates; order'd the Queſtor to ſell the reſt of the Townſmen, and puniſh'd the Robbers [as he thought fit.] Having quieted the Province he impoſed great Taxes upon the Iron and Silver Trades, out of which the Province grew every day ſtill richer and richer: and for theſe exploits of his in Spain the Senate decreed a Supplication of three dayes continuance.

The ſame Summer the other Conſul L. Valerius Flaccus fought a ſecond ſet Battle with the Boii in Gaul, near the Litan Wood: in which, they ſay, there were eight thouſand Gauls ſlain, and that the reſt, quitting the War, eſcaped into their Villages and other parts of the Country. The Conſul, the reſt of the Summer, kept his Army near the Po, at Placentia and Cremona, and repaired thoſe places which in thoſe Towns were demoliſh'd in the War. Now this being the ſtate of affairs in Italy and Spain, T. Quintius (who had ſo ſpent his Winter in Greece, that excepting the Aetolians (whoſe rewards for their Victory were not anſwerable to their expectations; beſides that they would not long be pleaſed with Peace and quietneſs) all Greece, enjoying the advantages at once of Peace and Liberty too, were very well ſatisfied with their condition; nor did they more admire the Courage of the Roman General in War, than his Temperance, Juſtice and Moderation even in Victory) had an order of Senate brought to him, to declare War againſt Nabis of Lacedaemon. Which when Quintius had read, he by Embaſſadours ſummon'd a Convention at Corinth of all the aſſociated Cities upon ſuch a day: where when the great men from all parts were met together, ſo as that even the Aetolians did not fail to come, he made this Speech to them: The Romans and the Greeks were not more unanimous, and agreed in their making War againſt Philip, than they had both of them reaſon to be. For he had forfeited the Romans Friendſhip, not only by aſſiſting the Carthaginians, their Enemies, but here alſo by oppoſing our Allies; and behaved himſelf ſo toward you, that the injuries done to you, though we ſhould forget our own, would be to us a ſufficient ground for a War. This dayes conſultation depends wholly upon you. For I refer it you, whether you will ſuffer Argos, which you know to be now in Nabis's poſſeſſion, to continue in ſubjection to him; or whether you think it reaſonable, that a very famous and ancient City lying in the middle of all Greece, ſhould be reſtor'd to its liberty, and be in the ſame condition with the other Cities of Peloponneſus and Greece in general. This conſultation, you ſee, is about a thing that wholly relates to you only: for it does not at all concern the Romans, ſave only in this, that one Cities being in ſlavery hinders the glory of having ſet Greece at liberty from being full and perfect. But if neither your care for that City, nor the example, nor the danger of it be ſo prevalent with you, as to make you ſtop the progreſs of that contagious evil, we are content. For I conſult you in this affair, reſolving to ſtand by what the majority of you ſhall think fit to be done.

After the Roman General had made this Speech, they began to ſumm up the opinions of the others alſo. Among whom when the Athenian Embaſſadors had extoll'd (as much as he was able) the merits of the Romans toward Greece, by giving them many thanks, and ſaying, that being deſir'd they lent their aſſiſtance againſt Philip; but now, without asking, freely offer'd their aid against the Tyrant Nabis: and ſeemed to be very angry, that ſuch great deſerts ſhould be by ſome people leſſen'd, who calumniated what was to come, when they ought rather to have paid their thanks for what was paſt, it plainly appear'd that he meant the Aetolians. Wherefore Aminander the chief Magiſtrate or Prince of that Nation, inveighing firſt againſt the Athenians, who though they were once the Aſſertors and Authors of liberty, did now, to gratifie their own flattering humour, betray the common cauſe; and then complaining, that the Achaeans, who were formerly Souldiers under Philip, though at laſt they revolted from his declining fortune, had already taken Corinth, and endeavour'd all they could to get Argos alſo: but that the Aetolians, though they had been Philips firſt Enemies, perpetual Allies to the Romans, and had bargain'd by League that the Cities and Lands, when Philip was conquer'd ſhould be theirs, were cheated of Echinus and Pharſalus; he accuſed the Romans of fraud; for that under the vain pretence of liberty they kept Gariſons in Chalcis and Demetrias; though when Philip defer'd the drawing of his Guards thence, they uſed to object and ſay, that Greece would never be at liberty as long as Demetrias, Chalcis and Corinth were in his poſſeſſion: and laſtly, that they pretended the reaſon why they staid with their Armies in Greece, proceeded from Argos and Nabis. But let them carry their Legions into Italy; and the Aetolians would undertake that Nabis ſhould draw his Guards out of Argis, either upon their terms, and when they pleas'd, or they by force of Arms would compel him to ſubmit to the unanimous reſolutions of all Greece in general.

This vain boaſt of his firſt moved Ariſtaenus, Praetor of the Achaeans; who ſaid; Great Jupiter, and his Queen Juno, (in whoſe protection Argos is) forbid, that that City ſhould be as a booty between the Lacedemonian Tyrant, and thoſe Thieves the Aetolians, and in ſuch danger, that we ſhould have it again in a worſe condition, than when by him it was taken. T. Quintius! The Sea that lies betwixt, does not defend us from thoſe Robbers: What would become of us then, if they had a Caſtle in the middle of Peloponneſus? They have only the language of Grecians, as they have the ſhape of men: but they uſe manners and cuſtoms more rude than any Barbarians, yea than the moſt ſavage Beaſts. Wherefore we deſire you, Romans, not only to recover Argos from Nabis, but likewiſe ſo to ſettle the affairs of Greece, as to leave theſe parts ſecure from the rapine of the Aetolians. The Roman ſeeing all the Aſſembly on every ſide did ſo much blame the Aetolians, ſaid, he would have anſwer'd them, had he not ſeen them all ſo incens'd againſt that Nation, that they ought rather to be reconciled than provoked. Wherefore he ſaid, that, being content with that opinion, that they had of the Romans and Aetolians, he refer'd it to them, what they thought of making a War againſt Nabis, unleſs he reſtored Argos to the Achaeans. Whereupon when they all had voted for a War, he deſired, that each City would ſend what Auxiliaries they could. He alſo ſent an Embaſſadour to the Aetolians, to diſcover their inclinations more than out of any hopes he had of their aſſiſtance.

Then he Commanded the Tribunes of the Souldiers to ſend for the Army from Elatia: and at the ſame time gave Antiochus's Embaſſadours that came to treat concerning an Alliance, this Anſwer, that he could not reſolve upon any thing whilſt the ten Embaſſadours were abſent, but they muſt go to Rome to the Senate. When his Forces were come from Elatia he himſelf led them on to Argos, and Ariſtaenus, Praetor of the Achaeans, met him about Cleonae with ten thouſand Achaeans [Foot] and a thouſand Horſe; not far from which place they join'd their Armies into one Body and Encamped. The next day they march'd down into the Argive Plains, and took a place for their Camp about four thouſand paces from Argos. Pythagoras was Governour of the Lacedemonian Gariſon there, who was the Tyrants Son-in-Law, and his Wives Brother. He, juſt as the Romans were a coming, put ſtrong Guards, not only into both the Caſtles (for there were two at Argos) but in all other places too, which were either opportune [for the Enemy] or ſuſpected [to be leſs tenable.] But whilſt he was a doing ſo, he could not by any means hide the fear that he was put into by the arrival of the Romans: beſides, that to his outward terrour there was an addition made of inteſtine Sedition. There was one Damocles of Argos, a youth of greater Courage than Conduct; who having firſt agreed with certain perſons fit for his purpoſe (and bound them under an Oath too) about expelling the Gariſon, whilſt he endeavour'd to add new ſtrength to his Conſpiracy, was too regardleſs of the fidelity [of his Accomplices.] Wherefore an Officer, that was ſent from the Prefect, came and ſummon'd him as he was talking with his Aſſociates: and then he perceived his Plot was diſcover'd. With that he incouraged the Conſpirators that were preſent, rather than die in torment, to take up Arms with him; and ſo he went with ſome few Companions into the Forum; crying out, That all thoſe, who were for the ſafety of the publick Weal, ſhould follow him as the Author and Captain of their liberty. But he prevailed not upon any of them, becauſe they ſaw no hopes near at hand, much leſs any thing, in which they could put any ſure truſt. Wherefore, as he was bawling aloud in this manner the Lacedemonians came about him, and kill'd not only him but his Companions alſo. After which there were ſome others alſo laid hold on; of whom many were ſlain, and ſome few put in Priſon; though ſeveral of them the next night, being let down the Wall by Ropes, ran over to the Romans.

Quintius, when they told him, If the Roman Army had been at the Gates, that buſtle had not been without effect; and that if he would remove his Camp a little nearer, the Argives would not yet be quiet; ſent a party of his nimbleſt Horſe and Foot, who, about Cylabaris (which is a place for exerciſe not quite three Hundred Paces from the City) engaged the Lacedemonians that fallied out at the Gate, and with no great difficulty forced them back into the City; ſo that the Roman General pitch'd his Camp in that very place where they fought. When he had ſo done, he watched one Day, to ſee whether any new tumult would ariſe. But when he perceived, that the City was all in a conſternation, he call'd a Council to adviſe about the taking of Argus. All the Princes of Greece, except Ariſtaenus, were of the ſame opinion, that ſince that was the only cauſe of a War, they ought to begin it there, though Quintius did not like their counſel, but hearken'd with approbation to what Ariſtaenus ſaid, even againſt the conſent of all the reſt; adding of himſelf, that ſince the War was undertaken for the Argives, againſt the Tyrant, what could be more diſagreeable than to leave the Foe and attack Argos? wherefore he would lend all his force toward Lacedemon, and the Tyrant which was the original and chief ground of their quarrel. So having diſmiſs'd the Council, he ſent his nimbleſt Regiments a foraging: who reaped and brought in all the Corn that was ripe quite round the Country, treading down and ſpoiling all that was green, leſt the Enemy ſoon after might enjoy it. Then he removed his Camp, and having the Mountain Parthenius, paſs'd by Tegea and Encamped the third day at Caryae. There, before he enter'd into the Enemies Country, he ſtaid for the Auxiliaries from his Allies; who accordingly came, fifteen hundred Macedonians from Philip, and four hundred Theſſalian Horſe. Nor did the Auxiliaries, who were numerous enough, now ſtay the Roman, but the Proviſions that were expected from the neighbouring Cities. There came alſo a great many Seamen thither too; for L. Quintius was arrived from Leucas with forty Sail of Ships: beſides eighteen Rhodian men of War; whilſt King Eumenes at the ſame time was cruiſing about the Cyclade Iſlands with ten men of War, thirty Barks and other leſſer Veſſels. A great many likewiſe of the Lacedemonians, that were baniſh'd by the Tyrant, in hopes of regaining their Country, came into the Roman Camp. Now they were numerous, as having been driven out of their own Habitations, ſome at one time and ſome at another, for ſeveral years, ſince Tyrants had uſurp'd in Lacedemon. The chief of the baniſh'd perſons was Ageſipolis, who had a right by his birth to the Kingdom of Lacedemon; but was ſent away whilſt he was yet an infant, after the death of Cleomenes the Tyrant Lycurgus, who was the firſt that ſet up for arbitrary Government in Lacedemon.

Now though the Tyrant was ſo hard beſet, both by Sea and Land, and when he compar'd his own Forces to thoſe of the Enemy, had ſcarce any hopes at all left, yet he went on with the War: for he raiſed a thouſand of their beſt young men out of Creet too, having another thouſand of them before hand, beſides three thouſand mercenary Souldiers, and a thouſand of his own Country-men, with the Country-Gariſon men who were in Arms; and fortified the City with a Trench and a Bullwark. And leſt there ſhould happen any inteſtine diſturbance, he awed their minds by the fear and ſeverity of puniſhments [that he made them believe he would inflict upon them, if they would not be quiet.] For ſeeing he could not hope that they ſhould wiſh him well, whilſt he ſuſpected ſome of their Fellow Citizens; he drew all his Forces out into the Field [for exerciſe] called Dromos, and commanding them to lay down their Arms, order'd the Lacedemonians to be ſummoned to an Aſſembly, about which he planted a party of his Guards all in Arms. Then having made a ſhort Speech to them before hand, and told them, why they ought to pardon him for being ſo timorous and cautious of every thing at ſuch a time as that was: and how much it was for their advantage, if the preſent juncture of affairs had render'd any perſons ſuſpicious, that thoſe who had any deſign on foot ſhould be rather hinder'd from being able to carry it on, than puniſh'd for being taken in the attempt: wherefore he would keep ſome certain men in cuſtody, till the ſtorm, that was at hand, were over; and when he had repelled the Foe (of whom there would be the leſs danger, if they were ſecured from treachery among themſelves) would preſently let them out again, he order'd the names of about eighty of the chief young men in the City to be called over, and as each of them anſwer'd to his name, committed them to Jail, where the next night they were all kill'd. After that ſome of the Ilotes (who are a Country breed of Gariſon Souldiers that have been very ancient in that Nation) being accuſed for an intention they had to have revolted to the Enemy, were whip'd through all the ſtreets, and ſo put to death. This put the Mobile into ſuch a fright, that they deſiſted from all endeavours of making any innovation. Mean while he kept his Forces within the Fortifications; for that he neither thought himſelf ſtrong enough, if he had a mind to engage the Enemy in a pitch'd Battle; nor dar'd to leave the City when all people were in ſuch ſuſpence, and ſo unſetled in their minds.

Quintius having now prepared all things for his march decamped, and the next Day came to Sellaſia which lies upon the River Oenus, where Antigonus King of Macedonia was ſaid to have fought a ſet Battle with Cleomenes, Tyrant of Lacaedemon. Thence (hearing that the aſcent was difficult and the way narrow) he went round about over the Mountains (but ſent a party before him to ſecure his paſſage) in a Road that was broad and open enough, to the River Eurotas, which runs almoſt under the very Walls [of the Town.] At which place as the Romans were encamping, the Tyrants Auxiliaries ſet upon them and Quintius himſelf alſo, who went before with the moſt active Horſe and Foot, at ſuch a rate that they put them into a fright and confuſion, they expecting no ſuch thing, becauſe they had met no body all the way they came, but had paſſed as it were through a conquered Country. For ſometime therefore they were at a loſs (the Horſe calling to the Foot and the Foot the Horſe [for aſſiſtance]) ſince none of them had any confidence in their own abilities. At length the Legions came up; and when the Regiments of the Vanguard were engaged in the fight, thoſe who ſo lately had been a terrour to them, were forced to fly for fear into their City. The Romans having retired ſo far from the Wall, as to be out of Darts caſt, ſtood for ſome time in Battalia: but anon, when they ſaw none of the Enemies would come out to oppoſe them, return'd to their Camp. The next day Quintius went forward with his Army all in Array, along by the River ſide, by the City, and under the Mountain Menelaus. The Legionary Regiments went foremoſt, and the Light-armour with the Horſe brought up the Reer. Nabis had the mercenary Souldiers, in which he repoſed all his truſt, in Battalia, and ready under their Enſigns within the Walls, to ſet upon the Enemy behind. When therefore the laſt Company was juſt gone by, they ſallied out in the ſame confuſion that they had done the day before. Ap. Claudius brought up the Reer: who having prepar'd the minds of his men for what was likely to come to paſs, (that it might not ſurprize them) commanded the Enſigns immediately to face about, and ſo turn'd all the whole Army upon the Foe. By which means, as though two form'd regular Armies had join'd Battle, they fought for ſome time upon an even lay; till Nabis's Souldiers at laſt inclined to run; though that they had not been ſo ſure to have done, had not the Achaeans, who knew thoſe parts very well come upon them. But theſe made a great ſlaughter [among them] and diſarm'd a great many that were diſpers'd in their flight all over the Country. Then Quintius Encamp'd near Amyclae: where when he had plunder'd all places round the City (which ſtood in a populous and pleaſant Country (ſeeing that none of the Enemies would come out of their Gates, removed his Camp to the River Eurotas; from whence he march'd into the Vale that lies under Taygetus, laying waſt both that and all the Country as far as the Sea-ſide.

At the ſame time L. Quintius reduced the Towns upon the Sea-Coaſt, partly by voluntary Surrender, and partly through fear or by force. And then being inform'd, That the Town of Gyttheum was the receptacle of all the Lacedemonians maritime proviſions; and that the Roman Camp was not far from the Sea; he reſolved to attack it with all his Forces. It was at that time a ſtrong City for the multitude of its Inhabitants, as well as its being furniſh'd with all kind of Warlike Preparations. Now, as Quintius was going about this difficult buſineſs, King Eumenes and the Rhodian Fleet came very ſeaſonably in to his aſſiſtance: and the vaſt multitude of Seamen, muſter'd up out of the three Fleets, in few dayes accompliſh'd all thoſe works, that are neceſſary for the attacking of a City ſo well guarded, both by Sea and Land. The Wall therefore was ſoon overturn'd, when they once applied their Tortoiſes to it, being batter'd by their Rams alſo. For by the repeated ſtrokes of them was one of the Towers thereof demoliſh'd, and all the Wall about it by the fall of that knock'd down: ſo that the Romans endeavour'd to get in, not only at the Gate, where the paſſage was more plain (in order to diſtract and draw the Enemy from defending the breach) but at the place which they had broken down. Nor did they much miſs of making way, where they deſign'd; only the hope they had that the City would be ſurrender'd retarded their motion; though it was ſoon fruſtrated. For you muſt know, that there were two Governours of that City, called Dexagoridas and Gorgopas, who were in equal authority over it. Of whom Dexagoridas had ſent a Meſſage to the Roman Lieutenant, That he would ſurrender the City: but when they had agreed upon the time and way to do the buſineſs, the Traitor was kill'd by Gorgopas; and the City more vigorouſly defended by one alone. By which means the attack had now been more difficult, had not T. Quintius come up with four thouſand choice Souldiers. But when he had ſhown his Army from the brow of an Hill not far from the City, and that L. Quintius with his works lay hard upon them both at Sea and Land, then real deſpair forced Gorgopas alſo to take that courſe which he had reveng'd with death upon the other. He therefore, on condition, that he might carry off thoſe Souldiers, that were in Gariſon there, ſurrender'd the City to Quintius. But before Gythium was ſurrender'd, Pythagoras the Governour of it left Argus, and committing the care of that City to Timocrates the Pellenian, went with a thouſand mercenary Souldiers, and two thouſand Argives, to Nabis at Lacedemon.

Nabis, as he was ſtartled at the firſt arrival of the Roman Fleet, and the ſurrender of the Towns upon the Sea Coaſt, ſo, though he were comforted with the ſmall hopes of Cythium being ſtill in the poſſeſſion of his Friends, when he heard that that too was deliver'd up to the Romans, ſeeing that the Enemy lay all round the City to the Landward, which ſpoiled all his hopes, and that to the Seaward alſo he was intercepted, thought it the beſt way to yield to Fortune, and therefore ſent an Herald firſt into the Camp to know, whether they would ſuffer him to ſend Embaſſadours to them. Which when he had got leave to do, Pythagoras came to the General with no other Meſſage, but to deſire, that the Tyrant might come and talk with the General. Thereupon a Council was preſently call'd, who being all of opinion, that they ought to admit of a Conference, the time and place was appointed for it. And when they came with ſome ſmall Forces following them to the Hills that are in the middle of that Region, leaving their Regiments of both ſides, thereupon the Mountains within view, Nabis, with ſome choſen men to guard his perſon, and Quintius with his Brother, King Eumenes, Soſilaus of Rhodes, Ariſtaenus, Praetor of the Achaeans, and ſome few Tribunes of the Souldiers, came down [to meet each other.]

Then, having his choice given him, whether he would ſpeak firſt, or hear Quintius before him, the Tyrant thus began: If I (T. Quintius and all you that are here preſent) could of my ſelf have found out any reaſon, why you ſhould either declare, or actually wage War againſt me, I ſhould have ſilently expected the iſſue of my Fortune. But, as the caſe now ſtands, I could not perſwade my ſelf, but I muſt needs know, before I dy'd, what I had done to deſerve death. And truly, if you were ſuch perſons, as, they ſay, the Carthaginians are, who have no regard to the ſacred obligations of Friendſhip and Alliance, I ſhould not wonder to find you careleſs what you did to me. But now I ſee you, and know that you are Romans, who bear a moſt religious reſpect to the obligations of divine conſtitutions, and to the Friendly compacts that are made between you and others, looking back upon my ſelf, I hope I am worthy not only to be concern'd publickly, with the reſt of the Lacedemonians, in that ancient League between you and them; but upon my own particular account alſo to maintain that Friendſhip and Alliance which was ſo lately renew'd in the War againſt Philip. But I [you'll ſay] have violated and overthrown that union, by being poſſeſſed of the City of Argos. How ſhall I defend this action? By matter of fact or by the occaſion? The matter of fact affords me a double defence. For I received that City from their own hands, who call'd me [into their aſſiſtance, and deliver'd it to me; nor did I take poſſeſſion of it, or get it, when being on Philips ſide it was not in Alliance with you. Beſides which, the time alſo clears me, in that, though I at the ſame time had Argos in my hands, I was their Ally; and you contracted with me to ſend you aids, for the War, not to draw my Gariſon out of Argus. But to ſay truth, in this controverſy concerning Argus I have the better of you, both as to the equity of the thing it ſelf (in that I took, not a City that was yours but the Enemies; and that by conſent not by force) and by your confeſſion too, for that, in the conditions of Alliance, you left me Argus [to do what I would with.] But the name of Tyrant, and my actions lie heavy upon me; inaſmuch as I make the ſlaves free, and carry the poor Commonalty into the Country. But as to the name I can anſwer, that I, whatever I am, continue ſtill the ſame man that I was, when you, T. Quintius, your ſelf made the Alliance with me. Then I remember you called me King, though now I ſee I am ſtiled a Tyrant. Wherefore if I had changed my name of Government, I ought to be accountable for my inconſtancy; but ſeeing you change it, you ought to be ſo for yours. As to the number of the Commons being increas'd by making the ſlaves free, and the diviſion of Lands among the poorer ſort, I can even in this point alſo defend my ſelf upon the ſcore of the time. I had done all this, what ever it be, before you enter'd into an Alliance with me, and when you receiv'd my Auxiliaries that I ſent you in the War againſt Philip. But if I had done them even now lately; I cannot ſay, what injury I ſhould have done you in it, or how far I ſhould have forfeited your Friendſhip; but this I can affirm, that I ſhould have done according to the cuſtom and preſcript of our Anceſtors. Pray do not you meaſure what is done at Lacedemon by your Laws and Cuſtoms. There is no neceſſity to compare all particulars. You choſe an Horſe or a Foot Souldier by his condition in the ſtate, and making ſome few very rich will needs have the Commonalty to be ſubject to that ſmall number; but our Law-giver would not have the Common-Wealth to be in the hands of a few, whom you call a Senate; nor ſuffer one rank or other in our City to be above the reſt; ſuppoſing that by an equality of fortune and dignity it would be ſo brought about, that many would bear Arms for their Country. I confeſs I have been more prolix than the ſhort way of ſpeaking in our Country allows, and might have told you in brief, that I, ſince I contracted a Friendſhip with you, have done nothing to make you repent of it.

To this the Roman General reply'd; We never contracted any Alliance or Friendſhip with Thee, but with Pelops, the juſt and lawful King of Lacedemon. Whoſe right the Tyrants alſo, who afterward by force had made themſelves Maſters of Lacedemon (when they were employed ſometimes in the Punick Wars, ſometimes in the Gallick Wars, and ſometimes elſewhere) uſurped; as thou too in this Macedonian War haſt now done. For what would be more abſurd, than for us, who waged a War againſt Philip to ſet Greece at liberty, to contract a Friendſhip with a Tyrant? and that ſuch a Tyrant too, as is more cruel and violent againſt his own Country-men, than any one that ever was before him? But we, though thou hadſt not taken, nor didſt not keep Argus by fraud, ſince we pretend to deliver all Greece, ought to reſtore Lacedemon alſo to its ancient liberty and Laws: of which you (as though you would vie with Lycurgus) juſt now made mention. Shall we take care that Philips Guards be drawn out of Jaſſus and Bargyllae, but leave Argus and Lacedemon, two ſuch famous Cities, once the glory of all Greece, in thy hands, to diminiſh the honour of our having deliver'd all Greece by their being ſtill in ſlavery? But the Argives (you ſay) were on Philips ſide: very good, but we'll pardon you in this point, though you are not angry on our behalf. We know very well, that two or three at moſt, and not the whole City were guilty of that fault; as well as that, when you and your guard were ſent for and taken into the City, there was nothing done by publick advice or conſent. We know that the Theſſalians, Phocians and Locrians, were all unanimouſly for Philip: and yet, now that we have deliver'd all the reſt of Greece, what do you think we'll do with the Argives, who are innocent of any publick deſign? You ſaid the crimes of having freed the ſlaves, and divided the Lands among the poorer ſort of people, were laid to their charge, and truly they are no ſmall ones; though they are nothing to thoſe exploits that you and your party do every day one on the neck of another. Call a free Aſſembly at Argus or Lacedemon, if thou haſt a mind to hear the true objections that may be made againſt thy moſt Tyrannical Government. To paſs by all other things of longer ſtanding, what a barbarous murder did that Pythagoras thy Son-in-Law commit at Argus almoſt before my Face? and what an one didſt thou thy ſelf commit when I was now almoſt in the Territories of the Lacedemonians? Come, come, give order that thoſe perſons whom you laid hold on in the publick Aſſembly, and, in the hearing of all their Fellow Citizens, declar'd you would keep in Priſon, be brought forth with their Bonds about them, that their wretched Parents may ſee, that they, who have been ſo miſtakenly by them lamented, are ſtill alive. But though theſe things are ſo as I ſay, yet [you'll reply] what's that to you, Romans? And will you ſay ſo to the deliverers of Greece? to them, who to put themſelves in a capacity of freeing it, croſs the Seas, waging War both by Land and Water? Yet I, ſay you, have not properly injur'd you, nor violated your Friendſhip. How often will you have me prove that you have done it? But I ſhall not uſe many words; I'll tell you in ſhort. What is it then that violates Friendſhip? Why, they are chiefly theſe two things; if you take my Allies for your Enemies, or join with my Enemies [againſt me.] Now both theſe things you have been guilty of. For you not only took Meſſene, which was Allied to us by the ſame League, as Lacedemon was (though your ſelf our Ally) by force and Arms, but you likewiſe contracted with Philip our Enemy, not only a Friendſhip, but an affinity, forſooth, by means of Philocles his Prefect, beſides that you waged War againſt us, and infeſted all the Sea about Malea with Piratical Ships; taking and killing full as many Romans as Philip ever did; inſomuch that the Coaſt of Macedonia was more ſecure for our Ships that were to bring in proviſions for our Armies, than the Promontory of Malea. Wherefore forbear, I pray, to brag of your fidelity and right to an Alliance with us, and, leaving off your popular way of haranguing, ſpeak like a Tyrant and an Enemy.

Hereupon Ariſtaenus one while adviſed, and another while beg'd of Nabis; that whilſt he might, whilſt he had an opportunity; he would conſult his own good: and then he began to repeat the names of the Tyrants in each particular neighbouring City: who, having laid down their command, and reſtored their liberty to their Countrymen, had lived not only to a ſecure, but even an honourable old age among their Fellow-Citizens. Whilſt theſe things were ſaid and heard on both ſides, night approached and ended the Conference. But the next day Nabis ſaid, that, ſince the Romans would needs have it ſo, he would quit Argus, and draw his Gariſon out of it, reſtoring the Captives and the Fugitives to them again. But if they had any thing elſe to demand, he deſired that they would give it him in writing, that he might deliberate about it with his Friends. So, not only the Tyrant had time given him to adviſe in, but Quintius alſo held a Council conſiſting of his chief Allies. In which the greateſt part were of opinion; They ought to go on with the War and take off the Tyrant: for the liberty of Greece would never be otherwiſe ſecure. That it had been much better for them no War had ever been raiſed againſt him, than that it ſhould be let fall when it was once ſet on foot. That he would not only, as it were by their approbation, be after that more firmly ſetled in his Throne, when the people of Rome ſhould ſeem to conſent to his unjuſt Dominion, but likewiſe by his Example would incite many more in other Cities to enſnare the liberty of their Fellow-Citizens. The Generals own inclinations were moſt toward Peace. For he ſaw, now the Enemy was forced into his Walls, there was nothing remaining but a Siege; and that would be tedious. For they were not to attack Gythium, which notwithſtanding was ſurrendered, though they could not take it; but they were to beſiege Lacedemon, a City that was very ſtrong both in men and Arms. That the only hope they had left was the poſſibility of creating ſome diſſenſion or Sedition among the Beſieged, as they made their approaches: but when they ſaw the Enſigns almoſt at their very Gates, never a man of them ſtirred. To which he added, that the Peace they had with Antiochus alſo ſtood upon a very falſe bottom; for Villius, the Lieutenant, who came from thence brought word, that he was come over into Europe with much greater Forces than before, both by Sea and Land. Now therefore if the Siege of Lacedemon ſhould detain his Army there, what other Forces ſhould they have to wage a War againſt ſo mighty and ſo puiſſant a King? This he ſpake aloud, but was privately in himſelf afraid, leſt a new Conſul ſhould happen to have Greece for his Province, and by that means his Succeſſor have the honour of ending the War which he had begun.

But ſeeing that by all his oppoſition he could not move the Allies to the leaſt complyance, he, by pretending to come over to their opinion, made them all of his own ſide. Well, ſaid he, let us Beſiege Lacedemon then, ſince you will have it ſo. But ſince the attacking of Cities is, as you your ſelves know, a thing ſo tedious, and make the Beſiegers oftentimes ſooner weary than the Beſieged: you muſt now reſolve upon wintering about the Walls of that City. In which affair, if there were only labour and danger to be undergone, I would exhort you to prepare your minds and bodies for the enduring of it. But now we want a great ſumm of money too, to make the Works, the Engines, and Warlike Inſtruments, wherewith ſuch a great City is uſually attack'd, and for procuring of Proviſions both for us and you againſt the Winter. Wherefore, leſt you ſhould either on a ſudden be diſhearten'd, or quit the thing, when 'tis once begun, before you have made an end of it, I think you ought firſt to write to your ſeveral Cities, and ſee, what condition they are in as to courage and ſtrength for the carrying of it on. I have Auxiliaries enough and to ſpare; but the more we are, the more neceſſaries we ſhall want. The Enemies Country at this time hath nothing in it but the bare ground: beſides, that the Winter draws on, in which 'tis difficult to carry things together from places very diſtant. This Speech of his made them all firſt to conſider their ſeveral domeſtick misfortunes; the ſloth and envy of thoſe that ſtaid at home againſt ſuch as went into the Wars; their liberty of Speech and Judgment, which made it ſo hard for them all to conſent: the publick wants, and their ſlackneſs to contribute out of their own Eſtates. Wherefore they immediately alter'd their minds, and let the General do what he thought beſt for the Common-wealth of Rome, and the advantage of his Allies.

Thereupon Quintius, with the advice of the Lieutenants only, and the Tribunes of the Souldiers wrote down theſe conditions upon which he would have a Peace concluded with the Tyrant: That there ſhould be a Truce of ſix months between Nabis, the Romans, King Eumenes and the Rhodians. That T. Quintius and Nabis ſhould preſently ſend Embaſſadors to Rome, to get the Peace confirm'd by authority of the Senate. That the day, on which the terms of Peace were given out to Nabis, ſhould be the beginning of the Truce; and that between that day and the tenth day following, all his Guards ſhould be drawn out of Argus and the other Towns, that were in the Argive Dominions: ſo as that they ſhould be deliver'd up quite empty and free to the Romans: as likewiſe, that no ſlave of theThat is, Nabis's. Kings, either publick or private ſhould be taken thence; or if any had been before that time ſo taken away, they ſhould be faithfully reſtored to their Maſters. That he ſhould ſend back the Ships which he had taken from the Maritime Cities; nor ſhould himſelf have any Ship excepting two Pinnaces, that ſhould not be rowed with above ſixteen Oars. That he ſhould re-deliver their Captives and Fugitives to all the Allies of the Roman People, and to the Meſſenians all things that appear'd, or the Maſters [of ſuch goods] knew to be theirs. That he ſhould alſo reſtore to the Baniſh'd Lacedemonians their Children and Wives that had a mind to go along with their Husbands: but that no man ſhould be forced to go with any baniſh'd perſon againſt her will. That all the goods belonging to Nabis's mercenary Souldiers, who were gone away either to their own Cities, or over to the Romans, ſhould be carefully reſtored unto them. That he ſhould not have any City in the Iſland of Creet, and that thoſe, which he had, he ſhould ſurrender to the Romans. That he ſhould make no Alliance with any Cretan City, or any body elſe, nor wage War with them. That he ſhould draw his Guards out of all thoſe Cities, that either he himſelf had reſtored, or had ſurrender'd themſelves and all they had, up to the protection and government of the Roman People, keeping himſelf and all that belong'd to him from ever medling with any of them. That he build no Town or Caſtle, either in his own, or any Foreign Dominions. That he ſhould give five Hoſtages for the performance of all this, ſuch as the Roman General ſhould approve of, and among the reſt his own Son for one; with a hundred Talents of ſilver at preſent, and fifty every year for eight years together.

Theſe terms being written, his Camp was removed more near to the City, and they ſent to Lacedemon: though none of them, to ſay truth, pleas'd the Tyrant; ſave that beyond expectation there was no mention made of bringing back the baniſh'd perſons. But that which moſt offended him was, that the Ships and Maritime Cities were taken from him. For the Sea brought him in great profit, being that he infeſted all the Coaſt from Malea with Piratical Ships. Beſides, that he had all the youth of thoſe Cities to ſupply him with the far beſt ſort of Souldiers. Theſe conditions, though he conſider'd of them in private with his Friends, were notwithſtanding the publick Diſcourſe; his Guards being very apt, as in other matters of truſt, ſo to betray his Secrets. Yet they did not all in general find fault with the whole, but each man with thoſe particulars which more immediately concern'd him. Thoſe that had married baniſh'd mens Wives, or had any of their goods, were very angry, as if they had been to loſe and not to reſtore them. The Slaves that were freed from the Tyrant, did not only think their freedom would be of no conſequence to them, but their thraldom much worſe than before; now they were to return into the hands of their incenſed Maſters. The mercenary Souldiers alſo were not only troubled that their ſtipend would come to nothing in time of Peace, but likewiſe ſaw, that there was no returning for them into their own Cities, which hated the Guards belonging to Tyrants as much as the Tyrants themſelves.

When they had firſt talk'd thus in Crowds among themſelves, they ſtraightway ran and took up their Arms. By which tumult when the Tyrant ſaw the Mobile were of themſelves ſufficiently provoked, he order'd an Aſſembly to be forthwith ſummon'd. Where when he had declar'd, what the Roman General had impoſed upon him, to which he had added ſome things more grievous and more unworthy of his own head, at each of which ſometimes all of them, and ſometimes a part of the Aſſembly ſhouted, he ask'd them, What they would have him anſwer to thoſe Propoſals, or what he ſhould do? to which they almoſt unanimouſly reply'd, That he ſhould make no anſwer at all, but prepare for the War: bidding him, each man for himſelf, (as the Mobile uſe to do) be of good Courage, and hope the beſt; for fortune always favour'd the Valiant. With which words the Tyrant was ſo animated, that he cry'd out, Antiochus and the Aetolians would aſſiſt him: and that he had Forces enough to hold out the Siege. By which means they had alſo forgot that there had been any mention made of Peace, and ran to their ſeveral Poſts, reſolving no longer to be quiet. Whereupon the excurſions of ſome few that came out to provoke the Romans, with the Darts that they threw, put the Romans ſoon paſt all doubt but they muſt neceſſarily ſight; and from that time, for the ſpace of four dayes, they had light Skirmiſhes at firſt, without being able certainly to know what would be the iſſue of it. But the fifth day the Lacedemonians were forced into the Town in ſuch a conſternation, that ſome of the Roman Souldiers falling upon the Reer of them that fled, got into the City through the gaps (as things then ſtood) that were in the Wall.

Then Quintius, having ſufficiently reſtrain'd the Enemies Excurſions by the fright he then put them into, and ſuppoſing that nothing now remained for him to do, but to attack the City it ſelf, ſent certain perſons to fetch all the Naval Forces from Gythium, whilſt he himſelf in the mean time, with the Tribunes of the Souldiers, rode round the Walls to view the ſituation of the Town. Now Sparta [you muſt know] was formerly unwalled: but the Tyrants of late dayes had built a Wall in the open and plain parts thereof: defending the higher places, that were leſs acceſſible, with guards of armed men inſtead of Fortifications. When he had taken a ſatisfactory proſpect of every thing; ſuppoſing that the beſt way to take it, was to inveſt it, he poſted all his men quite round the City; whoſe number was, of Romans, Allies, Horſe and Foot, with Land and Sea Forces all together full fifty thouſand fighting men. Some of which brought Ladders, others Fire, and others other things, wherewithal not only to attack the City, but to affright the Beſieged. Then he commanded to ſet up an Huzza, and all begin the Aſſault at the ſame time, to the end, that the terrified Lacedemonians might not know where firſt to make reſiſtance, and which part to aſſiſt, being in a general conſternation. The ſtrongeſt part of the Army, which was divided into three Batallions, he order'd to make their Aſſault, one of them on the ſide of Phoebeum, [a place dedicated to Phoebus] the other near Dictymneum [a Temple of Diana] and the third at that place which they call Heptagoniae [for its being ſeven corned] theſe being all open parts of the City without any Wall. Now ſeeing that the People were all in ſuch a fright, the Tyrant firſt of all being ſtartled, not only at the ſudden ſhouts, but the trembling Meſſengers [that brought him news of what the Enemy was a doing] as every place moſt ſtood in need of aſſiſtance, either went himſelf in perſon to meet the Foe, or ſent ſome others. But ſoon after, being quite confounded with fear, he was ſo diſtracted, that he could neither tell nor hear what was for his advantage; being not only deſtitute of advice, but almoſt out of his wits too.

The Lacedemonians at firſt kept out the Romans pretty well in narrow places; and three Parties fought at the ſame time in ſeveral places. But when the Conflict increaſed, the Battle was by no means equal. For the Lacedemonians fought with Darts [to throw from them] from which the Romans not only eaſily defended themſelves by the bigneſs of their Shields, but likewiſe foraſmuch as ſome of their Darts miſcarried, and others hit to very little purpoſe. For by reaſon that the place was ſo narrow, and the crowd ſo great, they not only wanted room to throw their Weapons running, which makes them fly with more force; but, had not ſo much as a free and a ſteady place to ſtand upon when they hurled them. By which means the Darts that were thrown directly at them ſtuck none of them in their Bodies, and few in their Shields. But ſome there were wounded by thoſe that ſtood round in the higher parts of the City: and anon as they went forward there were not only Darts, but Tiles alſo thrown down upon them from the Houſes before they were aware. Wherefore they held their Shields over their Heads, and join'd them ſo cloſe one to another, that there was no room, not only for Darts thrown at a diſtance to hit them, but they were not to be pierced even hand to hand; and under that Tortoiſe of Shields they made their approach. At firſt the narrow paſſes fill'd with the crowd of them, and the Enemy for a little time kept them out. But when they had forced the Foe into a broader ſtreet in the City, and by degrees got ſomewhat farther, their ſtrength and force was no longer to be born. Whereupon when the Lacedemonians had turn'd their backs, and ran as faſt as they could to the higher parts of the City; Nabis, who trembled as if the City were taken, lookt about him to find which way he himſelf might eſcape. But Pythagoras, who in all other things did the part of a General that had both Courage and Conduct, was at that time the ſole cauſe why the City was not taken. For he order'd the Houſes next the Wall to be ſet on fire: which being all in a moment on a blaze (foraſmuch as they who at other times uſed to help to quench a fire, were themſelves the Incendiaries) the Houſes began to fall upon the Romans Heads: nor did the Tile ſhards only but burnt Rafters alſo hit the Souldiers; the flame increas'd far and wide every way; and the ſmoak alſo grew more terrible than it was dangerous to them. Wherefore not only the Romans that were without the City, making at that time the fierceſt attack, retreated from the Wall; but thoſe likewiſe who were got in, leſt they might be intercepted from the reſt of their Army by the fire breaking out behind them, retired. Quintius alſo, when he ſaw how the caſe ſtood, order'd them to ſound a retreat: and ſo being call'd off, when the City was now almoſt taken, they return'd to their Camp.

Quintius being more incouraged by the Enemies fear, than from the thing it ſelf, for the three dayes following continued to ſcare them: provoking them one while to light Skirmiſhes, and another while blocking up certain paſſes, that they might have no way to fly out. The Tyrant forced by theſe menaces ſent Pythagoras a ſecond time in quality of an Envoy; whom Quintius at firſt ſo ſlighted that he bid him be gone out of the Camp: though afterward, upon his humble Petition and falling down before him, he had his Audience. At which the firſt Speech he made was to declare that they left all to the pleaſure of the Romans; but ſeeing that ſuch vain and ineffectual Propoſals would do no good, the matter was brought to this Iſſue, that a Truce ſhould be made upon the ſame conditions which a few dayes before had been ſet forth in writing: and the money and hoſtages alſo taken. In the mean time whilſt the Tyrant was thus beſieged, the Argives, who had Meſſage upon Meſſage, that Lacedemon was even almoſt taken, were themſelves alſo encouraged, and therefore ſeeing that Pythagoras was gone forth with the ſtrongeſt party of that Gariſon, contemning thoſe few that were in the Caſtle, they, under the command of one Archippus, drave out all the Souldiers that were in it. But they ſent out Timocrates the Pellenian, becauſe he had govern'd them with great clemency, upon honour alive. As they were rejoycing for this their deliverance, Quintius arrived there, having granted a Peace to the Tyrant, diſmiſſed Eumenes and the Rhodians from Lacedemon, and ſent his Brother L. Quintius to the Navy.

The City being over-joy'd appointed the day which with them is the moſt ſolemn, for the celebration of the noble ſports called the Nemean Games, which had been omitted by reaſon of the War, againſt the arrival of the Roman Army and its General [Quintius] whom they made Agonotheta or Regulator of the performance. But there were many other cauſes alſo, that enhans'd their mirth. For their Citizens were brought back from Lacedemon, whom Pythagoras of late, and whom, before him, Nabis had carry'd thence: beſides that thoſe alſo were come back, who, after the Plot was diſcover'd by Pythagoras, and the ſlaughter now begun, had made their eſcape: having a proſpect of liberty from a long interval, and ſeeing the Romans who were the Authors of it, to whom they themſelves had been the occaſion of making War with the Tyrant. The Argives alſo upon the very day of the Nemean Games were declared to be abſolutely free. But look how much joy the reſtitution of Argus brought the Achaeans and the whole Aſſembly of Achaia, ſo much did Lacedemons being left in Slavery, and the Tyrants ſticking to the ſide of it, diminiſh their ſatisfaction. Upon which account the Aetolians were very invective in all their publick meetings [and ſaid] The War with Philip was not made an end of before he departed out of all the Cities in Greece: but a Tyrant was left at Lacedemon; whilſt the lawful King, who was in the Roman Camp, and the reſt of the principal Citizens were like to live in baniſhment. So that the People of Rome were become the Lifeguard to Nabis. Quintius carry'd back his Forces from Argus to Elatia, from whence he came to the Spartan War. Now there are, who ſay, the Tyrant did not come far out of the Town to ſight, but lay in a Camp [juſt without the Walls] over againſt the Roman Camp: And that when he had linger'd a great while, expecting the Aetolian Auxiliaries, he was forced at laſt to engage with them in a ſet Battle, ſeeing the Romans fell upon his Foragers; and being in that fight not only overcome but forced from his Camp likewiſe, deſir'd a Peace, after he had loſt fifteen thouſand men, and that above four thouſand were taken Priſoners.

About the ſame time there were Letters brought [to Rome] from T. Quintius concerning what he had done at Lacedemon, and from M. Porcius the Conſul, out of Spain. Whereupon in the name of them both there was a Supplication decreed by the Senate to be made for three dayes together. L. Valerius the Conſul, when he had defeated the Boii near the Litane Wood, and thereby quieted that Province, return'd to Rome to hold the [grand] Aſſembly: and created for Conſuls P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (a ſecond time) and Ti. Sempronius Longus; whoſe Fathers had been Conſuls the firſt year of the ſecond Punick War. After that the Praetorian Aſſembly was likewiſe held: in which, there were choſen [for Praetors] P. Cornelius Scipio, and the two Cn. Cornelius's, Merenda and Blaſio, Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, Sex. Digitius, and T. Juvencius Thalna. When the Aſſembly was diſſolv'd the Conſul return'd into his Province. A new priviledge was that year aimed at by the Ferentinates: That all thoſe Latines, who had given their names into a Roman Colony ſhould be Citizens of Rome. Now there were ſeveral perſons added to Puteoli, Sal • rnum and Bruxentum, who had given their names, and for that reaſon pretended to be Roman Citizens; but the Senate did not eſteem as ſuch.

At the beginning of that year in which P. Scipio Africanus (a ſecond time) and Ti. Sempronius Longus were Conſuls, there came two Embaſſadours from the Tyrant Nabis to Rome. To whom there was an Audience granted without the City in the Temple of Apollo; they coming to deſire that the Peace made with T. Quintius, might be confirm'd, which they accordingly obtained. After that, when the buſineſs concerning the [diviſion of the] Provinces was propoſed, the Senate were moſt of this opinion; that ſince the War in Spain and Macedonia was made an end of, both the Conſuls ſhould have Italy for their Province. But Scipio thought that one Conſul was enough for Italy: and that the other ought to have Macedonia. That there was a grievous War like to befal them from Antiochus. For what could they think he'd next do, who was already come over, of his own accord, into Europe? eſpecially when the Aetolians, who were undoubtedly their Enemies, on the one ſide, and Annibal, who was a General ſo famous for having kill'd ſo many Romans, incited him to a War? But whilſt the Conſuls Provinces were in Debate; the Praetors alſo took their Lots. Cn. Domitius happen'd to have the City juriſdiction; T. Juvencius the Foreign; P. Cornelius the farther Spain, and Sex. Digitius the hither; of the two Cn. Corneliuſes, Blaſio Sicily, and Merenda Sardinia. They were not for tranſporting a new Army into Macedonia; but that that which was already there ſhould be brought back into Italy by Quintius, and disbanded. So alſo, that the Army which was with M. Porcius Cato in Spain, ſhould be disbanded. That both the Conſuls ſhould have Italy for their Province betwixt them, and carry two Legions raiſed out of the City thither with them; ſo that when thoſe Armies were disbanded, which the Senate had appointed ſo to be, the Roman Legions might be but eight in all.

The Spring had been hallow'd the year before, when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were Conſuls. Which when P. Licinius the High Prieſt declared, (firſt to the College, and then by authority of the College to the Senate) not to be rightly perform'd, they order'd it to be done over again according to the direction of the High-Prieſts; and that the Grand Games [called Ludi Magni] which were at the ſame time vow'd, ſhould be ſet forth with as much money as was uſual. But that the Ver Sacrum [or hallowing of the Spring] ſeemed to be a Beaſt that was born between the firſt of March and the laſt of April, when P. Cornelius Scipio, and T. Sempronius Longus were Conſuls. After that the Aſſembly for chuſing of Cenſors was held: in which were created Sex. Aelius Paetus, and C. Cornelius Cethegus, who choſe P. Scipio the Conſul Preſident of the Senate, as the former Cenſors had alſo done: paſſing by but three Senators in all, though none that had ever gone in a Chariot of State [to the Houſe.] They likewiſe gained great favour with that Order, foraſmuch as at the Roman Playes, they commanded the Curule Aediles to divide the Senators places from thoſe of the Commonalty: for before that they all ſate promiſcuouſly. They alſo took their Horſes from very few of the Knights; nor were they ſevere upon any order at all. The Porch of Liberty, and the Villa publica [or publick place for exerciſe in the Campus Martius] was by them two repaired and inlarged. The Spring was hallow'd, and the Games, that Ser. Sulpicius Galba when Conſul had vow'd, perform'd. And when the minds of all people were intent upon the ſight of them; Q. Pleminius, who, for his many hainous offences both againſt the Gods and Men at Locri, had been put in Priſon, got a Company of Fellows to ſet the City on fire in the night time at ſeveral places; to the end that when the City was conſternated by the nocturnal tumult, he [and his Complices] might break open the Priſon. But the Conſpirators, ſome of them, detected the deſign, and it was told the Senate; [by whoſe order] Pleminius was thrown into the Dungeon, and there put to Death.

There were Colonies of Roman Citizens that year carry'd to Puteoli, Vulturnum, Liternum, three hundred men to each of them: as there were ſuch like Colonies alſo carry'd to Salernum and Buxentum. They were carry'd thither by a Triumvirate, who were T. Sempronius Longus (then Conſul) M. Servilius, and Q. Minutius Thermus. That Land which formerly belong'd to the Campanians was divided. Three others alſo, that is to ſay, D. Junius Brutus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, and M. Helvius carried another Colony of Roman Citizens to Sipontum, in that part of the Country which formerly belong'd to the Arpines. There were alſo Colonies of Roman Citizens carried to Tempſa and Croton. The Tempſan Territories were taken from the Bruttii, the Bruttii had expell'd the Greeks, and the Greeks at that time were in poſſeſſion of Croton. The Triumviri, Cn. Octavius, L. Aemilius Paulus, and C. Pletonius carried [the Colonies] to Croton; as L. Cornelius Merula, and C. Salonius did to Tempſa. There were moreover ſeveral Prodigies ſeen that year at Rome, and ſeveral others that they were told of. In the Forum, the Comitium [Aſſembly Houſe] and in the Capitol there were drops of blood ſeen: and it rained Earth ſeveral times; and Vulcans Head was all on a flame. [Beſides which] it was reported, that at Interamna, there was a River of Milk: that at Ariminum there were divers ingenuous Boyes wit • out either Eyes or Noſe: and that in the Picene Territories there was one Born without either Hands or Feet. All which Prodigies were expiated by order of the High Prieſts, and a Sacrifice of nine dayes made, for that the Adrians had reported, that in their Dominions it had rained Stones.

In Gallia L. Valerius the Pro Conſul fought a pitch'd Battle near Millain, with the Inſubrian Gauls and the Boii, who under the Command of Dorulacus, were come over the Po to raiſe the Inſubrians; in which there were ten thouſand of the Enemies ſlain. But at the ſame time his Collegue M. Porcius Cato out of Spain triumph'd, bringing in at the ſame time [to the Treaſury] twenty five thouſand pounds of Silver Bullion, of Bigates [pieces ſtamped with a Chariot] a hundred twenty three thouſand, and of Oſcan [Silver] five hundred and forty: beſides fourteen hundred pound of gold. To his Souldiers he gave each of them two hundred and ſeventy [Aſſes] of Braſs, and treble to an Horſeman. T. Sempronius the Conſul going into his Province, led his Legions firſt into the Country of the Boii. Boiorix who was then their King, having with his two Brothers excited all the Nation to Rebel, pitch'd his Camp in a convenient place; that it might appear, they were reſolv'd to fight, if the Enemy came into their Confines. The Conſul, when he perceiv'd, what the Enemies ſtrength was, and what confidence they had in it, ſent to his Collegue to deſire him, that, if he pleaſed, he would haſten his coming: for he would protract the whole affair by delays till his arrival. Now the ſame reaſon that the Conſul had to delay, the Gauls had to haſten (ſave that the delay of the Enemies increaſed their Courage) that they might diſpatch their buſineſs, before two Conſuls had join'd their Forces together. Yet for two dayes they did nothing but ſtand ready to fight, if any one came forth to oppoſe them; but the third day they march'd briskly up to the Bullwark, and attack'd the Camp on every ſide at the ſame time. Whereupon the Conſul order'd his men immediately to take up their Arms: but kept them for ſome time in the ſame place after they were armed; that he might not only augment the fooliſh confidence of the Foe, but likewiſe have opportunity to marſhal and inſtruct his Forces, at which Gates he would have each party ſally forth. Two Legions were order'd to march out at the principal Gates: though the Gauls ſtood ſo thick before, that they block'd up the paſs. They fought along time in thoſe narrow places; nor did they do more Execution with their Hands and Swords, than they did by thruſting with their Shields and Bodies: the Romans to carry their Enſigns out; and the Gauls, either themſelves to get into the Camp, or to hinder the Romans from coming forth. Nor could the two Armies ſtir either the one or the other way, before Q Victorius, Captain of the Vanguard, and C. Atinius, Tribune of the Souldiers; the latter belonging to the fourth, and the former to the ſecond Legion (as a thing in difficult caſes often tried) took the Enſigns from the Enſign-Bearers, and threw them among the Enemies. Whereupon, as they ſtrove with all their force to regain their Enſign, thoſe of the ſecond Legion threw themſelves firſt out at the Gate.

Theſe therefore now fought without the Bullwark, whilſt the fourth Legion ſtuck in the Gate, when at the ſame time another tumult aroſe on the back ſide of the Camp. For the Gauls had broken in at the Queſtorian Gate, and making a ſtout reſiſtance had kill'd L. Poſtumius the Queſtor, ſurnamed Tympanus, with M. Atinius, and P. Sempronius, who commanded the Allies, beſides almoſt two hundred private Souldiers. By which means the Camp on that ſide was taken, till an extraordinary Regiment, whom the Conſul ſent to defend the Queſtorian Gate, not only kill'd part of them that were within the Bullwark, and drove the reſt out of the Camp, but hinder'd thoſe that were a breaking in. About the ſame time the fourth Legion alſo with two extraordinary Regiments got out at the Gate. So that there were three Engagements at the ſame time about the Camp in ſeveral places: and the different ſhouts that were ſet up at the uncertain Caſualties that happen'd to their ſide, took off the minds of the perſons engaged from the preſent Conflict. Till Noon they fought with equal ſtrength, and almoſt with equal hopes. But when the fatigue and heat together had forced the Gauls, with their tender and fluid Bodies, that cannot endure thirſt, to quit the Field, the Romans made an Effort upon thoſe few that remained, and having routed, forced them into their Camp. Then the Conſul gave the ſignal for a Retreat; at which the greater part retired; but the reſt out of love to fighting, and hopes of enjoying the Enemies Camp, ſtood their ground at the Bullwark. The Gauls, contemning their ſmall number ſallied all out of their Camp, and routed the Romans: ſo that they were forced for fear and dread to repair to their Camp, to which at the Conſuls order they would not go. Thus was the Victory one while, and anon their flight, very various on both ſides: though of the Gauls there were eleven thouſand ſlain, and of the Romans five thouſand: after which the Gauls betook themſelves into the moſt Inland parts of all their Confines.

The Conſul led the Legions to Placentia: though ſome ſay, Scipio having join'd his Army with that of his Collegue, went to ravage the Territories belonging to the Boii and Ligurians, as far as the Woods and Fens would ſuffer him: others, that, having done no memorable action, he return'd to Rome to hold the Aſſembly. This ſame year T. Quintius ſpent all the Winter at Elatia (where for that ſeaſon he quarter'd his Forces) in doing of Juſtice; and altering thoſe things that had been in thoſe Cities, either by the licentious inclination of Philip himſelf, or any of his Prefects; when, by increaſing the ſtrength of men that were of his own Faction, he took away the rights and liberties of others. In the beginning of the Spring he came to Corinth, where he had appointed an Aſſembly: and there applying himſelf to the Embaſſadours of all the Cities, who ſtood in a ring about him, he began firſt with the Friendſhip which the Romans had contracted with the Greek Nation, together with the exploits that the Generals before him had done in Macedonia, and his own atchievements alſo. All this was heard with great approbation, till he came to mention Nabis: For it did not ſeem agreeable for one that deliver'd Greece to leave a Tyrant behind him, who was not only a grievance to his own Country, but to be fear'd by all the Cities round about, and ſtuck in the bowels (as it were) of a famous City.

Nor was Quintius ignorant how they ſtood affected; and therefore confeſs'd, that if it could have been done without the ruine of Lacedaemon, He ought not to have hearkned to any terms of Peace. But now, ſeeing he could not be ſubdu'd any otherwiſe than by the fatal ruin of that City, he thought it better to leave the Tyrant weaken'd and deprived of almoſt all his power to hurt any body elſe, than to let ſuch a City be deſtroy'd by remedies too violent for it to bear, and periſh even whilſt he aſſerted its liberty. But to the remembrance of what was paſt he added; that he deſigned to go into Italy, and carry all his Army along with him. That they ſhould hear within ten dayes, that the Gariſons at Demetrias and Chalcis were drawn out: that he would deliver Acrocorinthus immediately before their Faces empty up to the Achaeans: to the end that all people might know, whether the Romans or the Aetolians were uſed to lie; who had given out that their liberty was very unwiſely truſted in the hands of the Roman People, and that their Macedonian Maſters were only chang'd for Roman Lords. But that they never cared what they ſaid, or what they did. That he adviſed the other Cities, to value their Friends not by their words, but their actions: and learn to know, whom they ought to believe, and whom to have a care of. That they would uſe their liberty with moderation: for when it was temperate, it was wholeſome both for each particular perſon and the communities in general too; but being extravagant was headstrong and unruly, as well to them that had it, as it was grievous to others. That the Nobility in every City, and the ſeveral orders of men among themſelves, with all the Cities in common, ſhould ſtudy Concord. For there was no King or Tyrant could be strong enough to oppoſe them if they agreed one with another: but that diſcord and ſedition made all things eaſy to thoſe that have a mind to enſnare them; when that ſide which is the weaker at a domeſtick conflict, engages rather in a Foreign one, than they will yield to a Fellow-Citizen. That they would keep and preſerve the liberty, which was gotten by external force, and reſtored by others love to them, very carefully: that the Roman People might know they had given liberty to thoſe that deſerv'd it, and that their favours were well placed.

When they heard theſe words, as if they had come from a Father, they all cry'd for joy, ſo that they confounded even him alſo whilſt he was a ſpeaking. But ſome time after they hum'd to ſignifie their approbation, and adviſed each other, that they would ſuffer thoſe words, as though they were utter'd from an Oracle, to ſink into their breaſts and minds. And then having commanded ſilence, deſired of them, That they would ſend all the Roman Citizens, whom they could find among them in ſlavery; within two months to him in Theſſaly. For it was not honourable, even for themſelves, that in a Country juſt ſet at liberty the very deliverers of it ſhould be in ſervitude. Thereupon they all cry'd out, that they gave him thanks, among other things, for this alſo, that they were put in mind to do ſo pious and neceſſary an office. For there was a vaſt number of ſuch as were taken in the Punick War, whom Annibal, being they were not redeemed by their own Countrymen, had ſold. To prove which, Polybius writes, that that buſineſs coſt the Achaeans a hundred Talents, five hundred Deniers being ſet upon each ones Head, to be given back to their ſeveral Maſters. For at that rate there were in Achaia twelve hundred. Now do you reckon proportionably how many it was likely that all Greece contain'd. The Convention was not yet diſſolv'd, when they ſaw the Garriſon, deſcending forthwith down from Acrocorinthus, march to the Gate and ſo away. In Reer of whom the General follow'd, attended by all the People, who with Acclamations call'd him their Saviour and Deliverer: and when he had ſaluted and disbanded thoſe men, return'd to Elatia the ſame way that he came. From thence he ſent away Ap. Claudius the Lieutenant with all his Forces; bidding him go through Theſſaly and Epirus to Oricum, and there ſtay till he came. For from that place he deſign'd to tranſport his men into Italy. He wrote alſo to L. Quintius his Brother Lieutenant, and Admiral of the Fleet, to get the Ships of burden together from all the Coaſts of Greece into that Port.

He himſelf going to Chalcis, and drawing the guards not only out of that place, but of Oreum and Eretria likewiſe, held there a convention of all the Euboean Cities; and having told them, In what ſtate he found them, and in what condition he left them, diſmiſs'd the Aſſembly. Then he went to Demetrias, where having drawn forth the Garriſon, he went forward, attended by all the People as at Corinth and Chalcis, into Theſſaly; in which the Cities were not only to be ſet at liberty, but from a general mixture and confuſion to be reduc'd into ſome tolerable form. For they were put in diſorder, not only by the vices of the times, and the violence as well as licentiouſneſs of the King; but even by their own mutinous inclination alſo; having not held either an Aſſembly, Convention, or any Council, though they were not concern'd in any ſedition or tumult, from that time to this our preſent age. He therefore choſe a Senate and Judges for them according to every Mans eſtate; and made that part of the Cities moſt powerful, whoſe greateſt intereſt it was to have all things ſafe and quiet.

When he thus ſetled Theſſaly, he came through Epirus to Oricum from whence he was to croſs over. From Oricum all his Forces were tranſported to Brunduſium; from whence they marched in triumph through all Italy almoſt to the City [of Rome] with no leſs a train of things that they had taken, than of what was their own, before them. When they came to Rome, there was a Senate granted to Quintius without the City, in which he might declare what exploits he had done; and a deſerved Triumph decreed him very freely. He triumph'd three Days; on the firſt of which he carried forth the Arms, Darts, brazen and marble Enſigns; more whereof were taken from Philip than he had taken from the ſeveral Cities. The ſecond Day [he produced] the Gold and Silver, tried and untried, with that • lſo which was coined. Of untried Silver there was eighteen Thouſand Pounds, and of tried two Hundred and ſeventy; a great many Veſſels of all ſorts, moſt of them imboſs'd, and ſome very curiouſly done; with many made of braſs; beſides ten ſilver Bucklers, and of coined Silver eighty four Thouſand Attick Pieces [each of half a Crown value] which they call Tetradrachms, weighing about three deniers in Silver. There was alſo three Thouſand ſeven Hundred and fourteen Pound of Gold, and one ſhield all of Gold, of Philips Coin [much like our Jacobuſes] fourteen Thouſand five Hundred and fourteen. The third Day the golden Crowns, which were the preſents of the ſeveral Cities, were carried forth, being a Hundred and fourteen in number. There were Sacrifices likewiſe led along; and before his Chariot a great many Noble Captives, as well as Hoſtages, among whom was Demetrius King Philips Son, and Armenes the Tyrant Nabis's Son, of Lacedaemon. After all which Quintius himſelf rode into the City, whoſe Chariot was attended by a great Body of Soldiers, the Armies being drawn out of all the Provinces. Among them were divided five Hundred braſs Pieces, to the Foot; as much again to each Centurion, and treble to an Horſeman. They alſo, that followed with their Heads ſhaven (as being freed from ſlavery) added an Ornament to this Triumph.

At the end of this Year Q. Aelius Tubero, Tribune of the People, by order of the Senate propoſed to the Commons, and they conſented, That two Latine Colonies ſhould be carryed, the one into the Country of the Bruttii, and the other into the Thurine Territories. For the conveying whereof there were twice three Perſons choſen, who were to govern the Bruttii for three Years, Q. Nevius, M. Minutius Rufus, and M. Furius Craſſipes; and for the Thurine Territories A. Manlius, P. Aelius, and L. Apuſtius. Thoſe two Aſſemblies Cn. Domitius the City Praetor held in the Capitol. There were ſome Temples that Year dedicated; one to Juno Soſpita in the Herb-Market (which had been vowed and built four Years before by C. Cornelius Conſul in the Gallick War; and was dedicated by the ſame Perſon being now Cenſor) and another to Faunus, which the Aediles had two Years before ordered to be built out of the Fine Money, their names being C. Scribonius, and Cn. Domitius, by whom, as Praetor of the City, it was dedicated. Q. Marcius Ralla alſo dedicated a Temple to Fortuna Primigenia, on the Hill called Collis Quirinalis, being created Duumvir for that purpoſe. P. Sempronius Sophus had vow'd it ten Years before in the time of the Punick War, and built it when he was Cenſor. C. Servilius alſo the Duumvir dedicated a Temple in the Iſle of Jupiter, which had been vowed ſix Years before in the time of the Gallick War by L. Furius Purpureo the Praetor, and was afterward ordered to be built by him when he was Conſul. And theſe were the tranſactions of that Year.

P. Scipio returned out of his Province of Gaul to make new Conſuls; and in the Aſſembly for that purpoſe there were choſen L. Cornelius Merula, and Q. Minutius Thermus. The next day there were created for Praetors L. Cornelius Scipio, M. Fulvius Nobilior, C. Scribonius, M. Valerius Meſſala, L. Porcius Licinus, and C. Flaminius. C. Atilius Serranus, and L. Scribonius Libo, being the Curule Aediies, were the firſt that ever ſet forth the Megaleſia, Stage-Playes [in honour of Cybele.] And theſe were the firſt Aediles in whoſe time the Senate ſate, and ſaw the Roman Plays in a diſtinct place from the People; which gave occaſion (as all novelties do) for ſome to ſay, that they had now at length paid the reſpect to that moſt noble order, which long before was due to them; though others thought, it was a diminution to the dignity of the people, whatever was added to the majeſty of the Senate; and that all ſuch diſtinctions between the ſeveral orders of men tended to the leſſening and impairing of their concord and liberty both. That they had ſeen the Plays promiſcuouſly for five hundred fifty eight years. What then was the reaſon all on a ſudden, that the Senators would not have the commons mixt among them in the Boxes? Why ſhould a rich man diſdain to have a poor man ſit by him? Which was a new and a proud humour never thought on, or ſet up by the Senate of any Nation ever before. But at laſt they ſay, that even Africanus himſelf repented for having been the Author of that diſcrimination: ſo far the beſt way it is not to alter old Cuſtoms; men being more inclined to adhere to their old faſhions, unleſs where experience evidently corrects them.

In the beginning of that year when L. Cornelius and Q. Minucius were Conſuls, they heard of ſo many Earthquakes, that the people were not only troubled at the thing it ſelf, but alſo at the holy days that were appointed upon that account. For neither could any Senate be held, nor the Common-wealth lookt after, the Conſuls being wholy taken up in Sacrificing and making expiations. At laſt the Decemviri being commanded to conſult their Books, there was according to their anſwer a ſupplication made for three dayes together: during which time they paid their devotions at every Temple with Garlands on their Heads: and it was order'd; that all of the ſame Family ſhould make their ſupplications together. The Conſuls alſo by authority from the Senate made an Edict, that no man ſhould bring news of any other Earthquake the ſame day that a former had been told of, and Holy-Dayes appointed for it. After this the Conſuls firſt and then the Praetors ſhar'd the Provinces. Cornelius had Gaul, and Minucius Liguria. C. Scribonius the City juriſdiction, M. Valerius the Foreign, L. Cornelius Sicily, L. Porcius Sardinia, C. Flaminius the hither Spain, and M. Fulvius the farther.

Now though the Conſuls expected no War that Year, yet they had Letters from M. Cincius (who was Governour of Piſa) that twenty thouſand arm'd Ligurians who had enter'd into a Conſpiracy through all the Burroughs of the whole Nation, having firſt pillaged the Territories of Luna, and from thence gone over into the Piſan Dominions, had over-ran all the Sea-Coaſt. Wherefore Minucius the Conſul, whoſe Province was Liguria, by conſent of the Senate went up into the Roſtra [the place for Orations] and gave order; that the two City Legions, which had been raiſed the year before ſhould be within eleven dayes at Aretium: and ſaid that he would raiſe two more City Legions in their ſtead. He alſo commanded the Allies and Magiſtrates, that were Latines, together with the Embaſſadours of ſuch as ought to find Souldiers, to come to him in the Capitol. Out of whom he ſet down fifteen thouſand and five hundred Horſe, according to the number of their ſeveral young men: bidding them go from the Capitol to the Gate, and ſo, to haſten the buſineſs, away forthwith to make the Levy. There were allow'd as a ſupply to Fulvius and Flaminius three thouſand Roman Foot, and a hundred Horſe, beſides five hundred Latine Foot and two hundred Horſe; the Praetors being order'd, to disband the old Souldiers as ſoon as they came into their Provinces. Now whereas the Souldiers that were in the City Legions had gone to the Tribunes of the people in great numbers [to deſire] that they would hear thoſe men ſpeak for themſelves, who by reaſon of their age or ſickneſs were excuſed from the War; a Letter from T. Sempronius put an end to that matter, in which he had written; That fifteen thouſand Ligurians were come into the Placentine Dominions; which they had deſtroy'd even to the very Walls of the Colony, and the Banks of Po, with ſlaughter and fire. That the Boii alſo were inclined to Rebellion; and for that reaſon there was a tumult now on foot. Whereupon the Senate decreed, that they would not have the Tribunes of the people try military cauſes, to hinder the men from meeting according to order: adding likewiſe, that thoſe Latine Allies, who had been in the Armies of P. Cornelius, and T. Sempronius, and had been disbanded by them, when they were Conſuls, ſhould meet at the ſame day and the ſame place in Etruria that the Conſul L. Cornelius had appointed: and that L. Cornelius had appointed: and that L. Cornelius, as he went into his Province, ſhould raiſe arm and carry with him out of the ſeveral Towns and Countries, through which he was to march, what Souldiers he pleas'd; of whom he might again disband as many as he thought good, and that when he had a mind to it.

After the Conſuls having made their Levy were gone into the ſeveral Provinces, then T. Quintius deſired the Senate to hear him touching thoſe things which he and the ten Embaſſadours had agreed upon; and, if they thought fitting, by their authority would confirm them. Which they would the more willingly do, if they had but once heard what the Embaſſadours, that came out of all Greece, great part of Aſia, and from the ſeveral Kings, had to ſay. Thoſe Embaſſadours therefore were introduced into the Senate by C. Scribonius the City Praetor, and had each of them a very kind Anſwer. But becauſe the diſpute with Antiochus was ſomewhat too long, it was referred to the ten Embaſſadours, part of whom had been in Aſia, or at Lyſimachia with the King. Thereupon T. Quintius was commanded, taking them along with him, to hear what the Kings Embaſſadours could ſay; and to give them ſuch an anſwer as might be ſuitable to the dignity and convenience of the Roman People. Now one Menippus, and one Hegeſianax were chief of the Kings Embaſſy: of whom Menippus ſaid; He could not tell what difficulty there could be in their Embaſſy, when they were come merely to deſire a Friendſhip and contract an Alliance [with the Romans.] Now there were three ſorts of Leagues, whereby States and Kings were united one to another. One, when thoſe that were conquer'd in War had conditions ſet them. For when all things were ſurrender'd to him that was the strongeſt, it was his right and priviledge to determine what part of ſuch things the conquer'd ſhould have, and what they ſhould be deprived of. Another, when two that were equal in point of War agreed upon a Peace and Alliance on even terms. For then things were demanded and restored back by mutual compact, and if either party have been diſturbed in the poſſeſſion of what is their own, ſuch differences are compoſed either by the rule of ancient Laws, or for the convenience of both ſides. But there was a third kind; when thoſe that never were Enemies came together to contract a mutual Friendſhip by a League of Alliance. That they did neither give nor receive conditions; that being the method between a Conqueror and him that was conquer'd. Now ſeeing that Antiochus was of this ſort, he wonder'd, that the Romans ſhould think fit to limit him, what Cities of Aſia they would have to be free and unconfin'd, and what ſtipendiary; as alſo which of them he and his Guards muſt not enter into: for they ought to make Peace with Philip, who was their Enemy at that rate, and not a League of Alliance with Antiochus who was their Friend.

To this Quintius reply'd, Since you are pleas'd to treat ſo diſtinctly, and to enumerate the ſeveral ſorts of Leagues, I alſo will lay before you two conditions, beſides which (you may tell him) there is no way for the King to contract a Friendſhip with the Roman People. The one, that if he would not have us concern our ſelves with any of the Cities in Aſia, he himſelf meddle not with any part of Europe. The other, that if he keep not within the bounds of Aſia, but come over into Europe, the Romans may lawfully not only preſerve the Alliances which they already have with the Cities of Aſia, but make new ones alſo: But there Hegeſianax made Anſwer and ſaid, It was ſuch an indignity as ought not to be mention'd; That Antiochus ſhould be forced out of the Cities of Thrace and Cherſoneſus: all which his great Grandfather Seleucus, after he had conquer'd and ſlain King Lyſimachus, with ſo much glory gain'd and left behind him, and (when they were partly poſſeſſed by the Thracians, and partly deſerted, as Lyſimachia it ſelf [for Example]) Antiochus recover'd with his Arms, and peopled as before; building up anew ſuch places, as had been thrown or burnt down, at a vaſt expence. What compariſon therefore was there between Antiochus being driven out of that poſſeſſion ſo gotten and ſo regain'd, and the Romans not medling with Aſia, which was never theirs? That Antiochus deſired the Friendſhip of the Romans; but ſo, that it might, if obtain'd, be a glory, not a diſhonour to him. To which Quintius made Anſwer, and ſaid; If we talk of honourable things, as the ſupream people of the whole World, and ſo great a King ought only, or chiefly at leaſt to do; pray which ſeems moſt honourable, to deſire that all the Cities of Greece may be free, or to make them ſlaves and tributary? If Antiochus thinks it a glorious thing for him again to enſlave thoſe Cities, which his great Grandfather indeed had by right of War, but his Father and Grandfather never challenged; the people of Rome alſo think they are obliged by the Laws of fidelity and conſtancy not to deſert the Patronage of the Grecian Liberty. And as they deliver'd Greece from Philip, ſo they intend to free all the Cities of Aſia, belonging to the Greeks, from King Antiochus. For thoſe Colonies were not ſent [by the Greeks] into Aeolis and Ionia to be ſlaves to the King; but to encreaſe their breed, and propagate an ancient Nation all over the World.

Now Hegeſianax being at a ſtand, could not deny but the name of Liberty made the Romans Cauſe more honourable, than that of ſlavery did Antiochus's; and therefore P. Sulpitius, the Eldeſt of the ten Embaſſadours told them, But we ſhall not trouble our ſelves to diſpute thus; chuſe one of the conditions, which Quintius juſt now ſo plainly propoſed, or talk no more of an Alliance. No, ſaid Menippus, we neither will, nor can enter into any League, that may leſſen Antiochus's Dominions. The next day, when Quintius had introduced all the Embaſſadours of Greece and Aſia into the Senate, for them to ſee, how the Roman People, and how Antiochus alſo ſtood affected toward the Cities of Greece; he declar'd both his own and the Kings demands: [bidding them] tell their Cities, that with the ſame valour and fidelity, wherewith they had vindicated them from Philip, they would deliver them from Antiochus alſo, unleſs he departed out of Europe. Thereupon Menippus deſired of Quintius and the Senate, not to haſten that Decree wherewith they were like to diſturb the whole World; nor only take time themſelves, but give time to the King to conſider of it. For he would either conſider better of it, when he heard the conditions, and make ſame ſucceſsful ſuit to them, or for peace ſake conſent to them. Thus the whole matter was deferred: and order was given that the ſame Embaſſadours ſhould go to the King that had been with him at Lyſimachia, who were P. Sulpicius, P. Villius and P. Aelius.

But they were ſcarce gone, when Embaſſadours came from Carthage, and brought word, that Antiochus was undoubtedly preparing for a War by the inſtigation of Annibal: and made the Romans fear, leſt a Punick War ſhould be at the ſame time raiſed. Annibal having fled his Country was come to Antiochus, as I told you before; and was in great favour with the King upon no other account, but that, when Antiochus was debating a long time about a Roman War, no man could be more fit to adviſe with than he was. Now his opinion continu'd ſtill the ſame; to have the War in Italy. For Italy would afford both Proviſions and Souldiers to a Foreign Enemy If there were no commotion there, but the Roman People were free with their ſtrength and Forces to wage a War without Italy, that neither the King nor any Nation in the World were equal to the Romans. Wherefore he deſired a hundred men of War, ſixteen thouſand Foot and a thouſand Horſe; and with that Fleet he would firſt go into Africa, where he did not queſtion but he ſhould make the Carthaginians rebel. But if they were backward, that he would raiſe a War against the Romans in ſome part of Italy. That the King with all the reſt ought to croſs over into Europe, and poſt his Forces in ſome part of Greece; not to paſs [into Africa] (but which was enough to make a ſhew and noiſe of a War) to be ready for ſuch an Expedition.

When he had brought the King to this opinion, he thought fit likewiſe to prepare his Countrymens mind for the ſame thing, but durſt not ſend Letters to them, leſt being by any accident intercepted, they might diſcover his deſign. Wherefore having found one Ariſto, a Tyrian, at Epheſus, whoſe cunning he had tryed in ſmaller affairs (after he had encouraged him with preſents and hopes of reward, to which the King alſo aſſented) he ſent him with his commands to Carthage, telling him the names of thoſe he muſt needs ſpeak with, and private tokens alſo whereby they might know, that thoſe were his Commands. But when this Ariſto was at Carthage, Annibals Enemies knew as ſoon as his Friends the reaſon of his coming; of which they firſt talk'd publickly in the Streets and at Feaſts, as they did afterward alſo in the Senate, where they ſaid, They had done nothing by baniſhing of Annibal, if he could make innovations even in his abſence, and by diſquieting the minds of men diſturb the peace of the City. That there was one Ariſto, a Tyrian ſtranger, come inſtructed with commands from Annibal and King Antiochus; That certain Men did daily keep correſpondence with him, and talk with him in ſecret what was e'rlong like to break forth into their general deſtruction. Whereupon they all cry'd out together, That Ariſto ought to be called before them, and be ask'd, why he came; which if he did not confeſs, he ſhould be ſent with the Embaſſadors to Rome: [for the Carthaginians] had ſuffered ſufficiently by the raſhneſs of Annibal. That therefore, though private men might offend at their own peril; yet the Commonwealth muſt be preſerved not only without blame, but even from the very ſuſpicion or imputation of it. Accordingly Ariſto was call'd and began to clear himſelf, uſing the ſtrongeſt defence he had, that he had brought no Letter to any Man. But as he was not very ready to give an account of his coming, ſo he was gravel'd moſt at this, that they ſaid, he talk'd with none but Men of the Barchine Faction. Whereupon there aroſe a quarrel among them, Some deſiring that he might be preſently ſeiz'd and clapp'd up for a Spy, whilſt others ſaid, They had no reaſon to breed ſuch a diſturbance; but that it was of evil example to lay hold on ſtrangers for nothing; for the ſame things might happen to the Carthaginians both at Tyre and in other places, to which they had frequent occaſions to go. Wherefore the matter was deferr'd for that Day. But Ariſton making uſe of a Punick trick in a Punick Nation, wrote upon a Tablet, which in the Evening he hung up over the daily ſeat of the Magiſtracy; getting himſelf at the third Watch on board a Ship, in which he made his eſcape. The next Day when the Suffetes [i. e. Judges] came to do Juſtice, ſeeing the Tablet, they took it down and read the Writing, which was this, That Ariſto had no private commands to any Man, but publickly to the Seniors; for ſo they call'd their Senate. When the Crime was known, they were the leſs intent to inquire into it; yet they were willing that Embaſſadors ſhould be ſent to Rome to inform the Senate and the Conſuls of it, and complain at the ſame time of the injuries done by Maſſiniſſa.

Maſſiniſſa when he perceived that the Carthaginians were not only infamous, but alſo at variance among themſelves (the Nobility being ſuſpected by the Senate upon the account of Ariſto's diſcourſes with them; and the Senate by the People, upon the ſcore of what Ariſto had diſcovered) ſuppoſing that a proper time to do them an injury, he not only pillaged all their Sea Coaſt, but likewiſe forced ſome tributary Cities of the Carthaginians to pay him a ſtipend. They call that part of the Country Emporia, being the Coaſt near the leſſer Syrtis, and a fertile Soil. One City of it was Leptis, which paid the Carthiginians a Talent a Day for Tribute. This Country at that time Maſſiniſſa infeſted all over, and in ſome part had made it doubtful whether it were in his or the Carthaginians poſſeſſion. But when he found that they were going to Rome, not only to clear themſelves, but to complain of him alſo; he himſelf likewiſe ſent Embaſſadors to Rome, not only to aggravate their Crimes with ſuſpicions, but alſo to diſpute the right of the Tributes [which they exacted]. The Carthaginians, who were firſt heard touching the Tyrian ſtranger, put the Senate in a fear, Leſt they muſt be forced to engage with Antiochus and the Carthaginians together. The ſuſpicion which moſt enhans'd their Crime was, that, whereas they reſolved to lay hold of Ariſto and ſend him to Rome, they had not ſeiz'd either him or his Ship. Then they begun to diſpute with the Kings Embaſſadors concerning that part of the Country [which was then in queſtion]. In which caſe the Carthaginians defended their Cauſe by pleading to the limits of their Dominions, That it was within thoſe bounds which P. Scipio being Conquerour had ſet to that part of Africa which ſhould belong to the Carthaginians; and by the Kings own confeſſion, who when he purſued Aphires, a Fugitive, out of his own Kingdom, wandering with a Company of Numidians about Cyrenae, begg'd leave of them to paſs through that very Region, as undoubtedly pertaining to the Carthaginians. To which the Numidians reply'd, Not only that what they ſaid concerning Scipio's making ſuch bounds was altogether falſe, but likewiſe, that if any one would ſearch into the true original of their right, what Region could they find in Africa that properly belong'd to the Carthaginians? Certain ſtrangers had as much ground precariouſly given them to build a City upon as they could compaſs with a Bulls-hide cut into thongs; and all they have ſince gain'd without their ancient Seat called Byrſa, they got by force and Arms. For they could not prove, touching that Region now in diſpute, not only that they have had it always, ſince they firſt took it, but not any conſiderable time; becauſe ſometime they, and ſometimes the Kings of Numidia, had it in poſſeſſion by turns, it being always his that had the longeſt Sword. That they would let the matter be in the ſame condition as it was before the Carthaginians were Foes, or the King of Numidia Friend and Ally to the Romans, nor would hinder them that could, from getting it. Whereupon the Senate thought fit to anſwer the Embaſſadors of both ſides, That they would ſend Embaſſadors into Africa, to debate of the preſent caſe between the Carthaginians and the King. Accordingly they ſent P. Scipio Africanus, C. Cornelius Cethegus, and M. Minutius Rutus; who have heard and look'd into the matter, left all things in ſuſpence, inclining in their opinions to neither ſide. But whether they did that of their own accord, or becauſe they were ſo ordered, is not ſo certain, as it ſeems to have been proper for that juncture, that they ſhould be left without any deciſion of the quarrel; for unleſs it were ſo, Scipio alone, either by his knowledge of the thing, or his Authority, having deſerv'd ſo greatly of them both, might have ended the diſpute even with a nod.

DECADE IV. BOOK V. The EPITOME.

Pub. Scipio Africanus, Embaſſadour to Antiochus, had a Conference at Epheſus with Annibal, who had join'd himſelf with Antiochus; to remove, if it were poſſible, that fear which he had conceived of the Roman People. Where when, among other things, he ask'd, whom Annibal thought the greateſt General; he anſwer'd, Alexander, King of Macedon; for that with ſo ſmall an Army he had defeated an innumerable Hoſt: and becauſe he had over-ran the very utmoſt Borders [of the World] which but to ſee was above all humane hope. And when he ask'd him again, whom he lookt upon to be the ſecond; Pyrrhus, ſaid he, for he firſt taught [Souldiers] how to Encamp; beſides that no body took places, or diſpoſed of his Guards with more cunning. Whereupon when Scipio demanded, whom he eſteemed the third; he reply'd Himſelf. At which Scipio laugh'd, and ask'd him, What would you have ſaid, if you had conquer'd me too? Why then, ſaid he, I ſhould have preferred my ſelf not only before Alexander, but Pyrrhus and all others. 21. Among other Prodigies, which were very numerous, 'twas reported, that an Oxe belonging to Cn. Domitius the Conſul, ſpake [and ſaid] Rome, have a care of thy ſelf. 23. The Romans prepare for a War againſt Antiochus. 13, 25, &c. Nabis, Tyrant of Lacedemon, incited by the Aetolians, who importuned both Philip and Antiochus to make War againſt the Romans, revolted from the Roman People, and waging War againſt Philopaemenes, Praetor of the Achaeans, 35. Was kill'd by the Aetolians. 32. The Aetolians alſo revolted from their Alliance with the Romans. With whom Antiochus King of Syria having enter'd into a League and made War upon Greece, poſſeſſed himſelf of many Cities among which Chalcis was one, beſides all Euboea. 3, &c. Contains the relation of what was done in Liguria, and the preparations for a War, made by Antiochus.

AT the beginning of the year in which theſe things were done, Sex. Digitius the Praetor had more Conflicts than are worth the ſpeaking of, in the hither Spain, (with thoſe Cities, which, after M. Cato's departure had many of them rebelled) and moſt of thoſe ſo unfortunate too, that he ſcarce deliver'd to his Succeſſor the half of thoſe Forces, which he had receiv'd. Nor is it to be queſtion'd, but all Spain had revolted, if the other Praetor, P. Cornelius Scipio, the Son of Cneius, had not fought many ſucceſsful Battles beyond the River Iberus: at which the people were ſo affrighted, that no leſs than fifty Towns ſubmitted themſelves unto him. Seipio had done theſe things whilſt he was Praetor. But he alſo, when Pro-Praetor, ſet upon the Luſitanians (who, having pillaged all the farther Spain, were coming home again with a vaſt booty) upon the rode, and engaged them from the third hour of the day till the eight, without knowing who would have the better of it, being out-done by them in point of number, but ſuperiour in all other circumſtances: for he had oppoſed them, not only with a cloſe well-order'd Army againſt a long train of men, that were encumber'd with a crowd of Cattle too, but with freſh Souldiers againſt ſuch as were tired with a tedious march. For the Enemies had ſet out at the third Watch, and travailed till three hours of the day were paſt: nor had they any time to reſt themſelves, before the Battle ſeconded the Fatigue of their Journey. Wherefore in the beginning of the ſight they had ſome vigour in their Bodies and Minds, ſo that they put the Romans into diſorder; but afterward the fight was by degrees brought to an equal lay. At this critical juncture, The Propraetor vow'd Games to Jupiter, if he routed and ſlew the Enemy. At laſt the Romans bore more briskly up to them, and the Luſitanians gave way, till ſoon after they totally turn'd their backs, and, whilſt the Conquerours purſued them very cloſe, were twelve Thouſand of them ſlain; five Hundred and forty, who were moſt of them Horſe, being taken, with one Hundred thirty four military Enſigns; though of the Roman Army there were loſt but ſeventy three. This ſight was not far from the City Ilipa; to which P. Cornelius led back his Victorious Army, with a rich Booty, which was expoſed to view before that City, and leave given to the owners to ſee what was theirs; the reſt being delivered to the Queſtors to be ſold, and what Money was made of it divided among the Soldiers.

C. Flaminius the Praetor was not yet come from Rome, when theſe things were done in Spain. Wherefore not only the fortunate but the unfortunate events there, were very much magnified both by him and his Friends; beſides that he had tryed (ſeeing a mighty War was broke out in his Province, where he was like to receive but a very ſmall remnant of an Army from Sex. Digitius, and that too full of fear and ready to run away) to make the Senate Decree him one of the City Legions; to which when he had added the Soldiers raiſed by himſelf, that he might chooſe out of the whole number three Thouſand five Hundred Foot and three Hundred Horſe; for with that Legion (there being but little hopes in Sex. Digitius's Army) he'd do the buſineſs. But the Senate replyed and ſaid, They muſt not make Decrees for vain ſtories raiſed by private Perſons to pleaſe Magiſtrates. For nothing ought to be look'd apon as authentick, but what either the Praetors wrote out of their Provinces, or Embaſſadors brought word of. If there were an Inſurrection in Spain, they would conſent, that the Praetor ſhould raiſe tumultuary Souldiers without Italy. The Senate intended, that thoſe tumultuary Soldiers ſhould be muſtered up in Spain; though Valerius Antias ſays, that C. Flaminius went over into Sicily alſo to make his Levy; and as he went from thence into Spain, being driven by a Tempeſt into Africa, liſted the ſtraggling Soldiers that remained of P. Africanus's Army, adding to the Levys in thoſe two Provinces a third when he came into Spain.

Nor did the Ligurian War increaſe more ſlowly in Italy. For they were now poſted about Piſae with forty Thouſand Men, beſides that a vaſt Multitude flock'd to them every Day through the fame of the War, and the hopes they had of a good Booty. The Conſul Minutius came to Arretium on the Day that he had appointed the Souldiers to meet him. From thence he led them in a ſquare Body to Piſae, and ſince the Enemy had removed their Camp a thouſand Paces from the Town beyond the River, the Conſul entered into the City, which was, no doubt of it, preſerv'd by his arrival. The next Day he himſelf alſo encamped beyond the River about five Hundred Paces from the Enemy. From thence by light skirmiſhes he defended the Country of his Allies from being pillaged. But he durſt not march out into the Field, becauſe his Soldiers were new Men, and muſtered up out of ſeveral Countries, not yet ſo well acquainted among themſelves as to truſt one another. Mean while the Ligurians relying upon their Multitudes, not only march'd out into the Field, prepared to try a puſh for all they had; but they likewiſe ſent out a great many parties every way (having Soldiers enough and to ſpare) to the utmoſt limits of the Country for plunder; who when they had got together a good quantity of Cattle and other Prey, there was a Guard ready for them to bring it through into their Caſtles and Villages.

Whilſt the Ligurian War continued at Piſae, the other Conſul, L. Cornelius Merula, led his Army through the very Borders of Liguria into the Country of the Boii, where the face of the War was quite another thing to what it was in Liguria. For there the Conſul went out into the Field, whilſt the Enemy declined the fight, and the Romans ran to and fro a plundering where no body came forth to meet them; the Boii being more willing to let them freely take what they found, than by defending of it to venture an engagement. But when that all things were ſufficiently waſted by Sword and Fire, the Conſul march'd out of the Enemies Country, and led his Army towards Mutina in a careleſs manner, being among a peaceful ſort of People. The Boii, as ſoon as they perceived the Enemy to be gone out of their Confines, followed after with ſilence, and ſought a place convenient to make an Ambuſcade. In order whereunto, paſſing in the Night by the Roman Camp, they lodg'd themſelves in a Wood, by which the Romans were to come. But having done it ſo as that they were diſcovered, the Conſul, who was uſed to remove his Camp at midnight, leſt the darkneſs ſhould increaſe their fear in a tumultuary Fight, ſtayed then till Day. Nay and then too, though he did not remove till Day, yet he ſent a Troop of Horſe before to ſee what they muſt truſt to. And when they brought him word back, what the Enemies Forces were, and where they were poſted, he ordered all the Baggage of the whole Army to be thrown on one heap together, and that the Triarii ſhould raiſe a mound about it, but went with the reſt of his Army in Battalia up to the Foe. The Gauls alſo did the ſame, when they ſaw their Ambuſcade was diſcovered, and that they muſt fight a regular and ſet Battel, where true Valour muſt win the Day.

About the ſecond Hour they engaged; the left Wing of the Allies Horſe, and the extraordinaries fighting in the Front. They were commanded by two Conſular Lieutenants, M. Marcellus and Tib. Sempronius, who was Conſul the year before. The new Conſul was one while in the Van, and anon keeping back the Legions in the Reer, that ſhould not fall on, before the ſignal was given. The Horſe, that was in thoſe Legions, he order'd Q. and P. Minucius, Tribunes of the Souldiers, to draw forth into an open Plain, without the main Body of the Army: from whence, when he had given the ſignal, they might have room to charge. But as he was doing this, a Meſſage came to him from Tib. Sempronius Longus, that the Extraordinaries could not endure the ſhock of the Gauls, and that a great many of them were ſlain, thoſe that remain'd having partly through the Fatigue of it, and partly through their fear, remitted or ſlacken'd the ardour of the Engagement. That therefore, if he thought fit, he ſhould ſend a ſupply of one of the two Legions, before they received any diſgrace. Thereupon he ſent the ſecond Legion, and took back the Extraordinaries. Then therefore the fight was renew'd; and when not only freſh men, but a Legion whoſe ranks ſtood thick and cloſe came into the place, the left Wing being withdrawn quite out of the Battle, and the right advanced into the Front; The Sun with ſultry heat had almoſt burnt the Bodies of the Gauls, who cannot by any means endure ſuch weather; yet they, leaning one while upon each other, and anon upon their Shields, ſuſtain'd the violence of the Romans. Which when the Conſul perceiv'd, he commanded C. Livius Salinator, who was Captain of the Alary Horſe [Allies moſt commonly, that fought in the Wings of the Army, call'd Alae] to ride in with the ſwifteſt part of his Cavalry, and put their ranks into diſorder; but that the Legionary Horſe ſhould ſtand in the Reer. This ſtorm of the Horſe at firſt confounded and diſorder'd, and then ſcatter'd the Gallick Army, though not ſo much as to make them turn their backs: for the Captains hinder'd it, who with their Spear-ſtaves punch'd the wavering Souldiers on their backs, and would have forced them to return into their ranks; though the Alary Horſe riding in between would not ſuffer them. The Conſul therefore deſired of his men, That they would ſtrive a little; and, ſeeing the Victory was ſo near at hand, the Enemy being all in diſorder and ſo conſternated, that they would charge up briskly upon them; for if they gave them time to put themſelves once more into rank and file, they muſt of neceſſity be again engaged in a freſh and an hazardous Conflict. Thereupon he order'd the Enſigns to march forward: and ſo all of them with one Effort, at laſt, repell'd the Foe. Who when they turn'd their backs and were utterly routed, were purſu'd by the Legionary Horſe, whom he ſent after them. There were that day ſlain fourteen thouſand of the Boii, and a thouſand ninety two taken Priſoners: two hundred twenty one of their Horſe men, and three Captains, with two hundred and twelve military Enſigns [or Standards] and ſixty three Waggons. Nor did the Romans eſcape without ſome loſs of blood: for of them there were ſlain above five thouſand either Romans or their Allies; twenty three Centurions, and four Captains of the Allies, with M. Genucius, and M. Marcius Tribune of the Souldiers, belonging to the ſecond Legion.

About the ſame time there were Letters brought from the two Conſuls; that is, from L. Cornelius concerning a Battle fought with the Boii at Mutina, and from Q. Minucius at Piſae; That it fell to his Lot to hold the Conſular Aſſembly. But that all things in Liguria were in ſuch ſuſpence, that he could not depart thence without the ruine of his Allies and great damage to the Common-wealth. Wherefore, if the Senate thought fit, they might ſend to his Collegue; that he, who had made an end of his War, might return to Rome, and hold that Aſſembly: which if he were unwilling to do, becauſe it was none of his buſineſs, that he himſelf would do what ever the Senate ſhould determine: but deſired them very ſeriouſly to conſider, whether it were not more for the advantage of the Common-wealth to make an Interregnum [a time when there was no chief Magiſtrate in the Common-wealth, or preſent at leaſt, to perform publick Offices] than that the Province ſhould by him be left in that condition. The Senate therefore order'd C. Scribonius to ſend two Embaſſadours of the Senatorian Order to the Conſul L. Cornelius; who were to carry along with them the Letter that his Collegue ſent to the Senate, and to tell him, that unleſs he came to Rome to create new Magiſtrates, rather than Q. Minucius ſhould be call'd away from a War that now lay freſh upon his hands, the Senate would ſuffer the making of an Interregnum. The two Embaſſadours being accordingly ſent brought word back, that L. Cornelius would come to Rome to chuſe new Magiſtrates. Now there was a diſpute in the Senate about that Letter of L. Cornelius's, which he had written after the Battle with the Boii; becauſe M. Claudius, his Lieutenant, had written privately to many of the Senators, That they might thank the good fortune of the Roman People, and the Courage of the Souldiers for the ſucceſs they met with. For through the Conſuls means they had not only loſt ſome part of their men, but the Enemies Army alſo, which they had an opportunity to deſtroy, was got clear out of their reach. That ſo many the more of the Souldiers died, for that the ſupplies, that ſhould have aſſiſted them, advanced too ſlowly out of the Reer. And that the Enemies had eſcaped, not only becauſe the ſignal was given to the Legionary Horſe too late, but alſo in that they were not ſuffer'd to purſue the Foe.

Of that matter they did not think fit to determine any thing on a ſudden; but deferred the Debate till they had a fuller Aſſembly. For there was another buſineſs in hand concerning the Cities being oppreſs'd by Uſury: and ſince Covetouſneſs was tied up to many Laws touching Uſury, they had found out a fraudulent way of lending money to Citizens in the names of foreigners that were not bound by thoſe Laws, by which means they taking what Intereſt they pleas'd, the Debtors were undone. Now the Senate being inquiſitive after a method of reſtraining this practice, They pitch'd upon a certain day, viz. the laſt Feaſt called Feralia [on which they uſed to ſacrifice to the Infernal Gods]; ordaining, that all thoſe Allies, who ſince that day had lent Money to Roman Citizens, ſhould declare it; and that for the Money which had been ſince that day lent, the Creditor ſhould have right done him according to which Laws the Debtors would [whether Roman Laws or thoſe of the Allies]. So when by their ſeveral Declarations it was diſcovered what a vaſt ſumm thoſe Debts came to which had by this fraudulent means been contracted, M. Sempronius, Tribune of the People, by the Senates order propoſed to the Commons, and they agreed, That for Money lent there ſhould be the ſame proceſs in Law againſt an Ally or a Latine, as againſt a Roman Citizen. Theſe things were done in Italy both at home and in the Wars; but in Spain there was not nigh ſo great a diſturbance as had been talk'd off. C. Flaminius in the hither Spain took a Town called Ilucia belonging to the Oretanes, and then carryed his Men into their Winter Quarters, where though in the Winter time they had ſome skirmiſhes, yet there were none worth the remembring, their Opponents being more like Thieves than Enemies, and their ſucceſs very various, not without ſome loſs of Men. But there were greater things done by M. Fulvius, who at a Town called Toletum fought a pitch'd Battel with the Vaccei, the Vectones and Celtiberians; in which, having defeated and utterly routed the Army, he took King Hilermus Priſoner.

Whilſt theſe things were a doing in Spain, the Day for the Aſſembly was now at hand; and therefore L. Cornelius the Conſul, leaving M. Claudius, his Lieutenant, behind him with the Army, came to Rome. Where after he had given a relation in the Senate of what he had done, and in what ſtate the Province was, he complained to the Houſe, That there was no acknowledgments of Praiſe and Honour paid to the Gods for his having made an end of ſuch a mighty War in one fortunate Battel. And after that requir'd, That they would decree a Supplication and a Triumph both together. But before they could make report of that Affair, Q. Metellus, who had been Conſul and Dictator, ſaid, That the Letters brought at the ſame time from L. Cornelius, who was Conſul, to the Senate, and from M. Marcellus to great part of the Senators, contradicted one another; and that the conſultation [about that buſineſs] was therefore deferr'd, that it might be debated when the authors of thoſe Letters were preſent. And for that reaſon they expected, that the Conſul, who knew that the Lieutenant had written ſomewhat againſt him, ſeeing he himſelf muſt needs come to Rome, would have brought him alſo thither at the ſame time; eſpecially when it was well known that he had delivered the Army to Tib. Sempronius, who had the Generalſhip more truly and really, than to the Lieutenant. Wherefore he ſeemed to be removed on purpoſe, left he ſhould declare or juſtifie what he had written face to face; or give them an opportunity to reprove him if he told any thing that was falſe, and argue the caſe ſo long till they found out the whole truth of it. Ʋpon which account he did not think fit that any one thing which the Conſul demanded, ſhould be, at that preſent, decreed him. But when he notwithſtanding went on deſiring, that a Supplication might be ordained, and that he might ride in Triumph into the City, M. and C. Titinius Tribunes of the People ſaid, They would interpoſe, if there were any order of Senate made, concerning that matter.

The Cenſors created the Year before were Sex. Aelius Paetus, and C. Cornelius Cethegus; of whom Cornelius made a Luſtrum [i. e. a ſurvey of the People] at which the Pole of the Citizens came to one Hundred forty three Thouſand ſeven Hundred and four. The Waters roſe very high that Year, and the Tyber overflowed the plain parts of the City. About the Gate called Flumentana ſome Buildings fell down, and the Gate called Caelimontana was burnt with Lightning, as was the Wall all about it alſo in many places. At Aricia, Lanuvium, and in the Aventine it rained ſtones; and from Capua news was brought, that a great ſwarm of Waſps flew into the Forum, and light in the Temple of Mars, where they were carefully gathered all together and burnt. Upon the ſcore of theſe Prodigies, the Decemviri were ordered to conſult their Books, and a ſacrificing of nine Days continuance appointed, with a Supplication and a Luſtration of the whole City. At the ſame time M. Porcius Cato dedicated the Chapel of Victoria Virgo [i. e. Victory the Virgin] near the Temple of Victory, two Years after he had vow'd ſo to do. The ſame Year a Triumvirate, whoſe names were Cn. Manlius Vulſo, L. Apuſtius Fullo, and Q. Aelius Tubero (by whoſe Law it was done) carryed a Colony into the Territories belonging to Thucium, conſiſting of three Thouſand Foot, and three Hundred Horſe, which for the quantity of ground was but a ſmall number. They therefore might have given thirty Acres to each Footman, and ſixty to each Horſeman; but by advice of Apuſtius, a third part of the Land was ſet apart for them, when they pleas'd, to ſtock with new Planters, each Footman having twenty, and every Horſeman forty Acres.

The Year was now at an end, and ambition ſhew'd it ſelf all on a flame more than ever before in the grand Aſſembly. For many, and thoſe very powerful men, both of the Patricians and Plebeians too, ſued for [the Office]: as P. Cornelius Scipio, Son of Cneius, who came lately out of the Province of Spain, where he had done great things: and L. Quintius Flaminius, who Commanded the Fleet in Greece, with Cn. Manlius Vulſo, all three Patricians: and for Plebeians, C. Laelius, Cn. Domitius, C. Livius Salinator, and Marius Acilius. But the Eyes of all people were caſt upon Quintius and Cornelius. For they not only ſtood, being both Patricians, for the ſame place, but the glory which they ſo lately in War had gain'd commended them both. But that which enflamed their ambition more than any thing elſe, was their having two ſuch near Relations, who were the moſt renowned Generals of their Age. Scipio's glory was the greater; and by how much the greater, ſo much the more obnoxious to Envy: though Quintius's was freſher, he having triumph'd that very year. Beſides, the one had been now almoſt ten years in publick view (which is a thing that makes great men leſs venerable by their very frequent appearance among the People) having been a ſecond time Conſul, after he had conquer'd Annibal, and once Cenſor. But in Quintius all things were freſh and new to make him acceptable, he having neither deſir'd nor gotten any thing of the people ſince the time of his triumphing: He therefore now told them, He petition'd them on the behalf of an own Brother not a Couſin-german, for his Collegue and Partner in a War that was now ended: in which he mannaged the affairs by Land, and his Brother by Sea. By this means he got him prefer'd before the other Candidate whom Africanus recommended; whom the Cornelian Family attended (whilſt Cornelius, who was Conſul, held the Aſſembly) who before-hand ſtood ſo fair in the Opinion of the Senate, being lookt upon as the beſt man in all the City, who receiv'd the Goddeſs Cybele when ſhe came from Peſſinus to Rome. So L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus were choſen Conſuls: nor could Africanus prevail ſo much as for a Plebeian Conſul, when he made what intereſt he could for C. Laelius. The next day the Praetors were Created. L. Scribonius Libo, M. Fulvius Centumalus, A. Attilius Serranus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Valerius Tappus, and Q. Salonius Sarra. There were alſo two ſingle Aediles that year, call'd M. Aemilius Lepidus, and L. Aemilius Paulus. In whoſe time there were many Graziers condemn'd; and out of the money in which they were mulcted gilded Shields were ſet up in the top of Jupiters Temple. They likewiſe built one Portico without the Gate called Porta Trigemina (making an Exchange [or place for publick Negotiation] at the Tibers ſide) and another from the Gate Fontinalis to Mars's Altar, to go through into the Field [of Mars.]

For a long time there had been nothing done worth remembring; but at the end of that year their affairs were twice reduced into a very dangerous poſture. For not only the Conſuls Camp was attack'd, and with great difficulty maintain'd, but likewiſe, not long after, as the Roman Army march'd through a narrow paſs, the Ligurian Forces having way-laid them, ſeeing they could not get through, the Conſul fac'd about and would fain have gone back: but the Avenue was block'd up behind too by a party of the Enemies; inſomuch that the memory of their Caudine misfortune was freſh, not only in their minds, but even before almoſt their Eyes alſo. He had near eight hundred Numidian Horſe among his Auxiliaries: whoſe Colonel promiſed the Conſul, that he would break out on which ſide he pleas'd with his men. Deſiring him to tell him only, on which ſide there were most Villages. For he would ſet upon them, and burn their Houſes the firſt thing he did; that the fright of that might force the Ligurians to quit the paſs, which they were then poſſeſſed of, and run to aſſiſt their Country Friends. For which the Conſul gave him commendations and great hopes of reward. So the Numidians mounting their Horſes rode up to the Enemies Camp; though they offer'd no act of Hoſtility to any Body. Now there was nothing at the firſt view more contemptible; the Horſes and men being very little and ſlender, the riders ungirt and unarm'd (ſave that they had Darts with them) and their Horſes without Bridles, going very awkwardly, with ſtiff necks and their Heads thruſt out. And this contempt they themſelves alſo induſtriouſly augmented, ſlipping of their Horſes and making ſport on purpoſe to be taken notice of. Whereupon the Enemy, who had been at firſt intent and were ready, if they ſhould be provoked, moſt of them now ſate looking about them without their Arms. The Numidians rode up to them and then back again; but by degrees came nearer to the paſs, as though their Horſes had ran away with them. At laſt they ſet Spurs to them and broke through the middle of the Enemies, and being got into a wider place burnt all the Houſes near the rode, ſetting fire to the next Town they came at, and deſtroying every thing with Fire and Sword. At firſt the ſmoke that aroſe, and then the noiſe that was heard from the ſeveral Towns, and at laſt both old and young running away [from their Habitations] made a tumult in the Camp: inſomuch that without deliberation, or any orders for their ſo doing, each man for himſelf ran to defend his own, and in a moment of time the Camp was totally deſerted; by which means the Conſul being freed from the Siege, came to the place whither he deſign'd to go.

But neither the Boii nor the Spaniards, with whom that year they had fought ſeveral Battles, were ſuch pernicious Enemies to the Romans as the Aetolians were. For they, after the Armies were removed out of Greece, were firſt in hopes that Antiochus would come and take poſſeſſion of that part of Europe, which was then deſerted, and that Philip and Nabis would ſtill be troubleſome. But when they ſaw there was no commotion at all made, they thinking beſt for them to put things into ſome diſorder, leſt their deſigns ſhould by delays be fruſtrated, call'd a Council at Naupactum. Where Thoas their Praetor, complaining of the injuries done by the Romans, and of the ſtate of Aetolia, that they were the leaſt reſpected of all the Nations in Greece, even after that Victory of which they themſelves had been the cauſe: thought fit to have Embaſſadours ſent all about to the ſeveral Kings, not only to inquire into their inclinations, but to incite them every one in particular to a Roman War. Damocritus was ſent to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and Dicaearchus, the Praetors Brother, to Antiochus. Damocritus told the Lacedemonian Tyrant, that now his maritime Cities were taken away, his Government was quite enfeebled; it being thence that he had all his Souldiers, Ships and Seamen: ſo that he, ſhut up almoſt within his own Walls, ſaw the Achaeans lording it over Peloponneſus; being never like to have an opportunity of recovering his own again if he omitted that which then was in his hands. That there was no Roman Army in Greece, nor would the Romans think that upon the account of Gythium or other maritime Laconians they had reaſon ſufficient to tranſmit their Legions again into Greece. Theſe things were ſaid to irritate the Tyrants mind; that, ſeeing Antiochus was come over into Greece, through his being conſcious of having violated all Friendſhip with the Romans by injuring their Allies, he might join with Antiochus. Nicander alſo incited Philip with ſuch another Speech. For which too he had more matter to work upon, the King being degraded from a much higher pitch of honour than the Tyrant was, and deprived of much more conſiderable poſſ • ſſions. Beſides which, the ancient fame of the Kings of Macedonia, and their over-running of the whole World was placed to the account of the Victories of that Family. And then, that he gave him advice which was ſafe, both in the attempt and event too. For as he did not perſwade Philip to ſtir, before Antiochus with his Army came over into Greece, ſo how could the Romans make any reſiſtance againſt him, who without Antiochus held out in a War ſo long againſt both Romans and Aetolians, now that Antiochus ſhould be join'd with him, and the Aetolians become his Allies, who would prove worſe Enemies than the Romans? Adding, about the General Annibal, who was born an Enemy to the Romans, and kill'd more of their Captains and Souldiers than were ſtill alive. Thus ſpake Nicander to Philip; whilſt Dicaearchus ſaid other things to Antiochus: and first of all, that the booty taken from Philip was the Romans, but the Victory the Aetolians; nor did any body but the Aetolians make way for the Romans to come into Greece, ſupplying at the ſame time strength to conquer. Then, how great an Army of Horſe and Foot they would raiſe to aſſist Antiochus in the War; as alſo what places they would find him for his Land Forces, and what Ports for his maritime. Then of Philip and Nabis he told a bold untruth; that both of them were ready to renew their Wars; and would be glad to take the firſt opportunity of recovering what they had loſt in War. Thus through the whole World at the ſame time did the Aetolians endeavour to raiſe a War againſt the Romans: though the Kings were either not at all, or very little moved at what they ſaid.

But Nabis ſent immediately into all the maritime Towns thereabout certain perſons to ſtir up Seditions among the People, and brought over, by preſents, ſome of the Nobility to his ſide; killing others who pertinaciouſly continu'd in the Roman Alliance. The Achaeans had the care of defending all the maritime Laconians committed to them by T. Quintius. Wherefore they preſently ſent not only Embaſſadours to the Tyrant, to admoniſh him of his League with the Romans, and to warn him not to diſturb that Peace which he ſo earneſtly had deſired: but aid likewiſe to Gythium, which was at this time attack'd by the Tyrant, and other Embaſſadours to Rome too, to tell what they had done. King Antiochus that Winter, having, at Raphia in Phoenicea, given his Daughter in Marriage to Ptolomy King of Aegypt, went back to Antioch, and then through Cilicia, over the Mountain Taurus, at the latter end of Winter, came to Epheſus. From whence in the beginning of the Spring, having ſent his Son Antiochus into Syria to ſecure the utmoſt parts of his Kingdom, leſt there ſhould be any diſturbance behind him when he himſelf was abſent, he march'd with all his Land Forces to oppoſe the Piſidians, that dwell about Selga. At that time the Roman Embaſſadours, P. Sulpicius, and P. Villius, who were ſent (as aforeſaid) to Antiochus, being order'd to go firſt to Eumenes, came to Elea, from whence they went up to Pergamus, where the Kings Palace was. Eumenes was very deſirous of a War againſt Antiochus; believing that he, if there were Peace, being a King ſo much more puiſſant would be an ill Neighbour, but, if there were a War raiſed, would be no more equal to the Romans than Philip had been: by which means he would either be utterly deſtroy'd, or, if they granted him a Peace, when he was conquer'd, that many things which were taken from him would fall to Eumenes's ſhare: ſo as that from that time forward he ſhould be able with eaſe to defend himſelf from him without any help from the Romans. Nay though any ill ſhould befal him, that it was better to undergo any misfortune in alliance with the Romans, than either alone to ſuffer the Tyranny of Antiochus; or refuſing it to be forced by main ſtrength of Arms. For theſe reaſons, as far as his authority and advice would go with them, he incited the Romans to a War.

Sulpicius being ſick ſtaid at Pergamus; but Villius, having heard at Piſidiae that the King was engaged in a War, went to Epheſus; where ſtaying ſeveral Days, he did what he could to have frequent conference with Annibal who then chanced to be there; not only to find, if poſſibly he could, his inclinations, but to remove that fear which he was in of danger from the Romans. By which means though he obtained nothing elſe, yet it followed, as it were, of its own accord, and as if it had been induſtriouſly ſought after, that Annibal for that reaſon became leſs eſteemed, in all points more ſuſpected by the King. Claudius, relying upon the Greek Annals written by Acilius, ſays, that P. Africanus, being concerned in that Embaſſy, had ſome diſcourſe at Epheſus with Annibal. And he gives you one inſtance too of what they ſaid, which was, that when Africanus asked Annibal, whom he thought to have been the greateſt General in the whole World? that he anſwer'd, Alexander King of Macedon; for that with a ſmall number of Men he had routed innumerable Armies, and becauſe he had overran the utmoſt Borders of the Eaſt, which even to ſee exceeds all humane hopes. Whereupon when he asked him again, whom he placed ſecond? that he ſaid Pyrrhus: for he firſt taught Men how to encamp; beſides, that no Man took places with more Art, or better diſpos'd of his Garriſons; wherewithal he had ſuch a knack of winning upon Mens affections, that the Italian Nations were more willing to ſubmit to his Government though a foreign Prince, than that of the Roman People, who had ſo long been Lords of that Country. After which, when Africanus went on and asked him, whom he look'd upon as the third? that he ſaid, without all doubt, himſelf. And with that Scipio laugh'd and asked him, what wouldſt thou ſay if thou hadſt overcome me too? Why then, ſaid he, I ſhould think my ſelf beyond not only Alexander and Pyrrhus, but all other Generals alſo. In which caſe Scipio provoked him to an anſwer, that was perplexed with Punick artifice and a kind of flattery; for that Scipio had ſeparated himſelf from all the crowd of Generals as a Perſon ineſtimable.

Villius went on from Epheſus to Apamea, where Antiochus alſo, having heard of the arrival of the Roman Embaſſadors, met him, and had almoſt ſuch another debate as that was at Rome between Quintius and the Kings Embaſſadors. But the news of his Son Antiochus's Death, who, I told you even now, was ſent into Syria, determined the Conference. For there was great ſorrow in the Court, and every body was much concern'd for the loſs of that Youth, he having given ſuch a ſpecimen of himſelf, that if he had lived, it was plainly ſeen he would have been a great and a juſt King. By how much the dearer therefore he was to all People, ſo much the more ſuſpected was his Death, viz. that his Father, believing him to be an heavy Succeſſour to tread upon the heels of his Old Age, took him off with Poyſon by the help of certain Eunuchs, who are entertained by Kings to do ſuch pieces of ſervice. They alſo add this as another cauſe of that clandeſtine exploit; that whereas he had given his Son Seleucus Lyſimachia, he had ne'r another ſeat like that to give Antiochus, ſo as to ſend him too under pretence of honour a great way from him. Yet there was a general ſorrow for ſome Days all over the Court; and therefore the Roman Embaſſador, leſt he might offend them by ſtaying there at ſuch an unſeaſonable time, went to Pergamus, whilſt the King, omitting the War which he had begun, return'd to Epheſus. There upon the account of their King being in mourning, the Palace was ſhut up, and the King had a private conſultation with one Minio who was his moſt familiar friend. Minio being ignorant of all foreign Affairs, and valuing the Kings ſtrength by what he did in Syria or Aſia, believ'd that Antiochus was not only ſuperiour to him in a juſt cauſe (for that the Romans demanded nothing that was reaſonable) but that he would likewiſe overcome him in War. Minio therefore (though the King was not willing to come to a debate with the Embaſſadors, as having found it to no purpoſe before, or being confounded with his late grief) declar'd that he would ſay ſomewhat that ſhould be for the Kings advantage, and prevailed to have the Embaſſadors ſent for from Pergamus.

Sulpicius was now recovered of his ſickneſs, ſo they came both to Epheſus; where the King being excuſed by Minio, the thing began to be debated in his abſence; and Minio in an Oration which he had got ready before-hand, ſaid thus, I ſee you Romans make uſe of the ſpecious title of being deliverers of Greece, but your actions do not agree with your words, in that you ſet one Law to Antiochus, and uſe another your ſelves. For how are the Smyrneans and the Lampſacenes more Greeks than the Neopolitans, the Rhegines or the Tarentines, from whom you exact a ſtipend [for your Souldiers] and Ships according to the League made between you? Why do you ſend a Praetor every year with a Commiſſion, Rods and Axes to Syracuſe, and into the other Grecian Cities of Sicily? You have nothing elſe to ſay for your ſelves, but that, when you had conquer'd them, you impoſed upon them ſuch and ſuch Laws. Pray accept of the ſame reaſon from Antiochus concerning Smyrna, Lampfacus, and the Cities that are in Ionia or Aeolis. He would fain have them (ſince they were conquer'd in War by his Anceſtors, and made ſtipendiary or tributary) reduced to their ancient conſtitution. Wherefore to theſe things I would have him anſwer'd, if you diſpute upon equal terms, and the cauſe of the War be not inquir'd after. To which Sulpicius reply'd; Antiochus, ſaid he, did very modeſtly, who if what was ſaid would be no advantage to him, choſe rather to have any body elſe ſay it than himſelf. For what likeneſs is there between the caſes of thoſe Cities which you have compar'd? From the Rhegines, Neapolitans and Tarentines ever ſince they came into our hands, we exact of them what by League they owe us according to one perpetual tenour of Law which has been always uſed. Now can you ſay, that as thoſe people have not broke their League, either by themſelves or any other, ſo the Cities of Aſia, ever ſince they firſt became ſubject to Antiochus's Anceſtors, have continu'd in the perpetual poſſeſſion of their Kingdom? or that ſome of them were not under Philip, others under Ptolomy, and that others for many years, no body queſtioning their rights, enjoy'd their liberty? For if, becauſe they once were Slaves when preſs'd to it by the iniquity of the times, you thence conclude it lawful to make them ſo ſtill, what have we done in delivering Greece from Philip? his Poſterity may as well pretend a title to Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and all the whole Country of Theſſaly. But why do I plead the cauſe of the Cities, which it is more reaſonable they themſelves ſhould do before Ʋs and the King himſelf.

Then he order'd the Embaſſadours of the ſeveral Cities to be call'd in, being prepar'd and inſtructed before hand by Eumenes; who thought whatever ſtrength Antiochus loſt would make an addition to his Kingdom. So ſeveral of them being admitted, whilſt they each of them brought in ſometimes their complaints, and ſometimes their demands, mixing juſt actions and unjuſt all together, from a debate they fell to quarrelling. By which means having neither remitted, nor obtain'd any thing, the Embaſſadours return'd to Rome as little ſatisfied in all points as they came thither. The King, when they were gone, held a Council concerning a Roman War: in which one was fiercer than another: becauſe by how much the ſharper any one had been in ſpeaking againſt the Romans, ſo much the greater hopes he had of [the Kings] favour. One inveigh'd against the pride of their demands, as if they would have impoſed Laws, not only upon Nabis, whom they had conquer'd, but upon Antiochus too, the greatest King in all Aſia: and yet they had given Nabis his Dominion again over his Country, and the ſame Country of Lacedaemon [to govern.] That it would ſeem diſhonourable to Antiochus, if Smyrna and Lampſacus ſhould do what was required of them. Others ſaid, That thoſe Cities were ſmall and inconſiderable cauſes of a War to ſo great a King: but that men began from trivial things to gain far greater: unleſs they thought that the Perſians, when they demanded Water and Earth from the Lacedemonians, wanted a clod of Earth and a draught of Water. Now the Romans took the ſame method in treating for two Cities [in proſpect] that the other Cities alſo, as ſoon as thoſe two had ſhook off the Yoke, would revolt to the people who were the general deliverers [of Greece.] For though liberty be not better than ſlavery, yet 'tis more pleaſant than any preſent condition for a man to be in hopes of changing his circumſtances.

Alexander the Acarnanian was in the Council, who had been formerly Philips Friend, but of late having left him had follow'd the more opulent Court of Antiochus: and having good knowledge in the affairs of Greece, nor being altogether ignorant of the Roman State, was ſo beloved by the King, that he was at all his very Cabinet Councils. He, as though they were conſulting, not whether they ſhould have a War, or no, but where and how they ſhould mannage it, ſaid, he did not at all queſtion their getting the Victory, if the King went over into Europe, and made ſome part of Greece the ſeat of the War. That he would now firſt find the Aetolians, who lived in the very heart of Greece, in Arms; and ready to be the Forlorn hope in all the ſharpeſt adventures of War. That in the two Horns, as it were, of Greece, he would have Nabis, who would put all Peloponneſus into a commotion, in order to regain the City of Argus, with the maritime Cities, from which the Romans had expelled him, confining his power to the Walls of Lacedaemon: and from Macedonia, that Philip, as ſoon as he heard the ſignal given, would put himſelf in Arms. That he knew his Spirit and his very Soul; being well aſſur'd, that he, like ſavage Beaſts, which are kept up in Dens or Toils, had for a long time conceiv'd great indignation in his Breaſt. That he likewiſe remembred how often he had uſed in the War to beſeech all the Gods, that they would make Antiochus his aſſiſtant. Of which deſire when he ſhould now be poſſeſs'd, that he would make no delay in renewing the War. That the only way was not to defer things, or be ſlow: for the Victory depended upon their pre-poſſeſſing themſelves of opportune places, and getting Allies. That Annibal alſo ought to be ſent forthwith into Africa, to take the Romans off [the proſecution of their deſigns.]

Annibal was not admitted into the Council, as being ſuſpected by the King, by reaſon of his Conferences with Villius; nor was he afterward in any eſteem there. Which diſgrace he at firſt took patiently, though ſome time after ſuppoſing it to be better for him not only to inquire into the reaſon of that ſudden ſtrangeneſs, but alſo to clear himſelf in due time, having barely ask'd and heard the reaſon of the [Kings] anger to him, ſaid, My Father Amilcar, Antiochus! took me to the Altar, when I was yet a Child, and obliged me by an Oath (as he was ſacrificing) never to be Friends with the Roman People. Ʋnder which Oath I was a Souldier for thirty ſix years; this brought me out of my Country in a time of Peace: this made me come, like a perſon baniſh'd, from my own Country to their Court; and under the conduct of this, if you diſappoint my hopes, whereever I know that there is ſtrength or arms, I'll find them, though I ſeek the whole World over for Enemies to the Romans. Wherefore if any of your Favourites think to make themſelves greater by leſſening of me, let them invent ſome other way of accompliſhing their deſigns. For I both hate and am hated by the Romans: of the truth whereof I call my Father Amilcar and the Gods to witneſs. When therefore you think of a War againſt the Romans, take Annibal for one of your beſt Friends. But if any thing make you incline toward Peace, for that ſeek ſome body elſe to conſult with. This Speech did not only move the King, but alſo reconciled him to Annibal: and the Council was diſſolv'd with this reſolution, that there ſhould be a War.

At Rome indeed they intended to make Antiochus their Enemy by their common Diſcourſe, but they prepared nothing as yet in order to it, except animoſity. Both the Conſuls had the Province of Italy aſſign'd to them: ſo as that they ſhould agree between themſelves, or caſt Lots, which of them ſhould hold the [Conſular] Aſſembly for that year. And that he, to whom that care did not belong, ſhould be ready upon occaſion to lead the Legions out of Italy. The ſame Conſul was permitted to raiſe two new Legions, twenty thouſand Allies and Latines, and nine hundred Horſe. To the other Conſul there were Decreed the two Legions, which L. Cornelius had when he was Conſul the Year before, with fifteen thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe, of Allies and Latines out of the ſame Army. Q. Minucius was continu'd in Commiſſion with the Army that he had in Liguria. To which there were added, as a ſupply, four thouſand Roman Foot, and a hundred and fifty Horſe, then newly to be raiſed, beſides five thouſand Foot and a hundred Horſe exacted [as their Quota] from the Allies. Cn. Domitius had a Province out of Italy where the Senate had determin'd, and L. Quintius Gaul. Then the Praetorian Aſſembly was held: after which the Praetors choſe their Provinces. M. Fulvius had that of the City, and L. Scribonius Libo the Foreign juriſdiction: L. Valerius Tappus Sicily, Q. Salonius Sarra Sardinia, M. Baebius Tamphilus the hither Spain, and A. Atilius Serranus the farther. But theſe two laſt had, firſt by an Order of Senate, and after by another of the Commons, their Provinces chang'd: Atilius being to Command the Fleet and Macedonia, and Baebius the Bruttii. Flaminius and Fulvius were continu'd in Commiſſion in the Spains. Baebius Tamphilus had two Legions aſſign'd him (which the year before belong'd to the City) to go into the Country of the Bruttii, with fifteen thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe, to be raiſed out of the Allies. Atilius was order'd to build thirty Ships of five Banks of Oars a piece, and to hale the old ones out of the Docks, if there were any fit for ſervice, and to raiſe Seamen. The Conſuls alſo were Commanded to give him two thouſand Allies and Latines, and a thouſand Roman Foot. So theſe two Praetors and two Armies, by Land as well as by Sea, were reported to make preparations againſt Nabis, who was now openly attacking the Allies of the Roman People. But the Embaſſadours ſent to Antiochus were every day expected: before whoſe return, the Senate had forbidden the Conſul Cn. Domitius to depart the City. The Praetors Fulvius and Scribonius, whoſe Province it was to regulate all affairs at Rome, were imploy'd to provide an hundred and five Bank'd Ships, beſides the Fleet that Atilius was to Command.

Now before the Conſul and the Praetors went to their ſeveral Provinces, there was a Supplication appointed upon the Account of ſeveral Prodigies, [which were theſe.] It was reported from Picenum, that a Goat brought forth ſix Kids at one birth; and that at Arretium there was a Boy born with one hand: that at Amiternum it rained Earth: that at Formiae the Gate and Wall was burnt by lightning: and (which was the moſt frightful of them all) that an Oxe belonging to the Conſul Cn. Domitius ſpake, and ſaid, Roma Cave Tibi, i. e. Rome have a care of thy ſelf. For the other Prodigies therefore Supplication was made; but the Soothſayers order'd the Oxe to be kept with great care. Then alſo the Tiber, over-flowing with more violence than before, came into the City and overthrew two Bridges, with many Houſes near the Gate Flumentana. A vaſt Stone, which was removed either by ſtorms or an Earthquake, ſo weak, that it could not otherwiſe be perceiv'd, fell out of the Capitol into the Vicus Jugarius [a ſtreet ſo called, becauſe the Altar of Juno Juga [the Goddeſs of Marriage which is jugum, a Yoke] ſtood in it] and kill'd a great many people. In the Fields that were all under water the Cattle were carried away, and a great deal of miſchief done to the Villages. Before L. Quintius the Conſul came into his Province, Q. Minucius fought a pitch'd Battle with the Ligurians near Piſae: in which he ſlew nine thouſand of the Enemies; driving the reſt all into their Camp, which till night was attack'd and defended with great vehemence. In the night the Ligurians went privately out; and in the Morning, at break of day, the Romans enter'd their empty Camp: where they found but a ſmall booty, becauſe they ever and anon ſent the ſpoils, which they had taken out of the Fields, home to their own Houſes. Minucius from that time gave the Enemy no reſpite; but going out of the Piſane Territories into Liguria deſtroy'd their Caſtles and Towns by Fire and Sword: and there the Souldiers were loaded with Etrurian booty, which was ſent thither by the Pillagers.

About that time the Embaſſadours return'd from the Kings to Rome. Who having brought with them nothing, that was a ſufficient ground for expediting of a War, except againſt the Lacedemonian Tyrant; (who as the Achaean Embaſſadours likewiſe complain'd, infeſted the Sea-Coaſt belonging to the Laconians, contrary to the League) Atilius the Praetor was ſent into Greece with a Fleet to defend the Allies. Then the Conſuls, ſeeing that there was no preſent fear of Antiochus, were both order'd to go into their Provinces. Domitius came the next way from Ariminum, and Quintius through Liguria into the Country of the Boii; where the Armies belonging to the two Conſuls, going ſeveral wayes, made great havock of the Enemies Country. Thereupon firſt ſome few of their Horſemen with their chief Officers, and, after them, their whole Senate (yea at laſt, all perſons of any Fortune or dignity to the number of fifteen hundred) came over to the Conſuls. In both the Spains alſo, that year, all things went very well. For not only C. Flaminius took the Town of Litabrum, which was well fortified and very rich, with Engines made of Hurdles and Raw-Hides [that he planted againſt it] and their petit King Corribilo Priſoner; but M. Fulvius alſo the Pro-Conſul fought two proſperous Battles with two Armies of the Enemies; and poſſeſs'd himſelf, by force, of two Spaniſh Towns call'd Veſcelia and Holo, with many Caſtles, though ſome ſurrender'd themſelves voluntarily to him. Then going forward into the Oretane Confines, where he took two Towns, call'd Noliba and Cuſibis, he went on to the River Tagus: near which there was a City named Toletum, ſmall but well ſituated for defence. When he attack'd that place a great Army of the Vectones came in to aſſiſt the Toletans: With whom he ſought a pitch'd Battle very ſucceſsfully; and having routed the Vectones took Toletum with works.

But at that time thoſe Wars that were then in hand gave the Senate leſs trouble than the expectation of a War that was not yet begun with Antiochus. For though they had ſent Embaſſadours who made a diligent inquiry into the ſtate of all affairs, yet there aroſe vain reports without any Authors for them, which adulterated the truth with many falſhoods. Among which it was told for one, that when Antiochus was come into Aetolia, he would ſend a Fleet immediately into Sicily. Wherefore the Senate, though they had ſent the Praetor Atilius with a Navy into Greece; yet becauſe it was neceſſary to have not only Forces, but authority alſo to keep up the ſpirits of their Allies, they ſent T. Quintius and C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, and P. Villius Embaſſadours into Greece; decreeing, that M. Baebius ſhould carry the Legions out of the Bruttian Territories to Tarentum and Brunduſium, that, from thence, if occaſion were, he might croſs over into Macedonia: and that M. Fulvius the Praetor ſhould ſend a Fleet of thirty Ships to defend the Coaſt of Sicily, of which he that conducted them thither ſhould be Admiral (and that was L. Oppius Salinator, who the year before had been Aedile of the people) and that the ſame Praetor ſhould write to his Collegue L. Valerius, that there was ſome danger, leſt the Fleet of King Antiochus might come over out of Aetolia into Sicily: wherefore the Senate thought fit, that beſides the Army which he already had, he ſhould raiſe another of tumultuary Souldiers to the number of twelve thouſand Foot, and four hundred Horſe: to ſecure the Sea Coaſt of that Province which lay toward Greece. Now the Praetor did not make that Levy out of Sicily only, but the adjacent Iſlands alſo: and fortified all the maritime Towns that ſtand to Greece ward with Gariſons. There was alſo an addition made to the former rumours by the arrival of Attalus, Brother to Eumenes, who brought word; that King Antiochus was come with an Army over the Helleſpont: and that the Aetolians ſo prepared themſelves as to be in Arms againſt his arrival. Whereupon there were thanks paid to Eumenes who was abſent, as well as to Attalus who was preſent: for whom they order'd an Houſe rent free, [at publick Shows or Playes] and ſplendid Entertainment, with preſents of two Horſes with Armour accordingly, ſilver Veſſels of a hundred, and golden ones of twenty pound weight.

When ſeveal Meſſengers, one after another, brought news, that the War was now at hand, they thought it concern'd them, as ſoon as they could, to chooſe new Conſuls. Whereupon an order of Senate was made, that M. Fulvius the Praetor ſhould ſend a letter forthwith to the Conſul, to let him underſtand that the Senate would have him deliver up the Province and the Army to his Lieutenants and return to Rome; and upon the Road to ſend an Edict before him, to give notice of the Aſſembly for chooſing of Conſuls. The Conſul obeyed this letter, and having ſent an Edict before him, came to Rome. That Year alſo there was great canvaſſing, three Patricians ſtanding for the ſame place, whoſe names were P. Cornelius Scipio Son of Cneius (who the Year before had been repulſed) L. Cornelius Scipio, and Cn. Manlius Volſco. The Conſulate was beſtowed on P. Scipio, that it might appear the honour was only ſuſpended, and not denyed to ſuch a Man as he was) whoſe Colleague was a Plebeian call'd Manius Acilius Glabrio. The next Day there were choſen for Praetors, L. Aemilius Paulus, M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Junius Brutus, A. Cornelius Mammula, C. Livius, and L. Oppius, both of them ſir-named Salinator. This was the ſame Oppius that had conducted the Fleet into Sicily. Now in the mean time whilſt the new Magiſtrates were caſting Lots for their Provinces, M. Baebius was ordered to go over from Brunduſium with all his Forces into Epirus, and keep them about Apollonia; M. Fulvius, the City Praetor, being imploy'd to build fifty new five bank'd Ships or Galleys.

Thus did the Roman People prepare themſelves for all the attempts of Antiochus. Nor did Nabis now defer the War, but with all the force he had attack'd Gythium; and pillaged all the Country of Achaia for ſending aid to the Beſieged. The Achaeans for all that durſt not meddle in the War before their Embaſſadours were come back from Rome, that they might know what the Senates pleaſure was: but after the Embaſſadours were return'd, they not only ſummon'd a Council to meet at Sicyon, but ſent Embaſſadours to T. Quintius for his advice. In the Council they were all inclin'd to make a War; though a Letter that came from T. Q • intius put ſome ſtop to it; in which he told them, that he would have them ſtay for the Praetor, and the Roman Fleet. Now though ſome of the Nobility continu'd of the ſame opinion, and others thought it beſt to make uſe of his advice, whom they had conſulted in the affair, the greateſt number expected Philopaemenes opinion, who at that time was Praetor, and excell'd all men of that age in prudence as well as authority. He therefore having firſt told them, it was a good cuſtom among the Achaeans, that the Praetor, when he conſulted about a War, ſhould not give his opinion in the caſe; bad them reſolve as ſoon as poſſible of what they pleas'd, their Praetor would put their Decrees in Execution with integrity and care; and endeavour, as far as lay within the power of humane induſtry, that they ſhould not repent either of Peace or War. This Speech of his conduced more to the inciting of them to a War, than if by direct perſwaſion he had ſhewn his deſire of managing their buſineſs. Thereupon by unanimous conſent they reſolv'd upon a War; leaving the time and method of carrying it on wholly to the Praetor. Philopoemen (beſides that it was Quintius's advice to them) himſelf alſo thought ſit to expect the Roman Fleet, which might defend Gythium toward the Sea: but fearing leſt the thing would not admit of delay, nor that Gythium only, but the Forces alſo ſent to ſecure that City, would be loſt, fitted out the Ships belonging to the Achaeans.

The Tyrant alſo had gotten a ſmall Fleet (to hinder any aids that might be ſent in by Sea to the beſieged) of three men of War with ſome Barks and long Gallies; having deliver'd his old Fleet, according to contract, up to the Romans. Now to try the agility of theſe new Ships, and that all things might be ready for an Engagement at the ſame time, he made them put forth to Sea, where he every day exerciſed the Rowers and the Souldiers with the imitation of a Sea-fight; ſuppoſing that the hopes of the Siege depended upon his intercepting the maritime ſuccours. The Praetor of the Achaeans, as he was equal to any of the famous Generals [that ever were] in the experimental part as well as the knowledge of Land fights, ſo in Naval affairs was very unskilful; being an Arcadian, that lived in an Inland Country, and ignorant of all Foreign matters, ſave that he had been a Souldier, and Commanded the Auxiliaries in Creet. Now there was an old Gally of four Banks, that had been taken eighty years before, as it brought Craterus's Wife Nicaea from Naupactum to Corinth; with the ſame of which Ship he being taken (for it had been a ſignal Veſſel formerly in the Kings Fleet) order'd it to be brought down from Aegium, though it were very rotten and almoſt ready to fall in pieces with age. This therefore being at that time the Admirals Ship, and riding before all the reſt of the Fleet, as Tiſo of Patrae who was Admiral ſailed in her, the Laconian Ships from Gythium met them: and upon its firſt bearing up (being an old Veſſel that was all over leaky) with a new, ſtrong Ship, it was ſplit, and all the men in her taken. Thereupon the reſt of the Fleet (as faſt as their Oars would give them leave) ſeeing the Admirals Ship loſt, ran away. Philopoemen himſelf was in a ſmall Scout-ſhip; nor did he ſtop in his flight till he came to Patrae. But that accident did not at all diſhearten him who was a military man and had gone through a great many misfortunes; but on the contrary, he ſaid, that if he had offended in Sea affairs, of which he was ignorant, he had the more hopes of ſucceeding in thoſe things which he was well acquainted with, and therefore would take care to make that but a ſhort-liv'd joy to the Tyrant.

Nabis being not only proud of his good fortune, but alſo taking it for granted that there would be no danger now from the Sea, had a mind with Guards to block up all the Land Avenues too. Thereupon drawing a third part of his Forces from the Siege of Gythium he Encamp'd at Pleiae, which lies above Leucae and Acrae, where he thought the Enemies Army would make their approaches. Now ſeeing he was poſted there, where ſome few of his men having Tents, the common ſort had made themſelves Huts of Reeds bound together with green boughs that made them ſhady, Philopoemen, before he came in ſight of the Foe, reſolv'd to ſet upon him at unawares with an unexpected kind of an attack. He got together ſeveral ſmall Veſſels into a private Harbour in the Argive Dominions: into which he put ſome of his nimbleſt Souldiers, moſt of them with little Shields, Slings, Darts and other ſorts of Light-Armour. Then coaſting along the ſhore, when he came to a Promontory near the Enemies Camp, he landed, and going through places that he knew, arrived in the night time at Pleiae: where finding the Sentinels all aſleep, as being in no fear of any approaching danger, he ſet fire to their Huts all round the Camp. By which means many of them were conſumed before they were ſenſible that the Enemy was come; nor could thoſe that knew it lend them any aſſiſtance; ſo that all was deſtroy'd with Fire and Sword; ſave that ſome few of them eſcaped out of ſuch calamitous circumſtances into their grand Camp at Gythium. When Philopoemen had thus ſurpriz'd and routed the Enemy, he march'd forthwith to plunder Tripolis in that part of Laconia, which lies next to Megalopolis: from whence having driven away a great number of men as well as Cattle he departed before the Tyrant could ſend the Country any relief. Then muſtering up all his Army at Tegea, and having ſummon'd a Council there of Achaeans and their Allies (at which there were all the greateſt men of Epirus and Acarnania) he reſolv'd, ſeeing that as his own men were well recover'd from the diſgrace of their maritime misfortune, ſo the Enemy were in a conſternation, to march to Lacedaemon, ſuppoſing that to be the only way to draw the Enemy from the Siege of Gythium. Firſt therefore he Encamp'd at Cariae, in the Enemies Country, the ſame day that Gythium was taken: of which Philopoemen being ignorant removed his Camp forward to Barboſthenes, a Mountain ten thouſand paces from Lacedaemon. Nabis alſo, having taken Gythium, march'd thence with the nimbleſt part of his Forces, and paſſing by Lacedaemon with all ſpeed poſſeſs'd himſelf of Pyrrhus's Camp, as they call it, being the place which he believ'd the Achaeans were bound for. Then he met with the Enemy; who took up in length, by reaſon of the narrowneſs of the way, almoſt five thouſand paces. The Horſe and more particularly a party of the Auxiliaries brought up the Reer, becauſe Philopoemen thought the Tyrant would attack his men behind with the mercenary Souldiers, in whom he had repoſed the greateſt confidence. But two unlucky accidents at the ſame time ſurpriz'd him: the one, that the place he was going to was taken up before; and the other, that he ſaw the Enemy had met the Front of his Army; where, ſince he was to paſs through rough places, he perceiv'd he could not make way without the help of Light-Armour.

Now Philopoemen was an extraordinarily cunning and experienced Perſon in leading an Army, and taking of places; nor had uſed himſelf to it in times of War only, but in Peace alſo. For when he was going any way, and came to a difficult narrow paſs, he viewed the ſituation of the place quite round, and, when alone, conſidered with himſelf, as, if he had any Company, he ask'd them, If the Enemy ſhould appear in that place, and attack him before, on this or that ſide, or behind, what they could beſt do? for they might meet him in Battalia, or they might come in diſorder, and in ſuch a poſture as the way would admit of. After which, he went on thinking or asking, what place he himſelf ſhould take; how many Soldiers, or what ſort of Arms (for there was a great deal of difference in ſuch caſes) he ſhould make uſe of, and how he ſhould diſpoſe of his Carriages, Baggage, and unarm'd men. With how great and what kind of guard he ſhould ſecure them; and whether it were better to go on to the place he deſign'd for, or return thither from whence he came. So likewiſe what place he ſhould take to Encamp in; how much of it he ſhould fortify; where it was moſt convenient to water; where he ſhould have ſupplies of Forage and Wood: which was the ſecureſt way for him to march the next day, and in what form he ſhould put his Army. With theſe cares and thoughts he had ſo exerciſed his mind even from his youth, that nothing in ſuch caſes was new to him. At that time therefore he firſt drew up his men into a Body; ſending the Cretenſian Auxiliaries, and thoſe whom they called the Tarentine Horſe, with each of them two Horſes, into the Front; and bidding the other Horſe follow after, till he came and poſted himſelf upon a Rock, above a certain Brook where they might water. There gathering together all his Carriages, and the whole crowds of unarm'd perſons that attended upon the Army, he planted them round about the Souldiers, and, as far as the ſituation of the place requir'd it, fortified his Camp. It was an hard matter to ſet up Tents in ſuch rough places, and where the ground was ſo uneven. The Enemy were five hundred paces from him; both ſides watering with a guard of Light-Armour, out of the ſame River: but before they could come to an Engagement (as is uſual when Camps are ſo near) the night interven'd. The next day they ſaw it neceſſary for them to fight for their Waterers about the River: he therefore that night planted as many Shield-men, as the place would hold, in a Vale out of the Enemies ſight.

The next Morning the Cretan Light-Armour and the Tarentine Horſe began the fight above the Brook, Letemnaſtus a Cretan, being Commander of his own Country-men, and Lycortas of Megalopolis over the Horſe. The Enemies Auxiliaries were likewiſe Cretans, and the ſame ſort of Horſemen call'd Tarentines were the guard to their Waterers. The fight was for ſome time dubious, their men being of the ſame kind on both ſides, and their Arms alike. But anon though the Tyrants Auxiliaries were more numerous, becauſe Philopoemen had given order to his chief Officers, that when they had made ſome ſmall reſiſtance they ſhould retire and draw the Foe to the place where his Ambuſcade lay, the Lacedaemonians follow'd the Achaeans ſo haſtily through the Vale, that many of them were wounded and kill'd before they ſaw the hidden Enemy. The Shieldmen ſate, as much as the breadth of the Vale would permit, in ſuch a poſture; that they could eaſily receive their flying men into the ſpaces between their ranks. Which when they had done, they themſelves roſe up together entire and freſh all in Battalia, and ſet upon the Enemy all in diſorder, in an hurry, and tired with the fatigue of action as well as fainty by reaſon of ther Wounds. Nor was the Victory doubtful; for the Tyrants men immediately turn'd their backs, and were driven into their Camp much faſter than they had purſu'd the Achaeans; many of them being kill'd and taken by the way. They had been ſcared in the Camp too, had not Philopoemen order'd his men to ſound a Retreat: fearing the rough places (that which way ſoever in that hurry he went, were very diſadvantageous to him) much more than the Foe. Then gueſſing by the Fortune of the fight, as well as the general diſpoſition, in what a fright he at that time was, he ſent one of his Auxiliaries under the notion of a Renegado to him, to tell him for a certain truth; that the Achaeans intended to march forward next day as far as the River Eurotas, which runs juſt by the very Walls, to intercept his paſſage: that the Tyrant might neither retreat to the City when he pleas'd, nor any proviſions be brought thence into the Camp: and likewiſe to try, if any of the Enemies could be induced to revolt from the Tyrant. Now the Fugitive did not gain belief ſo much, as he gave the Tyrant, who was conſternated with fear, a plauſible reaſon to deſert the Camp. The next day therefore, having order'd Pythagoras with the Auxiliaries and Horſe to keep Guard before the mound, he himſelf as though he would have gone forth with the ſtrength of his Army into the Field, Commanded the Enſigns to be born with ſpeed into the City.

Philopoemen when he ſaw the Army march ſo faſt along a way ſo narrow and ſteep, ſent forth all his Horſe and Cretan Auxiliaries to attack the ſtation of the Enemies which was before the Camp. Who when they ſaw the Enemies ſo near, and themſelves deſerted by their own party, endeavour'd firſt to retire into their Camp: but ſoon after when the whole Army of the Achaeans all in Battalia came up, they for fear of being themſelves as well as their Camp, all taken, they began to follow their own Army which was gone a little before. Thereupon the Shieldmen of the Achaeans attack'd and rifled the Camp, whilſt the reſt went on in purſuit of the Enemy. Their paſſage was ſuch, as that the Army could hardly go unmoleſted for fear of the Foe. But as ſoon as there was an attack made upon their Reer, and a terrible noiſe behind them was carry'd quite through up to their Front, they all ran, each man for himſelf, ſeveral wayes into the Woods thereabouts; ſo that in a moment of time the way was hedg'd up with a pile of Arms, and eſpecially with Spears, which falling moſt what direct, blockt up the paſs as with a Bullwark. Philopoemen, having order'd the Auxiliaries to follow on as well as they could (for the Horſe would not be able well to make their eſcape) himſelf led the heavier Souldiers a broader way down to the River Eurotas. Where being Encamped a little before Sunſet, he ſtaid for the Light armour which he had leſt to purſue the Enemy: who coming at the firſt watch and telling him, that the Tyrant with ſome few attendants was got to the City, but that the reſt of his men ſcatter'd without their Arms all over the Foreſt, he order'd his men to refreſh themſelves; whilſt himſelf immediately drew forth out of the other Forces (who, becauſe they came firſt into the Camp, had eaten and ſlept) ſome choice men, that had nothing but their Swords about them, and at two Gate-wayes leading to Pherae and Barboſthenes ſet them in Array; ſuppoſing the Enemy would come that way. Nor was he deceiv'd in his gueſs. For the Lacedaemonians, as long as there was any day-light, kept themſelves in by-wayes through the middle of the Wood. In the Evening, as ſoon as they ſaw light in the Enemies Camp, they lay over-againſt them in obſcure places. But when they were got by them, ſuppoſing themſelves now ſafe they got down into the more open wayes; where being ſurpriz'd by the hidden Enemy they were ſo general kill'd and taken, that ſcarce a fourth part of their Army eſcaped. Philopoemen, having ſhut the Tyrant up into the City, ſpent almoſt thirty dayes following to plunder the Laconian Territories, whence, when he had weaken'd and almoſt broken the ſtrength of the Tyrant, he return'd home with ſuch applauſe, that the Achaeans not only compar'd him to the Roman General in point of honour for what he had done, but, in that which concern'd the Laconian War, even prefer'd him.

Whilſt the War laſted between the Achaeans and the Tyrant, the Roman Embaſſadours went about the Cities belonging to the Allies, for fear, leſt the Aetolians might have perverted the inclinations of any part thereof toward Antiochus, but ſpent very little time in ſolliciting the Achaeans; ſuppoſing that becauſe they were Enemies to Nabis, they would be faithful enough in all other points. They went firſt to Athens, then to Chalcis, and then into Theſſaly; where having ſpoken to the Theſſalians in a full Aſſembly, they went to Demetrias, at which City there was a Council of the Magneſians then ſummon'd. There it was neceſſary for them to be ſomewhat more accurate in what they ſaid; becauſe part of the great men in that place being alienated from the Romans, were wholly devoted to Antiochus and the Aetolians: for that, when the news came, that Philips Son, who was an Hostage, was reſtored to him, and that the Tax impoſed upon him was remitted, it had been ſaid, among other falſities, that the Romans were reſolv'd to restore Demetrias alſo. Now to hinder that, Eurylochus Prince of the Magneſians, and ſome others of his Faction, choſe rather to make all the innovation they could by the arrival of the Aetolians and Antiochus. Wherefore with them it behoved the Romans ſo to Diſcourſe, as that they might not by removing their vain fears diminiſh Philips hopes and make him their Enemy; whoſe Friendſhip might be of greater conſequence to them than that of the Magneſians. Only this they ſaid; That as all Greece was obliged to the Romans for their liberty in general, ſo more particularly was that City. For in that there was not only a Gariſon of the Macedonians, but a Palace built; that their Lord and Maſter might be always viſible before their Eyes. Now all that was done to no end, if the Aetolians would bring Antiochus into Philips Palace, and take a new unknown King inſtead of an old one; of whom they had experience. They call their chief Magiſtrate Magnetarcha [Governour of the Magnetes] who at that time was Eurylochus. He therefore relying upon his authority ſaid, He and the Magneſians could not chuſe but take notice, what the report was of a deſign that Demetrias ſhould be deliver'd back into the hands of Philip. For the prevention whereof, the Magnetes ought to endeavour and adventure all they were able. And as he was going on very paſſionately, forgetting himſelf, he caſt forth theſe words, That even at that time too Demetrias ſeemed to be free: but in reality all things were order'd according to the pleaſure of the Romans. At which words there was an hum given by the divided multitude, who partly aſſented, and partly were angry, that he ſhould dare to ſay ſo. Quintius among the reſt was ſo much enraged, that lifting his hands to Heaven, he invoked the Gods for witneſſes of the ungrateful and perfidious humour of the Magneſians. Whereupon they were all affrighted; but Zeno, one of the chief among them, and a perſon at that time of great authority, not only for his candid and gentile converſation, but becauſe he had always undoubtedly been of the Romans Party, deſir'd of Quintius and the other Embaſſadours, with tears in his Eyes, that they would not lay the madneſs of one ſingle man to the charge of the whole City: Saying, that every particular perſon was mad at his own expence. That the Magnetes did not owe their liberty only, but even all other things, that were either ſacred or dear to mankind, to Quintius and the Roman People. That no man could beg any thing of the immortal Gods, which the Magnetes had not receiv'd from them: and that they would in a mad fit ſooner tear their own fleſh, than violate their Friendſhip with the Romans. His Speech was ſeconded by the Petitions of the whole Aſſembly.

Eurylochus ran out of the Council through by-wayes to the Gate, and thence ſtraight in to Aetolia. For at this time (and that more and more every day) the Aetolians diſcover'd their intention to revolt: and juſt then, as it happen'd, the chief of their Nation, called Thoas, whom they had ſent to Antiochus, was come back; having brought along with him Menippus in quality of an Embaſſadour from the King. Theſe two, before they had an Audience of the Council, had fill'd all peoples Ears with the news of Land and Naval Forces: that a mighty Army of Horſe and Foot were a coming: that there were Elephants ſent for out of India: but above all (with which they fanſied the minds of the multitude would be moſt taken) that there was ſo much a bringing over, that it would buy the very Romans themſelves. It was well known, what that report was like to do in the Council: for the Roman Embaſſadours were told, not only that they were come, but all their deſigns. And though the buſineſs was almoſt fruſtrated, yet Quintius thought it would be convenient, that ſome Embaſſadours from their Allies ſhould be preſent at that Council, who might admoniſh the Aetolians of their Alliance with the Romans, and dare to talk their minds freely againſt the Kings Embaſſadour. The Athenians ſeemed fitteſt for that purpoſe, not only upon the ſcore of their Cities dignity, but their ancient Alliance with the Aetolians. Quintius therefore deſir'd of them, that they would ſend Embaſſadours to the Panaetolian Council [i. e. the General Aſſembly or Parliament of the Aetolians.] Firſt Thoas in that Council gave an account of his Embaſſy; and Menippus after him being adm • tted, ſaid, It had been beſt for all people, who dwelt in Greece and Aſia, that Antiochus could have been concern'd when Philip was at his height; for then every man would have had his own, nor would all things have been ſubjected to the will and power of the Romans. But even yet, ſaid he, if you reſolutely bring your deſigns, which you have begun, to an Iſſue; Antiochus may be able, with the aſſiſtance of the Gods and his Allies the Aetolians, to reſtore all Greece, though at preſent in declining condition, to his former dignity. Now that conſiſts in liberty, which ſtands upon its own ſtrength, nor dependeth upon the will of another. The Athenians, who had leave to ſpeak their minds firſt after the Kings Embaſſadour, making no mention at all of the King, put the Aetolians in mind of their Alliance with the Romans, and T. Quintius's merits toward all Greece [adviſing them] that they would not raſhly destroy it by being too precipitate in their Counſels. [And ſaying] That hot and bold Counſels were glorious at the firſt view, difficult in their management, and ſad in their event. That the Roman Embaſſadours, and among them, F. Quintius was not far from thence. That therefore whilſt all things were entire, they would rather undertake a verbal conflict about thoſe things that were in queſtion, than arm Aſia and Europe for a fatal War.

The multitude being greedy of innovation were all for Antiochus; and thought the Romans ought not to be ſo much as admitted into their Council: though the great men (and thoſe the Seniors of them more eſpecially) by their authority prevailed to procure them an Audience. When the Athenians had given him account of this Decree, Quintius thought fit to go into Aetolia; for he thought, that thereby he ſhould either gain ſomewhat of them, or that all the World would be witneſs, that the Aetolians were the occaſion of the War: and that the Romans took up juſt and almoſt neceſſary arms. After he came thither, Quintius in the Council beginning from the original of the Alliance between the Aetolians and the Romans, and telling how often they had violated the League, diſcours'd a little of the right of thoſe Cities that were then in debate: but yet that if they thought they had any equity on their ſide, how much better was it for them to ſend Embaſſadors to Rome, whether to diſpute, or to Petition the Senate, than for the Roman People to fight with Antiochus (whilſt the Aetolians ſtood by, like Prize-Maſters, and ſet them on) to the great diſturbance of mankind and the ruine of all Greece? Nor would any people be ſooner ſenſible of the miſchiefs of that War, than thoſe who were the cauſe of it. But this the Roman, as though he had propheſied, ſpoke to no purpoſe: and then Thoas with the reſt of the ſame Faction, being heard with an univerſal aſſent, prevailed, that, without putting off the Council or expecting the Romans departure, a Decree might be made, whereby Antiochus ſhould be ſent for to deliver Greece, and decide the controverſy between the Aetolians and the Romans. To this ſo proud a Decree Damocritus their Praetor added an inſolent ſaying of his own too. For when Quintius ask'd him for that very Decree, he, not regarding the majeſty of the perſon, ſaid, he had ſome other thing, which was more urgent at preſent to diſpatch; but he would in a ſhort time give him the Decree and his Anſwer in Italy at his Camp, which he would pitch upon the Banks of the Tiber: So great a fury at that time poſſeſs'd both the Aetolians and their Magiſtrates.

Quintius and the Embaſſadours return'd to Corinth. From which time, what ever was ſaid of Antiochus, the Aetolians were not any way in themſelves concern'd, but ſeemed only to ſit ſtill in expectation of the Kings coming. Now after the departure of the Romans they indeed had no Council of the whole Nation, but conſulted among their Apocleti (ſo they call their Privy Council, which conſiſts of certain ſelect men) how they ſhould make innovations in Greece. They all knew, that